UC-NRLF 
 
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THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 PRESENTED BY 
 
 PROF. CHARLES A. KOFOID AND 
 MRS. PRUDENCE W. KOFOID 
 
THE LIFE 
 
 GENERAL WASHINGTON. 
 
T IB! ;E JL 
 
 S H I W E- T (D 
 
 
 lH "" MV ^ 
 
 LONDON 
 
 OFFICE OF THE NATIONAL ILLL STKATEiJ LIBF.AJ 
 2X77, STEANI 
 1852 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 GENERAL WASHINGTON, 
 
 FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 WRITTEN BY HIMSELF, 
 
 COMPRISING 
 
 HIS MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE, 
 
 AS PREPARED BY HIM FOR PUBLICATION, 
 INCLUDING 
 
 SEVERAL ORIGINAL LETTERS NOW FIRST PRINTED. 
 
 EDITED !!Y 
 
 THE REV. C. W. UPHAM. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 VOL. I. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 OFFICE OF THE NATIONAL ILLUSTRATED LIBRARY, 
 
 227, STRAND. 
 
 MDCCCLI. 
 
V.I 
 PREFACE. 
 
 THE AUTHOR of the present work begs to state that 
 though many Lives of Washington have been already 
 written, none have been done on the plan of the present, 
 namely, that of making the subject of the Memoir, as far as 
 possible, his own Biographer. Fortunately, for this purpose, 
 the materials are in sufficient abundance. It is well known 
 that it was General "Washington s custom, from a very early 
 period, to record, in the form of Journals, Diaries, and 
 Letters to public bodies or private correspondents of which 
 he kept copies, all the most important incidents and circum 
 stances of his life, from day to day. Out of these memorials, 
 it was thought that such extracts and passages might be 
 selected and brought together, as to give to the work, to a 
 considerable extent, the interest, the authority, and even the 
 form, of an Autobiography. There is reason to believe, too, 
 that it was the expectation and wish of "Washington that 
 his Life should be thus written, for in several letters he 
 expresses his conviction that his Memoirs could not be 
 written in a satisfactory or effectual manner without a large 
 selection from his papers. On this plan, therefore, as far as 
 practicable, the present life has been written. 
 
 The extracts from the writings of "Washington, which 
 constitute so considerable a portion of this Biography, 
 have been drawn from various sources. A large part of 
 them have been already published in voluminous publi 
 cations, but some of the Letters contained in the present 
 
 M313686 
 
6 PBEFACE. 
 
 work have never before been printed. This is the case 
 with all (but one) from Martha Washington, and with the 
 larger part of those belonging to the correspondence between 
 Grenerals "Washington and Warren. 
 
 It will be perceived that, on these accounts, the following 
 Biography can lay claim, only in a limited degree, to the 
 character of an original work. The writer feels, that in the 
 manner of its construction, he has done nothing to promote 
 his own reputation as an author. In withdrawing, in his 
 own person, as much as possible, from view, and leaving his 
 hero in exclusive possession of the stage, he has acted, not 
 only from a sense of duty to his subject, in allowing him to 
 relate his own history, but also from a conviction, that, 
 where the requisite materials exist, works of this sort ought 
 always to be constructed upon such a plan. The excellence 
 of Biography consists, in keeping the author out of sight, 
 and concentrating uninterrupted attention upon the subject. 
 Especially is this true, in reference to such a character as 
 Washington. In perusing the following pages, therefore, 
 the reader receives, as it were, from his ow r n lips, the personal 
 history of him, who " was first in war, first in peace, and 
 first in the hearts of his countrymen." 
 
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Page 
 
 Introductory Remarks, 11 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Lineage, Parentage, and Early Childhood of Wash 
 ington, 13 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Youth of Washington, 17 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Washington a Surveyor, 21 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Washington s first Public Employment, .... 29 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Washington s Mission to the Ohio, 35 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 Washington s first Campaign, 48 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Braddock s Expedition, 56 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Washington s Services as Commander of the Vir 
 ginia Troops, 69 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Washington in retirement, from 1758 to 1775, . . 88 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Commencement of the American Revolution, . . 106 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Washington appointed Commander-in-chief of the 
 
 American Army, 117 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Washington assumes Command of the Army. 
 
 Campaign of 1775, 125 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 Campaign of 1776, 170 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 Campaign of 1777, 218 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Campaign of 1778, 294 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 Campaign of 1779, 339 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 Campaign of 1780, 368 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Introductory Remarks. 
 
 THE history of the world, in all its scenes, and at 
 every period, impresses upon the thoughtful student of 
 its records a solemn sense of the amount of good and ill 
 that has flowed from the lives and actions of a few indi 
 vidual men. Much, indeed, has been owing to the force 
 of circumstances, and there have been times, when the 
 energy and wisdom of no single person could have with 
 stood the general current of events. But, in a great 
 proportion of cases, we can trace the issue of things to 
 the conduct and character of particular prominent agents. 
 The destinies of nations and of the race are often depos 
 ited in the hands of one man. 
 
 When we explore the pages of history, with this 
 thought in our minds, we find much to increase our admi 
 ration of human power, acting wisely and virtuously, and 
 much also to enforce upon us a conviction of the disas 
 trous and dreadful consequences of its misdirection. 
 Whoever traces the early history of Oliver Cromwell, 
 in the progress of the civil wars in England, and in his 
 administration of the Protectorate, will find an illustration 
 of the extent to which great events, and the movements 
 of vast moral and numerical forces, are determined and 
 controlled by a single character ; and he will also find, 
 that the failure of the commonwealth of England, to 
 answer the end of securing the permanent establishment 
 of rational and republican institutions, may be clearly 
 attributed to the personal infirmities and obliquities of 
 
12 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 character which marked the last years of Cromwell s life. 
 If he had preserved his heart from the seductive and 
 corrupting influences of ambition, hypocrisy, and a self 
 ish love of power, millions of his countrymen would have 
 felt the benignant effects of his energy, genius, and wis 
 dom, in their political and moral condition, from that 
 day to the end of time. 
 
 We ought always to contemplate eminent men in this 
 light, and hold them responsible, to a great extent, for 
 the influence of their conduct and character. No greater 
 blessing can be bestowed upon a country, than a virtuous 
 and wise ruler, no greater curse than a wicked and reck 
 less one ; and our estimate of distinguished individuals 
 should be determined, not by the amount of their talents, 
 or the dazzling appearance of their actions, but by the 
 moral influence of their lives, and with reference to the 
 degree in which they succeeded or failed in accomplishing 
 the good placed within their reach. 
 
 It is probable that it would be allowed, by all truly 
 liberal and enlightened men, that the Revolution of the 
 North American British colonies, which resulted in the 
 establishment of an independent, republican, and consti 
 tutional empire, is one of the greatest and most momen 
 tous events in the history of the world. It is, indeed, 
 worthy of being regarded as a perfectly successful political 
 and moral movement. The patriot and the philosophical 
 statesman look back upon it with unmixed approval and 
 unalloyed satisfaction. From the beginning to the end 
 there seems to have been an overruling power guiding all 
 things right, and bringing on the consummation steadily 
 and surely. It is not often that human enterprises and 
 efforts are crowned with results so completely auspicious. 
 When we contemplate its incidents, and follow its vicissi 
 tudes to the issue towards which they all tended, we feel 
 that never were the indications of the interposition of a 
 favoring Providence more signal and unquestionable. 
 
 This great and glorious event was identified most dis 
 tinctly with the character and influence of one man. 
 There were many wise, enlightened, patriotic, and pow 
 erful spirits, scattered over every part of the country. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 13 
 
 and laboring most efficiently and nobly in the cause ; but 
 whoever traces the course of things, from the commence 
 ment of the War of Independence, to the final establish 
 ment of the nation under the Federal Constitution, will 
 not hesitate to say, that at no point could the American 
 Revolution have dispensed with the services, or succeed 
 ed without the aid and influence, of GEORGE WASHING 
 TON. When his career is surveyed, his agency fully ex 
 plored and considered, his truly wonderful adaptation to 
 the services assigned him discerned and appreciated, and 
 his traits of character are examined, the heart that is not 
 deeply impressed with the belief that he was raised up 
 by a special Providence, will find nothing in history or 
 in Nature to awaken that sentiment. 
 
 A concise and plain narrative of his life and actions, 
 of the influence he exerted, the events he controlled, and 
 the course of faithful, trying, and glorious service, through 
 which he passed, will leave upon the mind of the reader 
 a conviction, that neither the actual annals of human ex 
 perience, nor the creations of poetical fancy, have ever 
 presented a character more worthy of entire respect and 
 admiration. The mind contemplates him with a com 
 pleteness of satisfaction, such as but few objects, belong 
 ing to this present scene of things, suggest. As the mil 
 itary leader of a political revolution, as the ruler of a free, 
 and the father of a great people, he appears stamped 
 with the character of absolute perfection. The reader 
 will be able to judge, whether this is an extravagant and 
 exaggerated encomium, or a just and well-merited tribute, 
 when he shall have reviewed the incidents and details 
 which are inscribed on the subsequent pages. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Lineage, Parentage, and Early Childhood of Wash 
 
 ington. 
 
 THE family of Washington had long occupied a re 
 spectable position, in the leading classes of society in 
 
14 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 England. Two brothers, John and Lawrence, emigra 
 ted to Virginia, about the year 1657, and settled in West 
 moreland county, on the Potomac River. John, the 
 elder of the two, had two sons, Lawrence and John. 
 Lawrence had three children, John, Augustine, and Mil 
 dred. Augustine was twice married. There were four 
 children of the first marriage, two of whom lived to ma 
 turity, Lawrence and Augustine, and six children of the 
 second marriage, of whom George was the oldest. 
 
 He was bom on the 22d of February, 1732, in the 
 county of Westmoreland, Virginia. His family had 
 resided in America, it will be observed, for three gener 
 ations. Not long after the birth of George, his father 
 removed from Westmoreland to a place on the east bank 
 of the Rappahannock, in Stafford county, opposite Fred- 
 ericksburg, where he continued until his death, which took 
 place within a few years of his removal, on the 12th of 
 April, 1743, at the age of forty-nine. He left a large 
 landed estate, which was distributed, by will, to his sever 
 al children. To Lawrence, the eldest son, he bequeathed 
 a plantation on the Potomac, since become memorable 
 and hallowed, as Mount Vernon. The portion assigned 
 to George was the estate in Stafford county, where the 
 family resided at the time of his father s death. There 
 is every reason to believe, that, from his earliest years, he 
 enjoyed, in a very high degree, the benefits that result 
 from wise and faithful parental care and affection. From 
 his subsequent character it is quite certain, that the ele 
 ments of moral principle, of careful and accurate obser 
 vation, of industry and order, were instilled into his mind 
 at the very beginning. The qualities and habits for 
 which he was remarkable were precisely those which 
 indicate the power of domestic education, and could not 
 have sprung from any other influence than the ever- watch 
 ful eye, and untiring attention, of affectionate and thought 
 ful parents. From the first opening of his mind, through 
 the whole forming period of childhood, he was guarded, 
 guided, and led along by unwearied vigilance and devo 
 ted fidelity on the part of both his father and mother. 
 
 In the district of country where he spent the first years 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 15 
 
 of his life, there were but few advantages for education 
 beyond the family circle. In some instances, where the plan 
 tations were sufficiently near together, schools were from 
 time to time provided, by joint contributions and efforts. 
 In the villages and principal settlements, there were, in 
 most cases, permanent institutions of education, of differ 
 ent degrees of importance, according to the resources or 
 intelligence of the place. It was quite common then, as it 
 is now, for those planters who lived remote from the large 
 towns, and whose circumstances would allow it, to have a 
 private tutor attached to their families. But, in such a state 
 of things as then existed, in the part of Virginia where 
 Washington was brought up, the chief care and business 
 of education devolved upon the parents themselves. All 
 that is known of Augustine Washington, and the testimony 
 of those who were acquainted with his widow, authorize 
 the belief, that they were eminently qualified to watch over 
 the early years of their children. The character and 
 life of one of those children are conclusive evidence of this. 
 In no other way can the phenomenon, which is presented 
 in the example of George Washington, be explained, than 
 by supposing that his parents did fully and faithfully exe 
 cute the precious trust committed to them, and, by en 
 lightened and diligent instruction and discipline, preserve 
 unimpaired, and bring forward into complete develope- 
 ment, the admirable qualities belonging to him by na 
 ture and inheritance. 
 
 He was born with a physical constitution and confor 
 mation of the noblest kind ; his stature was of the loftiest 
 and grandest dimensions ; his mental and moral faculties, 
 his sensibilities and passions, were also adapted, in their 
 strength and vivacity, to the large scale of his superior 
 nature. In combination with these attributes, there were 
 traits and habits which could have been the product of 
 no other power than that of a most careful education and 
 culture. From early youth, he was distinguished for a 
 degree of method, neatness, caution, and self-control, 
 such as his natural formation and constitutional organiza 
 tion can hardly account for. Nature gave him certain 
 striking and remarkable powers and characteristics ; pa- 
 
16 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 rental vigilance and assiduity superinduced other attri 
 butes, which would not have been likely to spring sponta 
 neously from his original constitution ; and the admirable 
 combination which his character presented, of excellences 
 seldom found united in one person, was the result. 
 
 There is reason to believe, that he was the object of 
 extraordinary care and interest, on the part of his parents, 
 and the older members of the family, from the first years 
 of his childhood. There must have been something in 
 his appearance and deportment, even then, indicating a 
 more than common character and destiny. We know 
 that, during the period of his more advanced youth and 
 early manhood, his aspect and bearing attracted the no 
 tice, and excited the admiration, of all who saw him ; and 
 it cannot be doubted, that the same qualities which, as 
 he approached maturity, impressed the world at large with 
 respect, confidence, and love, from the first dawning of 
 his character, filled the hearts of his parents with hope 
 and delight. The influences which, under the guidance 
 of their fidelity, affection, and sagacity, were made to op 
 erate upon him, were such as to render his early education, 
 notwithstanding the disadvantages which, at first thought, 
 he may have appeared to suffer, in reality the very best 
 that could have been devised, to qualify and train him for 
 the work to which Providence was calling him. His 
 childhood and youth, spent on the banks of the Rappa- 
 hannock, under the vigilant inspection and well-directed 
 instruction of intelligent and virtuous parents, naturally 
 led to the formation and establishment of those principles 
 of integrity and uprightness which marked his whole life. 
 In rural retirement, the temptations and enfeebling opera 
 tion of worldly vice and fashion did not reach him. The 
 simplicity and purity of his tastes and habits became fixed. 
 The invigorating exercises and sports of the field and 
 forest gave to his character, and to his person, a manly 
 energy and hardy strength. While the circumstances and 
 connexions of his family brought his mind and manners 
 into contact with the best forms of the civilization and 
 refinement of the period, at the same time the incidents 
 and adventures belonging to a frontier mode of life tended 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 17 
 
 to impart an athletic power of endurance, and a familiarity 
 with danger and exposure, which could not have been 
 elsewhere acquired. 
 
 When we consider the state of things prevailing among 
 the best families of Virginia at that time, we see at once 
 that it was an auspicious field for the formation of a charac 
 ter like that of Washington. His ancestors belonged to 
 the best-bred class of the population of the mother country, 
 and they brought with them, in their emigration to Ameri 
 ca, a high degree of social and intellectual cultivation. 
 These characteristics had been transmitted from genera 
 tion to generation, and had not been effaced or diluted, but 
 heightened and strengthened, by the circumstances of their 
 new abode. The large tracts of land they owned, the 
 independence of life and manners belonging to a commu 
 nity of planters, the hospitality that reigned among them, 
 and all the interesting and romantic features and details 
 of wilderness scenery and experience, contributed the 
 elements of a noble manifestation of character. Whoever 
 analyzes the particulars of their manner of life, and con 
 siders the peculiarities of their condition, will perceive that 
 they were favorable, in a singular degree, to moral, social, 
 intellectual, and physical developement ; and will be pre 
 pared to appreciate and account for the extraordinary 
 amount of talent, force, and influence, which, from the 
 beginning, has been exhibited in Virginia and the sur 
 rounding colonies, and which has not yet ceased to attract 
 the admiration, and affect the condition, of the American 
 people. From the bosom of such a community, and from 
 the midst of influences like these, sprung the subject of 
 the present biography. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Youth of Washington. 
 
 FROM a child, George Washington was distinguished 
 for his veracity and integrity of heart. His excellent 
 
18 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 moral principles were united with such intrepidity of 
 spirit, and the whole brought under the control of so much 
 discretion, prudence, and firmness, as to win the admira 
 tion and confidence of his associates, and give him un 
 bounded influence over them. In all athletic exercises 
 and sports he excelled, and for strength and agility of 
 muscle and limb had no equal, among those of similar 
 years. Very early, he manifested a decided military 
 genius and temperament, and was fond of drilling, mar 
 shalling, and parading his schoolmates. This, indeed, 
 has often been remarked as an almost universal trait of 
 boyhood, and the circumstances in which Washington 
 was brought up naturally gave it a rapid and strong de- 
 velopement. Such was the tendency of a large part of 
 the conversation to which he listened, when a child. Its 
 materials were drawn, in a great degree, from the French 
 and Indian wars, in which the American colonies w^ere 
 so frequently and fearfully involved. The ideas suggested 
 in this way to his young mind, were of a nature to awaken 
 his enthusiasm, rouse his interests, and supply the most 
 stimulating food to his imagination. The incidents of the 
 species of warfare in w T hich the British American colo 
 nies were engaged, w r ere peculiarly adapted to fasten 
 strongly upon the feelings and the fancy of a youthful 
 spirit, and to form the character to a tone of chivalry and 
 intrepidity. 
 
 The superior strength of body, the dignity of bearing, 
 and the magnitude of soul, partly natural and innate, but 
 partly also the result of circumstances, for which George 
 Washington was from the first remarkable, gave him the 
 lead, as a matter of course, in all the enterprises and feats 
 of childhood and youth. He was the commander-in-chief 
 of the schoolboy trainband, and presided over all the 
 games and sports practised among his playmates, with the 
 same unanimous and spontaneous consent and election, 
 which, in later years, placed him at the head of the armies, 
 and called him to conduct the administration, of his country. 
 
 Of the degree of his improvement in the different 
 branches of education, but little is positively known. At 
 thirteen years of age he had become quite a proficient in 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 19 
 
 arithmetic, and entered upon the study of geometry. His 
 school manuscripts, from that period, have been preserved. 
 Previous to this, however, he had collected and copied 
 out, with great care, various forms of writing, as he calls 
 them. The manuscript, containing these forms, is still in 
 existence. It consists of legal instruments, such as bills 
 of exchange, bills of sale, bonds, notes of hand, leases, 
 deeds, &c. In addition to a great number of such forms 
 of business papers, there is a most curious, interesting, 
 arid valuable document, called, Rules of Behavior in 
 Company and Conversation. It is a compilation, covering 
 very extensively, minutely, and thoroughly, the ground it 
 professes to occupy. It shows a thoughtful, exact, and 
 elaborate regard to the principles of civility, prudence, 
 and propriety, and an earnest determination to impress upon 
 his habits of mind, and upon his daily and familiar con 
 duct, the stamp of wisdom and virtue. The youth, who 
 collected and arranged this code of good manners and 
 good morals, manifested, in so doing, an excellence of 
 disposition and an energy of purpose, which necessarily 
 secured the confidence of all who knew him. It was thus, 
 that Washington, while a mere lad, acquired a maturity 
 of character, and reached a standard of correctness, con 
 sistency, firmness, dignity, and weight of influence, which 
 but few men have ever attained, at any stage of life. 
 
 While he was at school, at fourteen years of age, a 
 project was formed, by his elder brother Lawrence, and 
 favored by others of his connexions, as well as by himself, 
 to procure for him a warrant, as a midshipman in the 
 British navy. But, just as it had nearly reached its ac 
 complishment, it w r as defeated, by the persevering and 
 earnest interposition of his mother. 
 
 Upon how slight a thread do the fortunes of individu 
 als and of nations depend ! If Mrs. Washington s re 
 monstrances had been but a little less earnest, the influ 
 ences which determined the destiny of her son George 
 would all have been changed. He might, perhaps, have 
 slowly risen to a post-captaincy in his Majesty s naval 
 service, although there is a greater probability that battle 
 or pestilence \vould have cut him off in his prime, or 
 
20 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 that the neglect, to which his colonial origin would have 
 been likely to consign him, would have broken his spirit, 
 and left him to live and die in obscurity. It is not, on the 
 other hand, unjust to his associates in conducting the 
 military operations of the revolted American colonies, or 
 in framing the constitutional governments of the United 
 States, to say, that, without his co-operation and influ 
 ence, those great events could not have been brought to 
 a prosperous issue. And if they had failed, how utterly 
 would the aspect of the modern world have been changed ! 
 How completely would the course of things have been 
 reversed ! 
 
 The impression can hardly fail to be received by the 
 meditative mind, upon reviewing the great and momen 
 tous purposes which Washington was afterwards called in 
 Providence to fulfil, that the heart of the mother was 
 swayed, on this occasion, by a divine impulse. A strong 
 current of maternal tenderness and anxiety was made to 
 pour over her soul, filling it with a timidity which does 
 not appear to have been natural or habitual to her, ren 
 dering her insensible to the advices and persuasions of 
 all around her, and leading her to persist in rescuing her 
 son from taking a step that would have forfeited and lost 
 to him, and to the world, the glorious opportunity of use 
 fulness and fame which subsequent events threw into his 
 way. With a mother s discernment, she felt that the 
 admirable qualities of her favorite son were too precious 
 to be exposed to the perils of a seaman s life. She 
 might, perhaps, have had some indistinct, scarcely con 
 scious presentiment, when she looked upon his noble coun 
 tenance and majestic form, and noticed the extraordinary 
 dignity and excellence of his character and deportment, 
 that a more than common fortune awaited him. A letter, 
 written at the time, to his brother Lawrence, by a friend 
 of the family, shows that unusual pains were taken to 
 prevail upon his mother to give her consent ; but that she 
 persisted in cherishing an unconquerable, and, as it seemed 
 to them, inexplicable repugnance to the idea of his going 
 to sea. u I find," says the writer of the letter, u that one 
 word against his going has more weight than ten for it." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 21 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Washington a Surveyor. 
 
 AFTER the project, which Lawrence Washington 
 seems to have had particularly at heart, of making a sailor 
 of his brother George, had been abandoned, at the earnest 
 and importunate entreaty of his mother, it was concluded 
 to educate and fit him for the profession of a land-sur 
 veyor. With this view, he studied geometry and trigo 
 nometry, in both of which branches he became a profi 
 cient, so that, at sixteen years of age, his education was 
 completed, and he left school, prepared to enter upon the 
 practice of surveying, which, at that period, was getting 
 to be lucrative, and was regarded as highly important. 
 His manuscripts and diagrams, written and constructed 
 at school, w r hile acquiring the requisite knowledge of the 
 art and science of a surveyor, and which have been pre 
 served, show that he. was well qualified for his business. 
 They are also remarkable for the same neatness and reg 
 ularity of hand-writing, order, and arrangement, which 
 characterized his productions during his whole subsequent 
 life. No man of business, no merchant, or clerk, ever 
 observed more perfect method and accuracy, than always 
 appeared in his account-books, letter-books, diaries, and, 
 indeed, every document that proceeded from his pen. 
 
 Immediately upon leaving school, he went to reside 
 with his brother Lawrence, at Mount Vernon. At this 
 point the stream of his fortune took him, and bore him 
 on to the fulfilment of his high destiny. 
 
 Lawrence Washington had married a daughter of 
 William Fairfax, a distinguished person in Virginia at that 
 period, he having been, for many years, a member, and 
 for some time president, of the council of that Province. 
 George naturally soon became w r ell acquainted with the 
 family of his brother s wife, and secured their friendship 
 and confidence. The tract of country, between the Po- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 tomac and Rappahannock rivers, and extending across the 
 Alleghany mountains, belonged by inheritance to Lord 
 Fairfax, a distant relative of William Fairfax. This no 
 bleman was an interesting character. He was a man of 
 letters, of a noble disposition, and of great personal integ 
 rity and worth. Having visited Virginia to inspect his 
 vast landed possessions, he became so much attached to 
 the country, and the mode of life there, that, after having 
 gone back to England and arranged his affairs, he removed 
 permanently to America. He had just returned to Vir 
 ginia, and taken up his abode in the family of his relative 
 and agent, Mr. William Fairfax, when George Washing 
 ton, his education having been completed, had become 
 domesticated at Mount Vernon. As Belvoir, the resi 
 dence of the Fairfaxes, was but a short distance from 
 Mount Vernon, it followed, from the matrimonial connex 
 ion existing between them, from the social and hospitable 
 habits of the country, and from the sympathy naturally 
 flowing from congeniality of tastes and character, that a 
 great intimacy arose between the two families. 
 
 George s time, while at Mount Vernon, was spent in 
 pursuing the study of mathematics, to which he had be 
 come strongly attached, and in amusing himself by prac 
 tically applying it in surveys and admeasurements of the 
 surrounding territory. Occasionally he visited Belvoir, 
 and, while there, his attainments in the science to which 
 he had been educated, and his general qualifications for 
 the application of it, attracted the notice of Lord Fairfax, 
 who very soon intrusted to him the responsible and im 
 portant service of exploring and surveying his extensive 
 domain, for the purpose of dividing it into sections and 
 lots, to meet the views of the settlers, who were begin 
 ning rapidly to press into it. He entered upon this em 
 ployment, accompanied by George Fairfax, the eldest 
 brother of Mrs. Lawrence Washington, in March, 1748, 
 when but a few weeks over sixteen years of age. 
 
 He kept a journal of his proceedings and adventures 
 on this occasion, from which several extracts are here 
 presented. After having swum their horses across the 
 Potomac, at the time of a great freshet, on the evening of 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 23 
 
 the 20th of March, he thus relates their movements the 
 next day : " Travelled up the Maryland side all day, in a 
 continued rain, to Colonel Cresap s, over against the mouth 
 of the South Branch, about forty miles from our place of 
 starting in the morning, and over the worst road, I believe, 
 that ever was trod by man or beast. 
 
 U 23d. Rained till about two o clock, and then cleared 
 up, when we were agreeably surprised at the sight of more 
 than thirty Indians, coming from war, with only one scalp. 
 ***** We had a war-dance. After clearing a large 
 space, and making a great fire in the middle, the men 
 seated themselves around it, and the speaker made a grand 
 speech, telling them in what manner they were to dance. 
 After he had finished, the best dancer jumped up, as one 
 awaked from sleep, and ran and jumped about the ring in 
 a most comical manner. He was followed by the rest. 
 Then began their music, which was performed with a pot 
 half full of water, and a deer-skin stretched tight over it, 
 and a gourd, with some shot in it, to rattle, and a piece 
 of horse s tail tied to it, to make it look fine. One per 
 son kept rattling, and another drumming, all the while 
 they were dancing." 
 
 u 29th. This morning went out and surveyed five 
 hundred acres of land. Shot two wild turkeys. 
 
 " 30th. Began our intended business, of laying ofFlots. 
 
 " April 2d. A blowing, rainy night. Our straw, upon 
 which we were lying, took fire, but I was luckily pre 
 served by one of our men awaking when it was in a 
 flame." 
 
 " 4th. * * * * This day our tent was blown down, 
 by the violence of the wind. 
 
 " 6th. The last night was so intolerably smoky, that 
 we were obliged to leave our tent to the mercy of the 
 wind and fire." 
 
 "7th. This morning, one of our men killed a wild 
 turkey, that weighed twenty pounds. We surveyed fif 
 teen hundred acres of land, and returned to Vanmeter s, 
 about one o clock. * * * We slept in Cassey s house, 
 which was the first night I had slept in a house since we 
 came to the Branch," [March 27th.] 
 
24 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 u 8th. * * * We camped in the woods, and after 
 we had pitched our tent, and made a large fire, we pulled 
 out our knapsack to recruit ourselves. Every one was 
 his own cook. Our spits were forked sticks ; our plates 
 were large chips. As for dishes we had none."* 
 
 For three years, he was employed almost continually 
 in these surveying expeditions, traversing the wilderness, 
 and hardening his constitution by constant exercise, expo 
 sure, and toil. It is impossible, I think, to conceive of a 
 better school of training, discipline, and preparation, than 
 w r as thus provided for him. He was naturally of a pow 
 erful and vigorous frame and make. This mode of life 
 was favorable to the developement of strength and activ 
 ity of muscle and limb ; and when, at the age of nineteen, 
 he was called to other scenes, he had reached a maturity 
 of physical energy, a firmness and expansion of structure, 
 and a hardihood of temperament and endurance, such as 
 persons, of his social position and rank of life, have sel 
 dom been able to acquire. 
 
 While fording the swollen streams and mountain tor 
 rents, wading through snowdrifts and swamps, sleeping 
 wrapped in blankets or buffalo-skins, with no other shel 
 ter than the waving branches of the primeval forests, 
 and encountering catamounts, bears, wolves, and the 
 stealthy savage, the noble youth \vas becoming fitted for 
 the great and arduous work reserved for him by Provi 
 dence. He who, at that period of life, preferred pur 
 suits connected with such privations and perils, to the 
 pleasures of society, wealth, and fashion, all of which 
 were within his easy reach, in so doing, proved the ex 
 cellence and the worth of his character. It followed, of 
 course, that he Secured the confidence and respect of all 
 who knew him. It was quite certain, that the temptations 
 of luxury could never prevail over a virtue which had thus 
 early chosen labor, enterprise, and endurance, rather 
 than indolence, ease, and indulgence. It was certain 
 that the fear of pain or danger could not divert him from 
 the path of duty, for he had voluntarily acquired the habit 
 
 * Sparks s Washington, vol. ii. pp. 416 418. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 25 
 
 of encountering them both. And it was also certain, 
 that no cause or interest, committed to his protection, 
 would be neglected, or too readily surrendered ; for he had 
 shown that difficulties could not affect him, and suffering 
 and toil could not dishearten his spirit or overpower his for 
 titude. This mode of life, too, was of unspeakable ad 
 vantage to him, inasmuch as it made him thoroughly and 
 minutely acquainted with the condition and character of 
 that class of the population, known as backwoodsmen 
 the original settlers, and first European occupants of the 
 American forest. This description of people constitut 
 ed the outer circle of the expanding colonies ; they were 
 a moving column of civilization, an advancing wave of 
 settlement, spreading over the boundaries of the provin 
 cial communities, carrying the arts of cultivated life into 
 the wilderness, and opening the way for all other classes 
 and professions to follow them. At that period, they 
 constituted a large proportion of the whole population of 
 the colonies, which, stretching along the Atlantic coast, 
 might be divided into two parts ; one, consisting of the 
 mercantile and sea-faring community, occupying the cit 
 ies and ports along the shore ; the other, the class of 
 which I am speaking the invaders of the forest back 
 woodsmen. Among them, Washington spent a large 
 part of his time, from his sixteenth to his nineteenth year. 
 They were scattered here and there over the tracts of 
 country he was exploring and surveying. Their smoke 
 was seen at distant intervals, curling up from the bosom 
 of the forest. Frequently he found shelter from the night 
 and the storm in their log-houses. He became acquaint 
 ed with their views of life, their manners and habits ; and 
 when, in the course of events, an army was to be formed, 
 made up to a considerable extent of men of this descrip 
 tion, and deriving its chief physical and moral energy 
 from them, he was found qualified, as no other leading 
 character of the Revolution was, to command it. With 
 these rough, energetic, and brave men, he early learned 
 to enter into a sympathy which never ceased to show its 
 effect in the power he had over them. He inured him 
 self to simplicity of taste, by partaking with them of 
 
26 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 their coarse and humble fare ; and by engaging in their 
 trials of strength and agility, by meeting and contending 
 with their young men in the race, the wrestle, and the 
 leap, he won their admiration, and nerved his own limbs to 
 that superiority of strength and developement for which 
 he was distinguished. These surveying excursions were 
 made, for the most part, on horseback, by which means, 
 Washington acquired a skill and power in the manage 
 ment of the horse, which were of great service to him as 
 a military leader. All who ever saw him mounted, con 
 curred in declaring that he had an ease, a dignity, a con 
 trol of the animal, and a noble bearing, such as they never 
 witnessed in any other person. Several anecdotes have 
 been transmitted by tradition, illustrative of his unrivalled 
 and marvellous accomplishments as a horseman. 
 
 It is related, that, when a youth, there was, belonging 
 to his mother s estate, a young horse, so wild, furious, 
 and powerful, that no one could be found able or willing 
 to venture to break him. Several strong and experi 
 enced men had been thrown and baffled in the attempt. 
 The circumstances were mentioned to George, and he 
 resolved to try his hand with the colt. The experiment 
 took place in the presence of a number of witnesses. 
 He succeeded, by the usual stratagems, in decoying the 
 animal near enough to enable him to spring upon his back. 
 Instantly the horse leaped into the air, and dashed around 
 the field, tossing, flinging, and kicking with the greatest 
 violence and rapidity. George kept his seat firmly and 
 steadily. The enraged and frantic creature flew from 
 point to point, plunging, rearing, and foaming. But it 
 was all in vain. Washington still maintained his position, 
 and could not be dislodged. At last, the noble animal, 
 whose spirit was as indomitable as that of his rider, gave 
 one desperate and mighty bound, and fell dead to the 
 earth. 
 
 It is also related, that when he assumed the command 
 of the revolutionary army, at Cambridge, he took a fancy 
 to a horse of the most admirable properties and bearing, 
 and made application for the purchase of him. The 
 owner was unwilling to sell. While engaged in a con- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 27 
 
 ference on the subject, Washington mounted the animal 
 and rode up and down the street several times. The 
 horse seemed to feel the dignity of his rider. He pranced 
 to and fro, and caracoled from side to side, exhibiting, 
 in every motion of neck and limb, the most perfect forms 
 of grace and strength. As he pawed the ground, and 
 trod the earth, and tossed his flowing mane, the owner 
 was so struck with admiration at his appearance, at the 
 superior aspect he presented when mounted by so match 
 less a horseman, and at the perfect adaptation there was 
 between the noble steed and the noble rider, that he 
 exclaimed, upon Washington s dismounting, " Sir, you 
 shall have the horse on your own terms. He is the 
 horse for you ; and no other man is fit to ride him." 
 
 To return to Washington s surveying experience. His 
 mode of life made him acquainted with the character, hab 
 its, and modes of warfare of the North American Indians. 
 Along the whole interior frontier of the British colonies, 
 there was no subject which contributed so much to the 
 conversation of the people, as their relations to the sav 
 age tribes which hovered about their settlements. Every 
 family, and almost every individual, had been made to feel 
 their power, and there was no end to the varieties of their 
 experience of Indian prowess and revenge. The history 
 of humanity presents few situations more crowded with 
 the elements of romantic interest and peril, than a family, 
 brought up in the forms of European civilization, pushed 
 out deep into the wilderness, surrounded, for an immense 
 distance, by a pathless forest, clearing a small spot for 
 cultivation, rearing a rude dwelling of logs, remote from 
 the comforts and enjoyments of society, beyond the reach 
 of the sound of kindred voices, where no aid or protec 
 tion from the world could be extended to them, and 
 called to the exercise of incessant vigilance, courage, and 
 endurance, by the vicinity and occasional assaults of a 
 wild and terrible race of men, bearing towards them, at 
 best, no great degree of good-will, and artfully instigated 
 to acts of violence and vengeance. The shades of deep 
 forests are awful enough in themselves ; but how pow 
 erfully must they have impressed the imagination, when 
 i. c 
 
28 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 their impenetrable recesses were the abodes, and their 
 gloomy solitudes the lurking-places, of a dread enemy ! 
 
 While living, as Washington did, so much of his time, 
 with people who had thus been brought into contact with 
 the aboriginal tribes, and meeting and mixing with the In 
 dians themselves, he acquired a thorough knowledge of 
 their habits and dispositions, and of the best manner of 
 dealing with them, which was afterwards of great service 
 to him, in both his military and civil administration. 
 
 But perhaps the chief benefit he derived from this 
 mode of life, was the skill it gave him in estimating, and 
 embracing in his contemplation, the features of a wide 
 spread country. While passing from river to river, 
 measuring the extent of plains, valleys, and forests, sca 
 ling mountains, fording streams, and reducing them all to 
 accurate scientific draughts and tables, he was acquiring 
 a skill which is one of the last accomplishments of great 
 generals, and, in all other cases, has been the result of a 
 long experience in the conduct, arrangement, and dispo 
 sal of wide-spread armies. His eye became accustomed 
 and practised to taking in, at a single glance, large tracts 
 of country, in all their dimensions, proportions, distances, 
 bearings, and aspects, precisely as they were, so that he 
 was prepared to direct the movements of an extended or 
 scattered army, in such manner as to avail himself of the 
 advantages of the different features of the landscape, and 
 bring his forces into positions where they would be fa 
 vored by the natural objects of the scenery, whether riv 
 er, mountain, meadow, forest, or morass. 
 
 Upon the whole, it must be evident to all, who consider 
 the subject thoroughly, that a more admirable school could 
 not have been found, for the training and education of this 
 great man, than Providence assigned him, bearing the 
 surveyor s chain over the ridges of the Alleghanies, and 
 through the depths of the American wilderness, during the 
 three most important years of his forming life, from six 
 teen to nineteen, when the pliable properties and hab 
 its of the youth were developing and hardening into the 
 fixed and permanent powers and attributes of the mature 
 man. At the expiration of this period he was called into 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 29 
 
 public life, under circumstances which will now be re 
 lated and explained. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Washington s first Public Employment. 
 
 THE frontier settlements of the colonies, as they ex 
 tended into the interior, became exposed, more and more, 
 to that jealous rivalry between France and England, for 
 ascendency in America, which from the beginning had 
 wasted and distressed the country. The French, by 
 having acquired early possession of the river St. Law 
 rence, and extended their sway through the influence they 
 every where were able to exert upon the Indians, over 
 the whole region watered by the upper lakes and the 
 Mississippi, and its tributaries, had succeeded in sur 
 rounding and hemming in the English. Their object was, 
 to draw the circle closer and closer, not only to check 
 the further spread of the British settlements into the in 
 terior, but to press them back within the confines of the 
 narrow strip between the Atlantic and the mountains ; 
 and, by instigating the Indians to acts of violence, keep 
 ing them well supplied with powder, firearms, and other 
 weapons, to worry and weaken the English colonies, un 
 til, at last, they should all be driven from the continent. 
 
 The crisis of this system of colonial rivalry and col 
 lision had now been reached, and it became evident, to 
 those intrusted with the administration of the British 
 colonies, that the power of France in America must be 
 checked, and the consummation of its policy prevented 
 by force. 
 
 It was clear to every reflecting person, that, if the 
 French were allow r ed to establish themselves along the 
 track of their missionaries and explorers, and to build 
 forts on the Mississippi and Ohio, the ultimate and speedy 
 destruction and extermination of the British colonial 
 power would be inevitable. It was, indeed, a matter cf 
 
30 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 necessity, a point of the merest self-defence, for the Eng 
 lish to prevent, by the use of force, if necessary, the 
 lodgement of the French in the interior, any where south 
 of the chain of the great lakes. 
 
 The attention of all the colonies was turned to this 
 subject, and greater or less degrees of preparation were 
 made to direct their energies to the defence of their inte 
 rior boundaries. Virginia was divided into districts, in 
 each of which an officer was appointed, with the title of 
 adjutant-general, and the rank of major, whose duty it 
 was to inspect and discipline the militia within the limits 
 of his charge, and prepare the people for the warlike 
 struggle that was seen to be impending. GEORGE 
 WASHINGTON received the appointment for the district 
 to which he belonged. He was then nineteen years of 
 age. 
 
 This was no sinecure, or holyday office. Any one 
 who considers the subject in its just light, who looks 
 at the map of North America, and sees how the French 
 were drawing a cordon around the English colonies, from 
 the St. Lawrence to the mouth of the Mississippi, advanc 
 ing from point to point, until they had almost secured the 
 whole continent west of the Alleghany mountains ; who 
 reflects upon the means the French had, through their 
 peculiar influence over the savage tribes, to distress and 
 destroy the frontier settlements of the English colonies ; 
 and who bears in mind that it was, at that time, actually 
 regarded as a question of life and death with those colo 
 nies ; that they were deeply and unanimously impressed 
 with the conviction, that, if they could not, by one united 
 and desperate effort, dislodge the French from their 
 western frontier, and thereby put a stop to the cruel and 
 devastating incursions of the Indians, their settlements 
 would be destroyed, and driven in, from step to step, 
 until the whole country should be subjugated and over 
 run ; whoever takes these considerations into view, will 
 be able to discern the policy which led to the distribution 
 of Virginia into military districts, and to appreciate the 
 importance of the measure. He will see that it wns 
 prompted by the excited state of the public mind, calling 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 31 
 
 for the most vigorous and energetic measures, to rescue 
 the country from imminent and wide-spread danger. The 
 persons selected as adjutants were, under the circum 
 stances of the case, regarded as clothed with a most 
 important and momentous trust. The preservation of the 
 lives and property of the whole people was felt to be 
 committed, to a considerable extent, to their fidelity, ac 
 tivity, and ability, in organizing, disciplining, and instruct 
 ing the militia of their districts. 
 
 The appointment of a mere youth to one of these 
 offices is a remarkable circumstance, and may well arouse 
 our attention, and occupy our reflections. It is decisive 
 evidence of the fact, before alluded to, that from the 
 commencement of his career his very boyhood there 
 was something in his personal aspect, bearing, and deport 
 ment, which impressed all who saw him with respect, 
 confidence, and admiration. This feeling, we shall have 
 occasion to perceive, amounted, in the later periods of 
 his life, to a sort of reverential awe. But, in greater or 
 less degrees, it was produced wherever he went, and upon 
 all who were brought into contact with him, throughout 
 his entire life. He struck all beholders as a noble speci 
 men of humanity, as of a larger pattern than the ordina 
 ry mould of the race. It was not merely his personal 
 appearance, but his whole manner, an harmonious combi 
 nation of all the elements which contribute to aw r aken 
 interest, and impart authority, which produced this effect. 
 This indescribable and remarkable impression of his 
 personal aspect and character, became stronger and deep 
 er the more he w r as known. It was confirmed and re 
 newed from day to day, on the minds and hearts of those 
 most intimate with him, and was always felt at once, and 
 admiringly acknowledged, by strangers. It was, as it 
 were, a mysterious charm borne about with him, which 
 sustained him frequently when nothing else could, and 
 was the great element of his power and secret of his 
 success. 
 
 While threading the valleys and exploring the forests 
 and mountains of Virginia, during the three years he had 
 spent as a surveyor, he had become personally acquaint- 
 
32 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 ed with all the settlers, planters, and owners of land 
 there ; and the estimate they formed of him is seen, not 
 only in the public reputation which led to his appoint 
 ment, as adjutant of the district to which he belonged, but 
 in frequently-repeated indications during his subsequent 
 life. 
 
 Military science and adventures, as has before been 
 mentioned, had always been favorite topics with him. 
 From a child, he had shown a passion for the exercises 
 and feats of arms. This was a perfectly natural result of 
 the circumstances which surrounded him. Lawrence 
 Washington had seen service in foreign parts, having been 
 engaged at the siege of Carthagena, and in the West In 
 dies ; he also kept up a correspondence with his old com 
 manders, General Wentworth and Admiral Vernon, in 
 honor of the latter of whom he called his estate Mount 
 Vernon. The father of his wife, William Fairfax, had 
 passed his early life in the army also. In the immediate 
 circle of the relatives and connexions of the Washington 
 family, there were others who had had a similar experi 
 ence ; and it cannot be doubted, that, from his very in 
 fancy, George had been particularly subjected to this 
 influence. At the fireside, and around the domestic board, 
 his imagination had been accustomed, from its first open 
 ing, to revel in scenes of martial glory and adventure. 
 The food provided for it had been drawn from battles, 
 sieges, fortunes most disastrous chances, hair-breadth 
 escapes in the imminent deadly breach, and every variety 
 of moving accidents by flood and field. No observing 
 person, conversant with children, can fail to notice with 
 what a greedy ear all boys devour such discourse. The 
 native intrepidity of temperament, and conscious firmness 
 of nerve, of George Washington, together with the supe 
 rior bodily strength and activity for which he was noted 
 among his young companions, inclined him to take even 
 a more than usual interest in military subjects and exer 
 cises ; and at the time of his being commissioned as adju 
 tant of the northern neck of Virginia, he was well known 
 in all that portion of country, as a proficient in the art of 
 the manual exercise, both of sword and musket, and as 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 33 
 
 eminently acquainted with the drill, and the leading prin 
 ciples of tactics. 
 
 He had scarcely, however, entered on the discharge of 
 the duties of this office, when he was called away from 
 the scene, hy the necessity of attending his brother Law 
 rence, who had for some time been suffering from pul 
 monary complaints, and was required by his physicians 
 to try the effect of a voyage to the West Indies. There 
 was a strong attachment between the brothers. George 
 had been a member of Lawrence s family, from the pe 
 riod of his leaving school ; and, although many years 
 younger, was regarded by him with a high degree of con 
 fidence and respect, as well as affection. They sailed 
 for Barbadoes in the month of September, 1751, and 
 reached their place of destination after a voyage of five 
 weeks. In observance of a practice which he had very 
 early acquired, and which he followed, with the most 
 beneficial effects, to the close of his life, George kept a 
 journal during the passages, and while residing at Barba 
 does. While on shipboard, he carefully noted and re 
 corded every incident, registered the weather, and copied 
 off the log-book from day to day. The diary is well 
 written, and, so far as it relates to Barbadoes, is quite in 
 structive. It gives a succinct account of the most 
 interesting occurrences on the island, describes the gen 
 eral aspect of the scenery, and the social and political 
 condition of its inhabitants, and narrates the movements 
 of himself and brother. 
 
 On the 17th of November, 1751, he was strongly 
 attacked by the small-pox, from which he did not recover 
 until the middle of the next month. As Lawrence Wash 
 ington flattered himself that his health was benefited by 
 the change of climate, he determined to continue for 
 some time under its healing and invigorating influence, 
 and, instead of returning to Virginia in the spring, to 
 pass the summer in Bermuda. It was agreed that 
 George should return to Virginia forthwith, and make 
 arrangements to accompany his brother s wife to Bermu 
 da, there to meet her husband. On the 22d of Decem 
 ber he sailed for the Chesapeake, and, after a very tern- 
 
34 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 pestuous passage, reached Mount Vernon in the month 
 of February. 
 
 Not long after landing in Bermuda, Lawrence wrote 
 word that his wife need not follow him, as he feared that 
 no essential relief could be procured by his remaining 
 abroad ; and, to use his own expression, in one of his 
 letters, written at the time, he hurried home to his grave. 
 He died at Mount Vernon, on the 26th of July, 1752, 
 at the age of thirty-four, leaving an only child, a daughter. 
 He bequeathed to her his estate, making his brother 
 George one of his executors, and also making him resid 
 uary legatee, so far as related to Mount Vernon, and 
 other lands owned by him, in case his daughter died with 
 out issue. The use and income of the whole estate were 
 secured to the widow during her lifetime. The daughter 
 was of a feeble constitution, never enjoyed good health 
 from the time of her birth, and died at the age of eigh 
 teen. In this manner, Mount Vernon came ultimately 
 into the hands of George Washington. 
 
 As soon as the private engagements and responsibili 
 ties, in which he was involved by the sickness and death 
 of his brother, were sufficiently discharged and arranged 
 to allow him to attend to his public duties, Major Wash 
 ington devoted himself to the execution of his office as 
 adjutant. He visited the several counties of his divi 
 sion, and inspected the militia, instructing the officers, 
 promoting frequent trainings of the companies and battal 
 ions, and taking all possible methods to increase their 
 efficiency, and bring the country into a state of preparation 
 for vigorous military operations, in checking the progress 
 of French encroachment, and in expelling their forces from 
 the points at which they had taken position on the west 
 ern frontier. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 35 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Washington s Mission to the Ohio. 
 
 EVENTS soon reached that point, at which it became 
 evidently necessary to adopt active measures. Gover 
 nor Dinwiddie, who had recently arrived in Virginia, 
 received information that the French had crossed the 
 northern lakes, and were establishing themselves on the 
 Ohio River. Their approach towards the English col 
 onies encouraged those Indians already allied to the 
 French, and in full sympathy with them, to renewed and 
 bolder assaults upon the remote settlements ; while the 
 tribes which had before been friendly to the English, 
 were overawed and shaken in their fidelity, by the threat 
 ening progress of the French power. Aware of these 
 things, the British ministry despatched orders to the 
 Governor of Virginia, to send forces out as far as the 
 Ohio River, and to secure the possession of it, by build 
 ing fortified posts in its neighborhood. In the mean time, 
 before these orders had reached Virginia, the superior 
 activity of the French had enabled them, to a very con 
 siderable extent, to accomplish their object. The Gov 
 ernor of Canada had sent troops, well provided with all 
 the requisite means of sustaining themselves, across the 
 lakes, and a military force, at the same time, was as 
 cending the Mississippi, from New Orleans, to meet that 
 advancing from Canada. The British possessions were 
 thus on the point of being completely surrounded, and it 
 was impossible for them any longer to remain inactive 
 spectators of the course of things. An effort was re 
 quired to be immediately made, or the whole continent 
 would fall irretrievably into the hands of France. 
 
 The first step of Governor Dinwiddie, on the receipt 
 of his instructions, and as the commencement of meas 
 ures which had the expulsion of the French from the 
 borders of the Ohio for their end, was to send a messen- 
 
36 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 ger, or commissioner, to the commander of their forces, 
 for the purpose of remonstrating against their movements, 
 and of giving notice that the British authorities in Ameri 
 ca regarded their having descended from the lakes upon 
 the valley of the Ohio, as an intrusion within the limits 
 of the English colonies, and that, if their forces were not 
 forthwith withdrawn, it would be necessary to treat them 
 as invaders, and expel them by force of arms. 
 
 Major Washington, then at the age of t\venty-one years, 
 was selected to discharge this delicate, difficult, and dan 
 gerous embassy. The following is a copy of his com 
 mission. 
 
 u To George Washington, Esquire, one of the adjutants- 
 general of the troops and forces in the Colony of 
 Virginia. 
 
 u I, reposing especial trust and confidence in the ability, 
 conduct, and fidelity of you, the said George Washington, 
 have appointed you my express messenger ; and you are 
 hereby authorized and empowered to proceed hence, with 
 all convenient and possible despatch, to that part or place, 
 on the River Ohio, where the French have lately erected 
 ed a fort or forts, or where the Commandant of the 
 French forces resides, in order to deliver my letter or 
 message to him ; and after waiting, not exceeding one 
 week, for an answer, you are to take your leave and re 
 turn immediately back. 
 
 " To this commission I have set my hand, and caused 
 the great seal of this Dominion to be affixed, at the city 
 of Williamsburg, the seat of my government, this 30th 
 day of October, in the twenty-seventh year of the reign 
 of his Majesty, George the Second, King of Great Brit 
 ain, &c. &c. Annoque Domini, 1753. 
 
 "ROBERT DINWIDDIE."* 
 
 He started from Williamsburg on the 30th of Octo 
 ber, the very day his commission was signed. The dis 
 tance he had to travel was nearly six hundred miles, a 
 
 * Sparks s Washington, vol. ii. p. 429. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 37 
 
 large part of the way through a perfect wilderness. The 
 season of the year, the wild and mountainous features of 
 the country, the exposure to enemies, both Indian and 
 French, and all the privations and perils of the wintry 
 forest, rendered this excursion interesting and arduous 
 to the highest degree. Its importance could hardly be 
 over-estimated. Upon its issue depended the question 
 of peace or war between the two great powers of the 
 world. 
 
 Major Washington passed through Fredericksburg, 
 Alexandria, and Winchester, and arrived at Wills Creek, 
 on the 14th of November. He was accompanied by 
 John Davidson, as Indian interpreter, and Jacob Van- 
 braam, an officer formerly in the Dutch service, whose 
 familiarity with the French language and habits was 
 deemed of great importance in furthering the design of 
 the embassy. At Wills Creek he also fell in with a 
 Mr. Gist, who had long been accustomed to forest ad 
 ventures, had penetrated the wilderness, on several occa 
 sions, to a considerable depth, and was at that time en 
 gaged in a project of settlement on the remote regions of 
 the Alleghany Range. The party, consisting of eight 
 persons, with horses and baggage, left Wills Creek, and 
 plunged into the forest, on the 15th of November. The 
 season was more than ordinarily unpropitious. There had 
 for some time previous been heavy and frequent rains. 
 Upon a soil thus saturated with moisture, and before it 
 had become hardened by severe frost, snow had fallen, 
 unusually early, in great quantities, and covered the ground 
 to a considerable height. In all the valleys and recesses of 
 the mountains, beneath the snow, the water was standing. 
 It was concealed from sight, and, in places, quite deep. 
 While wading through the snow, the passenger, every 
 once in a while, would sink to his middle in water. This 
 constitutes the very worst kind of travelling, uniting the 
 inconveniences of co-Id, wet, fatigue, and extreme slow 
 ness of progress. In seven days they reached Mononga- 
 hela, about the distance of eighty miles. 
 
 The length of time occupied in accomplishing this part 
 of the journey, will help the reader in forming an estimate 
 
38 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 of the difficulties that must have been encountered. In 
 threading their way through pathless and primeval forests, 
 obstructions met them at every step. Sometimes a 
 mighty elm, or pine, or hemlock, that had borne the 
 storms of hundreds of winters, and fallen at last, its thun 
 dering crash resounding through the startled wilderness, 
 would be found stretched directly across their line of 
 travel. Sometimes the thick underbrush and entangled 
 briers would absolutely forbid their progress ; a steep 
 and lofty rock would uplift its brow before them ; a 
 wild mountain torrent, or a deep bog, or an inaccessible 
 swamp, or a precipitous range of hills, would intercept 
 their way. In such cases they would have to wind 
 round, and return, for miles perhaps, upon their track. 
 At the close of a day passed in contending with obsta 
 cles like these, the wearied and exhausted party would 
 select some spot, for their night encampment. After 
 unlading and providing for their baggage and horses, 
 they would clear away the snow from before some fallen 
 tree or rock, or bank of earth, kindle a fire, and pile on 
 the logs and branches. The heat of the flame would melt 
 the snow around it, and evergreen boughs spread thickly 
 over the ground would make a comfortable floor or bed. 
 Above this they would spread their tent, or otherwise 
 procure a shelter, by sticking long poles into the ground, 
 in the form of a semicircle, open towards the fire, bringing 
 their upper ends together to a point, and covering them 
 over with green boughs. This would suffice to keep off 
 the night-blast or the snow, and even to shed the rain to 
 a considerable degree. After partaking of such refresh 
 ments as are commonly provided for excursions of this 
 sort, which, by the way, plain and coarse as they might 
 have been, were received with a relish such as toil-worn 
 and hungry men only know, and far better than luxury 
 and indolence can dream of, the weary travellers, having 
 first arranged their watches for the night, would stretch 
 out their limbs towards the glowing fire, draw their blan 
 kets over them, and, one after another, find that repose 
 and rest which sleep, "tired nature s sweet restorer," 
 alone can give. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 39 
 
 Such was the situation of George Washington when, 
 at the close of the first day s journey after entering 
 the wilderness, he was outstretched upon his bed of 
 green houghs, his feet towards the hlazing fire, and his 
 form sheltered by the booth or wigwam just described. 
 As he reclined there, and his companions, one by one, 
 fell asleep by his side, and their voices became hushed, 
 how interesting must have been the associations that 
 passed through his meditative mind ! The scene was 
 solemn and romantic. The crackling fire, sending its 
 broad flame far up into the open air, and casting its lurid 
 reflection upon the trunks and branches of the venerable 
 forest-trees, revealing, at intervals, the distant and hollow 
 recesses of the woods, crowding them with innumerable 
 flitting shadows ; the night- wind sighing above and around 
 him ; the silence and solitude of the scene : the unknown 
 dangers that surrounded it ; all these constituted an accu 
 mulated amount of interest, such as is surpassed by but 
 few situations in which man can be placed. 
 
 Washington had just entered upon the life of public 
 service and adventure to which he had always aspired. 
 He was discharging the first service of personal danger to 
 which his country had called him. He had early attained 
 to signal distinction. His noblest ambition was gratified, 
 by the important trusts that had been committed to him. 
 The hope, which, from childhood, had exercised his 
 imagination and filled his heart, of attaining military glory, 
 of "shining most in fame by daring most in fight," 
 seemed now to be in a fair way of fulfilment. The 
 distinguished post to which he had, two years before, 
 been assigned, in organizing and disciplining the militia 
 of his native colony ; the responsible and momentous 
 commission he was then, although but twenty-one years 
 of age, executing, as the express messenger of the Gov 
 ernor of Virginia to the French commander ; and the 
 high probability, the all but absolute certainty, that meas 
 ures of negotiation would be fruitless, and a war ensue 
 between France and England, to be fought on one side 
 or the other of the Alleghanies ; all these considerations 
 authorized the indulgence of his favorite visions and 
 
40 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 reveries ; and, no doubt, as he meditated, during the night- 
 watches, in his forest encampment, upon the then unknown 
 future, among the thick-coming fancies which passed be 
 fore him, he allowed himself to cherish the hope of reach 
 ing high distinction in arms, and of thus gratifying his 
 ruling passion. But how dim must have been his bright 
 est anticipations, how faint the images of future success 
 and renown, which the most aspiring hope could have 
 painted in his fancy, compared with the actual glories in 
 reserve for him ! If, while musing in a meditative mood, 
 within the solemn shadows of the midnight wilderness, as, 
 in the fulness of his thoughts, his senses lost their domin 
 ion over his mind, the whole succession of scenes and 
 services through which he was to be called, in his subse 
 quent life if the entire history of the public career upon 
 which he had then entered had been made to pass be 
 fore his view, would it not have been regarded by him 
 as a strange and magnificent dream, transcending the meas 
 ure of attainable human glory ? The renown afterwards 
 acquired by him did indeed excel all the precedents re 
 corded in the military or political annals of the world. 
 The grandeur of the incidents of his life ; the cloudless 
 and spotless sunshine which, from the beginning to the 
 end, rests upon his personal honor and integrity ; the 
 completeness of his public services, both in war and in 
 peace ; the magnitude of the beneficial consequences that 
 have resulted from them ; the purity and universal dif 
 fusion of his glory, acknowledged, honored, and admired 
 equally among all nations ; his name every where felt 
 and declared to be the brightest on the page of human 
 history ; these all conspire in authorizing us to say, that 
 the life and character of George Washington realize 
 the most highly colored pictures of success, of splendid 
 achievements, and of brilliant reputation, ever delineated 
 by poet or by dreamer. 
 
 After reaching the Monongahela, he continued his pro 
 gress to the Fork, or point of junction of that river and 
 the Alleghany, where Pittsburg is now situated. He made 
 an exploration of this point, and in his journal recorded 
 the opinion, which was afterwards fully verified, that it 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 41 
 
 was a position of great military importance. In the vicinity 
 of the Fork, he held interviews with the Indian tribes of 
 that neighborhood, acquired much valuable information 
 from them, and accomplished his designs so far as they 
 were concerned. After a variety of incidents and ad 
 ventures, he arrived at Venango, an old Indian town, in 
 which is the county of the same name, in the present State 
 of Pennsylvania. Here the French colors were display 
 ed, and three officers were stationed, under Captain Jon- 
 caire, who was commander of the French posts on the 
 Ohio. At this place Washington succeeded in obtaining 
 full information of the policy and designs of the French 
 government in reference to the country west of the Al- 
 loghany mountains, of the grounds on which they rested 
 their claim to it, and of the measures they had taken and 
 were taking to maintain their claim. From Venango, he 
 proceeded towards another fort, on French Creek, near 
 the shores of Lake Erie ; which place, being the extreme 
 point of his destination, he reached on the llth of De 
 cember. The commander, who was a knight of the 
 military order of St. Louis, named Legardeur de St. 
 Pierre, was an elderly gentleman, of dignified and courte 
 ous manners. Washington delivered to him the letter 
 which he had borne from the Governor of Virginia, with 
 a copy of his instructions, and requested immediate atten 
 tion to the business of his mission. On the 14th of De 
 cember, the commandant communicated his official reply 
 to the letter of Governor Dinwiddie, and Washington 
 started on his return on the IGth. 
 
 While at French Creek, Washington was careful to 
 observe, and note down, every thing of interest and im 
 portance in the situation of the fort, and to obtain the 
 fullest possible information in reference to all the French 
 armaments and settlements in that part of the country. 
 Bat the most difficult part of his duty was, to negotiate 
 with the Indians, to produce an impression upon them 
 favorable to the English, and to do what he could to 
 counteract the intrigues and artful operations of the French 
 officers and traders. 
 
 Two days before setting out himself, on his return 
 
42 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 journey, he despatched the principal part of his company 
 homeward. As the snow was becoming very deep, and 
 the horses showed, in their aspect and condition, evi 
 dences of beginning to suffer from the weather, fatigue, 
 and want of suitable provender, it became necessary to 
 hasten them back as fast as possible, and to relieve them, 
 as far as could be clone, of the burden of the baggage. 
 He himself followed in a canoe, having given directions 
 to his men to stop and wait for him, with the horses, if 
 the river should become closed with ice ; but, if it remain 
 ed open, to go on until they reached the Fork of the 
 Ohio, and there remain until he overtook them with the 
 baggage in the canoes. Some idea of the circumstances 
 and difficulties connected with a journey of this descrip 
 tion, at such a season, maybe formed by the aid of details 
 like those presented in the following extracts from Wash 
 ington s Journal. 
 
 "Dec. 16. We had a tedious and very fatiguing 
 passage down the creek. Several times we had like to 
 have been staved against the rocks ; and many times 
 were obliged, all hands, to get out and remain in the water 
 half an hour or more, getting over the shoals. At one 
 place the ice had lodged, and made it impassable by 
 water ; we were, therefore, obliged to cany our canoe 
 across the neck of land, a quarter of a mile over. We 
 did not reach Venango until the 22d, where we met with 
 our horses. 
 
 " This creek is extremely crooked. I dare say the dis 
 tance between the fort and Venango cannot be less than 
 one hundred and thirty miles, to follow the meanders." 
 
 tc Our horses were now so weak and feeble, and the 
 baggage so heavy, (as we were obliged to provide all the 
 necessaries which the journey would require,) that we 
 doubted much then performing it. Therefore, myself 
 and others, except the drivers, who were obliged to ride, 
 gave up our horses for packs, to assist along with the 
 baggage. I put myself in an Indian walking-dress, and 
 continued with them three days, until I found there was 
 no probability of their getting home in any reasonable 
 time. The horses became less able to travel, every day ; 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 43 
 
 the cold increased very fast ; and the roads were be 
 coming much worse by a deep snow, continually freez 
 ing ; therefore, as I was uneasy to get back, to make re 
 port of my proceedings to his Honor the Governor, I 
 determined to prosecute my journey the nearest way 
 through the woods, on foot. 
 
 " Accordingly, I left Mr. Vanbraam in charge of our 
 baggage, with money and directions to provide necessaries, 
 from place to place, for themselves and horses, and to 
 make the most convenient despatch in travelling. 
 
 " I took my necessary papers, pulled off my clothes, 
 and tied myself up in a watch-coat. Then, with gun in 
 hand, and pack on my back, in which were my papers 
 and provisions, I set out with Mr. Gist, fitted in the same 
 manner, on Wednesday, the 26th. The day following, 
 just after we had passed a place called Murdering Town, 
 (where we intended to quit the path and steer across the 
 country for Shannopin s Town,) we fell in with a party 
 of French Indians, who had lain in wait for us. One of 
 them fired at Mr. Gist or me, not fifteen steps off, but 
 fortunately missed. We took this fellow into custody, 
 and kept him until about nine o clock at night, then let 
 him go, and walked all the remaining part of the night 
 without making any stop, that we might get the start so 
 far as to be out of the reach of their pursuit the next day, 
 since we were well assured they would follow our track 
 as soon as it was light. The next day we continued 
 travelling until quite dark, and got to the river about two 
 miles above Shannopin s. We expected to have found 
 the river frozen, but it was not, only about fifty yards 
 from each shore. The ice, I suppose, had broken up 
 above, for it was driving in vast quantities. 
 
 u There was no way for getting over but on a raft, 
 which we set about, with but one poor hatchet, and finish 
 ed just after sun-setting. This was a whole day s work ; 
 we next got it launched, then went on board of it, and set 
 off ; but, before we were half way over, we were jammed 
 in the ice in such a manner that we expected every mo 
 ment our raft to sink, and ourselves to perish. I put out 
 my setting-pole to try to stop the raft, that the ice might 
 
 I- D 
 
44 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 pass by, when the rapidity of the stream threw it with so 
 much violence against the pole, that it jerked me out into 
 ten feet water ; but I fortunately saved myself by catch 
 ing hold of one of the raft-logs. Notwithstanding all our 
 efforts, we could not get to either shore, but were obliged, 
 as we were near an island, to quit our raft and make to it. 
 
 " The cold was so extremely severe, that Mr. Gist 
 had all his fingers and some of his toes frozen, and the 
 water was shut up so hard, that we found no difficulty in 
 getting off the island on the ice in the morning, and went 
 to Mr. Frazier s. We met here with twenty warriors, 
 who were going to the southward to war ; but coming to 
 a place on the head of the Great Kenhawa, where they 
 found seven people killed and scalped, (all but one woman 
 with very light hair,) they turned about and ran back, for 
 fear the inhabitants should rise and take them as the au 
 thors of the murder. They report that the bodies were 
 lying about the house, and some of them much torn and 
 eaten by the hogs. By the marks which were left, they 
 say they were French Indians of the Ottoway nation who 
 did it."* 
 
 A journal of this expedition was written by Washing- 
 ton s companion, Captain Gist, and has recently been pub 
 lished by the Massachusetts Historical Society, in the 
 fifth volume of their Third Series. The following pas 
 sages will be interesting to the reader, as confirming 
 the statements in the foregoing extracts, and as present 
 ing in a still more striking light the sufferings and perils 
 of the journey. 
 
 " Sunday, 23d. We set out from Venango, travelled 
 about five miles to Lacomick Creek. 
 
 " Monday, 24th. Here Major Washington set out 
 on foot, in Indian dress. Our horses grew weak, that 
 we were mostly obliged to travel on foot, and had snow 
 all day. Encamped near the barrens. 
 
 " Tuesday, 25th. Set out, and travelled on foot to 
 branches of Great Beaver Creek. 
 
 " Wednesday, 26th. The Major desired me to set 
 
 * Sparks s Washington, vol. ii. p. 444. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 45 
 
 out on foot, and leave our company, as the creeks were 
 frozen, and our horses could make but little way. Indeed, 
 I was unwilling he should undertake such a travel, who had 
 never been used to walking before this time. But as he 
 insisted on it, I set out with our packs, like Indians, and 
 travelled eighteen miles. That night we lodged at an 
 Indian cabin, and the Major was much fatigued. It was 
 very cold ; all the small runs were frozen, that we could 
 hardly get water to drink. 
 
 " Thursday, 27th. We rose early in the morning, and 
 set out about two o clock. Got to the Murthering town, 
 on the southeast fork of Beaver Creek. Here we met 
 with an Indian, whom I thought I had seen at Joncaire s, 
 at Venango, when on our journey up to the French fort. 
 This fellow called me by my Indian name, and pretend 
 ed to be glad to see me. He asked us several ques 
 tions, as how we came to travel on foot, when we left 
 Venango, where we parted with our horses, and when 
 they would be there, &c. Major Washington insist 
 ed on travelling on the nearest way to the forks of Alle- 
 ghany. We asked the Indian if he could go with us, 
 and show us the nearest way. The Indian seemed very 
 glad and ready to go with us. Upon which we set out, 
 and the Indian took the Major s pack. We travelled 
 very brisk for eight or ten miles, when the Major s feet 
 grew very sore, and he very weary, and the Indian steered 
 too much northeastwardly. The Major desired to en 
 camp, to which the Indian asked to carry his gun. But 
 he refused that, and then the Indian grew churlish, and 
 pressed us to keep on, telling us that there were Ottawa 
 Indians in these woods, and they would scalp us if we 
 lay out ; but go to his cabin, and we should be safe. I 
 thought very ill of the fellow, but did not care to let the 
 Major know I mistrusted him. But he soon mistrusted 
 him as much as I. He said he could hear a gun to his 
 cabin, and steered us more northwardly. We grew un 
 easy, and then he said two whoops might be heard to his 
 cabin. We went two miles further ; then the Major said 
 he would stay at the next water, and we desired the In 
 dian to stop at the next water. But before we came to 
 
46 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 water, we came to a clear meadow ; it was very light 
 and snow on the ground. The Indian made a stop, 
 turned about ; the Major saw him point his gun towards 
 us and fire. Said the Major, Are you shot ? No, 
 said I. Upon which the Indian ran forward to a big stand 
 ing white oak, and to loading his gun, but we were soon 
 with him. I would have killed him ; but the Major 
 would not suffer me to kill him. We let him charge his 
 gun ; we found he put in a ball ; then we took care of 
 him. The Major or I always stood by the guns ; we 
 made him make a fire for us, by a little run, as if we in 
 tended to sleep there. I said to the Major, c As you will 
 not have him killed, we must get him away, and then 
 we must travel all night. Upon which I said to the In 
 dian, C I suppose you were lost, and fired your gun. 
 He said, he knew the way to his cabin, and t was but a 
 little way. Well, said I, c do you go home ; and as 
 we are much tired, we will follow your track in the morn 
 ing ; and here is a cake of bread for you, and you must 
 give us meat in the morning. He was glad to get away. 
 I followed him, and listened until he was fairly out of 
 the way, and then w r e set out about half a mile, when we 
 made a fire, set our compass, and fixed our course, and 
 travelled all night, and in the morning we were on the 
 head of Piney Creek. 
 
 "Friday, 28th. We travelled all the next day, down 
 the said creek, and just at night found some tracks, where 
 Indians had been hunting. We parted, and appointed a 
 place a distance off, where to meet, it being then dark. 
 We encamped, and thought ourselves safe enough to 
 sleep. 
 
 " Saturday, 29th. We set out early, got to Alleghany, 
 made a raft, and with much difficulty got over to an isl 
 and, a little above Shannopin s Town. The Major having 
 fallen in from off the raft, and my fingers frost-bitten, 
 and the sun down, and very cold, we contented ourselves 
 to encamp upon that island. It was deep water between 
 us and the shore ; but the cold did us some service, for in 
 the morning it w r as frozen hard enough for us to pass over 
 on the ice." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 47 
 
 They arrived at Wills Creek on Sunday, January G. In 
 concluding his Journal, Washington describes the whole 
 expedition as extremely fatiguing, as much so "as it is 
 possible to conceive." He says, that "from the 1st day 
 of December to the 15th, there was but one day on which 
 it did not rain or snow incessantly ; and throughout the 
 whole journey, we met with nothing but one continued 
 series of cold, wet weather." 
 
 The reader is now prepared, in some measure, to form 
 an estimate of the suffering, fatigue, and peril, connected 
 with the first distinguished service to which Washington 
 was called. It was filled up with the most romantic 
 exposures to pain and death, and required the highest 
 possible amount of personal firmness, courage, and ener 
 gy, to carry him through it. How fearful were the 
 dangers which encompassed his path ! how narrow his 
 escapes from treachery, from drowning, and from cold ! 
 It was on this occasion, that he first gave evidence of the 
 charmed life he bore, in his protection from the bullet of 
 the Indian. The aim of the practised savage is unerring ; 
 but in this, and other remarkable instances, that aim, when 
 directed against the person of Washington, was found to 
 be unavailing. The marksman was but fifteen steps off, 
 he took deliberate and cold-blooded aim, and Washington 
 was completely exposed, and unguarded at the moment ! 
 The escape was truly wonderful ; and when the value 
 and importance of the life thus remarkably preserved 
 are considered, every mind must feel that it was a Divine 
 Hand that sheltered him. 
 
 The Journal of Major Washington was published at the 
 time by the government of Virginia, copied into most of 
 the newspapers of the several colonies, and reprinted in 
 London, under the auspices of the ministry. 
 
48 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Washington s first Campaign. 
 
 As the results of Major Washington s mission made it 
 certain that the French were actually carrying into effect 
 the policy of extending a line of forts from New Orleans, 
 along the Mississippi and Ohio, to the junction of the 
 Monongahela and Alleghany, and thence to Lake Erie, 
 Governor Dinwiddie made immediate arrangements to 
 rouse Virginia, and the other English colonies, to meas 
 ures of self-defence. He addressed the other governors, 
 and convened the Legislature of Virginia at an early day. 
 
 After much debate, the Assembly voted ten thousand 
 pounds, for the purpose, as described in the act, of ex 
 tending encouragement and protection to the settlers on 
 the waters of the Mississippi. The military force of 
 Virginia was placed under the command of Colonel Joshua 
 Frye. Major Washington was raised to the rank of 
 lieutenant-colonel, and made second in command. Two 
 companies of the British line were ordered, one from 
 New York, and the other from South Carolina, to repair 
 to Virginia, to co-operate with the troops of that province ; 
 and more or less encouragement and assistance was given 
 or promised by the contiguous colonies. Early in April, 
 1754, Colonel Washington left his head-quarters at Alex 
 andria, and marched to Wills Creek, at which place he 
 arrived on the 20th of that month. Upon reaching Wills 
 Creek, he received intelligence that a military party, which 
 had been sent to the Ohio, under the command of Ensign 
 Ward, while building a fort there, had been taken pris 
 oners by a powerful French armament. The French 
 commander, Contrecosur, took possession of the fort, but 
 permitted the captured garrison, consisting of forty-one 
 men, to retire to Virginia. They had arrived at Wills 
 Creek just before Colonel Washington had reached it. 
 He found the whole country in that vicinity wrought up 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 49 
 
 to a panic excitement, by the fearful stories, related by 
 Ensign Ward s men, of the overwhelming strength of the 
 French army advancing upon them from the western 
 wilderness. They represented it as amounting to one 
 thousand men, with eighteen pieces of cannon, and borne 
 over the waters of the Ohio in sixty bateaux and three 
 hundred canoes. 
 
 Colonel Washington instantly despatched expresses to 
 the Governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, 
 and summoned a council of war, at which it was deter 
 mined to advance at once, without waiting for Colonel 
 Frye or any other re-enforcements, push through the 
 wilderness, and erect a fortress upon the Monongahela. 
 It was necessary to clear a road for their passage, by 
 felling trees, removing rocks, erecting bridges, and filling 
 up marshy hollows. After having penetrated in this 
 manner, by tedious and fatiguing marches, to the vicinity 
 of the western rivers, information was brought in, by 
 Indian scouts and others, of the near approach of an 
 armed French force. Washington encamped at a place 
 called Great Meadows, and sent out mounted soldiers to 
 reconnoiter. It was soon ascertained that the enemy 
 were in the immediate vicinity, although it was difficult 
 to discover their precise position. The thick woods, and 
 the face of the country, made it quite easy for them to 
 keep their movements concealed. At last, Washington 
 received such intelligence, that he was confident of being 
 able to trace them to their place of retreat. Putting him 
 self at the head of forty men, he started, in a dark and 
 stormy night, for the purpose of surprising and capturing 
 the French party. Proceeding, in the first place, to the 
 camp of an Indian chief, from whom he had received in 
 formation of the enemy s position, and taking him and his 
 warriors to act as guides, and also to strengthen his force, 
 he hastened on to the place of destination. The French 
 were in a secluded and remote recess of the forest, shel 
 tered by rocks, and difficult of access. The Virginia 
 troops could only approach them through a narrow pas 
 sage, and in single file. Immediately upon their coming 
 in sight, a sharp conflict began. The commander of the 
 
50 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 detachment, Jumonville, and ten of his men, were killed, 
 one wounded, and twenty-two made prisoners. This 
 affair took place on the 28th of May, and the prisoners 
 were immediately conducted to the fort at Great Mead 
 ows, and thence transferred, under a guard, to the capital 
 of Virginia. 
 
 Great efforts have been made, especially by French 
 writers, to bring reproach upon Washington for the death 
 of Jumonville. It has been represented as an assassina 
 tion. It has been pretended, that he and his troops were 
 there for no other than friendly purposes ; that he was 
 proceeding, in a peaceable manner, towards Virginia, as 
 a messenger, bearing despatches from the French com 
 mander ; and that the attack upon him was not only with 
 out color of justification from the laws of nations, but in 
 direct violation of them. 
 
 In answer to all this, it is only necessary to remind the 
 reader of the capture, a few weeks before, by a large 
 French military force, of Ensign Ward and his garrison, 
 thus bringing on a state of actual war. The conduct of 
 Jumonville, hanging with armed men, day after day, round 
 the Virginia encampment, keeping himself in concealment, 
 and making no approaches towards any other than a hos 
 tile meeting with them, is utterly inconsistent with the 
 supposition that he was there for pacific or diplomatic 
 purposes. Notwithstanding the most elaborate and per 
 severing attempts to misrepresent this transaction, with a 
 view of affixing a reproach to the name of Washington, 
 no serious or lasting impression has been made unfavorable 
 to his honor, humanity, or discretion. This is the only 
 point in his long and various career upon which either 
 private prejudice, or personal jealousy, or national ani 
 mosity has ventured, by any deliberate or considerable 
 efforts, to assail his character. The slightest examina 
 tion of the circumstances of the case, at once disperses 
 all the objections and charges resting upon the facts and 
 proceedings connected with the attack upon Jumonville s 
 camp. It is impossible to convince a reflecting person, 
 who looks into the affair, that Jumonville was there in 
 any other capacity than that of an insidious and lurking 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 51 
 
 enemy. It would have been folly in Washington to have 
 allowed him to remain, with an armed force, unmolested 
 in his rear. His own retreat would thus have been cut 
 off, and his whole force surrounded, and at the mercy of 
 the enemy. Here, as every where else, he acted with 
 sagacity, resolution, and courage. Such was the opinion 
 of his countrymen at the time. Such is now the opin 
 ion of all who examine and consider the subject with 
 candor and justice. The pretence of French writers and 
 others disposed to diminish the glory of Washington s 
 memory, that Jumonville had no hostile motives, but 
 was acting merely as a bearer of despatches, is so per 
 fectly irreconcilable with the facts of the case, that it has 
 had no other effect than to bring discredit upon their own 
 fairness, honor, and intelligence. 
 
 The affair which resulted in the death of Jumonville, 
 and the capture of his party, Colonel Washington foresaw 
 would bring on an open, public, and national war between 
 France and England. He accordingly made instant prepa 
 ration to meet, as well as he might, the emergency. He 
 strengthened his intrenchment at Great Meadows, or 
 Fort Necessity, as it was afterwards called. Leaving it 
 garrisoned by a portion of his troops which he could best 
 spare, he moved forward through the woods and over the 
 mountains to the Moriongahela River. Soon after reach 
 ing its banks, such information was received of the strength 
 of the enemy, which had been increased by large re-en 
 forcements, that it w r as decided, at a council of officers, 
 to be out of the question for them to think of making any 
 effectual opposition to the progress of the French at a 
 point so remote from their own sources of supply as the 
 Monongahela. A retreat was accordingly determined on 
 and executed. The troops reached Fort Necessity after 
 a tedious march of two days. These movements to and 
 fro were performed with the greatest difficulty, and called 
 for all the energy, prudence, perseverance, and patience 
 of toil and suffering for which Washington had even then 
 become distinguished. He gave up his own horse, to 
 be employed in transporting the public stores, and per 
 formed the whole distance on foot, partaking of the fatigues 
 
52 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 and privations of his soldiery. It was found impossible 
 to continue the retreat beyond Fort Necessity, on account 
 of the worn and exhausted state of his little array, and he 
 halted there, and fortified it as well as his means and the 
 time would allow. Trees were felled in the neighboring 
 forest, and the logs drawn to the fort to raise a breast 
 work, and the most active exertions were made to put it 
 into a state of preparation for an assault. It was known 
 that the enemy were advancing. 
 
 On the 3d of July the alarm was given, by a sentinel, 
 who was wounded by a shot from the woods. At about 
 ten o clock, the French force commenced a regular assault 
 upon the works. The attack was renewed and repulsed 
 from time to time, the conflict continuing without any 
 considerable intermission, notwithstanding a heavy and 
 long-continued rain, during the whole day, until eight 
 o clock at night, when the French requested a parley. 
 A long consultation ensued, in the course of which such 
 evidences were presented of the overwhelming force of 
 the enemy, and of the fruitlessness of any further resist 
 ance, that Colonel Washington felt it his duty to accede 
 to articles of capitulation, and Fort Necessity was sur 
 rendered to the French, on the 4th of July, 1754. The 
 garrison were permitted to march out with the honors of 
 war, their drums beating and colors flying, and to return 
 to Virginia, carrying with them every thing but their artil 
 lery. The French force was about double that of the 
 English, and was in every respect better provided. The 
 circumstances of the case were such, that all approved 
 of the capitulation, and great credit was awarded to Colo 
 nel Washington for the favorable terms which he extort 
 ed from his captors. 
 
 A fraud was practised upon Washington at the time 
 of this capitulation, which occasioned him some mortifica 
 tion, and was much relied upon by those who were engag 
 ed in the attempt to bring reproach upon him, in conse 
 quence of the affair of the death of Jumonville. He was 
 unacquainted with the French language, and employed 
 Captain Vanbraam as his interpreter. There is reason to 
 believe, that this person was secretly in the interest of 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 53 
 
 the enemy. When the French sounded a parley, at the 
 close of the battle of the Great Meadows, Colonel Wash 
 ington sent Vanbraam to confer with them, who returned 
 with their proposals of capitulation. It was near midnight 
 when the articles were arranged. In the darkness and 
 confusion of the scene, after a day of incessant hard fight 
 ing, and while a storm of wind and rain was beating upon 
 them, it was impossible to give a critical attention to the 
 phraseology of the articles ; and the whole matter of the 
 construction of the sentences, and of the language used, 
 was necessarily committed by the Virginia officers to 
 Vanbraam alone. 
 
 The indignation of Washington may be imagined, when 
 he found, afterwards, that in one of the articles, which were 
 drawn up in French, the expression, u assassination of 
 Jumonville," was inserted. Every officer of his command 
 declared that no such language was in the articles as 
 repeated and explained to them, at the time, by Van 
 braam. Villiers, the French commander, made a report 
 of the affair, in which he indulged in several misrepresent 
 ations. Many years afterwards, a copy of Villiers s nar 
 rative was communicated to Washington, who, in a note to 
 the gentleman from whom he received it, thus commented 
 upon it : 
 
 u Short as my time is, I cannot help remarking on Vil 
 liers s account of the battle of, and transactions at, the 
 Meadows, as it is very extraordinary, and not less errone 
 ous than inconsistent. He says the French received the 
 first fire. It is well known, that we received it at six hun 
 dred paces distance. He also says, our fears obliged us to 
 retreat, in a most disorderly manner, after the capitula 
 tion. How is this consistent with his other account ? 
 He acknowledges that \ve sustained the attack warmly, 
 from ten in the morning until dark, and that he called 
 first to parley, which strongly indicates that we were not 
 totally absorbed in fear. If the gentleman, in his account, 
 had adhered to the truth, he must have confessed, that 
 we looked upon his offer to parley as an artifice to get 
 into and examine our trenches, and refused on this ac 
 count, until they desired an officer might be sent to them, 
 
54 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 and gave their parole for his safe return. He might, also, 
 if he had been as great a lover of the truth as he was of 
 vainglory, have said, that we absolutely refused their first 
 and second proposals, and would consent to capitulate 
 on no other terms than such as we obtained. That we 
 were, wilfully or ignorantly, deceived by our interpreter 
 in regard to the word assassination, I do aver, and will 
 to my dying moment ; so will every officer who was pres 
 ent. The interpreter was a Dutchman, little acquainted 
 with the English tongue, therefore might not advert to 
 the tone and meaning of the word in English ; but what 
 ever his motives were for so doing, certain it is, we call 
 ed it the death, or the loss, of the Sieur Jumonville. 
 So we received, and so we understood it, until, to our 
 great surprise and mortification, we found it otherwise in 
 a literal translation." 
 
 One of Washington s officers also testified to the facts 
 in the case in the following manner. 
 
 " When Mr. Vanbraam returned with the French pro 
 posals, we were obliged to take the sense of them from 
 his mouth ; it rained so hard, that he could not give us a 
 written literal translation of them ; we could scarcely 
 keep the candle lighted to read them by ; and every 
 officer there is ready to declare, that there was no such 
 word as assassination mentioned. The terms expressed 
 were, the death of Jumonville. If it had been mentioned, 
 we would by all means have had it altered, as the French, 
 during the course of the interview, seemed very conde 
 scending, and desirous to bring things to a conclusion ; 
 and, upon our insisting, altered the articles relating to 
 stores and ammunition, which they wanted to detain ; and 
 that of the cannon, which they agreed to have destroyed, 
 instead of reserved for their use." 
 
 Having been publicly thanked for his services by the 
 House of Burgesses of Virginia, Colonel Washington 
 resigned his commission, and retired to private life, at the 
 age of twenty- three. 
 
 Thus ended his first campaign. Its scenes were laid 
 in a remote wilderness, far beyond the observation of the 
 World at large, and it was brought to a disastrous close. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 55 
 
 Notwithstanding all this, however, he had acquired a de 
 gree of reputation, that, under the circumstances, is truly 
 astonishing, and can only be accounted for by the suppo 
 sition, already suggested to the reader of this Biography, 
 that there was that in his personal character and bearing, 
 which absolutely commanded respect, and securely won 
 admiration, from all who witnessed his career. There was, 
 in his essential qualities, an authority, a dignity, a charm, 
 which placed him above the vicissitudes of fortune. His 
 course of public service, thus far, had been one unbroken 
 series of toils, sufferings, privations, and misfortunes. It is 
 indeed most curious and remarkable to trace it. He was 
 sent out, with a well-mounted retinue, on an embassy to the 
 French commanders on the Ohio and the Lakes. He 
 came back, as it were, a solitary fugitive, benumbed with 
 frost, struggling through mountain snows and midnight 
 storms, bereft of his clothing, wrapped in the dress of an 
 Indian, his feet torn by weary travelling over ice and rocks, 
 barely escaping with his life from the treacherous rifle of 
 hostile savages, and from the wild torrents of the swollen 
 rivers. Again he went forth at the head of a column of 
 troops, cutting their way through the woods, and making a 
 road as they went for their baggage and artillery. Soon he 
 was forced to retreat. When further retreat became impos 
 sible, he had to give battle to a victorious and overwhelm 
 ing force of pursuing enemies. After an obstinate and 
 desperate defence, he was reduced to the necessity of 
 surrendering his whole command, and returned to Vir 
 ginia defeated and a prisoner. But he was received as 
 a conqueror, and welcomed as a hero. The public grat 
 itude and admiration were expressed by the assembled 
 representatives of the people ; and, as the event proved, 
 he had gathered, from fields of misfortune and discomfit 
 ure, a harvest of laurels, such as, in all other cases, has 
 been reaped only by successful and triumphant generals. 
 
56 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Braddock s Expedition. 
 
 ON the 20th of February, 1755, General Braddock 
 arrived in Virginia, with two regiments of the British ar 
 my, one commanded by Sir Peter Halket, and the other 
 by Colonel Dunbar. They were accompanied by a train of 
 artillery, and provided with all the requisite military equip 
 ments. They were brought over under the care and pro 
 tection of a convoy commanded by Admiral Keppel, and 
 were sent to America for the avowed purpose of driving 
 the French back into Canada. 
 
 It is a striking evidence of the wide-spread and brilliant 
 fame which Washington had already acquired, that his 
 counsels and co-operation were earnestly sought for by 
 those who arranged and conducted this expedition. Im 
 mediately upon landing in America, General Braddock 
 eagerly inquired for Colonel Washington, and invited him 
 to take part in the campaign. 
 
 As Washington was unwilling to accept of a commis 
 sion of a rank beneath that which he had borne in the 
 Virginia service, and as difficulties would have been expe 
 rienced in admitting him to that rank in the regular army, 
 it was settled that he should accompany the expedition as 
 one of Braddock s military family, and as a volunteer aid- 
 de-camp. The following extracts from his correspond 
 ence, at the time, will sufficiently illustrate the views with 
 which he entered upon this service, and the circumstances 
 attending his appointment. 
 
 Letter from Captain Orme, Jlid-de-camp to General Brad- 
 dock, to Lieutenant- Colonel Washington. 
 
 " Williamsburg, 2 March, 1755. 
 
 " SIR, The General, having been informed that you 
 expressed some desire to make the campaign, but that 
 you declined it upon some disagreeableness that you 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 57 
 
 thought might arise from the regulations of command, has 
 ordered me to acquaint you, that he will be very glad of 
 your company in his family, by which all inconveniences 
 of that kind will be obviated. 
 
 I shall think myself very happy to form an ac 
 quaintance with a person so universally esteemed, and 
 shall use every opportunity of assuring you how much I 
 am, sir, your most obedient servant. 
 
 "ROBERT ORME, Jlid-de-camp." 
 
 Extracts from Washington s Reply. 
 
 " Mount Vernon, 15 March, 1755. 
 
 cc SIR, I was not favored with your polite letter, of 
 the 2d instant, until yesterday ; acquainting me with the 
 notice his Excellency, General Braddock, is pleased to 
 honor me with, by kindly inviting me to become one of 
 his family, the ensuing campaign. It is true, sir, I have, 
 ever since I declined my late command, expressed an 
 inclination to serve in this campaign as a volunteer ; and 
 this inclination is not a little increased, since it is likely 
 to be conducted by a gentleman of the General s experi 
 ence. 
 
 " But, besides this, and the laudable desire I may have 
 to serve, with my best abilities, my king and country, I 
 must be ingenuous enough to confess, that I am not a 
 little biased by selfish considerations. To explain, sir, 
 I wish earnestly to attain some knowledge in the military 
 profession ; and, believing a more favorable opportunity 
 cannot offer, than to serve under a gentleman of General 
 Braddock s abilities and experience, it does, you may 
 reasonably suppose, not a little contribute to influence 
 my choice." 
 
 Extracts from a Letter addressed by Colonel Washington to 
 John Robinson, Esq., Speaker of the House of Delegates, 
 Virginia. 
 
 " Mount Vernon, 20 April, 1755. 
 
 "DEAR SIR, I little expected, when I wrote you 
 last, that I should so soon engage in another campaign ; 
 but in doing it I may be allowed to claim some merit, if 
 
58 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 
 
 it is considered that the sole motive which invites me to 
 the field, is the laudable desire of serving my country, 
 not the gratification of any ambitious or lucrative plans. 
 This, I flatter myself, will manifestly appear by my going 
 as a volunteer, without expectation of reward, or prospect 
 of obtaining a command, as I am confidently assured, 
 that it is not in General Braddock s power to give me a 
 commission that I would accept." 
 
 " I have been importuned to make this campaign by 
 General Braddock, as a member of his family, he con 
 ceiving, I suppose, that the small knowledge I have had 
 an opportunity of acquiring of the country, Indians, &c., 
 is worthy of his notice, and may be useful to him in the 
 progress of the expedition." 
 
 The head-quarters of the British army were, at first, 
 in Alexandria, where the governors of five of the colo 
 nies were brought together, for the purpose of arranging 
 the details of the campaign, in consultation with General 
 Braddock. Colonel Washington was there introduced to 
 those distinguished personages. It may well be ima 
 gined that such a meeting of the first colonial and military 
 characters of the continent, created a great sensation in 
 all the leading and fashionable classes of society in that 
 part of America. A brilliant assemblage was quickly 
 gathered there. The appearance and manners of Colo 
 nel Washington, the reputation he had established for 
 personal heroism, and the interest naturally excited by the 
 romantic adventures through which, although so young, 
 he had passed, attracted towards him great attention. 
 He was in the full bloom of early manhood. His large 
 landed estates, his family connexions, his military rank in 
 the service of the leading colony of those confederated 
 on this occasion, and the great experience he had so 
 recently acquired of the particular difficulties and dangers 
 which the expedition was about to encounter, gave him 
 an influence in the councils of the high consulting parties, 
 corresponding to the impression he made upon the circles 
 of private society. 
 
 The army advanced towards its point of destination 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 59 
 
 in two divisions. The first was led by the Commander-in- 
 chief, consisting of twelve hundred men ; and the residue, 
 amounting to six hundred men, under Colonel Dunbar, 
 proceeded more leisurely, at some distance in the rear. 
 
 11 To John A. Washington. 
 
 " Youghiogany, 28 June, 1755. 
 
 u DEAR BROTHER, Immediately upon our leaving 
 the camp at George s Creek, on the 14th instant, from 
 whence I wrote to you, I was seized with a violent fever, 
 and pain of the head, which continued, without intermis 
 sion, until the 23d, when I was relieved by the General s 
 absolutely ordering the physician to give me Dr. James s 
 powders, one of the most excellent medicines in the 
 world. It gave me immediate ease, and removed my 
 fever and other complaints in four days time. My ill 
 ness was too violent to suffer me to ride, therefore I was 
 indebted to a covered wagon for some part of my trans 
 portation ; but even in this I could not continue far. 
 The jolting was so great, that I was left upon the road, 
 with a guard and some necessaries, to wait the arrival 
 of Colonel Dunbar s detachment, which was two days 
 march behind us, the General giving me his word of honor, 
 that I should be brought up before he reached the French 
 fort. This promise, and the Doctor s declaration, that, 
 if I persevered in my attempts to go on, in the condition 
 I then was, my life would be endangered, determined me 
 to halt for the above-mentioned detachment." 
 
 When General Braddock left Colonel Washington, he 
 pledged his word of honor, in the most solemn manner, 
 that he would not attack Fort Duquesne until the latter 
 had so far recovered from his fever as to rejoin the 
 army. Captain Roger Morris, one of the General s aids, 
 wrote back to Washington, some time after leaving him, 
 to the following effect : C I am desired by the General 
 to let you know, that he marches to-morrow and next 
 day, but that he shall halt at the Meadows two or three 
 days. It is the desire of every individual in the family, 
 and the General s positive commands to you, not to stir, 
 
 I. E 
 
60 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 but by the advice of the person under whose care you 
 are, till you are better, which we all hope will be very 
 
 Extracts of a Letter from Colonel Washington to Captain 
 Or me. 
 " Great Crossing, 80 June, 1755. 
 
 "DEAR ORME, I came to this camp on Thursday 
 last, with the rear of Colonel Dunbar s detachment, and 
 should have continued on with his front to-day, but was 
 prevented by rain." 
 
 "My fevers are very moderate, and, I hope, near ter 
 minating. Then I shall have nothing to encounter but 
 weakness, which is excessive, and the difficulty of getting 
 to you, arising therefrom ; but this I would not miss doing, 
 before you reach Duquesne, for five hundred pounds." 
 
 On the 8th of July, Washington rejoined the front 
 division of the army, having been brought up in a covered 
 \vagon. Although still very weak, he could not endure 
 the risk of being absent from the scene of action and dan 
 ger. That evening General Braddock reached Monon- 
 gahela, fifteen miles from the French fortress. On the 
 next day, the 9th of July, Colonel Washington was at 
 his side, on horseback, resuming his station as a volun 
 teer aid-de-camp, and a member of his military family. 
 
 It was a most lovely morning. The army was early 
 put in motion, and marched on, in bright array, towards 
 Fort Duquesne, which was near at hand, and of which 
 they doubted not a glorious conquest would be achieved 
 before the sun of that day went down. The troops were 
 in excellent spirits. They had just emerged from the 
 mountainous and rugged forests, and were winding along 
 the open border of a beautiful river ; their waving plumes, 
 and prancing horses, the brilliant reflection of the light of 
 an unclouded noon from their rich uniforms and glittering 
 caparisons, and the inspiring roll and rattle of their mar 
 tial music, waking magic echoes from the still solitude of 
 the deep wilderness, altogether, as Washington often after 
 wards was heard to declare, constituted as delightful. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 61 
 
 animating, and exhilarating a spectacle and scene as can 
 possibly be imagined. 
 
 A body of three hundred men, under Colonel Gage, 
 was in front ; immediately after them another body of two 
 hundred men; General Braddock, with the artillery, 
 occupied the centre ; while the main body of the army, 
 with the baggage, brought up the rear. 
 
 About one o clock, a sharp and sudden firing was 
 heard in front. In a few moments, a general and terrific 
 discharge of musketry was seen to issue from the woods, 
 all along and around the advanced division. No enemy 
 was in sight, but a swift and invisible destruction poured 
 upon them from the trees, and bushes, and banks of earth. 
 The flash and the smoke were seen, the firing was heard, 
 incessant although irregular, in all directions, and the dead 
 and dying were falling thickly throughout the ranks of 
 the astonished army. The troops, startled and terror- 
 stricken, broke from all restraint, and rushed back for 
 refuge to the centre. The panic was instantly caught 
 and spread through all the divisions, and a dreadful scene 
 of confusion and of rout was exhibited over the entire 
 field. General Braddock and all his officers displayed 
 the most perfect courage and firmness, but it was abso 
 lutely impossible to restore order among the troops. 
 They were bewildered, blinded, frantic with affright. 
 Death darted upon them at every point, and in their wild 
 desperation they fired at random, destroying their own 
 comrades, and rushing headlong upon each other. 
 
 While this was the state of things among the regular 
 soldiers, the provincial troops alone retained their cool 
 ness. They were acquainted with the Indian mode of 
 warfare, and, by resorting to the proper measures, were 
 able to do some execution in return. The murderous 
 conflict lasted three hours, when the miserable remnant 
 of the British army fled from the scene, and effected 
 their escape. The whole number of officers in the battle, 
 or rather in the carnage, was eighty-six, of whom twenty- 
 six were killed, and thirty-seven wounded. Of the pri 
 vates, the killed and wounded amounted to seven hun 
 dred and fourteen. All the artillery, and the entire train 
 
62 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 and materiel of the army, with the papers of the General, 
 and also of Colonel Washington, were taken. Among the 
 latter were his private journal, and the official correspond 
 ence belonging to the period of his previous campaign. 
 
 Colonel Orme, one of the surviving officers, thus de 
 scribes the scene, in a letter written a few days afterwards 
 to the Governor of Pennsylvania. u The men w r ere so 
 extremely deaf to the exhortation of the General and the 
 officers, that they fired away in the most irregular man 
 ner all their ammunition, and then ran off, leaving to the 
 enemy the artillery, ammunition, provision, and baggage ; 
 nor could they be persuaded to stop till they got as far as 
 Gist s plantation, nor there only in part, many of them 
 proceeding as far as Colonel D unbar s party, who lay six 
 miles on this side. The officers were absolutely sacri 
 ficed by their good behavior, advancing sometimes in 
 bodies, sometimes separately, hoping by such example to 
 engage the soldiers to follow them, but to no purpose. 
 The General had five horses shot under him, and at last 
 received a wound through his right arm into his lungs, of 
 which he died the 13th instant. Secretary Shirley was 
 shot through the head ; Captain Morris, wounded. Colo 
 nel Washington had two horses shot under him, and his 
 clothes shot through in several places, behaving the whole 
 time with the greatest courage and resolution. Sir Peter 
 Halket was killed upon the spot. Colonel Burton and 
 Sir John St. Clair were wounded." 
 
 The impression made by Washington s deportment, 
 on this fatal day, is seen in the above extract. If his ad 
 vice had been followed, a different result would, in all 
 probability, have been reached. He had remonstrated 
 against the delay which had been suffered in starting the 
 expedition, by which a month or two was lost, within 
 which the French were receiving re-enforcements, and se 
 curing the confidence and co-operation of the Indian tribes, 
 by whose deadly and terrific mode of fighting the British 
 army was destroyed. He endeavored in vain to impress 
 upon General Braddock the importance of encouraging 
 the employment of Indian allies as pioneers, scouts, and 
 marksmen. He also begged him to allow the Virginia 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 63 
 
 troops to take position in front of the advancing column 
 of the army, as better acquainted with the country, and 
 more likely to be prepared against sudden surprises and 
 stratagems on the part of the French and Indians. If 
 his earnest entreaties on this point had been regarded, 
 the disasters of that day would undoubtedly have been 
 avoided. Provincial troops, from their long experience 
 of the mode of warfare practised in the American wilder 
 ness, would never have led the army into the snare in 
 which it was inextricably involved. After the slaughter 
 and havoc had begun, the Virginians were desirous of 
 adopting the only effectual method of defence against the 
 savages, by getting behind trees, and otherwise conceal 
 ing themselves while they fired ; but Braddock forbid it, 
 and persisted in their fighting in platoons and columns. 
 Still, notwithstanding all these untoward circumstances, 
 the colonial troops were acknowledged to have done all 
 the execution that was effected upon the enemy, and to 
 have saved the remnant of the army. 
 
 Although Colonel Washington s advice had been un 
 heeded, and he was still suffering from the effects of his 
 recent illness, he performed prodigies of strength and val 
 or. He flew from point to point, endeavoring to rally 
 the troops, and restore their bewildered senses. The other 
 aids-de-camp of General Braddock were wounded, and up 
 on him alone the whole duty devolved of bearing the mes 
 sages and orders of the commander to the various parts 
 of the field. The excitement of the scene seems to 
 have brought out all his faculties and qualities to their 
 fullest developement. The intrepidity of spirit, the moral 
 firmness, and the physical energy, activity, and hardihood, 
 belonging to him, in a superior degree, by nature, and 
 strengthened and expanded by his peculiar education and 
 experience, were, on this occasion, exhibited in a manner 
 that was truly admirable and sublime. When we reflect 
 upon the circumstance, that, before General Braddock re 
 ceived his fatal wound, five horses had been shot down 
 under him, and that Washington was the only aid-de 
 camp left to assist him in the field, and that twice his own 
 horse was shot down, and also consider the exertions he 
 
64 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 must have made in transmitting the General s commands, 
 and in trying to rally the men to the fight, we shall be pre 
 pared to form some idea of the great bodily strength re 
 quired to sustain him. The intense interest of the moment, 
 the peril, the confusion, the destruction, and all the horrors 
 of the scene, served only to increase the steadiness of his 
 firm self-command. While the excitement of the hour 
 was not permitted in the slightest degree to agitate or 
 disturb his intellect and judgement, it seemed to expend 
 its whole effect in clothing his limbs with a preternatural 
 energy. He was always distinguished for the unrivalled 
 strength of his arms and hands. A person of respecta 
 bility and veracity, who was with him at this time, and 
 survived the carnage, used in after years to relate the 
 following anecdote, in illustration of the marvellous power 
 of muscle which, notwithstanding the feeble state in which 
 he was before the battle, Washington exhibited, while 
 wrought up by the inspiring influence of the scene. " I 
 saw him," said the old soldier, " take hold of a brass field- 
 piece, as if it had been a stick. He looked like a fury ; 
 he tore the sheet-lead from the touch-hole ; he placed one 
 hand on the muzzle, the other on the breech ; he pulled 
 with this, and pushed with that, and wheeled it round as 
 if it had been nothing. He tore the ground like a bar- 
 share."* 
 
 The noble person of Washington, and his conspicuous 
 agency, attracted the particular notice of the enemy. He 
 was a distinguished mark for their rifles, but Providence 
 most remarkably preserved him. Four times their bullets 
 passed through his dress, twice they killed the horse be 
 neath him, but his person was not touched. 
 
 Dr. Craik, the intimate friend and beloved physician 
 of Washington, from his boyhood to his death, and who 
 was also in this battle, travelled with him, about fifteen 
 years afterwards, over the same region traversed by Brad- 
 dock s expedition. Near the junction of the Great Ken- 
 hawa and Ohio rivers, an aged Indian chief met them. He 
 
 * Bar share is a species of plough. The above anecdote is given on 
 the authority of James K. Puulding. See his Life of Washington, vol. 
 i. p. 79. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 65 
 
 stated, through an interpreter, that, having heard that 
 Colonel Washington was in that part of the country, he 
 had come a long distance to see and talk with him. He 
 then added that he was present, and engaged, under the 
 French, in the battle of Monongahela ; that he had par 
 ticularly noticed Colonel Washington on the field, that 
 several times he aimed his own rifle at him, and that he 
 directed his young braves to do the same, but that, to 
 their amazement, none of their balls took effect. At the 
 time, he made up his mind that Washington was under the 
 special protection of the Great Spirit, ceased any longer 
 to try to hit him, and had now come to do homage to a 
 warrior whom the Great Spirit had made invulnerable, 
 and who could never die in battle. 
 
 Washington was himself deeply sensible of the preser 
 vation he had experienced. The following letters to his 
 mother and brother cannot fail of being read with interest. 
 
 " For Mrs. Mary Washington, near Fredericksburg. 
 " Fort Cumberland, 18 July, 1755. 
 
 " HONORED MADAM, As I doubt not but you have 
 heard of our defeat, and, perhaps, had it represented in a 
 worse light, if possible, than it deserves, I have taken this 
 earliest opportunity to give you some account of the en 
 gagement as it happened, within ten miles of the French 
 fort, on Wednesday, the 9th instant. 
 
 " We marched to that place without any considerable 
 loss, having only, now and then, a straggler picked up by 
 the French and scouting Indians. When we came there, 
 we were attacked by a party of French and Indians, 
 whose number, I am persuaded, did not exceed three 
 hundred men ; while ours consisted of about one thousand 
 three hundred well-armed troops, chiefly regular soldiers, 
 who were struck with such a panic, that they behaved 
 with more cowardice than it is possible to conceive. The 
 officers behaved gallantly, in order to encourage their 
 men, for which they suffered greatly, there being near 
 sixty killed and wounded ; a large proportion of the num 
 ber we had. 
 
 " The Virginia troops showed a good deal of bravery, 
 
66 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 and were nearly all killed ; for, I believe, out of three 
 companies that were there, scarcely thirty men are left 
 alive. Captain Peyrouny, and all his officers, down to 
 a corporal, were killed. Captain Poison had nearly as 
 hard a fate, for only one of his was left. In short, the 
 dastardly behavior of those they call regulars exposed all 
 others, that were inclined to do their duty, to almost 
 certain death ; and, at last, in despite of all the efforts 
 of the officers to the contrary, they ran, as sheep pursued 
 by dogs, and it was impossible to rally them. 
 
 " The General was wounded, of which he died three 
 days after. Sir Peter Halket was killed in the field, 
 where died many other brave officers. I luckily escaped 
 without a wound, though I had four bullets through my 
 coat, and two horses shot under me. Captains Orme 
 and Morris, two of the aids-de-camp, were wounded early 
 in the engagement, which rendered the duty harder upon 
 me, as I was the only person then left to distribute the 
 General s orders, which I was scarcely able to do, as I 
 was not half recovered from a violent illness, that had 
 confined me to my bed and a wagon for about ten days. 
 I am still in a weak and feeble condition, which induces 
 me to halt here two or three days, in the hope of recov- 
 ing a little strength, to enable me to proceed homewards ; 
 from whence, I fear, I shall not be able to stir till to 
 wards September ; so that I shall not have the pleasure 
 of seeing you till then, unless it be in Fairfax. Please 
 to give my love to Mr. Lewis and my sister ; and compli 
 ments to Mr. Jackson, and all other friends that inquire 
 after me. I am, honored madam, ^our most dutiful 
 
 " To John Jl. Washington. 
 
 " Fort Cumberland, 18 July, 1755. 
 
 "DEAR BROTHER, As I have heard, since my ar 
 rival at this place, a circumstantial account of my death 
 and dying speech, I take this early opportunity of con 
 tradicting the first, and of assuring you, that I have not, 
 as yet, composed the latter. But, by the all-powerful 
 dispensations of Providence, I have been protected be- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. C7 
 
 yond all human probability or expectation ; for I had four 
 bullets through my coat, and two horses shot under me, 
 yet escaped unhurt, although death was levelling my com 
 panions on every side of me ! 
 
 " We have been most scandalously beaten by a trifling 
 body of men ; but fatigue and want of time prevent me 
 from giving you any of the details, until I have the hap 
 piness of seeing you at Mount Vernon, which I now most 
 ardently wish for." 
 
 The remains of General Braddock were interred near 
 Fort Necessity ; and Colonel Washington, having brought 
 in the broken remnants of the army, repaired to his 
 estate at Mount Vernon. The Legislature of Virginia 
 expressed their sense of his services by voting him an 
 honorary reward of three hundred pounds, and propor 
 tional sums to his officers and soldiers, for their gallant 
 behavior and sufferings in the course of the expedition, 
 and particularly in the disastrous battle, which had so 
 awfully thinned their ranks. 
 
