(i 
 
 
 i Itn
 
 W' 
 
 1 
 
 ?' 
 
 
 - ^ 
 ^ >* 
 
 jps;- ^. 
 
 . . ri. 
 
 N 
 
 \ \ 
 
 t in 
 
 CX^ 
 
 ^^Bl 
 
 ^.: 
 
 ^ 
 
 i^^,9n 
 
 mimtmf \ 
 
 .K 
 
 /A 1 //^ 
 
 :^
 
 
 r/za^i^^^^ 
 
 
 THE 
 
 ORKS 
 
 OF THE 
 Mofi: Reverend Father in God, 
 
 John Bramhall D.D. 
 
 Late LORD ArchbiOiop of 
 
 A R D M A G H, 
 
 t'rimate and Metropolitan of all 
 
 IRELAND. 
 
 Some of whicli never before Printed. 
 CoBeSed into One Volume, 
 
 To which is added 
 
 ( Fer the Vindication of fame of bis Writings) 
 An Exaft Gopy of the RECORDS, touching Archbiftiop Parhrs 
 
 Confecration,taken from the Original io the Regiftry of the See Qi Canterbury. 
 
 A S A L S O 
 
 The Copy of an Old Mmufcript in Corpm Chr. Colledge in Cambridge, 
 
 of the fame Sub;e6. 
 
 mth the LIFE of the AVTHOR. 
 
 D V B L I N, 
 
 Printed by Benjamin Tooke Printer to the Kings Moft 
 Excellent Majefty. MDCLXXVII.
 
 \ "<^i
 
 o?^ 
 
 The Epift^e Dedicatory. 
 
 f/ To the moft Keverend Father in God, 
 
 MICHAEL, 
 
 Lord Archbidiop of 
 
 DUBLIN, 
 
 Lord High Chancellor of 
 
 I R E L A N D> 
 
 May it pleafc) our GRACE, 
 
 H £ foUomng Difcflurfes are ambitiouf of 
 a^^earingintbe World , under your Graces 
 Name , becaufe they nwnld ma^ publicly ac- 
 }^on>ledgment of your J^ndnefsfor the memory 
 of the Authour , and Xealfor the Caufe they defend-^ ra- 
 ther than crave any Fatronage , from the Eminence of 
 your Graces Station both in C hurch and State^ Ta^hich if 
 they needed y they would not doubt of 
 
 But they have formerly out-rid fo many fiormf, that they 
 cannot reafonably apprehend greater danger , than they 
 have already ejcaped: and therefore are not afraid to 
 venture out again, tho there be appearance enough of very 
 Foul weather. 
 
 Tour Grace feems y in the great encouragement yo^ 
 have beenpleafedto afford this Lnprefpon , to imitate the 
 condnU of Secular Princes, who^ when their Territories 
 are threatned either with Forreig^n invafion or Dome- 
 jtichjebellion^ tho they may levy many new Troops /3r 
 their defence, do yet mofl con^de in their old experenicd 
 Captains and vcteranc Legions, 
 
 Our 
 737655
 
 The Epiftle 
 
 Onr late excellent Primate had in bis Life-tme given 
 fuch eminent froofi oj his integrity and courage , in his 
 Sufferings andVl^ ritings for HisMajefiy^^ndihe Church, 
 that, tho dead, his Name is thought able to put to flight 
 Armies of the Aliens. 
 
 And therefore the Troteftam Church is exceedingly 
 obliged to your Graces tare and prudence, in caufng 
 theje bis learned Labours to he Re-f rimed , ivhereby he 
 fo jlrenuoufly , in her greatefi djftrejs , contended for the 
 Faith once delivered to her. 
 