 Thus ended the second campaign in the military life 
 of George Washington. It was even more disastrous 
 and distressful than the first. On the outward march, he 
 had been dragged behind the expedition, prostrated by 
 fever, racked by pain, jolted and jarred by the rough 
 and almost dislocating motions of a rude wagon, drawn 
 over the worst possible road ; and, in addition to the pain 
 and bodily suffering incident to his disease and the mode 
 of his transportation, he was, all the while, filled with the 
 greatest anxiety lest he should lose the opportunity, on 
 which his heart had so long been fixed, of participating in 
 the perils and glories of the enterprise. The very first 
 day on which he was able to resume his station in the 
 army, he was called to witness its sudden, disgraceful, 
 and awful destruction ; and he again returned to his home, 
 a fugitive, having left his commander and a large propor 
 tion of his comrades dead upon the field, including every 
 officer, of all ranks, and three quarters of the privates, 
 of the Virginia troops. 
 
 No language can describe the consternation and horror 
 
68 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 with which the intelligence of the defeat and destruction 
 of Braddock and his army was received throughout the 
 English colonies. It was considered decisive of the fate 
 of the British empire in America, of which the ultimate 
 extermination, by the unresisted and irresistible progress 
 of the victorious French, instigating and encouraging, as 
 they advanced, the murderous incursions of the Indians, 
 was now thought to be inevitable. 
 
 But, through all the disappointment, vexation, indigna 
 tion, and gloomy despair, occasioned by the fatal event, 
 not one word of censure or reproach was uttered against 
 Colonel Washington. Then, as ever, his character rose, 
 in the estimation of the public, in proportion to the mis 
 fortunes that surrounded him. When it was ascertained 
 that he had returned unhurt, the hearts of the whole people 
 were filled with delight and gratitude. The officers and 
 soldiers of the British army acknowledged, with enthu 
 siasm, the romantic and sublime valor and prowess of 
 the young provincial volunteer. The Virginians received 
 him back to their arms with joy and pride, and expressed, 
 in various forms, their attachment and respect. As he 
 passed through the country, on his way to Mount Ver- 
 non, all eyes were fixed upon him, and congratulations 
 on his rescue met him at every step. All America list 
 ened, with admiring amazement, to the story of his perils 
 and exploits. 
 
 The serious and reflecting portion of the community 
 were affected, by the contemplation of his adventures and 
 exposures, equally with the young and ardent. They felt, 
 indeed, that a special Providence was signally and most 
 remarkably manifested in his case. When they read his 
 hair-breadth escapes, and traced him, dashing, from point 
 to point, over the field of death, his broad and lofty form 
 a conspicuous object for the quick and keen aim of hun 
 dreds of practised marksmen, levelling their guns at him, 
 from all parts of the surrounding woods and thickets, one 
 war-horse after another falling beneath him, and his 
 garments cut through and through by rifle-bullets ; as they 
 followed him thus for three long hours, passing, untouched, 
 unharmed, through such a scene, they could not account 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 69 
 
 for his preservation upon any other ground than that the 
 shield of Heaven was over and around him. They saw 
 the hand of God as visibly outstretched to save and 
 keep him, as when the young men, whom the King of 
 Babylon had cast into the burning fiery furnace, walked 
 unhurt through the flames. A distinguished clergyman, 
 Rev. Samuel Davies, in a public discourse at the time, 
 gave utterance to the feeling I have described. After 
 alluding to the circumstances of the campaign, as illustra 
 tive of the valor and good conduct of the Virginia troops, 
 he expressed himself in the following memorable and 
 strangely prophetic words. " As a remarkable instance 
 of this, I may point out to the public that heroic youth, 
 Colonel Washington, whom I cannot but hope Provi 
 dence has hitherto preserved, in so signal a manner, for 
 some important service to his country." 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Washington s Services as Commander of the Firginia 
 Troops. 
 
 COLONEL WASHINGTON was permitted to enjoy but a 
 few weeks of rest and repose, after the exhausting sufferings 
 and trials of his recent campaign under the unfortunate 
 Braddock, when he was again summoned away from 
 Mount Vernon by the voice of his country. The result 
 of that expedition rendered it more than ever necessary 
 to make the most strenuous exertions to develope, or 
 ganize, and put into a state of preparation, the military 
 resources and defences of the colonies. Virginia, par 
 ticularly, felt her exposure, and was roused to her danger. 
 Her Legislature voted forty thousand pounds for the pub 
 lic service, enlarged her military establishment to sixteen 
 companies, and placed Washington at its head. This 
 command was of a most difficult and responsible char 
 acter. It involved the protection of the entire Virginia 
 frontier from the French, and particularly from the In- 
 
70 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 dian tribes under French influence, who, stimulated and 
 animated by their recent bloody triumph over the British 
 power, were hanging upon the settlements, and, from time 
 to -time, bursting in upon them, murdering the inhabitants, 
 laying their dwellings in ashes, and leaving ruin and de 
 vastation in their track. The troops raised to protect 
 the country from these assaults were necessarily scattered, 
 at remote points, all along the western boundary of the 
 settlements, with pathless forests and impassable moun 
 tains between them. The commander was required to 
 visit, and explore, and oversee them all, as far as possible ; 
 to keep them under a systematic and uniform administra 
 tion, and to arrange and provide in such manner as to 
 enable them to protect and assist each other. The labor 
 and responsibility thus imposed upon him were, obviously, 
 very great. 
 
 While discharging this service, he was experiencing, 
 on a smaller scale, the difficulties and inconveniences he 
 was afterwards called to encounter in the Revolutionary 
 War. He had to correspond with the Legislature and 
 Executive of Virginia, and, by incessant importunity, 
 exhortations, reasonings, and remonstrances, extort from 
 them the necessary supplies and co-operation. He had 
 to train and discipline a raw militia, establish efficiency 
 and unity of action, and preserve subordination in a feeble 
 and dislocated army, poorly equipped, and liable to all 
 the distracting, disturbing, and deteriorating influences 
 which can be imagined as acting upon a military establish 
 ment. As the enemy was nowhere in sight, but lurked 
 in concealment beyond the shelter of the forests and 
 mountains, it was extremely difficult to keep up the ne 
 cessary spirit of vigilance and energy on the part of the 
 officers and soldiers. It required the utmost activity and 
 perseverance in the commander to prevent a relaxation 
 and decay of discipline arising from this cause. 
 
 He was also compelled to have frequent communica 
 tions with the authorities of Maryland, Pennsylvania, and 
 North Carolina, and was involved in questions of jurisdic 
 tion, and perplexing controversies, in reference to matters 
 of precedence in rank, and gradation of command, with 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 71 
 
 them and their officers. One question of this sort, in 
 particular, occasioned him much difficulty, and was finally 
 referred for decision to General Shirley, Governor-Gener 
 al of British America, who was then in Boston. Colonel 
 Washington repaired thither, accordingly, accompanied hy 
 his aid-de-camp, Captain Mercer, and another officer. Cap 
 tain Steward. He started from his quarters in Virginia 
 on the 4th of February, 1756. They travelled the whole 
 distance on horseback. On this journey, great attention 
 was paid to Colonel Washington in all the principal cit 
 ies. His official station at the head of the military forces 
 of one of the leading colonies, and his personal character 
 and qualities, attracted the public notice wherever he 
 went. All were anxious to catch a glimpse of the Hero 
 of Monongahela. Governor Shirley promptly decided 
 the point referred to him, in favor of the ground assumed 
 by Colonel Washington ; who, after spending a little time 
 in Boston, and at the most important intervening cities, 
 returned to his command, at Winchester, in Virginia, 
 from which place he had been absent seven weeks. 
 
 The scenes of suffering and horror to which he was 
 called in the execution of his office, produced by the 
 murderous incursions of the infuriated savages upon the 
 unprotected settlements, and which, from the smallness 
 of the force intrusted to him, he was unable effectually 
 to prevent, at times made so deep an impression upon 
 his feelings, as to render him miserable and sick at heart. 
 The following extract from one of his letters to Governor 
 Dinwiddie shows the anxious and agonized sufferings, 
 which, from the sympathetic tenderness of his nature, he 
 endured on this account. 
 
 u Your Honor may see to what unhappy straits the dis 
 tressed inhabitants and myself are reduced. I am too 
 little acquainted, sir, with pathetic language to attempt a 
 description of the people s distresses, though I have a 
 generous soul, sensible of w T rongs, and swelling for re 
 dress. But what can I do ? I see their situation, know 
 their danger, and participate their sufferings, without hav 
 ing it in my power to give them further relief than uncer 
 tain promises. In short, I see inevitable destruction in 
 
72 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 so clear a light, that, unless vigorous measures are taken 
 by the Assembly, and speedy assistance sent from below, 
 the poor inhabitants that are now in fort, must unavoida 
 bly fall, while the remainder are flying before the barba 
 rous foe. In fine, the melancholy situation of the people, 
 the little prospect of assistance, the gross and scandalous 
 abuses cast upon the officers in general, which is reflect 
 ing upon me in particular, for suffering misconduct of 
 such extraordinary kinds, and the distant prospect, if any, 
 of gaining honor and reputation in the service, cause me 
 to lament the hour that gave me a commission, and would 
 induce me, at any other time than this of imminent dan 
 ger, to resign, without one hesitating moment, a com 
 mand from which I never expect to reap either honor 
 or benefit ; but, on the contrary, have almost an absolute 
 certainty of incurring displeasure below, while the murder 
 of helpless families may be laid to my account here. The 
 supplicating tears of the w r ornen, and moving petitions of 
 the men, melt me into such deadly sorrow, that I solemn 
 ly declare, if I know my own mind, I could offer myself 
 a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that 
 would contribute to the people s ease." 
 
 In addition to all his other trials and troubles, at this 
 time, there was a secret conspiracy around the Governor, 
 exhausting every artifice to effect the destruction of Wash 
 ington s influence, and his removal from office. The 
 Governor gave too much countenance to this intrigue. It 
 was with difficulty that Washington could be induced, 
 under such a complication of anxieties, annoyances, and 
 sufferings, to retain his arduous and thankless command. 
 The following extracts from letters written to him, about 
 this time, show the efforts that were made to detain him 
 in the service, and the sort of reputation he had then, at 
 twenty-four years of age, acquired in the estimation of the 
 first men of the country. 
 
 Colonel Fairfax, one of the Council, thus addresses 
 him : " The House of Burgesses are pleased with the 
 governor s orders, and depend on your vigilance and suc 
 cess. Your endeavors in the service and defence of 
 your country must redound to your honor ; therefore do 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 73 
 
 not let any unavoidable interruptions sicken your mind in 
 the attempts you may pursue. Your good health and 
 brtune are the toast at every tahle. Among the Romans, 
 such a general acclamation and public regard, shown to 
 any of their chieftains, were always esteemed a high hon 
 or, and gratefully accepted." 
 
 " You cannot but know," says Landon Carter, u that 
 nothing but want of power in your country, has prevented 
 it from adding every honor and reward that perfect merit 
 could have entitled itself to. How are we grieved to hear 
 Colonel George Washington hinting to his country, that he 
 is willing to retire ! Give me leave, as your intimate friend, 
 to persuade you to forget that any thing has been said to 
 your dishonor ; and recollect, that it could not have come 
 from any man that knew you. And as it may have been 
 the artifice of one in no esteem among your countrymen, 
 to raise in you such unjust suspicions as would induce you 
 to desert the cause, that his own preferment might meet 
 with no obstacle, I am confident you will endeavor to 
 give us the good effects, not only of duty, but of great 
 cheerfulness and satisfaction in such a service. No, sir, 
 rather let Braddock s bed be your aim, than any thing that 
 might discolor those laurels, which I promise myself are 
 kept in store for you." 
 
 Mr. Robinson, the Speaker of the House of Burgesses, 
 uses the most earnest expressions of remonstrance against 
 his resigning his commission. u Our hopes, dear George, 
 are all fixed on you, for bringing our affairs to a happy 
 issue. Consider of what fatal consequences to your coun 
 try, your resigning the command, at this time, may be ; 
 more especially as there is no doubt most of the officers 
 would follow your example. I hope you will allow your 
 ruling passion, the love of your country, to stifle your re 
 sentment, at least until the arrival of Lord Loudoun or the 
 meeting of the Assembly, when you may be sure of hav 
 ing justice done you." 
 
 Although Governor Dinwiddie allowed the secret fac 
 tion, whose object was to perplex and annoy Colonel 
 Washington out of office, to acquire too much influence 
 over his mind and measures, it was impossible for him to 
 
74 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 be insensible to the value and merit of his services. In 
 the month of May, 1756, he thus expressed himself, in a 
 letter to Major-General Abercroinbie. " As we are told 
 the Earl of Loudoun is to raise three regiments (one regi 
 ment of four battalions) on this continent, on the British 
 establishment, I do not venture to trouble him immediately 
 on his arrival with any recommendations, but, good sir, 
 give me leave to pray your interest with his lordship in 
 favor of Colonel George Washington, who, I will venture 
 to say, is a very deserving gentleman, and has from the 
 beginning commanded the forces of this dominion. Gen 
 eral Braddock had so high an esteem for his merit, that he 
 made him one of his aids-de-camp, and, if he had survived, 
 I believe he would have provided handsomely for him in 
 the regulars. He is a person much beloved here, and 
 he has gone through many hardships in the service ; and 
 I really think he has great merit, and believe he can raise 
 more men here than any one present that I know." 
 
 Notwithstanding the testimony thus extorted from him 
 by the overwhelming force of truth and justice, Governor 
 D in widdie, towards the close of his administration, yielded 
 more and more to the counsels of the faction hostile to 
 Washington, and which was bent upon thwarting and dis 
 concerting his operations. At last his situation became 
 extremely uncomfortable, and all but intolerable. As, 
 however, the Earl of Loudoun, who had succeeded Gen 
 eral Shirley as Governor-General of the British North 
 American Provinces, was soon expected in Virginia, he 
 concluded to wait in patience for his arrival, in the hope 
 that better counsels and influences would direct his gov 
 ernment. In one of his letters to the Speaker of the 
 House of Burgesses, he gives the following description 
 of his trials, and expresses the determination of enduring 
 them until the then approaching change of administration 
 had taken effect. " Whence it arises, or why, I am 
 truly ignorant ; but my strongest representations of mat 
 ters, relative to the peace of the frontiers, are disregarded, 
 as idle and frivolous ; my propositions and measures, as 
 partial and selfish ; and all my sincerest endeavors for the 
 service of my country are perverted to the worst pur- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 75 
 
 poses. My orders are dark, doubtful, and uncertain ; 
 to-day approved, to-morrow condemned. Left to act 
 and proceed at hazard, accountable for the consequences, 
 and blamed without the benefit of defence. If you can 
 think my situation capable of exciting the smallest degree 
 of envy, or affording the least satisfaction, the truth is yet 
 hidden from you, and you entertain notions very different 
 from the reality of the case. However, I am determined 
 to bear up under all these embarrassments some time 
 longer, in hope of a better regulation on the arrival 
 of Lord Loudoun, to whom I look for the future fate of 
 Virginia." 
 
 Soon after assuming the administration of the colonies, 
 Lord Loudoun summoned the several governors and 
 eminent military officers to meet him at Philadelphia. 
 Colonel Washington was received by his lordship with 
 great civility on that occasion, and treated with distin 
 guished consideration. On many points, the consultation 
 resulted in arrangements favorable to his wishes ; but he 
 failed in his earnest endeavors to persuade the council to 
 make a renewed and immediate attempt upon Fort Du- 
 quesne. The impressions left on their minds, by the 
 awful destruction of Brad dock s army, were too recent 
 and fresh, to allow of their favoring an expedition fraught 
 with such peril, and associated with such fearful recol 
 lections. 
 
 Colonel Washington, the business of the conference 
 being completed, returned to his quarters at Winchester, 
 and the residue of the season was passed in the discharge 
 of the laborious and perplexing service of protecting a 
 wild and extensive frontier, by an inadequate force, scat 
 tered in small bodies, and separated by almost impassable 
 barriers. Painful and unsatisfactory as was this command, 
 every one must be struck by its wonderful adaptation to 
 discipline and prepare him for the very similar labors and 
 responsibilities to which, on a vastly wider and more con 
 spicuous theatre, he was, in the course of Providence, 
 to be called. 
 
 The incessant anxiety, care, and exposure, to which, 
 for so long a period, he had been subjected, wore upon 
 
76 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 his health, and at length brought on a settled fever. He 
 was removed to Mount Vernon, where he was confined 
 by sickness for four months. In a letter, dated 4th 
 March, 1758, addressed to his friend and associate in 
 arms, Colonel Stanwix, he thus describes the effect pro 
 duced upon his constitution, by his trials and hardships, 
 and the illness consequent upon them : " I have never 
 been able to return to my command, since I wrote to you 
 last ; my disorder at times returning obstinately upon me, 
 in spite of the efforts of all the sons of JEsculapius whom 
 I have hitherto consulted. At certain periods, I have 
 been reduced to great extremity, and have now too much 
 reason to apprehend an approaching decay, being visited 
 with several symptoms of such a disease. 
 
 " I am, at this time, under a strict regimen, and shall set 
 out to-morrow for Williamsburg, to receive the advice of 
 the best physicians there. My constitution is much im 
 paired, and nothing can retrieve it, but the greatest care 
 and the most circumspect course of life. This being the 
 case, as I have now no prospect left of preferment in the 
 military way, and despair of rendering that immediate 
 service which my country may require from the person 
 commanding its troops, I have thoughts of quitting my 
 command, and retiring from all public business, leaving 
 my post to be filled by some other person, more capable 
 of the task, and who may, perhaps, have his endeavors 
 crowned with better success than mine have been." 
 
 Upon reaching Williamsburg, he was cheered and ani 
 mated by finding that, with the accession of Mr. Pitt to 
 the head of affairs, a more vigorous plan of military op 
 erations, in the British American colonies, was to be 
 carried into effect, and that the long-cherished wish of 
 his heart was to be gratified by an immediate and deter 
 mined attempt upon Fort Duquesne. This agreeable 
 change of policy, together with the beneficial operation 
 of the remedies he had employed, revived and restored 
 his spirits and his health. The Virginia Assembly, which 
 was in session while he was at Williamsburg, increased 
 their provincial army to two thousand men, whom they 
 placed under his command ; and by the first of April, 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 77 
 
 1758, he returned to his head-quarters, and entered once 
 more upon active duty. 
 
 An expedition of six thousand men, including the troops 
 of Virginia and Pennsylvania, under the command of 
 General Forbes, was ordered to march through the wil 
 derness upon Fort Duquesne. It may easily be imagined 
 with what interest this campaign was regarded, by the 
 colonies at large, and particularly by Virginia. It was 
 absolutely necessary to the peace, safety, and even exist 
 ence of that Province, that the French should be driven 
 from the Ohio. The associations connected with an at 
 tempt upon Fort Duquesne, were of the most exciting 
 and affecting nature. But to none could the expedition 
 have been more interesting than to Washington. From its 
 starting-point, at Fort Cumberland, the whole route was, 
 in his mind, crowded with recollections of personal suffer 
 ing. Fort Necessity, the bloody field of Monongahela, 
 the rivers and the mountains, had all witnessed his trials, 
 exposures, and narrow escapes. Notwithstanding all this, 
 he rejoiced to engage in the campaign ; for he had long 
 urged it, as the one great measure of colonial preservation, 
 as the only means of securing the country. It was a 
 source of gratification to him, also, that the expedition 
 included some of his old companions in glory and dan 
 ger, from whom he had been, for some time, separated. 
 He thus expresses the pleasure it gave him to meet them 
 in such a service : 
 
 " To Major Francis Halket. 
 
 " Fort Loudoun, 12 April, 1758. 
 
 u MY DEAR HALKET, Are we to have you once more 
 among us ? and shall we revisit together a hapless spot, 
 that proved so fatal to many of our former brave compan 
 ions ? Yes ; and I rejoice at it, hoping it will now be in 
 our power to testify a just abhorrence of the cruel butch 
 eries exercised on our friends, in the unfortunate day of 
 General Braddock s defeat ; and, moreover, to show our 
 enemies, that we can practise all that lenity of which they 
 only boast, without affording any adequate proofs. 
 
 u To cut short, I really feel a satisfaction at the prospect 
 
78 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 of meeting you again, although I have scarcely time to 
 tell you so, as the express is waiting." 
 
 The following letter, written, about this time, to the 
 President of the Council of Virginia, illustrates the very 
 great regard he paid during his whole life to the institutions 
 of religion. 
 
 " SIR, I think it incumbent on me to be informed by 
 your Honor, how the regiment under my command is to 
 be furnished with tents, ammunition, cartridge-paper, and 
 many other requisites, that may be wanted in the course 
 of the campaign. We expect here to be furnished with all 
 those articles from his Majesty s stores, but it is neces 
 sary for me to learn this from you. 
 
 " The last Assembly, in their supply-bill, provided for 
 a chaplain to our regiment. On this subject, I had often, 
 without any success, applied to Governor Dinwiddie. I 
 now flatter myself, that your Honor will be pleased to 
 appoint a sober, serious man for this duty. Common 
 decency, sir, in a camp, calls for the services of a divine, 
 which ought not to be dispensed with, although the world 
 should be so uncharitable as to think us void of religion, 
 and incapable of good instructions." 
 
 This expedition, after many tedious and embarrassing 
 delays and interruptions, was at last crowned with suc 
 cess. 
 
 Letters from Colonel Washington to Governor Fauquier. 
 " Camp at Fort Duquesne, 28 November, 1758. 
 
 " SIR, I have the pleasure to inform you, that Fort 
 Duquesne, or the ground, rather, on which it stood, was 
 possessed by his Majesty s troops on the 25th instant. The 
 enemy, after letting us get within a day s march of the 
 place, burned the fort, and ran away by the light of it, at 
 night, going down the Ohio by water, to the number of 
 about five hundred men, according to our best information. 
 This possession of the Fort has been matter of surprise 
 to the whole army, and we cannot attribute it to more 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 79 
 
 probable causes than the weakness of the enemy, want of 
 provisions, and the defection of their Indians. Of these 
 circumstances we were luckily informed by three prison 
 ers, who providentially fell into our hands at Loyal H an 
 na, when we despaired of proceeding further. A council 
 of war had determined, that it was not advisable to ad 
 vance this season beyond that place ; but the above 
 information caused us to march on without tents or bag 
 gage, and with only a light train of artillery. We have 
 thus happily succeeded. It would be tedious, and I 
 think unnecessary, to relate every trivial circumstance 
 that has happened since rny last. To do this, if needful, 
 shall be the employment of a leisure hour, when I shall 
 have the pleasure to pay my respects to your Honor. 
 
 " The General intends to wait here a few days to set 
 tle matters with the Indians, and then all the troops, ex 
 cept a sufficient garrison to secure the place, will march 
 to their respective governments. I give your Honor 
 this early notice, that your directions relative to the troops 
 of Virginia may meet me on the road. I cannot help 
 reminding you, in this place, of the hardships they have 
 undergone, and of their present naked condition, that you 
 may judge if it is not essential for them to have some lit 
 tle recess from fatigue, and time to provide themselves 
 with necessaries. At present they are destitute of every 
 comfort of life. If I do not get your orders to the contra 
 ry, I shall march the troops under my command directly 
 to Winchester. They may then be disposed of as you 
 shall afterwards direct." * * * * * 
 
 " Winchester, 9 December, 1758. 
 
 " SIR, I arrived at this place last night, and was just 
 setting out (though very much indisposed) for my own 
 house, when I was honored with your obliging favor of 
 the 3d instant. 
 
 u My last letters would fully inform your Honor of the 
 success of his Majesty s arms under General Forbes, of 
 the march of the Virginia troops to Winchester, and the 
 condition, the very distressed condition, of the first regi- 
 
80 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 ment. It is needless therefore to recapitulate facts, or to 
 trouble you further on this head. 
 
 "Reason, nay, common humanity itself, points out, 
 that some respite should be granted to troops returning 
 from every toil and hardship that cold, hunger, and fa 
 tigue can inflict, and I hope your sentiments correspond 
 with mine. 
 
 " If I easily get the better of my present disorder, I 
 shall hope for the honor of seeing you about the 25th in 
 stant. The want of almost every necessary for the jour 
 ney, and the want of my papers requisite to a full and 
 final settlement with the country, oblige me to take my 
 own house in the way down." ***** 
 
 Fort Duquesne, which had thus fallen into the hands 
 of the British at last, was called, thenceforth, by them, 
 Fort Pitt, in honor of the Minister under whose direction 
 it was taken. The event proved that Colonel Washing 
 ton had not over-estimated the importance of the French 
 being driven from it. Its position was such that it com 
 manded the whole valley of the Ohio, and, when it was 
 abandoned to the British, the entire western country south 
 of the great lakes went with it. The frontiers were thus 
 rescued from the evils under which they had so long been 
 suffering ; and Virginia and the contiguous colonies were 
 restored to peace, security, and prosperity. 
 
 Having thus accomplished all the public objects for 
 which he had taken up arms, Colonel Washington resigned 
 his commission, in December, 1758, and once more re 
 turned to private life. On this occasion the following 
 address was transmitted to him by the officers of the Vir 
 ginia troops. 
 
 "Address of the Officers to Colonel Washington, on his re 
 signing the Command of the Virginia Forces. 
 
 " Dated at Fort Loudoun, 31 December, 1758. 
 " SIR, We, your most obedient and affectionate offi 
 cers, beg leave to express our great concern, at the disa 
 greeable news we have received of your determination to 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 81 
 
 resign the command of that corps in which we have under 
 you long served. 
 
 u The happiness we have enjoyed, and the honor we 
 have acquired together, with the mutual regard that has 
 always subsisted between you and your officers, have 
 implanted so sensible an affection in the minds of us all, 
 that w r e cannot be silent on this critical occasion. 
 
 u In our earliest infancy you took us under your tuition, 
 trained us up in the practice of that discipline, which 
 alone can constitute good troops, from the punctual ob 
 servance of which you never suffered the least deviation. 
 
 " Your steady adherence to impartial justice, your quick 
 discernment, and invariable regard to merit, wisely in 
 tended to inculcate those genuine sentiments of true honor 
 and passion for glory, from which the greatest military 
 achievements have been derived, first heightened our nat 
 ural emulation and our desire to excel. How much we 
 improved by those regulations and your own example, 
 with what alacrity we have hitherto discharged our duty, 
 with what cheerfulness we have encountered the severest 
 toils, especially while under your particular directions, we 
 submit to yourself, and flatter ourselves that we have in 
 a great measure answered your expectations. 
 
 "Judge, then, how sensibly we must be affected with 
 the loss of such an excellent commander, such a sincere 
 friend, and so affable a companion. How rare is it to 
 find these amiable qualities blended together in one man ! 
 How great the loss of such a man ! Adieu to that supe 
 riority, which the enemy have granted us over other 
 troops, and which even the regulars and provincials have 
 done us the honor publicly to acknowledge ! Adieu to 
 that strict discipline and order, which you have always 
 maintained ! Adieu to that happy union and harmony, 
 which have been our principal cement ! 
 
 cc It gives us additional sorrow, when we reflect, to find 
 our unhappy country will receive a loss no less irrepara 
 ble than our ow r n. Where will it meet a man so expe 
 rienced in military affairs, one so renowned for patriotism, 
 conduct, and courage ? Who has so great a knowledge 
 of the enemy we have to deal with ? Who so well ac- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 quainted with their situation and strength ? Who so 
 much respected by the soldiery ? Who, in short, so able 
 to support the military character of Virginia ? 
 
 " Your approved love to your King and country, and 
 your uncommon perseverance in promoting the honor and 
 true interest of the service, convince us that the most 
 cogent reasons only could induce you to quit it ; yet we, 
 with the greatest deference, presume to entreat you to 
 suspend those thoughts for another year, and to lead us 
 on to assist in the glorious work of extirpating our ene 
 mies, towards which so considerable advances have been 
 already made. In you we place the most implicit confi 
 dence. Your presence only will cause a steady firmness 
 and vigor to actuate every breast, despising the greatest 
 dangers, and thinking light of toils and hardships, while 
 led on by the man we know and love. 
 
 " But if we must be so unhappy as to part, if the exi 
 gencies of your affairs force you to abandon us, we beg it 
 as our last request, that you will recommend some person 
 most capable to command, whose military knowledge, 
 whose honor, whose conduct, and whose disinterested 
 principles, we may depend on. 
 
 u Frankness, sincerity, and a certain openness of soul, 
 are the true characteristics of an officer, and we flatter 
 ourselves that you do not think us capable of saying any 
 thing contrary to the purest dictates of our minds. Fully 
 persuaded of this, we beg leave to assure you, that, as 
 you have hitherto been the actuating soul of our whole 
 corps, we shall at all times pay the most invariable regard 
 to your will and pleasure, and will always be happy to 
 demonstrate by our actions with how much respect and 
 esteem we are, &c." 
 
 When we bear in mind that Washington was, at this 
 time, but twenty-six years of age, we cannot but be struck 
 by the tone and tenor of this address. There must have 
 been something very extraordinary, superior, and imposing 
 in the general bearing and aspect of a character, w r hich, 
 while scarcely more than a youth, could make so deep 
 an impression of mingled love and awe upon his associates 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 83 
 
 and subordinates. This reflection becomes still more 
 striking when we take into view the circumstances of the 
 service in which, for so many years, he had been engaged. 
 They were of such a nature, one would have thought, as 
 to be fatal to that sentiment of deferential respect, which, 
 in the ceremonial etiquette of large establishments, natu 
 rally springs from the distance and reserve which it is 
 both easy and important to keep up between inferiors and 
 superiors in rank. In a service like that on the Virginia 
 frontier, and in the American wilderness, it was, of course, 
 impossible to separate, to any considerable extent, officers 
 and soldiers. The commander could not retain his au 
 thority by standing aloof from the presence of his troops. 
 He was necessarily crowded, together with them, in 
 narrow forts and tents, and had to partake of their fare 
 and condition. He was younger, too, than the larger 
 portion of them, yet how profound was their respect, and 
 almost reverence for him ! It cannot indeed be doubted, 
 that there belonged to him by nature, stamped upon his 
 person, and pervading his deportment, a dignity and gran 
 deur of mien and manners, such as seldom, if ever, has 
 been surpassed. It was this indescribable expression and 
 aspect, which at once secured the confidence, esteem, 
 and admiration of all who approached him. 
 
 And so perfectly did his moral and intellectual charac 
 ter correspond to the impression made by his countenance, 
 person, and manners, that the effect of time, of long ob 
 servation and experience of his life and conduct, was only 
 to deepen it in every mind. He was, in reality, as great 
 and as good, as firm and as serene, as wise to direct and 
 as mighty to control men and events, as he appeared to 
 be. As no man surpassed him in the noble aspect of 
 his person, and in the imposing influence of his presence, 
 so no man ever excelled him in his sagacity, his ability, 
 and his success. In every company he commanded the 
 respect and love of the beholder, and in every scene of 
 duty, difficulty, and danger he confirmed the confidence 
 and admiration of his friends and countrymen. 
 
 Inconsiderable as his services, thus far, may appear, 
 when placed in comparison with the glorious destiny he was 
 
84 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 subsequently called to fulfil, it is only through the effect of 
 that comparison that they do appear inconsiderable. He 
 had already been placed in situations, and carried through 
 scenes, where nothing short of the highest order of talent 
 and virtue could have sustained him. But he had been 
 sustained throughout. Never, for a moment, did he man 
 ifest the slightest wavering or inadequacy. In the dis 
 charge of the tedious and trying service intrusted to him 
 as commander of the Virginia forces, in all the perplexed 
 and embarrassing scenes through which he had passed, 
 conducting a desultory, and, for the most part, disastrous 
 warfare against an enemy uniting the military skill of one 
 of the most renowned martial nations of Europe, with the 
 wily stratagems of fierce and terrific savages, holding to 
 gether an inexperienced force of uncongenial materials, 
 scattered in distant encampments, distracted by jealous 
 ies, and suffering from a parsimonious, unwise, and 
 capricious course of policy on the part of the govern 
 ments which employed them with these and innumera 
 ble other difficulties continually besetting his path, young 
 as he was, he never, for a moment, failed to meet the 
 exigencies of his position, but always showed himself 
 equal to the crisis, his energy, wisdom, and genius rising 
 with the rising emergency, and the glory of his character 
 shining with a lustre, upon which no vicissitudes of for 
 tune could bring a shadow, and which defeat and disaster 
 served only to make more clear and resplendent. 
 
 Such was the early training by which he was prepared, 
 when the hour of his country s trial arrived, to meet the 
 summons, and accomplish the destiny reserved for him. 
 Whoever considers the services he had discharged, and 
 the scenes through which he had been led, in connexion 
 with the position he afterwards held, and the part he took 
 in the war of American Independence, will feel, I think, 
 a conviction, as strong and deep as the observation of 
 history or the experience of life can ever produce, that 
 George Washington was raised up by the hand of God ; 
 and that by a particular and wonderful Providence he was 
 disciplined, trained, educated, and fitted for the work 
 subsequently assigned him. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 85 
 
 Before leaving this part of his history, I would express 
 a strong conviction that the ante-Revolutionary career of 
 Washington has not yet been properly estimated by his 
 countrymen. When, at the age of twenty-six, he resigned 
 the command of the Virginia forces, he had already se 
 cured a reputation as lasting as the annals of America. 
 If he had never again emerged above the surface of private 
 rural life, poetry and history would have united in cherish 
 ing the memory and eulogizing the name of the Heaven- 
 protected young Hero of Monongahela. The wider 
 notoriety, the greater glory, afterwards acquired by him, 
 have blinded us to the romantic interest and heroic splen 
 dor of his early exploits and adventures. Our minds have 
 been so entirely satisfied and filled by the contempla 
 tion of the triumphant leader of a war of independence, 
 and the patriotic founder of an empire of liberty, that we 
 have forgotten the blooming warrior, who, combining the 
 beauty of youth with the strength of manhood, cast in 
 Nature s noblest mould, with every grace of person, with 
 every ornament which intelligence, refinement, courage, 
 and virtue can give to manners and character, came forth 
 in a remote colonial plantation, to astonish veteran gen 
 erals, by his bravery, wisdom, and skill, exciting the 
 wonder and delight of those who had seen the best chiv 
 alry of Europe, and, after performing prodigies of valor, 
 enduring fatigues, privations, and sufferings which would 
 have consumed and destroyed any ordinary constitution, 
 experiencing hair-breadth escapes in the battle-field and 
 in the wilderness, and winning the confidence, admi 
 ration, and love of all hearts, withdrew, while still scarcely 
 more than a youth, into the walks of private life. His 
 tory does not present, in its long succession of shifting 
 scenes, any object more striking, any apparition brighter 
 or more wonderful, than Washington as he entered and 
 passed over the stage in this first act of his glorious life. 
 His services in the French and Indian wars of America, 
 his perilous adventures, his brilliant youthful reputation, 
 his early disappearance from the scene, crowned with lau 
 rels such as a long life has in other cases been required 
 
86 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 to win, all together constitute as delightful and splendid 
 a spectacle as biography can exhibit. 
 
 It is, in itself, a pleasing speculation, and will serve to 
 give us a more correct estimate of the importance of this 
 part of his history, to consider what space he would have 
 occupied in the annals of the country if the Revolutionary 
 War had never taken place ; or, in other words, in what 
 light his character would have been regarded, had his pub 
 lic life been for ever closed when, at the age of twenty- 
 six, he resigned his commission as commander of the 
 forces of the Province of Virginia. This is a supposition 
 that it will require an effort to make. The mind is so 
 dazzled, its faculties of apprehension so occupied and en 
 grossed, by the contemplation of his subsequent career, 
 that no little difficulty will be experienced in bringing the 
 attention down, and confining it, upon that period of his 
 life which has now been narrated. Let the reader, how 
 ever, make the attempt ; let him draw the curtain over the 
 residue of Washington s history, shutting out all beyond 
 this point, and judge for himself whether his services and 
 exploits in his youth and early manhood, would not, of 
 themselves, have secured to his name an imperishable 
 lustre. 
 
 Each century and generation, as it passes, will look 
 back with a continually increasing interest to the colonial 
 history of America. The strange and exciting circum 
 stances of a new country and a wilderness life, particularly 
 the incidents of Indian warfare, and of the great struggle 
 which took place in the woods of America between France 
 and England, will hereafter, more abundantly than they 
 have yet done, supply the materials of the drama and the 
 novel, of poetry, and all the other arts of representation. 
 The earliest will be regarded, more and more, as the ro 
 mantic age of the country. I know not where, in all the 
 scenes and events of that period, any thing can be found 
 more wonderful or more beautiful than the story of the 
 young Virginia planter, who, uniting, in his character, the 
 highest attributes of wisdom, prudence, and patience, with 
 the most chivalrous courage, and ardent enthusiasm, and, 
 in his person, the strength of a Hercules with the grace 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 87 
 
 of an Apollo, was the guardian and champion of his coun 
 try ; exhibited a skill and sagacity which filled experienced 
 generals with wonder, and, by a valor and prowess which 
 seemed more than mortal, rescued the remnants of their 
 veteran armies from a destruction, which his wise counsels, 
 if heeded, would have prevented. Surely there is noth 
 ing in the annals of nations, or in the fictions of poets, 
 more admirable than this ; chivalry never boasted a nobler 
 representation ; and faithful history, if no more had ever 
 been known of him, would have rescued his memory from 
 oblivion, and transmitted it to an admiring posterity. 
 From the wilds of America a character would have been 
 drawn, in which all the noble and shining traits, which 
 constitute the warrior and the patriot, would have been 
 seen to be delineated, with a symmetry and completeness 
 never surpassed. Colonel Washington, if no higher title 
 had ever adorned his name, would have been acknowl 
 edged as the model of heroes ; and every student of 
 American history, after tracing his career from the mo 
 ment when he started on his embassy to the French 
 commander in the territory of the Ohio, to its termination 
 at the capture of Fort Duquesne, and on taking leave of 
 him, as he retired to his farm at Mount Vernon, would 
 have lamented that a character so finished, and so admira 
 ble, was thus early lost to the world . He would have sighed 
 to think that a wider and nobler field had not been pro 
 vided for him, and that, instead of being confined to the 
 obscure colonies of the American wilderness, he had not 
 been called to exhibit, on the more elevated and conspicu 
 ous theatre of the camps and courts of Europe, those vir 
 tues and excellences, which would have taught mankind 
 the lesson, and displayed, in all its just lights, the image, 
 of real glory. 
 
 Such would have been the regrets which would have 
 engaged the minds of the readers of his early history, if 
 Washington had never again been brought before the pub 
 lic eye, after his entrance upon the twenty-seventh year 
 of his life. It was, however, the purpose of Providence 
 that no occasion should be given for such regrets. The 
 course of his usefulness and glory, although suspended, 
 
88 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 was not closed. A theatre of action, such as never could 
 have been provided in the courts or camps of Europe, was 
 to be prepared for him. He passed, for a season, into 
 the seclusion of retired life, but it was only that his char 
 acter might ripen, and the evolution of events bring on a 
 crisis, when a vastly wider field would be opened for the 
 performance of services and the acquisition of a renown, 
 such as no military or political leader, in any age or nation, 
 ever rendered or secured. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 Washington in Retirement, from 1758 to 1775. 
 
 THE Hero of the War of American Independence 
 was now ready for his work. But it was necessary that 
 he should be prepared, not only to lead armies to battle 
 and to victory, but also to preside over the construction 
 of an enduring edifice of liberty and order, when the con 
 test on the field should be closed. To the enthusiasm, the 
 chivalry, the experience, and the skill of the accomplish 
 ed soldier, the wisdom, reflection, and matured prudence 
 of the citizen and statesman were required to be added. 
 In order, accordingly, that he should be thoroughly fur 
 nished for his great office, he was removed from the field 
 of active public life when his military education was com 
 pleted, and withdrawn for a series of years into tranquil 
 retirement, that, by reading, by conversation, by contem 
 plation, his intellectual and moral resources might be 
 abundantly replenished ; that his constitution might be 
 renewed and restored by long repose, and the healthful 
 influences of the exercises and circumstances of a rural 
 abode ; and that the habits and sentiments of private life 
 might become so fixed and rooted, so superinduced upon 
 the habits and sentiments which he had acquired in his 
 early military career, that, ever after, the citizen would 
 predominate over the soldier, and he, thereby, be fitted 
 to fill the office of a patriot chieftain of a free people. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 89 
 
 About a week after resigning his commission, on the 
 6th of January, 1759, he was married to Mrs. Martha 
 Custis, widow of Daniel Parke Custis, and daughter of 
 John Dandridge. This lady was justly celebrated for 
 the interesting and amiable qualities of her character ; she 
 was also a distinguished beauty, and possessed of an ample 
 fortune. Her former husband had left large landed estates 
 and forty-five thousand pounds sterling in money. There 
 w r ere two children of the first marriage, a son and a daugh 
 ter. Mr. Custis divided his estate into three equal parts, 
 bequeathing one part to his widow, and one to each of 
 his children. By this marriage Washington came into 
 immediate possession of about one hundred thousand dol 
 lars, which, added to his former property, made him the 
 master of a princely fortune. He assumed the guardian 
 ship of his wife s children, and discharged the trust with 
 a fidelity and tenderness which could not have been sur 
 passed had he been their own father. The daughter died 
 in her nineteenth year. Mrs. Custis was, in every re 
 spect, worthy to occupy the elevated, important, and 
 brilliant position on which she entered, in becoming the 
 wife of George Washington. The union was most 
 favorable to the happiness of both parties, and lasted 
 forty years. 
 
 During his absence in his last campaign, his name was 
 presented to the people of Frederic county, as candidate 
 for the office of Representative in the House of Bur 
 gesses of Virginia. He was elected by a large majority 
 over several competitors. The result of the canvass was 
 gratifying to him, as expressive of the confidence and 
 good-will of the community which, for several years, had 
 been the scene of his military command. Mr. Wirt, in 
 his Life of Patrick Henry, gives the following account 
 of an interesting circumstance that occurred immediately 
 after Washington had taken his seat as a member of the 
 House of Burgesses. 
 
 " By a vote of the House, the Speaker, Mr. Robinson, 
 was directed to return their thanks to Colonel Washington, 
 in behalf of the colony, for the distinguished military services 
 which he had rendered to his country. As soon as Colonel 
 
90 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Washington took his seat, Mr. Robinson, in obedience to 
 this order, and following the impulse of his own generous 
 and grateful heart, discharged the duty with great dignity, 
 but with such warmth of coloring and strength of expres 
 sion, as entirely confounded the young hero. He rose 
 to express his acknowledgements for the honor ; but 
 such was his trepidation and confusion, that he could not 
 give distinct utterance to a single syllable. He blushed, 
 stammered, and trembled for a second ; when the Speaker 
 relieved him by a stroke of address, that would have done 
 honor to Louis the Fourteenth, in his proudest and hap 
 piest moment. Sit down, Mr. Washington, said he, 
 with a conciliating smile ; c your modesty equals your 
 valor ; and that surpasses the power of any language that 
 I possess. "* 
 
 For fifteen years Colonel Washington continued to 
 hold a seat in the House of Burgesses. It was an agree 
 able and useful variation of the tenor of his life, to emerge, 
 for a month or two, from the seclusion of his plantation, 
 and mingle in the society which was attracted to the seat 
 of government. During the sessions of the House he was 
 punctual in his attendance, and in the transaction of all 
 business committed to him. By the dignity and weight 
 of his character, and by the uniform prudence and stead 
 iness of his counsels, he acquired great influence in the 
 Legislature, although he seldom spoke, and, when he 
 did, never attempted more than to offer his views, in a 
 plain and simple manner, and in the briefest possible ex 
 pressions. He never aspired to the fame of an orator, 
 although, from the clearness of his conceptions, the me 
 thodical arrangement which prevailed in his mental, as 
 in all his other habits, the dignity of his mien, and the 
 well-known resoluteness and magnanimity of his spirit, 
 he often produced the highest results of eloquence. 
 
 During the recesses of the Legislature, whose sessions 
 did not, probably, average more than two months in the 
 year, he was always to be found upon his plantations . From 
 childhood to the end of his life, he delighted in the quiet 
 seclusion of the country, and in the habits and occupations 
 
 * Life of Patrick Henry, third edition, p. 45. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 91 
 
 of a farmer ; and at the period now under review he was 
 permitted to gratify this passion without interruption, and 
 to the fullest extent. It was indeed the most peaceful 
 and happy era in his history. The time of rest had early 
 come to him. Danger, suffering, trial had indeed been 
 allotted him, but they were past. Honor, fame, and wealth 
 had been already won, and it was his privilege, even while 
 in the freshness of youth, to experience the enjoyment of 
 an honorable retirement from public cares and labors. 
 
 In extensive and intelligent agricultural enterprises and 
 operations in athletic recreations and exercises in the 
 excitements of the chase, with horses and dogs trained to 
 the sport, the woods ringing with the echoing horn in 
 rambles over his wide-spread domains, with his gun on 
 his arm, in pursuit of the wild game of the forest in water 
 excursions, for fowling, for angling, or for mere amuse 
 ment, on the broad bosom of the Potomac, flowing in calm 
 majesty by the beautiful and elevated banks of Mount Ver- 
 non, and seen, through the branches of the trees, from the 
 piazza and the windows of his house, for some distance 
 above and below it or in the enjoyment of the domestic 
 pleasures, which innocence, love, and hospitality ever 
 provided beneath his roof, sixteen of the best years of 
 his life glided, without interruption, most delightfully away. 
 
 But this period was not wasted ; although void of care, 
 it was not without its use. It was as important as any 
 other part of his life. During its lapse Providence was 
 maturing and completing his education and preparation for 
 the work to be assigned him. The soldier having been 
 formed after the most perfect model, it was now that the 
 citizen and statesman \vere becoming wrought out, pol 
 ished, and completed. The habits of reflection, the com 
 prehensiveness of practical knowledge, the wisdom, re 
 sulting from an experience of life, all which can only be 
 derived from the leisure of mature years, from a personal 
 acquaintance with the actual condition of society, and from 
 the discharge of civil and political trusts, were now to be 
 gradually acquired by him. His character was to be thus 
 attempered and confirmed. The opportunities he enjoyed 
 for the production of this effect were peculiarly favorable. 
 
92 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 From the eminent characters with whom he associated in 
 the legislative sessions, from the society of the greatest 
 and wisest men of that part of the country, who frequented 
 his residence at Mount Vernon, whose hospitable board 
 was almost daily honored ancl enlivened by the presence 
 of distinguished strangers, and other enlightened guests, 
 from books, and from meditation, he was continually in 
 creasing his stores of knowledge and wisdom. 
 
 Here, too, in these quiet and secluded shades, all those 
 private and personal virtues, for which he was so distin 
 guished above the great multitude of ordinary military 
 chieftains, were gradually striking their roots deeper and 
 deeper into his character. 
 
 Such, then, in general, was the train of Providential 
 influences brought to bear upon Washington, to adapt him 
 to the station he was ultimately called to occupy. His 
 childhood was reared under auspices favorable to the in 
 tellectual, moral, and physical developement of a nature 
 which was originally nobly endowed. His youth was 
 passed in the most exciting scenes of peril, adventure, and 
 glory. The earlier part of his mature manhood was se 
 cured from the interrupting and disturbing action of adverse 
 elements, and for a long series of years he was permitted 
 to enjoy, in the highest degree, the advantages of obser 
 vation, reflection, and the experience of actual life, in the 
 relations of private society, and in the discharge of the 
 practical duties, and the cultivation of the personal virtues, 
 appropriate to the spheres of the family, the neighborhood, 
 and the State ; so that, when the great crisis arrived, and 
 the voice of America summoned him to the first station 
 among her champions and deliverers, he was ready at all 
 points, completely prepared, at the very height of his 
 moral and physical growth, the activity and fervor of 
 youth not yet impaired, and the discretion, firmness, and 
 wisdom of mature life fully attained. He was found, in 
 a word, as competent as a human being can be imagined 
 to be, to execute the most momentous trust ever commit 
 ted to an individual.* 
 
 * In reference to the subject, which has been treated on the forego 
 ing pages, of the formation of the character of Washington, the author 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 93 
 
 During the long period intervening between the resig 
 nation of his commission as commander of the Virginia 
 forces, and the breaking out of the Revolutionary War, 
 Washington confirmed his early love for agricultural pur 
 suits ; and in consequence of the skill he acquired in the 
 cultivation and improvement of lands, and the compre 
 hensive ideas to which he was led by his large territorial 
 possessions, he became impressed with a deep conviction 
 of the importance of devising, and the practicability of 
 carrying into effect, an extensive system of internal im 
 provements. Perhaps no man, of that period, had reached 
 juster conceptions than he had, on this subject. His 
 intimate knowledge of the whole territory of Virginia, and 
 of the entire back-country, acquired during his early life, 
 as a surveyor, as an express messenger, and as a military 
 commander, and confirmed by a tour which he made to 
 the region on and beyond the Ohio, in the year 1770, had 
 given him expanded views of the capacity of the country 
 for improvement, and a clear insight of its natural re 
 sources, and of its prospective prosperity and power. 
 
 It was his peculiar acquisitions of knowledge on this 
 subject which gave him so commanding an influence over 
 the minds of the statesmen of that day. He was known 
 to be, more than most other men, conversant with the 
 elements of the strength of the English colonies in America. 
 This was the foundation on which he reared a broad and 
 enlightened statesmanship, which commanded for his opin 
 ions and views of policy the confidence of his associates in 
 legislative and political assemblies. In this way his influ 
 ence over such bodies is to be explained, notwithstanding 
 the circumstance that he seldom, if ever, mingled in debate. 
 That he always possessed such an influence is not a mat 
 ter of conjecture. Patrick Henry, when speaking of his 
 colleagues in the first Congress, in answer to the question, 
 whom he thought the greatest man among them, we are 
 informed by his biographer, made the following reply : 
 u If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rutledge, of South Caro- 
 
 would recommend to the reader an interesting and instructive view of it 
 in an oration delivered in Beverly, July 4th, 1835, by Edward Everett. 
 See Everett s Orations, p. 525. 
 
94 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 lina, is by far the greatest orator ; but, if you speak of 
 solid information and sound judgement, Colonel Washing 
 ton is unquestionably the greatest man on that floor."* 
 
 The reader, who wishes to obtain a perfectly vivid and 
 satisfactory idea of Washington s situation, and habits of 
 mind, during this long retirement from the world, can ac 
 complish his object in no way so well, as to secure access 
 to the collection of the writings of Washington, as pub 
 lished by Jared Sparks, Esq. No general description 
 can produce such an impression, as the letters, written at 
 this and other periods of his life, contained in that work. 
 It ought to be in the hands, or within the reach, of every 
 American family. To confirm the account which I have 
 now given of the manner of life of the occupants of Mount 
 Vernon, before the Revolutionary war began, I shall here 
 select and quote some extracts from the correspondence 
 of Washington, at this time, as published by Mr. Sparks. 
 
 On the 1st of May, 1759, he wrote a letter to Robert 
 Gary, a merchant, in London, announcing his marriage, 
 as follows : 
 
 " To Robert Carey, Merchant, London. 
 
 " Williamsburg, 1 May, 1759. 
 
 " SIR, The enclosed is the clergyman s certificate of 
 my marriage with Mrs. Martha Custis, properly, as I am 
 told, authenticated. You will, therefore, for the future, 
 please to address all your letters, which relate to the 
 affairs of the late Daniel Parke Custis, to me, as by 
 marriage I am entitled to a third part of that estate, and 
 am invested likewise with the care of the other two thirds 
 by a decree of our General Court, which I obtained in 
 order to strengthen the power I before had in consequence 
 of my wife s administration. 
 
 " I have many letters of yours in my possession unan 
 swered : but at present this serves only to advise you of 
 the above change, and at the same time to acquaint you, 
 that I shall continue to make you the same consignments 
 
 * Wirt s Life of Patrick Henry, third edition, p. 113. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 95 
 
 of tobacco as usual, and will endeavor to increase them, 
 in proportion as 1 find myself and the estate benefited 
 thereby." 
 
 In this same letter, he describes his residence, and 
 gives his address. 
 
 " On the other side is an invoice of some goods, which 
 I beg you to send me by the first ship, bound either to 
 the Potomac, or Rappahannoc, as I am in immediate 
 want of them. Let them be insured, and, in case of 
 accident, reshipped without delay. Direct for me at 
 Mount Vernon, Potomac river, Virginia ; the former 
 is the name of rny seat, the other of the river on which 
 it is situated. I am, &c." 
 
 In another letter, dated 12th June, 1759, to the same 
 person, he gives evidence how early, immediately, in 
 deed, after his retirement from his French campaigns, 
 he began to devote himself to the scientific study and pur 
 suit of agriculture. 
 
 " In my last, among other things, I desired you would 
 send me, besides a small octavo volume, the best system, 
 now extant, of agriculture. Since then, I have been told 
 that there is one, lately published, done by various hands, 
 but chiefly collected from the papers of Mr. Hall. If 
 this is known to be the best, pray send it ; but not, if any 
 other is in higher esteem. I am, &c." 
 
 In a letter to Richard Washington, London, of 20th 
 of September, 1759, he alludes to his domestic condition, 
 in the following extracts. 
 
 " My brother is safely arrived, and but little benefited, 
 in point of health, by his trip to England. The longing 
 desire, which, for many years, I have had, of visiting the 
 great metropolis of that kingdom, is not in the least abat 
 ed by his prejudices, because I think the small share of 
 health he enjoyed, while there, must have given a check 
 to any pleasures he might anticipate, and would render 
 any place irksome ; but I am now tied, and must set in 
 clination aside." 
 
 u I am now, I believe, fixed at this seat with an agreea 
 ble partner for life, and I hope to find more happiness in 
 retirement, than I ever experienced amidst the wide and 
 
96 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 bustling world. I thank you heartily for your affection 
 ate wishes. Why will you not give me an occasion of 
 congratulating you in the same manner? None would do 
 it more cordially than, dear sir, your most obedient and 
 obliged servant." 
 
 Again, in a letter to the same, dated 10 August, 1760, 
 he writes, 
 
 " My indulging myself, in a trip to England, depends 
 upon so many contingencies, which, in all probability, 
 may never occur, that I dare not even think of such a 
 gratification. Nothing, however, is more ardently desired. 
 But Mrs. Washington and myself would both think our 
 selves very happy in the opportunity of showing you the 
 Virginia hospitality, which is the most agreeable entertain 
 ment we can give, or a stranger expect to find, in an in 
 fant, woody country, like ours. I am, dear sir, yours, &c. " 
 
 In a letter to the same, of the 20th October, 1761, 
 there are the following interesting particulars. 
 
 " DEAR SIR, Since my last, of the 14th of July, I 
 have, in appearance, been very near my last breath. My 
 indisposition increased upon me, and I fell into a very 
 low and dangerous state. I once thought the grim King 
 would certainly master my utmost efforts, and that I must 
 sink, in spite of a resolute struggle ; but, thank God, I 
 have now got the better of the disorder, and shall soon be 
 restored, I hope, to perfect health again." 
 
 " On the other side is an invoice of clothes, which I beg 
 the favor of you to purchase for me, and to send them 
 by the first ship bound to this river. As they are design 
 ed for wearing-apparel for myself, I have committed the 
 choice of them to your fancy, having the best opinion of 
 your taste. I want neither lace nor embroidery. Plain 
 clothes, with gold or silver buttons, if worn in genteel 
 dress, are all that I desire. I have hitherto had my clothes 
 made by one Charles Lawrence. Whether it be the 
 fault of the tailor, or of the measure sent, I cannot say; 
 but, certain it is, my clothes have never fitted me well. 
 I therefore leave the choice of the workman to you. I 
 enclose a measure, and, for a further direction, I think it 
 not amiss to add, that my stature is six feet ; otherwise 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 97 
 
 rather slender than corpulent. 1 am very sincerely, dear 
 sir, your most affectionate, humble servant." 
 
 Having heard of a machine, said to be employed in 
 England, for taking up trees by the roots, he wrote to 
 Robert Gary, to procure one for him. The following 
 account of the machine, and his directions to his corres 
 pondent, in reference to it, are taken from his letter. 
 
 u It is related, that trees of a considerable diameter are 
 forced up by this engine ; that six hands, in working one 
 of them, will raise two or three hundred trees, in the space 
 of a day ; and that an acre of ground may be eased of 
 the trees, and laid fit for ploughing, in the same time. 
 How far these assertions have been realized, by repeated 
 experiment, it is impossible for me, at this distance, to de 
 termine ; but, if the accounts are not greatly exaggerated, 
 such powerful assistance must be of vast utility, in many 
 parts of this woody country, where it is impossible for 
 our force, (and laborers are not to be hired here,) be 
 tween the finishing of one crop, and the preparation for 
 another, to clear ground fast enough to afford the proper 
 changes, either in the planting or farming business. The 
 chief purport of this letter, therefore, is, to beg the favor 
 of you, to make minute inquiries into the trials that have 
 been made, by order of the Society ; and, if they have 
 proved satisfactory, to send me one of these engines, by 
 the first ship bound to the Potomac river. 
 
 " The cost I am a stranger to. Fifteen, twenty, and 
 twenty-five, guineas have been mentioned ; but the price, 
 were it double these sums, I should totally disregard, pro 
 vided the engine is capable of performing what is related 
 of it, and not of that complicated nature, which would 
 cause it to be easily disordered, and rendered unfit for 
 use, but constructed upon so plain, simple, and durable, a 
 plan, that the common artificers of this country may be 
 able to repair it, if any accidents should happen. Should 
 you send me one, be so good as to let me have with it 
 the most ample directions for its use, together with a mod 
 el of its manner of operating. I am, &c." 
 
 The following extract from a letter to Francis Dan- 
 dridge, London, dated "20 September, 1765," shows the 
 
98 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 views Washington took of the Stamp Act. It also pre 
 sents some interesting particulars of his domestic situation. 
 
 " At present, there are few things among us, that can 
 be interesting to you. The Stamp Act, imposed on the 
 Colonies by the Parliament of Great Britain, engrosses 
 the conversation of the speculative part of the colonists, 
 who look upon this unconstitutional method of taxation, as 
 a direful attack upon their liberties, and loudly exclaim 
 against the violation. What may be the result of this, 
 and of some other (I think I may add ill-judged) meas 
 ures, I will not undertake to determine ; but this I may 
 venture to affirm, that the advantage, accruing to the moth 
 er country, will fall greatly short of the expectations of 
 the ministry ; for certain it is, that our whole substance 
 already, in a manner, flows to Great Britain, and that 
 whatsoever contributes to lessen our importations, must 
 be hurtful to her manufacturers. The eyes of our people 
 already begin to be opened ; and they will perceive, that 
 many luxuries, for which we lavish our substance in Great 
 Britain, can well be dispensed with, whilst the necessa 
 ries of life are mostly to be had within ourselves. This, 
 consequently, will introduce frugality, and be a necessary 
 incitement to industry. If Great Britain, therefore, loads 
 her manufactures with heavy taxes, will it not facilitate 
 such results ? They will not compel us, I think, to give 
 our money for their exports, whether we will or not ; and 
 I am certain, that none of their traders will part with them, 
 without a valuable consideration. Where, then, is the util 
 ity of these restrictions ? 
 
 u As to the Stamp Act, regarded in a single view, one, 
 and the first, bad consequence attending it is, that our 
 courts of judicature must inevitably be shut up ; for it is 
 impossible, or next to impossible, under our present cir 
 cumstances, that the act of Parliament can be complied 
 with, were we ever so willing to enforce its execution. 
 And, not to say, (which alone would be sufficient,) that 
 we have not money to pay for the stamps, there are many 
 other cogent reasons, which prove that it would be inef 
 fectual. If a stop be put to our judicial proceedings, I 
 fancy the merchants of Great Britain, trading to the col- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 99 
 
 cnies, will not be among the last to wish for a repeal of 
 the act. 
 
 t(> I live on the Potomac river, in Fairfax county, about 
 ten miles below Alexandria, and many miles distant from 
 any of my wife s relations, who all reside upon York 
 river, and whom we seldom see more than once a year, 
 and not always so often. My wife, who is very well, and 
 Master and Miss Custis, children of her former marriage, 
 all join in making a tender of their duty and best respects 
 to yourself and your lady. My compliments to her, also, 
 I beg may be made acceptable, and that you will do rne 
 the justice to believe, that I am, dear Sir, your most obe 
 dient humble servant." 
 
 Among the letters published by Mr. Sparks, there is 
 one, which, in justice to Washington, ought to be insert 
 ed in every work, professing to give a view of his char 
 acter. It shows the noble liberality, and the still nobler 
 delicacy, with which he dispensed the benefits of his am 
 ple fortune, and also the generous friendship of his nature. 
 
 " To William Ramsay. 
 
 " Mount Vernon, 29 January, 1769. 
 
 "DEAR SIR, Having once or twice, of late, heard 
 you speak highly of the New Jersey College, as if you 
 li ad a desire of sending your son William there, (who, I 
 am told, is a youth fond of study and instruction, and dis 
 posed to a studious life, in following which, he may not 
 only promote his own happiness, but the future welfare of 
 others,) I should be glad, if you have no other objection 
 to it than the expense, if you would send him to that col 
 lege, as soon as convenient, and depend on me for twen 
 ty-five pounds a year for his support, so long as it may be 
 necessary for the completion of his education. If I live 
 to see the accomplishment of this term, the sum here 
 stipulated shall be annually paid ; and if I die in the 
 mean time, this letter shall be obligatory upon my heirs, 
 or executors, to do it, according to the true intent and 
 meaning thereof. 
 
 " No other return is expected or wished, for this offer, 
 than that you will accept it, with the same freedom and 
 
100 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 good-will with which it is made, and that you may not 
 even consider it in the light of an obligation, or mention 
 it as such ; for be assured, that from me it will never be 
 known. I am, &c." 
 
 In one of the foregoing extracts, mention is made of 
 " Master and Miss Custis," the children of his wife by her 
 former marriage. \n no point of view does the private 
 character of Washington appear more admirable or inter 
 esting, than in the watchful and tender care he took of 
 these children. No father ever discharged his trust with 
 more devoted fidelity, assiduity, and affection. The boy, 
 John Parke Custis, was placed under the care of Rev. 
 Mr. Boucher, an Episcopal clergyman, in Annapolis, 
 Maryland. 
 
 The following extract from a letter to Mr. Boucher, 
 while it presents some interesting details, exhibits the wise 
 and thoughtful manner, in which Washington fulfilled his 
 trust, as the guardian of young Custis. 
 
 " In my last, I informed you, that the friends (I do not 
 by this confine myself to the relations only) of Mr. Cus 
 tis were divided in opinion, as to the propriety of his 
 travelling, not because they thought advantages would 
 not result from it, but on account of the expense, as he 
 would commence his tour with the heavy charge which 
 you thought requisite, to induce you to accompany him, 
 and which would at once anticipate half his income. 
 His estate is of that kind, which rather comes under the 
 denomination of a large than a profitable one. This di 
 vided opinion was a sufficient cause, I observed in my 
 last, for me to be circumspect in my conduct, as I 
 am accountable to another tribunal, besides that in my 
 own breast, for the part I am to act on this occasion. 
 You cannot but know, that every farthing, expended in 
 behalf of this young gentleman, must undergo the in 
 spection of the General Court, in their examination of 
 my guardianship accounts, and that it would be impru 
 dent in me to permit him to launch into any uncommon 
 or extravagant course, especially at a time when a heavy 
 and expensive chancery suit is instituted against his es 
 tate, without first knowing whether such a charge would 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 101 
 
 be approved by those, who have a constitutional right to 
 judge of the expediency or propriety of the measure. 
 
 cc These are the reasons why I said in my last letter, 
 that my own inclinations were still as strong as ever for 
 Mr. Custis s pursuing his travelling scheme, provided 
 the Court should approve of the expense, and provided, 
 also, that it should appear, when his judgement was a 
 little more matured, that he was desirous of undertaking 
 this tour upon a plan of improvement, rather than a 
 vague desire of gratifying an idle curiosity, or spending 
 his money. If his mother does not speak her own sen 
 timents, rather than his, he is lukewarm in the scheme ; 
 and I cannot help giving it as my opinion, that his edu 
 cation, from what I have understood of his improvement, 
 however advanced it may be for a youth of his age, is 
 by no means ripe enough for a travelling tour. Not that 
 I think his becoming a mere scholar is a desirable edu 
 cation for a gentleman, but I conceive a knowledge of 
 books is the basis upon which other knowledge is to be 
 built, and in travelling he is to become acquainted with 
 men and things rather than books. At present, howev 
 er well versed he may be in the principles of the Latin 
 language, (which is not to be wondered at, as he began the 
 study of it as soon as he could speak,) he is unacquaint 
 ed with several of the classical authors, that might be 
 useful to him. He is ignorant of Greek, the advantages 
 of learning which I do not pretend to judge of, and he 
 knows nothing of French, which is absolutely necessary 
 to him as a traveller. He has little or no acquaintance 
 with arithmetic, and is totally ignorant of the mathemat 
 ics, than which, at least so much of them as relates to 
 surveying, nothing can be more essentially necessary to 
 any man possessed of a large landed estate, the bounds of 
 some part or other of which are always in controversy. 
 
 u Now, whether he has time between this and next 
 spring to acquire a sufficient knowledge of these studies, 
 or so much of them as is requisite, I leave you to judge ; 
 as also whether a boy of seventeen years old, which will 
 be his age next November, can have any just notions of 
 the end and design of travelling. I have already given 
 
102 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 it as my opinion, that it would be precipitating this 
 event, unless he were to go immediately to the universi 
 ty for a couple of years, in which case he could see 
 nothing of America ; which might be a disadvantage to 
 him, as it is to be expected that every man who travels 
 with a view of observing the laws and customs of other 
 countries, should be able to give some description of the 
 situation and government of his own. 
 
 u Upon the whole, it is impossible for me at this time 
 to give a more decisive answer, however strongly inclin 
 ed I may be to put you upon a certainty in this affair, 
 than I have done ; and I should think myself wanting in 
 candor, if I concealed any circumstance from you, 
 which leads me to fear, that there is a possibility, if not 
 a probability, that the whole design may be totally de 
 feated. Before I ever thought myself at liberty to en 
 courage this plan, I judged it highly reasonable and 
 necessary, that his mother should be consulted. I laid 
 your first letter and proposals before her, and desired 
 that she would reflect well before she resolved, as an un 
 steady behavior might be a disadvantage to you. Her 
 determination was, that, if it appeared to be his inclina 
 tion to undertake this tour, and it should be judged for 
 his benefit, she would not oppose it, whatever pangs it 
 might give her to part with him. To this declaration 
 she still adheres, but in so faint a manner, that I think, 
 with her fears and his indifference, it will soon be de 
 clared he has no inclination to go. I do not say that 
 this will be the case. I cannot speak positively ; but as 
 this is the result of my own reflections upon the matter, 
 I thought it but fair to communicate it to you. 
 
 " Several causes, I believe, have concurred to make 
 her view his departure, as the time approaches, with 
 more reluctance than she expected. The unhappy sit 
 uation of her daughter has in some degree fixed her eyes 
 upon him as her only hope. To what I have already 
 said, I can only add, that my warmest wishes are to see 
 him prosecute a plan, at a proper period, which I may 
 be sure will redound to his advantage, and that nothing 
 shall be wanting, on my part, to aid and assist him." 
 
 But the project of foreign travel, and the education 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 103 
 
 of Mr. Custis, were broken entirely off, by an attach 
 ment between him and a daughter of Mr. Benedict Cal- 
 vert, which led to his marriage, at the early age of nine 
 teen. When this matter was first brought to the knowl 
 edge of Washington, he immediately addressed a letter 
 to the father of the young lady, to the following effect. 
 
 " My son-in-law and ward, Mr. Custis, has, as I have 
 been informed, paid his addresses to your second daugh 
 ter, and, having made some progress in her affections, has 
 solicited her in marriage. How far a union of this sort 
 may be agreeable to you, you best can tell ; but I should 
 think myself wanting in candor, were I not to confess, 
 that Miss Nelly s amiable qualities are acknowledged on 
 all hands, and that an alliance with your family will be 
 pleasing to his. 
 
 " This acknowledgement being made, you must permit 
 me to add, sir, that, at this, or in any short time, his 
 youth, inexperience, and unripened education, are, and 
 will be, insuperable obstacles, in my opinion, to the 
 completion of the marriage. As his guardian, I con 
 ceive it my indispensable duty to endeavor to carry him 
 through a regular course of education, (many branches 
 of which, I am sorry to add, he is totally deficient in,) 
 and to guard his youth to a more advanced age before 
 an event, on which his own peace and the happiness of 
 another are to depend, takes place. Not that I have 
 any doubt of the warmth of his affections, nor, I hope I 
 may add, any fears of a change in them ; but at present 
 I do riot conceive that he is capable of bestowing that 
 attention to the important consequences of the married 
 state, which is necessary to be given by those who are 
 about to enter into it, and of course I am unwilling he 
 should do it till he is. If the affection, which they have 
 avowed for each other, is fixed upon a solid basis, it 
 will receive no diminution in the course of two or three 
 years, in which time he may prosecute his studies, and 
 thereby render himself more deserving of the lady and 
 useful to society. If, unfortunately, as they are both 
 young, there should be an abatement of affection on 
 either side, or both, it had better precede than follow 
 marriage. 
 
104 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 " Delivering my sentiments thus freely will not, I hope, 
 lead you into a belief, that I am desirous of breaking off 
 the match. To postpone it is all I have in view ; for 
 I shall recommend to the young gentleman, with the 
 warmth that becomes a man of honor, (notwithstanding 
 he did not vouchsafe to consult either his mother or me 
 on the occasion,) to consider himself as much engaged 
 to your daughter, as if the indissoluble knot were tied. 
 
 " It may be expected of me, perhaps, to say something 
 of property ; but to descend to particulars, at this time, 
 must seem rather premature. In general, therefore, I 
 shall inform you, that Mr. Custis s estate consists of 
 about fifteen thousand acres of land, a good part of it 
 adjoining the city of Williamsburg, and none of it forty 
 miles from that place ; several lots in the said city ; be 
 tween two and three hundred negroes ; and about eight 
 or ten thousand pounds upon bond, and in the hands of 
 his merchants. This estate he now holds independent 
 of his mother s dower, which will be an addition to it at 
 her death ; and, upon the whole, it is such an estate as 
 you will readily acknowledge ought to entitle him to a 
 handsome portion with a wife. But as I should never 
 require a child of my own to make a sacrifice of himself 
 to interest, so neither do I think it incumbent on me to 
 recommend it as a guardian. 
 
 " At all times when you, Mrs. Calvert, or the young 
 ladies, can make it convenient to favor us with a visit, 
 we should be happy in seeing you at this place. Mrs. 
 Washington and Miss Custis join me in respectful compli 
 ments, and 
 
 u I am, dear sir, your most obedient servant." 
 
 The dictates of prudence, and the expostulations of ex 
 perience and wisdom, in this, as in most similar cases, 
 were found of little effect. 
 
 On the 15th of December, 1773, Washington wrote 
 to the Rev. Doctor Cooper, President of King s Col 
 lege, in New York, of which institution young Custis was 
 a member, expressing the pleasure it had given him to 
 hear of his good conduct, while there, and the hopes he 
 had entertained, that the young gentleman would have 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 105 
 
 continued for some time longer, under the improving in 
 fluences of that seat of learning. He then informs Dr. 
 Cooper, that young Custis was about to quit college, in 
 order that he may enter into a new scene of life, " which 
 I think," says Washington, " he would be much fitter for, 
 some years hence, than now. But having his own incli 
 nation, the desires of his mother, and the acquiescence of 
 almost all his relatives to encounter, I did not care, as he 
 is the last of the family, to push my opposition too far ; 
 and I have, therefore, submitted to a kind of necessity. 
 
 "Not knowing how his expenses at college may stand, 
 1 shall be much obliged to you, if you will render me 
 an account of them. You will please to charge liberally 
 for your own particular attention to Mr. Custis, and suffi 
 ciently reward the other gentlemen, who were engaged 
 in the same good offices. 
 
 tc I thank you very sincerely, sir, for your polite regard 
 to Mr. Custis, during his abode at college, and, through 
 you, beg leave to offer my acknowledgements, in like 
 manner, to the professors." 
 
 The marriage accordingly took place on the third of 
 February, 1774, and contributed, in a large degree, to 
 the happiness, not only of the parties themselves, but of 
 Washington and his wife. Mr. Custis died in November, 
 17S1, leaving a son, and three daughters. Washington 
 was very fond of him, and watched over his children with 
 affectionate interest and care. Having no children of his 
 own, he adopted the two youngest of them. 
 
 Although this long period of retirement was allotted to 
 him, its days and hours were none of them wasted, they 
 were well filled up. A multiplicity of private and per 
 sonal obligations and engagements occupied his time and 
 thoughts. As an illustration of this, the following ex 
 tract, from one of his letters, will be read with interest. 
 It seems that Mr. John West, one of his friends and 
 neighbors, applied to him, to allow him to nominate him 
 as the guardian of his son, in the event of his own death, 
 which he believed to be near at hand. Washington s re 
 ply was as follows : 
 
 u SIR, Your letter of the 8th, which is just handed to 
 
106 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 me, could not have given you more pain in writing, than 
 it has given me in reading, because I never deny or even 
 hesitate in granting any request that is made to me, espe 
 cially by persons I esteem, and in matters of moment, 
 without feeling inexpressible uneasiness. I do not won 
 der at your solicitude on account of your only son. The 
 nurturing and bringing him up in a proper course is, no 
 doubt, an object of great concern to you, as well as im 
 portance to him ; but two things are essentially neces 
 sary in the man to whom this charge is committed ; a 
 capacity of judging with propriety of measures proper to 
 be taken in the government of a youth, and leisure suffi 
 cient to attend to the execution of these measures. That 
 you are pleased to think favorably of me, in respect to 
 the first, I shall take for granted, from the request you 
 have made ; but to show my incapacity of attending to 
 the latter, with that good faith, which I think every man 
 ought to use, who undertakes a trust of this interesting 
 nature, I can solemnly declare to you, that, for a year or 
 two past, there has been scarce a moment, that I could prop 
 erly call my own. What with my own business, my present 
 ward s, my mother s, which is wholly in my hands, Colo 
 nel Colvill s, Mrs. Savage s, Colonel Fairfax s, Colonel 
 Mercer s, and the little assistance I have undertaken to 
 give in the management of my brother Augustine s con 
 cerns, (for I have absolutely refused to qualify as an ex 
 ecutor,) together with the share I take in public affairs, I 
 have been kept constantly engaged in writing letters, set 
 tling accounts, and negotiating one piece of business or 
 another ; by which means I have really been deprived of 
 every kind of enjoyment, and had almost fully resolved 
 to engage in no fresh matter, till I had entirely wound up 
 the old. 
 
 " Thus much, sir, candor, indeed, the principle of com 
 mon honesty, obliged me to relate to you, as it is not my 
 wish to deceive any person by promising what I do not 
 think it in my power to perform with that punctuality and 
 rectitude, which I conceive the nature of the trust would 
 require. I do not, however, give a flat refusal to your 
 request. I rather wish you to be fully informed of my sit- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 107 
 
 nation, that you may think with me, or as I do, that, if it 
 should please the Almighty to take you to himself so soon 
 as you apprehend, (but I hope without just cause,) your 
 son may be placed in better hands than mine. If you 
 think otherwise, I will do the best I can, merely as a 
 guardian. 
 
 " You will act very prudently in having your will revised 
 by some person skilled in the law, as a testator s inten 
 tions are often defeated by different interpretations of 
 statutes, which require the whole business of a man s life 
 to be perfectly conversant with them." 
 
 As the period of the Revolutionary war drew on, in 
 addition to his other cares and employments, he took an 
 active part in promoting the military preparation of the 
 country, as is shown by the following passage from a let 
 ter to his brother, John Augustine, written " 25 March, 
 1775." 
 
 C I had like to have forgotten to express my entire ap 
 probation of the laudable pursuit you are engaged in, of 
 training an independent company. I have promised to 
 review the independent company of Richmond some 
 time this summer, they having made me a tender of the 
 command of it. At the same time I could review yours, 
 and shall very cheerfully accept the honor of command 
 ing it, if occasion require it to be drawn out, as it is my 
 full intention to devote rny life and fortune in the cause 
 we are engaged in, if needful." 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Commencement of the American Revolution. 
 
 COLONEL WASHINGTON having been a member of 
 the House of Burgesses of Virginia, during the whole 
 period intervening between his resignation of his command 
 of the troops of that Province, at the close of the year 
 1758, and the breaking out of the Revolutionary War in 
 1775, his attention was, as a matter of course, strongly 
 
108 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 directed to the questions of public interest which agitated 
 the minds of his countrymen, in the latter part of that 
 period. His correspondence, and the memorials of his 
 proceedings and sentiments, in reference to the contro 
 versy between the English North American colonies and 
 the then administration of the mother country, show with 
 what a careful scrutiny, and conscientious regard to the 
 principles of patriotism, he examined the question, and 
 how thoroughly his convictions of the justice of the Amer 
 ican cause were established. But he was not, either by 
 temperament or interest, or the habits of his mind, in 
 clined to favor a rupture of the colonies from the British 
 empire. He was as strongly imbued with the sentiment 
 of loyalty as was consistent with a rational and enlightened 
 perception of the principles of civil and political justice 
 and liberty. As late as August, 1774, long after he had 
 taken a very decided and prominent stand in favor of the 
 measures of resistance to the British ministry, which, 
 originating in Boston, were spreading over the whole 
 country, one of his correspondents, Mr. Bryan Fairfax, 
 who had espoused the other side of the controversy, in an 
 earnest, argumentative, and expostulatory letter addressed 
 to him, bears this testimony to his loyalty as a British 
 subject. u I am convinced no man in the colony wishes 
 its prosperity more, would go greater lengths to serve it, 
 or is, at the same time, a better subject to the crown." 
 
 The glory of Britain was connected in his mind with the 
 most cherished and thrilling associations. Under her 
 standard, and in contending against her foes, he had gath 
 ered, in his youth, the greenest laurels. It had been the 
 fondest and most ardent aspiration of his early ambition, 
 to obtain distinction and advancement in the British army. 
 Among the strongest ties that were fastened around his 
 heart, were the friendships he had formed with British 
 officers, by whose side he had fought and suffered, and 
 who had shared in his romantic enterprises and escapes. 
 Many of his relatives and near connexions were engaged 
 on the British side. 
 
 Washington was no rash adventurer, seeking for change 
 as, in itself, desirable. His extensive possessions, if his 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 109 
 
 heart had been disposed to take counsel of interest, would 
 have led him to dread a civil contest, above all, a revo 
 lutionary movement. By the habits of his moral and 
 mental constitution, as well as by his circumstances, he 
 was inclined to sympathize with that large class of men, 
 of property and intelligence, scattered over all the colo 
 nies, who, regarding the comparative strength of the two 
 parties to the struggle, appreciating the value of peace 
 and harmony to the country, having learned from history 
 the ruinous and awful consequences of intestine war, and 
 believing that the only effect of measures of resistance, 
 would be to aggravate the evils complained of, opposed 
 those measures, and were thereby thrown into an attitude 
 of hostility to the promoters of the Revolution. But 
 Washington never allowed himself to take any decisive 
 step in a matter of importance without giving to the sub 
 ject the most patient, cautious, and laborious examina 
 tion ; and when he entered upon such an examination, 
 his clear, pure, calm, and sagacious mind rose at once, 
 and easily, above the reach of interest, prejudice, and pas 
 sion. In this spirit, at a very early period of the contro 
 versy, he investigated the principles involved in the meas 
 ures of resistance pursued by the patriotic leaders of the 
 colony of Massachusetts, and the result was a full, and 
 deeply-rooted conviction, that those principles were essen 
 tial to the social and political well-being of a State ; that 
 the proceedings and resolutions adopted in their vindica 
 tion were just and wise, and ought to be sustained by the 
 united moral, and, if necessary, physical power of all the 
 British colonies in America. Having reached this con 
 clusion, he, at once, devoted himself to the cause. 
 
 In all the proceedings of the patriotic party in Virginia 
 he participated prominently and zealously. He was 
 chairman of a celebrated meeting in Fairfax county, at 
 which a series of resolves was passed, maintaining at 
 length the principles of American resistance to what were 
 pronounced unconstitutional acts of the British Parlia 
 ment ; at the same time and place he was selected and 
 appointed to present the said resolves to a Convention 
 about to be assembled at Williamsburg to deliberate upon 
 
110 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 the then alarming and dangerous situation of America. 
 At that Convention, he, with five others, was chosen to 
 represent Virginia in the General Congress which con 
 vened at Philadelphia, September 5th, 1774. No indi 
 vidual was more active or influential in procuring that 
 Congress to be called, and he heartily concurred in its 
 measures. 
 
 At the close of the session of Congress he returned to 
 his farms at Mount Vernon. While there he exerted his 
 influence to promote the prevalence of the cause to which 
 he had devoted his life, fortune, and affections . By in 
 tercourse with his neighbors, and correspondence with 
 distinguished gentlemen, he extended the sphere of his 
 usefulness, and diffused his own convictions of duty far 
 and wide around him. Among other indications of the 
 gradual rising of the spirit of the country to the point of 
 preparation for a contest at arms with the mother country, 
 one of the most decisive and observable was the forma 
 tion of independent or volunteer military companies in 
 various parts of the country. Several were gathered and 
 organized in the part of Virginia where he resided. He 
 was solicited to render the aid of his experience and skill, 
 in bringing them into a proper state of discipline and 
 equipment, and, as may readily be supposed, cheerfully 
 complied with the request. He reviewed them from time to 
 time, at different points of rendezvous, and assumed the 
 charge and command of them. At the commencement 
 of the second Congress, on the 10th of May, 1775, he 
 appeared with his previous colleagues, they having been 
 re-elected by a popular Convention assembled at Rich 
 mond on the 20th of the preceding month. 
 
 The battles of Lexington and Concord had taken 
 place, and actual war begun, before the meeting of the 
 second Congress. 
 
 In accordance with the plan of this work, the account 
 which has now been given, of the principles and views with 
 which Washington entered upon the Revolutionary war, 
 will be sustained and confirmed, by extracts from his pub 
 lished correspondence. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Ill 
 
 Iii a letter, dated, "Mount Vernon, 5 April, 1769," 
 and addressed to George Mason, he shows, with 
 what careful examination he had considered and weigh 
 ed the measures of resistance to the oppressive policy 
 of the British government, which the patriots of New 
 England were then proposing to adopt, and with how 
 hearty, full, and decisive a conviction, he approved of 
 them. 
 
 "At a time when our lordly masters in Great Britain 
 will be satisfied with nothing less than the deprivation of 
 American freedom, it seems highly necessary that some 
 thing should be done to avert the stroke, and maintain 
 the liberty which we have derived from our ancestors. 
 But the manner of doing it, to answer the purpose effect 
 ually, is the point in question. 
 
 " That no man should scruple, or hesitate a moment, 
 to use arms in defence of so valuable a blessing, is clearly 
 my opinion. Yet arms, I would beg leave to add, should 
 be the last resource, the dernier resort. We have al 
 ready, it is said, proved the inefficacy of addresses to the 
 throne, and remonstrances to Parliament. How far, then, 
 their attention to our rights and privileges is to be awakened 
 or alarmed, by starving their trade and manufactures, 
 remains to be tried. 
 
 " The northern colonies, it appears, are endeavoring to 
 adopt this scheme. In my opinion it is a good one, and 
 must be attended with salutary effects, provided it can 
 be carried pretty generally into execution. But to what 
 extent it is practicable to do so, I will not take upon me 
 to determine. That there will be a difficulty attending 
 the execution of it every where, from clashing interests, 
 and selfish, designing men, ever attentive to their own 
 gain, and watchful of every turn that can assist their lu 
 crative views, cannot be denied ; and in the tobacco 
 colonies, where the trade is so diffused, and in a manner 
 wholly conducted by factors for their principals at home, 
 [in England,] these difficulties are certainly enhanced, 
 but I think not insurmountably increased, if the gentle 
 men in their several counties will be at some pains to ex- 
 
112 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 plain matters to the people, and stimulate them to cordial 
 agreements to purchase none but certain enumerated arti 
 cles out of any of the stores after a definite period, and 
 neither import nor purchase any themselves. This, if it 
 should not effectually withdraw the factors from their im 
 portations, would at least make them extremely cautious 
 in doing it, as the prohibited goods could be vended to 
 none but the non-associators, or those who would pay no 
 regard to their association ; both of whom ought to be 
 stigmatized, and made the objects of public reproach. 
 
 " The more I consider a scheme of this sort, the more 
 ardently I wish success to it, because I think there are 
 private as well as public advantages to result from it, 
 the former certain, however precarious the other may 
 prove. In respect to the latter, I have always thought, 
 that, by virtue of the same power which assumes the right 
 of taxation, the Parliament may attempt at least to re 
 strain our manufactures, especially those of a public 
 nature, the same equity and justice prevailing in the one 
 case as the other, it being no greater hardship to forbid 
 my manufacturing, than it is to order me to buy goods 
 loaded with duties, for the express purpose of raising a 
 revenue. But as a measure of this sort would be an 
 additional exertion of arbitrary power, we cannot be 
 placed in a worse condition, I think, by putting it to the 
 test. 
 
 " On the other hand, that the colonies are considerably 
 indebted to Great Britain, is a truth universally acknowi- 
 eged. That many families are reduced almost, if not 
 quite, to penury and want by the low ebb of their for 
 tunes, and that estates are daily selling for the discharge 
 of debts, the public papers furnish too many melancholy 
 proofs. That a scheme of this sort will contribute more 
 effectually than any other that can be devised to extricate 
 the country from the distress it at present labors under, I 
 most firmly believe, if it can be generally adopted. And 
 I can see but one class of people, the merchants excepted, 
 who will not, or ought not, to wish well to the scheme, 
 namely, they who live genteelly and hospitably on clear 
 estates. Such as these, were they not to consider the 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 113 
 
 valuable object in view, and the good of others, might 
 think it hard to be curtailed in their living and enjoyments. 
 As to the penurious man, he would thereby save his mon 
 ey and his credit, having the best plea for doing that, 
 which before, perhaps, he had the most violent struggles 
 to refrain from doing. The extravagant and expensive 
 man has the same good plea to retrench his expenses. 
 He would be furnished with a pretext to live within bounds, 
 and embrace it. Prudence dictated economy before, 
 but his resolution was too weak to put it in practice ; c For 
 how can I, says he, c who have lived in such and such 
 a manner, change my method ? I am ashamed to do it, 
 and, besides, such an alteration in the system of my living 
 will create suspicions of the decay of my fortune, and 
 such a thought the world must not harbor. He contin 
 ues his course, till at last his estate comes to an end, a 
 sale of it being the consequence of his perseverance in 
 error. This 1 am satisfied is the way, that many, who 
 have set out in the wrong track, have reasoned, till ruin 
 has stared them in the face. And in respect to the needy 
 man, he is only left in the same situation that he was found 
 in, better, I may say, because, as he judges from com 
 parison, his condition is amended in proportion as it ap 
 proaches nearer to those above him. 
 
 " Upon the whole, therefore, I think the scheme a 
 good one, and that it ought to be tried here, with such 
 alterations as our circumstances render absolutely neces 
 sary. But in what manner to begin the work, is a mat 
 ter worthy of consideration. Whether it can be attempted 
 with propriety or efficacy, further than a communication 
 of sentiments to one another, before May, when the Court 
 and Assembly will meet at Williamsburg, and a uniform 
 plan can be concerted, and sent into the different counties 
 to operate at the same time and in the same manner every 
 where, is a thing upon which I am somewhat in doubt, 
 and I should be glad to know your opinion. 
 
 "I am, &c." 
 
 In the course of the controversy, Washington s feel 
 ings became gradually roused, his mind received a con 
 tinually deepening impression, that it could not be peace- 
 
114 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 ably settled, but that the only alternative, for the Ameri 
 can colonies, was entire submission, or forcible resistance. 
 His views and sentiments, in 1774, are exhibited in a let 
 ter to Bryan Fairfax, written the 24th of August, of that 
 year, of which the following is the substance. 
 
 " Mount Vernon, 24 August, 1774. 
 
 U !)EAR SIR, As much of my time has been engros 
 sed, since I came home, by company, by your brother s 
 sale, and the business consequent thereupon, in writing 
 letters to England, and now in attending to my own do 
 mestic affairs previous to my departure, I find it impos 
 sible to bestow as much attention on the subject of your 
 letter as I could wish, and, therefore, I must rely upon 
 your good-nature and candor in excuse for not attempting 
 it. In truth, persuaded as I am, that you have read all 
 the political pieces which compose a large share of the 
 gazettes at this time, I should think it, but for your request, 
 a piece of inexcusable arrogance in me, to make the least 
 essay towards a change in your political opinions ; for I 
 am sure I have no new light to throw upon the subject, 
 nor any other arguments to offer in support of my own 
 doctrine, than w T hat you have seen ; and I could only in 
 general add, that an innate spirit of freedom first told me, 
 that the measures which the administration have for some 
 time been, and now are most violently pursuing, are op 
 posed to every principle of natural justice ; whilst much 
 abler heads than my own have fully convinced me, that 
 they are not only repugnant to natural right, but subver 
 sive of the laws and constitution of Great Britain itself, 
 in the establishment of which some of the best blood in 
 the kingdom has been spilt. 
 
 " Satisfied, then, that the acts of the British Parliament 
 are no longer governed by the principles of justice, that 
 they are trampling upon the valuable rights of Americans, 
 confirmed to them by charter and by the constitution they 
 themselves boast of, and convinced, beyond the smallest 
 doubt, that these measures are the result of deliberation, 
 and attempted to be carried into execution by the hand 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 115 
 
 of power, is it a time to trifle, or risk our cause upon 
 petitions, which with difficulty obtain access, and after 
 wards are thrown by with the utmost contempt ? Or 
 should we, because heretofore unsuspicious of design, and 
 then unwilling to enter into disputes with the mother 
 country, go on to bear more, and forbear to enumerate 
 our just causes of complaint ? For my own part, I shall 
 not undertake to say where the line between Great Britain 
 and the colonies should be drawn ; but I am clearly of 
 opinion, that one ought to be drawn, and our rights clear 
 ly ascertained. I could wish, I own, that the dispute 
 had been left to posterity to determine ; but the crisis is 
 arrived when we must assert our rights, or submit to every 
 imposition that can be heaped upon us, till custom and 
 use shall make us tame and abject slaves. 
 
 u I intended to write no more than an apology for not 
 writing ; but I find I am insensibly running into a length 
 I did not expect, and therefore shall conclude with re 
 marking, that, if you disavow the right of Parliament to 
 tax us, unrepresented as we are, we only differ in respect 
 to the mode of opposition, and this difference principally 
 arises from your belief, that they (the Parliament, I 
 mean) want a decent opportunity to repeal the acts, 
 whilst I am fully convinced, that there has been a regu 
 lar, systematic plan formed to enforce them, and that 
 nothing but unanimity and firmness in the colonies, which 
 they did not expect, can prevent it. By the best advices 
 from Boston it seems, that General Gage is exceedingly 
 disconcerted at the quiet and steady conduct of the peo 
 ple of the Massachusetts Bay, and at the measures pursu 
 ing by the other governments. I dare say he expected 
 to force those oppressed people into compliance, or irri 
 tate them to acts of violence, before this, for a more col 
 orable pretence of ruling that and the other colonies with 
 a high hand." 
 
 At length the crisis arrived, which Washington had, for 
 some time, regarded as inevitable. The blow was struck. 
 The battles of Lexington and Concord took place, and 
 the event was every where regarded as, at once, chang 
 ing the theatre of the controversy, transferring the strug- 
 
116 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 gle from the halls of legislation, and the patriotic conven 
 tion, to the field of battle. The intelligence was every 
 where received as a trumpet, calling the people to arms. 
 The effect it produced on the mind of Washington is 
 seen in the following extracts from a letter, written on the 
 31st of May, 1775, to a friend in England. He evident 
 ly grieved that blood had been shed ; he grieved to think 
 that more would be required to be shed ; but he rejoiced 
 to find that the people had not shrunk from the dread al 
 ternative, and his spirit was firmly prepared to cooperate 
 with them, to the extent of his ability. 
 
 "General Gage acknowledges, that the detachment 
 under Lieutenant-Colonel Smith was sent out to destroy 
 private property ; or, in other words, to destroy a mag 
 azine, which self-preservation obliged the inhabitants to 
 establish. And he also confesses, in effect at least, that 
 his men made a very precipitate retreat from Concord, 
 notwithstanding the re-enforcement under Lord Percy ; 
 the last of which may serve to convince Lord Sandwich, 
 and others of the same sentiment, that the Americans 
 will fight for their liberties and property, however pusil 
 lanimous in his lordship s eye they may appear in other 
 respects. 
 
 4C From the best accounts I have been able to collect 
 of that affair, indeed, from every one, I believe the fact, 
 stripped of all coloring, to be plainly this, that, if the re 
 treat had not been as precipitate as it was, and God 
 knows it could not well have been more so, the ministerial 
 troops must have surrendered, or been totally cut off. 
 For they had not arrived in Charlestown (under cover of 
 their ships) half an hour, before a powerful body of men 
 from Marblehead and Salem was at their heels, and must, 
 if they had happened to be up one hour sooner, inevitably 
 have intercepted their retreat to Charlestown. L^nhappy 
 it is, though, to reflect, that a brother s sword has been 
 sheathed in a brother s breast, and that the once happy 
 and peaceful plains of America are either to be drenched 
 with blood, or inhabited by slaves. Sad alternative ! 
 But can a virtuous man hesitate in his choice ?" 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 117 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Washington appointed Commander-in-chief of the American 
 Army. 
 
 WHEN we consider the circumstances under which 
 the Congress of 1775 came together, we shall be im 
 pressed with a conviction that a deliberative assembly 
 has seldom, if ever, been placed in a position of more 
 trying and solemn responsibility. It had become evident 
 to some of its members, that Patrick Henry, one of their 
 own body, had predicted an inevitable issue when, in the 
 Convention at Richmond, a month before, he concluded 
 one of the most memorable bursts of eloquence on rec 
 ord, in these words : cc We must fight ! I repeat it, sir, 
 we must fight ! An appeal to arms and to the God of 
 Hosts is all that is left us ! " Those who still cherished 
 hopes that war might be avoided, found them growing 
 fainter and feebler every day. The weight of care and 
 anxiety, and the magnitude of the trust committed to that 
 Congress, are well described in a letter from John Ad 
 ams to his wife : " The business I have had on my 
 mind has been as great and important as can be intrust 
 ed to one man, and the difficulty and intricacy of it are 
 prodigious. When fifty or sixty men have a Constitu 
 tion to form for a great empire, at the same time that they 
 have a country of fifteen hundred miles in extent to forti 
 fy, millions to arm and train, a naval power to begin, 
 an extensive commerce to regulate, numerous tribes of 
 Indians to negotiate with, a standing army of twenty- 
 seven thousand men to raise, pay, victual, and officer, I 
 really shall pity those fifty or sixty men." 
 
 One of the most pressing and momentous points to be 
 decided and adjusted, related to the organization of the 
 military force of the colonies, in case war could not be 
 avoided. The first question in every mind naturally 
 was, Who shall be selected as commander-in-chief ? If 
 
118 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 it became necessary to raise an army, and unsheath the 
 sword, a general would of course be required to be ap 
 pointed. Whoever he might be, all saw that in his hands 
 the destiny of the country would be placed. The in 
 quiry was therefore felt to involve and absorb into itself 
 the whole cause of American liberty ; the office was 
 one which required very peculiar and uncommon qualifi 
 cations, and its importance was so justly appreciated 
 that the whole nation were anxious to ascertain who was 
 the best fitted to discharge it. Local and sectional 
 principles of selection were felt to be beneath the occa 
 sion, and the wish and purpose of all were, to commit the 
 cause of the country to the man, whether from the North 
 or the South, to whom the sacred, difficult, and fearfully 
 responsible trust, might be most safely consigned. 
 
 The people of Massachusetts and of the other New Eng 
 land States were already gathering to the field under brave 
 and experienced leaders, and it might have been thought that 
 their delegates in Congress would have insisted upon the 
 appointment of a commander-in-chief from their part of 
 the country. But there were men among them whose 
 minds were sufficiently expanded to feel the solemnity 
 of the occasion, and to rise above the reach of all nar 
 row and exclusive prejudices or partialities. A wise 
 and enlightened policy, they were statesmen enough to 
 know, suggested the importance of drawing as close as 
 possible the ties of sympathy and confidence between 
 the remote colonies. This was necessary to secure the 
 energetic maintenance of the common cause in which 
 they were all embarked. It was very desirable, in par 
 ticular, to unite the South with the North as indissolubly as 
 possible. It was apparent that such would be the effect 
 of appointing a southern commander for the army. 
 
 The selection, however, although effected by such con 
 siderations of policy, was determined chiefly by the sa 
 gacity, wisdom, and influence of one of the members 
 from Massachusetts. The name of John Adams is ren 
 dered dear and venerable to his country by a long series 
 of illustrious services. He occupied a prominent sta 
 tion in the front rank of the bold leaders, who trained 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 119 
 
 the people of the colonies to a state of preparation for 
 an armed resistance of the government of Great Britain. 
 The powers of his mind were of gigantic proportions, 
 his temperament was ardent, and his intrepidity of spirit 
 unsurpassed. He foresaw, with a prophetic sagacity, 
 earlier than any other man, the necessity of putting the 
 controversy to the issue of the bayonet ; and, with a clear 
 prescience, drawn from the profoundest statesmanship, 
 and the most comprehensive political knowledge, through 
 all the gloom of a sanguinary and exhausting civil war, 
 he beheld the future glory of his country, ascending to the 
 summit of national power, and diffusing the blessings of 
 liberty and peace over the continent and the world. 
 With an eloquence which swept the people before it, 
 and started senators to their feet, he persevered in his work 
 to its accomplishment. The glory of having been u the 
 Colossus" of the cause on the floor of the Congress which 
 pronounced and proclaimed the independence of Amer 
 ica, is secured to him by the testimony of his colleagues. 
 When the death-struggle came on, and the continent was 
 wrapped in flagrant war, by his address, and zeal, and inde 
 fatigable efforts, he procured alliances and loans from the 
 courts of Europe, thus supplying his country, in the time 
 of her utmost need, with resources, both of money, and 
 military equipments and materiel, so that the war might 
 
 " Move by her two main nerves, iron and gold, 
 In all her equipage," 
 
 to a triumphant termination. And at last, after having 
 contributed to the establishment of the Constitution, and 
 presided over its administration, he closed his glorious 
 career, at a patriarchal age, while his son, the inheritor 
 of his talents, patriotism, and eloquence, was exercising the 
 chief magistracy of the country, on the fiftieth anniversary 
 of the day which his own act had made the birthday of 
 the nation. His spirit took its flight near the close of 
 that day, the last of the immortal band which passed the 
 Declaration of Independence.* It left the earth, at the 
 
 * Charles Carrol of Carrolton, who survived Jefferson and Adams, 
 and all the other signers of the Declaration of Independence, was not 
 
120 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 moment when the roar of cannon, the cheers of patriotic 
 festivity, the ascent of rockets, and the spreading blaze of 
 kindling illuminations, were verifying, to a letter, the 
 almost inspired predictions, which, half a century before, 
 at that very hour, had burst from his lips. He died in the 
 midst of the great festive jubilee, observed throughout the 
 Union, in commemoration of his services ; and as his soul 
 parted from his aged form, it was borne to heaven on the 
 praises and prayers of grateful and applauding millions. 
 
 But memorable as were the life and death of John 
 Adams, in the long line of his distinguished services, 
 among all the felicities of his protracted career, he never 
 performed an act, for which his country has more reason 
 to bless his memory, or which could have contributed 
 more largely to his own satisfaction, than when he pro 
 cured the nomination of George Washington, as Com 
 mander-in-chief of the armies of the United Colonies. 
 
 In the course of a speech in support of a motion, made 
 by him, that the army then besieging Boston should be 
 adopted by Congress, as a continental army, he described 
 the qualifications desirable in a commander of an army 
 engaged in such a cause. He said that a gentleman, 
 uniting in his own character and position those qualifica 
 tions, might easily be found ; that it would not be neces 
 sary to go beyond the limits of their own body ; that he 
 was then present on that floor. He proceeded distinctly 
 to declare that he referred to one of the delegates from 
 Virginia, and notified the Congress that, at a proper time, 
 if it were not done by some other member, he should 
 nominate that gentleman to the high and momentous office 
 of their military leader through the war which had already 
 begun. 
 
 When Mr. Adams s remarks became so particular that 
 it could not but be seen by all who was the individual 
 described and selected by him, Colonel Washington, 
 being entirely taken by surprise, silently retired from his 
 seat, and left the hall. So just were the encomiums 
 pronounced by Mr. Adams felt to be, and so well were 
 
 a member of Congress at the time of its passage. He was elected on 
 the 4th, and first took his seat on the 18th, of July, 1776. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 121 
 
 the members convinced of the wisdom of the preference 
 he had expressed, that when, on the 15th of June, 1775, 
 the election took place, upon examining the ballots, it w r as 
 found that George Washington of Virginia, who had been 
 formally nominated by Mr. Johnson of Maryland, had re 
 ceived the vote of every member of the Congress, and 
 he was declared, accordingly, to be unanimously elect 
 ed Commander-in-chief. The House immediately ad 
 journed. 
 
 When the Congress convened next morning, the 16th 
 of June, 1775, the President announced to him officially 
 his appointment, whereupon General Washington rose 
 in his place, and accepted the office, in the following 
 terms : 
 
 " MR. PRESIDENT, Though I am truly sensible of 
 the high honor done me, in this appointment, yet I feel 
 great distress, from a consciousness that my abilities and 
 military experience may not be equal to the extensive 
 and important trust. However, as the Congress desire 
 it, I will enter upon the momentous duty, and exert every 
 power I possess in their service, and for the support of 
 the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most cor 
 dial thanks for this distinguished testimony of their ap 
 probation. 
 
 " But, lest some unlucky event should happen, unfa 
 vorable to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered 
 by every gentleman in the room, that I this day declare, 
 with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to 
 the command I am honored with. 
 
 " As to pay, sir, I beg leave to assure the Congress, that, 
 as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to 
 accept this arduous employment, at the expense of my 
 domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any 
 profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my ex 
 penses. Those, I doubt not, they will discharge ; and 
 that is all I desire." 
 
 His commission was made out a few days afterwards, 
 and was as follows : 
 
122 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 " In Congress. We the Delegates of the United Col 
 onies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode 
 Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsyl 
 vania, New Castle, Kent, and Sussex on Delaware, 
 Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Caro 
 lina, 
 
 " To George Washington, Esquire. 
 
 "We, reposing special trust and confidence in your 
 patriotism, conduct, and fidelity, do by these presents 
 constitute and appoint you to be GENERAL and COM 
 MANDER-IN-CHIEF of the army of the United Colonies, 
 and of all the forces raised or to be raised by them, and 
 of all others who shall voluntarily offer their service and 
 join the said army for the defence of American liberty, 
 and for repelling every hostile invasion thereof. And 
 you are hereby vested with full power and authority to 
 act as you shall think for the good and welfare of the 
 service. 
 
 " And we do hereby strictly charge and require all 
 officers and soldiers under your command to be obedient 
 to your orders, and diligent in the exercise of their sev 
 eral duties. 
 
 " And we do also enjoin and require you to be care 
 ful in executing the great trust reposed in you, by caus 
 ing strict discipline and order to be observed in the army, 
 and that the soldiers are duly exercised and provided with 
 all convenient necessaries. 
 
 " And you are to regulate your conduct in every re 
 spect by the rules and discipline of war, (as herewith 
 given you,) and punctually to observe and follow such 
 directions, from time to time, as you shall receive from 
 this or a future Congress of the said United Colonies, 
 or a Committee of Congress for that purpose appointed. 
 
 " This commission to continue in force till revoked by 
 this or a future Congress. 
 
 " By order of Congress. 
 
 " JOHN HANCOCK, President. 
 
 Dated, Philadelphia, June 19th, 1775. 
 "Attest, CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 123 
 
 No attempt at description, by another hand, can pre 
 sent a more just or vivid picture of the magnitude of the 
 trust thus unexpectedly committed to him, than his own 
 letters written at the time. They exhibit the modesty, 
 the dignity, the thoughtfulness, and the solemn reliance 
 upon a righteous cause and an approving Providence, 
 with which he repaired to the post of duty and danger. 
 They show with what unfeigned regret he relinquished 
 the pleasures of domestic and rural retirement, and that 
 while his life and fortune were devoted to his country, his 
 heart still clung, with its warmest affections, to his family 
 and his home. 
 
 " To Mrs. Martha Washington. 
 
 o 
 
 "Philadelphia, 18 June, 1775. 
 
 " MY DEAREST, I am now set down to write to 
 you on a subject, which fills me with inexpressible con 
 cern, and this concern is greatly aggravated and increased 
 when I reflect upon the uneasiness I know it will give 
 you. It has been determined in Congress, that the whole 
 army raised for the defence of the American cause shall be 
 put under my care, and that it is necessary for me to pro 
 ceed immediately to Boston to take upon me the command 
 of it. 
 
 <c You may believe me, my dear Patsy, when I assure 
 you, in the most solemn manner, that, so far from seek 
 ing this appointment, I have used every endeavor in my 
 power to avoid it, not only from my unwillingness to part 
 with you and the family, but from a consciousness of its 
 being a trust too great for my capacity, and that I should 
 enjoy more real happiness in one month with you at 
 home, than I have the most distant prospect of finding 
 abroad, if my stay were to be seven times seven years. 
 But as it has been a kind of destiny that has thrown me 
 upon this service, I shall hope that my undertaking it is 
 designed to answer some good purpose. You might, and 
 I suppose did perceive, from the tenor of my letters, that 
 I was apprehensive I could not avoid this appointment, 
 as I did not pretend to intimate when I should return. 
 That was the case. It was utterly out of my power to 
 i. i 
 
124 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 refuse this appointment, without exposing my character 
 to such censures, as would have reflected dishonor upon 
 myself, and given pain to my friends. This, I am sure, 
 could not, and ought not, to be pleasing to you, and must 
 have lessened me considerably in my own esteem. I 
 shall rely, therefore, confidently on that Providence, which 
 has heretofore preserved and been bountiful to me, not 
 doubting but that I shall return safe to you in the fall. I 
 shall feel no pain from the toil or the danger of the cam 
 paign ; my unhappiness will flow from the uneasiness I 
 know you will feel from being left alone. I therefore 
 beg, that you will summon your whole fortitude, and pass 
 your time as agreeably as possible. Nothing will give me 
 so much sincere satisfaction as to hear this, and to hear 
 it from your own pen. My earnest and ardent desire is, 
 that you would pursue any plan that is most likely to 
 produce content, and a tolerable degree of tranquillity ; 
 as it must add greatly to my uneasy feelings to hear, that 
 you are dissatisfied or complaining at what I really could 
 not avoid. 
 
 " As life is always uncertain, and common prudence 
 dictates to every man the necessity of settling his tempo 
 ral concerns while it is in his power, and while the mind 
 is calm and undisturbed, I have, since I came to this 
 place, (for I had not time to do it before I left home,) 
 got Colonel Pendleton to draught a will for me, by the 
 directions I gave him, which will I now enclose. The 
 provision made for you in case of my death will, I hope, 
 be agreeable. 
 
 " I shall add nothing more, as I have several letters to 
 write, but to desire that you will remember me to your 
 friends, and to assure you that I am with the most un 
 feigned regard, my dear Patsy, your affectionate, &c." 
 
 " To the Captains of several Independent Companies in 
 Virginia. 
 
 " Philadelphia, 20 June, 1775. 
 
 " GENTLEMEN, I am now about to bid adieu to the 
 companies under your respective commands, at least for 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 125 
 
 a while. I have launched into a wide and extensive field, 
 too boundless for my abilities, and far, very far, beyond 
 rny experience. I am called, by the unanimous voice 
 of the Colonies, to the command of the Continental ar 
 my ; an honor I did not aspire to ; an honor I was soli 
 citous to avoid, upon a full conviction of rny inadequacy 
 to the importance of the service. The partiality of the 
 Congress, however, assisted by a political motive, ren 
 dered my reasons unavailing, and I shall to-morrow set 
 out for the camp near Boston. 
 
 u I have only to beg of you, therefore, before I go, 
 (especially as you did me the honor to put your compa 
 nies under my direction, and know not how soon you may 
 be called upon in Virginia for an exertion of your military 
 skill,) by no means to relax in the discipline of your re 
 spective companies. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Washington assumes Command of the Jlrmy. Campaign of 
 1775. 
 
 ON his way to Massachusetts, General Washington 
 was received with the greatest attention, and, wherever 
 he was seen, the public confidence and admiration were, 
 at once, fixed upon him. His approach to the army at 
 Cambridge was announced in a letter from John Adams 
 to Elbridge Gerry, of which the following is an ex 
 tract. 
 
 "I hope the utmost politeness and respect will be 
 shown to these officers on their arrival. The whole army, 
 I think, should be drawn up upon the occasion, and all 
 the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war dis 
 played : no powder burned, however. 
 
 " There is something charming to me in the conduct 
 of Washington. A gentleman of one of the first fortunes 
 upon the continent, leaving his delicious retirement, his 
 
126 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 family, and friends, sacrificing his ease, and hazarding all 
 in the cause of the country. His views are noble and 
 disinterested. He declared, when accepting the mighty 
 trust, that he would lay before us an exact account of his 
 expenses, and not accept a shilling for pay."* 
 
 On the 2d of July, General Washington arrived in 
 Cambridge, where his head-quarters were established, 
 and his residence fixed, in the spacious and noble man 
 sion-house, now owned and occupied by the widow of 
 the late Andrew Craigie. On the morning of the 3d of 
 July, the army was drawn up on the Common to receive 
 its new General. A very small number of the officers and 
 privates had ever seen him. Their eager expectation and 
 curiosity may easily be imagined. At length the indica 
 tions of his approach were seen, he rode forward, and 
 wheeling his horse beneath the majestic elm-tree, still 
 standing, near the point where the Watertown road enters 
 the Common, he drew his sword, and assumed the com 
 mand of the armies of United America. As its blade 
 glittered in the sun, a sentiment of joy and pride spread 
 through the ranks of the troops, and pervaded the assem 
 bled multitude. Washington was then, at the age of forty- 
 three, in the prime and glory of his manhood, and his 
 whole appearance and aspect, as he rode upon that field, 
 were such as to meet the highest expectations, and fill out 
 the grandest image, that any one had formed, or could 
 form, of a great hero and conqueror. The admiration and 
 confidence, excited by the first glance of his noble per 
 son, were never diminished in the breasts of his army, 
 but were justified and confirmed by the entire course of 
 his military and public life. 
 
 The Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, which was 
 in session at Watertown, about three miles from the en 
 campment of the army, addressed him as follows upon 
 his arrival in their vicinity : 
 
 a May it please your Excellency, 
 " The Congress of the Massachusetts colony, impress 
 ed with every sentiment of gratitude and respect, beg 
 
 * Austin s Life of Gerry, vol. i. p. 89. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 127 
 
 leave to congratulate you on your safe arrival, and to wish 
 you all imaginable happiness and success in the execution 
 of the important duties of your elevated station. While 
 we applaud that attention to the public good, manifested 
 in your appointment, we equally admire that disinterested 
 virtue and distinguished patriotism, which alone could call 
 you from those enjoyments of domestic life, which a sub 
 lime and manly taste, joined with a most affluent fortune, 
 can afford, to hazard your life, and to endure the fatigues 
 of war, in the defence of the rights of mankind, and the 
 good of your country. 
 
 " The laudable zeal for the common cause of America, 
 and compassion for the distresses of this colony, exhibit 
 ed by the great despatch made in your journey hither, 
 fully justify the universal satisfaction we have, with pleas 
 ure, observed on this occasion ; and are promising presa 
 ges, that the great expectations formed from your personal 
 character, and military abilities, are well founded. We 
 wish you may have found such regularity and discipline 
 already established in the army, as may be agreeable to 
 your expectation. The hurry with which it was ne 
 cessarily collected, and the many disadvantages, arising 
 from a suspension of government, under which we have 
 raised and endeavored to regulate the forces of this col 
 ony, have rendered it a work of time ; and though in great 
 measure effected, the completion of so difficult, and at the 
 same time so necessary a task, is reserved to your Excel 
 lency, and we doubt not will be properly considered and 
 attended to. 
 
 " We would not presume to prescribe to your Excellen 
 cy, but, supposing you would choose to be informed of 
 the general character of the soldiers who compose this 
 army, beg leave to represent, that the greatest part of 
 them have not before seen service ; and although natural 
 ly brave and of good understanding, yet, for want of ex 
 perience in military life, have but little knowledge of divers 
 things most essential to the preservation of health, and even 
 of life. The youth in the army are not impressed with 
 tne absolute necessity of cleanliness in their dress and 
 lodging, continual exercise, and strict temperance, to pre- 
 
12S LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 serve them from diseases frequently prevailing in camps ; 
 especially among those, who, from their childhood, have 
 been used to a laborious life. We beg leave to assure 
 you, that this Congress will, at all times, be ready to at 
 tend to such requisitions as you may have occasion to 
 make, and to contribute all the aid in our power to the 
 cause of America and your happiness and ease, in the 
 discharge of the duties of your exalted office. 
 
 "We most fervently implore Almighty God, that the 
 blessings of Divine Providence may rest on you ; that 
 your head may be covered in the day of battle ; that 
 every necessary assistance may be afforded ; and that 
 you may be long continued in life and health, a blessing 
 to mankind. " 
 
 Washington thus replied : 
 
 " GENTLEMEN, Your kind congratulations on my 
 appointment and arrival, demand my warmest acknowl 
 edgements, and will ever be retained in grateful remem 
 brance. 
 
 " In exchanging the enjoyments of domestic life for 
 the duties of my present honorable but arduous station, I 
 only emulate the virtue and public spirit of the whole 
 province of Massachusetts Bay, which, with a firmness 
 and patriotism without example in modern history, has 
 sacrificed all the comforts of social and political life, in 
 support of the rights of mankind, and the welfare of our 
 common country. My highest ambition is to be the 
 happy instrument of vindicating those rights, and to see 
 this devoted province again restored to peace, liberty, 
 and safety. 
 
 " The short space of time, which has elapsed since 
 my arrival, does not permit me to decide upon the state 
 of the army. The course of human affairs forbids an 
 expectation, that troops formed under such circumstances, 
 should at once possess the order, regularity, and discipline 
 of veterans. Whatever deficiencies there may be, will, 
 I doubt not, soon be made up by the activity and zeal 
 of the officers, and the docility and obedience of the men. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 129 
 
 These qualities, united with their native bravery and spir 
 it, will afford a happy presage of success, and put a final 
 period to those distresses, which now overwhelm this 
 once happy country. 
 
 4C I most sincerely thank you, gentlemen, for your 
 declarations of readiness at all times to assist me in the 
 discharge of the duties of my station. They are so com 
 plicated and extended, that I shall need the assistance of 
 every good man, and lover of his country. I therefore 
 repose the utmost confidence in your aid. In return for 
 your affectionate wishes to myself, permit me to say, that 
 I earnestly implore that Divine Being, in whose hands are 
 all human events, to make you and your constituents as 
 distinguished in private and public happiness, as you have 
 been by ministerial oppression, and by private and public 
 distress." 
 
 The following letter from Washington to the President 
 of Congress, although long, is necessary to be read, in 
 order to have any thing like an adequate idea of the 
 condition of the forces when he took command, of the 
 measures he adopted, his manner of conducting his offi 
 cial business, and of the relative situation of the two 
 armies. 
 
 <( To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Camp at Cambridge, 10 July, 1775. 
 
 " SIR, I arrived safe at this place on the 3d instant, 
 after a journey attended with a good deal of fatigue, and 
 retarded by necessary attentions to the successive civilities 
 which accompanied me in my whole route. 
 
 " Upon my arrival, I immediately visited the several 
 posts occupied by our troops ; and, as soon as the weath 
 er permitted, reconnoitered those of the enemy. I found 
 the latter strongly intrenching on Bunker s Hill, about a 
 mile from Charlestown, and advanced about half a mile 
 from the place of the late action, with their sentries ex 
 tended about one hundred and fifty yards on this side of 
 the narrowest part of the neck leading from this place to 
 
130 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Charlestown. Three floating batteries lie in Mystic 
 River near their camp, and one twenty-gun ship below 
 the ferry-place between Boston and Charlestown. They 
 have also a battery on Cops Hill, on the Boston side, 
 which much annoyed our troops in the late attack. Upon 
 Roxbury Neck, they are also deeply intrenched and 
 strongly fortified. Their advanced guards, till last Sat 
 urday, occupied Brown s houses, about a mile from Rox 
 bury meeting-house, and twenty rods from their lines ; 
 but, at that time, a party from General Thomas s camp 
 surprised the guard, drove them in, and burned the 
 houses. The bulk of their army, commanded by Gen 
 eral Howe, lies on Bunker s Hill, and the remainder on 
 Roxbury Neck, except the light-horse, and a few men in 
 the town of Boston. 
 
 " On our side, we have thrown up intrenchments on 
 Winter and Prospect Hills, the enemy s camp in full 
 view, at the distance of little more than a mile. Such 
 intermediate points as would admit a landing, I have 
 since my arrival taken care to strengthen, down to Sew- 
 all s farm, where a strong intrenchment has been thrown 
 up. At Roxbury, General Thomas has thrown up a 
 strong work on the hill, about two hundred yards above 
 the meeting-house ; which, with the brokenness of the 
 ground, and a great number of rocks, has made that pass 
 very secure. The troops raised in New Hampshire, 
 with a regiment from Rhode Island, occupy Winter Hill ; 
 a part of those from Connecticut, under General Putnam, 
 are on Prospect Hill. The troops in this town are en 
 tirely of the Massachusetts ; the remainder of the Rhode 
 Island men are at Sewall s farm. Two regiments of 
 Connecticut, and nine of the Massachusetts, are at Rox 
 bury. The residue of the army, to the number of about 
 seven hundred, are posted in several small towns along 
 the coast, to prevent the depredations of the enemy. 
 
 " Upon the whole, I think myself authorized to say, 
 that, considering the great extent of line and the nature 
 of the ground, we are as well secured as could be ex 
 pected in so short a time, and with the disadvantages 
 we labor under. These consist in a want of engineers 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. J31 
 
 to construct proper works and direct the men, a want of 
 tools, and a sufficient number of men to man the works 
 in case of an attack. You will observe, by the proceed 
 ings of the council of war, which I have the honor to 
 enclose, that it is our unanimous opinion, to hold and 
 defend these works as long as possible. The discour 
 agement it would give the men, and its contrary effects 
 on the ministerial troops, thus to abandon our encamp 
 ment in their face, formed with so much labor and ex 
 pense, added to the certain destruction of a considerable 
 and valuable extent of country, and our uncertainty of find 
 ing a place in all respects so capable of making a stand, 
 are leading reasons for this determination. At the same 
 time, we are very sensible of the difficulties which attend 
 the defence of lines of so great extent, and the dangers, 
 which may ensue from such a division of the army. 
 
 u My earnest wish to comply with the instructions of 
 the Congress, in making an early and complete return of 
 the state of the army, has led to an involuntary delay of 
 addressing you ; which has given me much concern. 
 Having given orders for that purpose immediately on my 
 arrival, and not then so well apprized of the imperfect 
 obedience which had been paid to those of the like na 
 ture from General Ward, I was led from day to day to 
 expect they would come in, and therefore detained 
 the messenger. They are not now so complete as I 
 could wish ; but much allowance is to be made for inex 
 perience in forms, and a liberty which had been taken 
 (not given) on this subject. These reasons, I flatter 
 myself, will no longer exist ; and, of consequence, more 
 regularity and exactness will in future prevail. This, 
 with a necessary attention to the lines, the movements of 
 the ministerial troops, and our immediate security, must 
 be my apology, which I beg you to lay before Congress 
 with the utmost duty and respect. 
 
 cc We labor under great disadvantages for want of tents ; 
 for, though they have been helped out by a collection of 
 sails from the seaport towns, the number is far short of 
 our necessities. The colleges and houses of this town 
 are necessarily occupied by the troops ; which affords 
 
132 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 another reason for keeping our present station. But I 
 most sincerely wish the whole army was properly pro 
 vided to take the field, as I am well assured, that, besides 
 greater expedition and activity in case of alarm, it would 
 highly conduce to health and discipline. As materials 
 are not to be had here, I would beg leave to recommend 
 the procuring of a further supply from Philadelphia, as 
 soon as possible. 
 
 " I should be extremely deficient in gratitude., as well 
 as justice, if I did not take the first opportunity to ac 
 knowledge the readiness and attention, which the Pro 
 vincial Congress and different committees have shown, 
 to make every thing as convenient and agreeable as 
 possible. But there is a vital and inherent principle of 
 delay incompatible with military service, in transacting 
 business through such numerous and different channels. 
 I esteem it, therefore, my duty to represent the incon 
 venience, which must unavoidably ensue from a depend- 
 ance on a number of persons for supplies ; and submit it 
 to the consideration of Congress, whether the public ser 
 vice will not be best promoted by appointing a commis 
 sary-general for these purposes. We have a striking 
 instance of the preference of such a mode, in the estab 
 lishment of Connecticut, as their troops are extremely 
 well provided under the direction of Mr. Trumbull, and 
 he has, at different times, assisted others with various 
 articles. Should my sentiments happily coincide with 
 those of your Honors on this subject, I beg leave to 
 recommend Mr. Trumbull as a very proper person for this 
 department. In the arrangement of troops collected under 
 such circumstances, and upon the spur of immediate ne 
 cessity, several appointments have been omitted, which 
 appear to be indispensably necessary for the good gov 
 ernment of the army, particularly a quartermaster-general, 
 a commissary of musters, and a commissary of artillery. 
 These I must particularly recommend to the notice and 
 provision of the Congress. 
 
 " I find myself already much embarrassed, for want of 
 a military chest. These embarrassments will increase 
 every day. I must therefore most earnestly request, that 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 133 
 
 money may be forwarded as soon as possible. The 
 want of tbis most necessary article will, I fear, produce 
 great inconveniences, if not prevented by an early atten 
 tion. I find the army in general, and the troops raised 
 in Massachusetts in particular, very deficient in necessary 
 clothing. Upon inquiry, there appears no probability of 
 obtaining any supplies in this quarter ; and, on the best 
 consideration of this matter I am able to form, I am of 
 opinion that a number of hunting-shirts, not less than ten 
 thousand, would in a great degree remove this difficulty, 
 in the cheapest and quickest manner. I know nothing, 
 in a speculative view, more trivial, yet which, if put in 
 practice, would have a happier tendency to unite the men, 
 and abolish those provincial distinctions that lead to jeal 
 ousy and dissatisfaction. 
 
 u In a former part of this letter, I mentioned the want 
 of engineers. I can hardly express the disappointment 
 I have experienced on this subject, the skill of those we 
 have being very imperfect, and confined to the mere 
 manual exercise of cannon ; whereas the war in which 
 we are engaged requires a knowledge comprehending the 
 duties of the field, and fortification. If any persons thus 
 qualified are to be found in the southern colonies, it 
 would be of great public service to forward them with all 
 expedition. 
 
 u Upon the article of ammunition, I must re-echo the 
 former complaints on this subject. We are so exceed 
 ingly destitute, that our artillery will be of little use, with 
 out a supply both large and seasonable. What we have 
 must be reserved for the small arms, and that managed 
 with the utmost frugality. 
 
 cc I am very sorry to observe, that the appointment of 
 general officers, in the provinces of Massachusetts and 
 Connecticut, has not corresponded with the wishes and 
 judgement of either the civil or military. The great dis 
 satisfaction expressed on this subject, and the apparent 
 danger of throwing the whole army into the utmost dis 
 order, together with the strong representations made by 
 the Provincial Congress, have induced me to retain the 
 commissions in my hands until the pleasure of the Con- 
 
134 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 tinental Congress should be further known, except Gen 
 eral Putnam s, which was given the day I came to the 
 camp, and before I was apprized of these disgusts. In 
 such a step, I must beg the Congress will do me the jus 
 tice to believe, that 1 have been actuated solely by a 
 regard to the public good. 
 
 " I have not, nor could I have, any private attach 
 ments ; every gentleman in appointment was a stranger 
 to me, but from character ; I must, therefore, rely upon 
 the candor and indulgence of Congress, for their most 
 favorable construction of my conduct in this particular. 
 General Spencer s disgust was so great at General Put 
 nam s promotion, that he left the army without visiting 
 me, or making known his intention in any respect. 
 
 cc General Pomroy had also retired before my arri 
 val, occasioned, as it is said, by some disappointment 
 from the Provincial Congress. General Thomas is 
 much esteemed, and most earnestly desired to continue 
 in the service ; and, as far as my opportunities have 
 enabled me to judge, I must join in the general opinion, 
 that he is an able, good officer ; and his resignation 
 would be a public loss. The postponing of him to 
 Pomroy and Heath, whom he has commanded, would 
 make his continuance very difficult, and probably op 
 erate on his mind, as the like circumstance did on that 
 of Spencer. 
 
 u The state of the army you will find ascertained with 
 tolerable precision in the returns which accompany this 
 letter. Upon finding the number of men to fall so far 
 short of the establishment, and below all expectation, I 
 immediately called a council of the general officers, 
 whose opinion, as to the mode of filling up the regiments, 
 and providing for the present exigency, I have the honor 
 of enclosing, together with the best judgement we are 
 able to form of the ministerial troops. From the number 
 of boys, deserters, and negroes, that have been enlisted 
 in the troops of this province, I entertain some doubts 
 whether the number required can be raised here ; and all 
 the general officers agree, that no dependance can be put 
 on the militia, for a continuance in camp, or regularity 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 135 
 
 and discipline during the short time they may stay. This 
 unhappy and devoted province has been so long in a state 
 of anarchy, and the yoke of ministerial oppression has 
 been laid so heavily on it, that great allowances are to be 
 made for troops raised under such circumstances. The 
 deficiency of numbers, discipline, and stores, can only 
 lead to this conclusion, that their spirit has exceeded 
 their strength. But, at the same time, I would humbly 
 submit to the consideration of Congress, the propriety of 
 making some further provision of men from the other 
 colonies. If these regiments should be completed to 
 their establishment, the dismission of those unfit for duty, 
 on account of their age and character, would occasion a 
 considerable reduction ; and, at all events, they have 
 been enlisted upon such terms, that they may be disbanded 
 when other troops arrive. But should my apprehensions 
 be realized, and the regiments here not be filled up, the 
 public cause would suffer by an absolute dependance upon 
 so doubtful an event, unless some provision is made against 
 such a disappointment. 
 
 u It requires no military skill to judge of the difficulty 
 of introducing proper discipline and subordination into an 
 army, while we have the enemy in view, and are in daily 
 expectation of an attack ; but it is of so much importance, 
 that every effort will be made to this end, which time 
 and circumstances will admit. In the mean time, I have 
 a sincere pleasure in observing, that there are materials 
 for a good army, a great number of able-bodied men, 
 active, zealous in the cause, and of unquestionable 
 courage. 
 
 u I am now, sir, to acknowledge the receipt of your 
 favor of the 28th of June, enclosing the resolutions of 
 Congress of the 27th, and a copy of a letter from the 
 Committee of Albany ; to all which I shall pay due at 
 tention. 
 
 u Generals Gates and Sullivan have both arrived in 
 good health. 
 
 " My best abilities are at all times devoted to the ser 
 vice of my country ; but I feel the weight, importance, 
 and variety of my present duties too sensibly, not to wish 
 
136 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 a more immediate and frequent communication with the 
 Congress. I fear it may often happen, in the course of 
 our present operations, that I shall need that assistance 
 and direction from them, which time and distance will 
 not allow me to receive. 
 
 u Since writing the above, I have also to acknowledge 
 your favor of the 4th instant by Fessenden, and the 
 receipt of the commissions and articles of war. Among 
 the other returns, I have also sent one of our killed, 
 wounded, and missing, in the late action ; but have been 
 able to procure no certain account of the loss of the min 
 isterial troops. My best intelligence fixes it at about five 
 hundred killed and six or seven hundred wounded ; but 
 it is no more than conjecture, the utmost pains being 
 taken on their side to conceal their loss. 
 
 " Having ordered the commanding officer to give me 
 the earliest intelligence of every motion of the enemy by 
 land or water, discernible from the heights of his camp, 
 I this instant, as I was closing my letter, received the 
 enclosed from the brigade-major. The design of this 
 manoeuvre I know not ; perhaps it may be to make a 
 descent somewhere along the coast ; it may be for New 
 York ; or it may be practised as a deception on us. I 
 thought it not improper, however, to mention the matter 
 to you ; I have done the same to the commanding officer 
 at New York ; and I shall let it be known to the Com 
 mittee of Safety here, so that intelligence may be com 
 municated, as they shall think best, along the sea-coast 
 of this government. 
 
 u I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 The slightest reflection will lead the reader to some 
 conception of the difficulties and perplexities which en 
 compassed the command of an army, called into the 
 field in so hasty and unprepared a manner, collected from 
 different States and towns, with every variety of accou 
 trements, and with no other bond of union than the cause 
 in which they were engaged. Over this complex, varie 
 gated, and heterogeneous multitude of undisciplined and 
 excited insurgents, Washington was called to preside. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 137 
 
 The arduous task was imposed upon him of arranging, 
 consolidating, and training them to habits of order, 
 promptitude, and obedience ; and, while nothing was 
 done to impair their spirit, as freemen rising against op 
 pression, to reduce them to such a state of subordination 
 as was necessary to give them efficiency as an army. 
 It was obvious that the greatest prudence w^as needed to 
 save them from the perils and snares, into which their 
 more experienced adversary would be on the watch to 
 lead them; and at the same time it was necessary to keep 
 up the spirit of the troops and the people by occasional 
 movements and adventures of a bold and daring charac 
 ter. 
 
 At once, instantly upon assuming command, Washing 
 ton began to display that wonderful combination of caution 
 and forethought, with a gallant and enterprising readiness 
 to meet danger, when rendered necessary or highly expe 
 dient, for which he was always distinguished. In his 
 deliberations with his officers, in the general character 
 of his proceedings, he impressed all beholders with a clear 
 perception of the claims he had upon their confidence and 
 love. They saw that he was the very man whom the 
 exigencies of the service and the country demanded ; and 
 they felt safe in listening to counsels and obeying com 
 mands which evidently proceeded from one whose spirit 
 was as just, and enlightened, and candid as it was noble 
 and majestic, and in which moderation, wisdom, and firm 
 ness of the highest order, were harmoniously combined 
 with the deepest and most glowing enthusiasm of the 
 patriot and the hero. 
 
 This was the impression made at first sight upon the 
 minds and hearts of his associates and subordinates, and it 
 was strengthened by his whole deportment, and the ob 
 servation of his conduct in all the scenes of his public and 
 private life. 
 
 The Legislature of Massachusetts and the Governor of 
 Connecticut called upon him to detach portions of the 
 army for the protection of several points along the coast, 
 which were particularly exposed and threatened by the 
 armed vessels of the enemy. This application brought 
 
138 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 up the whole subject of the policy and system on which 
 the war was to be conducted. It raised the question 
 whether detachments should be distributed along the coast, 
 and scattered over the country, in the manner proposed 
 and requested, or whether the continental forces ought not 
 to be kept in one compact and concentrated army. It 
 is obvious that this was a vital question, and that the 
 entire character and issue of the war depended upon its 
 determination. Washington met it at once, and made 
 up his mind definitely upon it. Whether his conclusion 
 was wise, the reader can easily judge. 
 
 " To the Speaker of the General Assembly of Massachusetts 
 Bay. 
 
 " Camp at Cambridge, 31 July, 1775. 
 
 " SIR, I have considered the application made to me 
 yesterday from the General Court, with all the attention 
 due to the situation of the people in whose behalf it is 
 made, and the respect due to such a recommendation. 
 Upon referring to my instructions, and consulting with 
 those members of Congress who are present, as well as 
 the general officers, they all agree, that it would not be 
 consistent with my duty to detach any part of the army 
 now here on any particular provincial service. It has 
 been debated in Congress and settled, that the militia, or 
 other internal strength of each province, is to be applied 
 for defence against those small and particular depreda 
 tions, which were to be expected, and to which they were 
 supposed to be competent. This will appear the more 
 proper, when it is considered, that every town, and in 
 deed every part of our sea-coast, which is exposed to 
 these depredations, would have an equal claim upon this 
 army. 
 
 "It is the misfortune of our situation which exposes 
 us to these ravages, and against which, in my judgement, 
 no such temporary relief could possibly secure us. The 
 great advantage the enemy have of transporting troops, 
 by being masters of the sea, will enable them to harass 
 us by diversions of this kind ; and should we be tempted 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 139 
 
 to pursue them upon every alarm, the army must either 
 be so weakened as to expose it to destruction, or a great 
 part of the coast be still left unprotected. Nor, indeed, 
 does it appear to me, that such a pursuit would be attend 
 ed with the least effect. The first notice of such an ex 
 cursion would be its actual execution ; and,long before any 
 troops could reach the scene of action, the enemy would 
 have an opportunity to accomplish their purpose and re 
 tire. It would give me great pleasure to have it in my 
 power to extend protection and safety to every individual ; 
 but the wisdom of the General Court will anticipate me 
 in the necessity of conducting our operations on a general 
 and impartial scale, so as to exclude any just cause of 
 complaint and jealousy. 
 
 " I beg, sir, you will do me the honor to communicate 
 these sentiments to the General Court, and to apologize 
 for my involuntary delay, as we were alarmed this morn 
 ing by the enemy, and my time was taken up in giving 
 the necessary directions. 
 
 " I shall be happy in every opportunity of showing 
 my very great respect and regard for the General Court 
 of Massachusetts Bay, and am, sir, &c." 
 
 The course of events at the siege of Boston, so far as 
 they have a bearing upon the personal condition and ser 
 vices of the commander-in-chief, and for that reason, are 
 required to be related in a narrative of his life, will be 
 presented to the reader in extracts from his published let 
 ters. The extracts will be selected, as the case may be, 
 either from Mr. Sparks s collection, or from the Official 
 Letters to the Honorable American Congress, written du 
 ring the war between the united Colonies and Great Brit 
 ain, by his Excellency George Washington, Command 
 er-in-chief, &c. The copy of the latter work, used 
 in compiling these volumes, was printed in London, in 
 1795. In neither of these works are the letters all given 
 entire, different parts of the same letter being extracted, 
 and different parts suppressed, so that both need to be 
 resorted to, in selecting materials appropriate to a bi 
 ography. 
 
140 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Extracts from a despatch to the President of Congress, 
 dated, 
 
 " Camp, at Cambridge, Aug. 4, 1775. 
 
 " As General Gage is making preparations for winter, 
 by contracting for quantities of coal, it will suggest to us 
 the propriety of extending our views to that season. I 
 have directed that such huts, as have been lately made of 
 boards, should be done in such a manner, that, if neces 
 sary, they may serve for covering during the winter. But 
 I need not enlarge upon the variety of necessities, such 
 as clothing, fuel, &c., (both exceedingly scarce, and dif 
 ficult to be procured,) which that season must bring with 
 it, if the army, or any considerable part of it, is to remain 
 embodied. 
 
 " From the inactivity of the enemy, since the arrival of 
 their whole re-enforcement, their continual addition to 
 their lines, and many other circumstances, I am inclin 
 ed to think, that, finding us so well prepared to receive 
 them, the plan of operations is varied, and they mean, by 
 regular approaches, to bombard us out of our present line 
 of defence, or are waiting, in expectation that the Colo 
 nies must sink under the weight of the expense, or the 
 prospect of a winter campaign so discourage our troops, 
 as to break up our army. If they have not some such 
 expectations, the issue of which they are determined to 
 wait, I cannot account for the delay, when their strength 
 is lessened every day by sickness, desertions, and little 
 skirmishes. 
 
 u Of these last, we have had only two, worthy of notice. 
 Having some reason to suspect they were extending their 
 lines at Charlestown, I, last Saturday evening, ordered 
 some of the riflemen down, to make a discovery, or bring 
 off a prisoner. They were accidently discovered, sooner 
 than they expected, by the guard coming to relieve, and 
 obliged to fire upon them. We have reason to believe 
 they killed several. They brought in two prisoners, 
 whose account (confirmed by some other circumstances) 
 removed my suspicions in part. Since that time, we 
 have, on each side, drawn in our sentries, and there have 
 been scattering fires along the line. This evening, we 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 141 
 
 have heard of three captains who have been taken off by 
 the riflemen, and one killed by a cannon-shot from Rox- 
 bury, besides several privates : but, as the intelligence is 
 not direct, I only mention it as a report which deserves 
 credit. The other happened at the lighthouse. A 
 number of workmen having been sent down to repair it, 
 with a guard of twenty-two marines and a subaltern, 
 Major Tupper, last Monday morning, about two o clock, 
 landed there, with about three hundred men, attacked 
 them, killed the officer, and four privates ; but, being de 
 tained by the tide, in his return, he was attacked by sever 
 al boats ; but he happily got through, with the loss of one 
 man killed, and another w r ounded. The remainder of 
 the ministerial troops (three of whom are badly wounded) 
 he brought off prisoners, with ten tories, all of whom are 
 on their way to Springfield jail. The riflemen, in these 
 skirmishes, lost one man, who (we hear) is a prisoner in 
 Boston jail. The enemy, in return, endeavored to sur 
 prise our guard at Roxbury ; but they, being apprized of 
 it by a deserter, had time to prepare for it ; but, by some 
 negligence or misconduct, in the officer of the guard, they 
 burned the George tavern, on the neck ; and have, every 
 day since, been cannonading us from their lines, both at 
 Roxbury and Charlestown, but with no other effect than 
 the loss of two men. On our part, except straggling 
 fires from the small arms about the lines, which we en 
 deavor to restrain, we have made little or no return. 
 
 u Our situation, in the article of powder, is much more 
 alarming, than I had the most distant idea of. Having de 
 sired a return to be made out (on my arrival) of the am 
 munition, I found three hundred and three barrels and a 
 half of powder mentioned as in the store ; but, on order 
 ing a new supply of cartridges yesterday, I was informed, 
 to my very great astonishment, that there was no more 
 than thirty-six barrels of the Massachusetts store, which, 
 with the stock of Rhode Island, New Hampshire, and 
 Connecticut, makes nine thousand nine hundred and thir 
 ty-seven pounds, not more than nine rounds a man. As 
 there had been no consumption of powder since, that 
 could in any degree account for such a deficiency, I w r as 
 very particular in my inquiries, and found, that the com- 
 
142 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 mittee of supplies, not being sufficiently acquainted with 
 the nature of a return, or misapprehending my request, 
 sent in an account of all the ammunition which had been 
 collected by the Province ; so that the report included 
 not only what was in hand, but what had been spent. 
 
 " Upon discovering this mistake, I immediately went up 
 to confer with the Speaker of the House of Representa 
 tives, upon some measures to obtain a supply from the 
 neighboring townships, in such a manner as might prevent 
 our poverty being known ; as it is a secret of too great 
 consequence to be divulged in the General Court, some in 
 dividual of which might, perhaps, indiscreetly suffer it to 
 escape him, so as to find its way to the enemy, the con 
 sequences of which are terrible even in idea. I shall also 
 write to the Governors of Rhode Island and Connecticut, 
 and the Committee of Safety, in New Hampshire, on this 
 subject, urging, in the most forcible terms, the necessity 
 of an immediate supply, if in their power. I need not 
 enlarge on our melancholy situation : it is sufficient that 
 the existence of the army, and the salvation of the Coun 
 try, depends upon something being done for our relief, 
 both speedy and effectual, and that our situation be kept 
 a profound secret." 
 
 In a continuation of the letter, from which the forego 
 ing is taken, under date of August 5, the following pas 
 sages occur. 
 
 u I have this morning been alarmed with an information 
 that two gentlemen, from Philadelphia, (Mr. Hitchbourne 
 and Captain White,) with letters for General Lee and 
 myself, have been taken by Captain Ayscough, at Rhode 
 Island, the letters intercepted, and sent forward to Bos 
 ton, with the bearers, as prisoners ; that the Captain ex 
 ulted much in the discoveries he had made ; and my in 
 former (who was also in the boat, but released,) under 
 stood them to be letters of consequence. I have, there 
 fore, despatched the express immediately back, though I 
 had before resolved to detain him till Fessenden s return. 
 I shall be anxious, till I ain relieved from the suspense I 
 am in, as to the contents of those letters. 
 
 41 It is exceedingly unfortunate that gentlemen should 
 choose to travel the only road on which there is danger. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 143 
 
 Let the event of this be what it will, I hope it will serve 
 as a general caution against trusting any letters that way 
 in future." 
 
 In reference to the capture of these gentlemen, Wash 
 ington wrote the following letter to the Speaker of the 
 Provincial Congress of Massachusetts. 
 
 " To the Hon. Colonel Warren. 
 " Camp at Cambridge, Head-Quarters, Aug. 6, 1775. 
 
 " SIR, I should be very glad to procure Mr. Hitch- 
 bourne s release, agreeable to your favor of yesterday, if 
 I could think of any mode in which it was practicable. 
 To propose it on any other footing, than an exchange, 
 would, I fear, expose the application to contempt. As I 
 observe he is included in the vote delivered me, this 
 morning, by a Committee from the General Court, I ap 
 prehend it had best be left on that footing, and is the 
 most likely to be successful. 
 
 "It is very surprising, if the letters intercepted are of 
 consequence, that those gentlemen should act so impru 
 dent a part. If their suffering only affected themselves, 
 I should not think it improper that they should feel a lit 
 tle, for their misconduct or negligence. 
 
 "I am, with much truth and regard, sir, your most 
 obedient, and very humble servant."* 
 
 * As the above is one of several letters which the writer of this work 
 has received, from the Warren family, of Plymouth, Massachusetts, 
 with permision to use them, so far as he may think proper, in compil 
 ing a Life of Washington, he would avail himself of the opportunity 
 to record a few facts, in reference to the distinguished persons to whom 
 they were written. 
 
 General James Warren, of Plymouth, was born on the 9th of Octo 
 ber, 1726, and died on the 27th of November, 1808, in the eighty- 
 third year of his age. He was one of the most eminent, among the 
 leading men in Massachusetts, who prepared the country for the Revo 
 lutionary contest. He was Paymaster-General of the army collected 
 at the opening of the War, a Commissioner of the Navy Board, a Ma- 
 jor-General of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, President of the 
 Provincial Congress, and Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
 He was several times elected a Delegate to the General Congress, ap 
 pointed a Judge of the Supreme Court, and chosen Lieutenant-Gover- 
 nor of Massachusetts, on the adoption of the Constitution of that State, 
 in 1780. Although deeply devoted to the cause of the country, and 
 possessed of talents, eminently adapted to the highest political stations, 
 
144 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 It will be remembered, that, among tbe few officers who 
 escaped from the destruction of General Braddock s ar 
 my, was Colonel Gage. There is evidence, that a particu 
 lar attachment, between him and Washington, was the result 
 of their participation in the horrors of that scene of slaugh 
 ter, and of their joint preservation. In the political con 
 troversy, which resulted in the American Revolution, 
 these brother-soldiers were placed in leading positions, on 
 opposite sides ; and, when the war broke out, they were 
 brought into the most conspicuous collision, being at the 
 head of the contending forces. A correspondence took 
 place between them, at this time, which very strikingly il 
 lustrates the disastrous influence of the political arid mili 
 tary conflict, in which they were engaged, upon their an 
 cient friendship, and shows how completely enstrange- 
 ment, and even hostility of feeling, had taken the place 
 of the sympathy, and fellowship, which, springing from a 
 community of peril and preservation, had bound them to 
 gether. 
 
 The nature of the correspondence will be sufficiently 
 
 his prevailing attachments were to the peaceful walks of private and 
 rural life. At the close of the war, (to adopt the language, in which 
 his accomplished and venerable relict portrayed his character and his 
 tory, in a letter to Elbridge Gerry, written not long after his death,) 
 " domestic life his felicity, and retirement his choice, he retreated from 
 all public scenes and public men, and sat down on his paternal inher 
 itance. He spent the residue of his life in the cultivation of a pleas 
 ant farm. Improvements in agriculture, the studies of Nature and Prov 
 idence, and the offices of piety and benevolence, sufficiently occupied 
 his philosophical and contemplative mind, without other employments." 
 
 On the 14th of November, 1754, he was married to Miss Mercy 
 Otis, daughter of Hon. James Otis, of Barnstable, and sister of the 
 celebrated James Otis. In addition to a more than ordinary degree of 
 the charms and accomplishments, peculiarly appropriate to her sex, she 
 shared largely of the spirit and talents of her illustrious brother. It 
 will be seen, that she was a favorite and lasting correspondent of Mrs. 
 Washington, and her name is honorably distinguished among the his 
 torians of the eventful period in which she lived. Her correspondence 
 with the great spirits of the Revolutionary era is preserved by her de 
 scendants, and, when brought before the public, will be found a rich 
 and valuable contribution to the patriotic and historical literature of the 
 country. She died on the 19th of October, 1814, in the eighty-sev 
 enth year of her age. 
 
 Hon. Charles H. Warren, one of the Judges of the Court of Com 
 mon Pleas, of Massachusetts, is a grandson of General James Warren. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 145 
 
 indicated, by presenting the following substance of Wash 
 ington s first letter to General Gage. It is dated, u Head- 
 Quarters, Cambridge, 11 August, 1775." 
 
 " SIR, I understand that the officers engaged in the 
 cause of liberty and their country, who, by the fortune of 
 war, have fallen into your hands, have been thrown, in 
 discriminately, into a common jail, appropriated for fel 
 ons ; that no consideration has been had for those of the 
 most respectable rank, when languishing with wounds and 
 sickness ; and that some have been amputated, in this 
 unworthy situation. 
 
 u Let your opinion, sir, of the principles which actu 
 ate them, be what it may, they suppose that they act 
 from the noblest of all principles, a love of freedom and 
 their country. But political principles, I conceive, are 
 foreign to this point. The obligations arising from the 
 right of humanity, and claims of rank, are universally 
 binding and extensive, except in case of retaliation. 
 These, I should have hoped, would have dictated a 
 more tender treatment of those individuals, whom chance 
 of war had put in your power. Nor can I forbear 
 suggesting its fatal tendency to widen that unhappy 
 breach, which you, and those ministers under whom you 
 act, have repeatedly declared your wish is to see forever 
 closed. 
 
 cc My duty now makes it necessary to apprize you, 
 that, for the future, I shall regulate all my conduct to 
 wards those gentlemen who are, or may be, in our posses 
 sion, exactly by the rule you shall observe towards those 
 of ours, now in your custody." 
 
 General Gage s reply consists chiefly of recrimination, 
 in reference to the matter complained of, and of general 
 remarks, aspersive of the American cause. It drew forth 
 an indignant rejoinder from Washington, of which the fol 
 lowing extract will show the spirit. 
 
 " Whether British or American mercy, fortitude, and 
 patience, are most preeminent ; whether our virtuous cit- 
 zens, whom the hand of tyranny has forced into arms, to 
 defend their wives, their children, and their property, or 
 
H6 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 the mercenary instruments of lawless domination, ava 
 rice, and revenge, best deserve the appellation of rebels, 
 and the punishment of that cord, which your affected 
 clemency has forborne to inflict ; whether the authority 
 under which I act is usurped, or founded upon the genu 
 ine principles of liberty, were altogether foreign to the 
 subject. I purposely avoided all political disquisition ; 
 nor shall I now avail myself of those advantages, which 
 the sacred cause of my country, of liberty, and of human 
 nature, give me over you ; much less shall I stoop to re 
 tort and invective ; but the intelligence you say you have 
 received from our army requires a reply. I have taken 
 time, sir, to make a strict inquiry, and find it has not the 
 least foundation in truth. Not only your officers and sol 
 diers have been treated with the tenderness due to fellow- 
 citizens and brethren ; but even those execrable parricides, 
 whose counsels and aid have deluged their country with 
 blood, have been protected from the fury of a justly-en 
 raged people. Far from compelling or permitting their 
 assistance, I am embarrassed with the numbers who crowd 
 to our camp, animated with the purest principles of virtue 
 and love to their country. 
 
 "You affect, sir, to despise all rank, not derived from 
 the same source with your own. I cannot conceive 
 one more honorable, than that which flows from the un- 
 corrupted choice of a brave and free people, the pur 
 est source, and original fountain, of all power. Far 
 from making it a plea for cruelty, a mind of true mag 
 nanimity and enlarged ideas would comprehend and re 
 spect it. 
 
 "What may have been the ministerial views, which 
 have precipitated the present crisis, Lexington, Concord, 
 and Charlestown, can best declare. May that God, to 
 whom you then appeal, judge between America and you. 
 Under his providence, those who influence the councils 
 of America, and all the other inhabitants of the United 
 Colonies, at the hazard of their lives, are determined to 
 hand down to posterity those just and invaluable privi 
 leges, which they received from their ancestors. 
 
 U I shall now, sir, close my correspondence with you, 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 147 
 
 perhaps for ever. If your officers, our prisoners, re 
 ceive a treatment from me, different from that which I 
 wished to show them, they and you will remember the 
 occasion of it." 
 
 In the month of September, Colonel Benedict Arnold 
 was detached, with a thousand men, under orders to pro 
 ceed up the River Kennebec, and through the woods 
 to Canada, for the purpose of making an attempt upon 
 Quebec. The perseverance, hardihood, and valor, dis 
 played in this expedition, by its commander and his 
 troops, and its result, are well known to every reader of 
 the Revolutionary history. 
 
 The circumstances that led to this Canadian expedi 
 tion, the plan upon which it was arranged, and the gen 
 eral train of events, in the course of the siege of Boston, 
 are related in the official despatches of Washington to 
 Congress. The extract, next subjoined, is from a letter, 
 dated September 21, 1775. 
 
 " 1 am now to inform the Honorable Congress, that, 
 encouraged by the repeated declarations of the Canadians 
 and Indians, and, urged by their requests, I have detach 
 ed Colonel Arnold, with a thousand men, to penetrate 
 into Canada, by way of Kennebec river, and, if possible, 
 to make himself master of Quebec. By this manoeuvre, 
 I proposed, either to divert Carleton from St. Johns, 
 which would leave a free passage to General Schuyler ; 
 or, if this did not take effect, Quebec, in its present de 
 fenceless state, must fall into his hands an easy prey. I 
 made all possible inquiry, as to the distance, the safety of 
 the route, and the danger of the season being too far ad 
 vanced ; but found nothing, in either, to deter me from 
 proceeding, more especially, as it met with very general 
 approbation from all whom I consulted upon it. But, 
 that nothing might be omitted, to enable me to judge of 
 its propriety and probable consequences, I communicated 
 it, by express, to General Schuyler, who approved of it 
 in such terms, that I resolved to put it in immediate exe 
 cution. They have now left this place seven days ; and, 
 if favored with a good wind, I hope soon to hear of their 
 being safe in Kennebec river. 
 
148 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 " I was the more induced to make this detachment, as 
 it is my clear opinion, from a careful observation of the 
 movements of the enemy, corroborated by all the intelli 
 gence we receive by deserters and others, (of the former 
 of whom we have some every day,) that the enemy have 
 no intention to come out, until they are reenforced. They 
 have been wholly employed, for some time past, in pro 
 curing materials for barracks, fuel, and making other pre 
 parations for winter. These circumstances, with the con 
 stant additions to their works, which are apparently de 
 fensive, have led to the above conclusion, and enabled 
 me to spare this body of men where, I hope, they will 
 be usefully and successfully employed. 
 
 " The state of inactivity, in which this army has lain 
 for some time, by no means corresponds with my wishes, 
 by some decisive stroke, to relieve my country from the 
 heavy expense its subsistence must create. After fre 
 quently reconnoitering the situation of the enemy in the 
 town of Boston, collecting all possible intelligence, and 
 digesting the whole, a surprise did not appear to me whol 
 ly impracticable, though hazardous. 1 communicated it 
 to the general officers, some days before I called them to 
 a council, that they might be prepared with their opinions. 
 The result I have the honor of enclosing. I cannot say 
 that I have wholly laid it aside : but new events may oc 
 casion new measures. Of this, I hope, the Honorable 
 Congress can need no assurance, that there is not a man 
 in America, who more earnestly wishes such a termina 
 tion of the campaign, as to make the army no longer ne 
 cessary. 
 
 u The season advances so fast, that I have given or 
 ders to prepare barracks, and other accommodations, for 
 the winter. The great scarcity of tow-cloth, in this coun 
 try, I fear, will totally disappoint us, in our expectations 
 of procuring hunting-shirts. Governor Cooke informs 
 me, few or none are to be had in Rhode Island ; and 
 Governor Trumbull gives me little encouragement to ex 
 pect many from Connecticut. 
 
 " I have filled up the office of Quarter-Master-Gener 
 al, which the Congress was pleased to leave to me, by the 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 149 
 
 appointment of Major Mifflin, which, I hope and believe, 
 will be universally acceptable. 
 
 " It gives me great pain, to be obliged to solicit the at 
 tention of the Honorable Congress to the state of this ar 
 my, in terms which imply the slightest apprehension of 
 being neglected. But my situation is inexpressibly dis 
 tressing, to see the winter fast approaching upon a naked 
 army ; the time of their service, within a few weeks of 
 expiring ; and no provision yet made for such important 
 events. Added to these, the military chest is totally ex 
 hausted ; the Paymaster has not a single dollar in hand ; 
 the Commissary-General assures me he has strained his 
 credit, for the subsistence of the army, to the utmost. 
 The Quarter-Master-General is precisely in the same sit 
 uation ; and the greater part of the troops are in a state 
 not far from mutiny, upon the deduction from their stated 
 allowance. 1 know not to whom I am to impute this 
 failure ; but, I am of opinion, if the evil is not immedi 
 ately remedied, and more punctually observed in future, 
 the army must absolutely break up. I hoped I had so 
 fully expressed myself on this subject, (both by letter, 
 and to those members of the Congress who honored the 
 camp with a visit,) that no disappointment could possibly 
 happen : I therefore hourly expected advice from the 
 Paymaster, that he had received a fresh supply, in addi 
 tion to the hundred and seventy-two thousand dollars de 
 livered him in August ; and thought myself warranted to 
 assure the public creditors, that in a few days they should 
 be satisfied. But the delay has brought matters to such 
 a crisis, as admits of no further uncertain expectation. I 
 have, therefore, sent off this express, with orders to make 
 all possible despatch. It is my most earnest request, that 
 he may be returned with all possible expedition, unless 
 the Honorable Congress have already forwarded what is 
 so indispensably necessary." 
 
 The following letter, never before published, gives a 
 picture of the state of the army, at Cambridge, in refer 
 ence to their exposure to an approaching northern winter, 
 which cannot be contemplated without sensibility. The 
 
150 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 want of fuel, added to the want of clothing and ammuni 
 tion, constitutes a condition of suffering, of weakness, 
 and of imminent destruction, which it is fearful to reflect 
 upon. 
 
 " To the Hon. James Warren, Esq., Speaker, fyc. 
 
 " Cambridge, November 2nd, 1775. 
 
 " SIR, I promised the gentlemen who did me the 
 honor to call upon me yesterday, by order of your House, 
 that I would inquire of the Quarter-Master-General, and 
 let them know, to-day, what quantity of wood and hay 
 were necessary to supply this army through the winter. 
 I accordingly did so, and desired General Gates, this 
 morning, to inform you, that it was his (the Quarter- 
 Master s) opinion, it would require ten thousand cords of 
 the first, and two hundred tons of the latter, to answer 
 our demands ; but the hurry, in which we have been all 
 day engaged, caused him to forget it, till a fresh com 
 plaint brought it again to remembrance. 
 
 " When the Committee were here yesterday, I told 
 them that I did not believe, we had then more than four 
 days stock of wood beforehand. I little thought that we 
 had scarce four hours , and that different Regiments were 
 upon the point of cutting each other s throats for a few 
 standing locusts near their encampments, to dress their 
 victuals with. This, however, is the fact ; and, unless 
 some expedient is adopted by your honorable body, to 
 draw more teams into the service, or the Quarter-Master- 
 General is impowered to impress them, this army (if 
 there comes a spell of rainy and cold weather) must in 
 evitably disperse, the consequences of which need no 
 animadversions of mine. 
 
 It has been matter of great grief to me, to see so ma 
 ny valuable plantations of trees destroyed. I endeavor 
 ed (whilst there appeared a possibility of restraining 
 it) to prevent the practice ; but it is out of my power to 
 do it. From fences to forest trees, and from forest trees 
 to fruit trees, is a natural advance to houses, which must 
 next follow. This is not all ; the distress of the soldiers 
 in the article of wood will, I fear, have an unhappy in- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 151 
 
 fluence upon their enlisting again. In short, sir, if I did 
 not apprehend every evil that can result from the want 
 of these two capital articles, wood especially, I should 
 not be so importunate. My anxiety on this head must 
 plead my excuse. At the same time, I assure you that, 
 with great respect and esteem, I am, sir, your most obed t 
 serv t." 
 
 Extract from despatch of November 11, 1775. 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Cambridge, Nov. 11, 1775. 
 
 " SIR, I have other distresses of a very alarming na 
 ture. The arms of our soldiery are so exceeding bad, 
 that, I assure you, sir, I cannot place a proper confidence 
 in them. Our powder is wasting fast, notwithstanding 
 the strictest care, economy, and attention, is paid to it. 
 The long series of wet weather we have had, renders the 
 greater part of what has been served out to the men, of 
 no use. Yesterday,! had a proof of it, as a party of the 
 enemy, about four or five hundred, taking the advantage 
 of a high tide, landed at Lechmere s point : we were 
 alarmed, and, of course, ordered every man to examine 
 his cartouch-box, when the melancholy truth appeared ; 
 and we were obliged to furnish the greater part of them 
 with fresh ammunition. 
 
 " The damage done at the point was the taking of a 
 man, who watched a few horses and cows : ten of the 
 latter they carried off. Colonel Thompson marched 
 down with his regiment of riflemen, and was joined by 
 Colonel Woodbridge, with a part of his, and a part of 
 Patterson s regiment, who gallantly waded through the 
 water, and soon obliged the enemy to embark under cov 
 er of a man-of-war, a floating battery, and the fire of a 
 battery on Charlestown neck. We have two of our men 
 dangerously wounded by grape-shot from the man-of-war ; 
 and, by a flag sent out this day, we are informed the en 
 emy lost two of their men. 
 
 u I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
152 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Extract from despatch of December 11, 1775. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Cambridge, December 11, 1775. 
 
 " SIR, The information I received, that the enemy 
 intended spreading the smallpox amongst us, I could not 
 suppose them capable of. 1 now must give some credit 
 to it, as it has made its appearance on several of those 
 who last came out of Boston. Every necessary precau 
 tion has been taken to prevent its being communicated to 
 this army ; and the General Court will take care that it 
 does not spread through the country. 
 
 u I have not heard that any more troops are arrived at 
 Boston ; which is a lucky circumstance, as the Connec 
 ticut troops, I now find, are for the most part gone off. 
 The houses in Boston are lessening every day : they 
 are pulled down, either for fire-wood, or to prevent the 
 effects of fire, should we attempt a bombardment, or an 
 attack upon the town. Cobble Hill is strongly fortified, 
 without any interruption from the enemy." 
 
 Extract from despatch of December 19, 1775. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Cambridge, December 19, 1775. 
 
 " SIR, We now work at our ease on Lechrnere s 
 hill. On discovering our party there, yesterday morning, 
 the ship which lay opposite began a cannonade, to which 
 Mount Horam added some shells. One of our men was 
 wounded. We fired a few shot from two eighteen- 
 pounders which are placed on Cobble Hill, and soon 
 obliged the ship to shift her station. She now lies in 
 the ferry- way ; and, except a few shells from the mount 
 in Boston, (which do no execution,) we have no inter 
 ruption in prosecuting our works, which will, in a very 
 short time, be completed. When that is done, when we 
 have powder to sport with, I think, if the Congress re 
 solve on the execution of the proposal made relative to 
 the town of Boston, it can be done." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 153 
 
 On the llth of December, Mrs. Washington arrived 
 at Cambridge. The following note, with its enclosure, 
 in reply to an invitation from Mrs. Warren, at Plymouth, 
 will be read with interest, as showing the hospitable 
 welcome with which Mrs. Washington was received in 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 " Cambridge, 12th January, 1776. 
 
 "DEAR SIR, Mrs. Washington begs the favor of 
 you, to give the enclosed a conveyance to Mrs. Warren, 
 when an opportunity shall offer. 
 
 " I am, with great esteem, dear sir, your most obed t. 
 " To the Hon. James Warren, Esq., Watertown." 
 
 " Cambridge, January 8th, 1776. 
 
 u Mrs. Washington presents her respectful compli 
 ments to Mrs. Warren, and thanks her, most cordially, 
 for her polite inquiries and exceeding kind offer. If the 
 exigency of affairs in this camp should make it necessary 
 for her to remove, she cannot but esteem it a happiness, 
 to have so friendly an invitation as Mrs. Warren has giv 
 en. In the meanwhile, Mrs. Washington cannot help 
 wishing for an opportunity of showing every civility in 
 her power to Mrs. Warren, at Head-Quarters, in Cam 
 bridge. 
 
 " The General begs that his best regards may be pre 
 sented to Mrs. Warren, accompanied with his sincere 
 thanks, for her favorable wishes for his honor and suc 
 cess ; and joins in wishing Mrs. Warren, the Speaker, 
 and their family, every happiness that is, or can be, de 
 rived from a speedy and honorable peace. 
 
 " To Mrs. Warren, at Plymouth." 
 
 The following note was also addressed to Mrs. War 
 ren, by Mrs. Washington. 
 
 " Cambridge, April the 2nd, 1776. 
 
 cc MADAM, You may be assured, that nothing would 
 give the General, or me, greater pleasure, than to wait 
 upon you at dinner this day ; but his time is so totally 
 
154 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 engrossed by applications from one department and an 
 other, and by his preparations to depart, in which last, I 
 am also concerned and busy, as indeed, all the family 
 are, that it is not in any of our powers to accept your 
 polite and friendly invitation. Nor will it be in my pow 
 er, I am persuaded, to thank you, personally, for the po 
 lite attention you have shown me, since I came into this 
 Province. I must, therefore, beg your acceptance of 
 them, in this way and at this time, and that you will be 
 assured, that I shall hold them in grateful remembrance. 
 I am desired by the General, to offer you his sincere 
 thanks for your kind wishes, and to present his compli 
 ments, along with Mr. and Mrs. Custis s, and my own, to 
 you and Colonel Warren. 
 
 " With every sentiment of esteem, I am, and shall 
 remain to be, your much obliged friend and humble ser 
 vant. 
 " To Mrs. Warren, at Watertown." 
 
 In the interchange of these civilities and kind offices, 
 the weariness and privation of siege and the season w T ere 
 relieved, and friendships formed, promotive of the happi 
 ness of all concerned. 
 
 On the 24th of January, 1776, Washington wrote, as 
 follows, in a despatch to Congress. 
 
 (l To the President of Congress. 
 
 "Cambridge, January 24, 1776. 
 
 cc SIR, Congress, in my last, would discover my 
 motives for strengthening these lines with the militia ; but 
 whether, as the weather turns out exceedingly mild, in 
 somuch as to promise nothing favorable from ice, and no 
 appearance of powder, I shall be able to attempt any 
 thing decisive, time only can determine. No man upon 
 earth wishes, more ardently, to destroy the nest in Bos 
 ton, than I do ; no person w 7 ould be willing to go greater 
 lengths than I shall, to accomplish it, if it shall be thought 
 advisable. But, if we have neither powder to bombard 
 with, nor ice to pass on, we shall be in no better situa 
 tion than we have been in, all the year. We shall be 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 155 
 
 worse, because their works are stronger. I have the 
 honor to be, &c." 
 
 The following letter was found among the papers of 
 General Lee ; and, from the nature of its contents, was 
 unquestionably addressed to him. It gives an interest 
 ing view of the great amount of correspondence required 
 to be conducted by the Commander-in-chief, or under his 
 direction. 
 
 " Cambridge, February 10th, 1776. 
 
 " DEAR SIR, I was very sorry to find, by your let 
 ter of the 29th ult., which is the last I have received from 
 you, that you were confined by the gout ; but, having 
 had some casual account of your moving on, I expect you 
 have, ere this, settled some plan, with the committee of 
 Congress, for your operations at New York, &c.; and, 
 therefore, any direction of mine would be unseasonable. 
 If the Asia man-of-war lay in the situation described to 
 us, I hope those gentlemen will think there is no impro 
 priety in destroying her, if we can. 
 
 " I am going, my dear sir, to propose a matter to you, 
 which, if it should not meet with your approbation, will 
 give no offence, as none is intended. 
 
 "It is unnecessary for me to observe to you, the mul 
 tiplicity of business I am involved in, the number of let 
 ters, orders, and instructions, I have to write, with many 
 other matters, which call loudly for aids that are ready 
 penmen. I have long waited, in expectation of Colonel 
 Reed s return, but now despair of it. Randolph, who 
 was also ready at his pen, leaves me little room to expect 
 him ; my business, in short, will not allow me to wait, as 
 I have none but Mr. Harrison, (for Mr. Moylan must be 
 called off, to attend his duty as Commissary of Musters,) 
 who can afford me much assistance in that way ; and he, 
 in case Colonel Reed should not return, has the promise 
 of succeeding him. 
 
 "Now, the intention of this preamble is to know, 
 whether, if Mr. Palfrey (who, from what I have seen and 
 heard, is ready at the pen) should incline to come into 
 
 I. L 
 
156 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 my family, (for I have never directly or indirectly inti 
 mated the matter to him, although he has been very 
 warmly recommended to me by some of his friends, for 
 any thing that might cast up,) you would consent to it. 
 He would be of singular use to me on another account, 
 also ; and that is, the universal acquaintance he has with 
 the people and characters of this government, with whom 
 I have so much business to transact. 
 
 " Mr. Baylor is as good and as obliging a young man, 
 as any in the world ; and, as far as he can be serviceable 
 in riding and delivering verbal orders, as useful ; but the 
 duties of aid-de-camp at Head-Quarters cannot be proper 
 ly discharged by any but penmen. Mr. White, in case 
 of a vacancy, expected to be provided for, in my family ; 
 but, as I believe he would be just such another as Bay 
 lor, I must, however disappointed he is, be excused. 
 Business multiplies, so fast, upon my hands, that I am con 
 fined, almost entirely, to the house, and should be more 
 so, if I am deprived of that assistance, which is necessa 
 ry to divide and take a part of the trouble from my own 
 shoulders. 
 
 " Thus, my dear sir, I have laid the matter fully be 
 fore you. If you could part with Mr. Palfrey, and he 
 is willing to come to me, it would be a great relief ; and 
 I shall thank you both, as I really do not know where to 
 meet with a man so much to my liking. If it should not 
 prove agreeable to you both, the matter rests, and noth 
 ing more need be said about it. Wishing you every suc 
 cess and felicity, that your zeal in the cause deserves, 
 and with the compliments of female acquaintance in this 
 family, I am, with sincere regard and affection, dear sir, 
 yours." 
 
 GEO. WASHINGTON. 
 
 Extract from despatch of February 18, 1776. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 11 Cambridge, February 18, 1776. 
 
 " SIR, The late freezing weather having formed 
 some pretty strong ice, from Dorchester Point to Boston 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 157 
 
 Neck, and from Roxbury to the Common, thereby afford 
 ing a more expanded, and, consequently, a less danger 
 ous, approach to the town, I could not help thinking, not 
 withstanding the militia were not all come in, and we had 
 little or no powder to begin our operation by a regular 
 cannonade or bombardment, that a bold and resolute as 
 sault upon the troops in Boston, with such men as we had, 
 (for it could not take many men to guard our own lines, 
 at a time when the enemy were attacked in all quarters,) 
 might be crowned with success ; and, therefore, seeing 
 no certain prospect of a supply of powder on the one 
 hand, and a certain dissolution of the ice on the other, I 
 called the general officers together, for their opinion, 
 agreeably to the resolve of Congress, of the twenty-sec 
 ond of December. 
 
 " The result will appear in the enclosed council of war ; 
 and, being almost unanimous, I must suppose it to be 
 right ; although, from a thorough conviction of the ne 
 cessity of attempting something against the ministerial 
 troops, before a re-enforcement should arrive, and while 
 we were favored with the ice, I was not only ready, but 
 willing, and desirous of making the assault, under a firm 
 hope (if the men would have stood by me) of a favor 
 able issue, notwithstanding the enemy s advantage of 
 ground, artillery, &c. 
 
 " Perhaps the irksomeness of my situation may have 
 given different ideas to me, than those which influenced 
 the gentlemen I consulted, and might have inclined me 
 to put more to the hazard, than was consistent with pru 
 dence. If it had, I am not sensible of it, as I endeavor 
 ed to give it all the consideration, that a matter of such 
 importance required. True it is, and I cannot help ac 
 knowledging, that I have many disagreeable sensations, on 
 account of my situation : for, to have the eyes of the 
 whole Continent fixed with anxious expectation of hearing 
 of some great event, and to be restrained, in every mili 
 tary operation, for want of the necessary means of carry 
 ing it on, is not very pleasing, especially, as the means 
 used to conceal my weakness from the enemy, conceal 
 it also from our friends, and add to their wonder." 
 
158 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Extracts from despatch of February 26, 1776. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Cambridge, February 26, 1776. 
 
 u SIR, We are making every necessary preparation 
 for taking possession of Dorchester Heights as soon as 
 possible, with a view of drawing the enemy out. How 
 far our expectations may be answered, time only can de 
 termine : but I should think, if any thing will induce them 
 to hazard an engagement, it will be our attempting to for 
 tify these heights ; as, on that event s taking place, we 
 shall be able to command a great part of the town, and 
 almost the whole harbor, and to make them rather disa 
 greeable than otherwise, provided we can get a sufficient 
 supply of what we greatly w r ant. 
 
 " Within these three or four days, I have received 
 sundry accounts from Boston, of such movements there, 
 (such as taking the mortars from Bunker s Hill ; the put 
 ting them, with several pieces of heavy ordnance, on 
 board of ship, with a quantity of bedding ; the ships all 
 taking in water ; the baking a large quantity of biscuit, 
 &c.,) as to indicate an embarcation of the troops from 
 thence. A Mr. Ides, who came out yesterday, says, 
 that the inhabitants of the town, generally, believe that 
 they are about to remove, either to New York or Vir 
 ginia, and that every vessel in the harbor, on Tuesday 
 last, was taken up for government s service, and two 
 months pay advanced them. Whether they really in 
 tend to embark, or whether the whole is a feint, is im 
 possible for me to tell. However, I have thought it ex 
 pedient to send an express to General Lee, to inform him 
 of it, (in order that he may not be taken by surprise, if 
 their destination should be against New York,) and con 
 tinued him on to you. If they do embark, I think the 
 possessing themselves of that place, and of the North 
 River, is the object they have in view, thereby securing 
 the communication with Canada, and rendering the inter 
 course between the northern and southern United Colo 
 nies exceedingly precarious and difficult. To prevent 
 them from effecting their plan, is a matter of the highest 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 159 
 
 importance, and will require a large and respectable ar 
 my, and the most vigilant and judicious exertions." 
 
 u I shall be as attentive to the enemy s motions as I 
 can, and obtain all the intelligence in my power ; and, if 
 I find them embark, shall, in the most expeditious man 
 ner, detach a part of the light troops to New York, and 
 repair thither, myself, if circumstances shall require it. 
 I shall be better able to judge what to do, when the mat 
 ter happens. At present, I can only say, that I will do 
 every thing that shall appear proper and necessary." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Cambridge, 7 March, 1776. 
 
 " SIR, On the 26th ultimo I had the honor of ad 
 dressing you, and then mentioned that we were making 
 preparations for taking possession of Dorchester Heights. 
 I now beg leave to inform you, that a council of general 
 officers having determined a previous bombardment and 
 cannonade expedient and proper, in order to harass the 
 enemy and divert their attention from that quarter, on 
 Saturday, Sunday, and Monday nights last, we carried 
 them on from our posts at Cobble Hill, Lechmere s Point, 
 and Lamb s Dam. Whether they did the enemy any 
 considerable, and what injury, I have not yet heard, but 
 have the pleasure to acquaint you, that they greatly facil 
 itated our schemes, and would have been attended with 
 success equal to our most sanguine expectations, had it 
 not been for the unlucky bursting of two thirteen and three 
 ten inch mortars, among which was the brass one taken 
 in the ordnance brig. To what cause to attribute this 
 misfortune, I know not ; whether to any defect in them, 
 or to the inexperience of the bombardiers. 
 
 u But to return ; on Monday evening, as soon as our 
 firing commenced, a considerable detachment of our men, 
 under the command of Brigadier-General Thomas, crossed 
 the neck, and took possession of the two hills, without 
 the least interruption or annoyance from the enemy ; and 
 by their great activity and industry, before the morning, 
 advanced the works so far as to be secure against their 
 shot. They are now going on with such expedition, that 
 
160 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 in a little time I hope they will be complete, and enable 
 our troops stationed there to make a vigorous and obsti 
 nate stand. During the whole cannonade, which was 
 incessant the two last nights, we were fortunate enough 
 to lose but two men ; one, a lieutenant, by a cannon-ball 
 taking off his thigh ; the other, a private, by the explo 
 sion of a shell, which also slightly wounded four or five 
 more. 
 
 " Our taking possession of Dorchester Heights is only 
 preparatory to taking post on Nook s Hill, and the points 
 opposite to the south end of Boston. It was absolutely 
 necessary that they should be previously fortified, in or 
 der to cover and command them. As soon as the works 
 on the former are finished, measures will be immediately 
 adopted for securing the latter, and making them as strong 
 and defensible as we can. Their contiguity to the enemy 
 will make them of much importance and of great service 
 to us. As mortars are essential, and indispensably ne 
 cessary for carrying on our operations, and for the prose 
 cution of our plans, I have applied to two furnaces to 
 nave some thirteen-inch ones cast with all expedition ima 
 ginable, and am encouraged to hope, from the accounts 
 I have had, that they will be able to do it. When they 
 are done, and a proper supply of powder obtained, I flat 
 ter myself, from the posts we have just taken and are 
 about to take, that it will be in our power to force the 
 ministerial troops to an attack, or to dispose of them in 
 some way that will be of advantage to us. I think from 
 these posts they will be so galled and annoyed, that they 
 must either give us battle or quit their present possessions. 
 I am resolved that nothing on my part shall be wanting to 
 effect the one or the other. 
 
 " It having been the general opinion, that the enemy 
 would attempt to dislodge our people from the Heights 
 and force their works as soon as they were discovered, 
 which probably might have brought on a general engage 
 ment, it was thought advisable that the honorable Coun 
 cil should be applied to, to order in the militia from the 
 neighboring arid adjacent towns. I wrote to them on the 
 subject, which they most readily complied with ; and, in 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 161 
 
 justice to the militia, I cannot but inform you, that they 
 came in at the appointed time, and manifested the greatest 
 alertness, and determined resolution to act like men en 
 gaged in the cause of freedom. 
 
 u When the enemy first discovered our works in the 
 morning, they seemed to be in great confusion, and, from 
 their movements, to intend an attack. It is much to be 
 wished that it had been made. The event, I think, must 
 have been fortunate, and nothing less than success and 
 victory on our side, as our officers and men appeared 
 impatient for the appeal, and to possess the most anima 
 ted sentiments and determined resolution. On Tuesday 
 evening a considerable number of their troops embarked 
 on board of their transports, and fell down to the Castle, 
 where part of them landed before dark. One or two of 
 the vessels got aground, and were fired at by our people 
 with a field-piece, but without any damage. What was 
 the design of this embarcation and landing, I have not 
 been able to learn. It would seem as if they meant an 
 attack ; for it is most probable, that, if they make one 
 on our works at Dorchester at this time, they will first go 
 to the Castle, and come from thence. If such was their 
 design, a violent storm that night, which lasted till eight 
 o clock the next day, rendered the execution of it imprac 
 ticable. It carried one or two of their vessels ashore, 
 which they have since got off. 
 
 " In case the ministerial troops had made an attempt 
 to dislodge our men from Dorchester Heights, and the 
 number detached upon the occasion had been so great as 
 to have afforded a probability of a successful attack being 
 made upon Boston ; on a signal given from Roxbury for 
 that purpose, agreeably to a settled and concerted plan, 
 four thousand chosen men, who were held in readiness, 
 were to have embarked at the mouth of Cambridge River, 
 in two divisions, the first under the command of Briga 
 dier-General Sullivan, the second under Brigadier-Gen 
 eral Greene ; the whole to have been commanded by 
 Major-General Putnam. The first division was to land 
 at the powder-house, and gain possession of Beacon Hill 
 and Mount Horam ; the second at Barton s Point, or a 
 
162 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 little south of it, and, after securing that post, to join the 
 other division, and force the enemy s gates and works at 
 the neck, for letting in the Roxbury troops. Three 
 floating batteries were to have preceded, and gone in 
 front of the other boats, and kept up a heavy fire on that 
 part of the town where our men were to land. 
 
 u How far our views would have succeeded, had an 
 opportunity offered for attempting the execution, it is 
 impossible for me to say. Nothing less than experiment 
 could determine with precision. The plan was thought 
 to be well digested ; and, as far as I could judge from 
 the cheerfulness and alacrity which distinguished the 
 officers and men, who were to engage in the enterprise, 
 I had reason to hope for a favorable and happy issue." 
 
 "March 9. Yesterday evening, a Captain Irvine, 
 who escaped from Boston, the night before, with six of 
 his crew, came to Head-Quarters, and gave the following 
 intelligence: c That our bombardment and cannonade 
 caused a great deal of surprise and alarm in town ; that 
 the cannon-shot, for the greatest part, went through the 
 houses ; that, early on Tuesday morning, Admiral Shuld- 
 ham, discovering the works our people were throwing up 
 on Dorchester Heights, immediately sent an express to 
 General Howe, to inform him, that it was necessary they 
 should be attacked and dislodged from thence, or he 
 would be under the necessity of withdrawing the ships 
 from the harbor, which were under his command ; and, 
 from twelve to two o clock, about three thousand men 
 embarked on board the transports, which fell down to the 
 castle, with a design of landing on that part of Dorches 
 ter, next to it, and attacking our works on the heights, at 
 five o clock, next morning ; that Lord Percy was ap 
 pointed to command ; that it was generally believed the 
 attempt would have been made, had it not been for the 
 violent storm which happened that night. 
 
 " He further informs, that the army is preparing to 
 leave Boston, and that they will do it, in a day or two. 
 
 u The account given by Captain Irvine, as to the 
 embarcation, and their being about to leave the town, 
 I believe true. There are other circumstances cor 
 roborating ; and it seems fully confirmed by a paper 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 163 
 
 signed by four of the selectmen of the town, (a copy of 
 which I have the honor to enclose to you,) which was 
 brought out yesterday evening by a flag, and delivered to 
 Colonel Learned, by Major Bassett, of the tenth regi 
 ment, who desired it might be delivered to me as soon as 
 possible. I advised with such of the general officers 
 upon the occasion as I could immediately assemble ; and 
 we determined it right (as it was not addressed to me, nor 
 to any one else, nor authenticated by the signature of 
 General Howe, or any other act obliging him to a per 
 formance of the promise mentioned on his part) that I 
 should give it no answer ; at the same time, that a let 
 ter should be returned, as going from Colonel Learned, 
 signifying his having laid it before me ; with the reasons 
 assigned for not answering it. A copy of this is sent. 
 
 " To-night I shall have a battery thrown up on Nook s 
 Hill, Dorchester Point, with a design of acting as cir 
 cumstances may require ; it being judged advisable to 
 prosecute our plans of fortification, as we intended before 
 this information from the selectmen came. It being agreed 
 on all hands, that there is no possibility of stopping them 
 in case they determine to go, I shall order look-outs to 
 be kept upon all the head-lands, to discover their move 
 ments and course, and moreover direct Commodore Man 
 ly and his little squadron to dog them, as well for the same 
 purpose, as for picking up any of their vessels that may 
 chance to depart from their convoy. From their loading 
 with such precipitancy, it is presumable they will not be 
 in the best condition for sea. 
 
 u If the ministerial troops evacuate the town and leave 
 it standing, I have thoughts of taking measures for fortify 
 ing the entrance into the harbor, if it shall be thought 
 proper, and the situation of affairs will admit of it. Not 
 withstanding the report from Boston, that Halifax is the 
 place of their destination, I have no doubt but that they 
 are going to the southward, and, I apprehend, to New 
 York. Many reasons lead to this opinion. It is in some 
 measure corroborated by their sending an express ship 
 there, which, on Wednesday week, got on shore and 
 bilged at Cape Cod. The despatches, if written, were 
 
164 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 destroyed, when she was boarded. She had a parcel of 
 coal, and about four thousand cannon-shot, six carriage- 
 guns, a swivel or two, and three barrels of powder. 
 
 " I shall hold the riflemen, and other parts of our troops, 
 in readiness to march, at a moment s warning, and govern 
 my movements by the events that happen, or such orders 
 as I may receive from Congress, which I beg may be 
 ample, and forwarded with all possible expedition." 
 
 u March 19. It is with the greatest pleasure I inform 
 you, that, on Sunday last, the 17th instant, about nine 
 o clock in the forenoon, the ministerial army evacuated 
 the town of Boston, and that the forces of the United Col 
 onies are now in actual possession thereof. I beg leave 
 to congratulate you, sir, and the honorable Congress, on 
 this happy event, and particularly, as it was effected 
 without endangering the lives and property of the remain 
 ing unhappy inhabitants. 
 
 " I have great reason to imagine, their flight was pre 
 cipitated, by the appearance of a work which I had or 
 dered to be thrown up, last Saturday night, on an emi 
 nence at Dorchester, which lay nearest to Boston Neck, 
 called Nook s Hill. The town, although it has suffered 
 greatly, is not in so bad a state as I expected to find it ; 
 and I have a particular pleasure in being able to inform 
 you, sir, that your house has received no damage worth 
 mentioning. Your furniture is in tolerable order, and the 
 family pictures are all left entire, and untouched. Cap 
 tain Cazneau takes charge of the whole, until he shall re 
 ceive further orders from you. As soon as the ministe 
 rial troops had quitted the town, I ordered a thousand 
 men, (who had had the smallpox,) under command of 
 General Putnam, to take possession of the heights, which 
 1 shall endeavor to fortify in such a manner, as to pre 
 vent their return, should they attempt it. But, as they 
 are still in the harbor, I thought it not prudent to inarch 
 off with the main body of the army, until I should be ful 
 ly satisfied, they had quitted the coast. I have, there 
 fore, only detached five regiments, besides the rifle bat 
 talion, to New York, and shall keep the remainder here, 
 till all suspicion of their return ceases. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 165 
 
 " The situation, in which I found their works, evidently 
 discovered that their retreat was made with the greatest 
 precipitation. They have left their barracks, and other 
 works of wood, at Bunker s Hill, &c., all standing, and 
 have destroyed but a small part of their lines. They 
 have also left a number of fine pieces of cannon, which 
 they first spiked up, also a very large iron mortar ; and, 
 as 1 am informed, they have thrown another over the end 
 of your wharf. I have employed proper persons to drill 
 the cannon, and doubt not 1 shall save the most of them. 
 I am not yet able to procure an exact list of all the stores 
 they have left. As soon as it can be done, I shall 
 take care to transmit it to you. From an estimate of 
 what the Quarter-Master-General has already discov 
 ered, the amount will be twenty-five or thirty thousand 
 pounds." 
 
 "March 24. As soon as the town was abandoned 
 by the enemy, I judged it advisable to secure the several 
 heights, lest they should attempt to return ; and, for this 
 purpose, have caused a large and strong work to be 
 thrown up on Fort Hill, a post of great importance, as 
 it commands the whole harbor, and, w ? hen fortified, if 
 properly supported, will greatly annoy any fleet the ene 
 my may send against the town, and render the landing of 
 their troops exceedingly difficult, if not impracticable. 
 This work is almost done, and, in a little time, will be 
 complete ; and, that the communication between the 
 town and country may be free and open, I have ordered 
 all the lines upon the Neck to be immediately destroyed, 
 and the other works on the sides of the tow 7 n facing the 
 country, that the inhabitants from the latter may not be 
 impeded, and afforded an easy entrance, in case the ene 
 my should gain possession at any future time. These 
 matters I conceived to be within the line of my duty ; of 
 which I advised the General Court, and recommended 
 to their attention such other measures as they might think 
 necessary, for securing the town against the hostile de 
 signs of the enemy." 
 
 " March 27. I now beg leave to inform you, that I 
 have just received intelligence, that the whole of the min 
 isterial fleet, besides three or four ships, got under way, 
 
166 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 this evening, at Nantasket road, and were standing out for 
 sea ; in consequence of which, I shall detach a brigade of 
 six regiments, immediately, from hence, for New York, 
 under the command of Brigadier-General Sullivan, (Briga 
 dier-General Heath having gone with the first,) which 
 will be succeeded by another, in a day or two ; and di 
 rectly after, I shall forward the remainder of the army, 
 (except four or five regiments, which will be left for tak 
 ing care of the barracks and public stores, and fortify 
 ing the town, and erecting such works, for its defence, as 
 the honorable General Court may think necessary,) and 
 follow, myself." 
 
 Washington had won the confidence and admiration of 
 his troops and of the country by the manner in which he 
 had conducted this tedious siege. Some time before the 
 embarcation of the British, he had earnestly desired to 
 bring it to a close by a sudden and desperate assault upon 
 their works ; but, as has appeared from one of the letters 
 given above, he was overruled by his officers, in a coun 
 cil of war. The alternative he then adopted was a most 
 wise and judicious one, and produced its intended effect 
 at once. 
 
 The expulsion of the British from Boston was regard 
 ed, at the time, as a most auspicious event. It secured, 
 in fact, all New England to the cause of America. Wash 
 ington was received with enthusiasm by the inhabitants 
 of Boston. The Legislature of Massachusetts present 
 ed him a congratulatory address, to which he made the 
 following reply : 
 
 " GENTLEMEN, I return you my most sincere and 
 hearty thanks for your polite address ; and feel myself 
 called upon by every principle of gratitude, to acknowledge 
 the honor you have done me in this testimonial of your 
 approbation of my appointment to the exalted station I 
 now fill, and, what is more pleasing, of my conduct in 
 discharging its important duties. 
 
 " When the councils of the British nation had formed 
 a plan for enslaving America, and depriving her sons of 
 their most sacred and invaluable privileges, against the 
 clearest remonstrances of the constitution, of justice, and 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 167 
 
 of truth, and, to execute their schemes, had appealed to 
 the sword, 1 esteemed it my duty to take a part in the 
 contest, and more especially on account of my being 
 called thereto by the unsolicited suffrages of the repre 
 sentatives of a free people ; wishing for no other reward, 
 than that arising from a conscientious discharge of the 
 important trust, and that my services might contribute to 
 the establishment of freedom and peace, upon a perma 
 nent foundation, and merit the applause of my country 
 men, and every virtuous citizen. 
 
 " Your acknowledgement of my attention to the civil 
 constitution of this colony, whilst acting in the line of my 
 department, also demands my grateful thanks. A regard 
 to every Provincial institution, where not incompatible 
 with the common interest, I hold a principle of duty and 
 of policy, and it shall ever form a part of my conduct. 
 Had I not learned this before, the happy experience of 
 the advantages resulting from a friendly intercourse with 
 your honorable body, their ready and willing concurrence 
 to aid and to counsel, whenever called upon in cases of 
 difficulty and emergency, would have taught me the use 
 ful lesson. 
 
 " That the metropolis of your colony is now relieved 
 from the cruel and oppressive invasions of those, who 
 were sent to erect the standard of lawless domination, and 
 to trample on the rights of humanity, and is again open 
 and free for its rightful possessors, must give pleasure to 
 every virtuous and sympathetic heart ; and its being ef 
 fected without the blood of our soldiers and fellow-citizens 
 must be ascribed to the interposition of that Providence, 
 which has manifestly appeared in our behalf through the 
 whole of this important struggle, as well as to the meas 
 ures pursued for bringing about the happy event. 
 " May that Being, who is powerful to save, and in 
 whose hands is the fate of nations, look down with an eye 
 of tender pity and compassion upon the whole of the Uni 
 ted Colonies ; may He continue to smile upon their coun 
 sels and arms, and crown them with success, w-hilst em 
 ployed in the cause of virtue and mankind. May this 
 distressed colony and its capital, and every part of this 
 
168 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 wide-extended continent, through his Divine favor, be re 
 stored to more than their former lustre and once happy 
 state, and have peace, liberty, and safety secured upon a 
 solid, permanent, and lasting foundation." 
 
 Congress unanimously passed a vote of thanks, appoint 
 ed a special committee to communicate it to him by a 
 letter, prepared by them and signed by the President, and 
 ordered a gold medal to be struck commemorative of the 
 occasion and in honor of him. 
 
 The committee of Congress, appointed to prepare the 
 letter of thanks, and a device for the medal, were John 
 Adams, John Jay, and Stephen Hopkins. Mr. Adams 
 describes the circumstances that led to the appointment of 
 this committee, in a private letter to Washington, as fol 
 lows : 
 
 " SIR, I congratulate you, as well as all the friends 
 of mankind, on the reduction of Boston ; an event, which 
 appeared to me of so great and decisive importance, that, 
 the next morning after the arrival of the news, I did my 
 self the honor to move for the thanks of Congress to 
 your Excellency, and that a medal of gold should be 
 struck in commemoration of it. Congress have been 
 pleased to appoint me, with two other gentlemen, to pre 
 pare a device. I should be very happy to have your 
 Excellency s sentiments concerning a proper one. I 
 have the honor to be, with very great respect, sir, your 
 most obedient and affectionate servant, 
 
 " JOHN ADAMS." 
 
 The official letter from the Congress was in these 
 words : 
 
 " To General Washington. 
 
 " Philadelphia, 2 April, 1776. 
 
 " SIR, It gives me the most sensible pleasure to con 
 vey to you, by order of Congress, the only tribute which 
 a free people will ever consent to pay, the tribute of 
 thanks and gratitude to their friends and benefactors. 
 The disinterested and patriotic principles which led you 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 169 
 
 to the field, have also led you to glory ; and it affords no 
 little consolation to your countrymen to reflect, that, as a 
 peculiar greatness of mind induced you to decline any 
 compensation for serving them, except the pleasure of 
 promoting their happiness, they may, without your per 
 mission, bestow upon you the largest share of their affec 
 tions and esteem. 
 
 " Those pages in the annals of America will record 
 your title to a conspicuous place in the temple of fame, 
 which shall inform posterity, that, under your direction, 
 an undisciplined band of husbandmen, in the course of a 
 few months, became soldiers ; and that the desolation 
 meditated against the country by a brave army of veter 
 ans, commanded by the most experienced generals, but 
 employed by bad men in the worst of causes, was, by 
 the fortitude of your troops, and the address of their 
 officers, next to the kind interposition of Providence, con 
 fined for near a year within such narrow limits, as scarcely 
 to admit more room than was necessary for the encamp 
 ments and fortifications they lately abandoned. Accept, 
 therefore, sir, the thanks of the United Colonies, unani 
 mously declared by their delegates to be due to you, and 
 the brave officers and troops under your command ; and 
 be pleased to communicate to them this distinguished 
 mark of the approbation of their country. The Congress 
 have ordered a golden medal, adapted to the occasion, 
 to be struck, and when finished to be presented to you. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of 
 esteem, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, 
 " JOHN HANCOCK, President." 
 
 General Washington s reply was as follows : 
 
 11 To the President of Congress. 
 
 "New York, 18 April, 1776. 
 
 " SIR, Permit me, through you, to convey to the 
 honorable Congress the sentiments of gratitude I feel for 
 the high honor they have done me in the public mark of ap 
 probation contained in your favor of the 2d instant, which 
 came to hand last night. I beg you to assure them, that 
 
170 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 it will ever be my highest ambition to approve myself a 
 faithful servant of the public ; and that to be in any de 
 gree instrumental in procuring to my American brethren 
 a restitution of their just rights and privileges, will con 
 stitute my chief happiness. 
 
 " Agreeably to your request, I have communicated, 
 in general orders, to the officers and soldiers under my 
 command, the thanks of Congress for their good behav 
 ior in the service ; and I am happy in having such an 
 opportunity of doing justice to their merit. They were 
 indeed, at first, a band of undisciplined husbandmen ; 
 but it is, under God, to their bravery and attention to 
 their duty, that I am indebted for that success, which 
 has procured me the only reward I wish to receive, the 
 affection and esteem of my countrymen. The medal, 
 intended to be presented to me by your honorable body, 
 I shall carefully preserve as a memorial of their regard. 
 I beg leave to return you, sir, my warmest thanks for 
 the polite manner in which you have been pleased to 
 express their sentiments of my conduct ; and am, with 
 sincere esteem and respect, sir, your and their most 
 obedient and most humble servant." 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 Campaign of 1776. 
 
 HAVING no doubt that the British intended to direct 
 their movements against New York, General Washing 
 ton repaired thither in April, and established his head 
 quarters there. He had now made up his mind that the 
 quarrel with the mother country was beyond the reach 
 of reconciliation, and that the question for America was 
 none other than absolute independence, or entire and 
 unlimited subjection. In a letter to John Adams, he 
 declared his opinion, that no terms of accommodation 
 would be offered by England, which America could ac 
 cept. u We have nothing, my dear sir," said he, " to 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 171 
 
 depend upon, but the protection of a kind Providence, 
 and unanimity among ourselves." 
 
 I shall continue to trace the course of the leading 
 events, as they are related by Washington himself, by se 
 lecting extracts from his official correspondence with 
 Congress. 
 
 Extracts from despatch dated, May 5th, 1776, New- 
 York. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " New York, May 5, 1776. 
 
 ct SIR, I have so often and so fully communicated 
 my want of arms to Congress, that I should not have giv 
 en them the trouble of receiving another letter upon this 
 subject, at this time, but for the particular application of 
 Colonel Wayne of Pennsylvania, who has pointed out a 
 method, by which he thinks they may be obtained. 
 
 cc In the hands of the committee of safety at Philadel 
 phia, there are, according to Colonel Wayne s account, 
 not less than two or three thousand stand of arms for 
 Provincial use. From hence, he thinks a number might 
 be borrowed by Congress, provided they are replaced 
 with Continental arms, as they are brought into the mag 
 azine in that city. At a crisis so important as this, 
 such a loan might be attended with the most signal ad 
 vantages ; while the defenceless state of the regiments, if 
 no relief can be had, may be productive of fatal conse 
 quences. 
 
 " To give Congress some idea of our situation with 
 respect to arms, (and justice to rny own character re 
 quires that it should be known to them, although the 
 world at large will form their opinion of our strength, from 
 numbers, without attending to circumstances,) it may not 
 be amiss to enclose a copy of a return which I received, 
 a few days ago, from the forts in the Highlands, and add, 
 that, by a report from Colonel Ritzema s regiment, of 
 the twenty-ninth ultimo, there appeared to be only nine 
 ty-seven firelocks and seven bayonets belonging thereto ; 
 and, that all the regiments from the eastward are deficient 
 from twenty to fifty of the former. Four of those com- 
 i. M 
 
172 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 panies, at the fortifications in the Highlands, belong to 
 Colonel Clinton s regiment ; but in what condition the 
 residue are, on account of arms, and how Colonel Wyn- 
 koop s men are provided, I cannot undertake to say, but 
 am told, most miserably ; as Colonel Dayton s of New 
 Jersey, and Colonel Wayne s of Pennsylvania, also are. 
 This, sir, is a true, though melancholy, description of 
 our situation. The propriety, therefore, of keeping arms 
 in store, when men in actual pay are in want of them, and 
 who (it is to be presumed) will, as they ought, bear the 
 heat and burden of the day, is submitted with all due de 
 ference to the superior judgement of others. 
 
 u The designs of the enemy are too much behind the 
 curtain, for me to form any accurate opinion of their 
 plan of operations for the summer s campaign. We are 
 left to wander, therefore, in the field of conjecture ; and, 
 as no place (all its consequences considered) seemed 
 of more importance in the execution of their grand 
 plan, than possessing themselves of Hudson s river, I 
 thought it advisable to remove with the Continental army 
 to this city, so soon as the King s troops evacuated Bos 
 ton. But if Congress, from their knowledge, informa 
 tion, or belief, think it best for the general good of the 
 service, that I should go to the northward or elsewhere, 
 they are convinced, I hope, that they have nothing more 
 to do, than signify their commands. With the greatest 
 respect, I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 To the President of Congress. 
 
 " New York, May 20, 1776. 
 
 " SIR, Your favor of the sixteenth, with several re 
 solutions of Congress therein enclosed, I had not the 
 honor to receive till last night. Before the receipt, I 
 did not think myself at liberty to w 7 ait on Congress, al 
 though I wished to do it ; and, therefore, the more read 
 ily consented to General Gates s attendance, as I knew 
 there were many matters which could be better explained 
 in a personal interview, than in whole volumes of letters. 
 He accordingly set out for Philadelphia, yesterday morn- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 173 
 
 ing, and must have been too far advanced on his journey, 
 (as he proposed expedition,) to be overtaken. 
 
 u I shall, if I can settle some matters which are in ag 
 itation with the Provincial Congress here, follow, to-mor 
 row or next day ; and, therefore, with every sentiment 
 of regard, attachment, and gratitude, to Congress, for their 
 kind attention to the means which they think may be con 
 ducive to my health, and with particular thanks to you 
 for the politeness of your invitation to your house, con 
 clude, dear sir, your most obedient, &c." 
 
 Washington accordingly proceeded to Philadelphia, 
 and conferred with the members of Congress, in reference 
 to the condition of affairs, and the measures proper to be 
 adopted. On the 6th of June, he returned to New 
 York, and devoted himself to the preparation of his ar 
 my, to receive the enemy whenever he should see fit to 
 make his appearance. He w r as well assured, that the 
 possession of the Hudson would be the great object to 
 which the British forces and efforts would be directed. 
 He considered it essential to the preservation of the 
 country, to prevent the Highlands of that river from fal 
 ling into the hands of the enemy, and it was his earnest 
 hope, that the city of New York might be kept from 
 their grasp. 
 
 At length, after a considerable portion of the season 
 had elapsed, indications began to appear, of the approach 
 of the enemy. 
 
 Extracts from despatches. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 J ? 
 
 " New York, June 28, 1776. 
 
 u SIR, I this moment received a letter from Lieu 
 tenant Davison, of the Schuyler armed sloop, a copy of 
 which I have enclosed ; to which, I beg leave to refer 
 you, for the intelligence communicated by him. 
 
 " I could wish General Howe and his armament not 
 to arrive yet, as not more than a thousand militia have 
 yet come in, and our whole force (including the troops 
 at all the detached posts, and on board the armed ves- 
 
174 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 sels, which are comprehended in our returns) is but small 
 and inconsiderable, when compared with the extensive 
 lines they are to defend, and (most probably) the army 
 that he brings. I have no further intelligence about him, 
 than what the lieutenant mentions ; but it is extremely 
 probable his accounts and conjectures are true. 
 
 cc I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 cc P. S. I have enclosed a general return ; and it may 
 be certainly depended on, that General Howe and fleel 
 have sailed from Halifax. Some of the men, on board 
 the prizes mentioned in the lieutenant s letter, were on 
 board the Greyhound, and saw General Howe." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " New York, July 3, 1776. 
 
 " SIR, Since I had the honor of addressing you, and 
 on the same day, several ships more arrived within the 
 Hook, making the number that came in, then, a hundred 
 and ten ; and there remains no doubt of the whole of the. 
 fleet from Halifax, being now here. Yesterday evening, 
 fifty of them came up the bay, and anchored on the Sta- 
 ten Island side. 
 
 u Our re-enforcement of militia is yet but small ; I can 
 not ascertain the amount, not having got a return. How 
 ever, I trust, if the enemy make an attack, they will 
 meet with a repulse, as I have the pleasure to inform 
 you that an agreeable spirit, and willingness for action, 
 seem to animate and pervade the whole of our troops. 
 
 " I must entreat your attention to an application I 
 made, some time ago, for flints. We are extremely defi 
 cient in this necessary article, and shall be greatly dis 
 tressed, if we cannot obtain a supply. Of lead, w r e have 
 sufficient quantity for the whole campaign, taken off the 
 houses here." 
 
 "July 10. I perceive that Congress have been em 
 ployed, in deliberating on measures of the most interes 
 ting nature. It is certain, that it is not with us to deter 
 mine, in many instances, what consequences will flow from 
 our counsels ; but yet it behooves us to adopt such as, 
 under the smiles of a gracious and all-kind Providence, 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 175 
 
 will be most likely to promote our happiness. I trust the 
 late decisive part they have taken is calculated for that 
 end, and will secure to us that freedom and those privi 
 leges, which have been and are refused to us, contrary to 
 the voice of Nature and the British constitution. Agree 
 able to the request of Congress, I caused the Declara 
 tion to be proclaimed before all the army under my im 
 mediate command ; and have the pleasure to inform them, 
 that the measure seemed to have their most hearty assent ; 
 the expressions and behavior, both of officers and men, 
 testifying their warmest approbation of it. I have trans 
 mitted a copy to General Ward, of Boston, requesting 
 him to have it proclaimed to the Continental troops, in 
 that department." 
 
 The despatch containing the above, concluded as fol 
 lows : 
 
 To the President of Congress. 
 
 " New York, July 10, 1776. 
 
 u SIR, The intelligence we have from a few deser 
 ters that have come over to us, and from others, is, that 
 General Howe has between nine and ten thousand men, 
 who are chiefly landed on the island, posted in different 
 parts, and securing the several communications from the 
 Jerseys, with small works and intrenchments, to prevent 
 our people from paying them a visit ; that the islanders 
 have all joined them, seem well disposed to favor their 
 cause, and have agreed to take up arms in their behalf. 
 They look for admiral Howe s arrival, every day, with his 
 fleet and a large re-enforcement ; are in high spirits, and 
 talk, confidently, of success, and carrying all before them, 
 when he comes. I trust, through Divine favor and our 
 own exertions, they will be disappointed in their views ; 
 and, at all events, any advantages they may gain will cost 
 them very dear. If our troops will behave well, (which 
 I hope will be the case, having every thing to contend 
 for, that freemen hold dear,) they will have to wade 
 through much blood and slaughter, before they can carry 
 any part of our works, if they carry them at all ; and, at 
 best, be in possession of a melancholy and mournful vie- 
 
176 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 tory. May the sacredness of our cause inspire our sol 
 diery with sentiments of heroism, and lead them to the 
 performance of the noblest exploits. 
 
 u With this wish, I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 The American army was stationed at this time in New 
 York city and on Long Island. The British forces were 
 collected on Staten Island ; they were under the command 
 of General Howe, and amounted to about twenty-five thou 
 sand men. Washington s army was much less in number, 
 although it was gradually increased by re-enforcements y 
 which, from time to time, came in from the neighboring 
 States. As the summer wore away, it became every day 
 more and more certain that a general conflict could not be 
 avoided. The only question was, when and where to 
 strike the first blow. The American army was impatient 
 of delay, and the plan was proposed of assailing the 
 British by crossing in boats from the New Jersey shore. 
 But, upon consultation, it was concluded that such an en 
 terprise was too difficult and hazardous to be undertaken. 
 The enemy were strongly concentrated on Staten Island, 
 and were surrounded by a numerous and powerful fleet, 
 under the command of Lord Howe, brother of the 
 General. 
 
 Admiral Howe arrived on the 12th of July. A cir 
 cumstance took place on the 14th, which deserves to be 
 remembered. Washington thus describes it in a letter 
 to the President of Congress : 
 
 "About three o clock this afternoon, I was informed 
 that a flag from Lord Howe was coming up, and waited 
 with two of our whale-boats until directions should be giv 
 en. I immediately convened such of the general officers 
 as were not upon other duty, who agreed in opinion, that 
 I ought not to receive any letter directed to me as a pri 
 vate gentleman ; but if otherwise, and the officer desired 
 to come up to deliver the letter himself, as was suggest 
 ed, he should come under a safe-conduct. Upon this, I 
 directed Colonel Reed to go down and manage the affair 
 under the above general instruction. On his return he 
 informed me, that, after the common civilities, the offi- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 177 
 
 cer acquainted him, that he had a letter from Lord Howe 
 to Mr. Washington, which he showed under a superscrip 
 tion, c To George Washington, Esq."* Colonel Reed 
 replied, that there was no such person in the army, and 
 that a letter intended for the General could not be received 
 under such a direction. The officer expressed great con 
 cern, said it \vas a letter rather of a civil than military 
 nature, that Lord Howe regretted he had not arrived soon 
 er, that he (Lord Howe) had great powers. The anxie 
 ty to have the letter received was very evident, though 
 the officer disclaimed all knowledge of its contents. How 
 ever, Colonel Reed s instructions being positive, they 
 parted. After they had got some distance, the officer 
 with the flag again put about, and asked under what di 
 rection Mr. Washington chose to be addressed ; to which 
 Colonel Reed answered, that his station was well known, 
 and that certainly they could be at no loss how to direct 
 to him. The officer said they knew and lamented it ; 
 and again repeated his wish, that the letter could be re 
 ceived. Colonel Reed told him a proper direction would 
 obviate all difficulties, and that this was no new matter, 
 this subject having been fully discussed in the course of 
 the last year, of which Lord Howe could not be ignorant ; 
 upon which they parted. 
 
 u I would not upon any occasion sacrifice essentials to 
 punctilio ; but, in this instance, the opinion of others con 
 curring with my own, I deemed it a duty to my country 
 and my appointment, to insist upon that respect, which, 
 in any other than a public view, I would willingly have 
 waived. Nor do I doubt, but, from the supposed nature 
 of the message, and the anxiety expressed, they will either 
 repeat their flag, or fall upon some mode to communicate 
 the import and consequence of it." 
 
 On the 16th of July, General Howe sent a flag, with 
 a letter addressed to u George Washington, Esq., &c., 
 &c., &c." It was refused, on the same grounds as the 
 previous letter from the Admiral. General Howe then 
 sent his Adjutant-General, Lieutenant-Colonel Paterson, 
 to explain, and adjust the matter. An interview took 
 
178 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 place between Colonel Paterson and General Washing 
 ton, in which the latter declared it to be his unalterable 
 determination to receive no letter directed to him as a 
 private person, when it related to his public station. The 
 meeting was polite and amicable, and several points of 
 interest were discussed. Upon hearing the particulars 
 connected with this transaction, Congress were so much 
 gratified at the ground taken by General Washington, 
 that they expressed their approbation by a formal vote, or 
 resolution, in which they said that, in refusing to receive 
 a letter which did not recognise his public character and 
 office, he had " acted with a dignity becoming his sta 
 tion." 
 
 On the morning of the 22d of August the British land 
 ed on Long Island, and it became evident that a general 
 battle was at hand. The next day the following general 
 orders were issued by Washington : 
 
 " The enemy have now landed on Long Island, and 
 the hour is fast approaching, on which the honor and 
 success of this army, and the safety of our bleeding coun 
 try will depend. Remember, officers and soldiers, that 
 you are freemen, fighting for the blessings of liberty ; that 
 slavery will be your portion, and that of your posterity, if 
 you do not acquit yourselves like men. Remember how 
 your courage and spirit have been despised and traduced 
 by your cruel invaders ; though they have found by dear 
 experience at Boston, Charlestown, and other places, 
 what a few brave men, contending in their own land, and 
 in the best of causes, can do against hirelings and merce 
 naries. Be cool, but determined ; do not fire at a dis 
 tance, but wait for orders from your officers. It is the 
 General s express orders, that if any man attempt to 
 skulk, lie down, or retreat without orders, he be instantly 
 shot down as an example. He hopes no such will be 
 found in this army ; but, on the contrary, that every one 
 for himself resolving to conquer or die, and trusting in the 
 smiles of Heaven upon so just a cause, will behave with 
 bravery and resolution. Those who are distinguished 
 for their gallantry and good conduct, may depend upon 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 179 
 
 being honorably noticed, and suitably rewarded ; and if 
 this army will but emulate and imitate their brave coun 
 trymen in other parts of America, he has no doubt they 
 will, by a glorious victory, save their country, and acquire 
 to themselves immortal honor." 
 
 On the 27th of August, after much skirmishing, the 
 conflict took place. The American army on Long Isl 
 and was under the command of General Putnam, and the 
 part of it actually engaged amounted to about five thou 
 sand men. The British force in the action was about fifteen 
 thousand. The result was unfavorable to the Americans, 
 who lost about twelve hundred men, the larger part of 
 whom, among them General Sullivan and Lord Stirling, 
 were taken prisoners. The ill success of the day was 
 owing to the circumstance that General Greene, who had 
 been in command on the Island, was sick at the time. 
 General Sullivan had taken the command until a few days 
 before the action, when General Putnam succeeded him. 
 These changes naturally occasioned some relaxation of 
 vigilance, and the British were able to avail themselves of 
 it, and to assail the Americans by surprise, advancing 
 upon them over a road which had been left unguarded. 
 The battle, although lost, was contested with admirable 
 bravery and firmness by the American troops. General 
 Washington crossed over from New York during the 
 midst of it. Owing to the capture of General Sullivan 
 and Lord Stirling, the Commander-in-chief was not able, 
 at the time, to transmit to Congress a detailed account of 
 the circumstances of this battle ; and he w T as so much hur 
 ried and occupied for some time afterwards that it never 
 was done at all. The following letter was all he had 
 the means or the leisure to write to Congress. 
 
 " To the. President of Congress. 
 " Long Island, 29 August, half after four, A. M., 1776. 
 " SIR, I was last night honored with your favor, ac 
 companied by sundry resolutions of Congress. Those 
 respecting the officers that may be wounded in the ser 
 vice of the States, are founded much in justice, and I 
 
180 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 should hope may be productive of many salutary conse 
 quences. As to the encouragement to the Hessian offi 
 cers, I wish it may have the desired effect. Perhaps it 
 might have been better, had the offer been sooner made. 
 Before this, you will probably have received a letter 
 from Mr. Harrison, dated the 27th, advising you of the 
 engagement between a detachment of our men and the 
 enemy on that day. I am sorry to inform Congress, 
 that I have not yet heard either of General Sullivan or 
 Lord Stirling, who were among the missing after the en 
 gagement ; nor can I ascertain our loss. I am hopeful 
 that part of our men will yet get in ; several did yester 
 day morning. That of the enemy is also uncertain ; the 
 accounts are various. I incline to think they suffered a 
 good deal. Some deserters say five hundred were killed 
 and wounded. 
 
 " There was some skirmishing, the greater part of 
 yesterday, between parties from the enemy and our peo 
 ple ; in the evening it was pretty smart. The event I 
 have not yet learned. The weather of late has been ex 
 tremely wet. Yesterday it rained severely the whole 
 afternoon, which distressed our people much, not having 
 a sufficiency of tents to cover them, and what we have 
 not being got over yet. I am in hopes they will all be 
 got to-day, and that they will be more comfortably pro 
 vided for, though the great scarcity of these articles dis 
 tresses us beyond measure, not having any thing like a 
 sufficient number to protect our people from the inclemen 
 cy of the weather ; which has occasioned much sickness, 
 and the men to be almost broken down. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 On the 30th, the remnant of the forces stationed on 
 Long Island abandoned their encampments, and crossed 
 East River, to join the main army in New York. It hap 
 pened that, on the morning when the Americans effected 
 their transportation across East River, the fog, which was 
 very dense, was disposed in such a manner, as to enable 
 them to see clearly from one bank to the other, but to 
 conceal them completely from the British lines. It float- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 181 
 
 ed, or rather was spread out, like an arch over the wa 
 ter, at a considerable distance above its surface. Im 
 mediately upon the last boat s reaching the New York 
 shore, the vapors, which had been so strangely and prov 
 identially supplied and arranged for the occasion, were 
 dispersed ; the veil was withdrawn ; and, to the amaze 
 ment of the British army on the heights of Brooklyn, and 
 of their fleet on the river, the entire body of the Ameri 
 can forces had escaped beyond their reach. 
 
 " To the President of the New York Convention. 
 
 " New York, 30 August, 1776. 
 
 u SIR, Your favor of this date is jnst come to hand. 
 Circumstanced as this army was, in respect to situation 
 and strength, it was the unanimous advice of a council of 
 general officers to give up Long Island, and not, by di 
 viding our force, be unable to resist the enemy in any one 
 point of attack. This reason, added to some others, 
 particularly the fear of having our communication cut off 
 from the main, of which there seemed to be no small 
 probability, and the extreme fatigue our troops were laid 
 under, in guarding such extensive lines without proper 
 shelter from the weather, induced the above resolution. 
 It is the most difficult thing in the world, sir, to know 
 in what manner to conduct one s self with respect to the 
 militia. If you do not begin, many days before they are 
 wanted, to raise them, you cannot have them in time ; if 
 you do, they get tired and return, besides being under 
 but very little order or government whilst in service. 
 However, if the enemy have a design of serving us at this 
 place, as we apprehend they meant to do on Long Island, 
 it might not be improper to have a body in readiness to 
 prevent or retard their landing on the east of Haerlem 
 River, if need be. In haste, and not a little fatigued, I 
 remain, with great respect and esteem, sir, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 11 New York, 31 August, 1776. 
 
 "SiR, Inclination as well as duty would have induced 
 me to give Congress the earliest information of my removal, 
 
182 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 and that of the troops, from Long Island and its depen 
 dencies, to this city, the night before last ; but the extreme 
 fatigue, which myself and family have undergone, as much 
 from the weather since, as the engagement on the 27th, 
 rendered me and them entirely unfit to take pen in hand. 
 Since Monday, scarce any of us have been out of the 
 lines till our passage across the East River was effected 
 yesterday morning ; and, for forty-eight hours preceding 
 that, I had hardly been off my horse, and never closed 
 my eyes ; so that I was quite unfit to write or dictate till 
 this morning. 
 
 u Q ur re t rea t was made without any loss of men or am 
 munition, and in better order than I expected from troops 
 in the situation ours were. We brought off all our can 
 non and stores, except a few heavy pieces, which, in the 
 condition the earth was, by a long-continued rain, we 
 found upon trial impracticable ; the wheels of the carriages 
 sinking up to the hobs rendered it impossible for our whole 
 force to drag them. We left but little provisions on the 
 island, except some cattle, which had been driven within 
 our lines, and which, after many attempts to force across 
 the water, we found it impossible to effect, circumstanced 
 as we were. I have enclosed a copy of the council of 
 war held previous to the retreat, to which I beg leave to 
 refer Congress for the reasons, or many of them, that led 
 to the adoption of that measure. Yesterday evening and 
 last night a party of our men were employed in bringing 
 our stores, cannon, and tents, from Governor s Island, 
 which they nearly completed. Some of the heavy cannon 
 remain there still, but I expect they will be got away to 
 day. 
 
 " In the engagement on the 27th, Generals Sullivan 
 and Stirling were made prisoners. The former has been 
 permitted, on his parole, to return for a little time. From 
 Lord Stirling I had a letter by General Sullivan, a copy 
 of which I have the honor to transmit, that contains his 
 information of the engagement with his brigade. It is not 
 so full and certain as I could wish ; he was hurried, most 
 probably, as his letter was unfinished ; nor have I been 
 yet able to obtain an exact account of our loss ; we sup- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 183 
 
 pose it, from seven hundred to a thousand killed and taken. 
 General Sullivan says, Lord Howe is extremely desirous 
 of seeing some of the members of Congress ; for which 
 purpose he was allowed to come out, and to communicate 
 to them what has passed between him and his lordship. 
 I have consented to his going to Philadelphia, as I do 
 not mean, or conceive it right, to withhold or prevent him 
 from giving such information as he possesses in this in 
 stance. I am much hurried and engaged in arranging and 
 making new dispositions of our forces, the movements 
 of the enemy requiring them to be immediately had ; and 
 therefore I have only time to add, that I am, with my 
 best regards to Congress, &c." 
 