 The time was, rr>hen the Shepherd was fmitten, and 
 the Sheep were Mattered abroad, and fame began to li- 
 jien to the voice of Strangers; when the Roman Church 
 opened her arms and doubted not , with lips that drop 
 like an honey-comb, and a mouth fmoothcr than oy I, 
 to have allured His Sacred Majefly and the E oyal Fa- 
 mily into her embraces-, vainly hopng by her meretricious 
 fafcinations to temft him to defer t that Faitb, into which 
 His Royal andBleJfed Father h^J been doubly baptised, 
 both by water ani by b\oud. But againjl all thefe Incanta- 
 tions ^ theBifhop of Deny s Argumeuts were effe&u- 
 at Amulets, He demonflrated the Koyal Inter ejl was not 
 to be drawn in by thofe means which the Rom.an Proje 
 Bors frofofed. and was confident to fromije His Maje 
 flies Rejiauration , by his firm adherence to the Prote 
 fiant Religion; and even, as it were prophetically , to in 
 die ate the wonderful manner of it: which after gave a 
 ftonifioment to all the Enemies ofSion , who wondered t 
 feefuch things. However, there was a great flu&uation. 
 many were driven about with divers DoBrines,andfom 
 found their death on that roc\, that promifed fhelter, Bti 
 the Bi[hops Writings were liJ^ the Ar}^ in the Deluge; 
 as many as fled to it, were/afe: And becaufe it is pojfibt 
 others may in fame Age or other , be fet in the fame ciy 
 
 cun 
 
 [
 
 Dedicatory. 
 
 cumftancef Tour Grace has provided for them the fame 
 Afylum, 
 
 There are (God be thanked for it J at this time fever al 
 other Writers , ivho have highly merited of the Church 
 by defending her both againfi K omc and Geneva, n?ith 
 fuchfober andfolid Arguments, that the N on- conformity 
 of this prejent Age, is the mofi abfurd of any ^ and a plain 
 demonfiration, that the War Id is not govern d, fo much as 
 is pretends J y by Religion andreafon , but that Interefl , 
 and Lujij and Fa&ion have too great an influence over 
 mofi men. For notmthfianding all that has been preach- 
 ed and printed^ for the undeceiving apjor infatuated peo- 
 ple , the Gates ofthefe Cities are faid [iill to prevail a- 
 gainfi us^ each immllingly ^ but vifibly , contributing to 
 the Conquefis of the other. And if it be the WtU of Qod 
 to maf^ his Church again the Scene of his Judgments , 
 fhe h^on^s how to give her back to the Smitcrs, andhzr 
 cheeks to the Pinchers. God l^onps horn to bring her out 
 of tribulation : and , while they are not onely threfJoing , 
 hut grinding her between them, as jf they hoped to eat 
 her up, as they eat bread, to mal^ her come forth more 
 pure and refined, and to leave not only her chaffs hut her 
 hrann behind her. 
 
 I pray God to open the eyes of a irell-meaning ^ but 
 miferably mifledfort of men among us , that they may fee 
 and avoid their danger ^ who by boggling at a [hadow of 
 Popery which has place in their own imaginations only, 
 have opend a door to let in the jubilance. Nothing is 
 more vifible to the moflfuperfia^l Objerver , than that a 
 licentious life has chiefly prepared ihc way for a loofe Re- 
 ligion , and that nothing has more occafiond the almoji 
 general debauchery , nut onely of mens manners , but of 
 their moral and praUic\principles too, tbm the dtcaie of 
 Ecclefiaflical Dijcipline; andofthai-decaie, andalmo^ 
 
 h ruine^
 
 '^ The £pift le 
 
 mm , it fsaf plain, thofemen are frincif ally the An- 
 thours, who cry out loudefi of thejad effe&s of it. I mfh 
 it nere confider^d, ij it be not too late , what ad'Vantuge 
 Divjfion itfelj gives to our vigilant and potent Adver- 
 faries. A divided Houfe is near its ruine. Tacitus ob- 
 fervd, that nothing facilitated the Conqueft of the Old 
 ]3ritains by the R omans , fo much as their civil FaUi- 
 ons: and certainly the Schi/ms and Religious dijjentibm 
 do as much expofe the modern. But bef/des this , it is too 
 well l^on^n borp direBly our Diffenters ferve the inter eft 
 of the Roman ^'ourt, in propagating the fame do&rines 
 about Civil Govemmentjand the duty ofSubje5ls to their 
 Princes J how loofly they tye the Tol^ of Obedience on the 
 necJ\r of the people , and exempt the Clergie in many ca- 
 fes from the authoritie of the Magifirate ^ and ta^ on 
 them to cenfure not his aBions onely, but his decrees^ and 
 bis Fcrfon^andmal^ htm as accountable to the ABs of their 
 Affemblies, as the Pope to bis Bulls, and Breves, 
 
 hidireBly and by accident , they do infinitely advance 
 their Caufe, either by railing againfi tfe mofi famous Op- 
 pofers of the Romifh Err our Sj as aginifl this Renown- 
 ed Champion of the Protefiant Church : which the Pa- 
 pifis h^now how to turn to very good accompt, maf^ng the 
 people abroad , believe that the Hicratchs of En^and 
 area'paci\of the veriejl Villains in the World, and for 
 proof , produce the fcurrilom pjmphlctf , and the as mali- 
 cious asfalfe LibtUs, that are printed among our f elves. 
 Or elfe , by inveigbin^^ againfi the innocent ceremonies 
 and ufages of the Chuich^ as Pop^fi trumperie, and rags 
 of the Whore, or what elfe the lewdnefs of their fancie 
 canfuggtfi.Are not men, who fee no fuperflition in an ha 
 hit or a geflure tempted, when they hear them exclaimed 
 againfi as Popifh and Idolatrous^ to have lender thoughts 
 oj Fopery, and to ihtnl^it is nofucb Bug- bear ^ andfo , to 
 
 fwallon
 
 Dedicatory. 
 
 Jwallom the whole Religion, when they find no illtaft in 
 -thoje harmlefs inftitHtiom? by one ofihefefraBtfes ourE^ 
 nemies are hardened and confirmed abroad^ and by the o- 
 ther we are iveal^ned at home. But the greateft mifi:hief 
 IS yet behindhand that if, by their feevi[Jj and mfatisfy able 
 humors, and feditiouspaBices, they open force the Magi- 
 firat to\ije Religion fir a game offiate Policy , and to 
 Jhine upnfome Perfonsjor whoje faith andworjhip they 
 have no l^mdnes, thatfo they may bailancc interefty and 
 mah^ one foifon an ami dot to another; out of which indul- 
 oence, it is hard, if the Jeiuit/?<<:^ no advantage. Some 
 times they make them weary of Government, as King 
 ]2Lm^s,theyjay, was once enclined by the unruiines of the 
 faUions in Scotland, to have retired into a private Itje at 
 Venice; atidfome times it mayfo happen, Princes for the 
 fa\e offomeP^oiQiimts may grow weary ^/Protelbncy 
 ttjelf efpecially if the doBrine of?^ims;andfome other e- 
 minem Froteftants beyond feas, had once leaven d the 
 minds of the mnltitude. Governors in fnch cafes are aft to 
 judge itasfafiCand more honour able Jto trucJ^e mder the 
 ^om&'the Conclave , asunder a Moderator and the 
 Prefbyters : but happy is ha ,that has to do with neither. 
 Whatever influence fuch divifions and jealous affeBati- 
 ons may have on the jptrits of Princes , // is certain they 
 have a malignant apB on the people, who are now grow- 
 ing as wearie ofthofe fuperf stations in Religion, as they 
 were of our late civil confufions , both which are owing 
 to their own levitie ani wantonejs. And as in thole fljuf 
 fles of the State , a new card being turrid up every Tear, 
 and at laft almoji every lVee{ they tverejo miferably ha^ 
 raffed, anibroi^n with the fear of the next game , that 
 nothing did more vifibly contribute to the great Blefing 
 of His Majefltes Return (for many that bad neither 
 hindnefs for His Perfonor His Government , began to 
 