 Very soon it became apparent that circumstances re 
 quired the further retreat of the American army from the 
 city of New York to some position in the interior, where 
 the enemy would not derive advantage from his naval 
 armament, and from which a more effective opposition 
 could be made to his superior land force. The greatest 
 industry and activity were displayed in removing the stores 
 from the city, as an attack was momentarily expected, 
 and as the British ships of war and transports were con 
 tinually conveying troops up the East and North Rivers, 
 and there was every reason to believe that they were 
 meditating an assault from both those directions, with the 
 view of driving the American outposts into the city, and 
 shutting up their whole army there. 
 
 " To the President of Congress, 
 
 " Head-Quarters, at Colonel Morris s House, 16 September, 1778. 
 " SIR, On Saturday about sunset, six more of the 
 enemy s ships, one or two of which were men-of-war, 
 passed between Governor s Island and Red Hook, and 
 went up the East River to the station taken by those 
 mentioned in my last. In half an hour I received two 
 expresses, one from Colonel Sargent at Horen s Hook, 
 giving an account that the enemy, to the amount of three 
 or four thousand, had marched to the river, and were 
 embarking for Barn or Montresor s Island, where num- 
 
184 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 bers of them were then encamped ; the other from Gen 
 eral Mifflin, that uncommon and formidable movements 
 were discovered among the enemy ; which being con 
 firmed by the scouts I had sent out, I proceeded to 
 Haerlem, where it was supposed, or at Morrisania op 
 posite to it, the principal attempt to land would be made. 
 However, nothing remarkable happened that night ; but 
 in the morning they began their operations. Three ships 
 of war came up the North River as high as Bloomingdale, 
 which put a total stop to the removal, by water, of any 
 more of our provision ; and about eleven o clock those in 
 the East River began a most severe and heavy cannon 
 ade, to scour the grounds, and cover the landing of their 
 troops between Turtle Bay and the city, where breast 
 works had been thrown up to oppose them. 
 
 4C As soon as I heard the firing, I rode with all possible 
 despatch towards the place of landing, when, to my great 
 surprise and mortification, I found the troops that had 
 been posted in the lines retreating with the utmost pre 
 cipitation, and those ordered to support them (Parsons s 
 and Fellows s brigades) flying in every direction, and in 
 the greatest confusion, notwithstanding the exertions of 
 their generals to form them. I used every means in my 
 power to rally and get them into some order ; but my 
 attempts were fruitless and ineffectual ; and on the ap 
 pearance of a small party of the enemy, not more than 
 sixty or seventy, their disorder increased, and they ran 
 away in the greatest confusion, without firing a single 
 shot. 
 
 u Finding that no confidence was to be placed in these 
 brigades, and apprehending that another party of the 
 enemy might pass over to Haerlem Plains and cut off 
 the retreat to this place, I sent orders to secure the 
 heights in the best manner with the troops that were sta 
 tioned on and near them ; which being done, the retreat 
 was effected with but little or no loss of men, though of 
 a considerable part of our baggage, occasioned by this 
 disgraceful and dastardly conduct. Most of our heavy 
 cannon, and a part of our stores and provisions, which 
 we were about removing, were unavoidably left in the 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 185 
 
 city, though every means, after it had been determined 
 in council to evacuate the post, had been used to prevent 
 it. We are now encamped with the main body of the 
 army on the Heights of Haerlem, where I should hope 
 the enemy would meet with a defeat in case of an attack, 
 if the generality of our troops would behave with tolera 
 ble bravery. But experience, to rny extreme affliction, 
 has convinced me, that this is rather to be wished for, than 
 expected. However, I trust that there are many who 
 will act like men, and show themselves worthy of the 
 blessings of freedom. I have sent out some reconnoiter- 
 ing parties to gain intelligence, if possible, of the dispo 
 sition of the enemy, and shall inform Congress of every 
 material event by the earliest opportunity. 
 
 44 I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 When, on this occasion, General Washington met his 
 troops, retreating in the manner described in the forego 
 ing letter, he is represented to have lost all command of 
 himself, in the indignation and anguish of spirit caused by 
 their disorderly, disgraceful, and ruinous, conduct. He 
 exclaimed, in a tone and with an expression, indicative of 
 the keenest and deepest shame, anger, and despair, u Jlre 
 these the men I am to defend Jlmcrica with ?" 
 
 General Greene, in writing to a friend, said : 
 
 cc We made a miserable, disorderly retreat from New 
 York, owing to the disorderly conduct of the militia, who 
 ran at the appearance of the enemy s advanced guard. 
 Fellows s and Parsons s brigades ran away from about 
 fifty men, and left his Excellency on the ground, within 
 eighty yards of the enemy, so vexed at the infamous 
 conduct of the troops, that he sought death rather than 
 life." 
 
 Dr. Gordon, in his History, (vol. ii. p. 327,) gives 
 the following account of his transported excitement : 
 
 u The General s attempts to stop the troops \vere fruit 
 less, though he drew his sword, and threatened to run 
 them through, cocked and snapped his pistols. On the 
 appearance of a small party of the enemy, not more than 
 sixty or seventy, their disorder was increased, and they 
 16* 
 
186 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 ran off, without firing a single shot, and left the General 
 in a hazardous situation, so that his attendants, to extricate 
 him out of it, caught the bridle of his horse, and gave him 
 a different direction." 
 
 This was one of the very few instances, in which he 
 lost the power of self-control. His temperament was, 
 naturally, of the most ardent and vehement sort ; but he 
 ruled over it, habitually, in a manner that was truly won 
 derful. Occasionally, the reins would slip from his hands, 
 and the terrific power of his passions be brought to light ; 
 but, in a few moments, reason would recover her empire, 
 and the storm be allayed. It was awful, to behold the 
 tempest ; but it was noble and sublime, to see the almost 
 supernatural power with which he quelled it. The dig 
 nity of his character, the magic effect of his manner and 
 deportment, consisted in the manifestation of calmness, 
 moderation, and firmness, which, totally unlike those at 
 tributes in common men, were evidently the result of the 
 grandest moral and intellectual energy, ruling with an ab 
 solute sway over the strongest passions, and steadily re 
 pressing and controlling the most ardent and excitable 
 sensibilities. 
 
 I know no more appropriate or expressive illustration 
 of the manner in which his moral and intellectual nature 
 predominated over his passions, and of the peculiar aspect 
 of dignity and grace thus imparted to his whole character, 
 than was afforded, whenever he rode forth in battle, or on 
 parade. His unrivalled ease and firmness in the saddle 
 arose, it was evident, not from the want of spirit of the 
 animal, but from the habitual strength, courage, and skill, 
 with which he subdued and guided him. When the ad 
 miring spectator beheld him at the head of his army, curb 
 ing his war-horse ; when he saw the noble charger, although 
 his neck was u clothed with thunder," and his eyeballs 
 were flashing fire, moving, gently and gracefully, beneath 
 the hand of his majestic rider, obeying his slightest whis 
 per, and yielding every limb and muscle to his will ; he 
 saw a fit emblem of the admirable power of control, which 
 the reason and judgement of Washington possessed and 
 exercised over his naturally fiery passions. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 187 
 
 Not more than half a dozen times, in his whole public 
 life, was he known to lose, for a moment, this amazing 
 self-control. This was one of those very few occasions. 
 Overcome with rage and mortification, he dashed in among 
 his routed and frightened soldiers, in the manner described 
 by General Greene and Dr. Gordon, drew his sword 
 upon them, aimed his pistols at them, and, when all his 
 entreaties, threats, and execrations, were in vain, lost all 
 regard for his own safety, and would have sacrificed his 
 life, in frantic despair, had not some of his attendants 
 seized his bridle, and rescued him from the midst of the 
 enemy s fire. 
 
 The American encampment, after the evacuation of 
 New York, was established, at first, upon the Heights of 
 Haerlem. After a while, it was removed further up the 
 country, to White Plains, and at last Washington passed 
 the North River, into New Jersey. The following letters, 
 and extracts from letters, written by him or by his sec 
 retary, from time to time, chiefly to the President of Con 
 gress, will give the reader an authentic narrative of the 
 most interesting incidents of this period, during which, his 
 army was retreating, and clouds seemed to be gathering, 
 in quick succession, along the horizon, threatening des 
 truction to the American cause. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 "Head-Quarters, Heights of Haerlem, Sept. 20, 1776. 
 
 u SIR, Since my letter of yesterday, nothing of im 
 portance has cast up. The enemy are forming a large and 
 extensive encampment in the plains mentioned in my last, 
 and are busily employed in transporting their cannon and 
 stores from Long Island. As they advance them this 
 way, we may reasonably expect their operations will not 
 long be deferred. 
 
 " It is a melancholy and painful consideration, to those 
 who are concerned in the work, and have the command, 
 to be forming armies constantly, and to be left by troops, 
 just when they begin to deserve the name, or, perhaps, at 
 a moment when an important blow is expected. This, I 
 am informed, will be the case at Ticondemga, with part 
 
 I. N 
 
188 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 of the troops there, unless some system is immediately 
 come into, by which they can be induced to stay. Gen 
 eral Schuyler tells me, in a letter received yesterday, that 
 De Haas s, Maxwell s, and Wind s, regiments stand en 
 gaged only till the beginning of next month, and that the 
 men, he is fearful, will not remain longer than the time 
 of their enlistment. 
 
 " I would also beg leave to mention to Congress, that 
 the season is fast approaching, when clothes of every kind 
 will be wanted for the army. Their distress is already 
 great, and will be increased, as the weather becomes more 
 severe. Our situation is now bad, but is much better 
 than that of the militia that are coming to join us, from the 
 States of the Massachusetts-Bay and Connecticut, in con 
 sequence of the requisition of Congress. They, I am 
 informed, have not a single tent, or a necessary of any 
 kind ; nor can I conceive how it will be possible to sup 
 port them. These circumstances are extremely alarm 
 ing, and oblige me to wish Congress to have all the tents, 
 clothing of every kind, and camp necessaries, provided 
 and forwarded, that are to be procured. These eastern 
 re-enforcements have not a single necessary, not a pan or 
 a kettle, in which we are now greatly deficient. It is 
 with reluctance that I trouble Congress with these mat 
 ters : but to whom can I resort for relief unless to them ? 
 The necessity, therefore, which urges the application, will 
 excuse it, I am persuaded. 
 
 tc I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 "To the President of Congress. 
 "Head-Quarters, Haerlem Heights, Oct. 9, 1776. 
 " SIR, About eight o clock this morning, two ships, of 
 forty-four guns each, (supposed to be the Roebuck and 
 Phoenix,) and a frigate of twenty guns, with three or four 
 tenders, got under way from about Bloomingdale, where 
 they had been lying, some time, and stood, with an easy, 
 southerly breeze, towards our chevaux-de-frise, which we 
 hoped would have intercepted their passage, while our bat 
 teries played upon them ; but, to our surprise and mortifi 
 cation, they ran through, without the least difficulty, and 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 189 
 
 without receiving any apparent damage from our forts, 
 though they kept up a heavy fire from both sides of the 
 river. Their destination or views cannot be known with 
 certainty ; but most probably they are sent to stop the nav 
 igation, and cut off the supplies of boards, &c., which we 
 should have received, and of which we are in great need. 
 They are standing up, and I have despatched an express 
 to the Convention of this State, that notice may be imme 
 diately communicated to General Clinton, at the Highland 
 fortifications, to put him on his guard, in case they should 
 have any designs against them, and that precautions may 
 be taken to prevent the craft, belonging to the river, fal 
 ling into their hands. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 " Kingsbridge, October 20, 1776, half after one o clock, P. M. 
 
 " SIR, I have it in command from his Excellency to 
 transmit you the enclosed copies of despatches which just 
 now came to hand, and which contain intelligence of the 
 most interesting and important nature, respecting our af 
 fairs in the northern department. His Excellency would 
 have wrote himself, but was going to our several posts, 
 when the express arrived. 
 
 " The enemy are pursuing, with great industry, their 
 plan of penetrating the country from the Sound, and of 
 forming a line in our rear. They are now extended from 
 Frog Point to New Rochelle, from whence it is gener 
 ally conjectured they mean to take their route by way of 
 the White Plains, and from thence to draw a line to the 
 North River. We, on our part, have drawn our whole 
 force, except the regiments intended to garrison Fort 
 Washington, from the island of New York, and have pos 
 sessed ourselves of the heights, passes, and advantage 
 ous grounds, between New Rochelle, where the van of 
 their army now lies, and the North River. They will, 
 in all probability, attempt to effect their purpose by 
 moving higher up. If they do, our forces will move ac 
 cordingly, it being a principal object to prevent their out 
 flanking us. 
 
190 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 " On Friday, one of their advanced parties, near East 
 Chester, fell in with part of Colonel Glover s brigade, 
 and a smart and close skirmish ensued, in which, I have 
 the pleasure to inform you, our men behaved with great 
 coolness and intrepidity, and drove the enemy back to 
 their main body. I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 "R. H. HARRISON. 7 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 J & 
 
 Head-Quarters, White Plains, Oct, 25, 1776. 
 
 " SIR, The whole of our army is now here, and on 
 the neighboring heights, except the troops left at Mount 
 Washington and Kingsbridge, (about fourteen hundred at 
 the former, and six hundred at the latter,) and General 
 Lee s division, which now forms the rear, and which is on 
 their march. Our removal, and that of the stores, have 
 been attended with a great deal of trouble, owing to the 
 scarcity and difficulty of procuring wagons. However, 
 they are nearly effected, and without any loss. The gen 
 eral officers are now reconnoitering the several passes lead 
 ing from the enemy, that the most important may be im 
 mediately secured. The situation of their army remains 
 nearly the same, as when I had the honor of addressing 
 you, on the twenty-first instant. It differs in nothing, un 
 less it is that their main body is more collected about New 
 Rochelle. A few of their troops are extended as far as 
 Momarioneck. 
 
 u On Monday night, a detachment of our men, under the 
 command of colonel Hazlet, was sent out to surprise and 
 cut off Major Rogers, if possible, with his regiment, which 
 was posted there. By some accident or other, the expe 
 dition did not succeed so well as I could have wished. 
 However, our advanced party, led on by Major Greene, 
 of the first Virginia regiment, fell in with their out-guard, 
 and brought off thirty-six prisoners, sixty muskets, and 
 some blankets. The number killed is not certainly known ; 
 but it is reported by an officer, who was there, that he 
 counted about twenty-five. Our loss, two killed, and ten 
 or twelve wounded ; among the latter, Major Greene, 
 whose recoverv is very doubtful. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 191 
 
 u On Wednesday, there was also a smart skirmish be 
 tween a party of Colonel Hand s riflemen, about two 
 hundred and forty, and nearly the same number of Hes 
 sian chasseurs, in which the latter were put to the rout. 
 Our men buried ten of them on the field, and took two 
 prisoners, one badly wounded. We sustained no other 
 loss than having one lad wounded, supposed mortally. 
 
 " About two o clock, this afternoon, intelligence was 
 brought to Head-Quarters, that three or four detachments 
 of the enemy were on their march, and had advanced 
 within about four miles of this place. It has been fully 
 confirmed, since, by a variety of persons, who have been 
 out to reconnoitre. Their number cannot be ascertained ; 
 but it is generally conjectured, that the detachments are, 
 or will be, succeeded by as many columns, composing 
 their main body. Our drums have beat to arms, and the 
 men are ordered to their several posts. Most probably, 
 some important event is upon the eve of taking place. I 
 hope it will be victory in favor of our arms. General 
 Lee, with his division, has not got up ; but I hear he is 
 on his march. R. H. HARRISON." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " White Plains, October 29, 1776. 
 
 u SIR, The situation of our affairs not permitting his 
 Excellency to write, himself, I have it in charge to inform 
 you, that, on yesterday morning, about ten o clock, the 
 enemy appeared in several large columns, in our front, 
 and, from their first movements, seemed as if they meant 
 an attack, there. However, halting for a little time, their 
 main body filed off to our left, and presently began a most 
 severe and incessant cannonade at a part of our troops, 
 who had taken post on a hill, with a view of throwing up 
 some lines. At the same time, they advanced in two di 
 visions, and, after a smart engagement, for about a quar 
 ter of an hour, obliged our men to give way. 
 
 "Our loss is not certainly known ; but, from conjec 
 ture, is between four and five hundred in killed, wound 
 ed, and missing. What theirs was, we have not heard. 
 
 " After gaining the hill, (upon which they are intrench- 
 
192 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 ing,) and leaving a sufficient number of men and artillery, 
 to prevent our repossessing it, they proceeded to advance 
 by our left ; and, as far as I can discover, their posts or 
 encampments now form nearly a semicircle. It is evi 
 dent, their design is to get in our rear, according to their 
 original plan. Every measure is taking to prevent them ; 
 but the removal of our baggage, &c., is attended with in 
 finite difficulty and delays. 
 
 " Our post, from its situation, is not so advantageous as 
 could be wished, and was only intended as temporary and 
 occasional, till the stores belonging to the army, which 
 had been deposited here, could be removed. The enemy 
 coming on, so suddenly, has distressed us much. They 
 are now close at hand, and most probably will, in a little 
 time, commence their second attack. We expect it, every 
 hour ; perhaps it is beginning ; I have just heard the re 
 port of some cannon. I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 "R. H. HARRISON." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " White Plains, November 3, 1776. 
 
 cc SIR, By command of his Excellency, I have the 
 honor to inform you, that our situation is nearly the same, 
 as when I had the pleasure of writing you last. It is al 
 tered in no instance, unless in the number of our troops, 
 which is, every day, decreasing by their most scandalous 
 desertion and return home. The enclosed letter from 
 General Parsons, who is stationed near the Saw-pits, and 
 which his Excellency directed me to transmit, will inform 
 you of the prevalency of this disgraceful practice. 
 u I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 "R. H. HARRISON." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 "White Plains, November 6, 1776. 
 
 " SIR, I have the honor to inform you, that, on yes 
 terday morning, the enemy made a sudden and unexpec 
 ted movement from the several posts they had taken in 
 our front. They broke up their whole encampments, the 
 preceding night, and have advanced towards Kingsbridge 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 193 
 
 and the North River. The design of this manoeuvre is 
 a matter of much conjecture and speculation, and cannot 
 be accounted for, with any degree of certainty. The 
 grounds we had taken possession of were strong and ad 
 vantageous, and such as they could not have gained, with 
 out much loss of blood, in case an attempt had been made. 
 I had taken every possible precaution to prevent their 
 outflanking us ; which may have led to the present meas 
 ure. They may still have in view their original plan, 
 and, by a sudden wheel, try to accomplish it. Detach 
 ments are constantly out, to observe their motions, and to 
 harass them as much as possible. 
 
 " In consequence of this movement, I called a coun 
 cil of general officers, to-day, to consult of such measures 
 as should be adopted, in case they pursued their retreat 
 to New York ; the result of which is herewith transmit 
 ted. In respect to myself, I cannot indulge an idea that 
 General Howe, supposing he is going to New York, 
 means to close the campaign, and to sit down, without at 
 tempting something more. I think it highly probable, 
 and almost certain, that he will make a descent with a 
 part of his troops into Jersey ; and, as soon as I am sat 
 isfied that the present manoeuvre is real, and not a feint, 
 I shall use every means in my power, to forward a part 
 of our force, to counteract his designs ; nor shall I be dis 
 appointed, if he sends a detachment to the southward, for 
 the purpose of making a winter campaign." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 J C 
 
 "Peekskill, November 11, 1776. 
 
 " SIR, I left White Plains, about eleven o clock, 
 yesterday ; all peace then. The enemy appeared to be 
 preparing for their expedition to Jersey, according to 
 every information. What their designs are, or whether 
 their present conduct is not a feint, I cannot determine. 
 
 " The Maryland and Virginia troops, under lord Stir 
 ling, have crossed the river, as have part of those from the 
 Jersey ; the remainder are now embarking. The troops, 
 judged necessary to secure the several posts through the 
 Highlands, have also got up. I am going to examine the 
 
194 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 passes, and direct such works as may appear necessary ; 
 after which, and making the best disposition I can, of 
 things in this quarter, I intend to proceed to Jersey, which 
 I expect to do, to-morrow." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 "General Greene s Quarters, November 14, 1776. 
 
 " SIR, I have the honor to inform you of my arri 
 val here, yesterday, and that the whole of the troops, be 
 longing to the States which lay south of Hudson s River, 
 and which were in New York government, have passed 
 over to this side, except the regiment, lately Colonel 
 Smallwood s, which I expect is now on their march. 
 
 u I propose to stay in this neighborhood, a few days, 
 in which time I expect the designs of the enemy will be 
 more disclosed, and their incursions be made in this quar 
 ter, or their investiture of Fort Washington, if they are 
 intended. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 To the President oj Congress. 
 " General Greene s Quarters, November 16, 1776. 
 
 u SIR, Since I had the honor of addressing you last, 
 an important event has taken place, of which I wish to 
 give you the earliest intelligence. 
 
 " The preservation of the passage of the North River 
 was an object of so much consequence, that I thought no 
 pains or expense too great for that purpose ; and there 
 fore, after sending off all the valuable stores, except such 
 as were necessary for its defence, I determined, agreea 
 ble to the advice of most of the general officers, to risk 
 something, to defend the post on the east side, called 
 Mount Washington. 
 
 u When the army moved up, in consequence of Gen 
 eral Howe s landing at Frog Point, Colonel Magaw r was 
 left on that command, with about twelve hundred men, 
 and orders given to defend it to the last. Afterwards, 
 reflecting upon the smallness of the garrison, and the dif 
 ficulty of their holding it, if General Howe should fall 
 down upon it with his whole force, I wrote to General 
 Greene, who had the command on the Jersey shore, di- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 195 
 
 reeling him to govern himself by circumstances, and to 
 retain or evacuate the post as he should think best, and 
 revoking the absolute order to Colonel Magaw, to defend 
 the post to the last extremity. General Greene, struck 
 with the importance of the post, and the discouragement 
 which our evacuation of posts must necessarily have giv 
 en, re-enforced Colonel Magaw with detachments from 
 several regiments of the flying camp, but chiefly of Penn 
 sylvania, so as to make up the number about two thou 
 sand. 
 
 cc In this situation things were, yesterday, when General 
 Howe demanded the surrendry of the garrison, to which 
 Colonel Magaw returned a spirited refusal. Immediate 
 ly upon receiving an account of this transaction, I came 
 from Hackinsac to this place, and had partly crossed the 
 North River, w r hen I met General Putnam and General 
 Greene, who were just returning from thence, and in 
 formed me that the troops were in high spirits, and would 
 make a good defence ; and, it being late at night, I re 
 turned. 
 
 " Early this morning, Colonel Magaw posted his troops, 
 partly in the lines thrown up by our army, on our first 
 coming thither from New York, and partly on a com 
 manding hill lying north of Mount Washington, the lines 
 being all to the southward. In this position, the attack 
 began about ten o clock, which our troops stood, and re 
 turned the fire, in such a manner as gave me great hopes 
 the enemy was entirely repulsed. But, at this time, a 
 body of troops crossed Haerlem River in boats, and 
 landed inside of the second lines, our troops being then 
 engaged in the first. 
 
 u Colonel Cadwalader, who commanded in the lines, 
 sent oft a detachment to oppose them ; but they, being 
 overpowered by numbers, gave way ; upon which, Col 
 onel Cadwalader ordered his troops to retreat, in order 
 to gain the fort. It was done with much confusion ; and 
 the enemy, crossing over, came in upon them in such a 
 manner, that a number of them surrendered. 
 
 " At this time, the Hessians advanced on the north side 
 of the fort, in very large bodies. They were received by 
 
196 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 the troops posted there, with proper spirit, and kept back, 
 a considerable time ; but, at length, they were also oblig 
 ed to submit to a superiority of numbers, and retire un 
 der the cannon of the fort. 
 
 C The enemy, having advanced thus far, halted ; and, 
 immediately, a flag went in, with a repetition of the de 
 mand of the fortress, as I suppose. At this time, I sent 
 a billet to Colonel Magavv, directing him to hold out, and 
 I would endeavor, this evening, to bring off the garrison, 
 if the fortress could not be maintained, as I did not ex 
 pect it could, the enemy being possessed of the adjacent 
 ground. But, before this reached him, he had entered 
 too far into a treaty, to retract ; after which, Colonel 
 Cadwalader told another messenger who went over, that 
 they had been able to obtain no other terms than to sur 
 render as prisoners of war. In this situation, matters 
 now stand. I have stopped General Beall s and Gen 
 eral Heard s brigades, to preserve the post and stores, 
 here ; which, with the other troops, I hope we shall be 
 able to effect. 
 
 u I do not yet know the numbers killed or wounded 
 on either side ; but, from the heaviness and continuance 
 of the fire, in some places, I imagine there must have 
 been considerable execution. 
 
 u The loss of such a number of officers and men, ma 
 ny of whom have been trained with more than common 
 attention, will, I fear, be severely felt ; but, when that 
 of the arms and accoutrements is added, much more so ; 
 and must be a further incentive, to procure as consider 
 able a supply as possible for the new troops, as soon as 
 it can be done. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Co7i(rress. 
 
 J o 
 
 " Hackinsac, November 21, 1776. 
 
 " SIR, The unhappy affair of the sixteenth has been 
 succeeded by further misfortunes. Yesterday morning, a 
 large body of the enemy landed between Dobbs s ferry and 
 Fort Lee. Their object was, evidently, to enclose the 
 whole of our troops and stores that lay between the North 
 and Hackinsac rivers, which form a very narrow neck of 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 197 
 
 land. For this purpose, they formed and marched, as 
 soon as they had ascended the high grounds, towards the 
 fort. Upon the first information of their having landed, 
 and of their movements, our men were ordered to meet 
 them ; but, finding their numbers greatly superior, and 
 that they were extending themselves, to seize on the pas 
 ses over the river, it was thought prudent to withdraw our 
 men ; which was effected, and their retreat secured. 
 We lost the whole of the cannon that was at the fort, (ex 
 cept two twelve-pounders,) and a great deal of baggage, 
 between two and three hundred tents, about a thousand 
 barrels of flour, and other stores in the Quarter-Master s 
 department. This loss was inevitable. As many of the 
 stores had been removed, as circumstances and time 
 would admit of. The ammunition had been happily got 
 away. 
 
 " Our present situation, between Hackinsac and Pas- 
 saic rivers, being exactly similar to our late one, and our 
 force, here, by no means adequate to an opposition that 
 will promise the smallest probability of success, we are 
 taking measures to retire over the waters of the latter, 
 when the best disposition will be formed, that circumstan 
 ces will admit of." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Newark, November 27, 1776. 
 
 " SIR, I have nothing in particular to advise you of, 
 respecting the enemy, more than that they are advancing 
 this way. Part of them have passed the Passaic ; and 
 I suppose the main body, that they have on this side the 
 North River, would have done the same, before now, (as 
 they are coming on,) had their progress not been retard 
 ed by the weather, which has been rainy, for several days 
 past. I have scouts and detachments constantly out, to 
 harass them and watch their motions, and to gain, if pos 
 sible, intelligence of their designs." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Brunswick, December 1, 1776. 
 
 u SIR, I yesterday had the honor of writing you, and 
 to advise you of our arrival here. I am now to inform 
 
198 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 you that the enemy are still advancing, and that their van 
 guard had proceeded as far as Bonem, a small town, 
 about four miles this side of Woodbridge, according to 
 my last intelligence. As to their number, reports are 
 various. Some say they were joined, yesterday, by a 
 considerable re-enforcement from Staten Island. How 
 far this fact may be true, I cannot determine ; but, from 
 every information, before, they were between six and 
 seven thousand strong. 
 
 " I have, for some time past, supposed Philadelphia 
 to be the object of their movement, and have every rea 
 son to believe my opinion well founded ; the advices of 
 sundry persons, who have had an opportunity of mixing 
 and conversing with them on the march, agreeing that 
 such is the report. I have wrote to Governor Living 
 ston upon the subject, requesting his utmost exertions to 
 forward on every succor in his power. The same, I 
 trust, will be attended to, in Pennsylvania. Without a 
 sufficient number of men and arms, their progress cannot 
 be checked ; at present, our force is totally inadequate 
 to any attempt. 
 
 " 
 
 P. S. Half after one o c/oc/c, P. M. The enemy 
 are fast advancing ; some of them are now in sight. All 
 the men of the Jersey flying camp under General Heard, 
 being applied to, have refused to continue longer in ser 
 vice." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, Trenton, December 3, 1776. 
 
 " SIR, I arrived here, myself, yesterday morning, with 
 the main body of the army, having left Lord Stirling with 
 two brigades, at Princeton and that neighborhood, to 
 watch the motions of the enemy, and give notice of their 
 approach. I am informed, that they had not entered 
 Brunswick, yesterday morning at nine o clock, but were 
 on the opposite side of the Rariton. 
 
 " Immediately on my arrival here, I ordered the re 
 moval of all the military and other stores and baggage, 
 over the Delaware ; a great quantity are already got 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 199 
 
 over ; and as soon as the boats come up from Philadel 
 phia, we shall load them ; by which means, I hope to 
 have every thing secured, this night and to-morrow, if we 
 are not disturbed. After being disencumbered of my 
 baggage and stores, my future situation will depend, en 
 tirely, upon circumstances. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 These letters give the reader some idea of the reverses 
 and trials to which the American forces, and their com 
 mander, had been called during this campaign. Long 
 Island, New York, Rhode Island, New Jersey had been 
 lost, and the army, crippled and weakened by disaster, 
 defeat, death, and capitulation, and continually melting 
 and vanishing a\vay under the system of short enlistments, 
 was reduced down to a mere handful. It was the darkest 
 hour of America, and to most men it seemed as though 
 all was over. 
 
 But the faith and firmness of Washington did not falter. 
 The necessities and extremities to which he was driven 
 served only to inspire him with new energy, and to nerve 
 his arm with redoubled strength. In his application to 
 the legislatures of the surrounding States, to their govern 
 ors, and other distinguished men in them, and to Con 
 gress, for assistance and relief, he was unremitting and 
 strenuous. Now, as at all times in the war, he was the 
 centre of motion for the whole force of the continent, and 
 conducted a constant personal correspondence, in all di 
 rections, which, for the amount of labor it must have cost 
 him, the time it consumed, and the talent, wisdom, and 
 patriotism it displays, is most wonderful. The influence 
 he thus acquired, the effect of these exertions, was in 
 calculably beneficent and extensive. His communica 
 tions to Congress were always read aloud to the whole 
 House, and, taken as a whole, they are found, in their 
 suggestions and recommendations, to cover nearly the 
 entire field of the military administration of the coun 
 try, on the part of Congress, as well as the course of the 
 military operations conducted by him and reported to 
 them. 
 
200 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 In his correspondence with Congress he gave his views 
 with the utmost plainness and earnestness of manner ; and 
 although in some respects he found it difficult to prevail 
 upon them to contribute, in the most effectual manner, to 
 his cherished plans and wishes, yet, upon the whole, a 
 very great degree of confidence was reposed in him by 
 that body, and, for the most part, they afforded him a 
 prompt and hearty co-operation. The following will serve 
 as a specimen of the manner in which he sometimes felt 
 called upon to address the Congress. 
 
 " It may be said, that this is an application for powers 
 that are too dangerous to be intrusted. I can only add, 
 that desperate diseases require desperate remedies ; and 
 I with truth declare, that I have no lust after power, but 
 I wish with as much fervency as any man upon this wide- 
 extended continent for an opportunity of turning the sword 
 into the ploughshare. But my feelings, as an officer and 
 a man, have been such as to force me to say, that no 
 person ever had a greater choice of difficulties to contend 
 with than I have. It is needless to add, that short en 
 listments, and a mistaken dependance upon militia, have 
 been the origin of all our misfortunes, and the great accu 
 mulation of our debt. We find, sir, that the enemy are 
 daily gathering strength from the disaffected. This 
 strength, like a snow-ball by rolling, will increase, unless 
 some means can be devised to check effectually the prog 
 ress of the enemy s arms. Militia may possibly do it 
 for a little while ; but in a little while, also, and the militia 
 of those States which have been frequently called upon, 
 will not turn out at all ; or, if they do, it will be with so 
 much reluctance and sloth, as to amount to the same 
 thing. Instance New Jersey ! Witness Pennsylvania ! 
 Could any thing but the River Delaware have saved Phila 
 delphia ? Can any thing (the exigency of the case in 
 deed may justify it) be more destructive to the recruiting 
 service, than giving ten dollars bounty for six weeks ser 
 vice of the militia, who come in, you cannot tell how, go, 
 you cannot tell when, and act, you cannot tell where, 
 consume your provisions, exhaust your stores, and leave 
 you at last at a critical moment ? 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 201 
 
 u These, sir, are the men I am to depend upon, ten 
 days hence ; this is the basis, on which your cause will 
 and must for ever depend, till you get a large standing 
 army sufficient of itself to oppose the enemy. I there 
 fore beg leave to give it as my humble opinion, that eighty- 
 eight battalions are by no means equal to the opposition 
 you are to make, and that a moment s time is not to be 
 lost in raising a greater number, not less, in my opinion, 
 and the opinion of my officers, than a hundred and ten. 
 It may be urged, that it will be found difficult enough to 
 complete the first number. This may be true, and yet 
 the officers of a hundred and ten battalions will recruit 
 many more men, than those of eighty-eight. In my judge 
 ment this is not a time to stand upon expense ; our funds 
 are not the only object of consideration. The State of 
 New York have added one battalion (I wish they had 
 made it two) to their quota. If any good officers will 
 offer to raise men upon Continental pay and establishment 
 in this quarter, I shall encourage them to do so, and regi 
 ment them when they hove done it. If Congress disap 
 prove of this proceeding, they will please to signify it, as 
 I mean it for the best. It maybe thought that I am going 
 a good deal out of the line of my duty, to adopt these 
 measures, or to advise thus freely. A character to lose, 
 an estate to forfeit, the inestimable blessings of liberty at 
 stake, and a life devoted, must be my excuse." 
 
 While writing the letter of which the foregoing is an 
 extract, Washington was meditating the design, and form 
 ing the purpose, of making a desperate effort to retrieve 
 the fortunes of the war. 
 
 When we review the history of the campaign of 1776, 
 and trace the succession of discomfitures that had befallen 
 the American army, driven from one encampment to 
 another, retreating from Long Island and New York, 
 surrendering Fort Washington, and pushed from point to 
 point, until all New Jersey had been abandoned to the 
 victorious enemy, we shall be able, in some measure, to 
 estimate the despondency and gloom which had taken 
 possession of the public mind. The winter had set in 
 with its wonted severity, and it was supposed that, after 
 
202 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 the brief respite thus afforded by the season of the year, as 
 soon as the return of spring allowed military movements 
 to take place, the royal troops, at one blow, would dis 
 perse the broken-spirited rebels, and easily subjugate the 
 country for ever. Such were the melancholy forebodings 
 which now began to occupy the minds even of those who 
 had been most sanguine in their hopes of the success of 
 the American cause. 
 
 But, at this very moment, the country and the world 
 were struck with astonishment, by the sudden, the won 
 derful, and the complete change, which, in the most un 
 expected manner, came over the whole face of affairs. 
 There is nothing in the annals of war more brilliant and 
 dazzling than the bound with which Washington sprang 
 from the depths of disaster and despair, to the summit of 
 success and victory. The following extracts from one 
 of his letters, will prepare the reader for the glorious re 
 verse which he gave to the direction in which events had, 
 during the whole previous campaign, been flowing. 
 
 " To ColonelJoseph Reed, or ColonelJohn Cadwalader, at 
 Bristol. 
 
 " Camp, above Trenton Falls, 23 December, 1776. 
 
 U DEAR SIR, The bearer is sent down to know 
 whether your plan was attempted last night, and if not to 
 inform you, that Christmas-day at night, one hour before 
 day, is the time fixed upon for our attempt on Trenton. 
 For Heaven s sake, keep this to yourself, as the discov 
 ery of it may prove fatal to us ; our numbers, sorry am I 
 to say, being less than I had any conception of ; but ne 
 cessity, dire necessity, will, nay, must, justify an attack. 
 Prepare, and, in concert with Griffin, attack as many of 
 their posts as you possibly can with a prospect of success ; 
 the more we can attack at the same instant, the more 
 confusion we shall spread, and the greater good will result 
 from it. If I had not been fully convinced before of the 
 enemy s designs, I have now ample testimony of their 
 intentions to attack Philadelphia, so soon as the ice will 
 afford the means of conveyance." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 203 
 
 "P.S. I have ordered our men to be provided with 
 three days provisions ready cooked, with which and their 
 blankets they are to march ; for if we are successful, 
 which Heaven grant, and the circumstances favor, w r e 
 may push on. I shall direct every ferry and ford to be 
 well guarded, and not a soul suffered to pass without an 
 officer s going down with the permit. Do the same with 
 you." 
 
 The result of the attack upon Trenton, and of the 
 events immediately subsequent to it, is best described by 
 Washington himself. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, Newtown, 27 December, 1776. 
 cc SIR, I have the pleasure of congratulating you 
 upon the success of an enterprise, which I had formed 
 against a detachment of the enemy lying in Trenton, and 
 which was executed yesterday morning. The evening 
 of the 25th I ordered the troops intended for this service 
 to parade back of McKonkey s Ferry, that they might 
 begin to pass as soon as it grew dark, imagining we should 
 be able to throw them all over, with the necessary artillery, 
 by twelve o clock, and that we might easily arrive at Tren 
 ton by five in the morning, the distance being about nine 
 miles. But the quantity of ice, made that night, impe 
 ded the passage of the boats so much, that it was three 
 o clock before the artillery could all be got over ; and 
 near four, before the troops took up their line of march. 
 This made me despair of surprising the town, as I well 
 knew we could not reach it before the day was fairly broke. 
 But as I was certain there was no making a retreat with 
 out being discovered and harassed on repassing the river, 
 I determined to push on at all events. I formed my de 
 tachment into two divisions, one to march by the lower 
 or river road, the other by the upper or Pennington road. 
 As the divisions had nearly the same distance to march, 
 t ordered each of them, immediately upon forcing the 
 out-guards, to push directly into the town, that they might 
 charge the enemy before they had time to form. 
 i. o 
 
204 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 " The upper division arrived at the enemy s advanced 
 post exactly at eight o clock ; and in three minutes after, 
 I found, from the fire on the lower road, that that division 
 had also got up. The out-guards made but small oppo 
 sition, though, for their numbers, they behaved very well, 
 keeping up a constant retreating fire from behind houses. 
 We presently saw their main body formed ; but, from 
 their motions, they seemed undetermined how to act. 
 Being hard pressed by our troops, who had already got 
 possession of their artillery, they attempted to file off by 
 a road on their right, leading to Princeton. But, perceiv 
 ing their intention, I threw a body of troops in their way, 
 which immediately checked them. Finding from our 
 disposition that they were surrounded, and that they must 
 inevitably be cut to pieces if they made any further resist 
 ance, they agreed to lay down their arms. The number 
 that submitted in this manner was twenty-three officers 
 and eight hundred and eighty-six men. Colonel Rahl, 
 the commanding officer, and seven others were found 
 wounded in the town. I do not exactly know how many 
 were killed ; but I fancy not above twenty or thirty," as 
 they never made any regular stand. Our loss is very 
 trifling indeed, only two officers and one or two privates 
 wounded. 
 
 " I find that the detachment of the enemy consisted of 
 the three Hessian regiments of Anspach, Knyphausen, 
 and Rahl, amounting to about fifteen hundred men, and a 
 troop of British light-horse ; but, immediately upon the 
 beginning of the attack, all those who were not killed or 
 taken pushed directly down the road towards Borden- 
 town. These would likewise have fallen into our hands, 
 could my plan have been completely carried into execu 
 tion. Genera] Ewing was to have crossed before day at 
 Trenton Ferry, and taken possession of the bridge lead 
 ing out of town ; but the quantity of ice w r as so great, 
 that, though he did every thing in his power to effect it, 
 he could not get over. This difficulty also hindered 
 General Cadwalader from crossing with the Pennsylvania 
 militia from Bristol. He got part of his foot over ; but, 
 finding it impossible to embark his artillery, he was 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 205 
 
 obliged to desist. I am fully confident, that, could the 
 troops under Generals Ewing and Cadwalader have passed 
 the river, I should have been able with their assistance to 
 drive the enemy from all their posts below Trenton. But 
 the numbers I had with me being inferior to theirs below 
 me, and a strong battalion of light infantry being at Prince 
 ton above me, I thought it most prudent to return the 
 same evening with the prisoners and the artillery we had ta 
 ken. We found no stores of any consequence in the town. 
 " Injustice to the officers and men, I must add, that 
 their behavior upon this occasion reflects the highest 
 honor upon them. The difficulty of passing the river in 
 a very severe night, and their march through a violent 
 storm of snow and hail, did not in the least abate their 
 ardor ; but, when they came to the charge, each seemed 
 to vie with the other in pressing forward ; and were I to 
 give a preference to any particular corps, I should do 
 great injustice to the others. Colonel Baylor, my first 
 aid-de-camp, will have the honor of delivering this to you ; 
 and from him you may be made acquainted with many 
 other particulars. His spirited behavior upon every oc 
 casion requires me to recommend him to your particular 
 notice. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To Major- General Heath. 
 
 "Head-Quarters, 28 December, 1776. 
 
 " DEAR SIR, Since I had the pleasure of informing 
 you yesterday of our success at Trenton, I have received 
 advice that Count Donop, with the remainder of the en 
 emy s army, immediately upon receiving the news, de 
 camped, and was on his retreat towards South Arnboy. 
 On hearing this, Colonel Cadwalader and General Ewing 
 passed the river with the troops under their command, 
 and General Mifflin will follow this day, with a consider 
 able body of militia from Pennsylvania, from whence large 
 re-enforcements are coming in. I purpose to go over 
 myself, with the whole of the Continental troops, as soon 
 as they are refreshed and recovered from their late fatigue. 
 These, added together, will make our force very respect- 
 
206 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 able. I have written to General McDougall and General 
 Maxwell, who are at Morristown, and have desired them 
 to collect as large a body of militia as they possibly can, 
 and, whether the enemy advances or retreats, to harass 
 them on flank and rear ; or, if they cannot be brought to 
 that, to keep them imbodied till they are joined by our 
 regular troops. Things being in this situation, 1 think a 
 fair opportunity is offered of driving the enemy entirely 
 from Jersey, or at least to the extremity of the province. 
 I would therefore have you advance with the eastern 
 militia, as rapidly as the season will admit, by the way of 
 Hackinsack, and proceed downwards till you hear from 
 me. I do not think there is the least danger of the ene 
 my s making any move towards the Highlands at this 
 season of the year. That they cannot do it by water is 
 certain. I am, dear sir, yours, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 "Newtown, 29 December, 1776. 
 
 u SIR, I am just setting out to attempt a second pas 
 sage over the Delaware, with the troops that were with 
 me on the morning of the 26th. I am determined to ef 
 fect it if possible ; but I know that it will be attended with 
 much fatigue and difficulty on account of the ice, which 
 will neither allow us to cross on foot, nor give us an easy 
 passage with boats. General Cadwalader crossed from 
 Bristol on the 27th, and, by his letter of yesterday, was 
 at Bordentown with about eighteen hundred men. In 
 addition to these, General Mifflin sent over five hundred 
 from Philadelphia on Friday, three hundred yesterday 
 evening from Burlington, and will follow to-day with seven 
 or eight hundred more. I have taken every precaution in 
 my power for subsisting the troops, and shall, without loss 
 of time, and as soon as circumstances will admit of it, pur 
 sue the enemy in their retreat, try to beat up more of 
 their quarters, and, in a word, adopt in every instance 
 such measures as the exigency of our affairs requires, and 
 our situation will justify. 
 
 " Had it not been for the unhappy failure of Generals 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 207 
 
 Ewing and Cadwalader in their attempts to pass, on the 
 night of the 25th, and if the several concerted attacks 
 could have been made, I have no doubt that our views 
 would have succeeded to our warmest expectations. 
 What was done occasioned the enemy to leave their sev 
 eral posts on the Delaware with great precipitation. The 
 peculiar distresses to which the troops who were with 
 me were reduced by the severities of cold, rain, snow, 
 and storm, the charge of the prisoners they had taken, 
 and another reason that might be mentioned, and the lit 
 tle prospect of receiving succors on account of the sea 
 son and situation of the river, would not authorize a 
 further pursuit at that time. Since transmitting the list 
 of prisoners, a few more have been discovered and taken 
 in Trenton ; among them a lieutenant-colonel and a dep 
 uty-adjutant-general, the whole amounting to about a 
 thousand." 
 
 To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Pluckemin, 5 January, 1777. 
 
 u SIR, I have the honor to inform you, that, since 
 the date of my last from Trenton, I have removed with 
 the army under my command to this place. The diffi 
 culty of crossing the Delaware, on account of the ice, 
 made our passage over it tedious, and gave the enemy an 
 opportunity of drawing in their several cantonments, and 
 assembling their whole force at Princeton. Their large 
 pickets advanced towards Trenton, their great prepara 
 tions, and some intelligence I had received, added to 
 their knowledge that the 1st of January brought on a 
 dissolution of the best part of our army, gave me the 
 strongest reasons to conclude, that an attack upon us was 
 meditating. 
 
 " Our situation was most critical, and our force small. 
 To remove immediately was again destroying every dawn 
 of hope which had begun to revive in the breasts of the 
 Jersey militia ; and to bring those troops who had first 
 crossed the Delaware, and were lying at Crosswicks 
 under General Cad\valader, and those under General 
 
208 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Mifflin at Bordentown, (amounting in the whole to about 
 three thousand six hundred,) to Trenton, was to bring 
 them to an exposed place. One or the other, however, 
 was unavoidable. The latter was preferred, and they 
 were ordered to join us at Trenton, which they did, by 
 a night-march, on the 1st instant. On the 2d, according 
 to my expectation, the enemy began to advance upon us ; 
 and, after some skirmishing, the head of their column 
 reached Trenton about four o clock, whilst their rear was 
 as far back as Maidenhead. They attempted to pass 
 Assanpink Creek, which runs through Trenton, at differ 
 ent places ; but, finding the fords guarded, they halted, 
 and kindled their fires. We were drawn up on the other 
 side of the creek. In this situation we remained till dark, 
 cannonading the enemy, and receiving the fire of their 
 field-pieces, which did us but little damage. 
 
 " Having by this time discovered, that the enemy were 
 greatly superior in number, and that their design was to 
 surround us, I ordered all our baggage to be removed 
 silently to Burlington soon after dark ; and at twelve 
 o clock, after renewing our fires, and leaving guards at 
 the bridge in Trenton, and other passes on the same 
 stream above, marched by a roundabout road to Prince 
 ton, where I knew they could not have much force left, 
 and might have stores. One thing I was certain of, that 
 it would avoid the appearance of a retreat, (which was of 
 consequence, or to run the hazard of the whole army being 
 cut off,) whilst we might by a fortunate stroke withdraw 
 General Howe from Trenton, and give some reputation 
 to our arms. Happily, we succeeded. We found Prince 
 ton about sunrise, with only three regiments and three 
 troops of light-horse in it, two of which were on their 
 march to Trenton. These three regiments, especially 
 the two first, made a gallant resistance, and, in killed, 
 wounded, and prisoners, must have lost five hundred 
 men ; upwards of one hundred of them were left dead on 
 the field ; and, with what I have with me and what were 
 taken in the pursuit and carried across the Delaware, 
 there are near three hundred prisoners, fourteen of whom 
 are officers, all British. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 209 
 
 u This piece of good fortune is counterbalanced by 
 the loss of the brave and worthy General Mercer, Colo 
 nels Hazlet and Potter, Captain Neal of the artillery, 
 Captain Fleming, who commanded the first Virginian 
 regiment, and four or five other valuable officers, who, 
 with about twenty-five or thirty privates, were slain in the 
 field. Oar whole loss cannot be ascertained, as many 
 who were in pursuit of the enemy (who were chased three 
 or four miles) are not yet come in. The rear of the 
 enemy s army, lying at Maidenhead, not more than five or 
 six miles from Princeton, was up with us before our pur 
 suit was over ; but, as I had the precaution to destroy 
 the bridge over Stony Brook, about half a mile from the 
 field of action, they were so long retarded there, as to 
 give us time to move off in good order for this place. 
 We took two brass field-pieces ; but, for want of horses, 
 could not bring them away. We also took some blank 
 ets, shoes, and a few other trifling articles, burned the 
 hay, and destroyed such other things as the shortness of 
 the time would admit. 
 
 " My original plan, when I set out from Trenton, was 
 to push on to Brunswick ; but the harassed state of our 
 troops, many of them having had no rest for two nights 
 and a day, and the danger of losing the advantage we had 
 gained by aiming at too much, induced me, by the advice 
 of my officers, to relinquish the attempt. But, in my 
 judgement, six or eight hundred fresh troops upon a forced 
 march would have destroyed all their stores and maga 
 zines, taken (as we have since learned) their military 
 chest, containing seventy thousand pounds, and put an 
 end to the war. The enemy, from the best intelligence 
 I have been able to get, w T ere so much alarmed at the 
 apprehension of this, that they marched immediately to 
 Brunswick without halting, except at the bridges, (for I 
 also took up those on Millstone, on the different routes to 
 Brunswick,) and got there before day. 
 
 u From the best information I have received, General 
 Howe has left no men either at Trenton or Princeton. 
 The truth of this I am endeavoring to ascertain, that I 
 may regulate my movements accordingly. The militia 
 
210 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 are taking spirits, and, I am told, are coming in fast from 
 this State ; but I fear those from Philadelphia will scarcely 
 submit to the hardships of a winter campaign much longer, 
 especially as they very unluckily sent their blankets with 
 their baggage to Burlington. I must do them the justice 
 however to add, that they have undergone more fatigue 
 and hardship, than I expected militia, especially citizens, 
 would have done at this inclement season. I am just 
 moving to Morristown, where I shall endeavor to put 
 them under the best cover I can. Hitherto we have been 
 without any ; and many of our poor soldiers quite bare 
 foot, and ill clad in other respects. I have the honor 
 to be, &c." 
 
 From the foregoing letters and extracts the reader will 
 form a correct idea of the splendid operations and daring 
 exploits by which, at this crisis, new life was breathed 
 into the expiring cause of American liberty. The first 
 dash upon Trenton, on the night of the 25th of Decem 
 ber, 1776, was as complete a surprise as was ever effect 
 ed. It was at a moment when the season of the year, 
 the weather, the distance of the American camp, all 
 combined to prevent the suspicion of such a movement. 
 The disabled and disheartened condition of the American 
 army and people was such, that no one would have ima 
 gined them capable of effective resistance, much less of 
 any formidable offensive operations. The state of the 
 Delaware River, too, forbade the apprehension of an 
 assault. It was filled with floating ice, which, by the inten 
 sity of the cold, was becoming fixed. To cross a river at 
 such a time, in a single boat, by daylight, is thought to 
 be no slight adventure. The transportation of an army, at 
 midnight, without confusion, disorder, noise, or loss, was 
 an admirable achievement of military skill, conduct, and 
 enterprise. To make it still more remarkable, daring the 
 whole night it hailed and snowed ; and such was the 
 severity of the weather, that two men, of Washington s 
 army, were frozen to death. 
 
 The trophies of this victory were six brass field-pie 
 ces, and a thousand stand of arms. The enemy s loss 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 211 
 
 in killed and prisoners was about a thousand men. Their 
 commander, Colonel Rahl, was mortally wounded. The 
 Americans had but two men killed, and one or two offi 
 cers wounded, among whom were Captain William Wash 
 ington, distinguished in the subsequent scenes of the war, 
 as a gallant cavalry officer, and Lieutenant James Mon 
 roe, afterwards President of the United States. 
 
 After having completely succeeded in this bold move 
 ment, Washington returned to his encampment on the 
 southern side of the Delaware. Within twenty-four 
 hours from his leaving it, he re-entered it in triumph, 
 and with scarcely any loss, having the satisfaction of 
 feeling that he had struck a blow, from the effects of 
 which the enemy would find it difficult to recover, and 
 which had revived the hopes, and renewed the energy 
 of America. 
 
 He did not over-estimate the influence of the achieve 
 ment a panic seized the British forces, and they retreat 
 ed simultaneously from all their encampments along the 
 Delaware. Upon this, Washington moved his army 
 over the Delaware to Trenton. Sir AVilliam Howe 
 soon found it necessary to do something to check the 
 disastrous effect produced upon his army, by the destruc 
 tion, which, in so unexpected and astonishing a manner, 
 had fallen upon the division at Trenton. He summon 
 ed his whole disposable force to join him in New Jersey, 
 to resist, and, if possible, turn back the tide of Amer 
 ican success. The opposing armies met at Trenton, 
 on the 2d of January, 1777. The British, advancing 
 from Princeton, took post on one side of Assanpink 
 Creek ; the Americans were on the opposite side. A 
 cannonading was kept up during the afternoon. At 
 night, the fires of the two camps were in full view of 
 each other, and every thing indicated a pitched battle the 
 next day. 
 
 Washington ascertained that the enemy were in every 
 respect superior, and that it would be all but impossible 
 to cope with them. A retreat would be disastrous in its 
 effect, and deprive him of all the advantages he had ob 
 tained by his recent fortunate enterprise in the affair of 
 
212 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 December 26th. Out of the dilemma in which he 
 was thus placed, he extricated himself by the following 
 ingenious and chivalrous manoeuvre. At midnight, hav 
 ing removed his heavy baggage to a place of safety, he 
 drew off his army in silence, leaving his fires burning, 
 and directing some workmen to continue certain opera 
 tions near the enemies line, which were designed to be 
 overheard, and which led them to suppose that his 
 troops were busily employed in throwing up breastworks, 
 by way of preparation for the approaching conflict. By 
 a rapid, silent, and circuitous march, he gained the coun 
 try directly in the rear of the British encampment, and 
 fell upon Princeton. 
 
 At break of day, Sir William Howe was filled with 
 amazement to find a deserted solitude where all night long 
 he had supposed an army to lie intrenched. The mys 
 tery, however, was, in a few moments, but too well 
 explained by the firing heard in his rear. Another panic 
 seized him and his troops, and all New Jersey was 
 speedily evacuated by the invader, with the exception of 
 Brunswick, Amboy, and the posts in the immediate 
 vicinity of New York. 
 
 The American loss in the battle of Princeton amount 
 ed to about thirty men, with several valuable officers, 
 including General Mercer, and Colonels Hazlet and 
 Potter. Of the British there w r ere about one hundred 
 killed and three hundred made prisoners. Both at 
 Trenton and Princeton, Washington exposed himself 
 to all the perils of the field, leading his men, in per 
 son, into the most dangerous situations, plunging into 
 the hottest fire, and encouraging and animating his troops 
 by his own valor and prowess. An officer, in writing to 
 a friend, a day or two after the battle of Princeton, speaks 
 in the following terms on this subject : 
 
 u Our army love their General very much, but they 
 have one thing against him ; which is the little care he 
 takes of himself in any action. His personal bravery, 
 and the desire he has of animating his troops by example, 
 make him fearless of danger. This occasions us much 
 uneasiness. But Heaven, which has hitherto been his 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 213 
 
 shield, I hope will still continue to guard so valuable a 
 life." 
 
 In a weekly newspaper, printed in Georgia, (the 
 i Brunswick Advocate, of Dec. 17, 1839,) the follow 
 ing interesting extract appeared. It purports to be taken 
 from a yet unpublished work, entitled, Memoirs of 
 Washington. In giving the extract, the editor bears his 
 personal testimony to its correctness, and says, that he had 
 often heard Col. Fitzgerald relate the circumstances, 
 which he never did without being affected, even to tears. 
 Col. John Fitzgerald was one of Washington s aids-de 
 camp, and was devotedly attached to him. A letter from 
 him to Washington, may be found in Sparks s c Writings of 
 Washington, vol. 5., p. 510. The extract is as follows : 
 
 "The aid-de-camp had been ordered to bring up the 
 troops from the rear of the column, when the band under 
 General Mercer became engaged. Upon returning to the 
 spot, where he had left the Commander-in-chief, he was 
 no longer there ; and, upon looking round, he discovered 
 him endeavoring to rally the line which had been thrown 
 into disorder, by a rapid onset of the foe. Washington, 
 after several ineffectual efforts to restore the fortunes of 
 the fight, is seen to rein up his horse, with his head to the 
 enemy, and, in that position, to become immovable. It 
 was a last appeal to his army, and seemed to say, will you 
 give up your General to the foe ? Such an appeal was 
 not made in vain. The discomfited Americans rally on the 
 instant, and form into line ; the enemy halt, and dress their 
 line ; the American Chief is between the adverse posts, as 
 though he had been placed there, a target for both. The 
 arms of both lines are levelled. Can escape from death 
 be possible ? Fitzgerald, horror-struck, at the danger of 
 his beloved commander, dropped the reins upon his horse s 
 neck, and drew his hat over his face, that he might not see 
 him die. A roar of musketry succeeds, and then a shout. 
 It was the shout of victory. The aid-de-camp ventures 
 to raise his eyes, and oh, glorious sight ! the enemy are 
 broken and flying, while dimly amid the glimpses of the 
 smoke, is seen the Chief, alive, unharmed, and without a 
 wound, waving his hat, and cheering his comrades to the 
 pursuit. 
 
214 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 "Colonel Fitzgerald, celebrated as one of the finest 
 horsemen in the American army, now dashed his rowels 
 in his charger s flank, and, heedless of the dead and dying 
 in his way, flew to the side of his Chief, exclaiming, 
 c thank God ! your Excellency is safe, while the favorite 
 aid, a gallant and warm-hearted son of Erin, a man of 
 thews and sinews, and c albeit unused to the melting 
 mood, gave loose to his feelings, and wept like a child 
 for joy. 
 
 " Washington, ever calm amid scenes of the greatest 
 excitement, affectionately grasped the hand of his aid and 
 friend, and then ordered, away, my dear Colonel, and 
 bring up the troops. The day is our own ! 
 
 Having rescued New Jersey from the enemy, Wash 
 ington at last went into winter-quarters at Morristown, 
 thus closing the second campaign of the war. In three 
 weeks of brilliant adventure and successful daring, he had 
 recovered the cause from the depression it had experi 
 enced from the series of disasters and defeats which it 
 had suffered during the whole preceding summer ; and 
 when, a few days after the battle of Princeton, he rest 
 ed from his labors at Morristown, he had the satisfaction 
 of feeling that his losses had been made up, that the 
 moral force of the country was revived and renewed, 
 and that the prospects of American independence were 
 full of promise. 
 
 The military reputation of Washington was by this 
 time completely established. His prudence, perseve 
 rance, and wisdom had long been acknowledged and re 
 spected by his countrymen ; he had now given evidence 
 of a chivalrous courage, a personal heroism, and a spirit 
 of bold and daring adventure, which compelled the admi 
 ration of his enemies, and made him the pride and idol 
 of his army. 
 
 What added, in a high degree, to his satisfaction, at 
 this time, was, that Congress had at last acceded to his 
 views, and complied with all his wishes, in reference to 
 the reorganization of the army upon a more durable and 
 efficient basis. They had given evidence, too, of a 
 confidence in his patriotism and wisdom which could not 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 215 
 
 fail of gratifying and encouraging him. On the 27th of 
 December, 1776, before intelligence could have reached 
 them of the battles of Trenton and Princeton, the follow 
 ing vote was passed by that body. It will be seen that, 
 in effect, it made Washington Dictator for the time 
 being. 
 
 " December 27th, 1776. This Congress, having ma 
 turely considered the present crisis ; and having perfect 
 reliance on the wisdom, vigor, and uprightness of General 
 Washington, do hereby 
 
 " Resolve, That General Washington shall be, and he 
 is hereby, vested with full, ample, and complete powers 
 to raise and collect together, in the most speedy and 
 effectual manner, from any or all of these United States, 
 sixteen battalions of infantry, in addition to those already 
 voted by Congress ; to appoint officers for the said bat 
 talions of infantry ; to raise, officer, and equip three thou 
 sand light-horse, three regiments of artillery, and a corps 
 of engineers, and to establish their pay ; to apply to any 
 of the States for such aid of the militia as he shall judge 
 necessary ; to form such magazines of provisions, and in 
 such places, as he shall think proper ; to displace and 
 appoint all officers under the rank of brigadier-general, 
 and to fill up all vacancies in every other department in 
 the American army ; to take, wherever he may be, what 
 ever he may want for the use of the army, if the inhabit 
 ants will not sell it, allowing a reasonable price for the 
 same ; to arrest and confine persons who refuse to take 
 the Continental currency, or are otherwise disaffected to 
 the American cause ; and return to the States of which 
 they are citizens their names, and the nature of their 
 offences, .together with the witnesses to prove them. 
 
 u That the foregoing powers be vested in General 
 Washington for and during the term of six months from 
 the date hereof, unless sooner determined by Congress." 
 
 Congress at the same time, sent the following circular 
 letter, enclosing the resolutions, to the Governor of each 
 State : 
 
216 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 
 
 " Baltimore, 30 December, 1776. 
 
 " SIR, Ever attentive to the security of civil liber 
 ty, Congress would not have consented to the vesting of 
 such powers in the military department, as those which 
 the enclosed resolves convey to the Continental Com 
 mander-in-chief, if the situation of public affairs did not 
 require at this crisis a decision and vigor, which distance 
 and numbers deny to assemblies far removed from each 
 other, and from the immediate seat of war. 
 
 " The strength and progress of the enemy, joined to 
 prospects of considerable re-enforcements, have rendered 
 it not only necessary that the American forces should be 
 augmented beyond what Congress had heretofore design 
 ed, but that they should be brought into the field with all 
 possible expedition. These considerations induce Con 
 gress to request, in the most earnest manner, that the ful 
 lest influence of your State may be exerted to aid such 
 levies as the General shall direct, in consequence of the 
 powers now given him ; and that your quota of battal 
 ions, formerly fixed, may be completed and ordered to 
 Head-Quarters with all the despatch, that an ardent de 
 sire to secure the public happiness can dictate. 
 u I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 u JOHN HANCOCK, President." 
 
 These proceedings of Congress were forwarded to the 
 Commander-in-chief by the hands of a committee, of 
 which Robert Morris was chairman. In their letter 
 accompanying the Resolve they say, u Happy it is for 
 this country, that the General of their forces can safely 
 be intrusted with the most unlimited power, and neither 
 personal security, liberty, nor property, be in the least 
 degree endangered thereby." 
 
 The following is Washington s reply : 
 
 " Yours of the 31st of last month enclosed to me sun 
 dry resolves of Congress, by which I find they have done 
 me the honor to intrust me with powers, in my military 
 capacity, of the highest nature and almost unlimited in 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 217 
 
 extent. Instead of thinking myself freed from all civil 
 obligations by this mark of their confidence, I shall con 
 stantly bear in mind, that as the sword was the last re 
 sort for the preservation of our liberties, so it ought to 
 be the first thing laid aside, when those liberties are 
 firmly established. I shall instantly set about making the 
 most necessary reforms in the army ; but it will not be 
 in my power to make so great a progress, as if I had a 
 little leisure time upon my hands. Mr. Morris has my 
 sincere thanks for the advice and assistance he promises 
 to give Commissary Wharton, and I beg he would re 
 mind him, that all his exertions will be necessary to sup 
 port an army in this exhausted country." 
 
 Some time before the battle of Trenton, General Lee 
 had imprudently exposed himself by going too near the 
 enemy s lines, and had been taken prisoner. The follow 
 ing extract of a letter from General Washington to Sir 
 William Howe relates to his case. 
 
 {C SIR, I am directed by Congress to propose an 
 exchange of five of the Hessian field-officers, taken at 
 Trenton, for Major-General Lee ; or, if this proposal 
 should not be accepted, to demand his liberty upon 
 parole, within certain bounds, as has ever been granted 
 to your officers in our custody. I am informed, from 
 good authority, that your reason for keeping him hitherto 
 in stricter confinement than usual is, that you do not look 
 upon him in the light of a common prisoner of war, but 
 as a deserter from the British service, as his resignation 
 was never accepted, and that you intend to try him as 
 such by a court-martial. T will not undertake to deter 
 mine how far this doctrine may be justifiable among your 
 selves, but I must give you warning, that Major-General 
 Lee is looked upon as an officer belonging to, and under 
 the protection of, the United Independent States of 
 America, and that any violence you may commit upon 
 his life or liberty, will be severely retaliated upon the 
 lives or liberties of the British officers, or those of their 
 foreign allies, at present in our hands." 
 
218 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Although the British government had sent positive 
 orders to Sir William Howe to have Lee carried to 
 England for trial, it was thought best to yield to the reso 
 lute tenor of the above spirited demand, and he was put 
 upon the same footing as other prisoners of war, and 
 regularly exchanged. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 Campaign of 1777. 
 
 DURING the winter, the Commander-in-chief was inces 
 santly occupied, each, year of the war, in corresponding 
 with Congress, the governors and legislatures of States, 
 and distinguished public men in various parts of the 
 country, encouraging and stimulating them to contribute 
 their influence and co-operation in promoting the efficiency 
 of the army, and in providing the means of carrying on 
 the contest. The labor and care, incident to such cor 
 respondence, were continually pressing upon him, even 
 during the most active campaigns, but in the winter sea 
 son they engrossed a much larger share of his time. 
 
 Some skirmishes took place between detached parties 
 of the two armies, but no very extensive enterprises were 
 attempted for several months. The British forces were, 
 for the most part, in New York, Long Island, arid the 
 adjacent parts of New Jersey. A powerful naval arma 
 ment was attached to them, and large re-enforcements 
 were expected early in the coming season. The Ameri 
 can army was stationed in such a manner as to protect 
 the highlands on the Hudson, and prevent the British 
 opening a communication through the interior with Cana 
 da, and so disposed as to be removed readily to any 
 point along the sea-coast, where the enemy might see fit 
 to make a descent. By their command of the sea the 
 British were able, at any time, to transport large forces 
 from New York, to the north or south, along the whole 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 219 
 
 Atlantic shore. Their first and great purpose was to 
 push their way up the North River, to form a junction 
 with their Canadian forces, and it was, therefore, chiefly 
 important to guard well the passage of that river. This 
 duty was most faithfully and effectually discharged by 
 Washington. So completely did he succeed in keeping 
 the enemy from penetrating the country, that Congress 
 conceived the hope that he might enter upon a system of 
 offensive operations, and either drive the British out of 
 New York, or shut them up within it, and finally capture 
 them. How wild a project this was, the following letter 
 shows. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Morristown, 14 March, 1777. 
 
 " SIR, Could I accomplish the important objects so 
 eagerly wished by Congress, confining the enemy with 
 in their present quarters, preventing their getting supplies 
 from the country, and totally subduing them before they 
 are re-enforced, I should be happy indeed. But what 
 prospect or hope can there be of my effecting so desira 
 ble a work at this time ? The enclosed return, to which 
 I solicit the most serious attention of Congress, compre 
 hends the whole force I have in Jersey. It is but a 
 handful, and bears no proportion, in the scale of num 
 bers, to that of the enemy. Added to this, the major 
 part is made up of militia. The most sanguine in specu 
 lation cannot deem it more than adequate to the least valua 
 ble purposes of war. The re-enforcements mentioned 
 to be drawn from General Heath were merely ideal, 
 nearly the whole of the eastern troops who were with 
 him being here before. They were only engaged till 
 to-day ; and to-day they leave the camp. Their service 
 has been of pretty long continuance, and almost the 
 whole of the winter months. What prospect there may 
 be of immediate succors from other quarters, I know 
 not ; but from the militia of this State I cannot expect 
 to derive much more aid. Those who are well affected 
 have been so frequently called from their homes, that 
 
220 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 they are tired out, and almost profess an abhorrence of 
 the service ; nor have I heard, as yet, that any Conti 
 nental troops are on their way. I have written to the 
 brigadier-generals in most of the States upon the subject, 
 and also to the colonels, urging them by every motive to 
 exert themselves in rilling the regiments, and to forward 
 them on. 
 
 " I confess, sir, I feel the most painful anxiety when 
 I reflect on our situation and that of the enemy. Unless 
 the levies arrive soon, we must before long experience 
 some interesting and melancholy event. I believe the 
 enemy have fixed on their object, and the execution will 
 surely be attempted as soon as the roads are passable. 
 The unprepared state in which we are favors all their 
 designs ; and it is much to be wished, that they may not 
 succeed to their warmest expectations. On recurring to 
 the late promotions of brigadiers, I find the number ap 
 pointed to be short of what I took the liberty to recom 
 mend, and not competent to the exigencies of the service, 
 supposing the whole in office before, and those lately 
 created, consent to act, which I have reason to believe 
 will not be the case. I shall only beg leave to refer you 
 to my former letters upon this subject, and to assure you, 
 that many disadvantages will result from not having a 
 sufficient number of officers of this rank. We have 
 always been deficient in this instance ; and certain I am 
 that the service has been greatly injured by it. The 
 proportion I mentioned was full small, and in my opinion 
 should not be dispensed with. I have the honor to 
 be, &c. 
 
 CC P. S. I fully intended to transmit to you a general 
 return, but I am not able to make it out with precision. 
 However, from the most accurate estimate that I can 
 form, the whole of our numbers in Jersey, fit for duty at 
 this time, is under three thousand. These, nine hun 
 dred and eighty-one excepted, are militia, and stand en 
 gaged only till the last of this month. The troops under 
 inoculation, including their attendants, amount to about 
 one thousand." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 221 
 
 The following letters to General Warren, were written 
 while the army was at Morristown. 
 
 " To General Warren. 
 
 "Head-Quarters, Morristown, March 15th, 77. 
 
 " SIR, I was sometime since honored with your 
 letter of the 3rd ult. The polite manner in which you 
 have been pleased to express your wishes for my happi 
 ness, &c., congratulations upon the agreeable reverse of 
 our affairs, after a series of misfortunes, demands my 
 grateful acknowledgements ; and assured that they are 
 more than mere professions of compliment, with equal 
 sincerity I return you my thanks. The duties of my of 
 fice, tis true, and the various business incident to it, 
 allow rne but little time for a friendly correspondence. 
 However, sir, I shall ever be obliged by your favors, 
 and a communication of such things as you may consider 
 either agreeable or interesting. 
 
 " The policy adopted for raising your quota of men, I 
 could not but reprehend in some degree, having regard to 
 the influence of the precedent upon the States at large. 
 At the same time, I am willing to ascribe it to the mo 
 tives you mention, and am well convinced, that those, and 
 those only, gave rise to it. I heartily wish the battalions 
 may be soon completed ; and for that purpose, beg leave 
 to suggest that none should be wanting in their exertions. 
 The enemy now have a formidable force in the country, 
 and are only waiting the season to be a little more ad 
 vanced, to begin their operations ; and I am persuaded 
 they indulge a pleasing hope of effecting some capital 
 stroke, before we have an army to oppose em. It be 
 hooves every nerve to be strained, to baffle their views ; 
 and I flatter myself, it might be accomplished, if our 
 troops can be collected, ere they open the campaign. 
 But of this, I am not without the most painful appre 
 hension. A few days more, and the spring is upon us ; 
 and nothing prevents their movements now, but the bad 
 ness of the roads. No material event has occurred of 
 late, worthy of mention, &c., of which you will not have 
 heard, before this reaches you. Now and then, there has 
 
222 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 been a skirmish, which, in the issue, have been generally 
 favorable. 
 
 " You will be pleased to inform Mrs. Warren, that I 
 transmitted her letter to Mrs. Washington by the earliest 
 opportunity, after it came to hand, and requesting a ten 
 der of my respects to her. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, with great esteem, sir, your 
 most obd t servant." 
 
 " To General Warren. 
 " Head-Quarters, Morristown, May 23rd, 1777. 
 
 cc DEAR SIR, Your favor, of the 4th instant, was 
 duly handed me. I am fully sensible of the zeal your 
 State has demonstrated in the instances you recite, and 
 in many more. With you, I consider them as great ex 
 ertions, and as a decisive evidence of your inclination to 
 do every thing in your power, to advance the common 
 cause. At the same time, whatever efforts have been 
 or can be made, were not more than adequate to the ex 
 igency of our situation. Though over-sanguine and un 
 informed people may think differently, this is a most 
 interesting and critical period ; and will not countenance 
 the least want of activity or attention in any quarter. I 
 have the highest confidence that your State will not let 
 the great object, we are contending for, be lost, or en 
 dangered more than is unavoidable, by any such deficien 
 cy on their part. 
 
 " Your repealing the offensive part of the act, you 
 mention, is a proof of your justice and regard to the 
 sense of your sister States. It certainly bore the fea 
 tures of a monopoly, and was liable to the interpretation 
 put upon it ; and, though I am ready to believe it pro 
 ceeded from impolitic, rather than selfish, motives, I am 
 happy the cause of complaint is removed, and the matter 
 placed upon a more liberal footing. 
 
 " I observe your State is not a little alarmed at the 
 prospect of an immediate invasion. Notwithstanding the 
 intelligence from Europe, in some measure, warrants the 
 supposition of such an event, and makes it proper not 
 entirely to disregard it, yet I am clearly of opinion it is 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 223 
 
 not much to be apprehended. It is by no means an eli 
 gible way to the conquest of this country ; your State, 
 from its union, numbers, and situation, being capable of 
 a much better defence, than perhaps any other ; and it is 
 presumable that the enemy will make their attacks, where 
 circumstances promise the greatest likelihood of success. 
 But, be this as it may, I cannot help disapproving the 
 project of raising Colonial regiments for your defence, at 
 least, till the Continental troops are raised. It is easy 
 to perceive, as you have yourself hinted, that it will have 
 a direct tendency to defeat your endeavors for complet 
 ing your quota of the united army ; and it would be the 
 most wretched policy to weaken the hands of the Con 
 tinent, under the mistaken idea of strengthening your 
 own. It would also be well to consider, how far it might 
 be consistent with propriety, in the pursuit of partial 
 schemes, to put it out of your own power to fulfil what 
 is required of you by the Continent. 
 
 " If the several States, by levying troops on the par 
 ticular establishment of each, leave but a small Conti 
 nental army in the field, it will be impossible effectually 
 to watch the motions of the enemy, and oppose them 
 where they may in reality direct their operations ; the 
 consequences of which must inevitably be fatal. But, if 
 we have a sufficient Continental force on foot, we shall 
 be able to watch them narrowly, and counteract them, 
 whenever they may attempt to move. Every State will 
 find its security in such an army, whose sole business it 
 will be to oppose the enemy where it is most requisite. 
 It cannot be imagined, that, if your State were seriously 
 attacked, a proportionate part of the Continental force 
 would not be detached, to succor and protect it. My 
 duty, inclination, and a regard to the safety of the whole, 
 would equally compel me to it. What valuable end can 
 then be answered to you, from the step you propose to 
 take, which can compensate for the irretrievable injury 
 the common cause might sustain, from our not having a 
 sufficient army in the field, for the purposes of general 
 opposition ? The measure, injurious in every view, can 
 only serve to burden the State with an unnecessary ex- 
 
224 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 pense, which will be entirely its own ; as the troops, in 
 tended to be raised, will be for local and Colonial ends, 
 and in diminution of the common force. 
 
 " I see no advantage you can derive from such an im 
 politic step, which would not be fully produced by what 
 I assured the Assembly, on a former occasion, should be 
 done ; which is, that the supernumerary regiments adopt 
 ed by you, should remain in your State, till the designs 
 of the enemy became so evident, as to convince us their 
 continuance would be no longer expedient or useful. 
 This assurance I repeat ; and I beg you will communi 
 cate it in my name to them ; earnestly recommending it 
 to them to relinquish the scheme. Indeed, sir, on a 
 cool, dispassionate survey of all circumstances, it will be 
 found replete with impolicy and danger ; and I am per 
 suaded, that either they have already, on mature delibera 
 tion, laid it aside, or, on a reconsideration of the matter, 
 will coincide with me in opinion, and correct the mistake. 
 
 " With great regard and respect, I am sir, &c." 
 
 A northern division of the American army, under the im 
 mediate command of General Schuyler, and afterwards of 
 General Gates, was stationed in the vicinity of Lake 
 Champlain, to prevent an invasion from Canada. It was, 
 as just stated, the chief design of the British commanders 
 the policy and scheme of all their operations to effect a 
 union of the two branches of their army at New York 
 and in Canada. If this could have been accomplished, 
 the New England States would have been disjoined from 
 the rest of the confederation, and, in that event, it was 
 justly concluded that the power of American resistance 
 would be shattered and annihilated. To prevent such a 
 result, the northern army was required to check, and, if 
 possible, drive back the British forces which were de 
 scending from Canada towards Albany, and Washington 
 was to keep Sir William Howe from ascending the 
 Hudson. 
 
 With but a remnant of an army, so great were the 
 wisdom, sagacity, and skill of the American General, that 
 he effectually thwarted all the movements of Sir William 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 225 
 
 Howe, and baffled the designs of the British government. 
 They were not permitted to make the least advancement 
 towards the accomplishment of the great object of the 
 campaign on their part, which, it will be borne in mind, 
 was the possession of the Hudson River. The ever- 
 watchful eye of Washington was kept fixed upon every 
 point of the wide-spread field of operations. By constant 
 communications with the northern division of his army, 
 and by the most vigilant oversight of all the detachments 
 of his troops, he anticipated and frustrated every ma 
 noeuvre of his powerful enemy. 
 
 At length it became apparent to Sir William Howe, 
 that the country could not be penetrated from New York 
 by any force he could command. The next course to 
 be adopted was to make a descent upon some remote 
 point of the Atlantic coast, and draw off the army of 
 Washington from the Hudson, thereby giving to the Brit 
 ish army advancing from Canada a better chance of reach 
 ing Albany. If he could make it necessary to the Amer 
 ican General to concentrate and collect his forces to 
 protect the country at another point of the sea-coast, re 
 mote from New York, the northern division of the Ameri 
 can army would thereby be left unprotected, it would fall 
 an easier prey into the hands of the British troops advan 
 cing from Canada, and the whole interior in that way be 
 overrun and subjugated. 
 
 But this plan was not conceived by Sir William Howe, 
 before it was provided against by Washington. He de 
 spatched messages to the Governors of the different States 
 on the sea-board, which were most likely to be selected 
 as the points of attack, urging them to vigilant preparation 
 for the contingent and impending danger. At length cir 
 cumstances convinced him that the British commander 
 was meditating a descent upon Philadelphia, or some 
 other southern city. At the same time, he bore in mind 
 that the process of an embarcation and departure from 
 New York by sea might be a mere feint that its only 
 real object might be to withdraw him from the vicinity of 
 New York, that, by a sudden return to it on their part, 
 their favorite project might be consummated, and the 
 North River secured. 
 
226 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 It was necessary, therefore, not to follow the enemy 
 too quickly ; to wait, until it became certain that he really 
 designed an invasion of some other part of the country ; 
 and to be prepared to meet him, as soon as possible, 
 with the whole disposable American force, wherever he 
 might land, whether at the North or South. As the sea 
 son opened, the indications of motion began to thicken. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 "Head-Quarters, Morristown, April 19, 1777. 
 " SIR, Notwithstanding the many circumstances in 
 ducing a belief that Philadelphia will be the first object 
 of the enemy s attention, yet, as the stratagems of war are 
 various, and they may be easily changed, especially when 
 they have the entire command of the water, I cannot but 
 consider the detention of the troops at Philadelphia, fur 
 ther than mentioned in my letter in answer to that from 
 the Board of War, as inexpedient, and subject to great 
 inconvenience and injury. In the present divided, separ 
 ated state of the army, we are weak at all points, and not 
 able to make the least opposition, promising success. 
 Supposing they were collected here, they would be ready 
 to act, as necessity and circumstances might require. If 
 the enemy pushed for Philadelphia, we should have no 
 tice of it, and could hang upon their flank and rear ; nor 
 is it likely they would undertake such an expedition, with 
 out attempting the destruction or dispersion of the army, 
 first. If they embarked, and should go by sea, we should 
 have information of it, and could be there in time. On 
 the other hand, should all they have done prove a feint, 
 and they should turn their views to the North River, we 
 should be in a much better situation to counteract their 
 designs, and to check the progress of their arms in that 
 quarter. Added to this, several of the regiments, espe 
 cially those which came first from Virginia and Pennsyl 
 vania, are so broken, that it is impossible to do any thing 
 with the parts that are here ; and that, spirit, which is al 
 ways derived from a corps being full, or as much so as 
 circumstances of number will admit of, is entirely done 
 away. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 227 
 
 " To Brigadier- General George Clinton. 
 
 " Morristown, 26 April, 1777. 
 
 u DEAR SIR, I wrote to you on the 23d instant, 
 communicating intelligence lately received, respecting the 
 enemy s designs up the North River. A letter from 
 General McDougall, which has this moment come to 
 hand, places their intentions beyond the power of miscon 
 ception. Several transports have anchored at Dobbs s 
 Ferry, and, in my opinion, they intend to divert our atten 
 tion, if possible, from their movements towards the Dela 
 ware. At any rate, they may attempt to make some in 
 cursions into the country back of this place, and, if they 
 can, seize the passes through the mountains, thereby aim 
 ing to cut off the communication between the army here 
 and the North River. To frustrate such a design, effec 
 tually, I must repeat my desire, that you will post as good 
 a body of troops in the mountains west of the river, as 
 you can collect and spare from the garrison. This will 
 not only serve to retain our possession of the passes, but 
 will awe the disaffected, and protect our friends." 
 
 On the 25th of April, a British detachment made a 
 descent upon Connecticut, the circumstances of which 
 are sufficiently indicated in the following letter. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Morristown, 28 April, 1777. 
 
 cc SIR, I last night received the favor of your letter 
 of the twenty-sixth, with the resolves to which it alludes. 
 
 u At three o clock this morning, I received a letter 
 from General McDougall, enclosing three from Colonel 
 Huntington, copies of the whole of which I have trans 
 mitted. By these you will perceive the impression which 
 a part of General Howe s army has made into Connecti 
 cut, and the prospect they had of destroying such of 
 our stores as were deposited in Danbury, which, unfor 
 tunately, were but too large and considerable, if the 
 event has taken place. A circumstance, perhaps more 
 to be regretted, is, that the enemy marched through a 
 strong and rough country, and were near that place, with- 
 
228 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 out the smallest opposition. I have no other information 
 upon the subject, than what these papers contain ; but 
 we have little ground to expect, that they have not ac 
 complished their purpose. Further intelligence will be 
 probably received to-day or to-morrow, when I shall be 
 happy to hear that they have paid for their enterprise. 
 Of this, I confess, however, I am not very sanguine in 
 my expectations. 
 
 u This post had been considered as a proper depos 
 itory for stores, by gentlemen acquainted with it ; and its 
 security not thought questionable, whilst troops were pas 
 sing through it. I had also directed, that as many of the 
 draughts in Connecticut, as the place was capable of ac 
 commodating, should be collected there, and inoculated, 
 to answer the purpose of a guard, hoping, by the time of 
 their recovery, that the situation of the army would be 
 such as to admit a strong one to be stationed there, and 
 continued ; but, unhappily for us, such languor and su- 
 pineness prevail every where, that we seem unable to ef 
 fect any point we wish, though never so important and 
 interesting." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 " Morristown, April 30, 1777, half after 8 o clock, P. M. 
 cc SIR, I have been waiting, with much anxiety, to 
 hear the result of the expedition against Danbury, which 
 I never was informed of till this minute. The enclosed 
 copy of a letter from General McDougall, and of several 
 others which he transmitted, will give Congress all the 
 intelligence I have upon the subject. I have only to add 
 and to lament that this enterprise has been attended with 
 but too much success on the part of the enemy. I have 
 the honor to be, &c." 
 
 It seems that the British reached Danbury, and de 
 stroyed the stores without much, if any, opposition ; but 
 that, in their retreat to their shipping, they suffered great 
 ly from the brave yeomanry, who had assembled in large 
 numbers, and visited their invaders with a dreadful retri 
 bution. In one of the sharp skirmishes which took place 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 229 
 
 at intervals all along the line of the retreat of the British 
 forces, General Wooster of Connecticut was mortally 
 wounded. He was conducting an undisciplined and un 
 organized body of men, about two hundred in number, 
 and manifested a high degree of spirit, zeal, and bravery. 
 General Arnold, also, at the head of another body of 
 men, distinguished himself greatly, on this occasion. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Morristown, May 21, 1777. 
 
 u SIR, Enclosed I have the honor to transmit you a 
 general return of the forces in Jersey. It is regimentally 
 digested, and will shew the strength of each corps. I 
 should not have sent it so particularly made out, had I 
 riot conceived the conveyance by which it goes from 
 hence entirely secure. I have nothing material to add, 
 respecting the enemy. I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 u P. S. I need not suggest to Congress, the necessity 
 of keeping our numbers concealed from the knowledge 
 of the public. Nothing but a good face and false appear 
 ances, has enabled us, hitherto, to deceive the enemy, re 
 specting our strength." 
 
 On the 31st of May, Washington gave notice, by letter, 
 to Patrick Henry, Governor of Virginia, that it was re 
 ported that a large fleet, consisting of a hundred sail, had 
 stood out to sea from New York, and suggested that they 
 might be designing an invasion of the country, within the 
 Delaware Bay. The following extract will show the 
 judicious precaution and advices he offers to Governor 
 Henry. 
 
 " To Patrick Henry, Governor of Virginia. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, Middlebrook, 31 May, 1777. 
 " SIR, Though this is my opinion, yet I would take 
 the liberty of suggesting, that it may be expedient to put 
 your militia upon the most respectable footing that cir 
 cumstances will admit, lest their destination should be 
 
230 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 more southwardly. At the same time that I mention 
 this, I would advise, that they should be immediately 
 supplied with ammunition, or that it be so deposited in 
 the hands of the several committees, or other proper per 
 sons, that it may be had upon the most sudden emergen 
 cy. The former would be by far the most eligible mode, 
 if they would keep it for the purposes for which it was 
 given. 
 
 " Should this fleet arrive on your coast, and the ene 
 my attempt to penetrate the country, or to make incur 
 sions, I would recommend, that the earliest opposition 
 be made by parties and detachments of militia, without 
 waiting to collect a large body. I am convinced, that 
 this would be attended with the most salutary consequen 
 ces, and that greater advantages would be derived from 
 it, than by deferring the opposition, till you assemble a 
 number equal to that of the enemy. By pursuing this 
 mode, they would be much annoyed, and would receive 
 an early impression of the unfavorable disposition of the 
 people towards them. Besides, they would not have the 
 same opportunity of establishing themselves, as they oth 
 erwise would ; and it may be added, that militia, acting 
 in large bodies, for want of discipline, are unwieldy, dif 
 ficult to conduct, and less apt to render proportionate 
 services. These hints I take the liberty to suggest and 
 submit to you, as worthy of attention. 
 
 u I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 To General Arnold, he wrote to the same effect. 
 
 " To Major- General Arnold. 
 
 "Middlebrook, 7 June, 1777. 
 
 " DEAR SIR, If Philadelphia should be the point of 
 destination, they will make their appearance in Delaware 
 Bay soon after they leave the Hook. I therefore desire, 
 that you will, as soon as you are certain that the fleet is 
 in the Bay, give me the earliest notice, by the expresses 
 that are posted on the road, between this place and Phil 
 adelphia. Before you send notice to me, be sure that 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 231 
 
 you are not deceived by the signal guns, which I am told 
 have been fired several times, without any grounds for so 
 doing. A move of this army, upon a false alarm, might 
 prove fatal. I am, &c." 
 
 Sir William Howe, after having endeavored in vain to 
 allure Washington away from his position, by pretended 
 embarcations of his forces from New York, and threaten 
 ed descents upon some other points of the coast, at last 
 attempted, by a bold and open movement over land to 
 wards Philadelphia, to compel him to follow him. In a 
 letter to General Schuyler, dated June 16, 1777, this 
 movement is thus spoken of : 
 
 " On the night of the 13th, General Howe began his 
 march from Brunswick, seemingly with an intention to 
 push directly for Delaware. In the course of the night, 
 his front reached Somerset Court-House, eight or nine 
 miles from Brunswick, where he halted, and has remain 
 ed ever since. His rear is still at Brunswick. I do not 
 know whether this was intended as a real move towards 
 Philadelphia, or whether it is to endeavor to draw us 
 down from the heights we occupy along his whole front. 
 The militia turn out in a very spirited manner, and seem 
 determined, in conjunction with the Continental troops, 
 to harass and oppose the enemy upon their march through 
 the country. His principal difficulty will be in crossing 
 the Delaware. We shall hang heavily upon his rear, 
 and I expect that Generals Arnold and Mifflin will meet 
 him with a considerable force, made up of Continental 
 troops and militia, upon the western side of the Dela 
 ware. As soon as I found that the enemy had drawn 
 their force into Jersey, from whence they could not re 
 move it without a good deal of previous notice, I ordered 
 down all the troops from Peekskill except one thousand 
 effective Continentals and the militia, which is a force su 
 perior to any that the enemy now have in New York, or 
 its dependencies, and therefore fully sufficient to prevent 
 any surprise. When these troops come down, our army 
 will be respectable, and, I hope, not only able to check, 
 
232 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 but to make an impression upon some part of the ene 
 my s line." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Middlebrook, 20 June, 1777. 
 
 " SIR, When I had the honor of addressing you last, 
 I informed you that the main body of the enemy had 
 marched from Brunswick, and extended their van as far as 
 Somerset Court-House. I am now to acquaint you, that, 
 after encamping between these two posts and beginning a 
 line of redoubts, they changed their ground yesterday 
 morning and in the course of the preceding night, and re 
 turned to Brunswick again, burning, as they went, several 
 valuable dwelling-houses. We had constantly light troops 
 hovering round them as far as circumstances would per 
 mit ; but, being secured on their flanks by the Rariton 
 and Millstone, they were difficult to approach ; and, with 
 out loss, they effected their return to their former posts. 
 This sudden and precipitate change in their operations 
 has afforded matter for much speculation. We suppose 
 their original design was to attempt an impression on our 
 right, or to manoeuvre us out of our ground, or to advance 
 towards the Delaware. Whether these conjectures were 
 well founded, cannot be ascertained ; but it is probable, 
 if they had an impression in view, they found it could not 
 be attempted without great loss ; (as to bringing on an at 
 tack, they effectually secured themselves against one by the 
 post they took ;) or, if passing the Delaware was their 
 object, that, from the temper of the people, the prosecu 
 tion of it, if not impracticable, would meet with much 
 greater opposition than they expected ; for I must observe, 
 and with peculiar satisfaction I do it, that, on the first no 
 tice of the enemy s movements, the militia assembled in 
 the most spirited manner, firmly determined to give them 
 every annoyance in their power, and to afford us every 
 possible aid. This I thought it my duty to mention in 
 justice to their conduct ; and I am inclined to believe that 
 General Howe s return, thus suddenly made, must have 
 been in consequence of the information he received, that 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 233 
 
 the people were flying to arms in every quarter to oppose 
 him. 1 shall not reason upon this event ; but I cannot but 
 consider it as a most fortunate and happy one to us, and 
 the most distressing Mr. Howe has yet experienced, un 
 less he has schemes in contemplation beyond the reach of 
 my conjecture. 
 
 " I should have written to Congress more frequently 
 respecting the enemy after they came from Brunswick, had 
 I not been almost constantly on horseback, and had their 
 designs been clear ; but as they were not, I did not wish 
 to puzzle them with conjectures, more especially as I 
 wrote to General Arnold (with whom I was obliged to cor 
 respond, that he might co-operate with me as circum 
 stances should require) to transmit to them copies of my 
 letters. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Middlebrook, 11 o clock, P. M., 22 June, 1777. 
 " SIR, I have the honor and pleasure to inform you, 
 that the enemy evacuated Brunswick this morning and re 
 tired to Amboy, burning many houses as they went along. 
 Some of them, from the appearance of the flames, were 
 considerable buildings. From several pieces of informa 
 tion, and from a variety of circumstances, it was evident 
 that a movement was in agitation, and it was the general 
 opinion that it was intended this morning. I therefore 
 detached three brigades under the command of Major- 
 General Greene to fall upon their rear, and kept the main 
 body of the army paraded upon the heights, to support 
 them if there should be occasion. A party of Colonel 
 Morgan s regiment of light-infantry attacked and drove 
 the Hessian picket about sunrise ; and upon the appear 
 ance of General Wayne s brigade and Morgan s regiment 
 (who got first to the ground) opposite Brunswick, the 
 enemy immediately crossed the bridge to the east side 
 of the river, and threw themselves into redoubts, which 
 they had before constructed. Our troops advanced briskly 
 upon them ; upon which they quitted the redoubts without 
 making any opposition, and retired by the Amboy road. 
 
234 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 "As all our troops, from the difference of their sta 
 tions in camp, had not come up when the enemy began 
 to move off, it was impossible to check them ; as their 
 numbers were far greater than we had any reason to ex 
 pect, being, as we were informed afterwards, between 
 four and five thousand men. Our men pursued them 
 as far as Piscataway ; but finding it impossible to overtake 
 them, and fearing they might be led on too far from the 
 main body, they returned to Brunswick. By information 
 of the inhabitants, General Howe, Lord Cornwallis, and 
 General Grant, were in the town when the alarm was first 
 given ; but they quitted it very soon after. 
 
 " In the pursuit, Colonel Morgan s riflemen exchanged 
 several sharp fires with the enemy, which, it is imagined, 
 did considerable execution. I am in hopes that they after 
 wards fell in with General Maxwell, who was detached last 
 night with a strong party, to lie between Brunswick and 
 Amboy to intercept any convoys or parties that might be 
 passing ; bat I have yet heard nothing from him. General 
 Greene desires me to make mention of the conduct and 
 bravery of General Wayne and Colonel Morgan, and of 
 their officers and men, upon this occasion, as they con 
 stantly advanced upon an enemy far superior to them in 
 numbers, and well secured behind strong redoubts. Gen 
 eral Sullivan advanced from Rocky Hill to Brunswick with 
 his division ; but, as he did not receive his order of march 
 till very late at night, he did not arrive till the enemy had 
 been gone some time. I have sent down Lord Stirling s 
 division to re-enforce General Maxwell ; and in the morn 
 ing I shall move the main body of the army to some secure 
 post nearer Amboy, from whence we can with more 
 ease annoy the enemy, than from this distance. I am in 
 clined to think they mean to cross to Staten Island ; if 
 they do, we may perhaps find an opportunity of making a 
 stroke upon their rear ; at any rate, we shall have a chance 
 of obliging them to make a total evacuation of the State 
 of Jersey. 
 
 "I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 235 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Camp at Quibbletown, 25 June, 1777. 
 
 cc SIR, After the evacuation of Brunswick, I deter 
 mined, with the advice of my general officers, to move the 
 whole army the next morning to this post, where they 
 would be nearer the enemy, and might act according to 
 circumstances. In this I was prevented by rain, and 
 they only moved yesterday morning. I have advanced 
 Lord Stirling s division and some other troops lower down 
 in the neighborhood of Matuchin meeting-house, and in 
 tended to post more there ; but found, on reconnoitering 
 the ground, that it was low and disadvantageous, and still 
 more unfavorable through a scarcity of water. These 
 reasons, added to that of there not being the smallest 
 prospect of attacking the enemy in Amboy with a proba 
 bility of success, secured on their flanks by water, and 
 in their front by strong redoubts across the neck, would 
 not permit me, either in my own opinion or that of my 
 "general officers, to keep any greater body of men in that 
 quarter, where they would have been dispersed, and of 
 consequence extremely insecure. 
 
 " I have light parties lying close on the enemy s lines, 
 to watch their motions, and who will be ready to act in 
 conjunction with Lord Stirling s division and such other 
 troops as it may be necessary to detach ; though I think, 
 and so do the rest of the officers, that no event is likely 
 to take place that will require more, since the idea of 
 forcing their lines, or bringing on a general engagement 
 on their own ground, is universally held incompatible with 
 our interest, and that that number is sufficient to avail us 
 of any advantages we can expect to arise from their re 
 treating from A.mboy, supposing notice of the fact should 
 be obtained. Their contiguity to the Sound, and the 
 small distance across it, having boats prepared to pass in, 
 will enable them to get off, should they so incline, against 
 every prudent and justifiable exertion on our part. Wheth 
 er such is their design, is more than I can positively 
 determine ; but there is every reason to believe, that they 
 have been and are transporting their baggage to Staten 
 
236 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 
 
 Island, and making every preparation to embark on board 
 their transports for some new expedition. 
 
 u Your favor of the 24th I just now received, and am 
 extremely obliged by your cordial congratulations on the 
 enemy s retreat from Brunswick, and favorable interpre 
 tation of the event of my conduct. The resolution you 
 did me the honor to transmit shall have my attention. It is 
 much to be regretted, that an express sent off to General 
 Maxwell on Saturday night, to inform him of General 
 Greene s movement towards Brunswick, that he might 
 conduct himself accordingly, did not reach him. Wheth 
 er the express went designedly to the enemy, or was taken, 
 is not known ; but there is reason to believe he fell into 
 their hands. If General Maxwell had received the order, 
 there is no doubt but their whole rear-guard w T ould have 
 been cut off. This the enemy confessed themselves, as 
 we are well informed by persons in Bonhamtown. By 
 a reconnoitering party just returned, it is reported as a 
 matter of doubt whether any of the enemy have removed 
 from Amboy ; though it is almost certain they have trans 
 ported a great deal of their baggage. 
 
 CC I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Camp, at Middlebrook, 28 June, 1777. 
 u SIR, On Thursday morning General Howe advan 
 ced with his whole army in several columns from Amboy, 
 as far as Westfield. We are certainly informed, that the 
 troops sent to Staten Island returned the preceding even 
 ing, and, it is said, with an augmentation of marines, so 
 that carrying them there w r as a feint with intention to de 
 ceive us. His design in this sudden movement was either 
 to bring on a general engagement upon disadvantageous 
 terms, considering matters in any point of view, or to cut 
 off our light parties, and Lord Stirling s division, which 
 was sent down to support them, or to possess himself of 
 the heights and passes in the mountains on our left. The 
 two last seemed to be the first objects of his attention, as 
 his march was rapid against these parties, and indicated a 
 strong disposition to gain those passes. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 237 
 
 cc ln this situation of affairs, it was thought absolutely 
 necessary that we should move our force from the low 
 grounds, to occupy the heights before them ; which was 
 effected. As they advanced, they fell in with some of 
 our light parties, and part of Lord Stirling s division, with 
 which they had some pretty smart skirmishing, with but 
 very little loss, I believe, on our side, except in three 
 field-pieces, which, unfortunately, fell into the enemy s 
 hands ; but, not having obtained returns yet, I cannot 
 determine it with certainty ; nor can we ascertain what 
 the enemy s loss was. As soon as we had gained the 
 passes, I detached a body of light troops, under Briga 
 dier-General Scott, to hang on their flank, and to watch 
 their motions ; and have ordered Morgan s corps of 
 riflemen to join him since. The enemy remained at 
 Westfield till yesterday afternoon, when, about three 
 o clock, they moved towards Samptown, with our light 
 troops in their rear, and pursuing. The enemy have 
 plundered all before them, and, it is said, burned some 
 houses. 
 
 "I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 "Head-Quarters, Middlebrook, July 1, 1777. 
 
 cc SIR, Yesterday afternoon, the enemy totally evac 
 uated Amboy, and encamped opposite to it on Staten 
 Island. General Scott entered directly after ; and, post 
 ing guards, to secure any stores they might have left, he 
 withdrew his brigade, and halted about four miles from 
 thence. This it was expedient to do, it being night when 
 he entered, and his remaining there might have induced 
 the enemy, whose boats were ready, to throw over a su 
 perior force in his rear. He wrote me, he should return 
 this morning, and bring off whatever stores he may find ; 
 though there is little reason to expect that they have left 
 any thing valuable behind. When I am more particular 
 ly informed upon the subject, I shall take the liberty of 
 addressing you on the same. 
 
 "I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
238 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Camp at Middlebrook, July 2, 1777. 
 
 cc SIR, As I have observed, if we were certain Gen 
 eral Burgoyne was. approaching Ticonderoga with his 
 whole army, I should not hesitate a moment in conclud 
 ing, that it is in consequence of a preconcerted plan with 
 General Howe, and that the latter is to cooperate with 
 him, by pushing his whole force up the North River, and 
 aiming a stroke, in the first instance, and immediately 
 against the Highland passes. But, as the appearance of 
 the enemy on the lake may be a feint, calculated to 
 amuse and distract, (though it may seem like a real at 
 tack,) to draw this army to Peekskill, and more to the 
 northward, that General Howe may, with more facility, 
 turn his arms against Philadelphia, it lias been deter 
 mined unadvisable for us to move, till we have further 
 proofs of his intentions, and that our conduct must be 
 governed by his. 
 
 "Our situation is truly delicate and embarrassing. 
 Should we march to Peekskill, leaving General Howe 
 on Staten Island, there will be nothing to prevent him 
 passing to South Amboy, and pushing from thence to 
 Philadelphia, or, in short, by any other route ; though the 
 marching such of his troops from the point opposite Am 
 boy, as were encamped there, and the sailing of the ships 
 from Princess Bay, yesterday morning, are circumstances 
 indicating that an embarcation has, or will, take place. 
 On the other hand, if the North River, and the possession 
 of the Highlands, are his objects, our remaining here till 
 his views are certainly known, may subject us to a risk 
 that we wish to avoid. 
 
 u Thus, let us examine matters as we will, difficulties 
 stare us in the face. We shall attempt to consult, and 
 to do the best we can. I have written to Generals Put 
 nam and George Clinton, fully, upon the subject, urging 
 them to put forth every exertion in their power, and 
 instantly to call in a respectable body of militia, to aid 
 in the defence of those important posts at this critical 
 conjuncture. I trust they will come out ; their services, 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 239 
 
 in all probability, will not be wanted but for a very short 
 time." 
 
 u As the enemy will adopt every stratagem and device, 
 to deceive and distract us, notwithstanding the present 
 appearance in favor of their making an expedition up the 
 North River, I doubt not but you will have the most vigi 
 lant lookouts kept along Delaware Bay, and proper ex 
 presses and signals, for communicating the earliest intelli 
 gence. I think it would be highly expedient, that some 
 sensible, judicious men should be employed in that busi 
 ness, at this time, who would view things as they ought to 
 be, and from whose accounts, certain inferences and con 
 clusions may be drawn, so as to form a proper line for 
 our conduct. The most fatal consequences may flow 
 from false information at this period : things should be 
 examined with all possible certainty. I shall not be sur 
 prised to hear of several ships appearing in, or off, Dela 
 ware, though General Howe s destination should be else 
 where. Their fleet give them the most signal advantages, 
 and an opportunity of practising a thousand feints." 
 
 " I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, Morristown, July 7, 1777. 
 
 " SIR, No change has taken place in the situation of 
 the enemy upon Staten Island, since I wrote to you on 
 the fifth : but I have this morning received an account 
 from Elizabethtown, which mentions, that a person had 
 just come from the island, who informs that small craft 
 are constantly plying between New York and the fleet, 
 laden with officers baggage and stores, put up in packa 
 ges, and marked with their names and regiments ; and 
 that transports are fitted up, with stalls over their main 
 decks, for the reception of horses. This looks as if a 
 longer voyage was intended, than up the North River. 
 
 "I have given notice to all the eastern States to be 
 upon their guard, should the fleet put to sea, and steer that 
 way ; and I think the works upon, and obstructions in, 
 the Delaware should be carried on with spirit, and com 
 pleted as far as possible, lest they should visit that quar- 
 
240 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 ter. I think the southern States should also be advised 
 of the uncertainty of the next operation of the enemy, 
 that they may also be making such preparations, as they 
 may judge necessary. I shall make inquiry into the 
 number of arms at present at Springfield ; and, if any can 
 possibly be spared to the State of Connecticut, they shall 
 have all or part of those requested by Governor T rum- 
 bull. General Knox expects the return on Saturday, 
 from Springfield ; and I can then determine the matter. 
 
 "I am pleased to hear, that a supply of money is upon 
 the road, as there is two months pay due to the troops. 
 
 u P. S. The enclosed piece of information is just sent 
 to me by General Forman, which is confirmed, in several 
 particulars, by two deserters from the fleet, who left it 
 yesterday morning." 
 
 The foregoing letters and extracts from letters have 
 been presented to the reader, in order to convey a just 
 estimate of this period of the war. There is no step in 
 the Revolutionary contest in which the American General 
 appears more admirably than during the period to which 
 they refer. It is evident that all the arts and artifices 
 which skill, ingenuity, or cunning could possibly suggest, 
 were exhausted by the British commander. From the 
 moment of Washington s going into winter-quarters in 
 January, until late in August, he was exposed to the most 
 puzzling, perplexing, and deceptive movements on the 
 part of his antagonist. With a greatly superior force, 
 and the complete possession of the sea, Sir William 
 Howe was watching, contriving, and manoeuvring, for the 
 purpose of insnaring him, or throwing him into confusion, 
 in such a way as to get possession of the Hudson. But 
 his efforts were utterly fruitless. Washington knew the 
 necessity of baffling them ; he knew that so long as he 
 held the passes of the Highlands, the resources of the 
 country could be reached and drawn forth by him, but 
 that the power of America would at once be divided and 
 destroyed, if the enemy were to obtain command of the 
 North River. I know not where any thing can be found 
 more perfect and masterly than the ever-watchful, prompt, 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 241 
 
 and penetrating vigilance and skill, with which he met, 
 and even anticipated, every movement of the foe. With 
 a small, widely-separated, ephemeral army of undisciplined 
 troops, he completely succeeded in obstructing the designs 
 of a powerful, experienced, and persevering enemy, thwart 
 ed all his operations, and parried every stroke either of his 
 power or his policy. For months after months the Brit 
 ish General was vainly playing off all the stratagems of 
 war, provoking, alluring, and endeavoring to blind him. 
 He resorted to the extremes! measures, sometimes going 
 through the operations of a pretended embarcation, send 
 ing decoy fleets to sea, and keeping them hovering along 
 the coast, and sometimes marching his army fifty or a 
 hundred miles, and then retreating. But no art could 
 entice, and no power could drive Washington from his 
 position, guarding the Highlands of the Hudson. 
 
 At last Sir William Howe concluded that nothing 
 short of a real bona fide invasion of the southern country 
 could draw the American General from his ground, and 
 he, accordingly, abandoned manoeuvring, and determined 
 upon a direct and absolute descent upon the Middle States. 
 As he could not possibly get Washington out of the way, 
 so as to effect a passage of his army up the Hudson to 
 meet General Burgoyne, who was advancing with a pow 
 erful force from Canada, the only alternative that remained 
 was to give employment to the American troops in a re 
 mote point, and thereby prevent any succors being afford 
 ed to the northern army, under the command of General 
 Gates, who had superseded General Schuyler. He 
 therefore embarked his army and put to sea, prepared 
 to descend upon any point of the coast he might pre 
 fer. 
 
 " To ike President of Congress. 
 " Camp, eleven miles in the Clove, 22 July, 1777. 
 " SIR, We have been under great embarrassments 
 respecting the intended operations of General Howe, and 
 still are, notwithstanding the utmost pains to obtain intel 
 ligence of the same. At present it would appear that he 
 
242 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 is going out to sea. By authentic information, there are 
 only forty ships at New York ; the rest are gone else 
 where, and have fallen down between the Narrows and 
 the Hook. Between these two places, the number, from 
 the most accurate observation, was about one hundred 
 and twenty yesterday. As I observed before, their des 
 tination is uncertain and unknown ; but I have thought it 
 my duty to inform Congress of these facts, that they may 
 give orders to the militia to hold themselves in readiness 
 to march at the shortest notice, in case Philadelphia 
 should be their object. At the same time I am to re 
 quest, that they will have a sufficient number of proper 
 look-outs fixed at the Capes of Delaware, (to whose ac 
 counts implicit confidence may be given,) to make the 
 earliest reports of the arrival of any fleet, which Congress 
 will transmit to me by the speediest conveyance. 
 
 u As the enemy will probably make many feints, and 
 have it unhappily but too much in their power from their 
 shipping, I would advise that the look-outs should be cau 
 tioned to be extremely accurate in their observations and 
 reports, mentioning, with as much precision as possible, 
 the number of ships that may appear. Our situation is 
 already critical, and may be rendered still more so by 
 inaccurate and ill-grounded intelligence. From the advi 
 ces, received on Saturday, of the movements of part of 
 the enemy s ships, and the strong reasons there were to 
 suppose General Howe would push up the North River 
 to co-operate with General Burgoyne, I detached Lord 
 Stirling with his division to Peekskill on Sunday morn 
 ing. They crossed the river that evening and the next 
 morning. This movement will prove unnecessary, should 
 his destination be to the southward. I have also ordered 
 General Glover s brigade from Peekskill to re-enforce 
 General Schuyler, from his representations of the inade 
 quacy of his force to oppose General Burgoyne, and of 
 the seeming backwardness of the people in that quarter 
 to afford him aid. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 243 
 
 " To Major-General Schuyler. 
 
 " Eleven miles in the Clove, 22 July, 1777. 
 
 cc DEAR SIR, I cannot give you any certain account 
 of General Howe s intended operations. His conduct 
 is puzzling and embarrassing beyond measure ; so are the 
 informations which I get. At one time the ships are 
 standing up towards the North River ; in a little while 
 they are going up the Sound ; and in an hour after they 
 are going out of the Hook. I think in a day or two we 
 must know something of his intentions." 
 
 To Major- General Lincoln. 
 
 " Ramapo, 24 July, 1777. 
 
 " DEAR SIR, I have just received information, that 
 the fleet left the Hook yesterday, and, as I think the 
 Delaware the most probable place of their destination, I 
 shall immediately move the army that way. I desire that 
 you will, agreeably to what I hinted to you, set off im 
 mediately, and proceed, as quick as your health will per 
 mit, to join the northern army under the command of 
 General Schuyler. My principal view, in sending you 
 there, is to take the command of the eastern militia, over 
 whom I am informed you have influence, and who place 
 confidence in you. You will concert such plans with 
 General Schuyler, as shall seem to you most conducive 
 to the public good. Yesterday I was in some doubt 
 whether I should send you to the northward, but I have 
 this day received two letters from General Schuyler in 
 such a style, as convinces me, that it is absolutely neces 
 sary to send a determined officer to his assistance. I 
 shall be glad to hear from you a state of northern affairs, 
 as soon as you arrive there. I wish you health, and a 
 safe journey, and am, with great regard, dear sir, &c." 
 
 " To Major- General Putnam. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, Ramapo, 24 July, 1777. 
 
 "DEAR SIR, I have just received advice of the 
 enemy s fleet having sailed from the Hook ; in conse 
 quence of which I have to desire, that you will immedi- 
 
244 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 ately order General Sullivan s and Lord Stirling s divis 
 ions to cross the river, and proceed towards Philadelphia. 
 They will have more particular orders on their route. 
 You are to reserve two field-pieces for each brigade that 
 remains behind, except that which is to garrison the forts, 
 and all the rest of the field-artillery is to come on with 
 the before-mentioned divisions. Colonel Crane s battalion 
 is to accompany them, and Colonel Lamb s to supply 
 their place. I am, dear sir, &c." 
 
 " To Major- General Putnam. 
 
 " Ramapo, 25 July, 1777. 
 
 " DEAR SIR,- My letter of yesterday would inform 
 you of the reasons, which occasion the removal of this 
 part of the army towards Philadelphia, and the recall of 
 the divisions under General Sullivan and Lord Stirling. 
 I have now to add, that it is my desire that you should 
 keep as many of the remaining troops, as can possibly 
 be spared from the defence of the forts and passes of the 
 Highlands, in the most perfect readiness to move, either 
 this way or to the eastward, as occasion shall require. I 
 do not pretend to fix upon or ascertain the number, which 
 may be necessary for those defences. You and your 
 officers must determine this point, proportioning your 
 defence to the troops left by General Howe on York 
 Island. If you have not already done it, let the eastern 
 States be immediately advised of the fleet s sailing from 
 the Hook, that they may be in a posture of defence, as 
 no person can with certainty say where the blow will be 
 struck. I am, dear sir, &c. 
 
 U P. S. Since writing the above, I have received 
 yours of yesterday s date, enclosing the intercepted letter 
 from General Howe to Burgoyne. To me a stronger 
 proof could not be given, that the former is not going to 
 the eastward, than this letter affords. It was evidently 
 intended to fall into our hands. The complexion of it, 
 the circumstances attending it, evince this beyond a doubt 
 in my mind. I therefore desire, that no time may be 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 245 
 
 lost in sending on General Sullivan and Lord Stirling 
 with their divisions. If it was not too dangerous to haz 
 ard their shipping at sea, merely to perform a manoeuvre 
 to deceive, 1 should think it not unlikely, that the North 
 River might yet he the object, and that they had run out 
 with a view of returning when our troops should be drawn 
 off ; but the possibility of a dispersion of their fleet makes 
 so much against this, that I am persuaded more than ever, 
 that Philadelphia is the place of destination, and I there 
 fore hope that no time will be lost in marching the troops 
 already ordered, and preparing as many of the others as 
 can be spared to follow, if my conjectures should prove 
 to be right." 
 
 " To Major- General Gates. 
 
 " Coryell s Ferry, 30 July, 1777. 
 
 u SIR, As we are yet uncertain as to the real desti 
 nation of the enemy, though the Delaware seems the 
 most probable, I have thought it prudent to halt the army 
 at this place, Howell s Ferry, and Trenton, at least till 
 the fleet actually enters the bay, and puts the matter be 
 yond a doubt. From hence we can be upon the proper 
 grounds to oppose them, before they can possibly make 
 their arrangements and dispositions for an attack. I take 
 it for granted, that the preparations by w T ater are ready 
 to resist the sudden attack of any ships, that may run up 
 previously to the landing of troops. That the posts on 
 the Highlands may not be left too much exposed, I have 
 ordered General Sullivan s division to halt at Morristown, 
 whence it will march southward, if there should be 
 occasion, or northward upon the first advice that the 
 enemy should be throwing any force up the North River. 
 General Howe s in a manner abandoning General Bur- 
 goyne is so unaccountable a matter, that, till I am fully 
 assured it is so, I cannot help casting my eyes continually 
 behind me. 
 
 " As I shall pay no regard to any flying reports of the 
 appearance of the fleet, I shall expect an account of it 
 from you the moment you have ascertained it to your 
 
246 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 satisfaction ; and I desire that, at the same time you 
 advise me of this, you will send an express to Lord 
 Stirling, or the commanding officer at Trenton, to move 
 on with the troops from thence. I am, &c." 
 
 " To Major-General Putnam. 
 
 " Coryell s Ferry, 31 July, 1777. 
 
 "DEAR SIR, I have just received information from 
 Philadelphia, that the enemy s fleet arrived at the Capes 
 of Delaware yesterday. You will therefore please to 
 order the two brigades which w r ere thrown over the 
 North River, to march immediately towards Philadelphia 
 through Morristown and over Coryell s Ferry, where 
 boats will be ready for them. The troops are to march 
 as expeditiously as possible without injuring the men. I 
 beg you will endeavor to make up your garrison with 
 militia from Connecticut and New York, as soon as pos 
 sible ; and I desire that you will forward this account by 
 express to General Schuyler and to the eastern States. 
 I hope, as they now have nothing to fear from General 
 Howe, that they will turn out their force, both Conti 
 nental and militia, to oppose Burgoyne. I am, &c." 
 
 " To Major- General Putnam. 
 
 " Chester, 1 August, 1777. 
 
 "DEAR SIR, I have this moment received intelli 
 gence by express, that the enemy s fleet, yesterday morn 
 ing about eight o clock, sailed out of the Capes in an 
 eastern course. This surprising event gives rne the great 
 est anxiety, and, unless every possible exertion is made, 
 may be productive of the happiest consequences to the 
 enemy, and the most injurious to us. I have desired 
 General Sullivan s division, and the two brigades that 
 left you last, immediately to return and recross the river, 
 and I shall forward on the rest of the army with all the 
 expedition in my power. I have also written to Gen 
 eral Clinton requesting him instantly to re-enforce you, 
 with as many militia of the State of New York as he 
 can collect ; and you are, on receipt of this, to send on 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 247 
 
 an express to Governor Trumbull, urging it upon him 
 to assist you, with as many of the Connecticut militia 
 as lie can get together, and without a moment s loss of 
 time. 
 
 " The importance of preventing Mr. Howe s getting 
 possession of the Highlands by a coup de main is infinite 
 to America ; and, in the present situation of things, every 
 effort that can be thought of must be used. The proba 
 bility of his going to the eastward is exceedingly small, 
 and the ill effects that might attend such a step inconsid 
 erable, in comparison with those that would inevitably 
 attend a successful stroke upon the Highlands. Connec 
 ticut cannot be in more danger through any channel than 
 this, and every motive of its own interest and the general 
 good demands its utmost endeavors to give you effectual 
 assistance. Governor Trumbull will I trust be sensible 
 of this. I am, c." 
 
 " To John Augustine Washington. 
 
 " Germantowri, 5 August, 1777. 
 
 " DEAR BROTHER, Since General Howe removed 
 from the Jerseys, the troops under my command have 
 been more harassed by marching and countermarching, 
 than by any other thing that has happened to them in the 
 course of the campaign. After he had embarked his troops, 
 the presumption that he would operate upon the North 
 River, to form a junction with General Burgoyne, was 
 so strong, that I removed from Middlebrook to Morris- 
 town, and from Morristown to the Clove, a narrow pas 
 sage leading through the Highlands, about eighteen miles 
 from the river. Indeed, upon some pretty strong pre 
 sumptive evidence, I threw two divisions over the North 
 River. In this situation we lay till about the 24th ultimo, 
 when, receiving certain information that the fleet had ac 
 tually sailed from Sandy Hook, and upon the concurring 
 sentiment of every one, though I acknowledge my doubts 
 of it were strong that Philadelphia was the object, we coun 
 termarched and got to Coryell s Ferry on the Delaware, 
 about thirty-three miles above the city, on the 27th, where 
 
248 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 I lay until I received information from Congress, that the 
 enemy were actually at the Capes of Delaware. This 
 brought us in great haste to this place for the defence of the 
 city. But in less than twenty-four hours after our arri 
 val, we got accounts of the disappearance of the fleet on 
 the 31st ; since which, nothing having been heard of them, 
 we have remained here in a very irksome state of sus 
 pense ; some imagining that they are gone to the south 
 ward, whilst a majority, in whose opinion upon this occa 
 sion I concur, are satisfied that they are gone to the east 
 ward. The fatigue, however, and injury which men must 
 sustain by long marches in such extreme heat as we have 
 felt for the last five days, must keep us quiet till we hear 
 something of the destination of the enemy." 
 
 " To Major-General Putnam. 
 
 " Camp, in Bucks County, 11 August, 1777. 
 
 " DEAR SIR, I received yours of the 8th instant at 
 this place. I was upon the march with the army to re- 
 cross the Delaware, upon a supposition that the fleet had 
 certainly gone to the eastward ; but I was last night over 
 taken by an express from Philadelphia, with an account 
 that they had been seen on the 7th instant off Sinepuxent 
 Inlet, about sixteen leagues to the southward of the Capes 
 of Delaware. Upon this I have halted for further intel 
 ligence." 
 
 " To Major- General Putnam. 
 
 "Bucks County, 22 August, 1777. 
 
 "DEAR SIR, By the enclosed, which has this mo 
 ment come to hand, you will perceive that the enemy s 
 fleet have at length fairly entered the Chesapeake Bay, 
 Swan Point being at least two hundred miles from the 
 Capes. I desire you will immediately forward this ac 
 count to Governor Trumbull, to be by him sent on east 
 ward. As there is not now the least danger of General 
 Howe s going to New England, I hope the whole force 
 of that country will turn out, and, by following the great 
 stroke struck by General Stark near Bennington, entirely 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 249 
 
 crush General Burgoyne, who, by his letter to Colonel 
 Baum, seems to be in want of almost every thing. I 
 hope you will draw in such a force of militia as will ef 
 fectually secure your post against any attempt from New 
 York. I shall be obliged to draw General Sullivan with 
 his division down to me ; for, by General Howe s com 
 ing so far up the Chesapeake, he must mean to reach 
 Philadelphia by that route, though to be sure it is a very 
 strange one. I am, &c." 
 
 It is easy to imagine the extreme suspense and perplex 
 ity in which the American army was kept by the strange 
 course and proceedings of the British fleet. It is proba 
 ble that Sir William Howe, after sailing from New York, 
 thought it best to make one more attempt to deceive and 
 overreach Washington, before he actually made a descent 
 upon any other part of the coast. He therefore hovered 
 near New York for several days, keeping up a communi 
 cation with the shore, in hopes that Washington would 
 move south, at once, to meet him, in which event, he 
 would instantly have returned to New York, and have 
 passed without obstruction up the North River. Find 
 ing Washington too cautious to bo thus entrapped, he 
 actually went into the Capes of Delaware, and then, still 
 persevering in his attempt to deceive the American Gen 
 eral, and for the purpose of making him think that he had 
 abandoned his designs upon Philadelphia, he suddenly 
 put about, and sailed back by the Capes of Delaware to 
 sea. Washington was, in point of fact, pretty effectually 
 puzzled by these unaccountable and mysterious move 
 ments ; but, although he thought it most probable that 
 the fleet had sailed to the eastward, he still continued a 
 sleepless watch for it along the whole coast, and kept 
 himself as well prepared as possible to meet it, when 
 ever it might attempt to land. 
 
 It is not altogether without difficulty that the conduct 
 of General Howe can now be explained. Pie seems to 
 have clung, with a morbid and almost insane pertinacity, 
 to his favorite project of seducing Washington from his 
 post, and then stealing a march upo:i him through the 
 
250 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Highlands ; and when, at last, after wasting months in that 
 vain attempt, he was compelled to admit the conclusion 
 that it was impossible to get an advantage over the wa 
 ry American Commander-in-chief, he went up Chesa 
 peake Bay, and landed his forces. Washington, of 
 course, had to advance, with all the strength he could 
 collect, over New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, to 
 meet him. And Sir William Howe flattered himself that 
 General Gates, being thus left unsupported by Washing 
 ton s division of the American forces, and deprived of all 
 hopes of re-enforcement from it, would more readily fall be 
 fore the advancing and confident army under Burgoyne. 
 The main object of the British General in invading the 
 country from the Chesapeake was undoubtedly to facilitate 
 the progress of the army, which, sure of victory, as it was 
 thought, was advancing from Canada upon Albany. It 
 happened, in the end, as it often does, that results, pre 
 cisely opposite from those intended, took place. Bur- 
 goyne s army w T as utterly extinguished, and the subsidiary 
 movement of Sir William Howe was attended with more 
 success than any other operation of that campaign, or, 
 perhaps it might even be said, of the whole war, on the 
 part of the British. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Camp, at Cross Roads, 22 August, 1777. 
 cc SIR, I am honored with your favor containing the 
 intelligence of the enemy s arrival in the Chesapeake 
 Bay, and the resolution of Congress thereupon. I have, 
 in consequence of this account, sent orders to General 
 Nash immediately to embark his brigade and Colonel 
 Procter s corps of artillery, if vessels can be procured 
 for the purpose, and to proceed to Chester ; or, if ves 
 sels cannot be provided, to hasten towards that place by 
 land with all the despatch he can. I have also directed 
 General Sullivan to join this army with his division as 
 speedily as possible, and I have issued orders for all the 
 troops here to be in motion to-morrow morning very ear 
 ly, w r ith the intention to march them towards Philadelphia 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 and onwards. I am happy to find Congress have ordered 
 the removal of the stores from Lancaster and York to 
 places of greater safety, which is, without doubt, a very 
 proper and necessary measure. With much respect and 
 esteem, I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient 
 servant." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " 23 August, 1777. 
 
 u SIR, I beg leave to inform you, that the army 
 marched early this morning, and will encamp, I expect, 
 this evening within five or six miles of Philadelphia. To 
 morrow morning it will move again, and I think to march 
 it through the city, but without halting. I am induced to 
 do this, from the opinion of several of my officers and 
 many friends in Philadelphia, that it may have some in 
 fluence on the minds of the disaffected there, and those 
 who are dupes to their artifices and opinions. The 
 march will be down Front and up Chestnut street, and I 
 presume about seven o clock. Notwithstanding the arri 
 val of the enemy s fleet in the Chesapeake Bay, and the 
 seeming probability that General Howe will debark his 
 troops and attempt something, yet I would take the liberty 
 to mention, that I think the several works for the defence 
 of the city should be carried on with the usual industry, 
 and that no pains should be omitted to complete them. 
 I would also advise, that the same look-outs for intelli 
 gence should be continued at the Capes, and the earliest 
 information communicated of any thing material ; for, 
 though the fleet is in the Chesapeake Bay, the enemy may 
 push in a number of vessels with troops, and make an ef 
 fort to effect some stroke against Philadelphia by surprise. 
 Such an event does not seem probable while they have a 
 larger show of force in a neighboring State ; but it will 
 be prudent to guard against it. 1 have the honor to 
 be, &c." 
 
252 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 " Wilmington, six o clock, P. M., 25 August, 1777. 
 
 " SIR, The enclosed intelligence has just come to 
 my hands. General Greene s and General Stephen s 
 divisions are within a few miles of this place. 1 shall 
 order them to march immediately here. The two other 
 divisions halted this day at Derby to refresh themselves ; 
 but they will come on as expeditiously as possible. 
 There are about five hundred Pennsylvania militia at 
 Chester and Marcus Hook, that are armed ; there is a 
 number more unarmed. I have ordered all the armed 
 immediately down. I do not know what number of mili 
 tia of this State is yet collected ; but I am told they turn 
 out with great alacrity. There is a quantity of public 
 and private stores at the Head of Elk, which I am afraid 
 will fall into the enemy s hands, if they advance quickly ; 
 among others, there is a considerable parcel of salt. Ev 
 ery attempt will be -made to save that. When I get my 
 force collected, I shall dispose of it in the most advanta 
 geous manner in my power. To this end I purpose to 
 view the grounds towards the enemy in the morning. I 
 am yet a stranger to them. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To Major- General Armstrong. 
 
 " Wilmington, six o clock, P. M., 25 August, 1777. 
 
 "DEAR SIR, I have just received information, that 
 the enemy began to land this morning about six miles be 
 low the Head of Elk, opposite to Cecil Court-House. 
 The informant says he saw two thousand men, but he may 
 be mistaken as to the number. I desire you to send off 
 every man of the militia under your command, that is 
 properly armed, as quick as possible. If they were to 
 begin their march this night while it is cool, it would be the 
 better. They are to proceed to Wilmington, where they 
 will receive orders for their destination. I desire you 
 will immediately send for General Potter, and give him 
 directions to corne to me with all possible expedition. 
 You must supply his place in the best manner you can. 
 The first attempts of the enemy will be to seize horses, 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 253 
 
 carriages, and cattle with light parties, and we must en 
 deavor to check them at their outset. Whatever militia 
 are at Philadelphia, and equipped, should be ordered 
 down immediately. I am, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 "Wilmington, 27 August, 1777. 
 
 " SIR, I this morning returned from the Head of 
 Elk, which I left last night. In respect to the enemy, I 
 have nothing new to communicate. They remain where 
 they debarked first. I could not find out from inquiry 
 what number is landed, nor form an estimate of it from 
 the distant view I had of their encampment. But few 
 tents were to be seen from Iron Hill and Gray s Hill, 
 which are the only eminences about Elk. I am happy 
 to inform you, that all the public stores are removed from 
 thence, except about seven thousand bushels of corn. 
 This I urged the commissary there to get off as soon as 
 possible, and hope it will be effected in the course of a 
 few days, if the enemy should not prevent it, which their 
 situation gives them but too easy an opportunity of doing. 
 The scarcity of teams in proportion to the demand will 
 render the removal rather tedious, though I have directed 
 the quartermaster to send some from hence to expedite 
 the measure. A part of the Delaware militia is stationed 
 there ; and about nine hundred more from Pennsylvania 
 are now on the march that way. I also intended to move 
 part of the army that way to-day, but am under the ne 
 cessity of deferring it till their arms are put in order, and 
 they are furnished with ammunition, both having been 
 greatly injured by the heavy rains that fell yesterday and 
 last night. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, Wilmington, 29 August, 1777. 
 
 " SIR, On my return to this place last evening from 
 
 White-Clay Creek, I was honored with yours of the 
 
 27th, with sundry resolves of Congress, to which I shall 
 
 pay due attention. The enemy advanced a part of their 
 
254 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 army yesterday to Gray s Hill, about two miles on this 
 side of Elk, whether with intent to take post there, or to 
 cover while they remove what stores they found in the 
 town, I cannot yet determine. I do not know what 
 quantity of private property remained ; but of the public 
 there were several thousand bushels of corn and oats, 
 which might have been removed also, had not most of 
 the teams in the country been employed by private per 
 sons in bringing off very valuable goods. Our light par 
 ties yesterday took between thirty and forty prisoners. 
 Twelve deserters from the navy and eight from the army 
 have already come in ; but they are able to give us very 
 little intelligence. They generally agree that their troops 
 are healthy, but that their horses suffered very much by 
 the voyage. By a letter from General Gates, which 
 you were pleased to transmit to me yesterday, he requests 
 that commissions may be sent to Brigadiers Glover, 
 Poor, and Paterson, which I beg the favor of you to 
 do by the return express. The two last lost theirs with 
 their baggage at Ticonderoga, and General Glover had 
 none. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Wilmington, 30 August, 1777. 
 
 cc SIR, Since I had the honor of addressing you yes 
 terday, nothing of importance has occurred, and the 
 enemy remain as they then were. I was reconnoitering 
 the country and different roads all yesterday, and am 
 now setting out on the same business again. Sensible 
 of the advantages of light troops, I have formed a corps 
 under the command of a brigadier, by draughting a hundred 
 from each brigade, which is to be constantly near the 
 enemy, and to give them every possible annoyance. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 "Ten o clock. This minute twenty-four British pris 
 oners arrived, taken yesterday by Captain Lee of the 
 light-horse." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 " To Major-General Heath. 
 
 "Wilmington, 7 September, 1777. 
 
 " DEAR SIR, Since General Howe s debarkation in 
 Elk River be lias moved on about seven miles ; bis main 
 body now lies at Iron Hill, and ours near a village called 
 Newport. In tbis position tbe armies are from eigbt to 
 ten miles apart. It is yet very uncertain what General 
 Howe s plan of operations will be. Some imagine that 
 be will extend himself from the bead waters of tbe Ches 
 apeake to the Delaware, and by these means not only 
 cut off the counties on the Eastern Shore of Mary 
 land, and two of those belonging to the Delaware State, 
 from affording us any assistance, but will secure the 
 horses, cattle, and forage, of which there are considera 
 ble quantities in that country. This, in my opinion, 
 considering how far the campaign is already advanced, 
 would take up more time than he could spare. For, sup 
 posing him able to form such an extension, he would be 
 as far from Philadelphia as he is at present, and he would 
 be subject to an attack upon some part of his line, which, 
 from its length, could not be properly supported. A 
 few days past he advanced two or three miles forward, 
 during which there was pretty sharp skirmishing between 
 our light troops and his van. We had about forty killed 
 and wounded, and I imagine the enemy had considerably 
 more, as ours were thinly posted behind cover, and they 
 were in column. I am, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 " Eight miles from Wilmington, 9 September, 1777. 
 
 "SiR, The enemy advanced yesterday with a seem 
 ing intention of attacking us upon our post near Newport. 
 We waited for them the whole day ; but they halted in 
 the evening at a place called Milltown, about tw T o miles 
 from us. Upon reconnoitering their situation, it appear 
 ed probable that they only meant to amuse us in front, 
 while their real intent was to march by our right, and, by 
 suddenly passing the Brandywine and gaining the heights 
 upon the north side of that river, get between us and 
 
256 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Philadelphia, and cut us off from that city. To prevent 
 this, it was judged expedient to change our position 
 immediately. The army accordingly marched at two 
 o clock this morning, and will take post this evening 
 upon the high grounds near Chad s Ford. We^have 
 heard nothing circumstantial from the enemy this day. 
 When I do, I shall immediately transmit to you an ac 
 count. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 " Chester, twelve o clock at night, 11 September, 1777. 
 
 u SIR, I am sorry to inform you, that, in this day s 
 engagement, we have been obliged to leave the enemy 
 masters of the field. Unfortunately, the intelligence re 
 ceived, of the enemy s advancing up the Brandywine 
 and crossing at a ford about six miles above us, was 
 uncertain and contradictory, notwithstanding all my pains 
 to get the best. This prevented me from making 
 a disposition adequate to the force with which the 
 enemy attacked us on our right ; in consequence of 
 which, the troops first engaged were obliged to retire 
 before they could be re-enforced. In the midst of the 
 attack on the right, that body of the enemy which 
 remained on the other side of Chad s Ford, crossed it, 
 and attacked the division there under the command of 
 General Wayne, and the light troops under General 
 Maxwell, who, after a severe conflict, also retired. The 
 militia under the command of General Armstrong, being 
 posted at a ford about two miles below Chad s, had no 
 opportunity of engaging. 
 
 "But though we fought under many disadvantages, 
 and were, from the causes above mentioned, obliged to 
 retire, yet our loss of men is not, I am persuaded, very 
 considerable ; I believe much less than the enemy s. 
 We have also lost seven or eight pieces of cannon, 
 according to the best information I can at present obtain. 
 The baggage, having been previously moved off, is all 
 secure, saving the men s blankets, which being at their 
 backs, many of them doubtless are lost. I have direct- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 257 
 
 ed all the troops to assemble behind Chester, where they 
 are now arranging for this night. Notwithstanding the 
 misfortune of the day, I am happy to find the troops in 
 good spirits ; and I hope another time we shall compen 
 sate for the losses now sustained. The Marquis de 
 Lafayette was wounded in the leg, and General Wood- 
 ford in the hand ; divers other officers were wounded, 
 and some slain ; but the numbers of either cannot now 
 be ascertained. I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 "P. S. It has not been in my power to send you 
 earlier intelligence, the present being the first leisure mo 
 ment I have had since the action." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Camp, near Pottsgrove, 23 September, 1777. 
 u SIR, I have not had the honor of addressing you 
 since your adjournment to Lancaster, and I sincerely 
 wish that my first letter was upon a more agreeable sub 
 ject. The enemy, by a variety of perplexing manoeuvres 
 through a country from which I could not derive the least 
 intelligence, (being to a man disaffected,) contrived to 
 pass the Schuylkill last night at the Fatland and other 
 fords in the neighborhood of it. They marched immedi 
 ately towards Philadelphia, and I imagine their advanced 
 parties will be near that city to-night. They had so far 
 got the start before I received certain intelligence that any 
 considerable number had crossed, that I found it in vain 
 to think of overtaking their rear, with troops harassed as 
 ours had been with constant marching since the battle of 
 Brandywine ; and therefore concluded, by the advice of 
 all the general officers, to march from this place to-mor 
 row morning towards Philadelphia, and on the way en 
 deavor to form a junction with the Continental troops 
 under General McDougall, from Peekskill, and the Jer 
 sey militia under General Dickinson, both of whom are, 
 I hope, on this side of the Delaware. I am also obliged 
 to wait for General Wayne and General Smallwood, who 
 were left upon the other side of the Schuylkill, in hopes of 
 
258 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 falling upon the enemy s rear ; but they have eluded them 
 as well as us. 
 
 " When I last recrossed the Schuylkill, it was with a 
 firm intent of giving the enemy battle wherever I should 
 meet them ; and accordingly I advanced as far as the 
 Warren Tavern upon the Lancaster road, near which 
 place the two armies were upon the point of coming to a 
 general engagement, but were prevented by a most vio 
 lent flood of rain, which continued all the day and follow 
 ing night. When it held up, we had the mortification to 
 find that our ammunition, which had been completed to 
 forty rounds a man, was entirely ruined ; and in that situ 
 ation we had nothing left for it but to find out a strong 
 piece of ground, which we could easily maintain till we 
 could get the arms put in order, and a recruit of ammu 
 nition. Before this could be fully effected, the enemy 
 marched from their position near the White Horse Tav 
 ern, down the road leading to the Swedes Ford. I im 
 mediately crossed the Schuylkill above them, and threw 
 myself full in their front, hoping to meet them in their 
 passage, or soon after they had passed the river. The 
 day before yesterday they W 7 ere again in motion, and 
 marched rapidly up the road leading towards Reading,, 
 This induced me to believe that they had two objects in 
 view, one to get round the right of the army, the other 
 perhaps to detach parties to Reading, where we had 
 considerable quantities of military stores. To frustrate 
 those intentions, I moved the army up on this side of the 
 river to this place, determined to keep pace with them ; 
 but early this morning I received intelligence, that they 
 had crossed the fords below. Why I did not follow im 
 mediately, I have mentioned in the former part of my let 
 ter ; but the strongest reason against being able to make 
 a forced march is the want of shoes. Messieurs Carroll, 
 Chase, and Perm, who were some days with the army, 
 can inform Congress in how deplorable a situation the 
 troops are, for want of that necessary article. At least 
 one thousand men are bare-footed, and have performed 
 the marches in that condition. I was told of a great 
 number of shoes in the hands of private people in Phila- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 259 
 
 delphia, and sent down to secure them ; but I doubt the 
 approach of the enemy will prevent it. 
 
 u I have planned a method of throwing a garrison into 
 Fort Mifflin. If it succeeds, and they, with the assist 
 ance of the ships and galleys, should keep the obstruc 
 tions in the river, General Howe s situation in Philadel 
 phia will not be the most agreeable ; for if his supplies 
 can be stopped by water, it may be easily done by land. 
 To do both shall be my utmost endeavor ; and I am not 
 yet without hope, that the acquisition of Philadelphia may, 
 instead of his good fortune, prove his ruin. General St. 
 Clair, who has been constantly with the army for some 
 time past, can give you many pieces of information, which 
 may have escaped me, and therefore I refer you to him 
 for many particulars. 
 
 " If there are any shoes and blankets to be had in 
 Lancaster or that part of the country, I earnestly entreat 
 you to have them taken up for the use of the army. I 
 have been informed, that there are large parcels of shoes 
 in particular there. Finding that the enclosed came from 
 Colonel Gibson, I took the liberty of opening it, as I 
 wanted much to know what route he was taking. I have 
 ordered all the Virginia militia who are tolerably armed, 
 to come forward and join the army. Those who have 
 no arms are to wait at Fredericktown in Maryland, till 
 they hear whether any can be provided for them at Lan 
 caster. You will therefore be pleased to make inquiry 
 what number can be procured there, and send an express 
 to Fredericktown with orders for as many men to come 
 forward, as there are arms. I have the honor to be, 
 &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 "Camp, twenty miles from Philadelphia, 3 October, 1777. 
 " SIR, Yesterday afternoon I had the honor to re 
 ceive your favors of the 30th ultimo, with their enclo 
 sures. I was much obliged by the accounts from the 
 northern army, though in general they had reached me 
 before ; and I flatter myself we shall soon hear that they 
 
260 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 have been succeeded by other fortunate and interesting 
 events, as the two armies, by General Gates s letter, 
 were encamped near each other. I shall pay due atten 
 tion to the resolution you refer me to ; and no exertions 
 on my part shall be wanting to collect what necessaries I 
 can for the army. This, 1 am persuaded, will be equal 
 ly attended to by the honorable Board of War ; and I 
 hope, by care and industry, many supplies may be 
 obtained to relieve our distresses, which, in the articles 
 of shoes, stockings, and blankets, are extremely great, 
 
 " Since my letter of the 29th, no favorable change has 
 taken place in our affairs ; on the contrary, we have sus 
 tained an additional loss in the capture of the Delaware. 
 She fell into the enemy s hands in a day or two after they 
 were in possession of the city, and in a manner not yet 
 well understood. Some have supposed the crew muti 
 nied, while another report is, that she was disabled in her 
 rudder by a shot, and driven on shore. This misfortune 
 takes off the success of Captain Biddle s cruise. I will 
 not dwell longer on the subject. Congress may rest as 
 sured, all the means in my power shall be employed to 
 put our affairs in a more agreeable train, and to accom 
 plish the end they so earnestly wish. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Camp, near Pennibecker s Mill, 5 October, 1777. 
 
 " SIR, Having received intelligence through two in 
 tercepted letters, that General Howe had detached a part 
 of his force for the purpose of reducing Billingsport and 
 the forts on the Delaware, I communicated the accounts 
 to my general officers, who were unanimously of opinion 
 that a favorable opportunity offered to make an attack 
 upon the troops which were at and near Germantown. 
 It was accordingly agreed that it should take place 
 yesterday morning, and the following dispositions were 
 made. 
 
 " The divisions of Sullivan and Wayne, flanked by 
 Conway s brigade, were to enter the town by the way of 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 261 
 
 Chestnut Hill, while General Armstrong with the Penn 
 sylvania militia should fall down the Manatawny road by 
 Vandeering s Mill, and get upon the enemy s left and 
 rear. The divisions of Greene and Stephen, flanked by 
 McDougall s brigade, were to enter, by taking a circuit 
 by way of the Lime-kiln road, at the Market-house, and 
 to attack their right wing ; and the militia of Maryland 
 and Jersey, under Generals Small wood and Forman, 
 were to march by the old York road, and fall upon the 
 rear of their right. Lord Stirling, with Nash s and Max 
 well s brigades, was to form a corps de reserve. 
 
 " We marched about seven o clock the preceding even 
 ing, and General Sullivan s advanced party, drawn from 
 Conway s brigade, attacked their picket at Mount Airy, 
 or Mr. Allen s house, about sunrise the next morning, 
 which presently gave way ; and his main body, consisting 
 of the right wing, following soon, engaged the light-infan 
 try and other troops encamped near the picket, which 
 they forced from their ground. Leaving their baggage, 
 they retreated a considerable distance, having previously 
 thrown a party into Mr. Chew s house, who were in a 
 situation not to be easily forced, and had it in their pow 
 er, from the windows, to give us no small annoyance, and 
 in a great measure to obstruct our advance. 
 
 " The attack from our left column, under General 
 Greene, began about three quarters of an hour after that 
 from the right, and was for some time equally successful. 
 But I cannot enter upon the particulars of what happened 
 in that quarter, as I am not yet informed of them with 
 sufficient certainty and precision. The morning was ex 
 tremely foggy, which prevented our improving the advan 
 tages we gained, so well as we should otherwise have 
 done. This circumstance, by concealing from us the true 
 situation of the enemy, obliged us to act with more cau 
 tion and less expedition than we could have wished ; and 
 gave the enemy time to recover from the effects of our 
 first impression ; and, what was still more unfortunate, it 
 served to keep our different parties in ignorance of each 
 other s movements and hinder their acting in concert. It 
 also occasioned them to mistake one another for the ene- 
 
262 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 my, which I believe more than anything else contributed 
 to the misfortune that ensued. In the midst of the most 
 promising appearances, when every thing gave the most 
 flattering hopes of victory, the troops began suddenly to 
 retreat, and entirely left the field, in spite of every effort 
 that could be made to rally them. 
 
 " Upon the whole, it may be said the day was rather 
 unfortunate than injurious. We sustained no material loss 
 of men, and brought off all our artillery, except one piece 
 which was dismounted. The enemy are nothing the bet 
 ter by the event ; and our troops, who are not in the least 
 dispirited by it, have gained what all young troops gain 
 by being in actions. We have had however several val 
 uable officers killed and wounded, particularly the latter. 
 General Nash is among the wounded, and his life is de 
 spaired of. As soon as it is possible to obtain a return of 
 our loss, I will transmit it. In justice to General Sulli 
 van and the whole right wing of the army, whose conduct 
 I had an opportunity of observing, as they acted immedi 
 ately under my eye, I have the pleasure to inform you, 
 that both officers and men behaved with a degree of gal 
 lantry that did them the highest honor. I have the honor 
 to be, &c. 
 
 " P. S. As I have observed, I have not received a 
 return of our loss ; but, from what I have just now learned 
 from General Greene, I fear it is more considerable than 
 I at first apprehended, in men. The cannon, mentioned 
 above, is said to have been brought off in a wagon." 
 
 " To the. President of Congress. 
 
 11 Camp, near Pennibecker s Mill, 7 October, 1777. 
 
 " SIR, Since I had the honor of addressing you on the 
 5th, I have obtained a return of our loss in the action on 
 Saturday, by which it appears to be much more consid 
 erable than I at first apprehended, though I always ima 
 gined myself that it was greater than it was generally sup 
 posed to be. The copy of the return enclosed will show 
 the amount as it now stands ; but I hope many of those 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 263 
 
 who are missing will yet come in. I fear however there 
 are several under that denomination to be added to the 
 number of the slain, as the action was warm in every 
 quarter, from the information of the officers who com 
 manded the different attacks. What loss the enemy sus 
 tained, I am not able precisely to ascertain ; but from a 
 variety of corresponding accounts of persons, who left the 
 cily since, and those of a deserter, it was very considera 
 ble. The deserter, who is intelligent, says General Ag- 
 new was killed, Sir William Erskine wounded in the head 
 and leg, and that their general loss, in killed and wounded, 
 amounted to near eight hundred. Several reputable per 
 sons from the city corroborate this, particularly with re 
 spect to General Agnew s death ; some say upwards cf 
 two hundred wagons with wounded were carried in after 
 the action, and before they came out ; and that it was the 
 common belief there, that the enemy had been severely 
 handled. 
 
 u It is with much chagrin and mortification I add, that 
 every account confirms the opinion I at first entertained, 
 that our troops retreated at the instant when victory was 
 declaring herself in our favor. The tumult, disorder, and 
 even despair, which, it seems, had taken place in the Brit 
 ish army, were scarcely to be paralleled ; and it is said, 
 so strongly did the ideas of a retreat prevail, that Chester 
 was fixed on as their rendezvous. I can discover no 
 other cause for not improving this happy opportunity, 
 than the extreme haziness of the weather." 
 
 " To Governor George Clinton. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, 15 October, 1777. 
 
 u DEAR SIR, I was this day honored with yours of 
 the 9th, containing a full account of the storm of Forts 
 Montgomery and Clinton. General Putnam had given 
 me information of the loss two days before, but not in so 
 full and ample a manner. It is to be regretted, that so 
 brave a resistance did not meet with a suitable reward. 
 You have however the satisfaction of knowing, that every 
 thing was done that could possibly be done by a handful 
 
264 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 against a far superior force. This I am convinced was 
 the case. This affair might have been attended with fatal 
 consequences, had not there been a most providential in 
 tervention in favor of General Gates s arms on the 7th 
 instant ; but I am fully of opinion, that Sir Henry Clin 
 ton will not advance much further up the river, upon hear 
 ing of Burgoyne s defeat and retreat. Nothing but an 
 absolute necessity could have induced me to withdraw any 
 further part of the troops allotted for the defence of the 
 posts up the North River ; but such was the reduced state 
 of our Continental regiments, after the battle of Brandy- 
 wine, and such the difficulty of procuring re-enforcements 
 of militia from the southward, that without the troops from 
 Peekskill we should scarcely have been able to keep the 
 field against General Howe. I had the greatest hopes, 
 that General Putnam would draw in as many Connecticut 
 militia, as would replace the Continental troops, and I 
 make no doubt but he did all in his power to obtain them 
 in time. I am sorry that you were under the necessity 
 of destroying the frigates. The only consolation is, that 
 if we had not done it ourselves, the enemy would either 
 have done it for us, or have carried them down for their 
 own use. 
 
 " Since the battle of Germantown, the two armies have 
 remained in a manner quiet. The enemy have made sev 
 eral attempts to remove the obstructions in the Delaware, 
 but hitherto without effect. They are now making prep 
 arations to raise batteries in the rear of Fort Mifflin, which 
 commands the uppermost chevaux-de-frise. If we can 
 maintain that post, and one opposite upon the Jersey 
 shore, I hope our ships, galleys, and floating batteries, 
 will be able to keep their stations, and repel any force that 
 can be brought by water directly in front. I most ear 
 nestly wait for further news from the northward, which I 
 hope will bring us accounts of the total ruin of Burgoyne s 
 army." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 265 
 
 " To John Jlugustine Washington. 
 
 Philadelphia County, 18 October, 1777. 
 
 "DEAR BROTHER, When my last to you was dated 
 I know not ; for truly I can say, that my whole time is 
 so much engrossed, that I have scarcely a moment, but 
 sleeping ones, for relaxation, or to indulge myself in wri 
 ting to a friend. The anxiety you have been under, on 
 account of this army, I can easily conceive. Would to 
 God there had been less cause for it ; or that our situation 
 at present was such as to promise much. The enemy 
 crossed the Schuylkill (which, by the by, above the Falls 
 is as easily crossed in any place as Potomac Run, Aquia, 
 or any other broad, shallow water) rather by stratagem ; 
 though I do not know that it was in our power to prevent 
 it, as their manoeuvres made it necessary for us to attend 
 to our stores, which lay at Reading, towards which they 
 seemed bending their course, and the loss of which must 
 have proved our ruin. After they had crossed, we took 
 the first favorable opportunity of attacking them. 
 
 u This was attempted by a night s march of fourteen miles 
 to surprise them, which we effectually did, so far as to 
 reach their guards before they had notice of our coming ; 
 and if it had not been for a thick fog, which rendered it 
 so dark at times that we were not able to distinguish friend 
 from foe at the distance of thirty yards, we should, I be 
 lieve, have made a decisive and glorious day of it. But 
 Providence designed it otherwise ; for after we had driven 
 the enemy a mile or two, after they were in the utmost 
 confusion and flying before us in most places, after we 
 were upon the point, as it appeared to every body, of 
 grasping a complete victory, our own troops took fright 
 and fled with precipitation and disorder. How to account 
 for this, I know not ; unless, as I before observed, the 
 fog represented their own friends to them for a re-enforce 
 ment of the enemy, as we attacked in different quarters 
 at the same time, and were about closing the wings of 
 our army when this happened. One thing, indeed, con 
 tributed not a little to our misfortune, and that was a want 
 of ammunition on the right wing, which began the engage 
 ment, and in the course of two hours and forty minutes, 
 
266 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 which time it lasted, had, many of them, expended the 
 forty rounds that they took into the field. After the en 
 gagement we removed to a place about twenty miles from 
 the enemy, to collect our forces together, to take care of 
 our wounded, get furnished with necessaries again, and be 
 in a better posture, either for offensive or defensive op 
 erations. We are now 7 advancing towards the enemy 
 again, being at this time within tw r elve miles of them. 
 
 u Our loss in the late action was, in killed, wounded, 
 and missing, about one thousand men, but of the missing, 
 many, I dare say, took advantage of the times, and de 
 serted. General Nash of North Carolina was wounded, 
 and died two or three days after. Many valuable officers 
 of ours were also wounded, and some killed. In a word, 
 it was a bloody day. Would to Heaven I could add, 
 that it had been a more fortunate one for us. 
 
 u On Sunday, the enemy evacuated Germantown, and 
 withdrew themselves within their lines, near the city. 
 They seem determined to reduce the forts, if possible. 
 I am taking every measure in my power to counteract 
 them, and have written to Generals Forman and New- 
 comb, of Jersey, to afford every aid they can, to relieve 
 the fort, in case they do invest it." 
 
 In connexion with the foregoing extrac-ts in reference 
 to the battle of Germantown, it maybe proper to present 
 the following passage from an account of the battle, taken 
 from a letter from General Sullivan to the President of 
 New Hampshire. 
 
 u We brought off all our cannon and all our wounded. 
 Our loss in the action amounts to less than seven hundred, 
 mostly wounded. We lost some valuable officers, among 
 whom were the brave General Nash, and my two aids- 
 de-camp, Majors Sherburne and White, whose singular 
 bravery must ever do honor to their memories. Our 
 army rendezvoused at Paulen s Mills, and seems very 
 desirous of another action. The misfortunes of this day 
 w r ere principally owing to a thick fog, which, being ren 
 dered still more so by the smoke of the cannon and mus- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 2G7 
 
 ketiy, prevented our troops from discovering the motions 
 of the enemy, or acting in concert with each other. I 
 cannot help observing, that with great concern I saw our 
 brave Commander exposing himself to the hottest fire of 
 the enemy in such a manner, that regard to my country 
 obliged me to ride to him, and beg him to retire. He, 
 to gratify me and some others, withdrew a small distance; 
 but his anxiety for the fate of the day soon brought him 
 up again, where he remained till our troops had retreated. 
 I am, &c. JOHN SULLIVAN." 
 
 Congress unanimously adopted the following resolution, 
 on hearing of the battle of Germantown. 
 
 " Resolved, That the thanks of Congress be given to 
 General Washington, for his wise and well-concerted at 
 tack upon the enemy s army near Germantown, on the 4th 
 instant, and to the officers and soldiers of the army for their 
 brave exertions on that occasion ; Congress being well sat 
 isfied, that the best designs and boldest efforts may some 
 times fail by unforeseen incidents, trusting that, on future 
 occasions, the valor and virtue of the army will, by the 
 blessing of Heaven, be crowned with complete and de 
 served success." Journals, October Qth. 
 
 But while General Sullivan bore this testimony to the 
 gallantry of General Washington, and Congress expressed 
 themselves entirely satisfied with his conduct, the disas 
 trous issue of the battle of Germantown was seized upon 
 by a faction which had for some time been secretly in 
 triguing against him, and which, encouraged by the misfor 
 tunes which had befallen the division of the army under 
 his immediate command, became, from this time, more 
 bold and open in their hostile movements and declara 
 tions. This faction was fomented by General Conway, 
 an irishman by birth, who had seen much service in for 
 eign parts, and who, from the restlessness of his spirit, 
 his ambition, and his vanity, seems to have conceived 
 the purpose of overthrowing the influence of the Com 
 mander-in-chief. He and his confederates, who were 
 men of distinction in the army and in Congress, had car 
 ried their plans to a considerable degree of maturity, and 
 i. s 
 
268 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 had designated the individual who was to supersede 
 Washington, which individual was Horatio Gates, the 
 commanding general of the northern army. General 
 Gates was a man of talents, but so far deficient in judge 
 ment, as to be influenced by the arts and representations 
 of others ; and there is much reason to believe that he 
 allowed his name to be used, and was a partner to the 
 counsels of Conway s Cabal, as the faction was after 
 wards called. It is not generally known to what an 
 extent of influence this intrigue had, at one time, grown, 
 and how appallingly near it came to the accomplishment 
 of its object. 
 
 The division of the American army which was under 
 the immediate command of General Washington, in 
 advancing upon the enemy, on the morning of the battle 
 of Germantown, came upon a stone building, known as 
 the Chew House, standing near the road, into which the 
 British had thrown a considerable body of troops for the 
 purpose of doing as much execution as possible upon the 
 American line, as it marched by, as it would have to do, 
 in entering the action. 
 
 On reaching this fortified house a consultation was held 
 on the question, whether to stop and reduce it, or to pass 
 it directly, enduring its fire in the passage. It was cer 
 tain that the troops, and especially the mounted officers, 
 would, in passing, be exposed to a most destructive fire 
 from the marksmen, who filled every window and door 
 of the house, and were themselves protected from mus 
 ketry, if not from artillery, by its solid stone walls. If, 
 on the other hand, they should stop, and summon it to 
 surrender, and, in the event of a refusal, attempt to take 
 it, considerable time would be consumed, and there was 
 no time to spare, for the battle had already begun, as 
 was evident from the roar of artillery, and the rattling 
 discharge of infantry in all directions around them. The 
 other divisions of the army were engaged, and likely to 
 suffer from delay on their part. Some of the officers, 
 particularly the younger members of the council, were 
 very earnest to march directly by the house, without 
 attempting to silence its fire. General Knox was strongly 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 269 
 
 opposed to this, and insisted much upon the propriety 
 and necessity of taking possession of the house, at all 
 events. He urged the rule of war which forbids leaving 
 a fortified post, or castle, in the hands of the enemy, in 
 the rear. Washington heard all opinions with his usual 
 carefulness and candor, and finally made up his mind in 
 favor of that advanced by General Knox. An officer, 
 Lieutenant Smith, was despatched with a flag, summon 
 ing a surrender, and immediately upon coming within mus 
 ket-shot of the house, was deliberately aimed at, notwith 
 standing the flag, and mortally wounded. This, of course, 
 was a declaration on the part of the garrison, that they 
 would defend the house to the last extremity. Measures 
 were immediately taken to batter it down and carry it by 
 assault ; bat, before any effectual impression could be 
 made upon it, the American forces were in full retreat 
 in all directions, and the attempt was abandoned. 
 
 The loss of the battle of Germantown gave rise to a 
 great deal of discussion at the time, and has ever since 
 been the occasion of much debate and inquiry, and of 
 some controversy. It has been explained in various 
 ways. The blame has been laid, by different writers, 
 upon different individuals and divisions of the army. 
 
 At this very time, the intrigue against Washington just 
 described was at its height, and the officers who were 
 implicated in it, seized upon the occasion to strike a de 
 cisive blow. They charged him with having lost the 
 battle by delaying his division at the Chew House. They 
 did not rest in distant insinuations, but spoke out aloud. 
 Thinking the opportunity a favorable one, they availed 
 themselves of it to overthrow his influence and bring him 
 into discredit. In the busiest, openest, most unequivocal 
 manner, they exerted themselves to fasten upon him the 
 charge of having sacrificed the general cause to his al 
 leged excessive prudence and caution ; and such was the 
 effect of their artful and persevering efforts, that the idea 
 began to prevail in the minds of many, that the days of 
 Washington s ascendency were numbered and finished. 
 
 At this critical moment, a rumor was found circulating 
 through the camp that Burgoyne had been conquered and 
 
270 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 his whole army taken prisoners by General Gates. The 
 effect of this rumor may easily be imagined. It was 
 considered that, if confirmed, it would be decisive of the 
 fate of Washington. Several days passed away and no 
 further intelligence was received. The excitement be 
 came intense. All were on the watch for news from the 
 north. Washington, of course, had heard the rumor. 
 He was aware of the intrigues that were fomenting in his 
 army, and he could not but have been aware of the gen 
 eral sentiment which prevailed at the time, that if the 
 rumor should be confirmed, it would be ruin to him, al 
 though salvation to the cause cf the country. 
 
 The American head-quarters were on the road leading 
 from Germantown to York, where Congress was then in 
 session. Colonel Timothy Pickering, Adjutant-General of 
 the army, was transacting official business with the Com 
 mander-in-chief, in the forenoon of Saturday, October 
 18th. They were in a room of the second story, at the 
 corner of the house, looking up the road that led from the 
 north. While sitting there, a horseman was seen ap 
 proaching, whose appearance indicated that he had travel 
 led long and from far. His aspect, his saddle-bags, and 
 the manner of his movement, indicated that he was an 
 express-rider. The attention of both Washington and 
 Pickering was at once arrested. They took it for granted 
 that he was bearing despatches from the northern army 
 to Congress, and were sure that he could inform them 
 whether the report of Burgoyne s surrender was well 
 founded. As he approached near them, Colonel Pick 
 ering recognised him as an officer belonging to the north 
 ern army. At Washington s request he ran clown to the 
 door, stopped him, and conducted him up to the General s 
 room with his saddle-bags. Washington instantly opened 
 them, tore the envelope of a package, spread out an an 
 nouncement of the victory at Saratoga and Burgoyne s sur 
 render to General Gates, and attempted to read it aloud. 
 As he read, the color gradually settled away from his coun 
 tenance, his hand trembled, his lip quivered, his utter 
 ance failed him he dropped the paper, clasped his hands, 
 raised them on high, and, for several moments, was lost 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 271 
 
 in a rapture of adoring gratitude. u While I gazed," 
 Colonel Pickering used to say, "while I gazed upon this 
 sublime exhibition of sensibility, I saw conclusive proof 
 that, in comparison with the good of his country, self 
 was absolutely nothing the man disappeared from my 
 view, and the very image and personification of the 
 patriot stood before me."* 
 
 Immediately after receiving this communication, which 
 was in a brief despatch to him from Governor Clinton, 
 Washington added a postscript to the letter written to his 
 brother at an earlier hour of the same day, in these words, 
 enclosing a copy of the despatch: " I most devoutly con 
 gratulate my country, and every well-wisher to the cause, 
 on this signal stroke of Providence." In a letter written 
 the next day to General Putnam, he spoke of Gates s vic 
 tory in a similar strain of devout gratitude. 
 
 " The defeat of General Burgoyne is a most important 
 event, and such as must afford the highest satisfaction to 
 every well-affected American. Should Providence be 
 pleased to crown our arms in the course of the campaign 
 with one more fortunate stroke, I think we shall have 
 no great cause for anxiety respecting the future designs 
 of Britain. I trust all will be well in His good time." 
 
 The ground taken by his enemies, at this time, was, as 
 has been observed, that he was over-cautious that, in his 
 excessive prudence, he delayed the army and lost the 
 battle of Germantown, by stopping to take the Chew 
 House. Without discussing the question of the correct 
 ness of the decision which Washington made on this oc 
 casion, and merely observing that there is no real ground 
 to impute the loss of the battle to it, but that it might have 
 been, in certain contingencies, fatal and ruinous to have 
 left such a fortified post occupied by the enemy in the rear 
 of an army advancing into action, it must be obvious to 
 every reader of the Revolutionary history, that the country 
 
 * The above anecdote, so demonstrative of the disinterested, mag 
 nanimous, and fervent patriotism of General Washington, was related to 
 the writer by Colonel Pickering himself. For an account of the cir 
 cumstances of the affair at the Chew House, and the battle of German- 
 town generally, see North American Review, vol. xxiii. p. 425. 
 
272 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 was saved by this very prudence and caution on the part 
 of the American Commander. It is one of the most 
 extraordinary traits in the character of Washington, and, 
 in combination with his other qualities, constitutes his title 
 to the reputation he secured of a superlatively great man, 
 that he united the most romantic bravery, with the pro- 
 foundest wisdom and discretion. His enthusiasm nerved 
 his arm with vigor, without clouding or disturbing in the 
 least his judgement. He neither feared nor overlooked 
 any danger. Chivalrous and fiery as his valor was known 
 and seen to be, he kept a constant restraint upon its im 
 pulses towards unnecessary hazards, held in steady check 
 the impetuous spirits of his less careful and less prudent 
 associates, and silently endured the imputation, which he 
 was well aware he frequently suffered in their minds, of 
 being too cautious, too reluctant to expose his army and 
 his cause to the risks and contingencies of battle. In 
 deed, the special agency of Providence is as visible in 
 inspiring him with wariness and circumspection, as it was 
 in clothing him with all the other attributes of character 
 and person which made him so wonderfully qualified for 
 the glorious service to which he was called. 
 
 It will be proper, in this connexion, to trace the subse 
 quent progress and final exposure and dispersion of the 
 Conway Cabal. It continued for some time after the 
 battle of Germantown to spread and gather strength, until 
 at length it obtained a decisive ascendency in Congress, 
 and for a while placed that body in the attitude of alien 
 ation and hostility towards the Commander-in-chief. Gen 
 eral Gates, elated by his splendid success at Saratoga, 
 did not take any pains to conceal the position into which 
 he was brought as the head and leader of the faction. It 
 is evident that he had made up his mind to an open col 
 lision with Washington, from the remarkable circumstance 
 that he did not communicate to him the success of his 
 arms at Saratoga, took no notice of him whatever, but 
 addressed his official account of the capture of Burgoyne 
 directly to Congress. This was not merely a gross in 
 tentional slight, but was a direct violation of his duty to 
 his chief. The fact that he was guilty of this disrespect 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 273 
 
 is shown by the following extracts of letters from Wash 
 ington. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, 24 October, 1777. 
 
 " SIR, It gives me great concern to inform Congress, 
 that, after all rny exertions, we are still in a distressed 
 situation for want of blankets and shoes. At this time no 
 inconsiderable part of our force is incapable of acting, 
 through the deficiency of the latter ; and I fear, unless we 
 can be relieved, it will be the case with two thirds of the 
 army in the course of a few days. I am and have been 
 waiting with the most anxious impatience for a confirma 
 tion of General Burgoyne s surrender. I have received 
 no further intelligence respecting it, except vague report, 
 than the first account, which came to hand so long ago as 
 Saturday morning. If Congress have had authentic advi 
 ces about it, I wish, to be favored with them." 
 
 t( To Major- General Putnam. 
 
 "Head-Quarters, 25 October, 1777. 
 
 ct DEAR SIR, I have your favor of the 20th, enclo 
 sing a copy of General Burgoyne s capitulation, which 
 was the first authentic intelligence I received of the affair. 
 Indeed I began to grow uneasy, and almost to suspect that 
 the first accounts you transmitted to me were premature. 
 As I have not received a single line from General Gates, 
 I do not know what steps he is taking with the army un 
 der his command, and therefore cannot advise what is 
 most proper to be done in your quarter." 
 
 This inattention, on the part of General Gates, was 
 noticed by the Commander-in-chief, in a letter to that 
 officer, which was as follows : 
 
 <l To Major- General Gates. 
 " Head-Quarters, near Whitemarsh, October 30, 1777. 
 
 cc SIR, By this opportunity I do myself the pleasure 
 to congratulate you on the signal success of the army 
 
274 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 under your command, in compelling General Burgoyne 
 and his whole force to surrender themselves prisoners of 
 war ; an event that does the highest honor to the Amer 
 ican arms, and which, I hope, will be attended with the 
 most extensive and happy consequences. At the same 
 time, I cannot but regret, that a matter of such magni 
 tude, and so interesting to our general operations, should 
 have reached me by report only, or through the channel 
 of letters, not bearing that authenticity, which the impor 
 tance of it required, and which it would have received by 
 a line under your signature, stating the simple fact. 
 
 "I am, sir, your most obedient servant." 
 
 At length, Washington concluded that the time had 
 come for him to expose the intrigue to the light, and 
 grapple openly with its authors. He accordingly addressed 
 the following letter to "Brigadier-General Conway." 
 
 " 9 November, 1777. 
 
 "SiR, A letter, which I received last night, con 
 tained the following paragraph : 
 
 In a letter from General Conway to General Gates, he 
 says, " Heaven has been determined to save your coun 
 try, or a weak General, and bad counsellors, would have 
 ruined it." u I am, sir, your humble servant." 
 
 This letter produced, as may well be imagined, a gen 
 eral explosion ; and the result was the complete prostra 
 tion of the intrigue in the army, and of the party in Con 
 gress which had favored it. General Gates made such 
 declarations to Washington as, in some measure, restored 
 friendly relations between them ; and, before the war was 
 over, lost, in his disastrous southern campaign, all the 
 laurels he had won as the conqueror of Burgoyne. Con- 
 way, having forfeited his influence in the army and the 
 country, resigned his commission. Sometime after, he 
 met General Cadwalader in a duel, and was wounded in 
 the mouth, the ball passing out through his neck. The 
 wound, although thought at the time to be mortal, did not 
 prove so. He recovered, and finally left the country, 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 275 
 
 and returned to Europe. While it was supposed that bis 
 wound was fatal, and that his end was near, he dictated 
 the following letter to Washington : 
 
 " Thomas Conway to George Washington. 
 
 "Philadelphia, 23 July, 1773. 
 
 " SIR, I find myself just able to hold the pen during 
 a few minutes, and take this opportunity of expressing 
 my sincere grief for having done, written, or said, any 
 thing disagreeable to your Excellency. My career will 
 soon be over ; therefore, justice and truth prompt me to 
 declare my last sentiments. You are, in my eyes, the 
 great and good man. May you long enjoy the love, 
 veneration, and esteem, of these States, whose liber 
 ties you have asserted by your virtues. I am, with the 
 greatest respect, &c. THOMAS CONWAY." 
 
 Thus ended the Conway Cabal ; and similar was the 
 result of every attempt that was made to injure Washing 
 ton, during the whole of his long and responsible life. 
 All the efforts of his enemies to fix accusations of any 
 kind upon him, either in his public or his private, his mil- 
 itaiy or his civil, character, utterly failed, and, in all cases, 
 tended to involve them in disgrace and difficulty, and to 
 enhance his influence and fame. 
 
 The events and circumstances of the campaign of 1777, 
 subsequent to the battle of Germantown, with which he had 
 a personal connexion, and the course of things, as they 
 operated upon his army, will now be narrated in his own 
 words, in extracts from his letters, official and private. 
 
 " To Major- General Lincoln. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, 25 October, 1777. 
 
 "DEAR SIR, It gives me great pleasure to find by 
 yours of the 20th, that you are likely to save your leg, 
 and that you think you will be able to take the field in the 
 spring, should there be occasion. I congratulate you upon 
 the glorious termination of the campaign against General 
 Burgoyne, which I hope, in its consequences, will free us 
 from all our oppressors. Ever since the enemy got pos- 
 
276 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 session of Philadelphia, their whole attention has been 
 paid to reducing the forts upon the Delaware, and en 
 deavoring to remove the chevaux-de-frise. After nearly 
 a month s work they removed two of the lower chevaux- 
 de-frise, through which opening, six of their ships of war 
 passed, on the morning of the 22d, and began a most fu 
 rious cannonade upon Fort Mifilin, and our ships and 
 galleys at the upper chevaux-de-frise ; but they were so 
 warmly opposed, that they were obliged to sheer off. In 
 going down, a sixty-four gun ship ran aground ; she took 
 fire and blew up. Our galleys overtook and destroyed a 
 frigate. The remainder made the best of their way down. 
 The day following, Count Donop, with about twelve hun 
 dred men, attempted to carry our fort at Red Bank, on 
 the Jersey shore, by storm ; he was repulsed, with the 
 Joss of about four hundred killed and wounded, among 
 the latter the Count himself, who is a prisoner. Since 
 this, they have remained tolerably quiet by land and wa 
 ter. General Howe has withdrawn himself within his 
 lines thrown round Philadelphia." 
 
 Washington s friend and frequent correspondent, Lan- 
 don Carter, having heard of some instances in which he 
 had exposed his person, wrote a letter of caution to him. 
 The following are extracts from Washington s reply. 
 
 " At the same time I assure you, that it is not my wish 
 to avoid any danger which duty requires me to encounter, 
 I can as confidently add, that it is not my intention to run 
 unnecessary risks. In the instance given by you, I was 
 acting precisely in the line of my duty, but not in the 
 dangerous situation you have been led to believe. I was 
 reconnoitering, but I had a strong party of horse with me. 
 I was, as I afterwards found, in a disaffected house, at the 
 Head of Elk, but I was equally guarded against friend and 
 foe ; the information of danger, then, came not from me. 
 
 " So many accounts have been published of the battle 
 of Brandywine, that nothing more can be said of it. The 
 subsequent engagement on the 4th instant had every ap 
 pearance of a glorious result, after a hot contest of two 
 hours and forty minutes ; but, after driving the enemy 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 277 
 
 from their encampment, possessing their ground, and be 
 ing, as we thought, upon t he point of grasping victory, it 
 was snatched from us by means altogether unaccountable ; 
 excepting that a very heavy atmosphere, aided by the 
 smoke of four field-pieces and small arms, rendered it 
 impossible, at times, to distinguish friend from foe at the 
 distance of thirty yards ; which caused our men, I be 
 lieve, to take fright at each other. Since that, the ene 
 my have retired to Philadelphia, where they have been 
 strengthening themselves as much as possible, whilst we 
 hover around to cut off their supplies. 
 
 " The great and important event to the northward, of 
 which, no doubt, you have heard, must be attended with 
 the most fortunate consequences. It has caused Sir 
 Henry Clinton s expedition from New York, in aid of 
 Burgoyne, to end in (something more than smoke indeed) 
 the burning of mills, gentlemen s seats, and the villages, 
 near the water, an evident proof of their despair of carry 
 ing their diabolical designs into execution. My inclina 
 tion leads me to give you a more minute detail of the sit 
 uation of our army ; but prudence forbids, as letters are 
 subject to too many miscarriages. 
 
 tc P. S. I have this instant received an account of the 
 prisoners taken by the northern army, (including tories 
 in arms against us,) in the course of the campaign. This 
 singular instance of Providence, and of our good fortune 
 under it, exhibits a striking proof of the advantages, which 
 result from unanimity, and a spirited conduct in the mili 
 tia. The northern army, before the surrender of Gen 
 eral Burgoyne, was re-enforced by upwards of twelve 
 hundred militia, who shut the only door by which Bur 
 goyne could retreat, and cut off all his supplies. How 
 different our case ! The disaffection of a great part of 
 the inhabitants of this State, the languor of others, and 
 the internal distraction of the whole, have been among 
 the great and insuperable difficulties which I have met 
 with, and have contributed not a little to my embarrass 
 ments, this campaign. But enough ; I do not mean to 
 complain. I flatter myself, that a superintending Provi 
 dence is ordering every thing for the best, and that, in 
 
278 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 due time, all will end well. That it may do so, and 
 soon, is the most fervent wish of yours." 
 
 To Patrick Henry, Governor of Virginia, he also, in 
 a letter, dated November 12th, from which the following 
 extracts are made, described the disadvantages to which 
 he had been subjected. 
 
 " The design of this is only to inform you, and with great 
 truth I can do it, strange as it may seem, that the army 
 which I have had under my immediate command, has 
 not, at any one time, since General Howe s landing a I 
 the Head of Elk, been equal in point of numbers to his. 
 In ascertaining this, I do not confine myself to Continen 
 tal troops, but comprehend militia. 
 
 " I was left to fight two battles, in order, if possible, 
 to save Philadelphia, with less numbers than composed 
 the army of my antagonist, whilst the w r orld has given us, 
 at least, double. This impression, though mortifying in 
 some points of view, I have been obliged to encourage, 
 because, next to being strong, it is best to be thought so, 
 by the enemy ; and to this cause, principally, I think ?s 
 to be attributed the slow movements of General Howe. 
 
 " How different the case in the northern department ! 
 There, the States of New York and New England, resolv 
 ing to crush Burgoyne, continued pouring in their troops, 
 till the surrender of that army ; at which time, not less 
 than fourteen thousand militia, as I have been informed, 
 were actually in General Gates s camp, and those com 
 posed, for the most part, of the best yeomanry in the 
 country, well armed, and, in many instances, supplied 
 with provisions of their own carrying. Had the same 
 spirit pervaded the people of this and the neighboring 
 States, we might, before this time, have had General 
 Howe nearly in the situation of General Burgoyne, with 
 this difference, that the former would never have been 
 out of reach of his ships, whilst the latter increased his 
 danger every step he took, having but one retreat, in case 
 of a disaster, and that blocked up by a respectable force. 
 
 " My own difficulties, in the course of the campaign, 
 have been not a little increased by the extra aid of Conti 
 nental troops, which the gloomy prospect of our affairs in 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 279 
 
 the north, immediately after the reduction of Ticondero- 
 ga, induced me to spare from this army. But it is to be 
 hoped, that all will yet end well. If the cause is advanced, 
 indifferent is it to me where, or in what quarter, it hap 
 pens. The winter season, with the aid of our neighbors, 
 may possibly bring some important event to pass." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 " Head-Quarters, Whitemarsh, 10 December, 1777. 
 
 " Sin, I have the honor to inform you, that in the 
 course of last week, from a variety of intelligence, I 
 had reason to expect that General Howe was preparing 
 to give us a general action. Accordingly, on Thurs 
 day night he moved from the city with all his force, 
 except a very inconsiderable part left in his lines and 
 redoubts, and appeared the next morning on Chestnut 
 Hill, in front of, and about three miles distant from our 
 right wing. As soon as their position was discovered, 
 the Pennsylvania militia were ordered from our right, 
 to skirmish with their light advanced parties ; and I arn 
 sorry to mention, that Brigadier-General Irvine, who led 
 them on, had the misfortune to be wounded and to be 
 made prisoner. Nothing more occurred on that day. 
 
 u On Friday night the enemy changed their ground, 
 and moved to our left, within a mile of our line, where 
 they remained quiet and advantageously posted the whole 
 of the next day. On Sunday they inclined still further 
 to our left ; and, from every appearance, there was rea 
 son to apprehend they were determined on an action, 
 in this movement, their advanced and flanking parties 
 were warmly attacked by Colonel Morgan and his corps, 
 and also by the Maryland militia under Colonel Gist. 
 Their loss I cannot ascertain ; but I am informed it 
 was considerable, having regard to the number of the 
 corps who engaged them. About sunset, after various 
 inarches and countermarches, they halted ; and I still 
 supposed, from their disposition and preceding manoeu 
 vres, that they would attack us in the night or early 
 the next morning ; but in this I was mistaken. On 
 
280 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Monday afternoon they began to move again, and, in 
 stead of advancing, filed off from their right ; and the 
 first certain account that I could obtain of their inten 
 tions was, that they were in full march towards Phila 
 delphia by two or three routes. I immediately detached 
 light parties after them to fall upon their rear ; but they 
 were not able to come up with them. 
 
 " The enemy s loss, as I have observed, I cannot 
 ascertain. One account from the city is, that five hun 
 dred wounded had been sent in ; another is, that eigh 
 ty-two wagons had gone in with men in this situation. 
 These, I fear, are both exaggerated, and not to be 
 depended upon. We lost twenty-seven men in Morgan s 
 corps, killed and wounded, besides Major Morris, a 
 brave and gallant officer, who is among the latter. Of 
 the Maryland militia there were also sixteen or seven 
 teen wounded. I have not received further returns yet. 
 I sincerely wish that they had made an attack ; as the 
 issue, in all probability, from the disposition of our 
 troops, and the strong situation of our camp, would 
 have been fortunate and happy. At the same time I 
 must add, that reason, prudence, and every principle of 
 policy, forbade us from quitting our post to attack them. 
 Nothing but success would have justified the measure ; 
 and this could not be expected from their position. 
 
 cc The constant attention and watching I was obliged 
 to give the enemy s movements would not allow me to 
 write before ; and this I believe was the less material, 
 as I have reason to think your committee, who were 
 in camp most of the time, and who are now here, trans 
 mitted an account of such occurrences as they deemed 
 important in any degree. The first cause, too, sir, and 
 my engagements with the committee previous to the 
 coming out of the enemy, will, I trust, sufficiently apol 
 ogize for my not acknowledging before the honor of 
 your favors of the 13th ultimo and the 1st instant, which 
 came to hand in due order and time. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 281 
 
 Tn December the army went into winter-quarters at 
 Valley Forge, on the Schuylkill, about twenty miles 
 from Philadelphia. During this winter the army were 
 subjected to the greatest sufferings and privations, as will 
 appear from Washington s own descriptions. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 " Head-Quarters, Valley Forge, 22d December, 1777. 
 
 u SIR, On Saturday evening I had the honor to re 
 ceive your favor of the 17th instant, with its enclosures. 
 The next day I wrote to General Burgoyne upon the 
 subject of his application, and transmitted to him a copy 
 of the resolution of Congress founded thereon. That the 
 matter might not be delayed, I despatched my letter by 
 the express who brought yours, he having informed me, 
 that you expected he would be sent with it. 
 
 " It is with infinite pain and concern, that 1 transmit 
 to Congress the enclosed copies of sundry letters respect 
 ing the state of the commissary s department. In these, 
 matters are not exaggerated. I do not know from what 
 cause this alarming deficiency, or rather total failure of 
 supplies, arises ; but, unless more vigorous exertions and 
 better regulations take place in that line immediately, 
 this army must dissolve. I have done all in my power, by 
 remonstrating, by writing, by ordering the commissaries 
 on this head, from time to time ; but without any good 
 effect, or obtaining more than a present scanty relief. 
 Owing to this, the march of the army has been delayed, 
 upon more than one interesting occasion, in the course 
 of the present campaign ; and had a body of the enemy 
 crossed the Schuylkill this morning, as I had reason to 
 expect, from the intelligence I received at four o clock 
 last night, the divisions which I ordered to be in readi 
 ness to march and meet them, could not have moved. 
 It is unnecessary for me to add more upon the subject. 
 I refer Congress to the copies, by one of which they 
 will perceive how very unfavorable, also, our prospect is 
 of having any considerable supplies of salt provisions for 
 the ensuing year. 
 
282 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 u I would also take the liberty of reminding Congress 
 of the necessity of filling, as soon as possible, the offices 
 of quartermaster and adjutant-general. These posts are 
 of infinite importance, and without appointments to them 
 it will be impossible to conduct the affairs of the army. 
 The first office is now suffering much for want of a head 
 to direct the great business of it ; and the latter will be 
 in the same predicament, in the course of a few days, by 
 the departure of Colonel Pickering, who, since his ap 
 pointment to the Board of War, has been waiting only 
 for a successor. 
 
 u Three o clock, P. M. Just as I was about to con 
 clude my letter, your favor of the 20th came to hand. It 
 would give me infinite pleasure to afford protection to every 
 individual, and to every spot of ground in the whole of the 
 United States. Nothing is more my wish ; but this is not 
 possible with our present force. In all wars, from the 
 nature of things, individuals and particular places must 
 be exposed. It has ever been and ever will be the case, 
 and we have only to pity and to regret the misfortune of 
 those, who from their situation are subject to ravage and 
 depredation. These facts are obvious to all ; and if that 
 system of conduct is pursued by an army, which is most 
 likely to give the most extensive security, it is all that 
 can be done or expected from it. 
 
 " I assure you, sir, no circumstance in the course of 
 the present contest, or in my whole life, has employed 
 more of my reflection or consideration, than in what man 
 ner to effect this, and to dispose of the army during the 
 winter. Viewing the subject in any point of light, there 
 was a choice of difficulties. If keeping the field was 
 thought of, the naked condition of the troops and the 
 feelings of humanity opposed the measure ; if returning 
 to the towns in the interior parts of the State, which, con 
 sistently with the preservation of the troops, from their 
 necessitous circumstances, might have been justifiable, 
 the measure was found inexpedient, because it would 
 have exposed and left uncovered a large extent of coun- 
 iry ; if cantoning the troops in several places, divided 
 and distant from each other, then there was a probabili- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 283 
 
 ty of their being cut off, and but little prospect of their 
 giving security to any part. Under these embarrassments, 
 I determined to take post near this place, as the best calcu 
 lated in my judgement to secure the army, to protect our 
 stores, and cover the country ; and for this purpose we 
 are beginning to hut, and shall endeavor to accomplish it 
 as expeditiously as possible. 
 
 tc 1 have also, from a desire of preventing the enemy 
 from an intercourse with the Delaware State, and from 
 making incursions there, detached General Smallwood 
 with the Maryland forces to take post at Wilmington, 
 which I had strong reason to believe the enemy intended. 
 This however I cannot but consider as hazardous, and 
 shall be happy if it does not turn out so. I have it also 
 in contemplation to throw a bridge over the Schuylkill 
 near this place, as soon as it is practicable ; by means of 
 which I hope we shall be able in a great measure, with 
 the aid of the militia, to check the excursions of the ene 
 my s parties on the other side. 
 
 " As to Jersey, I am sensible of her sufferings and 
 exertions in the present contest, and there is no State to 
 which I would more willingly extend protection ; but, as 
 I have observed, it is not in my power to give it, in that 
 degree which seems to be wished and expected. I can 
 not divide the army (not superior, when collected, from 
 sickness and other causes equally painful, to the enemy s 
 force) into detachments, contrary to every military prin 
 ciple, and to our own experience of the dangers that 
 would attend it. If this is done, I cannot be answerable 
 for the consequences. My feelings lead strongly to uni 
 versal relief, but I have not the power to afford it ; nev 
 ertheless, it has been and is still my intention, as soon as 
 I have formed and secured this camp, to detach a small 
 force to aid and countenance their militia. This is all, 
 it appears to me, that can be done ; and I hope the ap 
 prehensions in that quarter for the greater part will prove 
 rather imaginary than well grounded, though I confess 
 there are strong reasons to conclude, that the enemy will 
 not be remiss in their acts of violence and injury there or 
 any where else. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
284 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Valley Forge, 23 December, 1777. 
 
 " SIR, Full as I was in my representation of the 
 matters in the commissary s department yesterday, fresh 
 and more powerful reasons oblige me to add, that I am 
 now convinced beyond a doubt, that, unless some great 
 and capital change suddenly takes place in that line, this 
 army must inevitably be reduced to one or other of these 
 three things ; starve, dissolve, or disperse in order to 
 obtain subsistence in the best manner they can. Rest 
 assured, sir, this is not an exaggerated picture, and that 
 I have abundant reason to suppose \vhat I say. 
 
 " Yesterday afternoon, receiving information that the 
 enemy in force had left the city, and were advancing 
 towards Derby with the apparent design to forage, and 
 draw subsistence from that part of the country, I ordered 
 the troops to be in readiness, that I might give every 
 opposition in my power ; when behold, to my great mor 
 tification, I was not only informed, but convinced, that 
 the men were unable to stir on account of provision, and 
 that a dangerous mutiny, begun the night before, and 
 which with difficulty was suppressed by the spirited ex 
 ertions of some officers, was still much to be apprehended 
 for want of this article. This brought forth the only 
 commissary in the purchasing line in this camp ; and, 
 with him, this melancholy and alarming truth, that he had 
 not a single hoof of any kind to slaughter, and not more 
 than twenty-five barrels of flour ! From hence form an 
 opinion of our situation when I add, that he could not 
 tell when to expect any. 
 
 " All I could do, under these circumstances, was to 
 send out a few light parties to watch and harass the ene 
 my, whilst other parties were instantly detached different 
 ways to collect, if possible, as much provision as would 
 satisfy the present pressing wants of the soldiery. But will 
 this answer ? No, sir ; three or four days of bad weather 
 would prove our destruction. What then is to become 
 of the army this winter ? And if we are so often without 
 provisions now, what is to become of us in the spring, 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 285 
 
 when our force will be collected, with the aid, perhaps, 
 of militia to take advantage of an early campaign, before 
 the enemy can be re-enforced ? These are considerations 
 of great magnitude, meriting the closest attention ; and 
 they will, when my own reputation is so intimately con 
 nected with the event and to be affected by it, justify my 
 saying, that the present commissaries are by no means 
 equal to the execution of the office, or that the disaffection 
 of the people is past all belief. The misfortune, how 
 ever, does, in my opinion, proceed from both causes ; 
 and, though I have been tender heretofore of giving any 
 opinion, or lodging complaints, as the change in that de 
 partment took place contrary to my judgement, and the 
 consequences thereof were predicted ; yet, finding that 
 the inactivity of the army, whether for want of provisions, 
 clothes, or other essentials, is charged to my account, 
 not only by the common vulgar but by those in power, 
 it is time to speak plain in exculpation of myself. With 
 truth, then, I can declare, that no man in my opinion 
 ever had his measures more impeded than I have, by 
 every department of the army. 
 
 u Since the month of July we have had no assistance 
 from the quartermaster-general, and to want of assistance 
 from this department the commissary-general charges 
 great part of his deficiency. To this I am to add, that, 
 notwithstanding it is a standing order, and often repeated, 
 that the troops shall always have two days provisions by 
 them, that they might be ready at any sudden call ; yet 
 an opportunity has scarcely ever offered, of taking an 
 advantage of the enemy, that has not been either totally 
 obstructed, or greatly impeded, on this account. And 
 this, the great and crying evil, is not all. The soap, 
 vinegar, and other articles allowed by Congress, we see 
 none of, nor have we seen them, I believe, since the bat 
 tle of Brandy wine. The first, indeed, we have now little 
 occasion for ; few men having more than one shirt, many 
 only the moiety of one, and some none at all. In addi 
 tion to which, as a proof of the little benefit received 
 from a clothier-general, and as a further proof of the ina 
 bility of an army, under the circumstances of this, to 
 
286 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 perform the common duties of soldiers, (besides a num 
 ber of men confined to hospitals for want of shoes, and 
 others in farmers houses on the same account,) we have, 
 by a field-return this day made, no less than two thousand 
 eight hundred and ninety-eight men now in camp unfit for 
 duty, because they are barefoot and otherwise naked. 
 By the same return it appears, that our whole strength in 
 Continental troops, including the eastern brigades which 
 have joined us since the surrender of General Burgoyne, 
 exclusive of the Maryland troops sent to Wilmington, 
 amounts to no more than eight thousand two hundred in 
 camp fit for duty ; notwithstanding which, and that since 
 the 4th instant, our numbers fit for duty, from the hard 
 ships and exposures they have undergone, particularly on 
 account of blankets, (numbers having been obliged, and 
 still are, to sit up all night by fires, instead of taking com 
 fortable rest in a natural and common way,) have de 
 creased near two thousand men. 
 
 " We find gentlemen, without knowing whether the 
 army was really going into winter-quarters or not, (for I 
 am sure no resolution of mine would warrant the Remon 
 strance,) reprobating the measure as much as if they 
 thought the soldiers were made of stocks or stones, and 
 equally insensible of frost and snow ; and, moreover, as 
 if they conceived it easily practicable for an inferior army, 
 under the disadvantages I have described ours to be, 
 which are by no means exaggerated, to confine a superior 
 one, in all respects well appointed and provided for a 
 winter s campaign, within the city of Philadelphia, and to 
 cover from depredation and waste the States of Pennsyl 
 vania and Jersey. But what makes this matter still more 
 extraordinary in my eye is, that these very gentlemen, 
 who were well apprized of the nakedness of the troops 
 from ocular demonstration, who thought their own soldiers 
 worse clad than others, and who advised me near a month 
 ago to postpone the execution of a plan I was about to 
 adopt, in consequence of a resolve of Congress for seizing 
 clothes, under strong assurances that an ample supply 
 would be collected in ten days, agreeably to a decree of 
 the State, (not one article of which, by the by, is yet 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 287 
 
 come to hand,) should think a winter s campaign, and 
 the covering of these States from the invasion of an ene 
 my, so easy and practicable a business. I can assure 
 those gentlemen, that it is a much easier and less distres 
 sing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room 
 by a good fireside, than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and 
 sleep under frost and snow, without clothes or blankets. 
 However, although they seem to have little feeling for the 
 naked and distressed soldiers, I feel superabundantly for 
 them, and, from my soul, I pity those miseries, which it 
 is neither in my power to relieve or prevent. 
 
 "It is for these reasons, therefore, that I have dwelt 
 upon the subject ; and it adds not a little to my other 
 difficulties and distress to find, that much more is ex 
 pected of me than is possible to be performed, and that 
 upon the ground of safety and policy I am obliged to 
 conceal the true state of the army from public view, and 
 thereby expose myself to detraction and calumny. The 
 honorable committee of Congress went from camp fully 
 possessed of my sentiments respecting the establishment 
 of this army, the necessity of auditors of accounts, the 
 appointment of officers, and new arrangements. I have 
 no need, therefore, to be prolix upon these subjects, but 
 I refer to the committee. I shall add a word or two to 
 show, first, the necessity of some better provision for 
 binding the officers by the tie of interest to the service, 
 as no day nor scarce an hour passes without the offer of 
 a resigned commission ; (otherwise I much doubt the 
 practicability of holding the army together much longer, 
 and in this I shall probably be thought the more sincere, 
 when I freely declare, that I do not myself expect to 
 derive the smallest benefit from any establishment that 
 Congress may adopt, otherwise than as a member of the 
 community at large in the good, which I am persuaded 
 will result from the measure, by making better officers 
 and better troops ;) and, secondly, to point out the ne 
 cessity of making the appointments and arrangements 
 without loss of time. We have not more than three 
 months, in which to prepare a great deal of business. If 
 we let these slip or waste, we shall be laboring under the 
 
288 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 same difficulties all next campaign, as we have been this, 
 to rectify mistakes and bring things to order. 
 
 u Military arrangement, and movements in consequence, 
 like the mechanism of a clock, will be imperfect and dis 
 ordered by the want of a part. In a very sensible degree 
 have I experienced this, in the course of the last summer, 
 several brigades having no brigadiers appointed to them 
 till late, and some not at all ; by which means it follows, 
 that an additional weight is thrown upon the shoulders of 
 the Commander-in-chief, to withdraw his attention from 
 the great line of his duty. The gentlemen of the com 
 mittee, when they were at camp, talked of an expedient 
 for adjusting these matters, which I highly approved and 
 wish to see adopted ; namely, that two or three members 
 of the Board of War, or a committee of Congress, should 
 repair immediately to camp, where the best aid can be 
 had, and with the commanding officer, or a committee of 
 his appointment, prepare and digest the most perfect plan, 
 that can be devised, for correcting all abuses and making 
 new arrangements ; considering what is to be done with 
 the weak and debilitated regiments, if the States to which 
 they belong will not draught men to fill them, for as to 
 enlisting soldiers, it seems to me to be totally out of the 
 question ; together with many other things, that would 
 occur in the course of such a conference ; and, after di 
 gesting matters in the best manner they can, to submit 
 the whole to the ultimate determination of Congress. 
 
 " If this measure is approved, I would earnestly advise 
 the immediate execution of it, and that the commissary- 
 general of purchases, whom I rarely see, may be directed 
 to form magazines without a moment s delay in the neigh 
 borhood of this camp, in order to secure provision for us 
 in case of bad weather. The quartermaster-general 
 ought also to be busy in his department. In short, there 
 is as much to be done in preparing for a campaign, as in 
 the active part of it. Every thing depends upon the 
 preparation that is made in the several departments, and 
 the success or misfortunes of the next campaign will more 
 than probably originate with our activity or supineness 
 during this winter. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 289 
 
 cc To the Marquis de Lafayette. 
 
 Head-Quarters, Dec. 31, 1777. 
 
 "Mr DEAR MARQUIS, Your favor, of yesterday, 
 conveyed to me fresh proof of that friendship and attach 
 ment, which I have happily experienced since the first of 
 our acquaintance, and for which I entertain sentiments of 
 the purest affection. It will ever constitute part of my 
 happiness to know that I stand well in your opinion ; be 
 cause I am satisfied, that you can have no views to answer 
 by throwing out false colors, and that you possess a mind, 
 too exalted, to condescend to low arts and intrigues, to 
 acquire a reputation. Happy, thrice happy, would it 
 have been for this army, and the cause we are embarked 
 in, if the same generous spirit had pervaded all the actors 
 in it. But one gentleman, whose name you have men 
 tioned, had, I am confident, far different views : his am 
 bition and great desire of being puffed off, as one of the 
 first officers of the age, could only be equalled by the 
 means which he used to obtain them. But, finding that I 
 was determined not to go beyond the line of my duty to 
 indulge him in the first, nor to exceed the strictest rules 
 of propriety, to gratify him in the second, he became my 
 inveterate enemy ; and he has, I am persuaded, practised 
 every art to do me an injury, even at the expense of 
 reprobating a measure that did not succeed, that he him 
 self advised to. How far he may have accomplished his 
 ends, I know not ; and, except for considerations of a 
 public nature, I care not ; for, it is well known, that nei 
 ther ambitious nor lucrative motives led me to accept my 
 present appointments, in the discharge of which, 1 have 
 endeavored to observe one steady and uniform system of 
 conduct, which I shall invariably pursue, while I have the 
 honor to command, regardless of the tongue of slander, 
 or the powers of detraction. The fatal tendency of dis 
 union is so obvious, that I have, in earnest terms, exhort 
 ed such officers as have expressed their dissatisfaction at 
 General Conway s promotion, to be cool and dispassion 
 ate in their decision about the matter ; and I have hopes 
 that they will not suffer any hasty determination to injure 
 
290 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 the service. At the same time, it must be acknowledged, 
 that officers feelings, upon these occasions, are not to be 
 restrained, although you may control their actions. 
 
 " The other observations contained in your letter have 
 too much truth in them ; and, it is much to be lamented, 
 that things are not now as they formerly were. But we 
 must not, in so great a contest, expect to meet with noth 
 ing but sunshine. I have no doubt that every thing hap 
 pens for the best, that we shall triumph over all our mis 
 fortunes, and, in the end, be happy ; when, my dear 
 Marquis, if you will give me your company in Virginia, 
 we will laugh at our past difficulties, and the folly of oth 
 ers ; and I will endeavor, by every civility in my power, 
 to show you how much, and how sincerely, I am your 
 affectionate and obedient servant." 
 
 " To Governor George Clinton. 
 
 " Valley Forge, 16 February, 1778. 
 
 "DEAR SIR, It is with great reluctance I trouble 
 you on a subject, which does not properly fall within your 
 province ; but it is a subject that occasions me more dis 
 tress, than I have felt since the commencement of the 
 war ; and which loudly demands the most zealous exer 
 tions of every person of weight and authority, who is in 
 terested in the success of our affairs ; I mean the present 
 dreadful situation of the army, for want of provisions, and 
 the miserable prospects before us, with respect to futurity. 
 It is more alarming, than you will probably conceive ; 
 for, to form a just idea of it, it were necessary to be on 
 the spot. For some days past, there has been little less 
 than a famine in camp. A part of the army has been a 
 week without any kind of flesh, and the rest three or four 
 days. Naked and starving as they are, we cannot enough 
 admire the incomparable patience and fidelity of the sol 
 diery, that they have not been, ere this, excited by their 
 suffering to a general mutiny and dispersion. Strong 
 symptoms, however, of discontent have appeared in par 
 ticular instances ; and nothing but the most active efforts, 
 every where, can long avert so shocking a catastrophe. 
 
 " Our present sufferings are not all. There is no foun- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 291 
 
 dation laid for any adequate relief hereafter. All the 
 magazines provided in the States of New Jersey, Penn 
 sylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, and all the immediate 
 additional supplies they seem capable of affording, will 
 not be sufficient to support the army more than a month 
 longer, if so long. Very little has been done at the east 
 ward, and as little to the southward ; and whatever we 
 have a right to expect from those quarters must necessa 
 rily be very remote, and is, indeed, more precarious than 
 could be wished. When the before-mentioned supplies 
 are exhausted, what a terrible crisis must ensue, unless 
 all the energy of the Continent shall be exerted to provide 
 a timely remedy !" 
 
 The following extracts are interesting, one showing the 
 courtesy with which he addressed an officer who was a 
 prisoner, and within his power, the other exhibiting the 
 firmness and spirit with which he dealt with a commander 
 who was in arms before him, and who had been success 
 ful over him in several encounters. 
 
 c To Lieutenant- General Burgoyne. 
 
 "Head-Quarters, 11 March, 1778. 
 
 u SIR, Your indulgent opinion of my character, and 
 the polite terms in which you are pleased to express it, 
 are peculiarly flattering ; and I take pleasure in the op 
 portunity you have afforded me, of assuring you, that, far 
 from suffering the views of national opposition to be em 
 bittered and debased by personal animosity, I am ever 
 ready to do justice to the merit of the man and soldier, 
 and to esteem, where esteem is due, however the idea of 
 a public enemy may interpose. You will not think it the 
 language of unmeaning ceremony, if I add, that sentiments 
 of personal respect, in the present instance, are recipro 
 cal. 
 
 " Viewing you in the light of an officer, contending 
 against what I conceive to be the rights of my country, 
 the reverses of fortune, you experienced in the field, can 
 not be unacceptable to me ; but, abstracted from consid- 
 
292 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 erations of national advantage, I can sincerely sympathize 
 with your feelings as a soldier, the unavoidable difficulties 
 of whose situation forbade his success ; and as a man, 
 whose lot combines the calamity of ill health, the anxie 
 ties of captivity, and the painful sensibility for a reputa 
 tion, exposed, where he most values it, to the assaults of 
 malice and detraction. 
 
 " Wishing you a safe and agreeable passage, with a 
 perfect restoration of your health, I have the honor to be, 
 very respectfully, &c." 
 
 " To Sir William Howe. 
 
 " Head -Quarters, 22 March, 1778. 
 
 " SIR, The conduct of Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, 
 in detaining John Miller, requires neither palliation nor 
 excuse. I justify and approve it. There is nothing so 
 sacred in the character of the King s trumpeter, even 
 when sanctified by a flag, as to alter the nature of things, 
 or to consecrate infidelity and guilt. He was a deserter 
 from the army under my command ; and, whatever you 
 have been pleased to assert to the contrary, it is the prac 
 tice of war and nations, to seize and punish deserters, 
 wherever they may be found. His appearing in the char 
 acter he did was an aggravation of his offence, inasmuch 
 as it added insolence to perfidy. My scrupulous regard 
 to the privileges of flags, and a desire to avoid every 
 thing, that partiality itself might affect to consider as a 
 violation of them, induced me to send orders for the re 
 lease of the trumpeter, before the receipt of your letter ; 
 the improper and peremptory terms of which, had it not 
 been too late, would have strongly operated to produce a 
 less compromising conduct. I intended at the time to 
 assure you, and I wish it to be remembered, that my in 
 dulgence, in this instance, is not to be drawn into prece 
 dent ; and that, should any deserters from the American 
 army, hereafter, have the daring folly to approach our 
 lines in a similar manner, they will fall victims to their 
 rashness and presumption." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 293 
 
 The following letter from Mrs. Washington, is inter 
 esting, as showing that she shared in the privations of the 
 winter camp at Valley Forge. 
 
 " Valley Forge, March the 7, 1778. 
 
 " DEAR MADAM, I am now to thank you for the two 
 very kind letters which you have been pleased to favor me 
 with, the one written some time last summer, and the 
 other by Mr. Bowdoin. It gave me a peculiar pleasure, 
 to hear by that gentleman that you and General Warren 
 enjoyed good health ; and this pleasure was not a little in 
 creased, by hearing, from yourself, that you are so very 
 happy in your State, no traces of the enemy being left ; 
 but, on the other hand, plenty of every thing useful and 
 necessary to be procured. Indeed, 1 think Providence 
 was very bountiful in her goodness to your State. Even 
 when the enemy was in it, we found then every article in 
 plenty, and fully sufficient for the use of the army. In 
 Virginia, we have had no British troops, since the cruel 
 Dunrnore left us, but how soon we shall, is not at this 
 time known. I hope and trust that all the States will make 
 a vigorous push early this spring, if every thing can be 
 prepared for it, and thereby put a stop to British cruel 
 ties, and afford us that peace, liberty, and happiness, 
 which w r e have so long contended for. 
 
 " It has given me unspeakable pleasure to hear that 
 General Burgoyne and his army are in safe quarters in 
 your State. Would bountiful Providence aim a like stroke 
 at General Howe, the measure of my happiness would be 
 complete. 
 
 " I came to this place, some time about the first of 
 February, where I found the General very well. I left 
 my children at our house. Mrs. Custis has lately had a 
 fine girl, which makes the second since she left Cambridge. 
 She is so much confined with her children, that she stays 
 altogether with them. 
 
 " I left Mr. Bowdoin in Alexandria. He was a good 
 deal distressed on account of Mr. Blairne, a French gen 
 tleman, his partner, who was by accident drowned, cros- 
 
294 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 sing the Potomac River. His body was not found when 
 I left home. His behavior, and agreeable manners, ren 
 dered him a favorite with all that knew him, and caused 
 his death to be much lamented. 
 
 " The General is encamped in what is called the Great 
 Valley, on the banks of the Schuylkill. Officers and 
 men are chiefly in huts, which they say are tolerably 
 comfortable ; the army are as healthy as can well be ex 
 pected, in general. The General s apartment is very 
 small ; he has had a log cabin built to dine in, which has 
 made our quarters much more tolerable than they were at 
 first. 
 
 "It would give me pleasure to deliver your compli 
 ments to Mrs. Gates, but she lives at so great a distance 
 from me, that I have not seen her since we parted at New 
 York, two years ago. The General joins me in offering 
 our respectful compliments to General Warren and your 
 self. I am, dear madam, with esteem, your affection 
 ate friend, and very humble servant, 
 
 " MARTHA WASHINGTON." 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Campaign of 1778. 
 
 The events that marked the fourth year of the war may 
 be related, to a very great extent, in the words of Wash 
 ington himself. As he was the chief actor in the scene, 
 every reader must prefer to listen to the story of its inci 
 dents from his own lips. His habits of writing were so 
 methodical, and his correspondence so extensive and con 
 tinuous, that we are able, in perusing his journals and let 
 ters, to enjoy the satisfaction which is always afforded by 
 an autobiography. I shall select such passages as relate 
 immediately to Washington, personally ; and they will be 
 found, at this period, to constitute a complete biography 
 or memoir, requiring but very few and brief comments or 
 illustrations, by any other hand. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 295 
 
 " To Major- General Greene.* 
 
 " Head-Quarters, 20 April, 1778. 
 
 " SIR, There seems to be but three general plans of 
 operation, which may be premeditated for the next cam 
 paign ; one, the attempting to recover Philadelphia, and 
 destroy the enemy s army there ; another, the endeavor 
 ing to transfer the war to the northward, by an enterprise 
 against New York ; and a third, the remaining quiet in a 
 secure, fortified camp, disciplining and arranging the army 
 till the enemy begin their operations, and then to govern 
 ourselves accordingly. Which of these three plans shall 
 we adopt ? 
 
 " If the first, what mode of execution shall we pursue, 
 and what force will be requisite, estimating the present 
 numbers of the enemy in Philadelphia to be ten thousand 
 men, exclusive of marines and seamen, whose aid may 
 be called in ? Shall we endeavor to effect the purpose 
 by storm, by regular approaches, or by blockade, and in 
 what particular manner ? 
 
 " If the second, shall we attempt to take New York by 
 a coup de main, with a small force, or shall we collect a 
 large force, and make an attack in form ? In either case, 
 what force will be necessary, estimating the number of 
 the enemy in and about New York at four thousand men, 
 and what disposition shall we make, so as to effect the 
 enterprise, and, at the same time, to protect the country 
 here, and secure our stores ? 
 
 " If the last, what post shall we take, so as to keep 
 the army in a state of security, to afford cover to the 
 country, and to our magazines, and to be in a situation to 
 counteract the future motions of the enemy ? 
 
 tc The Commander-in-chief thinks it unnecessary to 
 make any comments on these questions, as the general 
 officers will, no doubt, fully weigh every circumstance 
 proper to be considered, and, sensible of the importance 
 of the objects to which their attention is called, will make 
 their opinions the result of mature deliberation. 
 
 "I am, &c." 
 
 * This was addressed as a circular to all the general officers. 
 
296 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Valley Forge, April 10, 1778. 
 
 u SIR, I have had the honor of receiving your favor 
 of the fourth instant, enclosing a resolve of Congress, of 
 the same date, empowering me to call forth five thousand 
 militia, from the States of Maryland, Pennsylvania, and 
 New Jersey. I thank Congress for the power : at the 
 same time, it is incumbent on me to assure them, that, 
 granting the practicability of collecting such a number, it 
 would prove a work of time, difficulty, and expense ; to 
 evince which, I need only recur to the experience of last 
 campaign, on similar occasions, and to remind you, that it 
 was not possible to obtain a thousand men, nor, sometimes, 
 even one hundred, from this State, although the former 
 number was required and promised, for the purpose of 
 covering, during the winter, the country between Schuyl- 
 kill and Delaware. 
 
 " As this resolve appears to have been made in conse 
 quence of rny letters of the twenty-fourth and twenty-ninth 
 ultimo, which were founded on conjecture, and, in some 
 degree, misinformation ; and as the execution of it would, 
 exclusive of the inconveniences above mentioned, I am 
 persuaded, have a tendency to injure the completion of 
 the Continental regiments, I shall call for a small part, 
 only, of the number allowed ; but could wish, that Hart 
 ley s regiment were ordered immediately to camp, and 
 the duties of it performed by militia. In like manner, I 
 would propose, that all remote guards should be composed 
 of militia, and that the several purposes for which men are 
 drawn from the Continental troops, should be answered by 
 them. This would be a means of drawing together a 
 considerable number of men, who are, in a manner, lost to 
 the army, and of employing the militia to the best advan 
 tage possible. 
 
 "The great end of my letter to Congress, of the twen 
 ty-fourth ultimo, seems to have been mistaken. My views 
 were not turned to re-enforcements of militia. To know 
 whether the old establishment of the army, or the new, 
 as agreed upon by the committee, is the choice of Con- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 297 
 
 gress, and in what manner the regiments of this State and 
 the additional are to be reduced, officers for the whole 
 appointed, &c., were my objects. These are objects of 
 the greatest moment, as they may, in their consequences, 
 involve the fate of America ; for I will undertake to say, 
 ttiat it is next to impossible, when the season is so far ad 
 vanced, properly to accomplish those changes, appoint 
 ments, and the dependent arrangements for the ensuing 
 campaign. Should any convulsion happen, or movement 
 take place, they will be altogether impracticable. Jus 
 tice to my own character, as well as duty to the public, 
 constrain me to repeat these things. Their consequences 
 are more easily conceived than described. 
 
 " It may be said by some, sir, that my wish to see the 
 officers of this army upon a more respectable establish 
 ment is the cause of my solicitude, and carries me too 
 far. To such, I can declare, that my anxiety proceeds 
 from the causes above mentioned. If my opinion is asked, 
 with respect to the necessity of making this provision for 
 the officers, I am ready to declare, that I do most reli 
 giously believe the salvation of the cause depends upon it; 
 and, without it, your officers will moulder to nothing, or 
 be composed of low and illiterate men, void of capacity 
 for this, or any other, business. 
 
 " Personally, as an officer, I have no interest in their 
 decision, because I have declared, and I now repeat it, 
 that I never will receive the smallest benefit from the half- 
 pay establishment ; but, as a man, who fights under the 
 weight of a proscription, and as a citizen, who wishes to 
 see the liberty of his country established upon a perma 
 nent foundation, and whose property depends upon the 
 success of our arms, I am deeply interested. But, all 
 this apart, and justice out of the question, upon the single 
 ground of economy and public saving, I will maintain the 
 utility of it : for I have not the least doubt, that, until 
 officers consider their commissions in an honorable and 
 interested point of view, and are afraid to endanger them 
 by negligence and inattention, no order, regularity, or 
 care, either of the men or public property, will prevail. 7 
 
 " By officers who are just returned from Massachusetts 
 
298 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Bay, I learn, that there is not the least prospect of getting 
 men from thence, before the month of June, if then ; 
 and, indeed, that there is no reason to expect any number, 
 that will deserve the name of re-enforcement for the Con 
 tinental regiments, this campaign ; the towns being only 
 called upon to furnish the deficiency of their last year s 
 quota, so that all subsequent casualties are disregarded, 
 and the fifteen regiments of that State, which may now, 
 perhaps, want four thousand men to complete them, will 
 receive only five hundred, if the towns came within that 
 number of their complement, last year. What change the 
 requisition of Congress, of the [twenty-sixth] of Februa 
 ry, may effect, I shall not undertake to say. If it has not 
 a speedy and powerful operation, our prospects, in that 
 quarter, will be exceedingly unpromising. 
 
 " A gentleman from New Hampshire, some little time 
 since, informed me, that matters were nearly in the same 
 train there, notwithstanding a resolve for the completion 
 of their battalions ; and the enclosed copy of a letter from 
 General Putnam, whom I have desired to remain in Con 
 necticut for some time, in order to forward the recruits 
 from that State, conveys his ideas of what may be ex 
 pected from thence. What New York, New Jersey, and 
 North Carolina, have done, or are about to do, I know not. 
 Pennsylvania and Maryland have tried the effect of vol 
 untary enlistments, to little purpose ; and the first, in di 
 rect contradiction to the most pointed injunctions laid on 
 the officers, have their recruits composed chiefly of de 
 serters, who will embrace the first opportunity of escaping 
 with our arms. Virginia, it is true, has proceeded to a 
 draught ; but the number, besides being, in itself, inade 
 quate, has been lessened by desertion ; and the deficiency 
 of the regiments, on the other hand, being increased by 
 death and desertion, their strength will probably fall very 
 far short of the new establishment. 
 
 cc This, sir, is not a flattering picture of our affairs. 
 But the representation is just ; and it is incumbent on me 
 to exhibit it in my own defence, as, notwithstanding all 
 these unfavorable circumstances, and what is to me a cer 
 tain prospect of being plunged into the campaign before 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 299 
 
 the arrangements are made, officers appointed, &c., great 
 matters, I perceive, are expected from our activity this 
 spring ; in proportion, therefore, will the disappointment 
 be felt by those who are sanguine. For want of the rati 
 fication of Congress, the horse-establishrnent, companies 
 of sappers, provost-marshalsey, &c. &c., (as agreed to 
 by the committee, and recommended for their consider 
 ation,) are entirely at a stand, at a time, when we ought 
 to be deriving benefits from their execution. In a word, 
 at no period since the commencement of the war, have i 
 felt more painful sensations on account of delay, than at 
 the present ; and, urged by them, I have expressed my 
 self without reserve. 
 
 u By a letter just received from General Weedon, i 
 am informed of his intention to resign, if General Wood- 
 ford should be restored to his former rank, which he had 
 not then heard. General Muhlenberg is now balancing 
 on the same point. One, therefore, if not two briga 
 diers, will be wanted for that State. The disadvantages 
 resulting from the frequent resignations in the Virginia 
 line, the changes of commanding officers to the regiments, 
 and other causes, equally distressing, have injured that 
 corps beyond conception, and have been the means of 
 reducing very respectable regiments, in some instances, to 
 a mere handful of men ; and this will ever be the case, 
 till officers can be fixed by something equivalent to the 
 sacrifice they make. To reason otherwise, and suppose 
 that public virtue, alone, will enable men to forego the ease 
 and comforts of life, to encounter the hardships and dan 
 gers of war, for a bare subsistence, when their compan 
 ions and friends are amassing large fortunes, is viewing 
 hitman nature, rather as it should be, than as it really is. 
 
 cc The clothier- general of the army, as well as the 
 heads of every other department, should be in camp near 
 the Commander-in-chief; otherwise, it is impossible that 
 the operations of war can be conducted with energy and 
 precision. I wish, most sincerely, that this, as not the 
 least essential part of the business settled with the com 
 mittee, were decided, and a thorough investigation were 
 had into the conduct of this department ; as it is a matter 
 i. u 
 
300 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 of universal astonishment, that we should be deficient in 
 any article of clothing, when it is commonly asserted, that 
 the eastern States, alone, can furnish materials enough to 
 clothe a hundred thousand men. If this be fact, there is 
 a fatal error somewhere, to which may be attributed the 
 death and desertion of thousands. 
 
 " I shall make no apology for the freedom of this let 
 ter. To inform Congress of such facts, as materially af 
 fect the service, I conceive to be one great and essential 
 part of my duty to them and myself. My agreement 
 with the committee entitled me to expect upwards of for 
 ty thousand Continental troops, exclusive of artillery and 
 horse, for the service of the ensuing campaign, including 
 those to be employed in the defence of the North River. 
 Instead of these, what are my prospects ?" 
 
 The following passages, from a letter addressed to a 
 delegate in Congress from Virginia, exhibit the view 
 Washington took, at the time, of public affairs, and the 
 spirit and eloquence with which he plead the cause of 
 the Country and the army. 
 
 " Besides the most vigorous exertions at home to 
 increase and establish a military force upon a good basis, 
 it appears to me advisable, that we should immediately 
 try the full extent of our interest abroad, and bring our 
 European negotiations to an issue. I think France must 
 have ratified our independence, and will declare war 
 immediately, on finding that serious proposals of accom 
 modation are made ; but lest, from a mistaken policy or 
 too exalted opinion of our power, from the representa 
 tions she has had, she should still remain indecisive, it 
 were to be wished, that proper persons should be instant 
 ly despatched, or our envoys already there instructed, to 
 insist pointedly on her coming to a final determination. 
 It cannot be fairly supposed, that she will hesitate a 
 moment to declare war, if she is given to understand, in 
 a proper manner, that a reunion of the two countries 
 may be the consequence of procrastination. A Euro 
 pean war and a European alliance would effectually an 
 swer our purposes. If the step I now mention should 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 301 
 
 be eligible, despatches ought to be sent at once by dif 
 ferent conveyances, for fear of accidents. I confess, it 
 appears to me a measure of this kind could not but be 
 productive of the most salutary consequences. If pos 
 sible, I should also suppose it absolutely necessary to 
 obtain good intelligence from England, pointing out the 
 true springs of this manoeuvre of the ministry ; the prep 
 arations of force they are making ; the prospects there 
 are of raising it ; the amount, and when it may be ex 
 pected. 
 
 " It really seems to me, from a comprehensive view 
 of things, that a period is fast approaching, big with 
 events of the most interesting importance ; when the 
 counsels we pursue, and the part we act, may lead deci 
 sively to liberty or to slavery. Under this idea, I can 
 not but regret that inactivity, that inattention, that want 
 of something, which unhappily I have but too often expe 
 rienced in our public affairs. I wish that our represent 
 ation in Congress W 7 as full from every State, and that it 
 was formed of the first abilities among us. Whether we 
 continue to prosecute the war or proceed to negotiate, 
 the wisdom of America in council cannot be too great. 
 Our situation will be truly delicate. To enter into a 
 negotiation too hastily, or to reject it altogether, may be 
 attended with consequences equally fatal. The wishes 
 of the people, seldom founded on deep disquisitions, or 
 resulting from other reasonings than their present feel 
 ings, may not entirely accord with our true policy and 
 interest. If they do not, to observe a proper line of 
 conduct for promoting the one, and avoiding offence to 
 the other, will be a work of great difficulty. 
 