 Q WllrJ
 
 T he Lpiftle 
 
 ~:^i(h^^ hofeforfome 
 
 breathing time at leap ) ^o now, it is to be feared, there 
 are many, who would be content with Foferie^tho it were 
 worje than h is , (which truly needs not J not only he- 
 caujeitnonldbe a new Religion , which woM he a 
 temftatwn tojome, but becanfe the tmifjaries ofn, hoaft 
 of aninjaliible charm to filence the clamour of allthefe 
 Alterations. Thm refembling caufes may froduc every 
 contrarie efe&s-^thegreatefi bkjfmg theje Kingdoms ever 
 had \ fence they received Chnftianitie , andthegremfi 
 Evil, There are really(tho not intentionally 1 dare fay J 
 the confequences ofthefe FaUions in Religion among m. 
 And it is obfervahle , that fome of the more difcerning 
 men ofthemjeemfenfeble of the mi f chief, and defer ous to 
 help to build, what they have almofl defer oyed • but that 
 fome fecret Seeds of carnalitie, that often lie , in part un- 
 mortifeedy in verie pod men, will not give them leave to 
 exerctje the grace of Self-denial , in paning with that 
 reputation, which their ToHthful Xeal , and long La- 
 hours have pur chafed for them among their Brethren , 
 which they conceive they muft wholely loos by their Con- 
 jormitie. 
 
 Ncr is it lefs worth a remarque^that matiy begin now 
 to lean to the Church of England to fupport them againfi 
 Poperie, and to challenge thofe Laws for the extirpation 
 of it, by which f he is efeablijhed ^ and to maJ^ ufe of her 
 i4ame to exorcise the Roman Spirit : as if tb y would 
 adjure it oy the Reformation which Jhe preaches to depart 
 the Kingdom, But me thinly thcj. mi^ht be afraid to re- 
 ceive fuch an Anfwer as tie Jcwifli Fxojcifis did. A 
 Reformation we \now , and a Cbnrcb (?f tngland we 
 ^won?, But who are ye? and I wifh the confequents of 
 the paffage^ i refzr to, may not prove too applicable. For 
 why, if they being cji7e^Proteftants, live andhelteveas 
 
 do
 
 Dedicatoy. 
 
 ^loJhe Fanaticks^n^ouldthey co?nfel the Papifts to live &' 
 believe as do the Prcteftanr s?^W^ tbey have them do^ 
 what tbemjelves cannot with a fafe confctence ? How- 
 ever ^it is feme joy to fee them lay hold hut of the sl^rt of 
 the Churches mantle , who would mofi glaa^y cover and 
 protect them^and admit them not onely into her bofom, hut 
 her hearty through the wounds, which they have made. 
 Anil rrill hop fome healing vertue may go out of hereto 
 tbejioffing of the iffue of blood -^ I mean^ that they may 
 learn from the Loyalty ofberfrtncifles to dijown thofe 
 fanguinary doctrines, which fome have taught. This 
 would certainly more effeBually fecure thefe Kingdoms 
 from Popery, than thoje indireS ways they have ta\en 
 under tbatfretence.to undermine the Church (?/ England, 
 which is not only their ownjirength and fuffort, hut the 
 jiahlifhment and the Honour of the whole Reform ition: 
 which it were eafie to demoftrate^ifit were expedient. But 
 J have already I ^now not how much exceeded the bounds 
 I bad dejigned^and therefore Jhall only fay , that as long as 
 any Religion fhall be in fashion among us , methin^s, 
 the Church ofh nghnd^Jhould befetfitllon the top of the 
 bill J and prefrr able to all others, not only for thefimpli- 
 city of her faith, and charity of her Articles^ and antiqui- 
 ty of her Government, and w.ercifulnefs of her difcipline^ 
 and chafiity and decency of her worjhip^ but for her ufe- 
 fulnes to the Civill Mtgijlrate ;Jince no Communion or 
 Church does either more fincerely and Evangelically 
 preach the doBrineof Obedience, or is more famous for a 
 greater cloud of witneffes, J^ Illufirious for their C on- 
 feffions of Loyalty, among whom there fits on few heads : 
 on that accompt, a brighter Glory, than on that of our late 
 learned and R everend Primate Bramhall. 
 