 " Nothing short of independence, it appears to me, 
 can possibly do. A peace on other terms would, if I 
 may be allowed the expression, be a peace of war. 
 The injuries we have received from the British nation 
 were so unprovoked, and have been so great and so 
 many, that they can never be forgotten. Besides the 
 feuds, the jealousies, the animosities, that would ever 
 attend a union with them ; besides the importance, the 
 advantages, which we should derive from an unrestricted 
 
302 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 commerce ; our fidelity as a people, our gratitude, our 
 character as men, are opposed to a coalition with them 
 as subjects, but in case of the last extremity. Were 
 we easily to accede to terms of dependance, no nation, 
 upon future occasions, let the oppressions of Britain be 
 ever so flagrant and unjust, would interpose for our 
 relief; or, at most, they would do it with a cautious 
 reluctance, and upon conditions most probably that would 
 be hard, if not dishonorable to us. France, by her sup 
 plies, has saved us from the yoke thus far ; and a wise 
 and virtuous perseverance would, and I trust will, free 
 us entirely. 
 
 U I have sent to Congress Lord North s speech, and 
 the two bills offered by him to Parliament. They are 
 spreading fast through the country, and will soon become 
 a subject of general notoriety, I therefore think they 
 had best be published in our papers, and persons of 
 leisure and ability set to work to counteract the impres 
 sions they may make on the minds of the people. 
 
 cc Before I conclude, there are one or two points 
 more, upon which I will add an observation or two. 
 The first is, the indecision of Congress, and the delay 
 used in coming to determinations on matters referred to 
 them. This is productive of a variety of inconvenien 
 ces ; and an early decision, in many cases, though it 
 should be against the measure submitted, would be 
 attended with less pernicious effects. Some new plan 
 might then be tried ; but, while the matter is held in 
 suspense, nothing can be attempted. The other point 
 is, the jealousy j which Congress unhappily entertain of 
 the army, and which, if reports are right, some mem 
 bers labor to establish. You may be assured, there is 
 nothing more injurious, or more unfounded. This jeal 
 ousy stands upon the commonly received opinion, which 
 tinder proper limitations is certainly true, that standing 
 armies are dangerous to a State. The prejudices in 
 o her countries have only gone to them in time of 
 peace, and these from their not having in general cases 
 any of the ties, the concerns, or interests of citizens, or 
 ;vay other dependance, than what flowed from their mil- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 303 
 
 itary employ ; in short, from their being mercenaries, 
 hirelings. It is our policy to be prejudiced against them 
 in time of war ; though they are citizens, having all the 
 ties and interests of citizens, and in most cases prop 
 erty totally unconnected with the military line. 
 
 " If we would pursue a right system of policy, in 
 my opinion, there should be none of these distinctions. 
 We should all, Congress and army, be considered as 
 one people, embarked in one cause, in one interest ; 
 acting on the same principle, and to the same end. 
 The distinction, the jealousies set up, or perhaps only 
 incautiously let out, can answer not a single good pur 
 pose. They are impolitic in the extreme. Among 
 individuals, the most certain way to make a man your 
 enemy is to tell him you esteem him such. So with 
 public bodies ; and the very jealousy, which the narrow 
 politics of some may affect to entertain of the army, 
 in order to a due subordination to the supreme civil 
 authority, is a likely means to produce a contrary effect ; 
 to incline it to the pursuit of those measures, which 
 they may wish it to avoid. It is unjust, because no 
 order of men in the Thirteen States has paid a more 
 sacred regard to the proceedings of Congress than the 
 army ; for without arrogance or the smallest deviation 
 from truth it may be said, that no history now r extant, 
 can furnish an instance of an army s suffering such Lin- 
 common hardships as ours has done, and bearing them 
 with the same patience and fortitude. To see men, 
 without clothes to cover their nakedness, without blank 
 ets to lie on, without shoes, (for the want of which 
 their marches might be traced by the blood from their 
 feet,) and almost as often without provisions as with 
 them, marching through the frost and snow, and at 
 Christmas taking up their winter-quarters within a day s 
 march of the enemy, without a house or hut to cover 
 them, till they could be built, and submitting without a 
 murmur, is a proof of patience and obedience, which in 
 my opinion can scarce be paralleled. 
 
 cc There may have been some remonstrances or appli 
 cations to Congress, in the style of complaint, from the 
 
304 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 army, (and slaves indeed should we be, if this privilege 
 were denied,) on account of their proceedings in par 
 ticular instances ; but these will not authorize nor even 
 excuse a jealousy, that they are therefore aiming at 
 unreasonable powers, or making strides dangerous or 
 subversive of civil authority. Things should not be 
 viewed in that light, more especially as Congress in 
 some cases have relieved the injuries complained of, 
 which had flowed from their own acts. 
 
 " In respect to the volunteer plan, I scarce know 
 what opinion to give at this time. The propriety of 
 a requisition on this head will depend altogether on our 
 operations. Such kind of troops should not be called 
 for, but upon the spur of the occasion, and at the mo 
 ment of executing an enterprise. They will not endure 
 a long service ; and, of all men in the military line, they 
 are the most impatient of restraint and necessary gov 
 ernment. 
 
 u As the propositions and the speech of Lord North 
 must have proceeded from despair of the nation s suc 
 ceeding against us ; or from a rupture in Europe, that 
 has actually happened, or certainly will happen ; or from 
 some deep political manoeuvre ; or from what I think 
 still more likely, a combination of the whole, would it 
 not be good policy, in this day of uncertainty and dis 
 tress to the Tories, to avail ourselves of the occasion, 
 and for the several States to hold out pardon to all 
 delinquents returning by a certain day? They are fright 
 ened, and this is the time to operate upon them. After 
 a short consideration of the matter, it appears to me, 
 that such a measure would detach the Tories from the 
 enemy, and bring things to a much speedier conclu 
 sion, and of course be a means of saving much public 
 treasure. 
 
 " I trust you will excuse, not only the length of my 
 letter, but the freedom with which I have delivered my 
 sentiments. The subjects struck me as important and 
 interesting, and I have only to wish, that they may 
 appear to you in the same light. 
 
 " I am, dear sir, with great regard, &c." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 305 
 
 c< To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, Valley Forge, 4 May, 1778. 
 1-4 SIR, Last night at eleven o clock I was honored with 
 your despatches oi % the 3d. The contents afford me the 
 most sensible pleasure. Mr. Simeon Deane had informed 
 me by a line from Bethlehem, that he was the bearer of 
 the articles of alliance between France and the States. 1 
 shall defer celebrating this happy event in a suitable man 
 ner, until I have liberty from Congress to announce it pub 
 licly. I will only say, that the army are anxious to man 
 ifest their joy upon the occasion." 
 
 On the 7th of May, the great event referred to in the 
 preceding extract was celebrated by the army at Valley 
 Forge, with the highest enthusiasm. The following gen 
 eral orders were issued by Washington on the day before. 
 
 " It having pleased the Almighty Ruler of the Uni 
 verse to defend the cause of the United American States, 
 and finally to raise us up a powerful friend among the 
 princes of the earth, to establish our liberty and indepen 
 dency upon a lasting foundation ; it becomes us to set 
 apart a day for gratefully acknowledging the Divine good 
 ness, and celebrating the important event, which we owe 
 to his Divine interposition. The several brigades are to 
 be assembled for this purpose at nine o clock to-morrow 
 morning, when their chaplains will communicate the in 
 telligence contained in the Postscript of the Pennsylvania 
 Gazette of the 2d instant, and offer up thanksgiving, and 
 deliver a discourse suitable to the occasion. At half af 
 ter ten o clock a cannon will be fired, which is to be a 
 signal for the men to be under arms ; the brigade-inspect 
 ors will then inspect their dress and arms, and form the 
 battalions according to the instructions given them, and 
 announce to the commanding officers of the brigade that 
 the battalions are formed. 
 
 " The commanders of brigades will then appoint the 
 field-officers to the battalions, after which each battalion 
 will be ordered to load and ground their arms. At half 
 past eleven a second cannon will be fired as a signal for 
 
306 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 the march, upon which the several brigades will begin 
 their march by wheeling to the right by platoons, and pro 
 ceed by the nearest way to the left of their ground by the 
 new position ; this will be pointed out by the brigade-in 
 spectors. A third signal will then be given, on which there 
 will be a discharge of thirteen cannon ; after which a run 
 ning fire of the infantry will begin on the right of Wood- 
 ford s, and continue throughout the front line : it will then 
 be taken upon the left of the second line and continue to 
 the right. Upon a signal given, the whole army will huz 
 za, Long live the King of France ! The artillery then be 
 gins again and fires thirteen rounds ; this will be succeed 
 ed by a second general discharge of the musketry in a 
 running fire, and huzza, Long live the friendly European 
 Powers ! The last discharge of thirteen pieces of artillery 
 will be given, followed by a general running fire, and 
 huzza, The American States /" 
 
 An officer who was present describes the scene as 
 follows : 
 
 " Last Wednesday was set apart as a day of general 
 rejoicing, when we had a. feu de joie conducted with the 
 greatest order and regularity. The army made a most 
 brilliant appearance ; after which his Excellency dined in 
 public, with all the officers of his army, attended with a 
 band of music. I never was present where there was such 
 unfeigned and perfect joy, as was discovered in every 
 countenance. The entertainment was concluded with a 
 number of patriotic toasts, attended with huzzas. When 
 the General took his leave, there was a universal clap, 
 with loud huzzas, which continued till he had proceeded 
 a quarter of a mile, during which time there were a thou 
 sand hats tossed in the air. His Excellency turned round 
 with his retinue, and huzzaed several times. Valley 
 Forge, May 9f/i." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Valley Forge, 18 May, 1778. 
 
 u SIR, I shall announce the resolution of the 15th to 
 the army, and would flatter myself it will quiet in a great 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 307 
 
 measure the uneasinesses, which have been so extremely 
 distressing, and prevent resignations, which had proceed 
 ed, and were likely to be at such a height, as to destroy 
 our whole military system. It has experienced no incon 
 siderable shock, particularly in the line of some States, 
 from the loss of several very valuable officers. 
 
 " The letter and brevet for Colonel Allen I will trans 
 mit by the first opportunity. He left camp eight clays 
 ago. From a variety of concurring circumstances, and 
 the uniform report of persons who have left Philadelphia 
 within four days past, it would appear that the enemy 
 mean to evacuate the city. It is said they have already 
 embarked a part of their heavy cannon and baggage, and 
 that transports are fitted and fitting for their horse, and 
 taking in hay. The accounts further add, that there has 
 been a press for some nights in the city, and several men 
 obtained in this way, and carried aboard ship ; also that 
 there had been an increased number of vendues. These 
 circumstances all indicate an evacuation ; but I have not 
 been able to learn the objects of their future operations. 
 I wrote to General Gates yesterday upon the subject, 
 that he may be prepared in the best manner the situation 
 of things will admit, in case they should be destined for 
 the North River, and I desired him to retain for the pres 
 ent all the eastern recruits intended for this army. 
 
 " The quartermaster-general and commissary of pro 
 visions are directed to use every possible exertion for put 
 ting the affairs of their departments in a train to facilitate 
 a movement, in case it should be necessary. But such 
 have been the derangements and disorders in them, that 
 we must be greatly embarrassed for a considerable time 
 yet. 
 
 " A valuable detachment, under the command of the 
 Marquis de Lafayette, marched this morning, which is 
 intended to move between the Delaware and the Schuyl- 
 kill, for restraining the enemy s parties and procuring in 
 telligence, and to act as circumstances may require. 
 
 u I cannot help feeling for the prisoners in possession 
 of the enemy. If they evacuate Philadelphia, those un 
 happy men will be dragged away with them, and perhaps 
 
SOS LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 to a more miserable confinement. But, supposing their 
 future treatment should not be worse, or even that it 
 should be more comfortable than their past, the idea of 
 being removed further from their friends, and further from 
 relief, must distress them to the last degree. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 "Head-Quarters, Valley Forge, 24 May, 177S. 
 
 cc SIR, I have transmitted to General Howe a copy 
 of the resolution respecting prisoners ; and, supposing him 
 willing to effect an exchange immediately, I have written 
 to Mr. Boudinot and requested him, as he is in posses 
 sion of all the papers concerning them, to come to camp 
 without delay, and superintend the business on our part. 
 The provost establishment is a necessary one, and the 
 corps shall be formed, as soon as proper officers can be 
 fixed on. 
 
 " On the night of the 19th the enemy moved out in 
 force against the detachment under the Marquis de Lafay 
 ette, mentioned in my letter of the 18th, which made a 
 timely and handsome retreat in great order over the 
 Schuylkill at Matson s Ford. Our loss was nine men in 
 the whole. The enemy s loss is supposed to be some 
 thing more. Their march was circuitous and rapid, and I 
 should imagine many of their men suffered from it. Gen 
 eral Clinton, it is said, commanded in person. 
 
 " The accounts from Philadelphia are still in favor of 
 an evacuation. It is certain that a great deal of baggage 
 is on shipboard, and that they still seem busy in packing 
 up. There are other reports which say, that it is only a 
 detachment which is going, and that the West Indies are 
 conjectured to be the place of their destination." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 " Head-Quarters, half after eleven, A. M., 18 June, 1778. 
 
 fcfc SIR, I have the pleasure to inform Congress, that 
 I was this minute advised by Mr. Roberts that the enemy 
 evacuated the city early this morning. He was down at 
 the Middle Ferry on this side, where he received the 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 309 
 
 intelligence from a number of citizens who were on the 
 opposite shore. They told him that about three thou 
 sand of the troops had embarked on board transports. 
 The destruction of the bridge prevented him from cros 
 sing. I expect every moment official accounts on the 
 subject. 
 
 " I have put six brigades in motion ; and the rest of 
 the army are preparing to follow with all possible de 
 spatch. We shall proceed towards Jersey, and govern 
 ourselves according to circumstances. As yet I am not 
 fully ascertained of the enemy s destination ; nor is there 
 wanting a variety of opinions as to the route they will 
 pursue, whether it will be by land or sea, admitting it to 
 be to New York. Some think it probable, in such case, 
 that the part of their army which crossed the Delaware, 
 will march down the Jersey shore some distance, and 
 then embark. There is other intelligence corroborating 
 Mr. Uoberts s, but none official is yet come. I have 
 the honor to be, &c. 
 
 " P. S. A letter from Captain McLane, dated in 
 Philadelphia, this minute came to hand, confirming the 
 evacuation." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 J o 
 
 " Head-Quarters, near Coryell s, 22 June, 1778. 
 
 u SIR, I have the honor to inform you that I am now 
 in Jersey, and that the troops are passing the river at 
 Coryell s, and are mostly over. The latest intelligence 
 I have had respecting the enemy was yesterday from 
 General Dickinson. He says they were in the morning 
 at Morestown and Mount Holly ; but that he had not 
 been able to learn what route they would pursue from 
 thence ; nor was it easy to determine, as, from their sit 
 uation, they might either proceed to South Amboy, or 
 by way of Brunswick. We have been a good deal im 
 peded in our march by rainy weather. As soon as we 
 have cleaned the arms, and can get matters in train, we 
 propose moving towards Princeton, in order to avail 
 
310 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 ourselves of any favorable occasions, that may present 
 themselves, of attacking or annoying the enemy. I have 
 the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 " Englishtown, half after eleven, A. M., 28 June, 177S. 
 
 " SIR, I was duly honored with your favor of the 20th 
 instant, with the report to which it referred, and trust my 
 situation will apologize for my not answering it before. 
 I am now here with the main body of the army, and 
 pressing hard to come up with the enemy. They en 
 camped yesterday at Monmouth Court-House, having 
 almost the whole of their front, particularly their left wing, 
 secured by a marsh and thick wood, and their rear by a 
 difficult defile, from whence they moved very early this 
 morning. Our advance, from the rainy weather, and the 
 intense heat when it was fair, (though these may have 
 been equally disadvantageous to them,) has been greatly 
 delayed. Several of our men have fallen sick from 
 these causes ; and a few unfortunately have fainted, and 
 died in a little time after. 
 
 " We have a select and strong detachment more for 
 ward, under the command of Major-General Lee, with 
 orders to attack their rear if possible. Whether the de 
 tachment will be able to come up with it, is a matter of 
 question, especially before they get into strong grounds. 
 Besides this, Morgan, with his corps, and some bodies 
 of militia, are on their flanks. I cannot determine yet 
 at what place they intend to embark. Some think they 
 will push for Sandy Hook, whilst others suppose they 
 mean to go to Shoal Harbor. The latter opinion seems 
 to be founded in the greater probability, as, from intelli 
 gence, several vessels and craft are lying off that place. 
 We have made a few prisoners ; and they have lost a 
 good many men by desertion. I cannot ascertain their 
 number, as they came in to our advanced parties, and 
 pushed immediately into the country. I think five or six 
 hundred is the least number in the whole, that have come 
 in. They are chiefly foreigners. I have the honor to 
 be, &c." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 311 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 " Fields, near Monmouth Court-House, 29 June, 1778. 
 u SIR, I have the honor to inform yon, that ahont 
 seven o clock yesterday morning, both armies advanced 
 on each other. About twelve, they met on the grounds 
 near Monmouth Court-House, when an action com 
 menced. We forced the enemy from the field, and en 
 camped on the ground. They took a strong post in our 
 front, secured on both flanks by morasses and thick woods, 
 where they remained till about twelve at night, and then 
 retreated. I cannot at this time go into a detail of mat 
 ters. When opportunity will permit, I shall take the 
 liberty of transmitting to Congress a more particular ac 
 count of the proceedings of the day. 
 
 u I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Englishtown, 1 July, 1778. 
 
 " SIR, I embrace this first moment of leisure to give 
 Congress a more full and particular account of the move 
 ments of the army under my command since its passing 
 the Delaware, than the situation of our affairs would 
 heretofore permit. I had the honor to advise them, that, 
 on the appearances of the enemy s intention to march 
 through Jersey becoming serious, I had detached Gener 
 al Maxwell s brigade, in conjunction with the militia of 
 that State, to interrupt and impede their progress by 
 every obstruction in their power, so as to give time to the 
 army under my command to come up with them, and take 
 advantage of any favorable circumstances that might pre 
 sent themselves. The army having proceeded to Cor- 
 yell s Ferry, and crossed the Delaware at that place, I 
 immediately detached Colonel Morgan with a select corps 
 of six hundred men to re-enforce General Maxwell, and 
 marched with the main body towards Princeton. 
 
 " The slow advance of the enemy had greatly the air 
 of design, and led me, with others, to suspect that Gen 
 eral Clinton, desirous of a general action, was endeav 
 oring to draw us down into the lower country, in order, 
 
312 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 by a rapid movement, to gain our right, and take posses 
 sion of the strong grounds above us. This consideration, 
 and to give the troops time to repose and refresh them 
 selves from the fatigues they had experienced from rainy 
 and excessively hot weather, determined me to halt at 
 Hopewell township, about five miles from Princeton, 
 where we remained till the morning of the 25th. On the 
 preceding day I made a second detachment of fifteen 
 hundred chosen troops under Brigadier-General Scott, to 
 re-enforce those already in the vicinity of the enemy, the 
 more effectually to annoy and delay their march. The 
 next day the army moved to Kingston ; and, having re 
 ceived intelligence that the enemy were prosecuting their 
 route towards Monmouth Court-House, I despatched a 
 thousand select men under Brigadier-General Wayne, 
 and sent the Marquis de Lafayette to take the command 
 of the whole advanced corps, including Maxwell s brig 
 ade and Morgan s light-infantry, with orders to take the 
 first fair opportunity of attacking the enemy s rear. 
 
 "In the evening of the same day the whole army 
 marched from Kingston, where our baggage was left, 
 with intention to preserve a proper distance for supporting 
 the advanced corps, and arrived at Cranberry early the 
 next morning. The intense heat of the weather, and a 
 heavy storm unluckily coming on, made it impossible to 
 resume our march that day without great inconvenience 
 and injury to the troops. Our advanced corps, being 
 differently circumstanced, moved from the position it had 
 held the night before, and took post in the evening on the 
 Monmouth road about five miles from the enemy s rear, 
 in expectation of attacking them next morning on their 
 march. The main body having remained at Cran 
 berry, the advanced corps was found to be too remote, 
 and too far upon the right, to be supported in case of an 
 attack either upon or from the enemy ; which induced me 
 to send orders to the Marquis to file off by his left towards 
 Englishtown, which he accordingly executed early in the 
 morning of the 27th. 
 
 u The enemy, in marching from Allentown, had 
 changed their disposition, and placed their best troops in 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 313 
 
 the rear, consisting of all the grenadiers, light-infantry, 
 and chasseurs of the line. This alteration made it ne 
 cessary to increase the number of our advanced corps ; 
 in consequence of which I detached Major-General Lee 
 with two brigades to join the Marquis at Englishtown, on 
 whom of course the command of the whole devolved, 
 amounting to about five thousand men. The main body 
 inarched the same day, and encamped within three miles 
 of that place. Morgan s corps \vas left hovering on the 
 enemy s right flank ; and the Jersey militia, amounting at 
 this time to about seven or eight hundred men, under 
 General Dickinson, on their left. 
 
 u The enemy were now encamped in a strong position, 
 with their right extending about a mile and a half beyond 
 the Court-House to the parting of the roads leading to 
 Shrewsbury and Middletown, and their left along the road 
 from Allentown to Monmouth, about three miles on this 
 side of the Court-House. Their right flank lay on the 
 skirt of a small wood, while their left was secured by a 
 very thick one, a morass running towards their rear, and 
 their whole front covered by a wood, and, for a consid 
 erable extent towards the left, with a morass. In this 
 situation they halted till the morning of the 28th. Mat 
 ters being thus situated, and having had the best informa 
 tion, that, if the enemy were once arrived at the Heights 
 of Middletown, ten or twelve miles from where they 
 were, it would be impossible to attempt any thing against 
 them with a prospect of success, I determined to attack 
 their rear the moment they should get in motion from their 
 present ground. I communicated my intention to Gen 
 eral Lee, and ordered him to make his disposition for the 
 attack, and to keep his troops constantly lying upon their 
 arms, to be in readiness at the shortest notice. This was 
 done with respect to the troops under my immediate 
 command. 
 
 cc About five in the morning General Dickinson sent 
 an express, informing that the front of the enemy had 
 begun their march. I instantly put the army in motion, 
 and sent orders by one of my aids to General Lee to 
 move on and attack them, unless there should be very 
 
314 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 powerful reasons to the contrary, acquainting him at the 
 same time, that I was marching to support him, and, for 
 doing it with the greater expedition and convenience, 
 should make the men disencumber themselves of their 
 packs and blankets. After marching about five miles, to 
 my great surprise and mortification, I met the whole ad 
 vanced corps retreating, and, as I was told, by General 
 Lee s orders, without having made any opposition, ex 
 cept one fire, given by a party under the command of 
 Colonel Butler, on their being charged by the enemy s 
 cavalry, who were repulsed. I proceeded immediately 
 to the rear of the corps, which I found closely pressed 
 by the enemy, and gave directions for forming part of the 
 retreating troops, who, by the brave and spirited conduct 
 of the officers, aided by some pieces of well-served ar 
 tillery, checked the enemy s advance, and gave time to 
 make a disposition of the left wing and second line of the 
 army upon an eminence, and in a wood a little in the 
 rear, covered by a morass in front. On this were placed 
 some batteries of cannon by Lord Stirling, who com 
 manded the left wing, which played upon the enemy with 
 great effect, and, seconded by parties of infantry de 
 tached to oppose them, effectually put a stop to their ad 
 vance. 
 
 " General Lee being detached with the advanced 
 corps, the command of the right wing, for the occasion, 
 was given to General Greene. For the expedition of 
 the march, and to counteract any attempt to turn our 
 right, I had ordered him to file off by the new church, 
 two miles from Englishtown, and fall into the Monmouth 
 road, a small distance in the rear of the Court- House, 
 while the rest of the column moved directly on towards 
 the Court-House. On intelligence of the retreat, he 
 marched up and took a very advantageous position on the 
 right. The enemy by this time, finding themselves warm 
 ly opposed in front, made an attempt to turn our left 
 flank ; but they were bravely repulsed and driven back 
 by detached parties of infantry. They also made a 
 movement to our right with as little success, General 
 Greene having advanced a body of troops with artillery 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 315 
 
 to a commanding piece of ground ; which not only dis 
 appointed their design of turning our right, but severely 
 enfiladed those in front of the left wing. In addition to 
 this, General Wayne advanced with a body of troops, 
 and kept up so severe and well-directed a fire, that the 
 enemy were soon compelled to retire behind the defile 
 where the first stand in the beginning of the action had 
 been made. 
 
 " In this situation the enemy had both their flanks se 
 cured by thick woods and morasses, while their front 
 could only be approached through a narrow pass. I 
 resolved nevertheless to attack them ; and for that pur 
 pose ordered General Poor, with his own and the Caro 
 lina brigade, to move round upon their right, and General 
 Woodford upon their left, and the artillery to gall them 
 in front. But the impediments in their way prevented 
 their getting within reach before it was dark. They re 
 mained upon the ground they had been directed to occupy 
 during the night, with the intention to begin the attack 
 early the next morning ; and the army continued lying 
 upon their arms in the field of action, to be in readiness 
 to support them. In the mean time the enemy were 
 employed in removing their wounded, and about twelve 
 o clock at night marched away in such silence, that, 
 though General Poor lay extremely near them, they ef 
 fected their retreat without his knowledge. They carried 
 off all their wounded, except four officers and about forty 
 privates, whose wounds were too dangerous to permit 
 their removal. 
 
 u The extreme heat of the weather, the fatigue of the 
 men from their inarch through a deep sandy country 
 almost entirely destitute of water, and the distance the 
 enemy had gained by marching in the night, made a pur 
 suit impracticable and fruitless. It would have answered 
 no valuable purpose, and would have been fatal to num 
 bers of our men, several of whom died the preceding 
 day with heat. 
 
 "Were I to conclude my account of this day s trans 
 actions, without expressing my obligations to the officers 
 of the army in general^ I should do injustice to their 
 i. x 
 
316 LIFEOF WASHINGTON. 
 
 merit, and violence to my own feelings. They seemed 
 to vie with each other in manifesting their zeal and bra 
 very. The catalogue of those who distinguished them 
 selves, is too long to admit of particularizing individuals. 
 I cannot, however, forbear mentioning Brigadier-General 
 Wayne, whose good conduct and bravery through the 
 whole action deserves particular commendation. The be 
 havior of the troops in general, after they recovered from 
 the first surprise occasioned by the retreat of the advanced 
 corps, was such as could not be surpassed. All the 
 artillery, both officers and men, that were engaged, dis 
 tinguished themselves in a remarkable manner. 
 
 "Enclosed, Congress will be pleased to receive a re 
 turn of our killed, wounded, and missing. Among the first 
 were Lieutenant-Colonel Bunner of Pennsylvania, and 
 Major Dickinson of Virginia, both officers of distinguished 
 merit, and much to be regretted. The enemy s slain, 
 left on the field, and buried by us, according to the return 
 of the persons assigned to that duty, were four officers 
 and two hundred and forty-five privates. In the former 
 number was the Honorable Colonel Monckton. Exclu 
 sive of these, they buried some themselves, as there were 
 several new graves near the field of battle. How many 
 men they may have had wounded cannot be determined ; 
 but, from the usual proportion, the number must have 
 been considerable. There were a few prisoners taken. 
 
 cc The peculiar situation of General Lee at this time 
 requires that I should say nothing of his conduct. He 
 is now in arrest. The charges against him, with such 
 sentence as the court-martial may decree in his case, 
 shall be transmitted for the approbation or disapprobation 
 of Congress, as soon as it shall be passed. 
 
 " Being fully convinced by the gentlemen of this coun 
 try, that the enemy cannot be hurt or injured in their 
 embarcation at Sandy Hook, the place to which they are 
 going, and unwilling to get too far removed from the 
 North River, I put the troops in motion early this morn 
 ing, and shall proceed that way, leaving the Jersey brig 
 ade, .Morgan s corps, and other light parties (the militia 
 being all dismissed) to hover about them, to countenance 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 317 
 
 desertion, and to prevent depredations as far as possible. 
 After they embark, the former will take post in the neigh 
 borhood of Elizabethtown, the latter rejoin the corps from 
 which they were detached. 
 
 "I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To Major- General Gates. 
 
 "Brunswick, 3 July, 1778. 
 
 u SIR, I have the pleasure of informing you, that the 
 loss of the enemy in the action of the 28th was more 
 considerable than we at first apprehended. By the return 
 of the officers who had charge of the burying parties, 
 it appears that they left two hundred and forty-five non 
 commissioned officers and privates dead on the field, and 
 four officers, one of whom was the Honorable Colonel 
 Monckton of the grenadiers. Our loss was seven officers 
 and fifty-two rank and file killed, and seventeen officers 
 and one hundred and twenty rank and file wounded. 
 Among the former were Lieutenant-Colonel Bunner of 
 Pennsylvania and Major Dickinson of Virginia, who were 
 the only officers of rank. There were several fresh 
 graves and bury ing-places found near the field, in which 
 the enemy put their dead before they quitted it. These 
 were exclusive of the two hundred and forty-five before 
 mentioned. We have made upwards of one hundred 
 prisoners, including forty privates and four officers left 
 wounded at Monmouth Court-House. The number of 
 their wounded we can only guess at, as they were em 
 ployed in carrying them off during the action and till 
 midnight, when they stole off as silent as the grave. 
 Finding that the enemy had during the action pushed 
 their baggage to Middletown, and that they, by marching 
 off in the night after the engagement, would gain that place 
 before there was any possibility of overtaking their rear, 
 I determined to give over the pursuit. From the inform 
 ation of General Forman, and many gentlemen well ac 
 quainted with the country, 1 found it would be impossible 
 to annoy them in their embarcation, as the neck of land 
 upon which they now are is defended by a narrow 
 passage, which, being possessed by a few men, would 
 
318 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 effectually oppose our whole force. Besides this con 
 sideration, I thought it highly expedient to turn towards 
 the North River. I marched from Englishtown on the 
 30th of last month, and arrived here yesterday with the 
 whole army, except Maxwell s hrigade and Morgan s 
 corps, who are left upon the rear of the enemy to pre 
 vent their making depredations, and to encourage deser 
 tions, which still prevail to a considerable degree. 
 
 " The march from Englishtown was inconceivably 
 distressing to the troops and horses. The distance is 
 about twenty miles through a deep sand without a drop of 
 water, except at South River, which is halfway. This, 
 added to the intense heat, killed a few and disabled many 
 of our men, and killed a number of our horses. To re 
 cruit the former upon the airy, open grounds near this 
 place, and to give the quartermaster-general an opportu 
 nity of providing the latter, will occasion a short halt, but 
 you may depend that we will be with you as soon as pos 
 sible. My present intention is to cross the North River 
 at King s Ferry ; but, should you be of opinion that it 
 will be in the power of the enemy to hinder our passage, 
 be pleased to inform me, as it would be losing much time 
 to be obliged to turn up from thence, and march through 
 the Clove. The route by King s Ferry is so much the 
 shortest and best, that if the passage could be kept open 
 by throwing up works and mounting some cannon upon 
 them, I think it would be worth while to have it done. 
 But this I leave to your determination. I am, c." 
 
 " To John Augustine Washington. 
 
 " Brunswick, 4 July, 1778. 
 
 " DEAR BROTHER, Before this will have reached 
 you, the account of the battle of Monmouth will probably 
 get to Virginia ; which, from an unfortunate and bad be 
 ginning, turned out a glorious and happy day; The ene 
 my evacuated Philadelphia on the ISth instant. At ten 
 o clock that day I got intelligence of it, and by two 
 o clock, or soon after, had six brigades on their march 
 for the Jerseys, and followed with the whole army next 
 morning. On the 21st we completed our passage over 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 319 
 
 the Delaware at Coryell s Ferry, about thirty-three miles 
 above Philadelphia, and distant from Valley Forge about 
 forty miles. From this ferry we moved down towards 
 the enemy, and on the 27th got within six miles of them. 
 u General Lee, having the command of the van of the 
 army, consisting of full five thousand chosen men, was 
 ordered to begin the attack next morning, so soon as the 
 enemy began their march ; to be supported by me ; but, 
 strange to tell ! when he came up with the enemy, a re- 
 ireat commenced ; whether by his order, or from other 
 causes, is now the subject of inquiry, and consequently 
 improper to be descanted upon, as he is in arrest, and a 
 court-martial is sitting for his trial. A retreat, however, 
 was the fact, be the causes what they may ; and the dis 
 order arising from it would have proved fatal to the army, 
 had not that bountiful Providence, which has never failed 
 us in the hour of distress, enabled me to form a regiment 
 or two (of those that were retreating) in the face of the 
 enemy and under their fire ; by which means a stand was 
 made long enough (the place through which the enemy 
 were pursuing being narrow) to form the troops that were 
 advancing, upon an advantageous piece of ground in the 
 rear. Here our affairs took a favorable turn, and, from 
 being pursued, we drove the enemy back over the ground 
 they had followed, and recovered the field of battle, and 
 possessed ourselves of their dead. But as they retreated 
 behind a morass very difficult to pass, and had both flanks 
 secured with thick woods, it was found impracticable with 
 our men, fainting with fatigue, heat, and want of water, 
 to do any thing more that night. In the morning we ex 
 pected to renew the action ; when, behold, the enemy 
 had stolen off silently in the night, after having sent away 
 their wounded. Getting a night s march of us, and hav 
 ing but ten miles to a strong post, it was judged expedi 
 ent not to follow them any further, but to move towards 
 the North River, lest they should have any design upon 
 our posts there." 
 
 When General Washington met General Lee retreat 
 ing at the battle of Monmouth, in the manner described 
 in the foregoing letters, he was so exasperated, as to lose 
 
320 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 control of his feelings, for a moment, and his anger and 
 indignation burst forth in violent expressions of language 
 and manner. Very harsh words were exchanged be 
 tween him and Lee, and a sharp correspondence ensued, 
 which resulted in Washington s putting Lee under arrest. 
 He was tried by a court-martial, convicted of disobe 
 dience of orders, of misbehavior before the enemy, in 
 making an unnecessary and disorderly retreat, and of 
 disrespect to the Commander-in-chief, in the letters 
 subsequently addressed to him, and sentenced to be 
 suspended from command for one year. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Camp, near Brunswick, July 7, 1778. 
 
 u SIR, I have the honor to inform you, that, on 
 Sunday morning, the left wing of the army moved to 
 wards the North River ; the right followed yesterday ; 
 and the second line, which forms the rear division, is, al 
 so, now in motion. I shall advance, as fast as I can 
 consistently with the circumstances of the weather, and 
 the health of the troops. 
 
 " The enemy, from the advices of our parties of ob 
 servation, were nearly, if not all, embarked yesterday. 
 They have continued to desert upon all occasions. 
 
 u P. S. By accounts from Monmouth, more of the 
 enemy s dead have been found. It is said, the number 
 buried by us and the inhabitants exceeds three hundred." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Camp, at Pararrms, July 12, 1778. 
 
 " SIR, On Friday evening, I had the honor to 
 receive your letter of the seventh instant, with its enclo 
 sures. The vote of approbation and thanks, which Con 
 gress have been pleased to honor me with, gives me the 
 highest satisfaction, and, at the same time, demands a 
 return of my sincerest acknowledgements. The other 
 resolution, I communicated, with great pleasure, to the 
 army at large, in yesterday s orders. 
 
 " We have had it reported, for two or three days, 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 321 
 
 through several channels from New York, that there is a 
 French fleet on the coast ; and, it is added, that the en 
 emy have been manning, with the utmost despatch, several 
 of their ships of war which were there, and have pushed 
 them out to sea. How far these facts are true, I cannot 
 determine ; but, I should think it of infinite importance 
 to ascertain the first, if possible, by sending out swift- 
 sailing cruisers. The most interesting advantages might 
 follow the information. I will try, by every practicable 
 means that I can devise, to obtain an accurate account 
 of the enemy s fleet at New York. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To Ike President of Congress. 
 
 " Camp, near White Plains, July 22, 1778. 
 
 cc SIR, Since I had the honor of addressing you on 
 the fourteenth, I have been favored with your letters of 
 the eleventh and seventeenth, with their respective en 
 closures. The next morning, after the receipt of the 
 former, which came to hand on the seventeenth, I des 
 patched Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, another of my 
 aids, with the best pilots and the most skilful masters of 
 ships I could procure, to Admiral Count D Estaing, to 
 converse with him more fully on the subject of his oper- 
 tions, than I was able to direct Lieutenant-Colonel Lau- 
 rens to do, for want of the information which I afterwards 
 obtained from Major Chouin, and a knowledge in several 
 other points, besides. 
 
 " On Sunday night, Mr. Laurens returned ; and I 
 found by him, that it was the Count s first wish to enter 
 at Sandy Hook, in order to possess himself of, or to de 
 stroy, if possible, the whole of the British fleet lying in 
 the bay of New York ; and, that for this purpose, he had 
 been much engaged in his inquiries about the depth of 
 water, and in sounding the channel, to ascertain it ; the 
 result of which was, that the water, from the experiments 
 made, was too shallow at the entrance, to admit his large 
 ships ; or, if they could be got in, it appeared, that it 
 would not be without a great deal of difficulty and risk. 
 After this disappointment, the next important object, 
 
322 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 which seemed to present itself, was an attempt against 
 Rhode Island, which the Count inclined to make, (unless 
 I should advise the contrary,) as soon as the Chimere 
 frigate, which had carried his excellency Monsieur Girard 
 into the Delaware, should rejoin him. 
 
 cc Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, who was well inform 
 ed of our situation, and of my sentiments on every point, 
 \vas instructed to give the Admiral a full and accurate 
 state of facts, and to acquaint him what aid, and how far 
 we could cooperate with him, in case of an attempt, either 
 against New York or Rhode Island ; and, also, to ob 
 tain his ideas of the plan and system, which he might 
 think ought to be pursued, and to agree with him on cer 
 tain signals. 
 
 u Previous to my despatching Mr. Hamilton, from the 
 information I received on my inquiries respecting the 
 navigation at the Hook, I was led to suspect, (however 
 interesting and desirable the destruction or capture of the 
 British fleet might be,) that it was not sufficient to intro 
 duce the Count s ships. Under this apprehension, I 
 wrote General Sullivan on the seventeenth, by express, 
 that an expedition might take place, in a short time, against 
 Rhode Island ; and urged him, at the same time, to apply 
 to the States of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Con 
 necticut, for as many men as would augment his force to 
 five thousand, and, also, to make every possible prepar- 
 tion of boats, provision, pilots, &c., as if the event was 
 fixed and certain. 
 
 u From this time, till about twelve o clock on Sunday, 
 the troops continued passing the river, when I crossed 
 with the last division. On Monday afternoon, I arrived 
 at this place, in the neighborhood of which, the right and 
 left wing encamped that night, with the second line a few 
 miles in their rear. And here I am happy to add, that, 
 their passage across the river was effected without any 
 accident, or without any more delay, than necessarily at 
 tended the work. 
 
 " Being persuaded now, from the conversation which 
 I have had with several pilots and masters of vessels, of 
 character, as well as from the accounts of other gentle- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 323 
 
 men, and Colonel Laurens s report on bis return, that 
 the passing of the Count s ships by the Hook would he 
 extremely precarious, if not impracticable, I determin 
 ed, yesterday, (which was soon as it could be done,) with 
 out waiting for further intelligence upon the subject, to 
 put two brigades under marching orders. They accord 
 ingly marched this morning, at two o clock, for Rhode 
 Island, under the particular command of Generals Var- 
 num and Glover, respectively, and both under the direc 
 tion, for the present, of the Marquis de Lafayette. A 
 water conveyance was thought of, and wished, for the ease 
 of the troops ; but, on consideration of all circumstan 
 ces, such as the difficulty of providing vessels, the change 
 and precariousness of the winds, the risk from the ene 
 my s ships, &c., their route by land was deemed by far 
 the more eligible. The force with General Sullivan, 
 from the best and latest advice I have been able to ob 
 tain, is about three thousand. A detachment under Col 
 onel Jackson will follow Varnum s and Glover s brigades. 
 " Eleven o c/oc/c, P. J\l. I this moment received a 
 letter from Colonel Hamilton, who is on his return to the 
 army, dated the twentieth, at Black Point. He informs, 
 that the Count D Estaing would sail, the next evening, for 
 Rhode Island, being convinced, from actual soundings, 
 that he could not enter his ships. He was anxiously 
 waiting the arrival of the Chimere, but, at all events, 
 meant to sail at the time he mentions. The Admiral has 
 agreed on signals with Mr. Hamilton. Immediately af 
 ter this letter came to hand, my aid, Mr. Laurens, set 
 out for Providence, having many things to communicate 
 to General Sullivan, upon the subject of his cooperation, 
 which neither time nor propriety would suffer me to com 
 mit to paper. General Sullivan is directed not to confine 
 the number of his troops to five thousand, but to augment 
 it, if he shall judge it necessary to insure his success." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, White Plains, Aug. 3, 1778. 
 " SIR, I have been waiting with the most impatient 
 anxiety, to hear of Count D Estaing s arrival at Rhode 
 
324 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Island ; but, as yet, I have not been so happy. My 
 last intelligence from thence is a letter from General Sul 
 livan, dated at ten o clock, in the forenoon of the twenty- 
 seventh, when he had no advice of the fleet. He was 
 in high spirits ; and, from the preparation in which mat 
 ters were, he entertained the most flattering hopes of 
 success in the intended enterprise. The brigades of 
 Varnum and Glover, with Jackson s detachment, would 
 arrive, I expect, on the second instant. 
 
 " As the army was encamped, and there was no great 
 prospect of a sudden removal, I judged it advisable to 
 send General Greene to the eastward, on Wednesday last, 
 being fully persuaded his services, as well in the quarter 
 master line as in the field, would be of material impor 
 tance, in the expedition against the enemy in that quarter. 
 He is intimately acquainted with the whole of that coun 
 try, and, besides, he has an extensive interest and influence 
 in it. And, in justice to General Greene, 1 take occa 
 sion to observe, that the public is much indebted to him, 
 for his judicious management and active exertions, in his 
 present department. When he entered upon it, he found 
 it in a most confused, distracted, and destitute, state. 
 This, by his conduct and industry, has undergone a very 
 happy change, and such, as enabled us, with great facility, 
 to make a sudden move, with the whole army and baggage, 
 from Valley Forge, in pursuit of the enemy, and to per 
 form a march to this place. In a word, he has given the 
 most general satisfaction, and his affairs carry much the 
 face of method and system. I also consider it as an act 
 of justice, to speak of the conduct of Colonel Wadsworth, 
 Commissary-General. He has been indefatigable in his 
 exertions to provide for the army ; and, since his ap 
 pointment, our supplies of provision have been good and 
 ample. 
 
 " Jlugust 4. At seven o clock in the evening, yester 
 day, I received the enclosed letter from General Sulli 
 van, with one addressed to myself, a copy of which, I do 
 myself the pleasure of forwarding. I am exceedingly 
 happy in the Count s arrival, and that things wear so 
 pleasing an aspect." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 325 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, White Plains, Aug. 16, 1778. 
 u SIR, Since I had the honor of addressing you to 
 day, by Captain Riley, I received a letter from General 
 Sullivan, a copy of which you have enclosed. From 
 this, it appears the Count D Estaing had not returned 
 with his squadron on the thirteenth instant ; and there 
 is reason to fear, from the violence of the weather, ever 
 since, that he has not yet got in. This accident has 
 much deranged our views ; and I shall be happy, if it 
 does not totally defeat our enterprise against Rhode Is 
 land. I feel much for the Count. He has been pecu 
 liarly unfortunate, in the combination of several untoward 
 circumstances to frustrate his plans. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, White Plains, Aug. 19, 1778. 
 
 u SIR, I do myself the honor to transmit you a copy 
 of a letter from General Sullivan, dated the seventeenth 
 instant, which I just now received, with the letter enclo 
 sed. It appears that Count D Estaing was still out with 
 his fleet, but yet, that the General was in high spirits, and 
 entertained the strongest hopes of success. I flatter my 
 self, they are well grounded, and that, in the course of a 
 few days, he will announce the entire reduction of the en 
 emy s force on the island. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, White Plains, August 24, 1778. 
 
 " SIR, I take the liberty of transmitting you a copy 
 of a letter which this minute came to hand, from General 
 Sullivan, advising of the Count D Estaing s arrival. He 
 omitted to enclose the Admiral s letter to which he re 
 fers ; and, therefore, I can give no further intelligence 
 than what the copy contains. Erom the suffering of the 
 fleet, the storm must have been exceedingly severe at sea. 
 " I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
326 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 i/ o 
 
 " Head-Quarters, White-Plains, Sept. 1, 1778, 11 o clock, A. 31. 
 
 u SIR, I do myself the honor of transmitting you a 
 copy of a letter I this minute received from General Sul 
 livan. I congratulate Congress on the repulse of the en 
 emy, and only wish our troops may be able to effect a 
 retreat, which seems the most eligible measure they can 
 pursue, in the present situation of things. 
 
 u 1 have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 Washington s views and sentiments, in reference to the 
 course of the war, and the operations of the army subse 
 quent to the arrival of the French fleet, are briefly and 
 pleasantly given, in the following extract from a private 
 letter : 
 
 " The arrival of the French fleet upon the coast of 
 America is a great and striking event ; but the operations 
 of it have been injured by a number of unforeseen and 
 unfavorable circumstances, which, though they ought not 
 to detract from the merit and good intention of our great 
 ally, have, nevertheless, lessened the importance of its 
 services, in a great degree. The length of the passage, in 
 the first instance, was a capital misfortune ; for, had even 
 one of common length taken place, Lord Howe, with 
 the British ships of war, and all the transports in the Riv 
 er Delaware, must inevitably have fallen, and Sir Hen 
 ry must have had better luck, than is commonly dispensed 
 to men of his profession, under such circumstances, if he 
 and his troops had not shared, at least, the fate of Bur- 
 goyne. The long passage of Count d Estaing w T as suc 
 ceeded by an unfavorable discovery at the Hook, which 
 hurt us in two respects ; first, in a defeat of the enter 
 prise upon New York, and the shipping and troops at that 
 place ; and, next, in the delay occasioned in ascertaining 
 the depth of water over the bar, which w T as essential to 
 their entrance into the harbor of New York. And, more 
 over, after the enterprise upon Rhode Island had been 
 planned, and was in the moment of execution, that Lord 
 How r e with the British ships should interpose, merely to 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 327 
 
 create a diversion, and draw the French fleet from the Is 
 land, was again unlucky, as the Count had not returned, 
 on the 17th, to the Island, though drawn off from it, on the 
 10th ; by which means, the land operations were retard 
 ed, and the whole subjected to a miscarriage in case of 
 the arrival of Byron s squadron. 
 
 " I do not know what to make of the enemy at New 
 York. Whether their stay at that place is the result of 
 choice, or the effect of necessity proceeding from an in 
 feriority in the fleet, want of provisions, or other causes, 
 I know not. But certain it is, that, if it is not an act of 
 necessity, it is profoundly mysterious, unless they look 
 for considerable re-enforcements, and are waiting the ar 
 rival of them, to commence their operations. Time will 
 show. 
 
 " It is not a little pleasing, nor less wonderful, to con 
 template, that, after two years manceuvering, and under 
 going the strangest vicissitudes that, perhaps, ever attend 
 ed any one contest, since the creation, both armies are 
 brought back to the very point they set out from, and 
 that the offending party at the beginning, is now reduced 
 to the use of the spade and pickaxe for defence. The 
 hand of Providence has been so conspicuous in all this, 
 that he must be worse than an infidel, that lacks faith, and 
 more than wicked, that has not gratitude enough to ac 
 knowledge his obligations. But it will be time enough 
 for me to turn preacher, when my present appointment 
 ceases ; and, therefore, I shall add no more on the doc 
 trine of Providence." 
 
 A very unpleasant and alarming disagreement arose be 
 tween the American and French officers at Newport, 
 the nature of which \vill be sufficiently apparent, from the 
 extracts that follow. They will also show the pains 
 Washington took, to heal the dissension. 
 
 In a letter, from White Plains, 1st September, 1778, 
 to General Greene, he says : 
 
 " I have not now time, to take notice of the arguments 
 that were made use of, for and against the Count s quit 
 ting the harbor of Newport, and sailing for Boston. 
 Right or wrong, it will probably disappoint our sanguine 
 
328 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 expectations of success, and, what I esteem a still worse 
 consequence, I fear it will sow the seeds of dissension 
 and distrust between us and our new allies, unless the 
 most prudent measures are taken, to suppress the feuds 
 and jealousies that have already arisen. I depend much 
 upon your temper and influence to conciliate that ani 
 mosity which, I plainly perceive, by a letter from the 
 Marquis, subsists between the American officers and the 
 French in our service. This, you may depend, will ex 
 tend itself to the Count, and to the officers and men of 
 his whole fleet, should they return to Rhode Island ; un 
 less, upon their arrival there, they find a reconciliation 
 has taken place. The Marquis speaks kindly of a letter 
 from you to him on the subject. He will, therefore, 
 take any advice coming from you, in a friendly light ; 
 and, if he can be pacified, the other French gentlemen 
 will, of course, be satisfied, as they look up to him as 
 their head. The Marquis grounds his complaint upon a 
 general order of the 24th of August, the latter part of 
 which is certainly very impolitic, especially, considering 
 the universal clamor that prevailed against the French 
 nation. 
 
 u I beg you will take every measure to keep the pro 
 test, entered into by the general officers, from being made 
 public. The Congress, sensible of the ill consequences 
 that will flow from the world s knowing our differences, 
 have passed a resolve to that purpose. Upon the whole, 
 my dear sir, you can conceive my meaning better than I 
 can express it ; and I, therefore, fully depend upon your 
 exerting yourself, to heal all private animosities between 
 our principal officers and the French, and to prevent all 
 illiberal expressions and reflections, that may fall from 
 the army at large. 
 
 " I have this moment received a letter from General 
 Sullivan, of the 29th of August, in which he barely in 
 forms me of an action upon that day, in which, he says, 
 we had the better, but does not mention particulars." 
 
 In a letter of the same date, to the Marquis de Lafay 
 ette, he thus endeavors to assuage his resentment, and 
 heal his wounded spirit : 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 329 
 
 " To the Marquis de Lafayette. 
 
 " White Plains, 1 September, 1778. 
 
 cc MY DEAR MARQUIS, I have been honored with 
 your favor of the 25th ultimo, by Monsieur Pontgibaud, 
 and I wish my time, which, at present, is taken up by a 
 committee of Congress, would permit me to go fully into 
 the contents of it. This, however, it is not in my power 
 to do. But, in one word, let me say, I feel every thing 
 that hurts the sensibility of a gentleman ; and, consequent 
 ly, upon the present occasion I feel for you and for our 
 good and great allies the French. I feel myself hurt, 
 also, at every illiberal and unthinking reflection, which 
 may have been cast upon the Count d Estaing, or the 
 conduct of the fleet under his command ; and, lastly, I 
 feel for my country. Let me entreat you, therefore, my 
 dear Marquis, to take no exception at unmeaning ex 
 pressions, uttered perhaps without consideration, and 
 in the first transport of disappointed hope. Every body, 
 sir, who reasons, will acknowledge the advantages which 
 we have derived from the French fleet, and the zeal of 
 the commander of it ; but, in a free and republican gov 
 ernment, you cannot restrain the voice of the multitude. 
 Every man will speak as he thinks, or, more properly, 
 without thinking, and consequently will judge of effects 
 without attending to the causes. The censures, which 
 hav 7 e been levelled at the officers of the French fleet, 
 would more than probably have fallen in a much higher 
 degree upon a fleet of our own, if we had one in the 
 same situation. It is the nature of man to be displeased 
 with every thing, that disappoints a favorite hope or flat 
 tering project ; and it is the folly of too many of them to 
 condemn without investigating circumstances. 
 
 < c Let me beseech you therefore, my good sir, to afford 
 a healing hand to the wound, that unintentionally has 
 been made. America esteems your virtues and your 
 services, and admires the principles upon which you 
 act. Your countrymen in our army look up to you as 
 their patron. The Count and his officers consider you 
 as a man high in rank, and high in estimation here and 
 
330 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 also in France j and I, your friend, have no doubt, but 
 you will use your utmost endeavors to restore harmony, 
 that the honor, glory, and mutual interest, of the two 
 nations may be promoted and cemented in the firmest 
 manner. 1 would say more on the subject, but am re 
 strained, for the want of time ; and, therefore, shall only 
 add, that, with every sentiment of esteem and regard, I 
 am, my dear Marquis, &c." 
 
 " To Major- General Sullivan, 
 " Head-Quarters, White Plains, 1st September, 1778. 
 
 u DEAR SIR, The disagreement, between the army 
 under your command and the fleet, has given me very 
 singular uneasiness. The Continent at large is concerned 
 in our cordiality, and it should be kept up, by all possi 
 ble means, consistent with our honor and policy. First 
 impressions, you know, are generally longest remember 
 ed, and will serve to fix, in a great degree, our National 
 character among the French. In our conduct towards 
 them, we should remember that they are people old in 
 war, very strict in military etiquette, and apt to take fire, 
 where others scarcely seem warmed. Permit me to 
 recommend, in the most particular manner, the cul 
 tivation of harmony and good agreement, and your en 
 deavors to destroy that ill-humor, which may have got 
 into the officers. It is of the greatest importance, also, 
 that the soldiers and the people should know nothing 
 of the misunderstanding ; or, if it has reached them, 
 that ways may be used to stop its progress, and prevent 
 its effects. 
 
 cc I have received from Congress the enclosed, by 
 which you will perceive their opinion, with regard to 
 keeping secret the protest of the general officers : I need 
 add nothing on this head. I have one thing, however, 
 more to say : I make no doubt but you will do all in 
 your power to forward the repair of the Count s fleet, 
 and render it fit for service, by your recommendations 
 for that purpose, to those who can be immediately instru 
 mental. 
 
 " I am, dear sir, &c." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 331 
 
 Extracts from despatches to Congress. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, White Plains, September 4, 1778. 
 
 cc SIR, Congress may rely, that I will use every pos 
 sible means, in my power, to conciliate any differences 
 that may have arisen, in consequence of the Count D Es- 
 taing s going to Boston, and to prevent a publication of 
 the protest upon the occasion. Several days before the 
 receipt of the resolution, I had written to the eastward, 
 urging the necessity of harmony, and the expediency of 
 affording the Admiral every assistance to refit his ships. 
 
 u Six o c/oc/c, P. J\I. I this minute received a letter 
 from General Sullivan, of which the enclosure is a copy. 
 I shall be exceedingly happy, if a perfect reconciliation 
 has taken place between him and the Count, and all the 
 officers." 
 
 " Head-Quarters, White Plains, Sept. 4, 1778. 
 u SIR, I had the pleasure to hear this morning, by 
 a letter from General Sullivan, of the thirty-first ultimo, 
 that he had effected a retreat to the main, the preceding 
 night, without any loss, either of men or stores. As he 
 has written to Congress fully upon the subject, and I feel 
 their anxiety to hear it, I shall not detain Major Morris 
 longer, than to observe, that I think the retreat a most 
 fortunate, lucky, and well-timed event." 
 
 Extracts from a letter to John Augustine Washington, 
 of September 23d, 1778. 
 
 u To say any thing, at this late hour, of the proceed 
 ings against Rhode Island, would be but mere repetitions 
 of narratives, with which all the newspapers are filled. 
 The whole may be summed up in a few words, and 
 amounts to this ; that an unfortunate storm, (so it appear 
 ed, and yet, ultimately, it may have happened for the 
 best,) and some measures taken in consequence of it by 
 the French Admiral, perhaps unavoidably, blasted, in one 
 moment, the fairest hopes that ever were conceived ; and, 
 from a moral certainty of success, rendered it a matter 
 of rejoicing to get our own troops safe off the Island. 
 If the garrison of that place, consisting of nearly six thou- 
 
332 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 sand men, had been captured, as there was, in appear 
 ance at least, a hundred to one in favor of it, it would 
 have given the finishing blow to British pretensions of 
 sovereignty over this country ; and would, I am persuad 
 ed, have hastened the departure of the troops in New 
 York, as fast as their canvass wings could carry them 
 away. What their present designs are, I know not. 
 They are busily preparing, however, for something. 
 Whether to operate against our posts in the Highlands 
 arid this army, whether for a remove eastwardly, and, by 
 a junction of their land and naval forces, to attempt 
 the destruction of the French fleet at Boston, and the 
 repossession of that town, or whether to leave us al 
 together, for the purpose of re-enforcing Canada, Nova 
 Scotia, and their Islands, are matters yet to be deter 
 mined." 
 
 " I have, therefore, in order to do the best that the 
 nature of the case will admit, strengthened the works and 
 re-enforced the garrison in the Highlands, and thrown 
 the army into such positions, as to move eastward or 
 westward, as circumstances may require. The place 1 
 now date from, is about thirty miles from the fort on the 
 North River ; and I have some troops nearer, and oth 
 ers further off ; but all on the road leading to Boston, if 
 we should be dragged that way." 
 
 Extracts from despatches to Congress. 
 
 "Head-Q,uarters, 6 October, 1778. 
 
 e SIR, This will be delivered to you by Major-Gen 
 eral the Marquis de Lafayette. The generous motives, 
 which first induced him to cross the Atlantic and enter 
 the army of the United States, are well known to Con 
 gress. Reasons, equally laudable, now engage his return 
 to France, which, in its present circumstances, claims his 
 services. His eagerness to offer his duty to his Prince 
 and country, however great, could not influence him to 
 quit the Continent in any stage of an unfinished cam 
 paign. He resolved to remain, at least, till the close of 
 the present, and embraces this moment of suspense, to 
 communicate his wishes to Congress, with a view of 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 333 
 
 having the necessary arrangements made in time, and of 
 being still within reach, should any occasion offer of dis 
 tinguishing himself in the field. 
 
 u The Marquis, at the same time, from a desire of pre 
 serving a relation with us, and a hope of having it yet in 
 his power to be useful as an American officer, solicits 
 only a furlough, sufficient for the purposes above mention 
 ed. A reluctance to part with an officer, who unites to 
 all the military fire of youth an uncommon maturity of 
 judgement, would lead me to prefer his being absent on 
 this footing, if it depended on me. I shall always be 
 happy to give such a testimony of his services, as his bra 
 very and conduct on all occasions entitle him to ; and I 
 have no doubt, that Congress will add suitable expres 
 sions of their sense of his merit, and their regret on ac 
 count of his departure. I have the honor, &c. 7 
 
 " Head-Q,uarters, Fredericksburg, 27 November, 1778. 
 
 u SIR, Congress will be pleased to accept my ac 
 knowledgements for the communication of the treaties be 
 tween His Most Christian Majesty and the United States. 
 The resolve respecting the exchange of prisoners has been 
 transmitted to Sir Henry Clinton, and I have appointed 
 commissioners, if he thinks proper, to meet his at Amboy 
 on the 7th of next month. 
 
 " I have the pleasure to inform Congress, that the 
 whole army, one brigade and the light corps excepted, is 
 now in motion to the places of the respective cantonments 
 for winter-quarters. I have thought it prudent to delay 
 this event a while, to give time for the convention troops 
 to make some progress in crossing the North River, to 
 prevent a possibility of accident. The third division 
 passes this day ; and, if no unexpected interruption 
 happens, the whole will be over by the 30th instant. 
 When their passage is completed, the remaining troops 
 kept in the field will immediately retire to quarters. 
 
 c The disposition for winter-quarters is as follows. 
 Nine brigades will be stationed on the west side of Hud 
 son s River, exclusive of the garrison at West Point ; 
 one of which, the North Carolina brigade, will be near 
 
334 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 Smith s Clove for the security of that pass, and as a re- 
 enforcement to West Point in case of necessity ; another, 
 the Jersey brigade, will be at Elizabethtown, to cover 
 the lower part of Jersey ; and the other seven, consist 
 ing of the Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, and Pennsylva 
 nia troops, will be at Middlebrook. Six brigades will be 
 left on the east side of the river and at West Point ; three 
 of which (of the Massachusetts troops) will be stationed 
 for the immediate defence of the Highlands ; one at 
 West Point, in addition to the garrison already there ; 
 and the other two at Fishkill and the Continental Village. 
 The remaining three brigades, composed of the New 
 Hampshire and Connecticut troops and Hazen s regiment, 
 will be posted in the vicinity of 1) anbury, for the protec 
 tion of the country lying along the Sound, to cover our 
 magazines lying on Connecticut River, and to aid the 
 Highlands on any serious movement of the enemy that 
 way. 
 
 " The park of artillery will be at Pluckemin. The 
 cavalry will be disposed of thus ; Eland s regiment at 
 Winchester in Virginia, Baylor s at Frederick or Hagers- 
 town in Maryland, Moylan s at Lancaster in Pennsylva 
 nia, and Sheldon s at Durham in Connecticut. Lee s 
 corps will be with that part of the army which is in the 
 Jerseys, acting on the advanced posts. This comprehends 
 the general distribution of the army, except Clinton s brig 
 ade of New York troops, Pulaski s corps, and some de 
 tached regiments and corps stationed at Albany and at 
 different parts of the frontier, of which Congress have 
 already been particularly advised. General Putnam will 
 command at Danbury, General McDougall in the High 
 lands, and my own quarters will be in the Jerseys, in the 
 neighborhood of Middlebrook. 
 
 " This disposition appeared to me the best calculated 
 to reconcile, as far as possible, these several objects ; 
 the protection of the country ; the security of the impor 
 tant posts in the Highlands ; the safety, discipline, and 
 easy subsistence of the army. To have kept the troops 
 in a collected state would have increased infinitely the 
 expense and difficulty of subsisting them, both with re- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 335 
 
 spect to forage and provisions ; to have divided them into 
 smaller cantonments would have made it far less practica 
 ble to maintain order and discipline among them, and 
 would have put them less in a condition to control and 
 prevent offensive operations on the side of the enemy, or 
 to assemble to take advantage of any favorable opening, 
 which their future situation may offer, should they be 
 obliged to weaken themselves by further detachments, so 
 far as to invite an enterprise against them. 
 
 u By the estimate of the quartermaster and commissa 
 ry general, it appears indispensable to have the principal 
 part of the army on the other side of the North River. 
 It was thought impracticable to furnish the necessary sup 
 plies of flour for the whole on this side of the river, from 
 the immense difficulty and expense of transportation in 
 the winter season, and from the exhausted state of the 
 country with respect to forage. As this subject has been 
 already fully before Congress, I shall not trouble them 
 with a repetition of the details. In order as much as 
 possible to reduce the demand of forage and facilitate the 
 supplies, I have given directions, when the several divis 
 ions arrive at their cantonments, to send away to conve 
 nient places, at a distance from them, all the horses not 
 absolutely requisite to carry on the ordinary business of 
 the army. 
 
 "It is unnecessary to add, that the troops must again 
 have recourse to the expedient of hutting, as they did last 
 year. But, as they are now well clad, and we have had 
 more leisure to make some little preparations for winter- 
 quarters, I hope they will be in a more comfortable situ 
 ation, than they were in the preceding winter. With the 
 highest respect and esteem, 1 have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To Benjamin Franklin, American Minister in France. 
 "Philadelphia, 28 December, 1778. 
 
 " SIR, The Marquis de Lafayette, having served with 
 distinction as Major-General in the army of the United 
 States for two campaigns, has been determined, by the 
 prospects of a European war, to return to his native coun 
 try. It is with pleasure, that I embrace the opportunity 
 
336 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 of introducing to your personal acquaintance a gentleman, 
 whose merit cannot have left him unknown to you by rep 
 utation. The generous motives, which first induced him 
 to cross the Atlantic ; the tribute, which he paid to gal 
 lantry at the Brandywine ; his success in Jersey before 
 he had recovered from his wounds, in an affair where he 
 commanded militia against British grenadiers ; the brilliant 
 retreat, by which he eluded a combined manoeuvre of the 
 whole British force in the last campaign ; his services in 
 the enterprise against Rhode Island ; are such proofs of 
 his zeal, military ardor, and talents, as have endeared 
 him to America, and must greatly recommend him to his 
 Prince. 
 
 "Coming with so many titles to claim your esteem, 
 it were needless for any other purpose, than to indulge 
 my own feelings, to add, that I have a very particular 
 friendship for him ; and that whatever services you may 
 have it in your power to render him will confer an obliga 
 tion on one, who has the honor to be, with the greatest 
 esteem, regard, and respect, sir, &c." 
 
 " To the Marquis de Lafayette. 
 
 " Philadelphia, 29 December, 1778. 
 
 " MY DEAR MARQUIS, This will be accompanied by 
 a letter from Congress, which will inform you, that a cer 
 tain expedition, after a full consideration of all circumstan 
 ces, has been laid aside. I am sorry, however, for the 
 delay it has occasioned you by remaining so long unde 
 cided. 
 
 " I am persuaded, my dear Marquis, that there is no 
 need of fresh proofs to convince you, either of my affec 
 tion for you personally, or of the high opinion I entertain 
 of your military talents and merit. Yet, as you are on 
 the point of returning to your native country, I cannot 
 forbear indulging my friendship, by adding to the many 
 honorable testimonies you have received from Congress 
 the enclosed letter from myself to our minister at your 
 court. I have there endeavored to give him an idea of 
 the value this country sets upon you ; and the interest I 
 take in your happiness cannot but make me desire you 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 337 
 
 may be equally dear to your own. Adieu, my dear Mar 
 quis. My best wishes will ever attend you. May you 
 have a sale and agreeable passage, and a happy meeting 
 with your lady and friends. I am, &c." 
 
 The last two letters illustrate the friendship that existed 
 between Washington and Lafayette. The circumstances 
 that attended their first meeting are described in the fol 
 lowing interesting passage from the Eulogy pronounced 
 upon Lafayette in Fanueil Hall, at the request of the 
 young men of Boston, by Edward Everett. 
 
 u Destined, when, with full success and spotless honor, 
 he shall have gone through the American Revolution, to 
 take the lead in a mighty work of political reform in his 
 native land, he comes, in his youth, to the great monitorial 
 school of Freedom, to imbibe its holy doctrines from an 
 authentic source, before his heart is hardened and his 
 mind perverted ; to catch its pure spirit, living and un- 
 corrupted, from the lips of a pure master. 
 
 " Before that master he is yet to appear. The youth 
 ful adventurer has a test of character at hand more severe, 
 than any to which he has yet been subjected. He has 
 stood from his youth before princes and kings, and felt 
 that his clay was as good as theirs. But he has yet to 
 stand before that face, where, more than ever yet in the 
 face of mere man, the awful majesty of virtue abode in 
 visible personation : the serene but melancholy counte 
 nance, which no smile of light-hearted gladness illumina 
 ted, from the commencement to the close of his country s 
 struggle. Washington Avas at head-quarters when La 
 fayette reached Philadelphia, but he was daily expected 
 in the city. The introduction of the youthful stranger to 
 the man on whom his career depended, was therefore 
 delayed a few clays. It took place in a manner peculiarly 
 marked with the circumspection of Washington, at a din 
 ner-party, where Lafayette was one among several guests 
 of consideration. Washington was not uninformed of the 
 circumstances connected with his arrival in the country. 
 He knew what benefits it promised the cause, if his char 
 acter and talents were adapted to the course he had so 
 
338 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 boldly struck out ; and he knew also how much it was to 
 be feared, that the very qualities, which had prompted 
 him to embark in it, would make him a useless and even 
 a dangerous auxiliary. We may well suppose, that the 
 piercing eye of the father of his country was not idle 
 during the repast. But that searching glance, before which 
 pretence or fraud never stood undetected, \vas completely 
 satisfied. When they were about to separate, Washing 
 ton took Lafayette aside, spoke to him with kindness, 
 paid a just tribute to the noble spirit which he had shown, 
 and the sacrifices he had made in the American cause ; 
 invited him to make the head-quarters of the army his 
 home, and to regard himself, at all times, as one of the 
 family of the Commander-in-chief. 
 
 " Such was the reception given to Lafayette, by the 
 most sagacious and observant of men ; and the personal 
 acquaintance, thus commenced, ripened into an intimacy, 
 a confidence, and an affection without bounds, and never 
 for one moment interrupted. If there lived a man whom 
 Washington loved, it was Lafayette. The proofs of this 
 are not wanted by those who have read the history of the 
 Revolution, but the private correspondence of these two 
 great men, hitherto unpublished, discloses the full extent, 
 of the mutual regard and affection which united them. 
 It not only shows that Washington entertained the highest 
 opinion of the military talent, the personal probity, and 
 the general prudence and energy of Lafayette, but that 
 he regarded him with the tenderness of a father ; and 
 found in the affection, which Lafayette bore to him in 
 return, one of the greatest comforts and blessings of his 
 own life. Whenever the correspondence of Washington 
 and Lafayette shall be published, the publication will do, 
 what perhaps nothing else can, raise them both in the 
 esteem and admiration of mankind." 
 
 The passages from Washington s correspondence which 
 show the warmth and tenderness of his affection for La 
 fayette, to which Governor Everett alludes, have since 
 been published, and are to be found in Mr. Sparks s 
 edition of Washington s Writings. Many of them have 
 been selected and presented to the reader of this memoir- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 339 
 
 The friendship between these two most renowned and 
 fortunate men, continued unabated to the end. It was 
 founded in a similar sincerity and depth of devotion to the 
 great principles of human liberty and happiness, and was 
 rendered imperishable by the purity, dignity, and excel 
 lence of their characters and spirit. It would be a de 
 lightful task to trace the course of Lafayette through all 
 the strange and glorious vicissitudes of his remarkable 
 fortunes, and show with what steadfast consistency, and 
 noble fidelity, he adhered to the principles of his great 
 master. But the limits of the present work, and the 
 salutary and even necessary restrictions of biographical 
 composition, require it to be confined to a narration of 
 what relates to its subject, and to him alone. The story 
 of Lafayette, however, needs not to be related anew ; it 
 has already been told by the most eloquent orators and 
 scholars of the country and the age, and cannot but be 
 familiar to every intelligent and patriotic American.* 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Campaign of 1779. 
 
 " To the Marquis de Lafayette, Paris. 
 
 " Camp at Middlebrook, 8 March, 1779. 
 
 " MY DEAR MARQUIS, I am mortified exceedingly, 
 that my letter from Philadelphia, with the several enclo 
 sures, did not reach Boston before your departure from 
 that port. It was written as soon as Congress had come 
 to a decision upon the several matters, which became the 
 subject of the President s letter to you, and was com- 
 
 * The reader is referred, for interesting views of the character and 
 services of Lafayette, to a sketch of them originally published in the 
 North American Review, by George Ticknor, Esq.; to the Eulogy pro 
 nounced, at the request of both Houses of Congress of the United 
 States, by John Quincy Adams ; and to the Eulogy, quoted in the text, 
 pronounced in Fanueil Hall by Edward Everett. 
 
340 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 mitted for conveyance to the messenger, who was charged 
 with his despatches to that place. 
 
 u Monsieur La Colombe did me the honor of deliver 
 ing to me your favors, and will probably be the bearer of 
 my thanks for the affectionate manner in which you have 
 expressed your sentiments in your last adieu, than which 
 nothing can be more flattering and pleasing ; nor is there 
 any thing more wished for by me, than opportunities of 
 giving substantial proofs of the sincerity of my attachment 
 and affection. 
 
 "Nothing of importance has happened since you left 
 us, except the enemy s invasion of Georgia, and pos 
 session of its capital ; which, though it may add something 
 to their supplies on the score of provisions, will contribute 
 very little to the brilliancy of their arms. For, like the 
 defenceless island of St. Lucia, it only required the ap 
 pearance of force to effect the conquest of it, as the whole 
 militia of the State did not exceed twelve hundred men, 
 and many of them disaffected. General Lincoln is as 
 sembling a force to dispossess them, and my only fear is, 
 that he will precipitate the attempt before he is fully pre 
 pared for the execution. In New York and at Rhode 
 Island, the enemy continued quiet till the 25th ultimo, 
 when an attempt was made by them to surprise the 
 post at Elizabethtown ; but failing therein, and finding 
 themselves closely pressed, and in danger from detach 
 ments advancing towards them from this army, they 
 retreated precipitately through a marsh waist-deep in 
 mud, after abandoning all their plunder ; but not before 
 they had, according to their wonted custom, set fire to 
 two or three houses. The regiment of Anspach, and 
 some other troops, are brought from Rhode Island to 
 New York. 
 
 " We are happy in the repeated assurances and proofs 
 of the friendship of our great and good ally, whom we 
 hope and trust, ere this, may be congratulated on the 
 birth of a prince, and on the joy which the nation must 
 derive from an instance of royal felicity. We also flatter 
 ourselves, that before this period the Kings of Spain and 
 the Two Sicilies may be greeted as allies of the United 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 341 
 
 States ; and we are not a little pleased to find, from good 
 authority, that the solicitations and offers of the court of 
 Great Britain to the Empress of Russia have been re 
 jected ; nor are we to be displeased, that overtures from 
 the city of Amsterdam, for entering into a commercial 
 connexion with us, have been made in such open and 
 pointed terms. Such favorable sentiments, in so many 
 powerful Princes and States, cannot but be considered 
 in a very honorable, interesting, and pleasing point of 
 view, by all those who have struggled with difficulties and 
 misfortunes to maintain the rights and secure the liberties 
 of their country. But, notwithstanding these flattering 
 appearances, the British King and his ministers continue 
 to threaten us with war and desolation. A few months, 
 however, must decide whether these or peace is to take 
 place. For both we will prepare ; and, should the former 
 be continued, I shall not despair of sharing fresh toils and 
 dangers with you in America ; but, if the latter succeeds, 
 1 can entertain little hopes, that the rural amusements of 
 an infant world, or the contracted stage of an American 
 theatre, can withdraw your attention and services from 
 the gayeties of a court, and the active part you will more 
 than probably be called upon to share in the administra 
 tion of your government. The soldier will then be trans 
 formed into the statesman, and your employment in this 
 new walk of life will afford you no time to revisit this 
 continent, or think of friends who lament your absence. 
 
 " The American troops are again in huts ; but in a 
 more agreeable and fertile country, than they were in last 
 winter at Valley Forge ; and they are better clad and 
 more healthy, than they have ever been since the forma 
 tion of the army. Mrs. Washington is now with me, and 
 makes a cordial tender of her regards to you ; and, if 
 those of strangers can be offered with propriety, and will 
 be acceptable, we respectively wish to have them con 
 veyed to your amiable lady. We hope and trust, that 
 your passage has been short, agreeable, and safe, and 
 that you are as happy, as the smiles of a gracious Prince, 
 beloved wife, warm friends, and high expectations can 
 make you. I have now complied with your request in 
 
342 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 writing you a long letter ; and I shall only add, that, with 
 the purest sentiments of attachment, and the warmest 
 friendship and regard, I am, my dear Marquis, your most 
 affectionate and obliged, &c. 
 
 "P. S. Harrison and Meade are in Virginia. All the 
 other officers of my staff unite, most cordially, in offering 
 you their sincere compliments." 
 
 The preceding letter to Lafayette, and the following, 
 to General Warren, will sufficiently exhibit the views and 
 feelings, with which Washington entered upon the opening 
 season of the fifth year of the war. 
 
 " To General Warren. 
 " Head-Quarters, Middlebrook, March 31, 1779. 
 
 u DEAR SIR, I beseech you, not to ascribe my de 
 lay, in answering your obliging favor of the 16th of De 
 cember, to disrespect, or want of inclination to continue 
 a correspondence, in which I have always taken pleasure, 
 and thought myself honored. 
 
 " Your letter of the above date came to my hands in 
 Philadelphia, where I attended, at the request of Con 
 gress, to settle some important matters respecting the 
 army, and its future operations ; and where I was detain 
 ed, till some time in February. During that period, my 
 time was so much occupied by the immediate and pres 
 sing business which carried me there, that I could attend 
 to little else ; and, upon my return to camp, I found the 
 ordinary business of the army had run so much behind 
 hand, that, together with the arrangements I had to carry 
 into execution, no leisure was left me, to indulge myself, 
 sooner, in making the acknowledgement I am about to do, 
 of the pleasure I felt, at finding that I still enjoyed a share 
 of your confidence and esteem, and, now and then, would 
 be informed of it by letter. Believe me, sir, when I add, 
 that this proof of your holding me in remembrance is 
 most pleasing and acceptable. 
 
 " Our conflict is not likely to cease so soon as every 
 good man would wish. The measure of iniquity is not 
 yet filled ; and, unless we can return a little more to first 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 343 
 
 principles, and act a little more upon patriotic ground, I 
 do not know when it will, or what may be the issue of 
 the contest ; speculation, peculation, engrossing, forestal 
 ling, with all their concomitants, afford too many melan 
 choly proofs of the decay of public virtue, and too glar 
 ing instances of its being the interest and desire of too 
 many, who would wisli to be thought friends, to continue 
 the war. 
 
 " Nothing, I am convinced, but the depreciation of our 
 currency, proceeding, in a great measure, from the fore 
 going causes, aided by stock-jobbing and party dissensions, 
 has fed the hopes of the enemy, and kept the arms of 
 Britain in America, until now. They do not scruple to 
 declare this, themselves, and add, that we shall be our 
 own conquerors. Cannot our common country (Ameri 
 ca) possess virtue enough to disappoint them ? Is the 
 consideration of a little dirty pelf to individuals, to be 
 placed in competition with the essential rights and liber 
 ties of the present generation, and of millions yet unborn ? 
 Shall a few designing men, for their own aggrandizement, 
 and to gratify their own avarice, overset the goodly fab 
 ric we have been rearing at the expense of so much time, 
 blood, and treasure ? and shall we, at last, become the 
 victims of our own abominable lust of gain ? Forbid it, 
 .Heaven ! forbid it all, and every State in the Union ! by 
 enacting and enforcing efficacious laws, for checking the 
 growth of these monstrous evils, and restoring matters, in 
 some degree, to the pristine state they were in, at the 
 commencement of the war. Our cause is noble ! It is 
 the cause of mankind ; and the danger to it springs from 
 ourselves. Shall we slumber and sleep, then, when we 
 should be punishing those miscreants, who have brought 
 these troubles upon us, and who are aiming to continue 
 us in them ; while we should be striving to fill our battal 
 ions, and devising ways and means to appreciate the cur 
 rency, on the credit of which, every thing depends ? I 
 hope riot. Let vigorous measures be adopted, not to 
 limit the prices of articles, for this, I conceive, is incon 
 sistent with the very nature of things, and impracticable 
 in itself, but to punish speculators, forestallers, and ex- 
 
344 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 tortioners ; and, above all, to sink the money by heavy 
 taxes, to promote public and private economy, encourage 
 manufactures, &c. Measures of this sort, gone heartily 
 into by the several States, will strike, at once, at the root 
 of all our misfortunes, and give the coup de grace to Bri 
 tish hope of subjugating this great Continent, either by 
 their arms or their arts. The first, as I have before ob 
 served, they acknowledge, are unequal to the task ; the 
 latter, I am sure, will be so, if we are not lost to every 
 thing that is good and virtuous. 
 
 " A little time, now, must unfold, in some degree, the 
 enemy s designs ; whether the state of affairs in Europe 
 will permit them to augment their army with more than re 
 cruits for the regiments now in America, and therewith 
 attempt an active and vigorous campaign ; or, whether, 
 with their Canadian and Florida force, they will aid and 
 abet the Indians in ravaging our western frontier, while 
 their shipping, with detachments, harass, (and, if they 
 mean to prosecute the predatory war threatened by ad 
 ministration, through their commissioners,) burn and des 
 troy our seacoast ; or, whether, contrary to expectation, 
 they are more disposed to negotiate than to do either, is 
 more than I can determine. The latter will depend very 
 much on their apprehensions of Spain, and their own 
 foreign alliances. At present, we seem to be in a chaos ; 
 but this cannot last long, as I presume the ultimate de 
 termination of the British Court will be developed at the 
 meeting of Parliament, after the holydays. 
 
 " Mrs. Washington joins me in a tender of cordial 
 wishes and best respects to Mrs. Warren ; she would 
 have done herself the pleasure of writing, but the present 
 conveyance by Captain Oilman, to Boston, was sudden. 
 
 C I am, with sincere esteem and regard, dear sir, your 
 most obed t serv t." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 "Head-Quarters, Middlebrook, 25 May, 1779. 
 
 " SIR, By intelligence through different channels 
 from Ne\v York, it would seem as if the enemy there 
 have some important enterprise in contemplation. They 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 345 
 
 have been drawing all their force to a point, and have 
 collected a number of boats at Kingsbridge, which are 
 so prepared, as to indicate an attempt that requires se 
 crecy and silence." 
 
 ; To ike President of Congress. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, Middlebrook, 3 June, 1779. 
 
 u SIR, In the letter, which I did myself the honor to 
 write to your Excellency on the 25th of May, I men 
 tioned the appearances which indicated that the enemy 
 had some important enterprise in contemplation. These 
 appearances have since increased, till they seem to have 
 arrived at a very interesting crisis. The enclosed extracts 
 from the intelligence I have successively received will 
 show their progress, and the point at which they last 
 stood. Congress will observe, by General St. Clair s 
 letter, that he expected to reach Pompton last night. The 
 Virginia division, commanded by Lord Stirling, marched 
 yesterday for the same place. Baron de Kalb, with the 
 Maryland troops, follows this morning. We shall press 
 forward with all diligence, and do every thing in our pow 
 er to disappoint the enemy. I expect to set out this day 
 towards the Highlands, by way of Morristown. I men 
 tion the route, that any despatches coming from Congress 
 may the more readily find me. There are five brigades 
 of Continental troops, besides the two Carolina regiments, 
 under the command of General McDougall. 
 
 cc At the first appearance of a movement among the ene 
 my, I redoubled my efforts to put the army here in a state 
 of readiness for taking the field. These have been sec 
 onded by the utmost exertions of the quartermaster-gen 
 eral ; but the very great difficulty of procuring horses and 
 wagons, and the scarcity of forage, have unavoidably re 
 tarded our preparations. I beg leave to enclose an extract 
 of a letter I have just received from General Gates, on 
 the very important subject of money. I entreat that Con 
 gress will be pleased to order him an immediate and ade 
 quate supply, as the necessity is urgent, and it would be 
 dangerous to risk a revival of the discontent, which lately 
 appeared among the troops at Providence for want of pay. 
 
346 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 It is also much to be desired, that he may be enabled to 
 re-enlist the men he mentions during the war. I am, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Ringwood Iron-Works, 6 June, 1779. 
 
 " SIR, I am now to inform you, according to the 
 advices I have obtained, that, on the 1st instant in the 
 morning, the enemy opened a battery at Stony Point, 
 which lies on the west side of the Hudson, at the landing 
 at King s Ferry, against a small detached work at Ver- 
 planck s Point, on the east side, and kept up a constant 
 fire upon it, in conjunction with their ships, till four in the 
 afternoon, when the party stationed in it, finding that it 
 was also invested on the land side in force, surrendered 
 by capitulation. The next day, that part of the enemy, 
 which was landed on the east side of the river, computed 
 at five thousand, advanced to the Bald Hill below the 
 Continental Village, when it was expected that they meant 
 to attack our troops in that quarter, and to gain, if possi 
 ble, Nelson s point opposite to Fort Arnold, while Sir 
 Henry Clinton, with the remainder of the army, should 
 proceed from Havers traw Bay against the fort, by the 
 routes on the west side. This however was not attempt 
 ed, and the body of the enemy, that appeared before the 
 Village, returned, without making any attack, to the ground 
 from which they had moved. The enemy have since 
 remained in two divisions on the opposite sides of the 
 river. Their vessels have generally fallen down a little 
 below King s Ferry, and twelve square-rigged vessels, 
 with eight of a smaller size and fifteen flat-boats, with 
 troops on board, stood down the river yesterday, and were 
 seen till they turned the Points, which form the upper part 
 of Tappan Bay. The rest of the fleet (the whole of 
 which is reported to have consisted of about seventy sail, 
 great and small, and one hundred and fifty flat-boats) keep 
 their station ; and the body of troops on this side, from 
 the latest advices, were very industriously employed yes 
 terday in fortifying Stony Point, which, from its peninsu 
 lar and commanding form, is naturally strong, and which, 
 from the narrowness of the neck, that connects it to the 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 247 
 
 main land, may be insulated and maintained without any 
 very great difficulty. This, sir, is a summary of the in 
 telligence, and of the situation of the enemy. 
 
 " Their movements and conduct are very perplexing, 
 and leave it difficult to determine what are their real ob 
 jects. However, as the posts in the Highlands are of 
 infinite consequence, and the point in which we can be 
 most essentially injured, I shall take every measure in my 
 power to provide for their security, and accordingly shall 
 make such a disposition of the army as shall best promise 
 to answer that end. If they should not operate against 
 those posts, it would seem that one part of their expedi 
 tion, and a principal one, is, by establishing garrisons, to 
 cut off the communication by the way of King s Ferry. 
 1 have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 Extracts from a letter to General Gates : 
 " With respect to my plans, the only offensive one I 
 could have in contemplation independent on contingen 
 cies, has been announced to you ; I mean the western 
 expedition. Our defensive ones must depend on the 
 movements of the enemy. I imagined you had too just 
 an idea of the comparative state of their strength and ours, 
 to make a particular explanation on this head necessary ; 
 but the opinion you express in your last, of the glorious 
 opportunity of making an attack upon New York, shows 
 that you must either greatly overrate our force, or under 
 value that of the enemy. Indeed, you are entirely mis 
 taken in your estimate of the detachments, which have 
 gone from New York since the I st of October last, in 
 cluding that to Virginia, which has lately returned. They 
 did not amount to much more than one half the number 
 you mentioned ; at the highest calculation they could not 
 exceed nine thousand five hundred. The force then re 
 maining at New York and its dependencies, by the lowest 
 computation, was not less than nine thousand serviceable 
 men. It is now eleven thousand. You will judge from 
 this state of facts, whether the opportunity for attacking 
 New York was a very glorious one or not." 
 
348 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 " You will have heard, that the enemy have made a 
 movement up the North River, and taken possession of 
 Verplanck s Point and Stony Point. They are fortify 
 ing, and seem determined to keep possession. It is ju 
 dicious on their part, and will be productive of advanta 
 ges to them and inconveniences to us, which will be too 
 obvious to you, to need enumeration. They have about 
 six thousand men in the two divisions. A part of those 
 who came up, at first, have since returned to New York. 
 An attempt to dislodge them, from the natural strength 
 of the positions, would require a greater force and appa 
 ratus, than we are masters of. All we can do is, to la 
 ment what we cannot remedy, endeavor to prevent a fur 
 ther progress on the river, and make the advantages of 
 what they have now gained as limited as possible." 
 
 In combination with the wonderful prudence and cau 
 tion which ever marked the conduct of Washington, as 
 a commander, there was a high degree of daring and ad 
 venturous enterprise. Many of the most perilous and 
 romantic achievements of the war, were suggested by his 
 spirit, contrived by his skill, and conducted by his or 
 ders. But, as his position as Commander-in-chief pre 
 vented his personally engaging in them, his immediate and 
 very intimate agency, in reference to them, has only 
 been made known by the recent publication of his cor 
 respondence. The storming and capture of Stony Point 
 is allowed, by all, to have been one of the most brilliant 
 actions of the Revolution, and has justly immortalized the 
 memory of the gallant officer who conducted the assault. 
 Justice to Washington requires, that it should be known, 
 that the enterprise was suggested, and directed, in all its 
 stages of preparation, by Washington himself. For this 
 purpose, I shall here bring together several letters from 
 Mr. Sparks s collection of Washington s writings. 
 
 " To Major Henry Lee. 
 " Head-Quarters, New Windsor, 28 June, 1779. 
 " SIR, I have received your letter, dated yesterday, 
 and thank you for the information it contained. I have 
 now to request, that you will endeavor to employ some 
 person in whom you can confide, and who, at the same 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 349 
 
 time is intelligent, to go into the works at Stony Point, 
 or, if admittance is not to be gained, to obtain the best 
 knowledge of them he can, so as to describe the particu 
 lar kind of works, the precise spots on which they stand, 
 and the strength of the garrison. If you should succeed 
 in this point, I must beg you will transmit to me, without 
 delay, a sketch of the works, that I may be able to form 
 an accurate idea of them. You will yourself take the best 
 view you can, that you may the better know whether the 
 report you get from the person sent in is to be relied on. 
 Describe the number of armed vessels and their situation, 
 and keep the contents of this letter to yourself. 
 
 "I am, &c." 
 
 " To Brigadier- General Wayne. 
 
 "Head-Quarters, 1 July, 1779. 
 
 u SIR, Herewith you will be pleased to receive gen 
 eral instructions for your conduct. This you will con 
 sider as private and confidential. The importance of the 
 two posts of Verplanck s Point and Stony Point to the 
 enemy is too obvious to need explanation. We ought if 
 possible to dispossess them. 1 recommend it to your 
 particular attention, without delay, to gain as exact a 
 knowledge as you can of the number of the garrisons, the 
 state of the creeks that surround the former, the nature of 
 the ground in the vicinity of both, the position and strength 
 of the fortifications, the situation of the guards, the num 
 ber and stations of the vessels in the river, and the pre 
 cautions in general, which the enemy employ for their 
 security. 
 
 " It is a matter I have much at heart, to make some 
 attempt upon these posts in the present weak state of the 
 garrisons, and before the enemy commence any other 
 operations, if warranted by a probability of success. I 
 must entreat your best endeavors to acquire the necessary 
 information, and, after having obtained this, that you will 
 give me your opinion on the practicability of a surprise of 
 one or both those places, especially that on the west side 
 of the river. I am, dear sir, yours, &c." 
 
350 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 " To Brigadier- General Wayne. 
 
 "New Windsor, 10 July, 1779. 
 
 " DEAR SIR, Immediately upon receipt of your let 
 ter of this date, I ordered the quartermaster-general to 
 furnish the espontoons you wrote for, and I presume you 
 will get them in a day or two. My ideas of the enterprise 
 in contemplation are these ; that it should be attempted by 
 the light-infantry only, who should march under cover of 
 night and with the utmost secrecy to the enemy s lines, 
 securing every person they find, to prevent discovery. 
 Between one and two hundred chosen men and officers I 
 conceive fully sufficient for the surprise ; and I apprehend 
 the approach should be along the water on the south side, 
 crossing the beach and entering at the abatis. This par 
 ty is to be preceded by a vanguard of prudent and deter 
 mined men, well commanded, who are to remove obstruc 
 tions, secure the sentries, and drive in the guards. The 
 whole of them are to advance with fixed bayonets, and 
 muskets unloaded. The officers commanding them are 
 to know precisely what batteries, or particular parts of 
 the line, they are respectively to possess, that confusion 
 and the consequences of indecision may be avoided. 
 These parties should be followed by the main body at a 
 small distance, for the purpose of support and of making 
 good the advantages which may be gained, or to bring 
 them off in case of repulse and disappointment. Other 
 parties may advance to the works (but not so as to be 
 discovered till the conflict is begun) by the way of the 
 causey and river on the north, if practicable, as well for 
 the purpose of distracting the enemy in their defence, as 
 to cut off their retreat. These parties may be small, un 
 less the access and approaches should be very easy and 
 safe. 
 
 4C The three approaches here mentioned should be well 
 reconnoitered beforehand, and by persons of observation, 
 Single men in the night will be more likely to ascertain 
 facts, than the best glasses in the day. A white feather, 
 or cockade, or some other visible badge of distinction for 
 the night, should be worn by our troops, and a watchword 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 351 
 
 agreed on to distinguish friends from foes. If success 
 should attend the enterprise, measures should be instantly 
 taken to prevent, if practicable, the retreat of the garrison 
 by water, or to annoy them as much as possible if they 
 attempt it ; and the guns should be immediately turned 
 against the shipping and Verplanck s Point, and covered 
 if possible from the enemy s fire. 
 
 " Secrecy is so much more essential to this kind of 
 enterprises, than numbers, that I should not think it ad 
 visable to employ any other than the light troops. If a 
 surprise takes place, they are fully competent to the busi 
 ness ; if it does not, numbers will avail little. As it is in 
 the power of a single deserter to betray the design, defeat 
 the project, and involve the parties in difficulties and dan 
 ger, too much caution cannot be used to conceal the in 
 tended enterprise till the latest hour from all but the prin 
 cipal officers of your corps, and from the men till the 
 moment of execution. Knowledge of your intention, ten 
 minutes previously obtained, blasts all your hopes ; for 
 which reason a small detachment, composed of men whose 
 fidelity you can rely on, under the care of a judicious 
 officer, should guard every avenue through the marsh to 
 the enemy s works, by which our deserters or the spies 
 can pass, and prevent all intercourse. The usual time 
 for exploits of this kind is a little before day, for which 
 reason a. vigilant officer is then more on the watch. I 
 therefore recommend a midnight hour. I had in view to 
 attempt Verplanck s Point at the same instant, that your 
 operations should commence at Stony Point ; but the 
 uncertainty of co-operating in point of time, and the haz 
 ard thereby run of defeating the attempt on Stony Point, 
 which is infinitely the most important, the other being de 
 pendant, has induced me to suspend that operation. 
 
 " These are my general ideas of the plan for a surprise; 
 but you are at liberty to depart from them in every in 
 stance, where you think they may be improved, or changed 
 for the better. A dark night, and even a rainy one, if 
 you can find the way, will contribute to your success. 
 The officers, in these night marches, should be extremely 
 attentive to keep their men together, as well for the pur- 
 
352 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 pose of guarding against desertion to the enemy, as to 
 prevent skulking. As it is a part of the plan, if the sur 
 prise should succeed, to make use of the enemy s cannon 
 against their shipping and their post on the other side, it 
 will be well to have a small detachment of artillery with 
 you to serve them. I have sent an order to the park for 
 this purpose, and, to cover the design, have ordered down 
 a couple of light field-pieces. When you march, you 
 can leave the pieces behind. So soon as you have fixed 
 upon your plan and the time of execution, I shall be 
 obliged to you to give me notice. I shall immediately 
 order you a re-enforcement of light-infantry and espon- 
 toons. I am, dear sir, &c." 
 
 " To Brigadier- General Wayne. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, New Windsor, 14 July, 1779. 
 
 u DEAR SIR, I have reflected on the advantages and 
 disadvantages of delaying the proposed attempt, and I do 
 not know but the latter preponderate. You may there 
 fore carry it into execution to-morrow night, as you de 
 sired, unless some new motive or better information should 
 induce you to think it best to defer it. You are at liberty 
 to choose between the different plans on which we have 
 conversed. But as it is important to have every inform 
 ation we can procure, if you could manage in the mean 
 time to see Major Lee, it may be useful. He has been 
 so long near the spot, and has taken so much pains to in 
 form himself critically concerning the post, that I imagine 
 he may be able to make you acquainted with some further 
 details. Your interview must be managed with caution, 
 or it may possibly raise suspicion. I am, dear sir, &c." 
 
 " To Brigadier- General Muhlcnberg. 
 
 " Fort Montgomery, 15 July, 1779. 
 
 " SIR, This day General Wayne marched down 
 towards Stony Point, to take a view of the enemy, and, 
 if an opportunity offers, to attempt something serious. I 
 therefore wish you to put your brigade in motion about 
 midnight, and march that way in order to act as his situ 
 ation may make it necessary. You will make your move- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 353 
 
 ments as secret as possible, and march perfectly light, 
 taking with you such of your guards as may be in your 
 route. One day s provision will be necessary for the men 
 to have with them ; and the rest that may be at the post 
 you will have ready to follow, should circumstances re 
 quire it. You shall hear from me when you are to return, 
 unless the enterprise should prove unsuccessful ; in which 
 case you will return to your present post. I am, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 " New Windsor, half past 9 o clock, 16 July, 1779. 
 " SIR, I have the pleasure to transmit to your Excel 
 lency the enclosed copy of a letter from Brigadier-Gen 
 eral Wayne, which this moment came to hand. I con 
 gratulate Congress upon our success ; and what makes it 
 still more agreeable, from the report of Captain Fishbourn, 
 who brought me General Wayne s letter, the post was 
 gained with but very inconsiderable loss on our part. As 
 soon as I receive a particular account of the affair, I shall 
 transmit it. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 "New Windsor, 20 July, 1779. 
 
 cc SIR, On the 16th instant I had the honor to inform 
 Congress of a successful attack upon the enemy s post at 
 Stony Point, on the preceding night, by Brigadier-Gen 
 eral Wayne and the corps of light-infantry under his com 
 mand. The ulterior operations in which we have been 
 engaged, have hitherto put it out of my power to transmit 
 the particulars of this interesting event. They will now 
 be found in the enclosed report, which I have received 
 from General Wayne. To the encomiums he has de 
 servedly bestowed on the officers and men under his com 
 mand, it gives me pleasure to add, that his own conduct 
 throughout the whole of this arduous enterprise merits the 
 warmest approbation of Congress. He improved upon 
 the plan recommended by me, and executed it in a man 
 ner that does signal honor to his judgement and to his 
 bravery. In a critical moment of the assault, he received 
 
354 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 a flesh wound in the head, with a musket-ball, but contin 
 ued leading on his men with unshaken firmness." 
 
 The following was the despatch, communicating to 
 Washington the success of the assault upon Stony Point : 
 
 " Stony Point, two o clock, A. M., 16 July, 1779, 
 u DEAR GENERAL, The fort and garrison, with 
 Colonel Johnson, are ours. Our officers and men be 
 haved like men, who are determined to be free. 
 a Yours, most sincerely, 
 
 " ANTHONY WAYNE." 
 
 About this time, an attempt was made to injure the 
 reputation of Washington, by the publication, in the Ma 
 ryland Journal, of an article entitled, c Queries, Political 
 and Military, written by General Charles Lee. In a 
 letter to a friend, of the 29th of July, 1779, Washington 
 expressed himself as follows, in reference to this attack : 
 
 cc The motives, which actuate this gentleman, can bet 
 ter be accounted for by himself, than by me. If he can 
 produce a single instance, in which I have mentioned his 
 name, after his trial commenced, where it was in my pow 
 er to avoid it, and when it was not, where I have done 
 it with the smallest degree of acrimony or disrespect, I 
 will consent that the world shall view my character in as 
 disreputable a light, as he wishes to place it. What 
 cause there is, then, for such a profusion of venom, as 
 he is emitting, upon all occasions, unless, by an act of pub 
 lic duty, in bringing him to trial, at his own solicitation, I 
 have disappointed him, and raised his ire ; or he con 
 ceives that, in proportion as he can darken the shades of 
 my character, he illuminates his own ; whether these, I 
 say, or motives still more hidden and dark, govern him, 
 I shall not undertake to decide ; nor have I time to in 
 quire into them at present. 
 
 u If I had ever assumed the character of a military 
 genius, and an officer of experience ; if, under these false 
 colors, I had solicited the command I was honored with ; 
 or if, after my appointment, I had presumptuously driven 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 355 
 
 on, under the sole guidance of my own judgement and self- 
 will, and misfortunes, the result of obstinacy and miscon 
 duct, not of necessity, had followed, I should have 
 thought myself a proper subject for the lash, not only of 
 his, but of the pen of every other writer, and a fit object 
 for public resentment. But when it is well known, that 
 the command was in a manner forced upon me, that I 
 accepted it with the utmost diffidence, from a conscious 
 ness that it required greater abilities and more experience 
 than I possessed, to conduct a great military machine, 
 embarrassed as I knew ours must be by a variety of com 
 plex circumstances, being as it were but little more than 
 a mere chaos ; and when nothing more was promised on 
 my part than has been most inviolably performed ; it is 
 rather grating to pass over in silence charges, which may 
 impress the uninformed, though others know, that these 
 charges have neither reason nor truth to support them, 
 and that a plain and simple narrative of facts would defeat 
 all his assertions, notwithstanding they are made with an 
 effrontery, which few r men do, and, for the honor of hu 
 man nature, none ought to possess. 
 
 " If this gentleman is envious of my station, and thinks 
 I stand in his way to preferment, I can assure him, in 
 most solemn terms, that the first wish of my soul is to 
 return to that peaceful retirement, and domestic ease and 
 happiness, from whence I came. To this end all my 
 labors have been directed, and for this purpose have I 
 been more than four years a perfect slave, endeavoring, 
 under as many embarrassing circumstances as ever fell to 
 one man s lot to encounter, and with as pure motives as 
 ever man was influenced by, to promote the cause and 
 service I had embarked in. 
 
 u You may form a pretty good judgement of my pros 
 pect of a brilliant campaign, and of the figure I shall make 
 in it, when I inform you, that, excepting about four hun 
 dred recruits from the State of Massachusetts Bay, (a 
 portion of whom I am told are children, hired at about 
 fifteen hundred dollars each for nine months service,) I 
 have had no re-enforcement to this army since last cam 
 paign, while our numbers have been, and now are, dimin- 
 
356 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 ishing daily by the expiring terms of the men s services, 
 to say nothing of the natural waste by sickness, death, 
 and desertion. Discouraging as this is, I feel more from 
 the state of our currency, and the little attention, which 
 hitherto appears to have been paid to our finances, than 
 from the smallness of our army ; and yet, Providence 
 having so often taken us up, when bereft of every other 
 hope, I trust we shall not fail even in this. The present 
 temper and disposition of the people to facilitate a loan, 
 to discountenance speculation, and to raise the value of 
 the money, are a happy presage of resulting good, and 
 ought to be cherished by every possible means, not re 
 pugnant to good order and government. With you, I 
 conceive, that great events are comprised in the next six 
 months." 
 
 " The public are already possessed of the little mili 
 tary occurrences of this quarter. I need not repeat them. 
 Some considerable movement of the enemy is in agita 
 tion, but of what nature, and where pointed, I have not 
 been able to discover. Lord Cornwallis is arrived, and 
 a number of troops, it is said, is hourly expected." 
 
 The following extracts, from a letter to the Surgeon 
 and Physician-General of the army, will give the reader 
 a vivid and pleasant view of the manner of living, at Head- 
 Quarters. 
 
 " West Point, 16 August, 1779. 
 
 "DEAR DOCTOR, I have asked Mrs. Cochran and 
 Mrs. Livingston to dine with me to-morrow ; but am I 
 not in honor bound to apprize them of their fare ?" 
 
 " Since our arrival at this happy spot, we have had a 
 ham, sometimes a shoulder of bacon, to grace the head 
 of the table ; a piece of roast beef a-doras the foot ; and 
 a dish of beans, or greens, almost imperceptible, deco 
 rates the centre. When the cook has a mind to cut a 
 figure, which, I presume, will be the case to-morrow, we 
 have two beefsteak pies, or dishes of crabs, in addition, 
 one on each side of the centre dish, dividing the space, and 
 reducing the distance between dish and dish to about six 
 feet, which, without them, would be near twelve feet apart. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 357 
 
 Of late, he has had the surprising sagacity to discov 
 er, that apples will make pies ; and it is a question, if, 
 in the violence of his efforts, we do not get one of ap 
 ples, instead of having hoth of beefsteaks. If the ladies 
 can put up with such entertainment, and will submit to 
 partake of it on plates, once tin, but now iron, (not be 
 come so by the labor of scouring,) I shall be happy to 
 see them ; and am, dear Doctor, yours, &c." 
 
 The course and condition of affairs, and the views and 
 feelings of Washington, are sufficiently shown, in the fol 
 lowing passage from a letter to Lafayette, dated Sep 
 tember 12th, at West Point : 
 
 " Most sincerely, my dear Marquis, do I congratulate 
 you on the great and glorious exploit of Count d Estaing 
 in the West Indies ; the bright prospect of European 
 affairs ; and our little successes in America ; the last of 
 which, though small on the great scale, will nevertheless 
 weigh in the balance. By our little successes I mean the 
 storming of Stony Point and the surprise of Paulus Hook, 
 (within cannon-shot of New York,) and capture of the 
 garrisons, the first amounting to six hundred men, the 
 other to two hundred ; driving the enemy out of South 
 Carolina ; and the defeat of the Indians ; of which last 
 event I have within these few days received an account 
 from General Sullivan, who is now in the heart of their 
 country with four thousand men, and informs me, that on 
 the 29th ultimo he advanced to their intrenchments, at a 
 place called Newtown, where the warriors of seven na 
 tions, some regulars and Tories, commanded by the two 
 Butlers, Brant, and a Captain McDonald, had been as 
 sembled eight days to oppose him. The position was 
 well chosen and their disposition well made ; but on find 
 ing themselves hard pushed in front, and their left flank 
 in danger of being turned, they fled in great confusion and 
 disorder and with much precipitation, leaving their packs, 
 camp-kettles, trinkets, and many arms on the ground, and 
 eleven warriors dead, whom they could not get off. The 
 prisoners say, that their slain and wounded were carried 
 off during the action on horses and in canoes. Our loss 
 
358 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 was trifling ; in the whole, to the date of his letter, under 
 a hundred killed and wounded, although he had destroyed 
 fourteen towns, large and most flourishing crops of corn, 
 pulse, and the like. He was proceeding in his plan of 
 chastisement, and will convince them, it is to be hoped, 
 of two things ; first, that their cruelties are not to pass 
 with impunity ; and, secondly, that they have been insti 
 gated to arms and acts of barbarism by a nation, which is 
 unable to protect them, and of consequence has left them 
 to that correction, which is due to their villany. 
 
 u The Bostonians have made an unfortunate expedition 
 to a place called Penobscot, where a body of about eight 
 hundred men from Halifax, under the command of Brig 
 adier-General McLean, had made a lodgement, as is sup 
 posed, for the purpose of getting masts and spars for their 
 shipping. This armament from the Massachusetts Bay, 
 consisting altogether of militia, went there to dispossess 
 them, but were so dilatory in their operations, that the 
 appearing of Sir George Collier, with a superior naval 
 force, occasioned the destruction (by themselves) of all 
 their shipping, and the troops to get off as well as they 
 could by land. Add to this, the conflagration of Fair- 
 field, Norwalk, and New Haven, by the intrepid and 
 magnanimous Tryon, who, in defiance of all the opposi 
 tion that could be given by the women and children, in 
 habitants of these towns, performed this notable exploit 
 with two thousand brave and generous Britons, adding 
 thereby fresh lustre to their arms and dignity to their King. 
 
 " Admiral Arbuthnot, with about three or four thou 
 sand troops, is arrived at New York, and will, it is to be 
 presumed, afford Sir Henry Clinton an opportunity of 
 displaying his intentions or orders." 
 
 " To the Marquis de Lafayette. 
 
 " West Point, 30th September, 1779. 
 
 " MY DEAR MARQUIS, A few days ago, I wrote a 
 letter in much haste ; since that, I have been honored 
 with the company of Chevalier de la Luzerne, and by him 
 was favored with your obliging letter of the 12th of June, 
 which filled me with equal pleasure and surprise ; the 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 359 
 
 latter, at bearing that you had not received one of the 
 many letters I had written to you, since you left the 
 American shore. It gave me infinite pleasure, to hear 
 from your Sovereign, and of the joy which your safe ar 
 rival in France had diffused among your friends. 1 had 
 no doubt, that this would be the case ; to hear it from 
 yourself adds pleasure to the account ; and here, my 
 dear friend, let me congratulate you on your new, honor 
 able, and pleasing, appointment in the army commanded 
 by the Count de Vaux, which I shall accompany with 
 an assurance, that none can do it with more warmth of 
 airection, or sincere joy, than myself. Your forward 
 zeal in the cause of liberty ; your singular attachment to 
 this infant world ; your ardent and persevering efforts, 
 not only in America, but since your return to France, to 
 serve the United States ; your polite attention to Amer 
 icans, and your strict and uniform friendship for me, have 
 ripened the first impressions of esteem and attachment, 
 which I imbibed for you, into such perfect love and grati 
 tude, as neither time nor absence can impair. This will 
 warrant my assuring you, that, whether in the character 
 of an officer at the head of a corps of gallant French 
 men, if circumstances should require this ; whether, as a 
 Major-General, commanding a division of the American 
 army ; or, whether, after our swords and spears have 
 given place to the ploughshare and pruninghook, 1 see 
 you as a private gentleman, a friend, and companion, 1 
 shall welcome you, with all the warmth of friendship, to 
 Columbia s shores ; and, in the latter case, to my rural 
 cottage, where homely fare and a cordial reception shall 
 be substituted for delicacies and costly living. This, 
 from past experience, I know you can submit to ; and, 
 if the lovely partner of your happiness will consent to 
 participate with us in such rural entertainment and amuse 
 ments, 1 can undertake, in behalf of Mrs. Washington, 
 that she will do everything in her power to make Vir 
 ginia agreeable to the Marchioness. My inclination and 
 endeavors to do this cannot be doubted, when I assure 
 you, that I love everybody that is dear to you, and, con 
 sequently, participate in the pleasure you feel in the pros- 
 
360 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 pect of again becoming a parent ; and do most sincerely 
 congratulate you and your lady, on this fresh pledge she 
 is about to give you of her love. 
 
 u I thank you for the trouble you have taken, and 
 your polite attention, in favoring me with a copy of your 
 letter to Congress ; and feel, as I am persuaded they 
 must do, the force of such ardent zeal, as you therein ex 
 press, for the interest of this country. The propriety of 
 the hint you have given them must carry conviction, and, 
 I trust, will have a salutary effect ; though there is not, 
 1 believe, the same occasion for the admonition, now, that 
 there was, several months ago. Many late changes have 
 taken place in that honorable body, which have remov 
 ed, in a very great degree, if not wholly, the discordant 
 spirit, which, it is said, prevailed in the winter ; and I 
 hope measures will also be taken to remove those unhappy 
 and improper differences which have extended themselves 
 elsewhere, to the prejudice of our affairs in Europe. 
 
 " I have a great pleasure in the visit which the Chev 
 alier de la Luzerne and Monsieur Marbois did me the 
 honor to make at this camp ; concerning both of whom, 
 I have imbibed the most favorable impressions ; and I 
 thank you, for the honorable mention you made of me to 
 them. The Chevalier, till he had announced himself to 
 Congress, did not choose to be received in his public 
 character ; if he had, except paying him military honors, 
 it was not my intention to depart from that plain and sim 
 ple manner of living, which accords with the real interest 
 and policy of men, struggling under every difficulty, for 
 the attainment of the most inestimable blessing of life, 
 liberty. The Chevalier was polite enough to approve 
 my principle, and condescended to appear pleased with 
 our Spartan living. In a word, he made us all exceed 
 ingly happy by his affability and good humor, while he 
 remained in camp. 
 
 " You are pleased, my dear Marquis, to express an 
 earnest desire of seeing me in France, after the establish 
 ment of our independency, and do me the honor to add, 
 that you are not singular in your request. Let me en 
 treat you to be persuaded, that, to meet you anywhere, 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 361 
 
 after the final accomplishment of so glorious an event, 
 would contribute to my happiness ; and, that to visit a 
 country to whose generous aid we stand so much indebt 
 ed, would be an additional pleasure ; but remember, my 
 good friend, that I am unacquainted with your language, 
 that I am too far advanced in years to acquire a knowl 
 edge of it, and that, to converse through the medium of 
 an interpreter, upon common occasions, especially with 
 the ladies, must appear so extremely awkward, insipid, 
 and uncouth, that I can scarcely bear it in idea. I will, 
 therefore, hold myself disengaged for the present ; but 
 when I see you in Virginia, we will talk of this matter, 
 and fix our plans. 
 
 " The declaration of Spain, in favor of France, has 
 given universal joy to every Whig ; while the poor Tory 
 droops, like a withering flower under a declining sun. 
 We are anxiously expecting to hear of great and impor 
 tant events on your side of the Atlantic. At present, the 
 imagination is left in the wide field of conjecture ; our 
 eyes, one moment, are turned to an invasion of England, 
 then of Ireland, Minorca, Gibraltar ; in a word, we hope 
 everything, but know not what to expect, or where to 
 fix. The glorious success of Count D Estaing in the 
 West Indies, at the same time that it adds dominion to 
 France, and fresh lustre to her arms, is a source of new 
 and unexpected misfortune to our tender and generous 
 parent, and must serve to convince her of the folly of 
 quitting the substance, in pursuit of a shadow ; and, as 
 there is no experience equal to that which is bought, I 
 trust she will have a superabundance of this kind of 
 knowledge, and be convinced, as I hope all the world, 
 and every tyrant in it, will be, that the best and only safe 
 road to honor, glory, and true dignity, is justice. 
 
 " We have such repeated advice of Count D Estaing s 
 being in these seas, that, though 1 have no official informa 
 tion of the event, I cannot help giving entire credit to the 
 report, and looking for his arrival every moment ; and I arn 
 preparing accordingly. The enemy at New York also ex 
 pect it ; and, to guard against the consequences, as much 
 as it is in their power to do, are repairing and strength- 
 
362 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 ening all the old fortifications, and adding new ones in the 
 vicinity of the city. Their fears, however, do not re 
 tard an embarcation which was making, and generally be 
 lieved to be for the West Indies or Charleston. It still 
 goes forward ; and, by my intelligence, it will consist of 
 a pretty large detachment. About fourteen days ago, one 
 British regiment (the forty-fourth completed) and three 
 Hessian regiments were embarked, and are gone, as is 
 supposed, to Halifax. The operations of the enemy, this 
 campaign, have been confined to the establishment of 
 works of defence, taking a post at King s Ferry, and 
 burning the defenceless towns of New Haven, F airfield, 
 and Norwalk, on the Sound, within reach of their ship 
 ping, where little else was, or cculd be, opposed to them, 
 than the cries of distressed women and helpless children ; 
 but these were offered in vain. Since these notable 
 exploits, they have never stepped out of their works, or 
 beyond their lines. How a conduct of this kind is to 
 effect the conquest of America, the wisdom of a North, 
 a Germain, or a Sandwich, can best decide. It is too 
 deep and refined, for the comprehension of common un 
 derstandings, and the general run of politicians. 
 
 " Mrs. Washington, who set out for Virginia when we 
 took the field in June, has often, in her letters to me, in 
 quired if I had heard from you, and will be much pleased 
 at hearing that you are well and happy. In her name, 
 as she is not here, I thank you for your polite attention 
 to her, and shall speak her sense of the honor conferred 
 on her by the Marchioness. When I look back to the 
 length of this letter, I have not the courage to give it a 
 careful reading, for the purpose of correction. You must, 
 therefore, receive it with all its imperfections, accompa 
 nied wiih this assurance, that, though there may be many 
 inaccuracies in the letter, there is not a single defect in 
 the friendship of, my dear Marquis, yours, &c." 
 
 As the season was drawing to a close, Washington be 
 gan to make arrangements to put his army into winter 
 quarters ; he devoted himself, as usual at such seasons, 
 to the most strenuous efforts to raise the spirits, and draw 
 out the energies, of the country ; and labored, by an 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 363 
 
 unwearied correspondence, to provide supplies for the 
 next campaign. 
 
 To the President of Congress. 
 
 " West Point, 24 November, 1779. 
 
 " SIR, I am now using my best endeavors to get 
 things in train for putting the army in quarters. The dis 
 tribution of clothing, owing to its late arrival, the scanti 
 ness of the stock, the diversity in color and in quality, its 
 not having been properly assorted when packed, and the 
 absence of clothiers under various pretences for getting 
 articles that would be deficient, have proved a source of 
 the most irksome delay and difficulty. Owing to those 
 causes, and to two rainy days, the North Carolina troops 
 could not move from Windsor till yesterday, notwithstand 
 ing the most active exertions of Colonel Clarke, who com 
 mands them, and of all parties engaged, to effect it. I 
 hope, however, that what clothing was here, and to be 
 distributed here, will be so delivered by to-morrow even 
 ing, that all the troops, except those intended for the 
 garrison, will be able to move towards the places destined 
 for their cantonment without more delay. 
 
 cc In fixing on these places, we are obliged to regard 
 in a particular manner the security of this post, the secu 
 rity of the army, the best protection that circumstances 
 will admit of to the country, our supplies of provisions 
 and forage, and the means of transportation. From the 
 fullest consideration of the point it appears, that these ob 
 jects in a combined view will be best answered by quar 
 tering the cavalry in Connecticut ; a brigade at Danbury ; 
 a sufficient garrison here, including the post at King s 
 Ferry and the Continental Village, to secure them at least 
 against any sudden attempts on the part of the enemy ; a 
 small body of troops at the entrance of the Clove ; the 
 main body of the army in the country in the neigh 
 borhood of the Scotch Plains, if the circumstances of 
 wood and water will admit. The quartermaster-general 
 and other officers are now advanced and employed, and 
 have been for some days, in reconnoitering for a proper 
 position. 
 
 i. 2 A 
 
364 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 The instant matters will permit, I shall go forward my 
 self. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 Near the close of the year 1779, General Sullivan re 
 signed his commission in the army. In a letter to Wash 
 ington on the occasion, he made the following communica 
 tion : 
 
 " Permit me to inform your Excellency, that the fac 
 tion raised against you in 1777, into which General Con- 
 way was unfortunately and imprudently drawn, is not yet. 
 destroyed. The members are waiting to collect strength, 
 and seize some favorable moment to appear in force. I 
 speak not from conjecture, but from certain knowledge. 
 Their plan is to take every method of proving the danger 
 arising from a commander, who enjoys the full and unlim 
 ited confidence of his army, and alarm the people with the 
 prospects of imaginary evils ; nay, they will endeavor to 
 convert your virtue into arrows, with which they will seek 
 to wound you. 
 
 " The next stage is to persuade Congress, that the 
 military power of America should be placed in three or 
 four different hands, each having a separate quarter of the 
 continent assigned to him, and each commander to answer 
 to Congress only for his conduct. This, they say, will 
 prevent an aspiring commander from enslaving his coun 
 try, and put it in the power of Congress, with the assist 
 ance of the other commanders, to punish the attempt. 
 This is a refinement in politics, and improvement on pub 
 lic virtue, which Greece and Rome could never boast. 
 The present time is unfavorable to their designs. They 
 well know, that the voice of citizens and soldiers would 
 be almost unanimously against them ; but they wait a more 
 favorable opportunity, which they will certainly improve. 
 I am well convinced that they cannot succeed ; yet I 
 thought it my duty, in the moment of my departure, to give 
 you this notice, that you may not only be on your guard, 
 but avoid intrusting those persons in matters where your 
 interest and honor are nearly concerned. I persuade 
 myself, that your steady and prudent conduct will baffle 
 every attempt." 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 365 
 
 Washington s reply was as follows : 
 
 " To Major- General Sullivan. 
 
 " Morristown, 15 December, 1779. 
 
 * MY DEAR SIR, I had the pleasure of receiving a 
 few days since, by Captain Bruin, your letter of the 1st 
 instant. I assure you, I am sensibly touched by so stri 
 king an instance of your friendship, at a time and in a 
 manner, that demonstrates its sincerity, and confirms the 
 opinion I have always entertained of your sentiments 
 towards me. I wish you to believe, that your uneasiness, 
 on the score you mention, had never the least foundation. 
 A slender acquaintance with the world must convince 
 every man, that actions, not words, are the true criterion 
 of the attachment of his friends, and that the most liberal 
 professions of good-will are very far from being the surest 
 marks of it. I should be happy if my own experience 
 had afforded fewer examples of the little dependance to 
 be placed upon them. I am particularly indebted to you 
 for the interesting information you give me of the views 
 of a certain party. Against intrigues of this kind, inci 
 dent to every man in a public station, his best support 
 will be a faithful discharge of his duty, and he must rely 
 on the justice of his country for the event. 
 
 u I flatter myself it is unnecessary for me to repeat to 
 you, how high a place you hold in my esteem. The 
 confidence you have experienced, and the manner in which 
 you have been employed on several important occasions, 
 testify the value I set upon your military qualifications, 
 and the regret I must feel, that circumstances have de 
 prived the army of your services. The pleasure I shall 
 always take in an interchange of good offices in whatever 
 station you may hereafter be placed, will be the best con 
 firmation of the personal regard with which I have been 
 and am, very sincerely and truly, dear sir, &c." 
 
 " To the Magistrates of New Jersey. 
 
 "Head-Quarters, Morristown, 8 January, 1780. 
 
 u GENTLEMEN, The present situation of the army, 
 with respect to provisions, is the most distressing of any 
 
366 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 we have experienced since the beginning of the war. For 
 a fortnight past the troops, both officers and men, have 
 been almost perishing for want. They have been alter 
 nately without bread or meat the whole time, with a very 
 scanty allowance of either, and frequently destitute of both. 
 They have borne their sufferings with a patience that 
 merits the approbation and ought to excite the sympathy 
 of their countrymen. But they are now reduced to an 
 extremity no longer to be supported. Their distress has in 
 some instances prompted the men to commit depredations 
 on the property of the inhabitants, which at any other peri 
 od would be punished with exemplary severity, but which 
 can now be only lamented, as the effect of an unfortunate 
 necessity. This evil w r ould increase and soon become 
 intolerable, were not an instant remedy to be applied. 
 
 " The distresses we feel are chiefly owing to the early 
 commencement and uncommon rigor of the winter, which 
 have greatly obstructed the transportation of our supplies. 
 These causes have obliged us to exhaust all the maga 
 zines in the vicinity of the camp ; and, as they continue 
 to operate, we shall be unable to derive seasonable suc 
 cor from our more distant resources. From present ap 
 pearances it must be more than five weeks before we 
 can have the benefit of any material supplies beyond the 
 limits of this State ; so that, unless an extraordinary ex 
 ertion be made within the State to supply the wants of 
 the army during that space, fatal consequences must un 
 avoidably ensue. Your ow^n discernment makes it need 
 less to particularize. Influenced by these considerations, 
 my duty to the public, and my affection to the virtuous 
 inhabitants of this State, who, next to the army, would 
 be the most immediate sufferers, have determined me to 
 call upon the respective counties for a proportion of 
 grain and cattle to satisfy the present exigency. 
 
 " I have adopted this mode of requisition from a re 
 gard to the ease and accommodation of the inhabitants. 
 As you are well acquainted with the circumstances of in 
 dividuals, you will be able to apportion the quantity 
 required to the ability of each ; and as I have no doubt 
 you will be convinced of the absolute necessity of the 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 367 
 
 measure, I am persuaded your zeal for the common cause 
 will induce you to exert your utmost influence to procure 
 a cheerful and immediate compliance. In doing this, 
 though you may not be authorized by the strict letter of 
 the law, by consulting its spirit, which aims at the relief 
 of the army, in an emergency of so pressing and peculiar 
 a nature, you will merit the acknowledgements of your 
 fellow-citizens. 
 
 " While I have entire confidence, that you will do 
 every thing in your power to give efficacy to this requisi 
 tion, I have too high an opinion of the patriotism of the 
 people of this State, and of their attachment to an army 
 making every sacrifice in defence of their country, to en 
 tertain the least apprehension of their not seconding your 
 endeavors. But at the same time I think it my duty to 
 inform you, that, should we be disappointed in our hopes, 
 the extremity of the case will compel us to have recourse 
 to a different mode, which will be disagreeable to me on 
 every account, and on none more than the probability of 
 its having an operation less equal and less convenient to 
 the inhabitants, than the one now recommended. I en 
 treat you to be assured, gentlemen, that I have given you 
 a just representation of our distresses, of the causes, and 
 of the time which must, in all likelihood, elapse before 
 we can obtain relief through the ordinary channels. From 
 this you will be sensible, that delay or indecision is in 
 compatible with our circumstances." 
 
 The subjoined letter from Lafayette to Washington, 
 conveyed to the latter the most agreeable intelligence, as 
 his reply shows. 
 
 Letter from Lafayette to General Washington. 
 
 " At the entrance of Boston Harbor, April 27, 1780. 
 " HERE I am, rny dear General, and, in the midst of 
 the joy I feel in finding myself again one of your loving 
 soldiers, I take but the time to tell you, that I came from 
 France, on board a frigate which the King gave me for my 
 passage. I have affairs of the utmost importance which 
 I should, at first, communicate to you alone. In case rny 
 
368 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 letter finds you anywhere this side of Philadelphia, I beg 
 you will wait for me, and do assure you, a great public 
 good may be derived from it. To-morrow, we go up to 
 the town ; and the day after, I shall set off, in my usual 
 way, to join my beloved and respected friend and General. 
 " Adieu, my dear General ; you will easily know the 
 hand of your young soldier." 
 
 " To the Marquis de Lafayette. 
 
 " Morristown, May 1780. 
 
 " MY DEAR MARQUIS, Your welcome favor of the 
 27th of April, came to my hands yesterday. I received 
 it, with all the joy that the sincerest friendship would dic 
 tate, and with that impatience, which an ardent desire to 
 see you could not fail to inspire. I am sorry, I do not 
 know your route through the State of New York, that I 
 might, with certainty, send a small party of horse, all I 
 have at this place, to meet and escort you safely through 
 the Tory settlements, between this place and the North 
 River. At all events, Major Gibbs will go as far as 
 Compton, where the roads unite, to meet you, and will 
 proceed from thence, as circumstances may direct, either 
 towards King s Ferry or New Windsor. I most sin 
 cerely congratulate you on your safe arrival in America, 
 and shall embrace you, with all the warmth of an affec 
 tionate friend, when you come to Head-Quarters, where 
 a bed is prepared for you. Adieu, till we meet," 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Campaign 0/1780. 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Morristown, 13 May, 1780. 
 
 " SIR, The Marquis de Lafayette will have the 
 honor to deliver to you this letter. I am persuaded Con 
 gress will participate in the joy I feel at the return of a 
 gentleman, who has so signally distinguished himself in 
 the service of this country, who has given so many and 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 369 
 
 so decisive proofs of his attachment to its interests, and 
 who ought to be dear to it from every motive. The warm 
 friendship I have for him conspires with considerations 
 of public utility to afford me a double satisfaction in his 
 return." 
 
 " To Governor Jefferson. 
 
 " Morristown, 15 May, 1780. 
 
 4C SIR, I have the pleasure to inform your Excellen 
 cy confidentially, that a French fleet may in the course 
 of a few weeks be expected on this coast, and as it is 
 uncertain what part of the land they may first make, gen 
 tlemen are to be stationed at different points, to give 
 them signals and to make them some necessary com 
 munications immediately upon their arrival. Major Gal- 
 van, who will have the honor of delivering this to your 
 Excellency, is appointed to go down to Cape Henry, for 
 the purposes above mentioned ; and, as he will have occa 
 sion to keep one or two boats in constant readiness to go 
 off upon the appearance of the fleet, I shall be much 
 obliged by your giving an order to the person, who has 
 the superintendence of the public vessels and craft in 
 Virginia, to supply him with the necessary number. 
 Should the public have none of the proper kind in their 
 possession, you will be pleased to recommend to Major 
 Gal van the most certain and speedy method of pro 
 curing them. One or two skilful and trusty pilots will 
 also be necessary, that, if any of the ships should have 
 occasion to enter the bay, they may not be at a loss. 
 
 u Your Excellency will no doubt see the propriety of 
 keeping the object of Major Galvan s mission as much a 
 secret as possible, lest the importance of the despatches 
 with which he is charged, might be an inducement to some 
 of the disaffected to take him off. It would add much 
 to his security, if your Excellency would be good enough 
 to introduce him to some gentlemen in the neighborhood 
 of Cape Henry, in whom he may confide, and with whom 
 he may remain while in that quarter. It is essentially 
 necessary that Major Galvan should be constantly inform 
 ed of the operations in South Carolina ; and, as he will 
 
370 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 be out of the common track of intelligence, I have desired 
 him to keep up a communication with your Excellency. 
 Your acquainting him therefore with what comes to your 
 knowledge, either officially or in a manner sufficiently au 
 thentic to be depended upon, may be productive of most 
 salutary consequences. 1 would beg leave to recommend 
 Major Galvan generally to your Excellency, for every 
 public assistance of which he may stand in need, and par 
 ticularly to your personal civilities. 
 
 "I am, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Morristown, 27 May, 1780. 
 
 <e SIR, It is with infinite pain I inform Congress, 
 that we are reduced again to a situation of extremity for 
 want of meat. On several days of late, the troops have 
 been entirely destitute of any, and for a considerable time 
 past they have been at best, at half, a quarter, an eighth 
 allowance of this essential article of provision. The men 
 have borne their distress in general with a firmness and 
 patience never exceeded, and every commendation is due 
 the officers for encouraging them to it, by exhortation and 
 by example. They have suffered equally with the men, 
 and, their relative situations considered, rather more. But 
 such reiterated, constant instances of want are too much 
 for the soldiery, and cannot but lead to alarming conse 
 quences. Accordingly two regiments of the Connecticut 
 line mutinied, and got under arms on Thursday night. 
 Had it not been for the timely exertions of some of their 
 officers, who obtained notice of it, the same might have 
 been the case with the whole, with a determination to 
 return home, or at best to gain subsistence at the point 
 of the bayonet. After a good deal of expostulation by 
 their officers and some of the Pennsylvania line, who had 
 come to their assistance, and after parading their regi 
 ments upon the occasion, the men were prevailed upon 
 to go to their huts ; but a few nevertheless turned out 
 again with their packs, who are now confined. Colonel 
 Meigs, who acted with great propriety in endeavoring to 
 suppress the mutiny, was struck by one of the soldiers. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 371 
 
 I wish our situation with respect to provision was better 
 in other quarters, but it is not. They are in as great dis 
 tress at West Point ; and, by a letter from Colonel Van 
 Schaick at Albany, he informs me, that the garrison of 
 Fort Sehuyler had then only a month s supply on hand, 
 and that there were no more provisions to send them. 
 From this detail Congress will see how distressing our 
 situation is ; but there are other matters which still con 
 tinue to render it more alarming. 
 
 u Nothing is further from my wishes, than to add in the 
 smallest degree to the distresses or embarrassments of 
 Congress upon any occasion, and more particularly on 
 one where I have every reason to fear they have it not in 
 their power to administer the least relief. Duty however 
 compels me to add one matter more to those I have 
 already detailed. I have been informed by the two col 
 onels of the Pennsylvania line, in whom I have the ut 
 most confidence, who were called to assist Colonel Meigs 
 to suppress the mutiny on Thursday night, that in the 
 course of their expostulations the troops very pointedly 
 mentioned, besides their distresses for provision, their not 
 being paid for five months ; and, what is of a still more 
 serious and delicate nature in our present circumstances, 
 they mentioned the great depreciation of the money, it 
 being of little or no value at all, and yet, if they should 
 be paid, that it would be in this way, and according to 
 the usual amount, without an adequate allowance for the 
 depreciation. They were reasoned with, and every argu 
 ment used that these gentlemen and Colonel Meigs could 
 devise, either to interest their pride or their passions ; 
 they were reminded of their past good conduct ; of the 
 late assurances of Congress ; of the objects for which 
 they were contending ; but their answer was, that their 
 sufferings were too great, and that they wanted present 
 relief, and some present substantial recompense for their 
 services. This matter, I confess, though I have heard 
 of no further uneasiness among the men, has given me 
 infinitely more concern, than any thing that has ever hap 
 pened, and strikes me as the most important, because we 
 have no means at this time, that I know of, for paying 
 
b72 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 the troops, except in Continental money ; and as it is 
 evidently impracticable, from the immense quantity it 
 would require, to pay them as much as would make up 
 the depreciation. Every possible means in my power 
 will be directed on this and all occasions, as they ever 
 have been, to preserve order and promote the public 
 service ; but in such an accumulation of distresses, amidst 
 such a variety of embarrassments, which surround us on 
 all sides, this will be found at least extremely difficult. 
 If the troops could only be comfortably supplied with 
 provisions, it would be a great point, and such as would, 
 with the event we expect soon to take place, the arrival 
 of the armament from France to our succor, make them 
 forget or at least forego many matters, which make a part 
 of their anxieties and present complaints. I am, &c. 
 
 u P. S. I enclose for your Excellency three New 
 York Gazettes ; also a small printed paper found in our 
 camp, containing an address to our soldiers by the enemy, 
 to induce them to desert. It is most likely, that many 
 copies were dispersed, and that they have had a con 
 siderable effect, though this is the only one that has been 
 seen by the officers, notwithstanding their pains to find 
 others. Your Excellency will see the points on which 
 the enemy particularly found their addresses." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Springfield, 10 June, 1780. 
 
 " SIR, I beg leave to inform your Excellency, that 
 on Tuesday night the enemy landed at Elizabethtown 
 Point, with the principal part of their force, under the 
 command of General Knyphausen, and proceeded the 
 next morning into the country, till they were within half 
 a mile of Springfield. In their march they were most 
 spiritedly opposed by the Jersey troops, who formed the 
 advanced corps of the army, and by such of the militia as 
 had an opportunity from their situation and the sudden 
 ness of the occasion to collect. The moment I received 
 advice, that the enemy w^ere out in force, I put the army 
 in motion, and it reached the heights in the rear of Spring- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 373 
 
 field on Wednesday afternoon. A pretty warm skirmish 
 ing was kept up through the day between the enemy and 
 the light parties on our side, in which there is reason to 
 believe the enemy were a good deal galled. We have 
 received intelligence, which seems to be authentic, that 
 Brigadier-General Sterling was wounded in the thigh 
 shortly after the debarkation. In the night they retired 
 to Elizabethtown Point, where they have remained ever 
 since, having burnt in the course of the day, according to 
 their common mode of warfare, a meeting-house and 
 several dwelling-houses and barns. Their movements 
 are a little mysterious, and the design of them not easily 
 penetrated. We can only form conjectures. The militia 
 have turned out with remarkable spirit, and have hitherto 
 done themselves great honor. I cannot precisely ascer 
 tain the loss we have sustained upon this occasion, but it 
 is inconsiderable. I am, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 "Head-Quarters, Whippany, 25 June, 1780. 
 " SIR, Since I had the honor of addressing Con 
 gress, the following movements have taken place on the 
 part of the enemy and on our part. The conduct of the 
 enemy and our intelligence giving us reason to suspect a 
 design against West Point, on the 21st the army, except 
 two brigades left under the command of General Greene 
 to cover the country and our stores, were put in motion 
 to proceed slowly towards Pompton. On the 22d they 
 arrived at Rockaway Bridge, about eleven miles from 
 Morristown. The day following, the enemy moved in 
 force from Elizabethtown towards Springfield. They 
 were opposed with great conduct and spirit by Major- 
 Generals Greene and Dickinson, with the Continental 
 troops and such of the militia as were assembled ; but, 
 with their superiority of numbers, they of course gained 
 Springfield, burnt the village, and retired the same day to 
 their former position. In the night they abandoned it, 
 crossed over to Staten Island, and took up their bridge. 
 I beg leave to refer Congress to General Greene s report 
 for particulars. 
 
374 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 u The enemy advanced on this occasion with so seri 
 ous an aspect, that we were compelled to act upon the 
 supposition of their menacing our stores. A brigade was 
 detached to fall in with their right flank, and the army 
 moved back towards Morristown five or six miles, to be 
 more in supporting distance. On receiving intelligence 
 of the enemy s withdrawing from the Point, all the troops 
 were put under marching orders for the North River ; 
 but the weather prevented them from commencing their 
 march before this morning. 
 
 " The late movements of the enemy seem to have no 
 satisfactory solution but an enterprise against West Point. 
 Our last advices look strongly to the same object, yet 
 there are many powerful reasons against it. But as we 
 are now in a great degree rid of the encumbrance of our 
 stores by the measures taken to remove them, prudence 
 demands that our dispositions should be principally rela 
 tive to West Point. We shall do every thing in our 
 power for its security ; and, in spite of the peculiar 
 embarrassments of our situation, I hope not without suc 
 cess. The enemy have not made their incursions into 
 this State without loss. Ours has been small. The 
 militia deserve every thing that can be said on both occa 
 sions. They flew to arms universally, and acted with a 
 spirit equal to any thing I have seen in the course of the 
 war. With every sentiment of respect I have the honor 
 to be, &c." 
 
 " To Major-General Greene, Quartermaster- General. 
 " Head-Quarters, 14 July, 1780. 
 
 cc SIR, I have determined upon a plan of operations 
 for the reduction of the city and garrison of New York, 
 which is to be pursued in conjunction with the French 
 forces daily expected from. France. The number of 
 troops to be employed upon this occasion may be about 
 forty thousand men. You are hereby directed, therefore, 
 to make every necessary arrangement and provision in 
 your department for carrying the plan of operations into 
 execution. You will apply to the States for what they 
 are bound to furnish, agreeably to the several requisitions 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 375 
 
 of Congress and their committee at camp. All such 
 articles as the States are not bound to furnish, which will 
 be necessary for conducting the operations, you will pro 
 vide ; and for this purpose you will apply to the Treasury 
 Board for the requisite supplies of cash. 
 
 " I have been in anxious expectation, that some plan 
 would be determined upon for your department ; but, as 
 it has not hitherto taken place, and as it is impossible to 
 delay its operations a moment longer, I have to desire, 
 that you will yourself arrange it, in some effectual manner, 
 to give despatch and efficacy to your measures equal to 
 the exigency. Your knowledge and experience in the 
 business will be sufficient to direct your conduct, without 
 my going into more particular instructions. it is my 
 wish, that your provisions should be ample, as nothing is 
 more fatal to military operations, than a deficiency in the 
 great departments of the army, and particularly in yours, 
 which will be the hinge on which the whole enterprise 
 must turn. The committee of Congress, in their applica 
 tions to the States, have requested them to deliver the 
 supplies raised, at such places as the quartermaster-gen 
 eral and the commissary-general should point out for the 
 articles in their respective departments. The committee 
 informed me, that they had given you and Colonel Elaine 
 information on this head. But, if any thing remains to 
 be done, you will immediately do it ; and 1 should be 
 glad, that you would see the commissary, Mr. Blaine, if 
 present ; if not, Mr. Stewart, to concert the arrangement 
 with him. 
 
 "I am informed, that there is at Albany a quantity of 
 plank and timber, sufficient for constructing about forty 
 bateaux, which may be procured. If you have not a 
 sufficiency of boats, you will endeavor to procure the 
 above-mentioned plank and timber. General Schuyler 
 will give you more particular information. I am, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 "Head-Quarters, Bergen County, 14 July, 1780. 
 u SIR, I have the honor to inform Congress, that I 
 have this moment received a letter from General Heath, 
 
376 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 dated at Providence on the llth instant, informing me 
 that on the afternoon of the 10th the French fleet arrived 
 off Newport, that the signals of recognisance had been 
 made, and the fleet was standing into the harbor when 
 the express came way. I congratulate Congress on this 
 important event, and entreat them to press every measure 
 in their power to put us, as soon as possible, in a condi 
 tion to begin the intended co-operation with vigor and 
 efficiency. 
 
 " I enclose a plan, which, in conjunction with the in 
 spector-general, I have framed for the consideration of 
 Congress. It is indispensable that the department should 
 be put into full activity without loss of time. The speedier 
 the decision, the better. A. large additional allowance, 
 at least nominally, for the inspectors is proposed, but 
 it is a very imperfect compensation for the additional 
 trouble ; and, unless some extra privileges and emoluments 
 attend the office, it will not be undertaken by officers of 
 rank and abilities. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the Count de Rochambeau. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, New Jersey, 16 July, 1780. 
 
 " SIR, I hasten to impart to you the happiness I feel 
 at the welcome news of your arrival ; and, as well in the 
 name of the American army, as in my own, to present 
 you with an assurance of our warmest sentiments for allies, 
 who have so generously come to our aid. As a citizen 
 of the United States, and as a soldier in the cause of 
 liberty, I thankfully acknowledge this new mark of friend 
 ship from his Most Christian Majesty, and I feel a most 
 grateful sensibility for the flattering confidence he has been 
 pleased to honor me with on this occasion. 
 
 u Among the obligations we are under to your Prince, 
 I esteem it one of the first, that he has made choice, for 
 the command of his troops, of a gentleman whose high 
 reputation and happy union of social qualities and military 
 abilities promise me every public advantage and private 
 satisfaction. I beg, sir, that you will be the interpreter 
 of my sentiments to the gentlemen under your command. 
 Be pleased to assure them, that, to the pleasure I antici- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 377 
 
 pate of an acquaintance with them, I join the warmest 
 desire to do every thing that may be agreeable to them 
 and to the soldiers under their command. But in the 
 midst of a war, the nature and difficulties of which are 
 peculiar and uncommon, I cannot flatter myself in any 
 way to recompense the sacrifices they have made, but by 
 giving them such opportunities in the field of glory, as 
 will enable them to display that gallantry and those tal 
 ents, which we shall always be happy to acknowledge 
 with applause. 
 
 " The Marquis de Lafayette has been by me desired 
 from time to time to communicate such intelligence, and 
 make such propositions, as circumstances dictated. I 
 think it so important, immediately to fix our plan of oper 
 ations, and with as much secrecy as possible, that I have 
 requested him to go himself to New London, where he 
 will probably meet you. As a general officer, I have 
 the greatest confidence in him ; as a friend, he is perfect 
 ly acquainted with my sentiments and opinions. He 
 knows all the circumstances of our army and the country 
 at large. All the information he gives, and all the prop 
 ositions he makes, I entreat you to consider as coming 
 from me. I request you will settle all arrangements 
 whatsoever with him ; and I shall only add, that I shall 
 exactly conform to the intentions of his Most Christian 
 Majesty, as explained in the several papers put into my 
 hands by his order, and signed by his ministers. 
 
 u Permit me to refer you to the Marquis de Lafayette 
 for more particular assurances of what I feel on this oc 
 casion, which I the more readily do, from a knowledge 
 of his peculiar affection and regard for you. Impatiently 
 waiting for the time when our operations will afford me 
 the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with you, I have 
 the honor to be, with the most perfect consideration, &c. n 
 
 " To Ike Marquis de Lafayette. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, Preakness, 27 July, 1780. 
 u I have received your letter from Hartford. I per 
 ceive, my dear Marquis, that you are determined at all 
 events to take New York, and that obstacles only increase 
 
378 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 your zeal. I am sorry that our prospects, instead of 
 brightening, grow duller. I have already written to you 
 on the subject of arms. There is no probability of our 
 getting the number we want from the States ; so that, 
 without the timely arrival of those we expect, or the as 
 sistance of our allies, this alone will prove an insuperable 
 obstacle. Our levies come in even slower than I expect 
 ed ; though we have still an abundance of fair promises, 
 and some earnest of performance from the eastern States. 
 Pennsylvania has given us not quite four hundred, and 
 seems to think that she has done admirably well. Jer 
 sey has given us fifty or sixty. But I do not despair of 
 Jersey. 
 
 " Mr. Clinton still continues to threaten your country 
 men with a combined attack. You will judge, as well as 
 I, of the probability of his being sincere ; but I have put 
 the troops here under marching orders, and have ordered 
 those at West Point to King s Ferry. If Clinton moves 
 in force to Rhode Island, we may possibly be able to 
 take advantage of it ; or we may embarrass him a little 
 and precipitate his movements. In this case, there are 
 but two things, that would hinder us from taking New 
 York before your return, the want of men and arms to 
 do it with. If this letter should not meet you on your 
 way back, a visit from you to the Council of Massachu 
 setts may have a good effect. Urge the absolute neces 
 sity of their giving us their full complement of men, 
 and of doing every thing else that has been asked of 
 them. Dwell upon the articles of arms and ammunition. 
 With the truest affection, I remain, my dear Marquis, 
 your assured friend, c." 
 
 " To Governor Livingston. 
 
 " Peekskill, 1 August, 1780. 
 
 " DEAR SIR, From our present advices a considera 
 ble part of the enemy s force are gone to Rhode Island, 
 with a view of reducing the armament from France. 
 We can give them no succor from hence by detaching, 
 on account of the distance and the difficulty there would 
 be, if not impracticability, of subsisting the troops with 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 37D 
 
 bread. There is no other mode, which promises them 
 relief, so far as it may depend on us, but our moving 
 against New York immediately, and acting against it with 
 rapidity and vigor, as far as circumstances will admit. 
 For this end the whole of the Continental troops are in 
 motion, and, as every aid will be essential, I entreat that 
 your Excellency will order your State regiment, and the 
 militia called for by the committee of Congress, to march 
 as soon as possible for Dobbs s Ferry, subject to my 
 direction, where the officers will receive further orders. 
 1 would also beg leave to suggest, that I think it advisa 
 ble that your Excellency should order the whole of the 
 militia to hold themselves in readiness to march in case 
 of orders ; as events may arise to make their aid highly 
 essential and important for a few days. They will not 
 be called for but in this case, and I have the utmost con 
 fidence that they will give me support whenever it may 
 be requisite. 
 
 " I am much concerned, that so few levies have 
 joined the regiments belonging to the State. They 
 amount but to a mere handful. I pray that your Excel 
 lency will use your best endeavors to have them forward 
 ed with all possible expedition. The service and our 
 most essential interests require it. I am, &c." 
 
 " To Count de Rochambeau. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, Peekskill, 5 August, 1780. 
 
 u SIR, I applaud all the measures you have taken, 
 which appear to me precisely such as the occasion re 
 quired ; and I am very happy to hear, that the neighbor 
 ing States manifested so much ardor in doing what their 
 interest, their duty, and their gratitude demanded from 
 them. It is my wish that you should detain the levies, 
 as long as you think they can be useful to you. 
 
 " The Marquis de Lafayette will have informed you, 
 by my desire, that Clinton returned with his fleet the 
 31st of July. He has since landed his troops on Long 
 Island, and I think will hardly resume the project, which 
 he certainly entertained, of attacking you. In conse 
 quence of his return, the army is recrossing the river and 
 i. 2 B 
 
380 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 will proceed to Dobbs s Ferry, about ten miles from 
 Kingsbridge, where we intend to establish a communica 
 tion that will save us a considerable land transportation, 
 in case New York is our eventual object. The reason 
 for preferring the west side of the river to the other, 
 which at first sight will appear most natural, is to meet 
 our supplies of flour, and save the forage on this side ; 
 both of which, in our circumstances, are objects of impor 
 tance. By the enclosed copy of a letter to the Cheva 
 lier de la Luzerne, you will see the opinion I have ven 
 tured to give respecting the second division and those of 
 the Chevalier de Ternay, with a plan for a junction of 
 the fleets as suggested in my letter. No other changes 
 have taken place in the situation of the enemy at New 
 York. I am, &c. 
 
 cc P. S. The minister, agreeably to the application 
 to him, has sent out fast-sailing cruisers from all the parts 
 of the coast where it is probable they may fall in with the 
 second division." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, 28 August, 1780. 
 
 u SIR, The intelligence brought by the Alliance, of 
 the second division being blocked up in Brest by thirty- 
 two British ships of the line, has made a material change 
 in the prospects of the campaign. This, and the extreme 
 distress of our magazines, have determined me to dismiss 
 all the militia in service, except such as were wanted for 
 immediate purposes. The probability of our being able 
 to act in this quarter is become too precarious and remote 
 to justify our keeping a large body of militia in the field, 
 as it would be attended with much expense and additional 
 consumption of provision and stores, neither of which are 
 we in any condition to afford. This would have been the 
 less eligible, as in all probability the periods for which 
 they were called out would have expired before they 
 could be made use of, if at all. Indeed, I have little 
 hope of any thing decisive in this quarter this campaign. 
 The enclosed copy of a circular letter to the States re- 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 381 
 
 spectively will inform Congress of the extremity of our 
 present necessities, and the shocking consequences that 
 are resulting from them." 
 
 " To Thomas S. Lee, Governor of Maryland. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, Bergen County, 6 September, 1780. 
 
 u SIR, In consequence of the disagreeable intelli 
 gence of the defeat of the army under Major-General 
 Gates, which I have just received, I think it expedient 
 to countermand the march of the troops, who were or 
 dered from Maryland to join the main army. I am there 
 fore to request your Excellency to give directions for 
 the regiment enlisted to serve during the war, as well as 
 for all the recruits, as soon as they can possibly be col 
 lected and organized, to march immediately to the south 
 ward, and put themselves under the orders of the com 
 manding officer in that department. 
 
 " Although I have not had the particulars of the late 
 disaster, yet it is certain the exigency is such, as will 
 demand the most spirited and vigorous measures to re 
 trieve our affairs and check the enemy. And I cannot 
 entertain a doubt, that your Excellency and the State will 
 use every exertion to give activity and despatch to the 
 inarch of the troops, and to all the measures necessary 
 for the protection of the southern States. I have enclosed 
 this letter open to the Board of War, that, in case the 
 regiment in question is on its march from Maryland, it 
 may be ordered to return without delay. I have the honor 
 to be, &c." 
 
 " To Count de Rochambeau. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, 8 September, 1780. 
 
 " SIR, The great preparations of General Clinton 
 have hitherto resulted in nothing more, than the sailing 
 of a fleet of about ninety vessels of different sizes for Eu 
 rope with a few invalids. We are however still amused 
 with rumors of an embarcation ; but these now go upon 
 a new and more probable ground, a descent upon Virgin 
 ia. We have just received the most disagreeable advices 
 from General Gates, of a defeat of the army under his 
 
382 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 command near Camden in South Carolina, in which the 
 greater part of his best troops were cut off. We have 
 not yet the details. This event must have the worst ef 
 fect upon the affairs of the southern States. Nor is it 
 easy to say how far its influence may extend. On this 
 account, I should not be astonished if the enemy should 
 really make a detachment of three or four thousand men 
 to Virginia. 
 
 u If convenient to you, I have the honor to propose 
 the 20th instant for our interview at Hartford, where J 
 hope we shall be able to combine some plan of future 
 operation, which events will enable us to execute." 
 
 It was while Washington was arranging and carrying 
 into effect this interview with Count de Rochambeau, 
 that the treasonable proceedings of General Arnold were 
 brought to a point, by the visit of Major Andre to West 
 Point, and the capture and detection of that officer, on 
 his return towards New York. 
 
 It was a most critical moment in the personal history 
 of General Washington, and it would require consider 
 able space to relate, in detail, all the circumstances of 
 the affair. As they are to be found, in a minute and 
 authentic form, in the Life and Treason of Benedict 
 Arnold, written by Mr. Sparks, and published in his 
 c American Biography, I shall not enter upon them 
 here, but shall only present such documents from Wash 
 ington s own pen, as show the effect produced upon his 
 feelings by the discovery of Arnold s treason, and the 
 steps which he took, upon the emergency. For a fuller 
 knowledge of the transaction, I would refer the reader to 
 the work of Mr. Sparks, just mentioned, and, also, to his 
 large work, containing the life and writings of Washington. 
 
 " To Major- General Jlnwld. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, 14 September, 1780. 
 " I shall be at Peekskill on Sunday evening, on my 
 way to Hartford, to meet the French admiral and gener 
 al. You will be pleased to send down a guard of a cap 
 tain and fifty men at that time, and direct the quarter 
 master to endeavor to have a night s forage for about forty 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 383 
 
 horses. You will keep this to yourself, as I wish to make 
 my journey a secret. I am, &c." 
 
 " To Colonel Wades at West Point. 
 " Head-Quarters, Robinson s House, 25 September, 1780. 
 " SIR, General Arnold is gone to the enemy. I 
 have just now received a line from him, enclosing one to 
 Mrs. Arnold, dated on board the Vulture. From this cir 
 cumstance, and Colonel Lamb s being detached on some 
 business, the command of the garrison, for the present, 
 devolves on you. I request, that you will be as vigilant 
 as possible ; and, as the enemy may have it in contem 
 plation to attempt some enterprise, even to-night, against 
 these posts, I wish you to make, immediately after the 
 receipt of this, the best disposition you can of your force, 
 so as to have a proportion of men in each work on the 
 west side of the river. You will see me or hear from me 
 further to-morrow. I am, dear sir, &c." 
 
 " To Lieutenant- Colonel Ebenezer Gray. 
 * Robinson s House, 25 September, 7 o clock, P. M., 1780. 
 
 u SIR, From some intelligence I have received, I 
 think it necessary, that the regiment at present under your 
 command should march without a moment s delay. You 
 will therefore, on the receipt of this, put it in motion, and 
 with one half of it you will occupy the north and middle 
 redoubt on the heights above this place, as soon as pos 
 sible. The other half will proceed to the landing-place 
 above Mandeville s, near the old Connecticut encamp 
 ment, and will cross the river to West Point immediately 
 after their arrival. I am, sir, with great regard, &c." 
 
 " To Lieutenant- Colonel John Jameson. 
 " Robinson s House, 25 September, 7 o clock, P. M., 1780. 
 
 ct SIR, I wish every precaution and attention to be 
 paid, to prevent Major Andre from making his escape. 
 He will without doubt effect it if possible ; and, in order 
 that he may not have it in his power, you will send him 
 under the care of such a party and so many officers, as 
 to preclude him from the least opportunity of doing it. 
 
384 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 That he may be less liable to be recaptured by the ene 
 my, who will no doubt make every effort to regain him, 
 he had better be conducted to this place by some up 
 per road, rather than by the route of Crompond. I 
 would not wish Mr. Andre to be treated with insult ; 
 but he does not appear to stand upon the footing of a 
 common prisoner of war ; and therefore he is not entitled 
 to the usual indulgences which they receive, and is to be 
 most closely and narrowly watched. General Arnold, 
 before I arrived here, went off to-day to the enemy, and 
 is on board the Vulture sloop of war. I am, sir, &e." 
 
 (i To Major- General Greene. 
 
 "Robinson s House, 25 September, 
 
 half past 7 o clock, P. M., 1780. 
 
 a DEAR SIR, I request, that you will put the division 
 on the left in motion as soon as possible, with orders to 
 proceed to King s Ferry, where, or before they arrive 
 there, they will be met with further orders. The division 
 will come on light, leaving their heavy baggage to follow. 
 You will also hold all the troops in readiness to move on 
 the shortest notice. Transactions of a most interesting 
 nature, and such as will astonish you, have been just dis 
 covered, lam, dear sir, &c." 
 
 " To Governor Clinton. 
 " Head-Quarters, Robinson s House, 26 September, 1780. 
 
 U !)EAR SIR, I arrived here yesterday, on my re 
 turn from an interview with the French General and 
 Admiral, and have been witness to a scene of treason as 
 shocking as it was unexpected. General Arnold, from 
 every circumstance, had entered into a plot for sacrificing 
 West Point. He had an interview with Major Andre, 
 the British adjutant-general, last week at Joshua H. 
 Smith s, where the plan was concerted. By an extraor 
 dinary concurrence of incidents Andre was taken while 
 on his return, with several papers in Arnold s handwri 
 ting, that proved the treason. The latter unluckily got 
 notice of it before I did, went immediately down the 
 river, got on board the Vulture, which brought up Andre, 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 385 
 
 and proceeded to New York. I found the post in the 
 most critical condition, and have been taking measures 
 to give it security, which I hope will be to-night effectu 
 al. With the greatest respect and regard, I have the 
 honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To Major- General Heath. 
 
 " Robinson s House, 26 September, 1780. 
 
 u DEAR SIR, In the present situation of things, I 
 think it necessary that you should join the army, and re 
 quest that you will do it. You will come to head-quarters. 
 The route through Litchfield will be the most eligible for 
 you on account of security, and you may direct your 
 baggage to halt at Fishkill for your further orders. I 
 write to the Count de Rochambeau by this conveyance ; 
 and I trust that your coming away now will not be attend 
 ed with any material inconvenience to him. 
 
 " I cannot conclude, without informing you of an 
 event which has happened here, and which will strike you 
 with astonishment and indignation. Major-General Ar 
 nold has gone to the enemy. He had had an interview 
 with Major Andre, adjutant-general of the British army, 
 and had put into his possession a statement of our army, 
 of the garrison at this post, of the number of men con 
 sidered as necessary for the defence of it, a return of the 
 ordnance, and the disposition of the artillery corps, in 
 case of an alarm. By a most providential interposition, 
 Major Andre was taken in returning to New York, with 
 all those papers in General Arnold s handwriting, who, 
 hearing of the matter, kept it a secret, and left his quar 
 ters immediately, under the pretence of going over to 
 West Point, on Monday forenoon, about an hour before 
 my arrival ; then pushed down the river in the barge, 
 which was not discovered till I had returned from West 
 Point in the afternoon ; and, when I received the first 
 information of Major Andre s captivity, measures were 
 instantly taken to apprehend General Arnold ; but, before 
 the officers, sent for the purpose, could reach Verplanck s 
 Point, he had passed it with a flag, and got on board the 
 Vulture ship of war, which lay a few miles below. He 
 
386 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 knew of my approach, and that I was visiting, with the 
 Marquis, the north and middle redoubts, and from this 
 circumstance was so straitened in point of time, that I 
 believe he carried with him but very few if any material 
 papers, though he has a very precise knowledge of the 
 affairs of the post. The gentlemen of General Arnold s 
 family, I have the greatest reason to believe, were not 
 privy in the least degree to the measures he was carrying 
 on, nor to his escape. I am, dear sir, with very great 
 esteem and regard, your, &c." 
 
 " To Count de Rochambeau. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, near West Point, 26 September, 1780, 
 " SIR, On my arrival here a very disagreeable scene 
 unfolded itself. By lucky accident, a conspiracy of the 
 most dangerous nature, the object of which was to sacri 
 fice this post, has been detected. General Arnold, who 
 has sullied his former glory by the blackest treason, has 
 escaped to the enemy. This is an event that occasions 
 me equal regret and mortification ; but traitors are the 
 growth of every country, and in a revolution of the pres 
 ent nature, it is more to be wondered at, that the cata 
 logue is so small, than that there have been found a few. 
 The situation of the army at this time will make General 
 Heath s presence with us useful. I have written to him 
 for this purpose. I hope his removal will be attended 
 with no inconvenience to your Excellency. With the 
 greatest regard, I am, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress, 
 
 " Robinson s House, in the Highlands, 26 September, 1780. 
 " SIR, I have the honor to inform Congress, that I 
 arrived here yesterday, about twelve o clock,, on my re 
 turn from Hartford. Some hours previous to my arrival, 
 Major-General Arnold went from his quarters, which 
 were at this place, as it was supposed over the river to 
 the garrison at West Point ; whither I proceeded myself 
 in order to visit the post. I found General Arnold had 
 not been there during the day, and on my return to his 
 quarters he was still absent. In the mean time a packet 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 387 
 
 had arrived from Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson, announ 
 cing the capture of a John Anderson, who was endeav 
 oring to go to New York, with several interesting and 
 important papers, all in the handwriting of General Ar 
 nold. This \vas also accompanied with a letter from the 
 prisoner, avowing himself to be Major John Andre, adju 
 tant-general of the British army, relating the manner of 
 his capture, and endeavoring to show that he did not come 
 under the description of a spy. From the several cir 
 cumstances, and information that the General seemed to 
 he thrown into some degree of agitation on receiving a 
 letter, a little time before he went down from his quar 
 ters, I was led to conclude immediately, that he had 
 heard of Major Andre s captivity, and that he would if 
 possible escape to the enemy ; and I accordingly took such 
 measures, as appeared the most probable, to apprehend 
 him. But he had embarked in a barge, and proceeded 
 down the river under a flag to the Vulture sloop of war, 
 which lay some miles below Stony and Verplanck s 
 Points. After he got on board, he wrote to me a letter, 
 of which the enclosed is a copy. 
 
 " Major Andre is not arrived yet, but I hope he is 
 secure, and that he will be here to-day. I have been and 
 am taking proper precautions, which I trust will prove 
 effectual, to prevent the important consequences, which 
 this conduct on the part of General Arnold was intended 
 to produce. I do not know the party that took Major 
 Andre, but it is said to have consisted only of militia, who 
 acted in such a manner, as does them the highest honor, 
 and proves them to be men of great virtue. They were 
 offered, I am informed, a large sum of money for his 
 release, and as many goods as they would demand, but 
 without any effect. Their conduct gives them a just 
 claim to the thanks of their country, and I also hope they 
 will be otherwise rewarded. As soon as I know their 
 names, T shall take pleasure in transmitting them to Con 
 gress. I have taken such measures with respect to the 
 gentlemen of General Arnold s family, as prudence dic 
 tated ; but, from every thing that has hitherto come to 
 my knowledge, I have the greatest reason to believe they 
 
388 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 are perfectly innocent. I early secured Joshua H. Smith, 
 the person mentioned in the close of General Arnold s 
 letter, and find him to have had considerable share in 
 this business. I have the honor to be, &c." 
 
 " To the Officer commanding at West Point. 
 
 "Robinson s House, 27 September, 1790. 
 
 u SIR, You will immediately make a distribution of 
 the troops under your command to the several posts, that 
 the whole may be in a state of defence at the shortest 
 notice. You will also have each work supplied with ten 
 days provision, wood, water, and stores, and keep up 
 constantly that supply ; and you will take every other 
 precaution for the security of the post. The enemy will 
 have acquired from General Arnold a perfect knowledge 
 of the defences, and will be able to take their measures 
 with the utmost precision. This makes it essential, that 
 our vigilance and care should be redoubled for its preser 
 vation. You will do every thing in your power to gain 
 information of the enemy s designs, and give me intelli 
 gence, as early as possible, of any movement against you. 
 A party of militia, who have been employed cutting wood, 
 and another as guards to the stores at Fishkill, that have 
 been called in, are to return to their destinations. Colo 
 nel Gouvion will remain a few days at this post, to assist 
 in the necessary arrangements. I am, &c." 
 
 " To Major- General Greene. 
 
 " Robinson s House, 27 September, 1780. 
 
 u DEAR SIR, I have concluded to send to camp to 
 morrow Major Andre of the British army, and Mr. Joshua 
 H. Smith, who has had a great hand in carrying on the 
 business betw r een him and Arnold. They will be under 
 an escort of horse, and I wish you to have separate houses 
 in camp ready for their reception, in which they may be 
 kept perfectly secure ; and also strong, trusty guards 
 trebly officered, that a part may be constantly in the room 
 with them. They have not been permitted to be togeth 
 er, and must be still kept apart. I would wish the room 
 for Mr. Andre to be a decent one, and that he may be 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 389 
 
 treated with civility ; but that he may be so guarded as 
 to preclude a possibility of his escaping, which he will 
 certainly attempt to effect, if it shall seem practicable in 
 the most distant degree. Smith must also be carefully 
 secured, and not treated with asperity. I intend to re 
 turn to-morrow morning, and hope to have the pleasure 
 of seeing you in the course of the day. You may keep 
 these several matters secret. I write to Mr. Tilghman. 
 
 u I am, dear sir, &c." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Paramus, 7 October, 1780. 
 
 cc SIR, I have the honor to enclose to Congress a 
 copy of the proceedings of a board of general officers in 
 the case of Major Andre, adjutant-general to the British 
 army. This officer was executed in pursuance of the 
 opinion of the board, on Monday the 2d instant, at twelve 
 o clock, at our late camp at Tappan. He acted with 
 great candor, from the time he avowed himself after his 
 capture, until he was executed. Congress will perceive, 
 by a copy of a letter I received from him on the 1st in 
 stant, that it was his desire to be shot ; but the practice 
 and usage of war, circumstanced as he was, were against 
 the indulgence. At the bottom of the sixth page of the 
 proceedings an explanatory note is added, to prevent any 
 suspicions being entertained injurious to Colonel Sheldon, 
 who, otherwise, from the letter addressed to him, might 
 be supposed to have been privy to the measures between 
 General Arnold and Major Andre. If it should be the 
 pleasure of Congress to publish the case, which I would 
 take the liberty to suggest may not be improper, it will 
 be necessary for the explanatory note to be annexed. 
 
 " Besides these proceedings, I transmit copies of sun 
 dry letters respecting the matter, which are all that passed 
 on the subject, not included in the proceedings. I would 
 not suffer Mr. Elliot and Mr. Smith to land, who came 
 up to Dobbs s Ferry agreeably to Sir Henry Clinton s 
 letter of the 30th September. General Robertson was 
 permitted to come on shore, and was met by Major-Gen 
 eral Greene, and mentioned substantially what is contained 
 
390 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 in his letter of the 2d instant. It might not perhaps be 
 improper to publish the letters, or part of them, as an 
 appendix to the proceedings of the board of general offi 
 cers. 
 
 " I have now the pleasure to communicate the names 
 of the three persons, who captured Major Andre, and who 
 refused to release him, notwithstanding the most earnest 
 importunities and assurances of a liberal reward on his 
 part. Their conduct merits our warmest esteem ; and I 
 beg leave to add, that I think the public will do well to 
 make them a handsome gratuity. They have prevented, 
 in all probability, our suffering one of the severest strokes 
 that could have been meditated against us. Their names 
 are John Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van 
 Wart. 
 
 u For the present I have detached the Jersey, New 
 York, and New Hampshire brigades, with Stark s, to the 
 Highland posts. They marched this morning from Or- 
 angetown, and will relieve the Pennsylvania line, which 
 was thrown in at the moment General Arnold went to the 
 enemy. Major-General Greene has marched with these 
 four brigades, and will command at West Point and its 
 dependencies, till a further disposition. The main body 
 of the army (the forage about Orangetown and the lower 
 country being exhausted) also moved this morning, and 
 is now arrived here. We have had a cold, wet, and tedi 
 ous march, on account of the feeble state of our cattle, 
 and have not a drop of rum to give the troops. My in 
 tention is to proceed with them to the country in the 
 neighborhood of Passaic Falls. I have the honor to be, 
 &c." 
 
 " To Lieutenant- Colonel John Laurens. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, Passaic Falls, 13 October, 1780. 
 
 " MY DEAR LAURENS, In no instance since the 
 commencement of the war, has the interposition of Provi 
 dence appeared more remarkably conspicuous than in the 
 rescue of the post and garrison of West Point from Ar 
 nold s villanous perfidy. How far he meant to involve 
 me in the catastrophe of this place, does not appear by 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 391 
 
 any indubitable evidence ; and I am ratber inclined to 
 think he did not wish to hazard the more important object 
 of his treachery, by attempting to combine two events, 
 the less of which might have marred the greater. A com 
 bination of extraordinary circumstances, an unaccountable 
 deprivation of presence of mind in a man of the first abili 
 ties, and the virtue of three militia men, threw the adju 
 tant-general of the British forces, with full proofs of Ar 
 nold s treachery, into our hands. But for the egregious 
 folly, or the bewildered conception, of Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Jameson, who seemed lost in astonishment, and not to 
 know what he was doing, I should undoubtedly have got 
 Arnold. Andre has met his fate, and with that fortitude, 
 which was to be expected from an accomplished man and 
 gallant officer ; but I am mistaken if, at this time, c Ar 
 nold is undergoing the torment of a mental hell. He 
 wants feeling. From some traits of his character, which 
 have lately come to my knowledge, he seems to have been 
 so hackneyed in villany, and so lost to all sense of honor 
 and shame, that, while his faculties will enable him to 
 continue his sordid pursuits, there will be no time for re- 
 
 There is nothing more admirable in the character of 
 Washington, than the calm and serene ascendancy of 
 his reason and judgement. His deep enthusiasm is 
 shown in all his actions and writings. But, he never al 
 lowed himself to be dazzled by brilliant schemes, or be 
 wildered by the exciting spirit of adventure. He kept 
 his eye clearly fixed upon the actual amount of his re 
 sources, and could not be seduced, for a moment, from 
 the line of prudence and discretion. There was no 
 project which lay so near his heart, as the conquest of 
 New York. His imagination delighted to dwell upon the 
 decisive effects that would follow its achievement. He 
 knew, that it would bring the war, at once, to a glorious 
 close, and cover the American arms with imperishable 
 honor, in the estimation of the world. But he never saw 
 reason to consider his strength as sufficient to insure suc 
 cess, and he withheld from the attempt. The following 
 
392 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 letters exhibit the zeal, with which Lafayette endeavored 
 to prevail upon him to engage in the undertaking. The 
 answer of Washington illustrates the wisdom of a great 
 mind. Neither the love of glory, nor the love of his 
 friend ; neither the impulses of his own ardent spirit, nor 
 the fear of reproach from others, could induce him to ex 
 pose the precious cause, committed to his care, to un 
 necessary risk, nor to swerve, one inch, from the path 
 which his reason and judgement ever clearly marked out 
 before him. 
 
 From the Marquis de Lafayette, to General Washington. 
 " Light Camp, October 30th, 1780. 
 
 u My DEAR GENERAL, In our conversations upon 
 military operations, you have often told me, that, since 
 the beginning of the campaign, your eyes were turned 
 towards a project, upon which I generally agree in opin 
 ion with you, and beg leave to offer some observations. 
 
 " Far from lessening my desire of finishing the cam 
 paign by some brilliant stroke, the project of Staten Is 
 land, though it miscarried, has strengthened my opinions, 
 as I have clearly seen, by the details of this operation, 
 that we should, in all human probability, have succeed 
 ed, and that our men were fully equal to any enterprise 
 of that kind.* 
 
 " My reasons for wishing to undertake something, are 
 these : 1st. Any enterprise will please the people of 
 this country, and shew them, that, when we have men, we 
 
 * M. de Lafayette had taken, since the 7th of August, command of 
 the corps of light infantry, consisting of six companies of men, selected 
 in different lines of the army. Those battalions were divided into two 
 brigades ; one under the command of General Hand, the other, of 
 General Poor. The inactivity of the army was very opposite to the 
 character and policy of M. de Lafayette. He endeavored, incessantly, 
 to find means of putting an end to it ; at least, as far as regarded him 
 self. The 14th of August, he had written to General Washington, to 
 ask his permission to attempt a nocturnal surprise on the two camps 
 of Hessians established at New York island. At the beginning of 
 October, he attempted an expedition on Staten Island, which could 
 not be accomplished, owing to the want of boats and other necessary 
 preparations. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 393 
 
 do not lie still ; and even a defeat (provided it was not 
 fatal) would have its good consequences. 2ndly. The 
 French Court have often complained to me of the inac 
 tivity of the American army, who, before the alliance, 
 had distinguished themselves by their spirit of enterprise. 
 They have often told me, your friends leave us now to 
 fight their battles, and do no more risk themselves. It is, 
 moreover, of the greatest political importance to let them 
 know, that, on our side, we were ready to cooperate. 
 Be sure, my dear General, that many people s interest 
 will be to let it believed, that we were not ready ; and, if 
 anything may engage the ministry to give us the asked- 
 for support, it will be our proving to the nation that, on 
 our side, we had been ready. So far was the Chevalier 
 de la Luzerne convinced of this, (and, on this point, the 
 minister s interest is the same as ours,) that he was made 
 happy, by my mentioning to him the Staten Island affair. 
 I well know the Court of Versailles ; and, were I to go to 
 it, I should think it very impolitic to go there, unless we 
 had done something. Srdly. It is more than probable, 
 that mediators will interfere this winter, by a negotiation. 
 Then England will say, how can we give up people whom 
 we consider as half conquered ? Their best city has been 
 taken by an army not much superior to the people that 
 were to defend it ; their southern army was routed, al 
 most as soon as looked at, by the British troops ; New 
 York is so much ours, that they dare not approach it ; 
 and General Washington s army does not exceed five 
 thousand men. What shall France answer ? Principal 
 ly, now, that, from the letters I have received, I find the 
 Charleston affair has brought our arms into contempt. 
 But, what difference, if France might say, the American 
 army has taken, sword in hand, your best works ; they 
 have offered to you the battle upon your own island, and, 
 perhaps, they may add, (for news increases in travelling,) 
 they are now in possession of New York. 
 
 cc Upon these considerations, my dear General, what 
 I want is this, to find an expedition which may wear a 
 brilliant aspect, and afford probable advantages, also an 
 immense, though very remote one, which, if unsuccess- 
 
394 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 ful , may not turn fatal to us ; for the loss of two or three 
 hundred men, half of them being enlisted for two months, 
 I do not consider as a ruinous adventure. 
 
 " The basis of the plan will be, that Fort Washing 
 ton, being in our possession, may, with the Fort Lee bat 
 teries, protect our crossing North River, and be a secu 
 rity for our retreat, principally if some works are added 
 on the point of embarcation. The taking of Fort Wash 
 ington we may demonstrate to be very probable ; and, 
 upon that point you are of my opinion. 
 
 " The enemy have, on the upper part of the island, 
 from fifteen hundred to two thousand men, who would 
 immediately occupy all the other upper posts. Their 
 army on Long Island would repair to New York, and 
 there would, also, retire the troops posted at Haerlem. 
 
 " As soon as Fort Washington should be ours, the 
 army would cross over to the island, and those of West 
 Point arrive in the same time, (which calculation may be 
 easily done,) so that we should effectually possess all the 
 upper posts, or cut them off from their main army. 
 Some militia would come to our assistance ; and, as these 
 posts are not well furnished with provisions, we should 
 take them, at least, by famine. 
 
 u The enemy s army consists of nine thousand men ; 
 they must certainly leave one thousand men in their 
 several posts ; fifteen hundred of them, at least, will be 
 either killed at Fort Washington, or blocked up at Lau 
 rel Hill, and they will then have between six and seven 
 thousand men to attack ten. The two thousand militia 
 (in supposing that they durst take them out) I do not 
 mention, because we may have four thousand militia for 
 them ; under such circumstances, it is probable, that Sir 
 Henry Clinton will venture a battle. If he does, and, by 
 chance, beat us, we retire under Fort Washington ; but, 
 if we beat him, his works will be at such a distance, that 
 he will be ruined in the retreat. If, on the contrary, he 
 knows that the French army is coming, and if we spread 
 the report of a second divison, or of Count de Guichen 
 being upon the coasts, he will keep in his works, and we 
 will, some way or other, carry the upper posts. When 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 395 
 
 we are upon the spot, we may reconnoitre New York, 
 and see if something is to be done. If Clinton was 
 making a forage into the Jerseys, I should be clear for 
 pushing to the city. 
 
 " If we undertake, the circumstances of the weather 
 make it necessary that we undertake immediately. I 
 would move the army, as soon as possible, to our posi 
 tion near the new bridge. This movement may invite 
 Clinton in the Jerseys, and bring us nearer to the point 
 of execution. 
 
 " Though my private glory and yours, my dear Gen 
 eral, both of which are very dear to my heart, are greatly 
 interested, not so much for the opinions of America, as for 
 those of Europe, in our doing something this campaign, I 
 hope you know me too well, to think I should insist upon 
 steps of this nature, unless I knew that they were politi 
 cally necessary, and had a sufficient military probability. 
 
 " The six hundred men of Luzerne s legion might be 
 got in twelve days. If our movements had no other ef 
 fect but to make a diversion in favor of the South, it would, 
 on that footing, meet with the approbation of the world, 
 and, perhaps, impeach the operations of General Leslie." 
 
 " To the Marquis de Lafayette. 
 
 " Head-Quarters, 30 October, 1780. 
 
 "It is impossible, my dear Marquis, to desire more 
 ardently than I do to terminate the campaign by some 
 happy stroke ; but we must consult our means rather than 
 our wishes, and not endeavor to better our affairs by at 
 tempting things, which for want of success may make 
 them worse. We are to lament, that there has been a 
 misapprehension of our circumstances in Europe ; but, 
 to endeavor to recover our reputation, we should take 
 care that we do not injure it more. Ever since it became 
 evident, that the allied arms could not co-operate this 
 campaign, I have had an eye to the point you mention, 
 determined, if a favorable opening should offer, to em 
 brace it ; but, so far as my information goes, the enter 
 prise would not be warranted. It would in my opinion 
 be imprudent to throw an army of ten thousand men upon 
 i. 2 c 
 
396 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 an island against nine thousand, exclusive of seamen and 
 militia. This, from the accounts we have, appears to be 
 the enemy s force. All we can do at present, therefore, 
 is to endeavor to gain a more certain knowledge of their 
 situation and act accordingly. This I have been some 
 time employed in doing, but hitherto with little success. 
 I shall thank you for any aid you can afford. Arnold s 
 flight seems to have frightened all my intelligencers out 
 of their senses. I am sincerely and affectionately yours." 
 
 " To the President of Congress. 
 
 " Morristown, 28 November, 1780. 
 
 u SIR, I arrived at this place to-day, having yesterday 
 broken up the camp near Passaic Falls, and detached the 
 troops to their different places of cantonment. I shall 
 repair to New Windsor, where I purpose to establish my 
 winter-quarters, after having made some necessary regula 
 tions here and visited the hospitals. 
 
 u The following will be the general position of the army 
 during the winter. The Pennsylvania line about four 
 miles from hence, in part of the huts which were oc 
 cupied by the troops last winter ; the Jersey line at 
 Pompton, with a detachment from them to secure the 
 entrance of the Clove near Suffern s. The design of 
 these is not only to cover the country and our communi 
 cation with the Delaware, but as much as possible to ease 
 us in the article of transportation. The Connecticut, 
 New Hampshire, and Rhode Island lines will be in the 
 Highlands, upon the east side of Hudson s River ; the 
 Massachusetts line at West Point, Moylan s regiment of 
 horse at Lancaster in Pennsylvania, and Sheldon s at 
 Colchester in Connecticut. One regiment of New York 
 is in garrison at Fort Schuyler, and another is at Saratoga ; 
 but to give more effectual security to the northern and 
 western frontiers, which are both harassed and much ex 
 posed, I propose, if provision can be had, which is 
 exceedingly doubtful, to send the remainder of the line 
 to Albany and Schenectady, where it will be ready to 
 act as occasion may require, and where the officers will 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 397 
 
 have it more in their power to arrange themselves agree 
 ably to the new establishment. 
 
 " I have lately had a very pressing application from 
 Colonel Scarnmell for liberty to resign the office of adju 
 tant-general, and resume the command of his regiment. 
 Finding him determined upon the measure, I thought it 
 my duty to cast about for a proper person to succeed him 
 in so important an office, before I mentioned his request. 
 The gentleman I would recommend is Brigadier-General 
 Hand, whom I have sounded upon the occasion, and who 
 I find will accept the appointment, should Congress think 
 proper to confer it upon him. His rank, independent of 
 his other qualities, is a circumstance of consequence. 
 Besides giving weight and dignity to the office, it will take 
 off any uneasiness, which might have arisen, had an officer 
 younger than any of the present inspectors been appoint 
 ed ; because by the regulations the adjutant-general is 
 assistant inspector-general, and of course commands the 
 others in that department. I shall very reluctantly part 
 with Colonel Scammell, as he has constantly performed 
 his duty to my entire approbation, and to the satisfaction 
 of the army ; but his reasons, which I should transmit at 
 length, had I not sent up his letter among my papers to 
 New Windsor, were such as I could not oppose, without 
 requiring him to make greater sacrifices than he assured 
 me his fortune would afford. 
 
 " Having received information, through Major Tall- 
 madge of the second regiment of dragoons, that the enemy 
 had collected a valuable magazine of forage at Corain 
 upon Long Island, the destruction of which he at the 
 same time offered to attempt with my permission, which 
 he obtained, 1 do myself the honor to enclose a copy of 
 his report, by which Congress will perceive how very 
 handsomely he acquitted himself in the execution of his 
 whole plan. There can be no stronger proof of the gal 
 lant behavior and good conduct of the Major and his 
 officers, and the bravery and fidelity of his men, than the 
 recital of the circumstances attending the affair throughout 
 its progress. With great respect I have the honor to 
 be, &c." 
 
398 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 " To President Weare. 
 
 " New Windsor, 22 January, 1781. 
 
 " SIR, I have received the disagreeable intelligence, 
 that a part of the Jersey line had followed the example 
 of that of Pennsylvania ; and when the advices came 
 away, it was expected the revolt would be general. The 
 precise intention of the mutineers was not known, but 
 their complaints and demands were similar to those of the 
 Pennsylvanians. 
 
 " Persuaded that, without some decisive effort at all 
 hazards to suppress this dangerous spirit, it would speedily 
 infect the whole army, I have ordered as large a detach 
 ment as we could spare from these posts to march under 
 Major- General Howe, with orders to compel the mu 
 tineers to unconditional submission ; to listen to no terms, 
 while they are in a state of resistance ; and, on their re 
 duction, to execute instantly a few of the most active and 
 incendiary leaders. I am not certain what part the troops 
 detached for this purpose will act, but I flatter myself 
 they will do their duty. Any extremity, to which the 
 Jersey troops may be drawn, I prefer to a compromise. 
 
 " The weakness of the garrison, but still more its em 
 barrassing distress for want of provisions, made it impos 
 sible to prosecute such measures with the Pennsylvanians, 
 as the nature of the case demanded ; and, while we were 
 making arrangements, as far as practicable, to supply these 
 defects, an accommodation took place, which will not 
 only subvert the Pennsylvania line, but have a very per 
 nicious influence on the whole army. I mean, however, 
 by these remarks only to give an idea of the miserable 
 situation we are in, and not to blame a measure, which 
 perhaps in our circumstances was the best that could have 
 been adopted. The same embarrassments operate against 
 coercion at this moment, but not in so great a degree ; 
 the Jersey troops not being, from their numbers, so formi 
 dable as were the Pennsylvanians. 
 
 u I dare not detail the risks we rim from the present 
 scantiness of supplies. With flour we are fed only from 
 day to day. We have received few or no cattle for some 
 time past, nor do we know of any shortly to be expected. 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 399 
 
 The salted meat, which we ought to have reserved in the 
 garrison, is now nearly exhausted. I cannot but renew 
 my solicitations with your State to exert every expedient 
 for contributing to our immediate relief. VVith perfect 
 respect, I am, &c." 
 
 General Howe made the following circumstantial report 
 of the manner in which he executed the painful trust com 
 mitted to him : 
 
 " General Howe to General Washington. 
 
 "Ringwood, 27 January, 1781. 
 
 cc SIR, In obedience to your Excellency s commands 
 I arrived at this place yesterday evening, and found that 
 the mutineers were returning to their huts. Colonel Day 
 ton had offered them pardon for their offences, provided 
 they immediately would put themselves under the com 
 mand of their officers, and would behave in future con 
 sistently with that subordination so essential to military 
 discipline. To this they seemingly acceded, but soon 
 demonstrated by their conduct, that they were actuated 
 by motives exceedingly distinct from those they had pro 
 fessed ; for, though in some respects they would suffer a 
 few particular officers to have influence over them, yet it 
 was by no means the case in general, and what they did 
 do, appeared rather like following advice than obeying 
 command. 
 
 " Arrived at their huts, they condescended once to 
 parade when ordered, but were no sooner dismissed than 
 several officers were insulted. One had a bayonet put 
 to his breast, and upon the man s being knocked down 
 for his insolence, a musket was fired, which being their 
 alarm-signal, most of them paraded in arms. In short, 
 their whole behavior was such as cried aloud for chas 
 tisement, and made it evident, that they had only returned 
 to their huts, as a place more convenient for themselves, 
 where they meant to negotiate with the committee ap 
 pointed, previous to their meeting, to inquire into their 
 grievances, and to whom they thought to have dictated 
 their own terms. 
 
400 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 " Having long been convinced, that in cases of insur 
 rection no medium lies, either for civil or military bodies, 
 between dignity and servility, but coercion, and that no 
 other method could be possibly fallen upon without the 
 deepest wound to the service, I instantly determined to 
 adopt it. We marched from Ringwood about midnight, 
 and having, by the assistance of Colonels Shreve and 
 Barber, made myself acquainted with the situation of their 
 encampment, I thought it proper to occupy four differ 
 ent positions about it. Lieutenant-Colonel-Commandant 
 Sprout, with one party and a piece of artillery, was or 
 dered to take post on their left ; Lieutenant-Colonel Mil 
 ler, with another party and two pieces, on their right ; 
 Major Oliver, with his men, in front of their encampment ; 
 Major Throop, with his, in the rear of it. Major Morril, 
 who, with the New Hampshire detachment, had been 
 ordered to Pompton by the way of King s Ferry, and was 
 arrived, was directed to post himself upon the Charlott en- 
 berg road, about half a mile above the first bridge. 
 
 " Thus was every avenue secured, and in this position 
 the mutineers found us when day-light appeared. Colonel 
 Barber, of the Jersey line, was sent to them with orders 
 immediately to parade without arms, and to march to the 
 ground pointed out for them. Some seemed willing to 
 comply, but others exclaimed, What ! No conditions ? 
 Then if we are to die, it is as well to die where we are 
 as any where else. Some hesitation happening among 
 them, Colonel Sprout was directed to advance, and only 
 five minutes were given the mutineers to comply with the 
 orders which had been sent to them. This had its effect, 
 and they, to a man, marched without arms to the ground 
 appointed for them. The Jersey officers gave a list of 
 those, whom they thought the most atrocious offenders, 
 upon which I desired them to select three, (one of each 
 regiment,) which was accordingly done. A field court- 
 martial was presently held, and they received sentence 
 of death by the unanimous decree of the court. Two of 
 them were executed on the spot ; the third I have re 
 prieved, because the officers inform me, that they were 
 guided in their naming him more by his having been the 
 
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 401 
 
 commanding officer of the party, than from any circum 
 stances of aggravation in his own conduct ; and because 
 it appeared in evidence, that, though he had been com 
 pelled to take the command, he had endeavored to pre 
 vail upon the men to return to their duty. These reasons, 
 sir, induced me to spare him, which I am persuaded your 
 Excellency will approve. I thought it would have a good 
 effect to appoint the executioners from among those most 
 active in the mutiny. 
 
 u After the execution, the officers were ordered to 
 parade the men regimentally, and to divide them into 
 platoons, each officer to take his platoon. In this situa 
 tion they were directed to make, and they made, proper 
 concessions to their officers, in the face of the troops, and 
 promised by future good conduct to atone for past of 
 fences. I then spoke to them by platoons, representing 
 to them, in the strongest terms I was capable of, the 
 heinousness of their guilt, as well as the folly of it, in the 
 outrage they had offered to that civil authority, to which 
 they owed obedience, and which it was their incumbent 
 duty to support and maintain. They showed the fullest 
 sense of their guilt, and such strong marks of contrition, 
 that I think I may venture to pledge myself for their future 
 good conduct. 
 
 "I take pleasure in expressing, sir, the warmest ap 
 probation of the conduct of the detachments of every line 
 detailed for this command. The rapid march made by 
 each on the several routes they took in very inclement 
 weather, through a depth of snow, and upon an occasion, 
 which, from the nature of it, nothing but a sense of duty 
 and love of their country could render pleasing, is a very 
 meritorious instance of their patriotism, as well as of their 
 zeal for the service. I have the honor to be, &c. 
 
 u ROBERT HOWE." 
 
 Upon hearing the result, Washington published the fol 
 lowing among the general orders of the day : 
 
 cc FROM THE GENERAL ORDERS TO THE ARMY. 
 
 u Head- Quarters, 30 January, 1781. The General 
 returns his thanks to Major-General Howe for the judi- 
 
402 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 cious measures he pursued, and to the officers and men 
 under his command for the good conduct and alacrity with 
 which they executed his orders, for suppressing the late 
 mutiny in a part of the New Jersey line. It gave him 
 inexpressible pain to be obliged to employ their arms upon 
 such an occasion, and he is convinced that they them 
 selves felt all the reluctance, which former affection to 
 fellow-soldiers could inspire. He considers the patience, 
 with which they endured the fatigues of the march, through 
 rough and mountainous roads, rendered almost impassable 
 by the depth of the snow, and the cheerfulness with which 
 they performed every other part of their duty, as the 
 strongest proof of their fidelity, attachment to the service, 
 sense of subordination, and abhorrence of the principles, 
 which actuated the mutineers in so daring and atrocious 
 a departure from what they owed to their country, to their 
 officers, to their oaths, and to themselves. 
 
 " The General is deeply sensible of the sufferings of 
 the army. He leaves no expedient unessayed to relieve 
 them, and he is persuaded Congress and the several States 
 are doing every thing in their power for the same purpose. 
 But, while we look to the public for the fulfilment of its 
 engagements, we should do it with proper allowance for 
 the embarrassments of public affairs. We began a con 
 test for liberty and independence, ill provided with the 
 means for war, relying on our own patriotism to supply 
 the deficiency. We expected to encounter many wants 
 and distresses, and we should neither shrink from them 
 when they happen, nor fly in the face of law and govern 
 ment to procure redress. There is no doubt the public 
 will, in the event, do ample justice to men fighting and suf 
 fering in its defence. But it is our duty to bear present 
 evils with fortitude, looking forward to the period when 
 our country will have it more in its power to reward our 
 
A GLOSSARY 
 
 OF SUCH WORDS AND PHRASES AS MAY NOT EASILY BE UN 
 DERSTOOD BY THE YOUNG READER. 
 
 Abatis, (French military term) a kind of cover, formed by cutting 
 down many entire trees, the branches of which are turned towards 
 the enemy, and, as much as possible, entangled one with another. 
 They are made either before redoubts or other works, to render 
 attacks difficult, or along the skirts of a wood, to keep off an enemy. 
 
 Aboriginals, or Aborigines, the first inhabitants of a country. The 
 word is particularly applied to the North-American Indians. 
 
 Accoutremejits, dress, trappings, equipage, the furniture of a soldier, 
 such as belts, pouches, cartridge-boxes, saddles, bridles, &c. 
 
 Adjutant, an officer who aids the major in part of his duty, and per 
 forms it, in his absence. 
 
 Adjutant-General, a staff-officer, who assists a general ; he keeps a 
 roll of the army, receives orders at Head-Quarters, and distributes 
 them through the army. He is attached to the person of the gen 
 eral, while on the march, and acts as his aid, in the day of battle. 
 
 Admeasurement, the adjustment of the boundaries, and the establish 
 ment of the length and direction of the lines, by which land is divid 
 ed into lots. 
 
 Admiral, a naval officer, of a rank corresponding to that of a general 
 of an army. 
 
 Aid-de-camp, an officer appointed to attend a general officer, in the 
 field, in the garrison, and in Winter-quarters. 
 
 Ally, a nation associated with another by special treaty ; the people 
 and troops of such a nation are called allies. 
 
 Ammunition, all sorts of powder and ball, shells, bullets, cartridges, 
 &c. Sometimes, it means, specially and exclusively, powder. 
 
 Armament, a land or naval force. 
 
 Autobiography, an account of one s life, written by himself. 
 
 Barracks, houses and buildings fitted up for troops to lodge in. 
 
 Bateau, (plural Bateaux,} the French name for boat, particularly ap 
 plied to large, light, flat-bottomed boats, much used in Canada and 
 on the upper lakes. 
 
 Battalion, a body of infantry, of an undetermined size, consisting, 
 in general, of from five hundred to one thousand men. 
 
 Battery, a place where cannon or mortars are mounted ; the broad 
 side of a ship of war is so called. 
 
 Bilge, the protuberant part of a cask, or of a vessel s bottom ; when 
 a vessel leaks from a fracture or opening of her bottom, she is said 
 to have bilged. 
 
404 GLOSSARY. 
 
 Bombard, to assault a place, or an object, by throwing shells into it. 
 
 Bona-fide, in good faith. 
 
 Brevet, an honorary rank, higher than the line of actual duty and pay. 
 
 Brigade, a body of troops, consisting either of infantry from three to 
 six regiments, or of horse from eight to twelve squadrons, or of ar 
 tillery from six to ten cannons. 
 
 Brigadier, or Brigadier-General, an officer next above a colonel, and 
 commanding a brigade. 
 
 Cabal, a number of persons engaged together in some secret design, 
 or conspiracy. 
 
 Campaign, the time, each year, during which an army keeps the field, 
 and also, the operations of a season, taken collectively. 
 
 Cannonade, the application of artillery to the battering down, or con 
 quest, of a distant object. 
 
 Canoes, light boats, such as are used by Indians, made either of bark, 
 or of the trunks of trees hollowed out. 
 
 Cantonments, distinct situations, where different parts of an army are 
 posted. 
 
 Canvass, in a political sense, means the process of an election, or the 
 means used to obtain votes. 
 
 Caparison means the bridle, saddle, and housing, of a military horse, 
 and, in a figurative and general sense, it may signify dress, accou 
 trements, and badges of all kinds, for both infantry and cavalry. 
 
 Capitulation means a surrender upon conditions, sometimes the con 
 ditions themselves. 
 
 Caracole, a half-wheel, or semicircular motion of cavalry, to conceal 
 the direction of an assault ; it also means the curving motions and 
 sidelong prancings of a spirited horse. 
 
 Cartouch, a case prepared to carry bullets. 
 
 Cartridge, a case, made of paper, and fitted to the bore of a gun, con 
 taining the powder and ball to charge it. 
 
 Cartridge-box, a case of wood, covered with leather, and containing 
 a number of cartridges. 
 
 Cavalry, troops mounted on horseback. 
 
 Causey, a passage-way, raised above the natural level of the ground. 
 
 Chasseurs, French light infantry, answering to American riflemen, and 
 German yagers. 
 
 Chevaux defrise, a large joist or piece of timber, with a great number 
 of sharp pins or stakes driven into its sides, and projecting from it. 
 
 Colleague, a partner, or associate, or fellow-member, representing the 
 same constituents, and acting under a similar commission. 
 
 Colonel, the commander of a regiment. 
 
 Colony, a political community, consisting of persons who emigrated 
 from the mother country, or of their descendants, but still connected 
 with, and dependent upon, the mother country. 
 
 Commissary, an officer appointed to inspect the musters, stores, and 
 provisions for an army. 
 
 Commission, the document, or credential, by which an office is held ; 
 also, sometimes, the office itself. 
 
 Commissioner, a person appointed and delegated to perform any duty, 
 or execute any business. 
 
GLOSSARY. 405 
 
 Commodore, a naval officer, commanding a squadron or a particular 
 
 station. 
 Commonwealth, a free state, a political community, having a popular 
 
 government. 
 
 Complement, the whole number of a troop, or body of men. 
 Congress, the name given to a political assembly, composed of dele 
 gates, or representatives. In the United States, it has been the title 
 of assemblies of this sort, collected from all the States, and is the 
 proper title of the two branches of the Federal legislature at Wash 
 ington. 
 
 Continental, used to distinguish what belonged to the United Colo 
 nies, from what belonged to them separately. 
 
 Continental Congress, the name by which the Congress of the United 
 Colonies was designated under the Old Confederation, and previous 
 ly to the adoption of the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 Convoy, a detachment of troops to protect stores, provisions, and the 
 like, in their transportation from place to place, or a naval detach 
 ment acting as guardian of merchantmen. 
 
 Cordon, a chain or series of military posts, around an army, or city, 
 or district of country. 
 
 Corps, a body of forces, acting under one commander. 
 
 Corps de reserve, the rear-guard of an army, a body of troops, re 
 served for special service. 
 
 Countermand, an order, reversing a previous order. 
 
 Coup, a sudden blow, a decisive attack. 
 
 Coup de grace, a finishing stroke, 
 
 Coup de main, a daring, critical, and desperate operation ; an instan 
 taneous, sudden, and unexpected, attack on an enemy. 
 
 Court- M artial , a tribunal or court appointed to try offences commit 
 ted by members of an army or navy. 
 
 Defile, a strait, narrow passage ; to lead troops, in a line, with a nar 
 row front, but one at a time, or with but a few abreast, is to defile. 
 
 Delegate, a person appointed to represent and act for others. 
 
 Deserters, soldiers or sailors who have run away. 
 
 Despatch, a document containing information or orders. 
 
 Detachment, a body of troops, detached from the main army, posted 
 by themselves, or separated for some special service. 
 
 Device, a design, scheme, emblem, or stamp, for a seal or medal. 
 
 Diagram, a figure in geometry, the representation of an object by 
 lines. 
 
 Diary, a daily journal, or record. 
 
 Diplomatic, what relates to the intercourse of different nations, 
 through their ministers, and in their dealings and connexions with 
 each other. 
 
 Draught, a drawing, or delineation. 
 
 Drill, in military affairs, is the exercising and instructing of troops ; in 
 agriculture, a row of grain, sowed by a drill-plough ; to sow in 
 drills. 
 
 Engineer, an officer, whose department of service relates to the plan 
 ning and construction of defences and of fortifications. 
 
 Enfilade is to sweep the whole length of a work or line of troops, 
 
406 GLOSSARY. 
 
 with cannon or musket shot. Enfilade is equivalent to rake, which, 
 applied to naval engagements, means to fire into the bow or stern of 
 a vessel, so that the ball may range lengthwise through her. 
 
 Enlist, to join an army and become a soldier. 
 
 Equipment, whatever is necessary to fit out and furnish an expedition ; 
 the habiliments, or apparatus, of a company or individual or horse 
 or any military object. 
 
 Espontoon, a half-pike. 
 
 Evacuate, to march out from and abandon a garrison, or city, or 
 country. 
 
 feu de joie. When, to celebrate a victory, or on any occasion of 
 rejoicing, the lines of an army are drawn out, and the squadrons or 
 battalions discharge their musketry in rapid succession, from one 
 end of the lines to the other, it is called a feu de joie, or running 
 fire. 
 
 Finances, pecuniary resources, money in the treasury, revenue. 
 
 Flank, the portion of an army stationed at each extremity, or side. 
 
 Fleet, a number of vessels in company. 
 
 Flint, used to strike fire, in the locks of guns, to inflame the powder. 
 
 Forage, hay, straw, oats, &c., for the subsistence of the horses of an 
 army. 
 
 Force, a body of troops, or an armament of any kind. 
 
 Ford, a place where a river is so shallow, that it may be passed 
 through. 
 
 Fort, a place where troops are secured from assault, by defences, and 
 armaments ; sometimes called fortress, and sometimes, fortifica 
 tion. 
 
 Frontier, the border of a country ; the territory contiguous to another 
 country. 
 
 Furlough, a leave of absence. 
 
 Garrison, a place where forces are collected, and provided with de 
 fences ; sometimes, the forces themselves. 
 
 General, General in Chief, or Generalissimo, the commander of the 
 whole army. 
 
 Gourd, a plant, having a large fruit, somewhat like an orange, in 
 shape, with a shell so hard, that it is used, as a cup or vessel. 
 
 Grenadiers, a company of foot-soldiers, made up of the tallest and 
 stoutest men of a regiment. 
 
 Head- Quarters, the place where the officer, commanding an army, 
 has his residence. 
 
 Incursion, invasion, inroad, penetrating a country for a short distance. 
 
 Infantry, foot-soldiers. 
 
 Intrench ment, any work that fortifies a post against the attack of an 
 enemy. 
 
 Invasion, the entrance of a hostile army into a country to subjugate it. 
 
 Invest, to surround a place, and approach it, in order to conquer and 
 take it. 
 
 Legion, a name given to a body of troops, associated as a distinct 
 corps. 
 
 Levies, men enlisted and collected to serve as soldiers, or the means 
 of carrying on war, whether of men or money. 
 
GLOSSARY. 407 
 
 Lieutenant, an officer next in rank to a captain. 
 
 Lieut en ant- Col on el, the second officer of a regiment. 
 
 Lieutenant-General, an officer next above a Major-General. 
 
 Line, such troops as belong to the regular army, in distinction from 
 volunteers, militia, the stall-departments, &c. 
 
 Lineage, the descent of a person, the line of his ancestors, genealogy, 
 or pedigree. 
 
 Log-book, a record, kept at sea, in which, under the hours of night and 
 day, the winds, course of the ship, her motion, &c., are regularly 
 entered. 
 
 Loyalty, fidelity to one s King or Sovereign ; it sometimes means fidel 
 ity to one s country. Those Americans, who opposed the Revolu 
 tion, were distinguished as Loyalists, and also Royalists, and To 
 ries. 
 
 Magazine, in a military sense, is a place where stores of all kinds are 
 kept, including provisions, as well as implements of war. It is often 
 used especially as the place of deposite of powder. 
 
 Major, an officer next above a captain. Majors and all above them 
 are called field-officers, and are always mounted on horseback, that 
 they may more expeditiously traverse the field. 
 
 Major- General, is the rank next above Brigadier-General. In some 
 armies, there are two ranks still higher than Major-General, that is, 
 Lieutenant- General, and General, or General-in-chief, or Gener 
 alissimo. 
 
 Manual, the exercise of the musket. 
 
 Manoeuvre, the various movements and evolutions of a military or 
 naval force of any kind. 
 
 Marines, a body of soldiers, raised for seaservice. The word ma 
 rine sometimes means the entire naval force of a country. 
 
 Materiel, the means, and substances of every kind, used in war. 
 
 Mercenaries, hired troops, not belonging to the country in whose ser 
 vice they are engaged. 
 
 Metropolis, the principal city or town of a country or district. 
 
 Midshipman, the lowest officer in the line of regular promotion in the 
 naval service. lie has a warrant but not a commission, and is next 
 below a Lieutenant. 
 
 Morass, marshy, low, and wet, ground. 
 
 Mortar, a short cannon with a large bore. 
 
 Musketry, the discharge of muskets, and the force or power of such 
 discharge. 
 
 Muster, a review, examination, and enumeration of troops. 
 
 Mutiny, an insurrection or rebellion in an army, or on board a vessel. 
 
 Opening trenches is the first breaking of ground by besiegers ; the 
 beginning of a siege. 
 
 Ordnance, whatever relates to artillery or engineering. 
 
 Park of Artillery, the place marked off for the position of a body of 
 artillery, or the force itself. 
 
 Parley, oral treaty, conference, interview for discussion. 
 
 Parole, permission given to a prisoner to go at large, on a promise to 
 return when called for, and not to take up arms until exchanged. 
 
 Parricide, one who murders his parent ; it is sometimes used to ex- 
 
408 GLOSSARY. 
 
 press any unnatural hostility, where reverence and love are due, as 
 that of taking arms against one s country. 
 
 Pass, a narrow, difficult passage ; also a voucher or ticket, authoriz 
 ing one to go from one place to another ; also a thrust or assault. 
 
 Patrol, a small company of soldiers, or others, appointed to go about 
 in a garrison or town, to watch and guard the premises. 
 
 Phenomenon, (pi. phenomena,} a remarkable object or occurrence ; 
 any particular fact or object of contemplation. 
 
 Picket, an out-guard, stationed in advance of an army ; also, some 
 times, stakes driven into the ground. 
 
 Pioneers, soldiers or others sent out to mend the roads, and prepare 
 the way for an army. 
 
 Platoon, a company, or other small portion of the line of an army. 
 
 Post, a military station. 
 
 Post-Captain, the commander of a frigate or larger vessel of war. 
 
 Primeval, original, belonging to the first age of the world. 
 
 Protectorate, the title of the office which Oliver Cromwell held, when 
 Lord High Protector of England. 
 
 Provincial Congress, a convention of the Delegates of a particular 
 State, or Province. 
 
 Provost-Marshal, an officer appointed to secure, and have care of, 
 and punish, deserters and all other criminals in an army. 
 
 Pulmonary, belonging to the lungs. 
 
 Punctilio, the rules of exact propriety, in reference to ceremony, 
 forms, and proceedings connected with rank, and the like. 
 
 Quartermaster, an officer whose department relates to the quarters, 
 clothing, provisions, and personal condition and wants, of an army. 
 
 Quarters, places of lodging, or rooms, of soldiers and officers. 
 
 Quota, appropriate share, relative portion assigned to each member 
 of a joint concern. 
 
 Hake, see Enfilade. 
 
 Ratify, to confirm, and settle, and complete, an agreement or arrang- 
 ment. 
 
 Recess, of a legislature, the period intervening between its sessions. 
 
 Reconnoiter, to view, explore, and ascertain, the particulars of a place, 
 army, or other object. 
 
 Recruits, newly-enlisted soldiers. 
 
 .Redoubts, small outworks, or fortified works thrown up as a defence 
 in a siege, or to protect other works in their rear. 
 
 Reduction, the conquest of a place. 
 
 Rendezvous, a place appointed for a meeting or gathering of forces. 
 
 Residuary legatee, the person to whom the remainder of an estate is 
 willed, after all particular legacies and bequests have been satis 
 fied. 
 
 Road, Roads, or Roadstead, a place near a coast, where vessels can 
 safely ride at anchor. 
 
 Royalists, see Loyalty. 
 
 Sappers, soldiers employed to construct covered approaches, in besieg 
 ing an enemy s post. They dig trenches, and throw up walls, and 
 in various ways provide protection to the assailants while advancing 
 within reach of the guns of the besieged. 
 
GLOSSARY. 409 
 
 Scalp, the skin of the top of the head, cut or torn ofT. 
 
 Session, the period of the meeting of ;i legislature or other body of 
 
 men. 
 Siege, the attempt to take a place by surrounding, crippling, weaken 
 
 ing, and assailing, it. 
 
 Sinecure, an oilioe without much, or any, duty connected with it. 
 Skirmish, a desultory and casual encounter, between small parties of 
 
 opposing armies. 
 Squadron, a body of cavalry, or mounted soldiers ; also, a fleet, or 
 
 considerable number of armed vessels. 
 Staff, the special officers of an army, such as Quartermaster-General, 
 
 Adjutant-General, Aids-de-camp, &c. 
 Subaltern, an oflicer below the rank of captain. 
 Suffrage, vote, the expression of choice. 
 Surveyor, one who examines and explores any thing, particularly one 
 
 whose business it is to explore, measure, and mark oft", land. 
 Swivel, a small piece of ordnance, or cannon, which turns on a 
 
 pivot. 
 Tactics, the science of arranging, conducting, and controlling the forces 
 
 of an army. 
 
 Tory, the name given to a particular party : in the American Revolu 
 tion, to those who took part with the mother country. 
 Transport, a vessel employed to convey soldiers by sea. 
 Tributaries, those who have to pay tribute to another, who serve and 
 
 give themselves up to another. 
 Vendue, a public auction. 
 
 Warrant, a writ of authority inferior to a commission. 
 Watches, guards set upon any person or place, particularly during the 
 
 night ; and hence sometimes watches means the hours, or the period 
 
 of night. 
 Whig, the name of a political party : in the American Revolution, it 
 
 meant those engaged on the side of the Colonies. 
 Wigwams, the huts of the North-American Indians. 
 Wing, the extreme division of an army, either on the right or left, 
 
 counting from the centre. 
 
INDEX TO VOLUME I. 
 
 A. 
 
 Abercromby, James, Major-Gene 
 ral, Dinwiddie commends Wash 
 ington to, 74. 
 
 Adams, John, his letter to his wife, 
 on his care and anxiety, in 1775, 
 1 17. His influence in effecting 
 the appointment of a command- 
 er-in-chief of the American ar 
 my, 118, 120. Facts respect 
 ing, 119. Cited, on Washing 
 ton s acceptance, 125. His 
 congratulatory letter, after the 
 evacuation of Boston, 168. Let 
 ter to, cited on non-reconcilia 
 tion with England, 170. 
 
 Adams, John Q,uincy, 119. Eu 
 logy on Lafayette by, 339, note. 
 
 Address to Washington, by his of 
 ficers, in 1758, 80. 
 
 Adjutant-General, Washington s 
 services as, 30, 32, 31. On 
 filling the office of, 282. Pick 
 ering s resignation as, 282. 
 
 Agnew, British General, killed at 
 Germantown, 2(>3. 
 
 Agriculture, Washington s interest 
 "in, 95. 
 
 Aids-de-camp, penmanship of, 
 156. 
 
 Airy, Mount, picket at, 261. 
 
 Albany, troops stationed at, in 
 1778-9, 334. Plank and timber 
 at, 375. 
 
 Alexandria, head-quarters of Brad- 
 dock s army, 58. Meeting of 
 governors there, 58. 
 
 Allen, Ethan, Colonel, letter and 
 brevet for, 307. 
 
 Allen s house, at Mount Airy, 
 261. 
 
 I. 
 
 Alliance, the frigate, intelligence 
 received by, 3S(). 
 
 Alliance with France, celebration 
 of the, at Valley Forge, 305. 
 
 Amboy, British army at, 233, 235. 
 Evacuated, 237. 
 
 American army, see Army. 
 
 Ammunition, want of, 133, 258 ; 
 at the battle of Germantown, 
 265. See Powder. 
 
 Andre, John, British adjutant-gen 
 eral, 382. To be safely guard 
 ed, 383, 389. Arnold s inter 
 view with, 384, 385. Conduct 
 of his captors, 387. Makes 
 himself known, 387. Sent to 
 camp, 388. Condemned arid 
 executed, 389. Measures taken 
 to procure the release of, 389. 
 
 Anspach, Hessian regiment of, at 
 Trenton, 204. Goes from 
 Rhode Island to New York, 340. 
 
 Arbuthnot, M., British admiral, 
 arrival of, at New York, 358. 
 
 Arms, badness of the, 151. On 
 procuring from Philadelphia, 
 171. Scarcity of, 171. See 
 Military Science. 
 
 Armstrong, John, General, to for 
 ward militia, 252. Position of, 
 at the battle of the Brandy wine, 
 256. At the battle of German- 
 town, 261. 
 
 Army, American, circumstances 
 connected with the appointment 
 of a command er-in chief of the, 
 117, 121. Washington takes 
 command of the, at Cambridge, 
 126 ; its state at that time, 
 127, 129. Detachments not to 
 be made from the, 137, 138, 
 
412 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 283. Detachment from it, to 
 Canada, 147. Condition of it, 
 for Winter, 148, 149. Takes pos 
 session of Boston, 164. Goes to 
 New York, 164,170. Forces of 
 the, before the battle on Long 
 Island, 176. General orders to 
 the, before the battle on Long 
 Island, 178. Retreats from Long 
 Island, 180, 182, 201 ; from 
 New York, 183-187, 201. At 
 Haerlern, 185, 187. At White 
 Plains, 187, 190. Crosses Hud 
 son s River, 187, 193, 194. 
 Troops leaving the, 192. Be 
 tween the Hackinsac and Passaic 
 Rivers, 197. Arrives at Trenton, 
 198. Successful at Trenton, 
 203, 210 ; at Princeton, 208, 
 212. Disposition of the, during 
 the Winter of 1776-7, 214, 218. 
 Reformation in the, 214. Num 
 bers of, in March, 1777, 220. 
 Northern Department of the, 
 224. Pursues the British from 
 Brunswick, 234. Movements 
 of, after Howe leaves New 
 York, 244, 245. Marches and 
 countermarches, 244-248. To 
 march through Philadelphia, 
 251. Near Newport, 255. At 
 the battle of the Brandy wine, 
 256. Advance of, to the War 
 ren Tavern, 258. Wants of 
 the, 258. Action of the, at 
 Germantown, 260. Reduced 
 state of the, 264, 278. Goes 
 into Winter-quarters, at Valley 
 Forge, 281, 283. Its neccessi- 
 ties and sufferings, 281, 284, 
 286, 290, 303. Mutinies, for 
 want of provisions, 284. Ques 
 tions proposed, as to the cam 
 paign of the, in 1778, 295. Re 
 signations of commissions in the, 
 297. Preparations for the cam 
 paign of 1778, 298. Congress 
 jealous of the, 302. Complaints 
 to Congress from the, 303. 
 Celebration of the alliance with | 
 France by the, 305. Put in | 
 
 motion to pursue the British, 
 309. Meets the British in the 
 action at Monmouth, 31 1. Move 
 ments of the, after leaving the 
 Delaware, 311. Moves towards 
 Hudson s River, 320. Crosses 
 Hudson s River, 322. Disposi 
 tion of the, for Winter-quarters, 
 in 1778-9, 333. Want of re 
 cruits to the, 355. Goes into 
 Winter-quarters, in 1779-80, 
 363. Distressed for provisions, 
 365, 370. Connecticut line in 
 the, mutinies, 370. Marches 
 towards Springfield, 372. Op 
 poses the British at Springfield, 
 373. Disposition of it, after 
 Arnold s treason, 390; for Win 
 ter-quarters, in 1780-1, 396. 
 Jersey line in the, mutinies, 398. 
 See British, Howe, and Wash 
 ington. 
 
 Arnold, Benedict, Colonel, expe 
 dition of, to Quebec, 147. 
 Bravery of, in the Danbury af 
 fair, 229. To inform of an in 
 vasion of Philadelphia, 230. To 
 send copies of letters to Con 
 gress, 233. To furnish a guard 
 to the Commander-in-chief, on 
 his way to Hartford, 382. Life 
 and Treason of, by Jared 
 Sparks, 382. His treason, and 
 Andre s fate, 383-391. On 
 board the Vulture, 383, 385, 
 387. His interview with Andre, 
 384, 385. Wants feeling, 391. 
 
 Arnold, Mrs., 383. 
 
 Arnold, Fort, 346. 
 
 Assanpink Creek, 208, 211. 
 
 Austin, James T., Life of Gerry 
 by, cited, 125. 
 
 Ayscough, British captain, inter 
 cepts letters to Washington and 
 Lee, 142. 
 
 B. 
 
 Backwoodsmen, Washington s ear 
 ly acquaintance with, 25, 32. 
 Bald Hill, 346. 
 Barbadoes, voyage to, and diary, 33. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 413 
 
 Barber, Francis, Colonel, at the 
 suppression of the mutiny in the 
 New-Jersey line, 400. 
 
 Barren Hill, Lafayette s excursion 
 to, 307, 308, 336. 
 
 Barton s Point, 161. 
 
 Bassett, Major, bearer of a mes 
 sage from the selectmen of Bos 
 ton, 163. 
 
 Battle, of the Great Meadows, 52. 
 Of the Monongahela, 61. On 
 Long Island, 179. Of Chatter- 
 ton s Hill, near White Plains, 
 191. Of Trenton, 202-207, 
 210. Of Princeton, 208, 211. 
 Of the Brandywine, 256, 264. 
 Of Germantown, 260, 264, 265, 
 267,268,276. OfMonmouth, 
 310, 311, 313, 317, 318, 320. 
 
 Baum, Hessian Colonel, 249. 
 
 Baylor, George, 156. Aid to 
 the Commander-in-chief, distin 
 guished in the affair at Trenton, 
 and despatched to Congress, 
 205. Winter-quarters of, in 
 1778-9, 334. 
 
 Beacon Hill, in Boston, 161. 
 
 Beall, Brigadier-General, 196. 
 
 Behavior, Rules of, 19. 
 
 Belvoir, residence of the Fairfaxes, 
 22. 
 
 Bennington, 248. 
 
 Bermuda, Lawrence Washington 
 at, 33, 34. 
 
 Biddle, Nicholas, a naval captain, 
 260. 
 
 Billingsport, detachment to, by 
 Howe, 260. 
 
 Blaine, Fphraim, Colonel, 375. 
 
 Blairne, Mr., drowned, 293. 
 
 Bland, Theodoric, Colonel, Win 
 ter-quarters of, in 1778-9, 334. 
 
 Blankets, want of, 273, 286, 303. 
 
 Bloomingdale, ships pass up to, 
 184 ; beyond, 188. 
 
 Board of War, 226, 260, 288. 
 Pickering appointed to the, 282. 
 
 Bordentown, fli<ihtof British troops 
 to, from Trenton, 204. Amer 
 ican troops at, 206, 208. 
 
 Boston, Massachusetts, Washing 
 
 ton s visit to, in 1756, 71. Sit 
 uation of troops there and in the 
 vicinity, upon the arrival of the 
 American Commander-in-chief, 
 129. Skirmish at the lighthouse 
 of, 141. Propositions for attack 
 ing, 148, 152, 154, 157, 161. 
 Houses destroyed in, 152. Par 
 ticulars in connexion with the 
 evacuation of, 158, 161170. 
 Message from the selectmen of, 
 163. Taken possession of, 164. 
 Its condition, 164. Stores left 
 there by the British, 165. Brit 
 ish fleet sails from, 165. Troops 
 leave for New York , 166. Med 
 al and thanks voted, after the 
 evacuation of, 168. Count 
 D Estaing quits Newport for, 
 327, 332. 
 
 Boucher, Jonathan, Reverend, tu 
 tor to John Parke Custis, written 
 to, about his travelling, 100. 
 
 Bounty, injudicious ofl er of, 200. 
 
 Bowdoin, James, 293. 
 
 Braddock, Edward, General, ar 
 rives in Virginia, 56. Invites 
 Washington to join his family, 
 56. Head-quarters of, at Alex 
 andria, 58. Consultation of, 
 with governors, 58. Advances 
 with his army, 58. Leaves 
 Washington sick, 59, 67 ; his 
 pledge to him, 59 ; rejoined by 
 him, 60, 67. Arrives at the 
 Monongahela, 60. Account of 
 his defeat, 61. Retreat and 
 loss of, 61, 65. Conduct of the 
 Virginia troops, during the ac 
 tion, 61, 63, 65. Papers of, 
 and of Washington, taken, 62. 
 Mortally wounded, 62, 63, 66. 
 Anecdotes of Washington, at his 
 defeat, 64. Buried near Fort 
 Necessity, 67. Rewards to the 
 Virginia troops in his expedition, 
 
 67. Consternation at his defeat, 
 
 68, 75. His estimation of Wash 
 ington, 74. 
 
 Brandywine, 255. Battle of the, 
 256, 276. Lafayette wounded 
 
414 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 there, 257, 336. Forces en- 1 
 gaged in the battle of the, 278. | 
 
 Brant, Joseph, Colonel, 357. 
 
 Breed s Hill, British loss at, 136. : 
 
 Brest, French fleet blocked up in, 
 380. 
 
 Brigadier-Generals, want of, 220, 
 288. 
 
 British army, situation of, in July, 
 1775, 129. Re-enforced, 140. 
 Evacuates Boston, 164. Forces 
 of the, in the action on Long Is 
 land, 179. Escape from the, on 
 Long Island, 180-182,201. Ex 
 tended from Frog Point to New 
 Rochelle, 189. Passes into New ! 
 Jersey, 197. Retreats from the 
 Delaware, 207. Advances to 
 Assanpink Creek, 208, 211. 
 Alarm of the, after the battle 
 of Princeton, 209. Situation , 
 of the, during the Winter of 
 1776-7, 218. Marches to! 
 Somerset Court House, 231,! 
 
 232. Retreats, and evacuates ! 
 Brunswick, 233. At Amboy, j 
 
 233, 235. Excursion of the, to | 
 Westfield and Samptown, 236, ! 
 237. Evacuates New Jersey !j 
 and occupies Staten Island, ij 
 237. Lands near the Head of |j 
 Elk, 250, 252, 253. Advances | 
 to Gray s Hill, 254. At Iron ; 
 Hill, 254. Skirmishing with I 
 the, 255. At Militown, 255. | 
 Crosses the Brandyvvine, 256 ; 
 the Schuylkill, 257. Approach 
 es Philadelphia, 257. Its march 
 es towards Swedes Ford and 
 Reading, 258. Detachment 
 from, to Billingsport, 260. Ac 
 tion with the, at Gerrnantown, 
 260. Excursion of, to Chestnut 
 Hill, 279. Evacuates Phila 
 delphia, 307-309. Encamps 
 at Monmouth, 310, 313. Over 
 taken by the Americans, 311. 
 Continuance of, in New York, 
 327. Perplexing movements of 
 the, 346, 347. Forces of, in 
 October, 1780, 394, 396. See j 
 
 American, Clinton, Howe, and 
 WashingtoH. 
 
 British fleet, dangerous situation 
 of the, in Boston harbor, 162. 
 Sails from Boston, after the 
 evacuation, 165. Arrival of 
 the, at New York, 174, 176 ; 
 at Staten Island, 176. Ma 
 noeuvres of the, to deceive the 
 Americans, 229, 230, 241, 243, 
 
 245. Embarcation on board 
 the, 238, 239, 241. Leaves 
 New York, 242, 243, 244, 247. 
 Off the Capes of the Delaware, 
 
 246. 248, 249. Sails from the 
 Capes, 246, 248. Off Sinepux- 
 ent Inlet, 248. Enters Chesa 
 peake Bay, 248. Blockading 
 the French fleet at Brest, 380. 
 Sailing from New York to Eu 
 rope, 381. 
 
 British ministry, opposition to the, 
 108. 
 
 Brooklyn, see Long Island. 
 
 Brooks, Lieutenant-Colonel, de 
 tention of Miller by, 292. 
 
 Brown s houses, 130. 
 
 Bruin, Captain, 365. 
 
 Brunswick, evacuated, 233, 235, 
 236. 
 
 Bunker s Hill, British troops in 
 trenching on, 129. Mortars ta 
 ken from, 158. Barracks left 
 there, 165. See Breed s Hill, 
 and Charlestown. 
 
 Bunner, Lieutenant-Colonel, kill 
 ed at Monmouth, 316, 317. 
 
 Burgesses, see Virginia. 
 
 Burgoyne, John, British General ; 
 Howe s manoeuvres to effect a 
 junction with, 225, 231, 236, 
 240, 241. Advancing from 
 Canada, 238, 241. Not aid 
 ed by the people, 242. Inter 
 cepted letter from Howe to, 244. 
 Howe s abandonment of, 245. 
 Measures for opposing, 246, 
 
 247. In want, 249. Sir Henry 
 Clinton s expedition, to favor, 
 264, 277. Surrender of, 264, 
 269, 274, 275, 277 ; Washing- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 415 
 
 ton s gratitude thereupon, 270, 
 271. Information of his sur 
 render not forwarded by Gates 
 to the Cominander-in-chief,272, 
 273. Effects of the defeat of, 
 277. Resolution passed by Con 
 gress respecting, 281. Letter 
 to, at his departure, 291. Mrs. 
 Washington on, 293. See 
 Flovve, and Washington. 
 
 Burton, Colonel, wounded in 
 Braddock s battle, 62. 
 
 Butler, Thomas, Colonel, at the 
 battle of Monmouth, 314. 
 
 Butler, the Colonels, 357. 
 
 Byron s squadron, 327. 
 
 C. 
 
 Cadwalader, John, Colonel, fights 
 at Fort Washington, 195. Di 
 rections to, about an attack on 
 Trenton, 202. Could not cross 
 the Delaware, 204, 205, 207. 
 Crosses over, to harass the ene 
 my, 205, 206. At Bordentown, 
 206. At Crosswicks, 207. In 
 the affair at Princeton, 207, 208. 
 
 Calvert, Benedict, written to, 
 about J. P. Custis s marriage 
 with his daughter, 103. 
 
 Cambridge, anecdote respecting 
 a horse at, 26. The Com 
 mander-in-chief arrives at, and 
 takes command of the army, 
 
 126. State of the army there, 
 
 127, 129. Troops in the col 
 leges at, 131. Mrs. Washing 
 ton s arrival at, 153. 
 
 Camden, Gates defeated near, 
 381, 382. 
 
 Campaigns, on preparations for, 
 288. 
 
 Canada, Arnold s expedition to, 
 147. Measures for prevent 
 ing an invasion from, 224. See 
 Burgoyne, Howe, and Wash 
 ington. 
 
 Cannon, left at the evacuation of 
 Boston, 165. 
 
 Capes of Delaware, British fleet 
 off* the, 246, 248, 249. 
 
 Carleton, Sir Guy, at St. John s, 
 147. 
 
 Carroll, Charles, of Carrollton, 
 119, note. With the arrny, 
 258. 
 
 Carter, Landon, remonstrates with 
 Washington about his leaving 
 the service, 73. Written to, on 
 personal exposure, 276 ; after 
 Burgoyne s defeat, 277. 
 
 Carthagena, Lawrence Washing 
 ton at the siege of, 32. 
 
 Gary, Robert, instructions to, on 
 business, 94, 95. Written to, 
 on a machine for taking up 
 trees, 97. 
 
 Cassey s house, 23. 
 
 Castine, Maine, unsuccessful ex 
 pedition against, 358. 
 
 Cazneau, Captain, 164. 
 
 Cecil Court-House, British army 
 lands near, 252. 
 
 Chad s Ford, crossed by the Brit 
 ish, 256. 
 
 Chaplaincy for the troops, in 1758, 
 solicited, 78. 
 
 Charlestown, Massachusetts, Brit 
 ish retreat to, 19th April, 1775, 
 116. Skirmish at, 140. See 
 Bunker s Hill. 
 
 Chase, Samuel, visits camp, 258. 
 
 Chesapeake Bay, entered by the 
 British fleet, 248, 250. British 
 army lands near the Head of 
 Elk, in, 252. 
 
 Chester, American troops ordered 
 to, 250. Troops at, 252. 
 Troops assemble at, after the 
 battle of the Brandywine, 257. 
 
 Chestnut Hill, 261. British ex 
 cursion to, 279. 
 
 Chew s House, at Germantown, 
 261. The assault on, 268, 271. 
 
 Chimere frigate, 322, 323. 
 
 Chouin, French Major, 321. 
 
 Circulars, of Congress, to the Gov 
 ernor of each State, upon con 
 ferring dictatorial powers on 
 the Commander-in-chief, 215. 
 By the Commander-in-chief, on 
 operations for the campaign of 
 
416 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 1778, 295, Sent to the States, [ 
 380. 
 
 Civil authority, Washington s re- I 
 gard for, 167, 217. See Power, j 
 
 Clarke, Colonel of North Carolina | 
 troops, 363. 
 
 Clinton, George, Brigadier-Gene 
 ral, warned, 189. To post 
 troops in the Highlands, 227. 
 To call out militia, 238. To 
 re-enforce Putnam with militia, 
 246. Letter to, after the sur 
 render of Forts Montgomery 
 and Clinton, 263. Announces 
 Burgoyne s defeat, 271. Letter 
 to, for relief of the army at 
 Valley Forge, 290 ; respecting 
 Arnold s treason, 384. 
 
 Clinton, Sir Henry, British Gener- 
 ral, expedition of, against Fort 
 Montgomery, 264. Destruc 
 tion by, 277. Commands 
 an expedition against Lafay- j 
 ette at Barren Hill, 308. Cros- | 
 sing New Jersey, 311. Re- j 
 solve respecting prisoners com- I 
 nmnicated to, 333. Movements j 
 expected of, 346. Threatens j 
 the French with a combined \ 
 .attack, 378. Returns, 379. 
 Lands troops on Long Island, 
 379. Endeavors to procure 
 Andre s release, 389. 
 
 Clinton s brigade, 334. 
 
 Clinton, Fort, stormed and taken 
 
 by the British, 263. 
 Clothes, instructions respecting, 
 96. Want of, at Cambridge, 
 133, 140 ; for the Winter of 
 1776-7, 188. Want of, at 
 Valley Forge, 286, 303. Re 
 solve, by Congress, for seizing, 
 286. Perplexing supply of, 
 363. 
 
 Clove, American army at the, 241, 
 243, 247. Troops at the, 363. 
 Cobble Hill, fortified, 152. Fir 
 ing from, 152, 159. 
 Cochran, John, Doctor, 356. Let 
 ter to, upon an invitation of his 
 wife to dine, 356. 
 
 Colchester, Sheldon quartered at, 
 
 396. 
 
 Collier, Sir George, 358. 
 Colombe, La, 340. 
 Colonial regiments, disapproved 
 
 of, 223. 
 
 Commander-in-chief of the Amer 
 ican army, appointment of, 117. 
 Pay of, 121, 126. Commission 
 of the, 122. 
 Commissary-general, 324. Office 
 
 recommended, 132. 
 Commissary s department, state of 
 the, at Valley Forge, 281, 284, 
 285 ; the change in the, 285. 
 Commissions, for a mission to the 
 Ohio, 36. Of the Commander- 
 in-chief of the American army, 
 122. Frequent resignations of, 
 287. -See Resignations. 
 Committee of Congress, in camp, 
 
 280, 287, 288. See Carroll. 
 Commonwealth of England, cause 
 
 of the failure of the, 11. 
 Complaints, Washington s habits 
 as to making, 285. To Con 
 gress, from the army, 303. 
 Concord fight, 110, 115. Gage s 
 acknowledgements respecting, 
 116. 
 
 Congress, Continental, delegates 
 from Virginia to the first, in 
 1774, 110 ; to the second, in 
 1775,110. Its trying responsi 
 bility, in 1775, 117. Appoints, 
 and receives the reply of, the 
 Commander-in-chief of the 
 American army, 121 ; their 
 commission to him, 122. Votes 
 thanks and a medal, after the 
 evacuation of Boston, 168. 
 Waited on, by General Gates, 
 172. Washington s visit to, at 
 Philadelphia, in 1776, 173. Ap 
 proves conduct as to letters di 
 rected " To George Washing 
 ton, Esq.," 178. Lord Howe s 
 desire to see members of, 183. 
 Sullivan visits, on parole, 183. 
 Washington s letters to, and in 
 fluence on, 199. Baylor des- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 417 
 
 patched to, after the success at 
 Trenton, 205. Informed of the 
 success at Princeton, 207. Au 
 thorizes a re-organization of the 
 army, 214. Confers dictatorial 
 powers on the Commander-in- 
 chief, 215 ; his reply to, 216. 
 Authorizes exchanges for Gene 
 ral Lee, 217. Wild project of, 
 for offensive operations, 219. 
 Informs the Commander-in- 
 chief of the arrival of Howe 
 off the Capes of Delaware, 248; 
 in Chesapeake Bay, 248, 250. 
 Orders a removal of stores from 
 Lancaster and York, 251. 
 Should continue to fortify Phila 
 delphia, 251. Adjournment of, 
 to Lancaster, 257. Votes thanks, 
 after the battle of Germantown, 
 267. Party in, favors Con way s 
 Cabal, 267, 272, 274. In ses 
 sion at York, Pennsylvania, 
 270. Committee from, in 
 camp, 280, 287, 288. Passes 
 a resolution respecting Bur- 
 goyne, 281. Complaints to, 
 from Valley Forge, 281, 284. 
 Resolve by, for seizing clothes, 
 286. Resolve of, for calling 
 out militia, 296. Indecision 
 and delay of, 299, 302. Rep 
 resentation in, 301. Lord 
 North s speech and bills sent 
 to, 302. Jealous of the army, 
 302. Complaints to, from the 
 army, 303. Information for 
 warded by, respecting the alli 
 ance with France, 305. Thanks 
 by, after the battle of Mon- 
 mouth, 320. Lafayette requests 
 a furlough of, 333. Commu 
 nicates treaties and resolves, 
 333. Visit to, by the Com 
 mander-in-chief, 342. Con 
 certs operations for 1779, 342. 
 Faction in, against the Com 
 mander-in-chief, 364. Lafay 
 ette s visit to, upon his return 
 from France, 368. Copy of the 
 proceedings in the case of An 
 dre sent to, 389. 
 
 Connecticut, troops from, at Pros 
 pect Hill and Roxbury, 130 ; 
 mostly gone, 152. Descent 
 upon Danbury in, 227-229. 
 Prospect of troops from, 298. 
 
 Connecticut line mutinies, for 
 want of provisions, 370. 
 
 Connecticut militia, ordered out, 
 188. Called out to re-enforce 
 Putnam, 246, 247. 
 
 Continental money, see Money. 
 
 Contrecoeur captures Ensign 
 Ward s party, at the fork of 
 the Ohio river, 48. 
 
 Convention troops cross Hudson s 
 River, 333. 
 
 Conventions, at Williamsburg, in 
 1774, 109. At Richmond, 
 110, 117. 
 
 Conway, Thomas, General, at the 
 battle of Germantown, 260, 261. 
 Foments the faction called Con- 
 way s Cabal, 267. Facts as to, 
 267. The Commander-in- 
 chief s letter to, 274. Resig 
 nation of, 274. Wounded in 
 a duel, 274. Letter of, after 
 being wounded, 275. On the 
 promotion of, 289. 
 
 Conway s Cabal, fomented by the 
 issue of the battle at German- 
 town, 267. Progress and fate 
 of, 272, 364. Sullivan cited 
 respecting, 364. 
 
 Cooke, Nicholas, Governor of 
 Rhode Island, 148. 
 
 Cooper, Myles, Reverend, Presi 
 dent of King s College, written 
 to, about Custis s education, 
 104. 
 
 Cops Hill, battery on, 130. 
 
 Coram, Long Island, Tallmadge s 
 destruction of forage at, 397. 
 
 Cornwallis, Earl, at Brunswick, 
 New Jersey, 234. Arrival of, 
 356. 
 
 CoryelPs Ferry, American army 
 at, 245, 247. Troops to cross", 
 246. Crossed, on the march to 
 Monmouth, 309, 311, 319. 
 
 Craigie, Andrew, head-quarters in 
 the house of, at Cambridge, 126. 
 
418 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Craik, James, Doctor, at Brad- 
 dock s battle, 64. His anec 
 dote about an Indian chief, 64. 
 
 Crane, Colonel, to proceed to 
 wards Philadelphia, 244. 
 
 Cresap, Colonel, residence of, 23. 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, power of, 11. 
 
 Crosswicks, troops at, under Cad- 
 walader, 207. 
 
 Currency, see Money. 
 
 Custis, Daniel Parke, first hus 
 band of Mrs. Washington, 89. 
 
 Custis, John Parke, son of Mrs. 
 Washington, by her first mar 
 riage, 89, 99. Letter to his tu 
 tor, respecting travelling, 100 ; 
 to his expected father-in-law, 
 103. His marriage, 103, 105. 
 His estate, 104. At King s 
 College, 104. Death of, 105. 
 Children of, adopted by Wash 
 ington, 105. At Cambridge, 
 154. 
 
 Custis, Martha, Mrs., married to 
 George Washington, 89. Facts 
 respecting, 89. 
 
 Custis, Miss, daughter of Mrs. 
 Washington, 89, 99, 100. 
 
 D. 
 
 Danbury, Connecticut, stores de 
 stroyed at, 227, 228. Troops 
 at, in the Winter of 1778-9, 
 334. Putnam commander at, 
 334. Troops quartered at, in 
 1779-80, 363. 
 
 Dandridge, Francis, letter to, on 
 the Stamp Act, 97. 
 
 Dandridge, John, father of Mrs. 
 Washington, 89. 
 
 Davidson, John, an Indian inter 
 preter, accompanies Washing 
 ton in his mission to the French 
 on the Ohio river, 37. 
 
 Davies, Samuel, his notice of 
 
 * Washington in a sermon, after 
 Braddock s defeat, 69. 
 
 Davison, Joseph, Lieutenant of 
 the Schuyler armed sloop, 
 173. 
 
 Dayton, Elias, wants arms, 172. 
 
 [I Deane, Simeon, bearer to Con 
 gress of the articles of alliance 
 with France, 305. 
 
 Declaration of Independence, last 
 surviving signers of the, 119, 
 note. Proclaimed before the 
 army, 175. Copy of the, trans 
 mitted to General Ward, 175. 
 See Independence. 
 
 De Haas, John Philip, Colonel, 
 188. 
 
 De Kalb, Baron, 345. 
 
 Delaware, American stores and 
 baggage carried across the, 198. 
 Passage over the, at the attack 
 on Trenton, 203, 210. State of, 
 abandoned by the British, 207. 
 Lookouts to be kept along the, 
 239, 242. Works upon, and 
 obstructions in the, 239. Cros 
 sed by the American army, 245, 
 247. British fleet off the Capes 
 of, 246, 248, 249. British de 
 tachment for reducing forts on 
 the, 260. Enemy s attempts to 
 remove obstructions in the, 264. 
 Attacks upon the forts on the, 
 276. Chevaux-de-frise on the, 
 276. Crossed at Coryell s Fer 
 ry, before the battle of Mon- 
 mouth, 309, 311, 319. 
 
 Delaware frigate, taken by the 
 British, 260. 
 
 Delaware militia, at the Head of 
 Elk, 253. 
 
 Derby, British excursion towards, 
 284. 
 
 Deserters, detained, 292. Enlist 
 ed, 298. 
 
 Detachments, not to be made from 
 the main army, 137, 138, 283. 
 
 Diary, see Journal. 
 
 Dickinson, Philemon, General of 
 New-Jersey militia, measures 
 to form a junction with, 257. 
 On the progress of the British 
 across New-Jersey, 309. Hov 
 ering on the enemy s left, near 
 Monmouth, 313. Express sent 
 by, 313. Opposes the British 
 expedition to Springfield, 373. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 419 
 
 Dickinson, Major, killed at Mon- 
 mouth, 316, 317. 
 
 Dictatorial powers conferred on 
 the American Commander-in- 
 chief, 215. 
 
 Dinner, anticipations for, 356. 
 
 Dinvviddie, Robert, Lieutenant- 
 Governor of Virginia, 35. Sends 
 Washington to the French on 
 the Ohio river, 36 ; his com 
 mission to him, 36. Measures 
 by, to oppose the French, 48. 
 Distresses of the people repre 
 sented to, and aid solicited, 71. 
 Countenances an intrigue against 
 Washington, 72, 73, 74 ; com 
 mends him, 74. Inconsistency 
 of his orders, 75. Provided no 
 chaplaincy, 78. 
 
 Dobbs s Ferry, British transports 
 anchor at, 227. American troops 
 moving to, 379, 380. 
 
 Donop, Count, retreats from Tren 
 ton, 205. Attack on Red Bank 
 by, 276. 
 
 Dorchester Heights, taking pos 
 session of, 158, 160. Measures 
 for attacking, 161, 162. 
 
 Dunbar, Colonel under Braddock, 
 56. Movements and position 
 of, before the battle, 59, 60, 
 62. 
 
 Dunmore,Lord, 293. 
 
 Duquesne, Fort, Ward s capitula 
 tion at, 48. Contreco3ur com 
 mands at, 48. Braddock s 
 expedition towards, 59, 60. 
 Forbes s expedition against, in 
 1758, 77. Burnt and abandon 
 ed, 78. Taken possession of, 
 78. Called Fort Pitt, 80. See 
 Pitt, and Pittsburg. 
 
 Durham, Sheldon s troops at, 
 334. 
 
 E. 
 
 East River, crossed by the Com 
 mander-in-chief, during the ac 
 tion on Long Island, 179. Re 
 treat across, 180-182, 201. 
 British ships pass up, 183. 
 
 Education, in Virginia, in the 
 childhood of Washington, 15. 
 Early, of Washington, 18. 
 
 Elizabethtown, New Jersey, Brit 
 ish attempt to surprise, 340. 
 
 Elizabethtown Point, British troops 
 at, 372, 373. 
 
 Elk, see Head of Elk. 
 
 Elliot, Andrew, unsuccessful mis 
 sion of, to procure Andre s re 
 lease, 389. 
 
 Eminent men, responsibility of, 
 12. 
 
 Engine for taking up trees, 97. 
 
 Engineers, want of, in the army, 
 130, 133. 
 
 England, cause of the failure of the 
 Commonwealth of, 11. Rivalry 
 between France and, in Ameri 
 ca, 29. See British, and Great 
 Britain. 
 
 Enlistments, evils of short, 200. 
 Impossibility of, 288. Of de 
 serters, 298. 
 
 Erskine, Sir William, wounded at 
 Germantown, 263. 
 
 Estaing, Count d . arrival of, on 
 the coast, with the French fleet, 
 321. Laurens and Hamilton 
 despatched to, 321. His at 
 tempt to enter New York, 321- 
 323. Sails for Rhode Island, 
 323, 324. Arrival of, 325. 
 Unfavorable circumstances in 
 relation to, 325, 326. Quits 
 Newport and sails for Boston, 
 327. Difficulties between his 
 officers and the American, 327, 
 329. Successful in the West 
 Indies, 357, 361. 
 
 Evacuation of Boston, 158, 161 
 170. Of Philadelphia, by the 
 British, 307-309, 318. 
 
 Everett, Edward, Oration by, on 
 the formation of the character 
 of Washington, recommended, 
 93, note. Cited as to the first 
 interview between Lafayette and 
 Washington, 337. 
 
 Ewing, General, could not cross 
 the Delaware, 204, 205, 207. 
 
420 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Crosses, to harass the enemy, 
 205. 
 
 F. 
 
 Fairfax, Bryan, a loyalist, letter 
 to, cited, as proof of Washing 
 ton s loyalty, 108 ; on opposi 
 tion to Parliamentary proceed 
 ings, 114. 
 
 Fairfax, George, son of William 
 Fairfax, 22. 
 
 Fairfax, George William, of Eng 
 land, remarks to, on the bat 
 tles of Concord and Lexington, 
 116. 
 
 Fairfax, Lord, facts as to, 22. 
 Employs Washington as survey 
 or, 22. 
 
 Fairfax, William, facts respecting, 
 21, 32. Lawrence Washington 
 marries the daughter of, 21, 32. 
 Letter by, in 1756, cited, 72. 
 
 Fairfaxes, Belvoir the residence 
 of the, 22. 
 
 Fairfax county resolves, in 1774, 
 109. 
 
 Fairfield, burnt, 358, 362. 
 
 Fauquier, Francis, Lieutenant- 
 Governor of Virginia, informed 
 of the success of Forbes s expe 
 dition, 78. 
 
 Fellows, John, Brigadier-General, 
 flight of the troops of, near 
 Haerlem, 184, 185. 
 
 Fishbourn, Captain, 353. 
 
 Fitzgerald, John, Colonel, aid to 
 Washington, anecdote of, and 
 of the Commander-in-chief, at 
 the battle of Princeton, 213. 
 
 Flags, Washington s regard for, 
 292. 
 
 Fleet, see British Fleet. 
 
 Fleming, Captain, killed at Prince 
 ton, 209. 
 
 Flints, want of, 174. 
 
 Flour, want of, at Valley Forge, 
 284. 
 
 Fog, favors the retreat from Long 
 Island, 180. At the battle of 
 Germantown, 261, 263, 265, 
 266, 277. 
 
 Forbes, Joseph, Brigadier-Gener 
 al, his expedition to the Ohio, 
 in 1758, 77-79. 
 
 Fork of the Ohio, explored in 
 1753, 40. See Duquesne, and 
 Pittsburg. 
 
 Forman, David, General, at the 
 battle of Germantown, 261. 
 To relieve a fort, 266. Dis 
 courages the pursuit of the ene 
 my from Monmouth, 317. 
 
 Forms of Writing, by Washington, 
 19. 
 
 Fort Hill, in Boston, fortified, 165. 
 
 Forts, French line of, from Cana 
 da to New Orleans, 29, 48. 
 
 France, on the ratification of inde 
 pendence by, 300. On sending 
 despatches to, 300. Supplies 
 from, 302. Alliance of, with 
 the United States, 305. Wash 
 ington invited to, 360. Declar 
 ation of Spain in favor of, 361. 
 See French. 
 
 Franklin, Benjamin, letter to, in 
 troducing Lafayette, 335. 
 
 Frederic county, Washington mem 
 ber of the House of Burgesses, 
 from, 89. 
 
 Fredericksburg, residence of the 
 Washington family near, 14. 
 
 Fredericktown, troops to wait at, 
 259. 
 
 French, sway of the, in America, 
 29. Line of forts by the, from 
 Canada to New Orleans, 29, 
 48. Object of the, in harassing 
 the English colonies, 29. Influ 
 ence of the, over the Indians, 
 
 29. Measures for opposing the, 
 
 30, 34, 48. Establishing them 
 selves on the Ohio river, 35. 
 At Venango, 41. Successes 
 against the, 50, 78. 
 
 French army, arrival of the, at 
 Newport, under Count de Ro- 
 chambeau, 376. Threatened 
 by Clinton, 378. See Rocham- 
 beau. 
 
 French Creek, mission to, in 1753, 
 and interview with the com- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 421 
 
 mander there, 41. Passage 
 down the, 42. 
 
 French fleet, under Estaing, arri 
 val of the, on the coast, 321, 
 326. Expected, 369. Arrival 
 of the, ofF Newport, 376. Sec 
 ond division of the, blockaded 
 at Brest, 380. See Estaing. 
 
 Friendship, the criterion of, 365. 
 
 Frigates, American, destroyed, 
 264. 
 
 Frog Point, 189, 194. 
 
 Frontier settlements, settlers of 
 the, 25. Exposed, 29. State 
 of the Virginia, after Braddock s 
 defeat, 70, 71. 
 
 Fry, Joshua, Colonel, commands 
 an expedition to the Ohio river, 
 in 1754, 48. 
 
 Fuel, scarcity of, 140, 150. Hous 
 es destroyed for, 152. 
 
 G. 
 
 Gage, Thomas, Lieutenant-Colo 
 nel in Braddock s expedition, 61, 
 144. Disconcerted at the quiet 
 and steady conduct of the colo 
 nists, 115. His acknowledge 
 ments respecting the battles of 
 Concord and Lexington, 116. 
 Correspondence with, on the 
 treatment of prisoners, 144. 
 
 Galvan, Major, despatched to Cape 
 Henry, to look for the French 
 fleet, 369. To be informed of 
 operations in South Carolina, 
 369. 
 
 Gates, Horatio, General, arrival 
 of, at Cambridge, 135. On the 
 want of hay and fuel, 150. 
 Waits on Congress, 172. Suc 
 ceeds Schuyler, in the Northern 
 Department, 241. Instruction 
 to, after Howe leaves New 
 York, 245. Informed of the 
 movements of the American ar 
 my towards Philadelphia, 245. 
 Requests commissions for offi 
 cers, 254. Success of, 264, 
 270, 273. Connexion of, with 
 Conway s Cabal, 268, 272, 274. 
 
 His neglect to inform Washing 
 ton of Burgoyne s surrender, 
 272, 273. Congratulated on his 
 success, 273. Unsuccessful, at 
 the South, 274, 381. To guard 
 the North River, 307. Informed 
 of the battle at Monrnouth, 317. 
 Wants money, 345. Letter to, 
 on an attack upon New York, 
 347. 
 
 Gates, Mrs., 294. 
 
 General Orders, see Orderly Book. 
 
 Geometry, studied, 21. 
 
 Georgia, British invasion of, 340. 
 
 Gerard, 322. 
 
 Germain, George, Lord, 362. 
 
 Germantown, American army ar 
 rives at, 248. Battle of, 260, 
 265, 268, 276. Evacuated by 
 the British, 266. Sullivan s ac 
 count of the battle of, 266. 
 Events in the action of, improv 
 ed to forward Conway s Cabal, 
 267. Forces engaged in the 
 action, 278. 
 
 Gerry, Elbridge, Adams s letter 
 to, respecting Washington, ci 
 ted, 125. Mrs. Warren s letter 
 to, cited, 144, note. 
 
 Gibson, Colonel, 259. 
 
 Gilman, Captain, 344. 
 
 Gist, Christopher, attends Wash 
 ington to the Ohio river, 37, 43. 
 His sufferings, 44. His jour 
 nal published, 44 ; cited, 44. 
 Flight to the plantation of, after 
 Braddock s defeat, 62. 
 
 Gist, Nathaniel, Colonel of Mary 
 land militia, skirmishes near 
 Chestnut Hill, 279. 
 
 Glover, John, Brigadier-General, 
 to re-enforce Schuyler, 242. 
 Commission wanted for, 254. 
 Marches toward Rhode Island, 
 323, 324. 
 
 Gordon, William, on the Com 
 mander-in-chief s vexation at 
 the retreat near New-York city, 
 185, 187. 
 
 Gouvion, Colonel, 388. 
 
 Governors, meeting of five, at Al- 
 
422 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 exandria, 58. Meet Lord Lou- 
 doun at Philadelphia, 75. Cir 
 cular letter to, 380. 
 
 Governor s Island, 182, 183. 
 
 Grant, British General, at Bruns 
 wick, 234. 
 
 Gray, Ebenezer, Lieutenant-Col 
 onel, instructions to, after Ar 
 nold s flight to the enemy, 383. 
 
 Gray s Hill, near the Head of Elk, 
 visited by the American Com 
 mander-in-chief, 253. British 
 advance to, 254. 
 
 Great Beaver Creek, 44. 
 
 Great Britain, Stamp Act of, 98. 
 Washington s loyalty to, and 
 associations with, 108. Colo 
 nies indebted to, 112. See 
 British, and England. 
 
 Great Meadows, encampment at, 
 49. Fort built at, and garri 
 soned, 51. See Necessity. 
 
 Green, John, Major, leads the ad 
 vance against Rogers, at Ma- 
 maroneck, 190. Dangerously 
 wounded, 190. 
 
 Greene, Nathanael, Brigadier-Gen 
 eral, sick during the action on 
 Long Island, 179. Cited as to 
 the retreat from New-York city, 
 185, 187. Instructions to, in 
 regard to Fort Washington, 194. 
 To fall upon the enemy s rear, 
 233. Commends Wayne and 
 Morgan, 234. Near Wilming 
 ton, 252. At the battle of Ger- 
 mantown, 261, 262. Circular 
 to, on the campaign for 1778, 
 295. Commands the right wing 
 at the battle of Monmouth, 314. 
 Despatched to the eastward, 
 324. His valuable services, as 
 quartermaster, 324. To sup 
 press feuds and jealousies be 
 tween American and French of 
 ficers, 328. Opposes the Brit 
 ish expedition to Springfield, 
 373. Quartermaster-general ; 
 to provide for a combined attack 
 on New York, 374. Instruc 
 tions to, after Arnold s escape to 
 
 the enemy, 384 ; as to guarding 
 Smith and Andre, 388. Meets 
 Robertson, in relation to An 
 dre s release, 389. To com 
 mand at West Point, 390. 
 Guichen, Count de, 394. 
 
 H. 
 
 Haerlem, 184. Flight near, 184, 
 185. American encampment 
 at, 185, 187. 
 
 Half-pay establishment, 297. 
 
 Halifax, evacuation of Boston for, 
 163, 164. Howe sails from, for 
 New York, 173, 174. 
 
 Halket, Francis, Major, written to, 
 about joining Forbes s expedi 
 tion, 77. 
 
 Halket, Sir Peter, commander of 
 a regiment under Braddock, 56. 
 Killed at Braddock s battle, 62, 
 66. 
 
 Hamilton, Alexander, aid to the 
 Commander-in-chief, despatch 
 ed to Count d Estaing, 321. 
 Instructions to, 322. His re 
 turn, 323. 
 
 Hancock, John, President of 
 Congress, 121, 122. Official 
 commission of, to the Comman 
 der-in-chief, 122. House of, as 
 left by the British, 164. Offi 
 cial letter of, after the evacua 
 tion of Boston, 168 ; to the 
 governors of the States, after 
 conferring dictatorial powers 
 on the Commander-in-chief, 
 216. 
 
 Hand, Edward, Colonel, skirmish 
 es with Hessians, 191. Gen 
 eral ; recommended for the of 
 fice of adjutant-general, 397. 
 
 Harrison, Robert Hanson, aid to 
 the Commander-in-chief, 155. 
 Letters by, from Kingsbridge 
 and White Plains, 189-192. In 
 Virginia, 342. 
 
 Hartford, Connecticut, interview 
 between Count de Rochambeau 
 and the American Commander- 
 in-chief, at, 382, 386. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 423 
 
 Hartley s regiment, 296. 
 
 Harvard College, occupied b 1 
 troops, 131. 
 
 Hazen, Moses, quartered nea 
 Danbury, 334. 
 
 Hazlet, John, Colonel, detacher 
 against Major Rogers, 190 
 Killed at Princeton, 209, 212. 
 
 Hay, want of, 150. 
 
 Head of Elk, British army land; 
 near, 250, 252, 253. Publi< 
 and private stores at, 252, 254 
 Ground near, surveyed by the 
 American Commander-in-chief 
 
 252, 253. Stores removed from 
 
 253, 254. Militia at, and or 
 dered to, 253. Washington ir 
 a disaffected house at, 276. 
 
 Heard, Nathaniel, Brigadier-Gen 
 eral, 196. Troops leave, 198 
 
 Heath, William, General, 134 
 Detached from Boston to New 
 York, 166. Directions to, be 
 fore the battle of Princeton, 205. 
 Hints to, respecting Howe s 
 movements near the Head of 
 Elk, 255. Announces the arri 
 val of the French fleet, 375. 
 Orders to, after Arnold s trea 
 son, 385, 386. 
 
 Henry, Patrick, Wirt s Life of, 
 cited, 89. His opinion of Rut- 
 ledge, 93 ; of Washington, 94. 
 His eloquence at the Convention 
 at Richmond, 117. Governor 
 of Virginia ; requested to annoy 
 Howe with militia, 229. Writ 
 ten to, on the state of the army, 
 after Burgoyne s defeat, 278. 
 
 Henry, Cape, Major Galvan de 
 spatched to, to look out for the 
 French fleet, 369. 
 
 Hessians, skirmish with, 191. At 
 tack by, on Mount Washington, 
 195. Captured at Trenton, 204. 
 Routed, at Brunswick, 233. 
 Embarcation of, at New York, 
 362. 
 
 Highlands, deficiency of fire-arms 
 at the fortifications in the, 172. 
 Passes in the, to be guarded, 
 
 227, 238. Putnam to defend 
 the, 244, 247. Defences for 
 the, 332, 334. Troops quar 
 tered in the, 396. 
 
 Hitchbourne, with letters, captur 
 ed, 142, 143. 
 
 Hook, Estaing s attempts to pass 
 by the, 321-323, 326. 
 
 Ilopewell, American army halts 
 
 at, 312. 
 
 j Hopkins, Stephen, on a committee 
 in Congress, respecting a medal, 
 168. 
 
 Iloram, Mount, shells thrown 
 from, 152. Plan for attacking, 
 161. 
 
 Horen s Hook, express from, 183. 
 
 Horses, anecdotes of Washing 
 ton s, and of his horsemanship, 
 26. To be sent to a distance 
 from Winter-quarters, 335. 
 
 House of Burgesses, see Virginia. 
 
 Houses, destruction of, 150 ; in 
 Boston, 152. Burnt on the 
 retreat from Somerset Court 
 House, 232, 233. Burnt in Sir 
 Henry Clinton s expedition up 
 Hudson River, 277. 
 
 Howe, Richard, Lord, Admiral, 
 arrival of, at Staten Island, 176. 
 His letter directed To George 
 Washington, Esq.," 177. His 
 desire to see members of Con 
 gress, 183. See British. 
 
 Howe, Robert, Major-General, 
 sent to suppress a mutiny in the 
 New-Jersey line, 398. His re 
 port, 399. Thanks to, 401. 
 
 Howe, Sir William, British Lieu 
 tenant-general, at Boston, 162, 
 163. Sails for New York, 173, 
 174. Troops under, 175, 176. 
 Stationed on Stnten Island, 176. 
 His letter "To George Washing 
 ton, Esq., &c.,&c.,&c.," 177. 
 Lands at Frog Point, 194. At 
 the capture of Fort Washington, 
 195. Retreat of, after the bat 
 tle of Princeton, 212. Written 
 to, about General Lee, 217. 
 His manoeuvres to deceive 
 
424 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Washington, and to effect a 
 junction with troops from Can 
 ada, 225, 229-231, 236, 240- 
 243, 245, 249. His expedition 
 to Somerset Court House, 231, 
 232. At Brunswick, 234. His 
 excursion to Westfield, 236 ; to 
 Samptown, 237. Embarks his 
 troops, 241. Letter from, to 
 Burgoyne, intercepted, 244. His 
 abandonment of Burgoyne , 245. 
 Must not get possession of the 
 Highlands, 247. His arrival 
 in Chesapeake Bay, 248-251. 
 His object in his southern ex 
 cursion, 250. Lands near the 
 Head of Elk, 252, 255. Advanc 
 es, 255. Skirmishing with, 255. 
 Crosses the Brandywine, 256 ; 
 the Schuylkill, 257, 265. His 
 situation in Philadelphia, 259, 
 276. Detachment to Billings- 
 port by, 260. His Excursion to 
 Chestnut Hill, and towards the 
 main army, 279. Written to, 
 on the detention of a deserter, 
 292. Resolution respecting pris 
 oners transmitted to, 308. See 
 Army, Boston, British, Bur 
 goyne, and Washington. 
 
 Hudson River, 158, 172, 173. 
 British vessels pass up, 183, 
 184, 188. Non-obstruction of, 
 188. Guarded, to prevent com 
 munication with Canada, 219, 
 224. Forts on, surrendered, 
 263. Instructions to Gates re 
 specting, 307. Crossed by the 
 American army, 322 ; by the 
 Convention troops, 332. Brit 
 ish excursion up the, 346, 348. 
 Wayne s capture of Stony Point, 
 on the, 353. See Highlands. 
 
 Hunting shirts, 133, 148. See In 
 dian. 
 
 Huntington, Jedediah, Colonel, 
 227. 
 
 I. 
 
 Ides, on the evacuation of Boston, 
 158. 
 
 Independence, John Adams s ef 
 forts in relation to a Declaration 
 of, 119. On the ratification of, 
 by France, 300. Nothing short 
 of, will do, 301. See Declara 
 tion. 
 
 Independent companies, commen 
 ded and reviewed, 107, 110. 
 Letter to, by the Commander- 
 in-chief of the American army, 
 124. 
 
 Indian, war-dance, described, 23. 
 Music, 23. Dress, worn by 
 Washington, 42, 44. 
 
 Indians, Washington s early ac 
 quaintance with, 27, 28. Influ 
 ence of the French on, 29, 35. 
 Interviews with, near the Fork 
 of the Ohio, 41. Washington 
 and Gist s encounter with, 43, 
 45. Murders by Ottoway, 44. 
 At Braddock s defeat, 62, 64, 
 65. Defeated by Sullivan, 357. 
 
 Individuals, influence of, 11. On 
 estimating, 12. 
 
 Intercepted letters, for Washing 
 ton and Lee, 142, 143. From 
 Howe to Burgoyne, 244. Re 
 specting a detachment to Bil- 
 lingsport, 260. 
 
 Iron Hill, an eminence near Elk, 
 253. Howe s advance to, 255. 
 
 Irvine, Captain, escapes from Bos 
 ton, 162. 
 
 Irvine, William, General, wound 
 ed and made prisoner, 279. 
 
 J. 
 
 Jackson, Henry, Colonel, ordered 
 to Rhode Island, 323, 324. 
 
 Jameson, John, Colonel, instruc 
 tions to, for the security of An 
 dre, 383. His connexion with 
 Andre s apprehension, 387, 
 391. 
 
 Jay, John, on a committee in Con 
 gress, respecting a medal, 168. 
 
 Jealousy of the army, in Congress, 
 302. 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas, Governor of 
 Virginia, desired to aid Galvan, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 425 
 
 in expectation of the French 
 fleet, 369. 
 
 Johnson, Thomas, in Congress, 
 nominates Washington for com 
 mand er-in-chief of the American 
 army, 121. 
 
 Johnson, Colonel, captured at 
 Stony Point, 354. 
 
 Joncaire, Commander of French 
 posts on the Ohio river, 41. 
 
 Journals, of a surveying tour, in 
 1748, cited, 23. Of a voyage 
 to Barhadoes, 33. Of a mission 
 to the French on the Ohio, in 
 1753, 42, 47. Of Gist, cited 
 respecting Washington s mission 
 to the French on the Ohio river, 
 44. Of Washington, taken by 
 the French, at Braddock s de 
 feat, 62. 
 
 Jumonville, encounter with, 50. 
 Considerations on the death of, 
 50-52. 
 
 Justice, value of, 361. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kalh, Baron de, 345. 
 
 Kennebec river, expedition to Can 
 ada by way of, 147. 
 
 Keppel, Admiral, convoys Brad- 
 dock s troops to America, 56. 
 
 Kettles, want of, 188. 
 
 King s College, New York, Myles 
 Cooper, President of, 104. 
 John Parke Custis at, 104, 
 105. 
 
 King s Ferry, 346. Post taken at, 
 by the British, 362. American 
 troops quartered at, 363. Troops 
 ordered to, 378. 
 
 Kingsbridge, troops at, 190. Brit 
 ish movements towards, 192. 
 Boats collected at, by the Brit 
 ish, 345. 
 
 Kingston, baggage left at, 312. 
 
 Knox, Henry, General, on attack 
 ing Chew s House, at German- 
 town, 268. 
 
 Knyphausen, Hessian General, at 
 Trenton, 204. Excursion of, to 
 Springfield, 372. 
 
 L. 
 
 Lacolombe, 340. 
 
 Lacomick Creek, 44. 
 
 Lafayette, General, wounded at 
 the battle of Brandywine, 257, 
 336. Letter to, in connexion 
 with Conway s Cabal, and the 
 gloomy prospects of the army, 
 289. Excursion of, to Barren 
 Hill, 307, 308, 336. Com 
 mands the expedition to pursue 
 the enemy in New Jersey, 312. 
 Files to the left, 312. Lee to 
 join, 313. Marches to Rhode 
 Island, 323. Complaint by, 
 328. Conciliatory letter to, a- 
 bout difficulties between French 
 and American officers, 329. Re 
 quests a furlough, 333. Letter 
 to Franklin, respecting, 335. 
 Detail of his services, 336. 
 Farewell letter to, 336. The 
 Commander-in-chief s friend 
 ship for, 336-339, 359, 362. 
 Everettcited respecting their first 
 interview, 337. Works on the 
 character and services of, 339, 
 note. History of affairs com 
 municated to, 8 March, 1779, 
 339 ; 12 September, 1779, 
 357 ; 30 September, 1779, 358. 
 Appointment of, in the French 
 army, 359. Invites Washington 
 to France, 360. His return to 
 America, 367, 368. Visits Con 
 gress, 368. To make commu 
 nications to Rochambeau, 377. 
 His project of taking New York, 
 discouraged, 377, 391, 392. 
 May visit the Council of Massa 
 chusetts, 378. At West Point, 
 at the time of Arnold s treason, 
 386. Letter by, urging the un 
 dertaking of some expedition, 
 392. Troops under, and their 
 inactivity, 392, note. Reply 
 to, 395. 
 
 Lafayette, Madame, invited to 
 America, 359. 
 
 Lamb, John, Colonel, 244. De 
 tached on business, 383. 
 
426 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Lamb s Dam, firing from, 159. 
 
 Lancaster, stores to be removed 
 from, 251. Congress adjourned 
 to, 257. On procuring military 
 stores at, 259. Troops station 
 ed at, in 1778-9, 334. Moy- 
 lan s cavalry at, 396. 
 
 Laurens, John, Lieutenant-Colo 
 nel, despatched to Count d Es- 
 taing, upon his arrival on the 
 coast, 321 ; to Sullivan, at Prov 
 idence, 323. Informed of Ar 
 nold s treason and Andre s fate, 
 390. 
 
 Learned, Ebenezer, Colonel, letter 
 from Boston delivered to, 163. 
 
 Lechmere s Point, skirmish at, 
 151. Fortified, 152. Firing 
 from, 159. 
 
 Lee, Charles, General, letters to, 
 intercepted, 142. Request made 
 of, for an aid, 155. Express 
 sent to, from Cambridge, 158. 
 Marching to White Plains, 190. 
 Captivity of, 217. Letter to 
 Sir William Howe respecting, 
 cited, 217. Retaliation for, 
 threatened, 217. Exchanged, 
 218. To attack the rear of the 
 British army, 310. To join La 
 fayette, 313. To attack the 
 main body, at Monmouth, 313, 
 319. Retreats, 314, 319. In 
 arrest, 316, 319, 320. Court- 
 martial on, 319, 320. Suspen 
 ded, 320. Remarks on Que 
 ries, Political and Military, by, 
 354. 
 
 Lee, Henry, Captain of the lijrht- 
 horse, takes twenty-four prison 
 ers, near the Head of Elk, 254. 
 Stationed on the advanced posts 
 in New Jersey, 334. To pro 
 cure information respecting Sto 
 ny Point, 348. General Wayne 
 to see, 352. Surprises Paulus 
 Hook, 357. 
 
 Lee, Thomas S., Governor of Ma 
 ryland, to send troops to the 
 southward, after Gates s defeat, 
 381. 
 
 [I Lee, Fort, 196. Evacuation of, 
 197. 
 
 Legardeur de St. Pierre, Comman 
 der at French Creek, Washing 
 ton s interview with, 41. 
 
 Leslie, A., British General, 395. 
 
 Letters, see Intercepted. 
 
 Lexington battle, 110, 115. Gage s 
 acknowledgements respecting, 
 116. 
 
 Lighthouse, skirmish at the Bos 
 ton, 141. 
 
 Lincoln, Benjamin, General, or 
 dered to join the Northern De 
 partment, 243. Wounded, 275. 
 Congratulated on Burgoyne s 
 defeat, 275. Informed of at 
 tacks upon the forts on the Del 
 aware, 276. Assembling a force 
 to dispossess the British of 
 Georgia, 340. 
 
 Livingston, William, Governor of 
 New Jersey, requested to fur 
 nish troops to sustain Washing 
 ton against HOWP, 198 ; to fur 
 nish troops against New York, 
 379. 
 
 Log cabin, at Valley Forge, 294. 
 
 London, on visiting, 95. 
 
 Long Island, general orders before 
 the action on, 178. Forces on, 
 179. Account of the action on, 
 
 179. Cause of the ill success 
 on, 179. Washington crosses 
 from New York to, during the 
 action, 179. Retreat from, 
 
 180, 182, 201. Clinton lands 
 troops on, 379. Tallmadge s 
 destruction of forage at Coram 
 on, 397. 
 
 Loudoun, Lord, 73. Abercrom- 
 by s interest with, in favor of 
 Washington, solicited, 74. Suc 
 cessor of Governor Shirley, 74. 
 Meets governors and military 
 officers, at Philadelphia, 75. 
 His reception of Washington, 
 75. 
 
 Louis XVI., 376. 
 
 Loyal Hanna, information from 
 prisoners taken at, 79. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 427 
 
 Loyalists, pardon of, recommend 
 ed, 304. 
 
 Loyalty, Washington s, 108. 
 
 Luzerne, Chevalier de la, 358, 
 360, 380. Feelings of, as to a 
 project against Staten Island, 
 393. Plan for the legion of, 395. 
 
 M. 
 
 McDonald, Captain of the enemy 
 at Newtown, 357. 
 
 McDougall, Alexander, General, 
 to harass the enemy after the 
 battle of Trenton, 206. Com 
 municates information, 227, 
 228. Endeavors to form a junc 
 tion with, 257. At the battle 
 of Germantown, 261. Com 
 mands in the Highlands, 334. 
 Troops under, 345. 
 
 Machine for taking up trees, 97. 
 
 McLane, Captain, on the evacua 
 tion of Philadelphia, 309. 
 
 McLean, British Brigadier-Gener 
 al, at Penobscot, 358. 
 
 Magaw, Robert, Lieutenant-Colo 
 nel, defence of Fort Washington 
 by, 194-196. 
 
 Magistrates of New Jersey, ap 
 pealed to, respecting distresses 
 of the army, 365. 
 
 Mamaronec, expedition against, 
 190. 
 
 Manly, William, Commodore, to 
 dog the enemy upon their evac 
 uating Boston, 163. 
 
 Manufactures, 111. 
 
 Manuscripts of Washington, 19, 
 21. See Papers. 
 
 Marblehead, Massachusetts, troops 
 go from, 19th April, 1775, 116. 
 
 Marbois, Barbe, visits the Com 
 mander-in-chief, 360. 
 
 Marcus Hook, militia at, 252. 
 
 Marriage, letter respecting John 
 Parke Custts s proposed, 103. 
 
 Maryland militia, at the battle of 
 Germantown, 261. Skirmishes 
 near Chestnut Hill, 279, 280. 
 
 Maryland troops, to take post at 
 Wilmington, 283, 286. Baron 
 
 |] de Kalb with, 345. Counter 
 manded, 381. 
 
 | Mason, George, written to, on 
 
 non-importation, 111. 
 j: Massachusetts, Gage disconcerted 
 at the conduct of, 115. In fear 
 of invasion, 222. Her raising 
 colonial regiments disapproved, 
 223. On getting troops from, 
 297, 298. Character of the re 
 cruits from, 355. 
 
 Massachusetts militia, ordered out, 
 at the taking possession of Dor 
 chester Heights, 160. Joining the 
 army, at Haerlem Heights, 188. 
 1 Massachusetts Provincial Con 
 gress, reception of the Com- 
 rnander-in-chief of the American 
 army by the, 126 ; his reply, 
 128. Reply to their application 
 for detachments from the army, 
 138. James Warren Speaker 
 of the, 143. Reply to the ad 
 dress of the, after the evacua 
 tion of Boston, 166. 
 | Mathematics, studied by Wash 
 ington, 21, 22. 
 
 Matson s Ford, Lafayette s retreat 
 across, 308. 
 
 Maxwell, William, Colonel, 188 ; 
 General ; to harass the enemy, 
 after the battle at Trenton, 206. 
 To intercept parties, 234. Lord 
 Stirling to re-enforce, 234. Does 
 not receive orders, 236. At 
 the battle of the Brandyvvine, 
 256 ; of Germantown, 261. 
 To impede the progress of the 
 enemy across New Jersey, 311 ; 
 to attack their rear, 312. Left 
 upon the rear of the enemy, af 
 ter the battle of Monmouth, 
 318. 
 
 Meade, Richard K. , in Virginia, 
 342. 
 
 Meadows, see Great, and Neces 
 sity. 
 
 ! Medal, voted to the Commander- 
 in-chief, after the evacuation of 
 Boston, 168. 
 
 Meigs, Return Jonathan, Colonel, 
 
 2s 
 
428 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 endeavors to suppress a mutiny, 
 370, 371. 
 
 Mercer, George, aid to Washing 
 ton, accompanies him to Boston, 
 in 1756, 71. 
 
 Mercer, Hugh, Brigadier-General, 
 killed at Princeton, 209, 212. 
 
 Middlebrook, Winter-quarters of 
 troops at, 334. 
 
 Midshipman s warrant for Wash 
 ington, 19. Reflections upon 
 it, 19. 
 
 Mifflin, Thomas, Quartermaster- 
 General, 149. General, 184. 
 Crosses the Delaware, 205, 206. 
 In the action at Princeton. 208. 
 
 Mifflin, Fort, measures for garri 
 soning, 259. British operations 
 against, 264. Attack on, 276. 
 
 Military affairs, a favorite subject 
 with Washington, 18, 32. 
 
 Militia, disciplining of, in Virginia, 
 before the Seven Years War, 
 30, 34. Perplexities respect 
 ing, 181. Mistaken depend 
 ence on the, 200. Aid of, in 
 conquering Burgoyne, 277, 
 278. Commended, 374. Dis 
 missed, 380. See Connecticut, 
 Delaware, Maryland, Massa 
 chusetts, New Jersey, New 
 York, 4-c. 
 
 Miller, John, a deserter, detention 
 of, 292. 
 
 Mississippi river, French settle 
 ments on the, and on its tributa 
 ries, 29. French military force 
 ascending the, 35. Protection 
 to settlers on the, 48. See New 
 Orleans. 
 
 Monckton, British Colonel, killed 
 at Monmouth, 316, 317. 
 
 Money, want of, 133, 149. De 
 preciation of, 343. Want of, 
 by Gates, 345. 
 
 Monmouth, British army encamps 
 at, 310, 313. Account of the 
 action at, 311-320. Thanks 
 after the battle of, 320. 
 
 Monongahela river, arrival ofj 
 Washington and his party at the, I 
 
 in 1753, 37, 40. Movements 
 to, in 1754, 49, 51. Braddock 
 arrives at, in 1755, 60. Ac 
 count of the battle of the, 61. 
 See Braddock. 
 
 Monroe, James, Lieutenant, woun 
 ded at Trenton, 211. 
 
 Montgomery, Fort, stormed and 
 taken by" the British, 263. 
 
 Montresor s Island, British troops 
 at, 183. 
 
 Morgan, Daniel, Colonel, 233. 
 Skirmishes near Brunswick, 
 234. Conduct and bravery of, 
 234. To join Scott, 237. Skir 
 mishes near Chestnut Hill, 279, 
 280. On the flanks of the ene 
 my, near Monmouth, 310. To 
 re-enforce Maxwell, 311. To 
 attack the enemy s rear, 312. 
 On the enemy s right flank, 
 313. Left to hover on the ene 
 my s rear, 316, 318. 
 
 Morril, Major, at the suppression 
 of the revolt in the New-Jersey 
 line, 400. 
 
 Morris, Robert, chairman of a 
 committee in Congress, confer 
 ring dictatorial powers on the 
 Commander-in-chief, 216. 
 
 Morris, Roger, Captain, aid of 
 General Braddock, writes to 
 Washington, on the march, 59. 
 Wounded in Braddock s battle, 
 62, 66. 
 
 Morris, Major, wounded near 
 Chestnut Hill, 280. 
 
 Morrisania, 184. 
 
 Morristown, New Jersey, 210. 
 Head-quarters at, during the 
 Winter of 1776-7, 214. Sulli 
 van to halt at, 245. 
 
 Mount Vernon, see Vernon. 
 
 Moylari, Stephen, Colonel, 155. 
 At Lancaster, 334, 396. 
 
 Muhlenberg, Peter, iqpeneral, con 
 ditional resignation of, 299. To 
 aid Wayne in his movements 
 against Stony Point, 352. 
 
 Murdering Town, 43. 
 
 Music, Indian, 23. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 429 
 
 Mystic River, floating batteries in, 
 130. 
 
 N. 
 
 Nakedness, see Clothes. 
 
 Nash, Francis, General, ordered 
 to Chester, 250. At the battle 
 of Germantown, 261. Mortally 
 wounded, 262, 266. 
 
 Neal, Captain, killed at Princeton, 
 209. 
 
 Necessity, Fort, garrisoned, 51. 
 Retreat to, 51. Capitulation 
 and fraud at, 52. Braddock 
 buried near, 67. See Great 
 Meadows. 
 
 Newconib, Silas, General, to re 
 lieve a fort, 266. 
 
 New Hampshire, troops from, on 
 Winter Hill, 130. 
 
 New Haven, Tryon s expedition 
 against, 358, 362. 
 
 New Jersey, threatened, 193. In 
 vasion of, 197. Nearly evacu 
 ated by the British, 212. Mag 
 istrates of, appealed to, on the 
 distresses of the army, 365. 
 
 New-Jersey College, proposition 
 to educate young Ramsay at, 
 99. 
 
 New-Jersey line mutinies, 398. 
 
 New-Jersey militia, 210. Wearied 
 with turning out, 219. Turn out 
 with alacrity, 231, 232. Under 
 Dickinson, 257, 313. At the 
 battle of Germantown, 261. 
 Annoys the enemy in crossing 
 New Jersey, 311 ; on their left 
 flank, 313. To be ready to 
 march against New York, 379. 
 
 New Orleans, French line efforts 
 from, to Canada, 29, 48. As 
 cent of troops from, 35. 
 
 Newport, Count d Estaing quits, 
 for Boston, 327. Arrival of the 
 French fleet off, 376. 
 
 New Rochelle, 189. 
 
 Newtown, Sullivan s destruction 
 of, 357. 
 
 New Windsor, Winter-quarters 
 at, in 1780-1, 396. 
 
 New York, troops ordered from, 
 to Virginia, to fight the French, 
 48. Troops leave Boston for, 
 164, 166. Head-quarters at, 
 170. Arrival of Howe and the 
 British fleet at, 174. Retreat 
 to, from Long Island, 180, 182, 
 201. Evacuated by the Ameri 
 cans, 183-187,189,201. British 
 fleet sails from, 242-244, 247. 
 Estaing s attempts to enter, 
 321-323. On transferring the 
 war to, in 1778, 295. British 
 forces continue in, 327. Move 
 ments there, 332. Excursion 
 from, threatened, 344, 345. 
 Proposed attack on, 347. Brit 
 ish forces at, 347. Arrival of 
 Arbuthnot at, 358. British for 
 tifying, 361, 362. Embarcation 
 at, 362. Plan for cooperating 
 against, 374. Lafayette s de 
 termination to take, discour 
 aged, 377, 392. Movement 
 against, 379. Clinton s return 
 to, 379. Ninety vessels sail 
 from, for Europe, 381. The 
 capture of, a favorite project, 
 391. 
 
 New-York militia, ordered out, 
 246. 
 
 Non-importation, advisable, 111. 
 
 Nook s Hill, fortification of, 160, 
 163. 
 
 North, Lord, speech and bills of, 
 sent to Congress, 302 ; remarks 
 on them, 304. 
 
 North River, see Hudson. 
 
 Northern Department of the Amer 
 ican army, 224. Howe s plan 
 for capturing the troops of the, 
 225. 
 
 Norwalk, Tryon s expedition to, 
 358, 362. 
 
 O. 
 
 Officers, address of the Virginia, 
 in 1758, 80. Dissatisfaction as 
 to the appointment of, 133. 
 Deficiency of, 220, 288. Fre 
 quent resignations of, 287. On 
 
430 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 provision for, 287, 297. New 
 appointment of, 288. Difficulty 
 of French and American, 327- 
 331. See Resignations. 
 
 Official Letters to the Honorable 
 American Congress, 139. 
 
 Ohio river , 29. French establishing 
 themselves on the, 35. Wash 
 ington s mission to the, 36. See 
 Duquesne, and New Orleans. 
 
 Orderly Book, citations from the, 
 before the battle on Long Island, 
 178 ; on celebrating the alliance 
 with France, 305 ; on the mu 
 tiny in the New-Jersey line, 401. 
 
 Orme, Robert, aid to General 
 Braddock, invites Washington 
 to join the expedition, 56. Writ 
 ten to, 57. His account of Brad- 
 dock s defeat, 62. Wounded 
 in Braddock s battle, 66. 
 
 Otis, James, Mercy Warren sister 
 of, 144, note. 
 
 Otis, Mercy, sister of James Otis, 
 and wife of James Warren, 144, 
 note. See Warren. 
 
 Ottoway Indians, murders by, 44. 
 
 P. 
 
 Palfrey, William, request for, 155, 
 156". 
 
 Papers of Washington and Brad- 
 dock, taken at Braddock s de 
 feat, 62. See Manuscripts. 
 
 Pardons, recommended, for the 
 Tories, 304. Offered to muti 
 neers in the New- Jersey line, 
 399. 
 
 Parliament, the Stamp Act by, 98. 
 Conduct of, condemned, 111, 
 114. 
 
 Parsons, Samuel H., Brigadier- 
 General, flight of the brigade of, 
 184, 185. Stationed near the 
 Saw-pits, 192. 
 
 Passions, Washington s, 186,272, 
 320. 
 
 Paterson, John, Colonel, 151. 
 General ; commission wanted 
 for, 254. 
 
 Paterson, a British Lieutenant- 
 
 Colonel, has an interview with 
 the American Commander-in- 
 chief, on the address of letters, 
 178. 
 
 Paulding, John, one of the captors 
 of Major Andre, 390. 
 
 Paulus Hook, surprised, 357. 
 
 Pay, of the Commander-in-chief, 
 121, 126. Not made to troops, 
 345, 371, 372. See Army. 
 
 Peace must not be made without 
 acknowledgement of Independ 
 ence, 301. 
 
 Peekskill, troops from, to join the 
 main army, 231. Lord Stirling 
 ordered to, 242. Troops from, 
 to aid Schuyler, 242. Troops 
 ordered from, after the battle 
 of Brandywine, 264. 
 
 Pendleton, Edmund, Colonel, 
 draughts a will, 124. 
 
 Penn, John, on a committee, with 
 the army, 258. 
 
 Pennsylvania, troops furnished by, 
 for Forbes s expedition, 77. 
 State of feeling in, in October, 
 1777, 277. 
 
 Pennsylvania line mutinies, 371. 
 
 Pennsylvania militia, at Chester 
 and Marcus Hook, 252. Order 
 ed to Head of Elk, 253. At 
 the battle of Germantown, 261. 
 Skirmish at Chestnut Hill, 279. 
 
 Penobscot, unsuccessful expedition 
 against, 358. 
 
 Percy, Lord, 116. To attack 
 Dorchester Heights, 162. 
 
 Peyrouny, Captain, killed in Brad- 
 dock s battle, 66. 
 
 Philadelphia, Lord Loudoun s 
 council of governors and milita 
 ry officers at, 75. Continental 
 Congress at, 110. Arms in the 
 hands of the committee of safety 
 at, 171. Congress at, visited 
 by General Gates, 172 ; by 
 Washington, 173 ; by Sullivan, 
 on parole, 183. Measures for 
 defending, 198. Threatened, 
 198,202,225,226,251. Sul 
 livan and Stirling to proceed 
 
INDEX. 
 
 431 
 
 towards, 244, 245. Troops ad 
 vancing towards, 246, 248, 250. 
 The army to march through, 
 251. Militia ordered from, 253. 
 British approach to, 257. Howe s 
 situation in, 259, 276, 277. 
 Evacuation of, by the British, 
 307-309, 318. "Congress at, 
 visited by the Commander-in- 
 chief, 342. 
 
 Pickering, Timothy, Adjutant- 
 General, on Washington s grati 
 tude upon hearing of Burgoyne s 
 defeat, 270. Appointed to the 
 Board of War, and resigns his 
 adjutant-generalship, 282. 
 
 Piney Creek, 46. 
 
 Pitt, William, accession of, and 
 change of policy, 76. Fort 
 named in honor of, 80. 
 
 Pitt, Fort, Fort Duquesne called, 80. 
 See Duquesne, and Pittsburg. 
 
 Pittsburg, explored, in 1753, 40. 
 Military importance of, 41, 80. 
 Capitulation of Ward s party 
 at, in 1754, 48. Contrecoeur 
 takes possession of the fort at, 
 48. Forbes s expedition against, 
 in 1758, 77. See Duquesne. 
 
 Poison, Captain, at Braddock s de 
 feat. 66. 
 
 Pompton, troops quartered at, 396. 
 
 Pomroy, Seth, General, leaves the 
 army, 134. 
 
 Pontgibaud, M., 329. 
 
 Poor, Enoch, Brigadier-General, 
 commission to be sent to, 254. 
 In the battle at Monmouth, 315. 
 
 Potter, Colonel, killed at Prince 
 ton, 209, 212. 
 
 Potter, James, General, to join the 
 main army, 252. 
 
 Powder, 125. Want of, at Cam 
 bridge, 141, 151, 157. See Am 
 munition. 
 
 Power, Washington s feelings as 
 to, 200. Dictatorial, conferred 
 ontheCommander-in-chief,215. 
 See Civil. 
 
 Princess Bay, ship sails from, 238. 
 
 Princeton, 204. Success of the 
 
 Americans at, 208-212. Loss 
 at, 209, 212. The Command 
 er-in-chief s exposure at, 212. 
 
 Prisoners, Resolution respecting, 
 transmitted to General Howe, 
 308. Commissioners respect 
 ing, 333. 
 
 Prisoners, American, treatment 
 of, 145. Taken at Fort Wash 
 ington, 196. 
 
 Prisoners, British, 141. Treat 
 ment of, 146. Taken, at Tren 
 ton, 204, 207 ; at Princeton, 
 208 ; near the Head of Elk, 
 254 ; by Lee, 254 ; by the 
 northern army, 277 ; at Mon 
 mouth, 317 ; at Stony Point 
 and Paulus Hook, 357. 
 
 Procter, Thomas, Colonel, order 
 ed to Chester, 250. 
 
 Prospect Hill, troops on, 130. 
 
 Protectorate of Cromwell, 11. 
 
 Providence, discontent among the 
 troops at, 345. 
 
 Provisions, mutiny for want of, at 
 Valley Forge, 284, 290. Letter 
 to Clinton, on the scarcity of, 
 290. Scarcity of, in New Jer 
 sey, 365, 370. Compulsory 
 measures respecting, mention 
 ed, 367. Scarcity of, at West 
 Point and Fort Schuyler, 371. 
 
 Pulaski, Count, 334. 
 
 Putnam, Israel, General, on Pros 
 pect Hill, 130. Dissatisfactions 
 from the promotion of, 134. 
 To command, in case of an at 
 tack on Boston, 161, 164. Com 
 mander of the American army , 
 at the action on Long Island, 
 179. From Fort Washington, 
 195. To prevent Howe from 
 cooperating with Burgoyne, 
 238. Orders to, after Howe 
 leaves New York, 243. To 
 send troops towards Philadel 
 phia, 244, 246. To defend the 
 Highlands, 244, 249. To be re- 
 enforced, 246. Instructions to, 
 after Howe arrives in the Ches 
 apeake, 248. Gives information 
 
432 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 of the loss of Forts Montgomery 
 and Clinton, 263. Written to, 
 after Gates s victory, 271, 273. 
 Raising men in Connecticut, 
 298. Commander at Danbury, 
 334. 
 
 Q. 
 
 Quartermaster-General, Mifflin 
 appointed, 148. On filling the 
 office of, at Valley Forge, 282, 
 285. 
 
 Quebec, Arnold s expedition to, 
 147. 
 
 R. 
 
 Raft, peril on a, 43, 46. 
 
 Rahl, a Hessian Colonel, mortally 
 wounded at Trenton, 204, 211. 
 
 Ramsay, William, offer to, for ed 
 ucating his son, 99. 
 
 Randolph, Edmund, 155. 
 
 Reading, military stores at, and 
 British advance towards, 258, 
 265. 
 
 Reconciliation with Great Britain, 
 not to be expected, 170. 
 
 Red Bank, British attack on the 
 fort at, 276. 
 
 Red Hook, 183. 
 
 Reed, Joseph, Colonel, 155. His 
 refusal to receive letters to 
 Washington, without his title, 
 177. Directions to, about an 
 attack on Trenton, 202. Writ 
 ten to, respecting Lee s Que 
 ries, Political and Military, 
 354. 
 
 Regiments, Colonial, discounte 
 nanced, 223. 
 
 Representation in Congress, 301. 
 
 Resignations, of Washington, in 
 1754, 54 ; in 1758, 80, 89. Of 
 Coriway, 274. Frequency of, 
 287. Conditional, of Weedon 
 and Muhlenberg, 299. Frequent 
 in the Virginia line, 299. Meas 
 ures for preventing, 307. Of 
 General Sullivan, 364. See 
 Officers. 
 
 Responsibility of eminent men, 12. 
 
 Retaliation, threatened, 145, 147 ; 
 in the case of General Lee, 
 217. 
 
 Retirement, Washington in, from 
 1758 to 1775, 88. 
 
 Revolution, the American, remarks 
 on, 12. Identified with Wash 
 ington, 12. Washington s early 
 sentiments as to the, 108. 
 
 Rhode Island, troops from, at and 
 near Cambridge, 130. Proposed 
 expedition against, 322. Amer 
 ican troops march for, 323. 
 Count d Estaing sails for, 323, 
 324. Retreat from, 331. Brit 
 ish movements against, upon the 
 arrival of Count de Rocham- 
 beau, 378. 
 
 Richmond, independent company 
 at, 107. Convention at, in 1775, 
 110; Patrick Henry s eloquence 
 at, 117. 
 
 Riley, Captain, 325. 
 
 Ritzema, Rudolphus, Colonel, de 
 ficiency of arms in the regiment 
 of, 171. 
 
 Roberts, Mr., on the evacuation 
 of Philadelphia, 308. 
 
 Robertson, James, British Lieu- 
 tenant-General, exerts himself 
 in behalf of Andre, 389. 
 
 Robinson, John, Speaker of the 
 Virginia House of Delegates, 
 Washington s letter to, on join 
 ing Braddock s expedition, 57. 
 Remonstrates with Washington 
 about resigning, 73 ; receives 
 an account of his trials, 74. His 
 stroke of address, on returning 
 thanks to Washington, 90. 
 
 Rochambeau, Count de, arrival 
 of, with the French fleet, 376. 
 Lafayette to make communica 
 tions to, 377. British move 
 ments against, at Rhode Island, 
 378, 379. Measures of, com 
 mended, 379. His interview 
 with the American Commander- 
 in-chief, at Hartford, 382, 386. 
 Informed of Arnold s treason, 
 386. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 433 
 
 Rogers, Robert, British Major, de 
 tachment against, 190. 
 
 Roxbury, Massachusetts, troops 
 stationed at, 130. Attempt to 
 surprise the guard at, 141. 
 
 Rulers, remarks on, 12. 
 
 Rules of Behavior, 19. 
 
 Russia, oilers to the Empress 
 of, by Great Britain, rejected, 
 341. 
 
 Rutledge, Henry s opinion of, 93. 
 
 S. 
 
 St. Clair, Arthur, General, 259. 
 On the way to Pompton, 345. 
 
 St. Clair, Sir John, wounded in 
 Braddock s battle, 62. 
 
 St. John s, Carleton at, 147. 
 
 St. Lawrence river, possessed by 
 the French, 29. 
 
 St. Pierre, Legardeur de, inter 
 view of Washington with, at 
 French Creek, in 1753, 41. 
 
 Salem, troops from, 19th April, 
 1775, 116. 
 
 Samptown, British excursion to, 
 237. 
 
 Sandwich, Lord, 116,362. 
 
 Saratoga, 270. Troops quartered 
 at, in 1780-1, 396. See Bur- 
 goyne. 
 
 Sargent, Colonel, express from, 
 183. 
 
 Savannah, see Georgia. 
 
 Scammell, Alexander, Colonel, 397. 
 
 Schuyler, Philip, General, ap 
 proves Arnold s expedition, 147. 
 Commander in the Northern 
 Department of the American ar 
 my, 224. Informed of Howe s 
 march to SomersetCourt-House, 
 231. Succeeded by Gates, 241. 
 Glover to re-enforce, 242. Let 
 ter to, about Howe s move 
 ments, 243. General Lincoln 
 to join, 243. 
 
 Schuyler, Fort, want of provisions 
 at, 371. Troops quartered at, 
 396. 
 
 Schuylkill river, crossed by Howe, 
 257, 258, 265. Bridge across 
 
 the, at Valley Forge, 283. La 
 fayette s retreat across the, 308. 
 
 Scott, Charles, Brigadier-General, 
 to hang on the enemy s flank, 
 237. Enters Amboy, 237. To 
 pursue the enemy on their way 
 to Monmouth, 312. 
 
 Scotch Plains, troops in the neigh 
 borhood of, 363. 
 
 Selectmen of Boston, message from 
 the, 163. 
 
 Self-control, on Washington s, 
 186, 272, 320. 
 
 Sewall s farm, 130. 
 
 Shannopin s Town, 43, 46. 
 
 Sheldon, Elisha, Colonel, not im 
 plicated in Arnold s conspiracy, 
 389. Quartered at Colchester, 
 396. 
 
 Sherburne, Henry, aid to Sullivan, 
 killed at Germantown, 266. 
 
 Shirley, W., Secretary, shot at 
 Braddock s battle, 62. 
 
 Shirley, William, Governor-Gen 
 eral of British America, Wash 
 ington s visit to, at Boston, in 
 1756, 71. Decides a military 
 claim, 71. Succeeded by Lord 
 Loudoun, 74. 
 
 Shirts, want of, at Valley Forge, 
 285. 
 
 Shoes, want of, in the army, 258, 
 260, 273 ; at Valley Forge, 
 286, 303. 
 
 Shreve, Israel, Colonel, at the 
 suppression of the mutiny in the 
 New-Jersey line, 400. 
 
 Shuldham, British Admiral, ad 
 vises an attack on Dorchester 
 Heights, 162. 
 
 Sicilies, 340. 
 
 Sinepuxent Inlet, British fleet off*, 
 248. 
 
 Smallpox, Washington has the, 
 33. Communicated to the ar 
 my, from Boston, 152. 
 
 Smallwood, William, Brigadier- 
 General, left to harass the ene 
 my s rear, 257. At the battle 
 of Germantown, 261. To take 
 post at Wilmington, 283. 
 
434 
 
 IXDEX. 
 
 Smith, Joshua Hett, interview be 
 tween Arnold and Andre at the 
 house of, 384. Secured, 388. 
 Sent to camp, 388. 
 
 Smith, William, Chief Justice of 
 New York, sent to procure An 
 dre s release, 389. 
 
 Smith, British Lieutenant-Colonel, 
 despatched to Concord, 116. 
 
 Smith, Lieutenant, sent to Chew s 
 House, to summon a surrender, 
 269. 
 
 Soap, want of, and no need for, 
 285. 
 
 Somerset Court-House, Howe s 
 expedition to, 231, 232. 
 
 South Branch, surveying near the, 
 23. 
 
 South Carolina, troops ordered 
 from, to Virginia, to oppose the 
 French, 48. Enemy driven 
 from, 357. 
 
 Spain, hope of an alliance with, 
 340. Declaration of, in favor 
 of France, 361. 
 
 Sparks, Jared, his edition of 
 Washington s Writings, 3, 94, 
 139, 382. Life and Treason of 
 Benedict Arnold by, 382. 
 
 Spencer, Joseph, General, 134. 
 
 Springfield, British excursions to, 
 372, 373. Burnt, 373. 
 
 Sprout, Colonel, exertions of, to 
 suppress the mutiny in the New- 
 Jersey line, 400. 
 
 Stafford county, Virginia, residence 
 of the Washington family, 14. 
 
 Stamp Act, Washington on the, 
 98. 
 
 Stanwix, John, Colonel, letter to, 
 cited, 76. 
 
 Stark, John, General, 248. De 
 spatched to the Highland posts, 
 390. 
 
 Staten Island, British forces from 
 Halifax collected on, 176 ; plan 
 proposed for assailing them, 176. 
 British abandon New Jersey 
 for, 237. Project against, 392. 
 
 States, circular to the, 380. See 
 Governors. 
 
 Stephen, Adam, General, 252. At 
 the battle of Germantown, 261. 
 
 Sterling, a British general, wound 
 ed at Springfield, 373. 
 
 Steward, Captain, accompanies 
 Washington to Boston, in 1756, 
 71. 
 
 Stirling, Lord, captured in the ac 
 tion on Long Island, 179, 182. 
 Crosses Hudson River, 193. 
 Left at Princeton, 198. To re- 
 enforce General Maxwell, 234. 
 Advances against the enemy, 
 235. Skirmishes, 237. De 
 spatched to Peekskill, 242. To 
 proceed towards Philadelphia, 
 244. Countermanded, 244. Re- 
 countermanded, 245. At the 
 battle of Germantown, 261. On 
 the left wing, at the battle of 
 Monmouth, 314. On the way 
 to Pompton, 345. 
 
 Stony Brook, bridge at, destroyed, 
 209. 
 
 Stony Point, Verplanck s Point 
 assaulted from, 346. British 
 take, and fortify, 346, 343. 
 Measures to procure information 
 respecting, 348. Wayne s ex 
 pedition against, 348-354 ; his 
 success, 348, 353, 354, 357. 
 
 Sullivan, John, General, arrival 
 of, at Cambridge, 135. Condi 
 tionally to attack Boston, 161. 
 Detached from Boston to New 
 York, 166. Captured in the 
 action on Long Island, 179, 
 182. Visits Congress, on pa 
 role, 183. At Brunswick, 234. 
 To proceed towards Philadel 
 phia, 244. Countermanded, 
 244. Re-countermanded, 245. 
 To halt at Morristown, 245. 
 Countermanded, 246. To join 
 the main army, 249, 250. At 
 the battle of Germantown, 260, 
 261 ; his account of the battle, 
 266. To call on militia, upon 
 the arrival of Estaing, 322. 
 Re-enforced, 323. Laurens de 
 spatched to, 323. Action by, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 435 
 
 326, 328. Letter to, on a 
 difficulty between French and 
 American officers, 330. Re 
 treats, 331. Expedition by, 
 against the Indians, 357. Re 
 signation of, 364, 365. Let 
 ter by, on the faction against 
 the Commander-in-chief, 364. 
 Washington s reply to, 365. 
 
 Surveying, 21. Extracts from a 
 journal of a tour for, in 1748, 
 22. Value of this mode of life 
 to Washington, 24, 27. 
 
 Swedes Ford, 258. 
 
 T. 
 
 Tallmadge, Benjamin, Major, de 
 stroys forage at Coram, 397. 
 
 Tents, want of, 131, ISO, 188. 
 
 Ternay, Chevalier de, commander 
 of the French fleet, 380. 
 
 Thanksgiving, on occasion of the 
 alliance with France, 305. 
 
 Thomas, John, Brigadier-General, 
 at Roxbury, 130. Commend 
 ed, 134. Takes possession of 
 Dorchester Heights, 159. 
 
 Thomson, Charles, Secietary of 
 Congress, 122. 
 
 Thomson. William, Colonel, com 
 mended, 151. 
 
 Throop, Major, aids in suppressing 
 the revolt in the New-Jersey 
 line, 400. 
 
 Ticknor, George, sketch of La 
 fayette s life, by, 339, note. 
 
 Ticonderoga, 187. Burgoyne s 
 movements towards, 238, 241. 
 Baggage and commissions lost 
 at, 254. Reduction of, 279. 
 
 Tobacco, shipped to England from 
 Mount Vernon, 95. As con 
 nected with the non-importation 
 principle, 111. 
 
 Tories, see Loyalists. 
 
 Tow-cloth, scarcity of 148. 
 
 Travelling, the propriety of Cus- 
 tis s, 100. 
 
 Treachery of an Indian, 43, 45, 47. 
 
 Trees, machine for taking up, 97. 
 Destruction of, by troops, 150. 
 
 Trigonometry, studied, 21. 
 
 Trenton, preparations for an attack 
 on, 202. Account of the suc 
 cess at, 203. Officers wounded 
 at, 204, 211. Remarks on the 
 success at, 210. Trophies of 
 the victory at, 210. 
 
 Trumbull, Jonathan, Governor of 
 Connecticut, 148. Wants arms, 
 240. To re-enforce Putnam 
 with militia, 247. 
 
 Trumbull, Joseph, recommended 
 for commissary-general to the 
 American army, 132. 
 
 Try on, William, expedition of, 
 into Connecticut, 358. 
 
 Tupper, Major, skirmishes at the 
 Boston lighthouse, 141. 
 
 Turtle Bay, British troops at, 184. 
 
 Valley Forge, army goes into Win 
 ter-quarters at, 281, 283. Ne 
 cessities and sufferings at, 281, 
 284. Bridge across the Schuyl- 
 kill at, 283. Letter from Mrs. 
 Washington at, 293. Log-cab 
 in at, for dining, 294. Celebra 
 tion of the alliance with France 
 at, 305. 
 
 Vanbraam, Jacob, accompanies 
 Washington in his mission to the 
 French on the Ohio river, 37. 
 Left in charge of baggage, 43. 
 His interpretation of articles at 
 Fort Necessity, 52, 54. 
 
 Vandeering s Mill, 261. 
 
 Van Shaick, Colonel, on the want 
 of provisions, 371. 
 
 Van Wart, Isaac, one of the cap 
 tors of Major Andre, 390. 
 
 Varnum, James Mitchell, General, 
 marches towards Rhode Island, 
 323, 324. 
 
 Vaux, Count de, Lafayette in the 
 army of, 359. 
 
 Venango, visit to, in 1753, 41, 
 44. Situation of, 41, 42. 
 
 Vernon, Admiral, Mount Vernon 
 named from, 32. 
 
 Vernon, Mount, bequeathed to 
 
436 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Lawrence Washington, 14. 
 Named, 32. Comes into the 
 hands of George Washington, 
 34. Retirement to, after Brad- 
 dock s defeat, 67, 68. Return 
 to, in 1757, 76. Washington in 
 retirement at, from 1758 to 
 1775, 88. Tobacco shipped to 
 England from, 95. 
 
 Verplanck s Point, British success 
 against, 346, 348. Passed by 
 Arnold, 385. See Stony Point. 
 
 Villiers, on the transactions at the 
 Great Meadows, 53. 
 
 Virginia, emigration of the Wash 
 ington family to, 14, 17. Edu 
 cation in, during the childhood 
 of Washington, 15. Divided 
 into military districts, 30. Rob 
 ert Dinwiddie lieutenant-gover 
 nor of, 35. Williamsburg, the 
 seat of government in, 36. 
 Braddock s arrival in, 56. State 
 of the frontiers of, after Brad- 
 dock s defeat, 70, 71. Inade 
 quate defence of the, 71, 75. 
 Independent companies in, 107, 
 110,124. Delegates from, to the 
 first and second Congress, 110. 
 
 Virginia House of Burgesses, votes 
 money for the campaign of 
 1754, 48. Votes thanks to 
 Washington, in 1754, 54. John 
 Robinson, Speaker of the, 57. 
 Votes honorary rewards, after 
 Braddock s defeat, 67. Votes 
 money and men, and appoints 
 Washington commander, 69. 
 Votes men to march against 
 Fort Duquesne, in 1758, 76. 
 Washington member of the, 89. 
 90, 107. Thanks by the, to 
 Washington, 89. 
 
 Virginia line, frequency of resig 
 nations in the, 299. 
 
 Virginia militia, disciplining of the, 
 before the Seven Years War, 
 30, 34. Advice to Governor 
 Henry respecting the, 229. To 
 join the army, 259. 
 
 Virginia troops, conduct of the, 
 
 at Braddock s defeat, 61, 63. 
 Washington commander of, 69. 
 Distressed condition of, in 
 Forbes s expedition, 79. Ar 
 rival of, at Winchester, 79. 
 Address by the officers of, 80. 
 Winter-quarters of, at Middle- 
 brook, 334. 
 
 Volunteer enlistments, 298, 304. 
 
 Vulture, Arnold on board the, 383, 
 384, 385, 387. 
 
 W. 
 
 Wade, Nathaniel, Colonel, direc 
 tions to, after Arnold s escape 
 to the enemy, 383. 
 
 Wadsworth, Jeremiah, Colonel, 
 commended as commissary-gen 
 eral, 324. 
 
 War, see Board of War. 
 
 War-dance, an Indian, described, 
 23. 
 
 Ward, Artemas, General, 131. 
 Copy of the Declaration of In 
 dependence transmitted to, 175. 
 
 Ward, Ensign, capitulation of, at 
 the Fork of the Ohio, in 1754,48. 
 
 Warrant, midshipman s, 19. 
 
 Warren, Charles H., 144, note. 
 
 Warren, James, Speaker of the 
 Massachusetts Provincial Con 
 gress, written to, respecting 
 Hitchborne and intercepted let 
 ters, 143. Facts respecting 
 him and his family, 143, note. 
 Letters to, on the wants of the 
 army, 150 ; on supplying quo 
 tas of men, 221, 222. Letter 
 to, thirty-first March, 1779, 342. 
 
 Warren, Mercy, Mrs., cited, 144, 
 note. Sister of James Otis, and 
 wife of James Warren, 144, 
 note, tier correspondence and 
 History, 144, note. Mrs. Wash 
 ington s correspondence with, 
 153 ; letter to, from Valley 
 Forge, 293. 
 
 Warren family, of Plymouth, 143, 
 note. 
 
 Warren Tavern, advance to, 258. 
 
 Washington, Augustine, son of 
 
INDEX. 
 
 437 
 
 Lawrence, and father of George 
 Washington, 14, 15. Death of, 
 14. 
 
 Washington, Augustine, brother 
 of George Washington, 14. 
 
 Washington, Fort, 189. Troops 
 at, 190. Investiture, defence, 
 and surrender of, 194-196,201. 
 Lafayette on taking, 394. 
 
 Washington, George, identifica 
 tion of the American Revolu 
 tion with, 13, 20. His lineage 
 and parentage, 14, 17. Birth 
 of, 14. His early qualities, 
 habits, and education, 14, 15. 
 Education in Virginia, in the 
 time of his childhood, 15. Nat 
 ural powers and characteristics 
 of, 15. Personal appearance 
 and deportment of, 15, 16, 18, 
 20, 83. His youth, 17. His 
 fondness for military and ath 
 letic exercises, and mathemat 
 ics, 18, 19, 21, 32. His Forms 
 of Writing, 19. His Rules of 
 Behavior in Company and Con 
 versation, 19. Project for his 
 entering the British navy as a 
 midshipman, 19 ; his mother s 
 opposition to it, 19, 20. Stud 
 ies mathematics, and becomes a 
 practical surveyor, 21, 22. His 
 intimacy with the Fairfax family, 
 22. Extracts from a Journal of, 
 during a surveying tour, 22. 
 His account of an Indian 
 War-dance, 23. Value of his 
 mode of life to him, 24, 28. 
 Becomes intimately acquainted 
 with backwoodsmen, 25. His 
 horsemanship and horses, 26. 
 Acquires knowledge of Indians, 
 
 27. Learns to embrace, in one 
 view, great extent of country, 
 
 28. His first public employ 
 ment, 29. Appointed adjutant- 
 general of one of the districts in 
 Virginia, 30. Importance of 
 his oilice, 30. His voyage to 
 Barbadoes with his brother ; 
 his journal, 33. Has the small 
 
 pox, 33. Returns to Virginia, 
 33. Devotes himself to his ad 
 jutancy, 34. Sent by Govern 
 or Dinwiddie on a mission to 
 the French beyond the Alleg- 
 hany mountains, 36. His com 
 mission, 36. Difficulties of his 
 journey, 37, 47, 55. Explores 
 the site of Pittsburg, 40. Has 
 interviews with Indians, 41. At 
 Venango, 41. His interview 
 with Legardeur de St. Pierre, 
 at French Creek, 41. His re 
 turn, 42. Journal of, 42, 47. 
 Treachery of an Indian towards, 
 43, 45, 47. Peril of, on a raft, 
 43, 47; on an island, 44. Gist s 
 Journal cited, 44. His cam 
 paign, in 1754, 48. Lieuten 
 ant-Colonel, under Fry, to repel 
 the invasion of the frontiers, 48. 
 At Wills Creek, 48. Capture 
 of Ensign Ward s party at the 
 Fork of the Ohio, 48. Des 
 patches expresses to governors, 
 and calls a council of war, 49. 
 Encamps at Great Meadows, 
 49. His skirmish with a party 
 of French under Jumonville, 49. 
 Remarks on the Jumonville af 
 fair, 50, 52. Advances to the 
 Monongahela River and retreats 
 to Fort Necessity, 51. Battle 
 of the Great Meadows, 52. 
 Thanks to, by the Virginia 
 House of Burgesses, 54. Re 
 signs his commission, 54. Re 
 marks on his career, 55. En 
 gages in the expedition, under 
 General Braddock, in 1755, 56. 
 At a council of governors and 
 military officers at Alexandria, 
 58. Advance of Braddock s 
 army, 58. Sick, and transport 
 ed in a wagon, 59, 60, 67. 
 Promise to, by Braddock, 59. 
 Rejoins the army, 60. Battle 
 of the Monongahela, 61. Bra 
 very, perils, and prowess of, 
 62-64, 69. Remarkable pres 
 ervation of. 62, 64-69. Anec- 
 
438 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 dote of an Indian respecting, 
 64. Votes by the Legislature 
 of Virginia, 67. The conster 
 nation at Braddock s defeat, 67. 
 Rev. Samuel Davies cited re 
 specting, 69. Appointed com 
 mander of the Virginia troops, 
 69. His labors and responsi 
 bility, 70. Visits General Shir 
 ley at Boston, in 1756, on the 
 affairs of his command, 71. 
 The sufferings from the French 
 and Indians, 71. Intrigue 
 against, 72-74. Efforts for 
 detaining, in the service, 72. 
 Dinwiddie s and Braddock s 
 opinions of, 74. His trials, 74, 
 75, 84. Meets governors and 
 military officers at Philadelphia, 
 75. Sick with fever, 76. Ac 
 cession of Pitt, and change of 
 policy, 76. Forbes s expedi 
 tion to the Ohio, in 1758, 77. 
 Requests a chaplaincy, 78. 
 Fort Duquesne taken, 78. Re 
 signs his commission, in 1758, 
 80, 89. Address to, by his offi 
 cers, 80. Remarks on his ser 
 vices and ante-Revolutionary 
 career, 83. In retirement, from 
 1758-1775, 88. His marriage, 
 89, 94. Member of the House 
 of Burgesses, 89, 90, 107. The 
 Speaker returns the thanks of 
 the House to, 89. His influ 
 ence in the House, 90. His 
 pursuits and habits, in retire 
 ment, 90. His influence as a 
 statesman, 93. Patrick Henry s 
 opinion of, 93. Correspondence 
 of, with people in London, 94. 
 His opinions on Acts of Parlia 
 ment, 98, 114. His offer to 
 William Ramsay, for educating 
 his son, 99. His care of his 
 wife s children, 100. His sen 
 timents on the propriety of Cus- 
 tis s travelling, 100 ; on his 
 marriage, 103 ; as to becoming 
 guardian for West s son, 105; on 
 legal revision of wills, 107. 
 
 Favors independent companies, 
 107, 110, 124. Commence 
 ment of the American Revolu 
 tion, 107. His loyalty, 108. 
 Joins heartily in the opposition 
 to the British government, 109- 
 116. Chairman of the meeting 
 for passing the Fairfax County 
 Resolves, 109. A delegate to 
 the Virginia Convention at Wil- 
 liamsburg, 109. A member of 
 the first and the second Conti 
 nental Congress, 110. Favors 
 non-importation, in a letter to 
 George Mason, 111. His views 
 and sentiments, in his letter to 
 Bryan Fairfax, 114. On the 
 battles of Lexington and Con 
 cord, 115. Appointed Com 
 mander-in-chief of the Conti 
 nental army, 117, 354 ; his re 
 ply, 121. His pay, 121, 126. 
 The commission for, 122. His 
 letter to his wife, 123. His let 
 ter to the captains of several 
 independent companies in Vir 
 ginia, 124. Repairs to Cam 
 bridge, 125. Assumes the com 
 mand, 126. Address to, by the 
 Provincial Congress of Massa 
 chusetts, 126 ; his reply, 128. 
 State of the army, 129. De 
 clines making detachments, 137, 
 138, 282, 283. Skirmishes at 
 Charlestown, 140 ; at the light 
 house, 141. Letters to Gener 
 al Lee and, intercepted, 142. 
 Corresponds with James War 
 ren, 143, 150, 221, 222, 342 ; 
 with General Gage, 144. De 
 spatches Arnold on an expedi 
 tion to Quebec, 147. Condi 
 tion of the army, 149, 150, 151. 
 Reception of his wife, in Mas 
 sachusetts, and her correspond 
 ence with Mrs. Warren, 153, 
 293. His desire of an assault 
 on Boston, 154, 157. Wants 
 aids-de-camp, 155. Holds a 
 council of war respecting an at 
 tack on Boston, 157. Movements 
 
INDEX. 
 
 439 
 
 in Boston, 158. Takes posses 
 sion of Dorchester Heights, 159. 
 The enemy s project for attack 
 ing, 161, 162. His plan for 
 assault on Boston, 161. Evac 
 uation of Boston, 162-170. For 
 tifies the heights of the town, 
 
 165. Marches the army to New 
 York, 166. Replies to a con 
 gratulatory address from the 
 Legislature of Massachusetts, 
 
 166. Thanks and a medal vo 
 ted to, by Congress, 168. John 
 Adams s congratulatory letter 
 to, 168. Official letter to, from 
 Congress, 168. His reply to 
 Congress, 169. Campaign of 
 1776, 170. His opinion as to 
 an accommodation with Eng 
 land, 170. On the want of 
 arms, 171. Sends General 
 Gates to Congress, 172. Re 
 pairs to Congress, 173. On 
 the arrival of General Howe at 
 New York, 173-175. Decla 
 ration of Independence, 174. 
 Refuses to receive letters from 
 the British general and admiral, 
 unless directed to him in his 
 official capacity, 176. Battle 
 on Long Island, 178-180, 182. 
 His retreat from Long Island, 
 180, 182, 201. Evacuates New 
 York, 183-187. Stations the 
 army on the Heights of Haer- 
 lern, 185, 187. Vexation of, 
 at the conduct of his troops, 
 
 185, 319. His self-control, 
 
 186, 272, 320. Withdraws 
 from the island of New York, 
 
 189, 201. At White Plains, 
 
 190. Expedition of, against 
 Major Rogers, at Mamaronec, 
 190. Battle of Chatterton s 
 Hill, 191. Crosses Hudson 
 River, 193, 194. Loss of Fort 
 Washington, 194, 201. Crosses 
 the Hackensac, 197 ; the Dela 
 ware, at Trenton, 198. Gloomy 
 prospects, 199-201. His exer 
 tions, influence, and the char 
 
 acter of his communications to 
 Congress, 199, 200. Battle of 
 Trenton, 201-207, 210. Bat 
 tle of Princeton, 208, 211, 
 Personal exposures of, 212- 
 214, 276. Goes into Winter- 
 quarters at Morristown, 214. 
 Invested with dictatorial powers 
 by Congress, 215. Official cir 
 cular respecting his powers, 
 216. His reply, 216. His re 
 gard for the civil authority, 217. 
 His letter to Sir William Howe, 
 respecting General Lee s treat 
 ment, 217. Campaign of 1777, 
 218. Preparations for the cam 
 paign, 219-224. Number of 
 troops fit for duty, 220. Meas 
 ures for preventing Howe s 
 junction with Burgoyne, 224, 
 227, 238, 240, 242, 244, 247. 
 Howe s manoeuvres to effect a 
 junction, 225, 231, 236, 240, 
 243, 249. Meditated descent 
 on Philadelphia, by the British, 
 
 225, 229, 230, 238, 245, 251. 
 Measures for opposing Howe, 
 
 226, 229, 243, 244, 245. Brit 
 ish expedition to Danbury, 227 
 -229 ; to Somerset Court- 
 House, 231. Evacuation of 
 Brunswick, 233. British expe 
 dition to Westfield, 236 ; to 
 Samptown, 237. Evacuation 
 of Amboy, 237. British em- 
 barcation at New York, 238, 
 239, 241. Fleet sails from 
 New York, 242, 243. March 
 es towards Philadelphia, 244, 
 246, 250. Intercepted letter 
 from General Howe to Bur 
 goyne, 244. Howe s abandon 
 ment of Burgoyne, 245, 250. 
 British fleet at the Capes of 
 Delaware, 246, 248, 249. 
 Marching and countermarching 
 of the American troops, 246- 
 248. British fleet enters the 
 Chesapeake, 248, 250. British 
 land near the Head of Elk, 
 250, 252, 255. American army 
 
440 
 
 marches through Philadelphia, 
 251. Reconnoitres at the Head 
 of Elk, 253. Proximity of the 
 American and British armies, 
 255. Skirmishes, 255. Move 
 ments towards the Brandywine, 
 
 255. Battle of the Brandywine, 
 
 256, 276. British cross the 
 Schuylkill, 257, 265. Proxim 
 ity of the armies, near the War 
 ren Tavern, 258. Marches to 
 wards Reading, 258, 265. Ne 
 cessitous condition of the Amer 
 ican soldiers, 258. Loss of the 
 Delaware frigate, 260. Battle 
 of Gerrnantown, 260, 265, 267, 
 263, 276. Storming of Forts 
 Montgomery and Clinton, 263. 
 Burgoyne s defeat, and Wash 
 ington s gratitude, 264, 269, 
 270, 273, 275, 277, 278. Res 
 olution of Congress, after the 
 battle of Germantown, 267. 
 Conway s cabal, 267-275, 289, 
 364. Gates s neglect to inform, 
 of his victory, 273. Conway s 
 letter to, 275. British attempts 
 to reduce the forts upon the 
 Delaware, 276. Count Don- 
 op s attack on Red Bank, 276. 
 Comparative strength of the ar 
 mies, 278. Howe s expedition 
 to Chestnut Hill, 279; Amer 
 ican encampment at Valley 
 Forge, 281. Sufferings of the 
 army, 281, 284, 290. Mutiny 
 for want of provisions, 284. 
 Letter to Burgoyne by, 291. 
 His letter to General Howe, on 
 the detention of a deserter with 
 a flag, 292. Letter by his wife, 
 293. Campaign of 1778, 294. 
 His circular respecting opera 
 tions for the campaign, 295. 
 New powers conferred on him, 
 296. On the half-pay estab 
 lishment for officers, 297. On 
 the prospects for troops, 298. 
 His view of public affairs at this 
 time, 300. On peace without 
 independence, 301. On Lord 
 
 North s speech and bills, 302, 
 304. On the indecision, and 
 jealousy of the army, in Con 
 gress, 302. On pardon to To 
 ries, 304. Celebration of the 
 alliance with France, 305. Brit 
 ish evacuate Philadelphia, 307 
 309. Lafayette s excursion to 
 Barren Hill,and retreat, 307, 308, 
 
 336. Pursues the British across 
 New Jersey, 309, 311. Battle 
 of Monmouth, 310, 313, 317, 
 318, 320. Lee s conduct arid 
 arrest, 310, 313, 316, 319. 
 Thanks voted to, after the bat 
 tle of Monmouth, 320. Arrival 
 of a French fleet, under Count 
 d Estaing, and plans for com 
 bined operations, 321, 326. 
 Sends Hamilton and Laurens 
 to Count d Estaing, 321, 322. 
 Estaing fails to enter New- 
 York harbor, and sails to Rhode 
 Island, 321-323, 325, 326. 
 Crosses Hudson River, 322. 
 Sends General Greene to the 
 eastward ; commends him, 324. 
 On a disagreement between 
 French and American officers, 
 327-331 ; his letter to Lafay 
 ette about it, 329 ; to General 
 Sullivan, 330. Sullivan s re 
 treat from Rhode Island, 331. 
 Commends Lafayette to Con 
 gress, and asks a furlough for 
 him, 332. Cantonments of the 
 army, 333. His letter to Frank 
 lin respecting Lafayette, 335 ; 
 to Lafayette, 336. Friendship 
 of, for Lafayette, 337, 339, 359, 
 368, 369. Everett cited on the 
 first interview of Lafayette and, 
 
 337. Campaign of 1779, 339. 
 Letter by, to Lafayette, 339. 
 His views and feelings, 340, 
 342. British invasion of Geor 
 gia, 340 ; attempt on Elizabeth- 
 town, 340. Letter by, to Gen 
 eral Warren, 342. On the 
 forestalling and depreciation of 
 currency, 343. On movements 
 
INDEX. 
 
 441 
 
 in New York, 344, 345. Move 
 ments of the American army, 
 
 345, Clinton s expedition to 
 Stony and Verplanck s Points, 
 
 346, 348. Western expedition 
 under Sullivan, against Indians, 
 
 347, 357. British detachments 
 from New York, and forces still 
 remaining there, 347. Storm 
 ing and capture of Stony Point 
 by General Wayne, 348-354, 
 357. Remarks on Lee s Que 
 ries, Political and Military, 354. 
 Diminution of the army under, 
 355. His letter to Dr. Coch- 
 ran, respecting an invitation to 
 dine, 356. On Count d Es- 
 taing s success in the West In 
 dies, 357, 361. Communi 
 cates a sketch of events to 
 Lafayette, 357. On the expe 
 dition to Penobscot, 358. Vis 
 ited by the Chevalier de la Lu- 
 zerne and Monsieur Marbois, 
 360. On the British excursion 
 to New Haven, 362. Goes into 
 Winter-quarters, 363. Sullivan s 
 letter to, on an intrigue against 
 him in Congress, 364 ; his re 
 ply, 365. Appeals to the mag 
 istrates of New Jersey, to re 
 lieve the necessities of the army, 
 
 366. Lafayette s letter to, upon 
 his return from France, in 1780, j 
 
 367. Despatches Lafayette to j 
 Congress, 368. Measures in 
 anticipation of the arrival of the 
 French fleet, under Count de 
 Rochambeau, 369. Sufferings 
 and mutiny of the American 
 troops for want of provisions 
 and of pay, 370, 371. British 
 expeditions to Springfield, 372 
 374. Plans a cooperation with 
 the French against New York, 
 374. Arrival of the French 
 fleet at Newport, with troops 
 under Count de Rochambeau, 
 376. Communications to Ro- jl 
 chambeau, 376. Clinton threat- |j 
 ens Rhode Island, 378, 379. ![ 
 
 Second division of the French 
 fleet blocked up in Brest, 380. 
 Defeat of General Gates, 381. 
 Interview with Rochambeau, at 
 Hartford, 382, 386. The trea 
 son of Arnold, 382. Execution 
 of Andre, 381, 391. Captors of 
 Andre, 390. Lafayette s impor 
 tunity for an expedition, 392, 
 395 ; his plan for attacking New 
 York, 394. Cantonments of 
 the army, for the Winter of 
 1780-1, 396. Tallmadge s ex 
 pedition to Corarn, on Long 
 Island, 397. Mutiny in the 
 Jersey line, 398-402. Neces 
 sities of the troops, 398. Is 
 sues general orders respecting 
 the mutiny, 401. See Army. 
 
 Washington, John, emigrated to 
 Virginia, 14. 
 
 Washington, John, son of John 
 Washington, 14. 
 
 Washington, John, son of Law 
 rence Washington, 14. 
 
 Washington, John Augustine, 
 brother of George Washington, 
 written to, from Yonghiogany, 
 59 ; after Braddock s defeat, 
 66. Training an independent 
 company, 107. Letter to, on 
 perplexities, after Howe leaves 
 New York, 247 ; after the bat 
 tle of Gennantown, 265 ; after 
 the battle of Monrnouth, 318. 
 
 Washington, Lawrence, emigrated 
 to Virginia, 14. 
 
 Washington, Lawrence, son of 
 John Washington, 14. 
 
 Washington, Lawrence, brother of 
 George Washington, 14. Estate 
 bequeathed to, 14. Project by, 
 for his brother to enter the navy, 
 19, 21. His wife, 21, 32, 34. 
 At the siege of Carthagena, 32. 
 Voyage of, to Barbadoes, 33. 
 In Bermuda, 33, 34. His re 
 turn and death, 34. George 
 Washington residuary legatee 
 of, 34. 
 
 Washington, Martha, Mrs., wife of 
 
442 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 George Washington, facts re 
 specting, 89. Her inclination 
 as to her son s travelling, 102. 
 Letter to, after the appointment 
 of a commander-in-chief of the 
 American army, 123. Arrival 
 of, at Cambridge, 153. Corre 
 spondence of, with Mrs. War 
 ren, 153. Letter by, from Val 
 ley Forge, 293. Gone to Vir 
 ginia, 362. 
 
 Washington, Mary, Mrs., mother 
 of George Washington, discour 
 ages a midshipman s warrant for 
 her son ; the probable conse 
 quences thereof, 19. Written 
 to, after Braddock s battle, 65. 
 
 Washington, Mildred, Lawrence 
 Washington father of, 14. 
 
 Washington, Richard, a merchant 
 in London, written to, 94, 95. 
 
 Washington, William, Captain, 
 wounded at Trenton, 211. 
 
 Washington sWritings, 4. Sparks s 
 edition of, 3, 94, 139, 382. 
 
 Watertown, Provincial Congress 
 at, 126. 
 
 Wayne, Anthony, General, appli 
 cation by, for arms, 171. At 
 Brunswick, 233. Brave, 234. 
 At the battle of the Brandy wine, 
 256. Left to harass the enemy s 
 rear, 257. At the battle of 
 Germantown, 260. Pursues the 
 British army, 312. In the ac 
 tion at Monmouth, 315. Com 
 mended, 316. Instructions to, 
 about capturing Stony Point, 
 349-352. To see Major Lee, 
 352. Success of, 353, 354. 
 Wounded, 354. 
 
 Weare, Meshech, President of 
 New Hampshire, informed of 
 the revolt in the New-Jersey 
 line, and the necessities of the 
 army, 398. 
 
 Weedon, George, General, inten 
 tion of to resign, 299. 
 
 Wentworth, General, Lawrence 
 Washington corresponds with, 
 32. 
 
 West, John, written to, about 
 guardianship for his son, 105. 
 
 Westfield, advance of the British 
 to, 236, 237. 
 
 West Indies, Lawrence Washing 
 ton in service in the, 32. Voy 
 age to, and journal, 33. Count 
 d Estaing successful in the, 357, 
 361. 
 
 Westmoreland, Virginia, birth 
 place of George Washington, 
 14. 
 
 West Point, want of provisions at, 
 371. Threatened, 373, 374. 
 Arnold s treason at, 383-391. 
 Greene to command at, 390. 
 Massachusetts line in quarters 
 at, 396. 
 
 Wharton, Commissary, 217. 
 
 White, Captain, with letters, cap 
 tured, 142. 
 
 White, Major, aid to Sullivan, 
 killed at Germantown, 266. 
 
 White Horse Tavern, 258. 
 
 White Plains, American encamp 
 ment at, 187, 190. Engagement 
 at, 191. 
 
 Will, on a legal revision of one s, 
 107. Draughted by Pendleton, 
 124. 
 
 Williams, David, one of the cap 
 tors of Major Andre, 390. 
 
 Williamsburg, seat of government 
 in Virginia, 36. Arrival at, in 
 1758, 76. Convention at, in 
 1774, 109. Assembly to meet 
 at, 113. 
 
 Wills Creek, 37, 47. Arrival 
 of the expedition at, in 1754, 
 48. 
 
 Wilmington, Maryland troops to 
 take post at, 283, 286. 
 
 Winchester, Virginia, head-quar 
 ters at, 71, 75. Eland s regi 
 ment at, in the Winter of 1778- 
 9, 334. 
 
 Wind s regiment, 188. 
 
 Winter Hill, intrenchments on, 
 130. 
 
 Wirt, William, cited respecting 
 
Robinson s returning thanks to 
 Washington, 89. 
 
 Wood, want of, at Cambridge, 
 150. See Fuel. 
 
 Woodbridge, Colonel, 151. 
 
 Woodford, William, Brigadier- 
 General, wounded at the battle 
 of the Brandy wine, 257. Con 
 sequences of restoring the rank 
 of, 299. At Monmouth, 315. 
 
 443 
 
 Wooster, David, General, mortal 
 ly wounded during the British 
 retreat from Danbury, 229. 
 
 Writing, Forms of, by Washing 
 ton, 19. 
 
 Y. 
 
 York, Pennsylvania, stores to be 
 removed from, 251. Congress 
 at, 270. 
 
 Youth of Washington, 17. 
 
71 
 
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