 What I have done in the matter of bis life, is what I 
 was able to do , not what I would or what was fittings 
 
 c * Tout
 
 The Epiftle 
 
 Tonr Grace was fleas' i toimfofe this tas^onme.for 
 which many others had been more fnffi cknU 1 had not 
 the Honmr to J^on? his Grace, nill he had alrnoflfinijh- 
 edbis Courfe,and was at his Cupio diflblvi. dndtho j 
 Come ferfonall and undeferved favours he was fleas d to 
 do me might enclineme to undertake it, yet the confctence 
 I had of my inahilites to do him JHJiice.made me wifhfome 
 other had been employed. But I was not without fome 
 encouragement to hofe from fome one hand a rough 
 draught, at leafl, of the mofi memorable Jajjages of his l^e, 
 which I thought I might fill up & frejent to your Grace, 
 as a Cop) not altogether unlil\e him: but in^ead of that 
 Ifound it an hard matter to obtain from fever al hands 
 fuch particular memoir es , as they had treafured up; 
 as if they were either envious that the world have any 
 complete figure of him, or fond of fuch lieliques as they 
 had preferved^ If therefore this Reprefentation fall 
 fhort of that raifed Idea^jowr Grace and all men conceive 
 offo great a perfon, I am not without excufe; nor evin 
 now without my wifhes, that the pencil had been put into 
 fome more sl^lfull hand, whoje happier flrol^s had done 
 more right to the Authour. J here are many yet liveing 
 that l^ew him beforehand inland fence thefloud of Rebel- 
 lion , that could witnefs to all and more than I can fay of 
 his Learning, and Courage, and Triumphs over alloppo- 
 fit ion, of his brave bearing up himjelfwith a Graieful 
 Evennefs ^becoming his fiat ion, in all the Ficiffitudes , 
 both of his private andpubltc\, Ecclefiaftical and Ci- 
 vil Affaires, quarum paxs magna fuit: and I cannot 
 excuje their Negligence from being very culpable. But 
 I hope even their own guilt will induce them to be mer- 
 ctfultomyErrours jfincethey are imputable onely to 
 want ofinformation, as being in the defeB, and not in the 
 excefj :for Ibarve Authority of good value , for whate- 
 
 ver
 
 Dedicatory^ 
 qjer I have offered, I have no where made hold with the 
 Readers ^aith, by improving any thing upn him , of 
 which I have not good a^mancd. 
 
 I [hall not doubt of Tour Graces Favour , wherein I 
 [hall need it , hoping Tour Grace will lil^ the Prophet, 
 (pread Your (elf upon this dead Image , and cover the 
 imperfeBions ^ and give it that Life and beauty which 
 ffjoy render it a jufl, though not immortal C haraBer of the 
 yiMthor,yet that Ton are fleafed to receive it as a living 
 JUonument of the obedience that if due , and jhall on all 
 Qcc^fiom be ever paid to Tour Graces Commands , by 
 
 May it Pleafe Your G R A C E^ 
 
 Your GRACES mod: obedient Son, 
 
 And moft obliged humble Servant, 
 
 Jo: L Y M E a I c. 


 
 ATHANASIUS HIBERNICUS: 
 
 L I 
 
 OR, THE 
 
 Of the moft Reverend Father in God , 
 
 J O H N, 
 
 Lord Archbifliop ofARDMAGH, Primate and Metro* 
 politaneofall IRELAND, 
 
 Have heard that Dr. William Fuller , my worthy and almofi: im- 
 mediate Predeceflfour ( tranflated hence to the Sea o( Lincoln ( had 
 once defigned to have written the Life of the Lord Primate Brawi- 
 hall^ wherein,as in every thing he did, he had certainly excellently 
 acquitted himfelf, as much to the inftruiftion of the Living , as ho- 
 nour of the Dead ; And I am therefore very forry any thing diver- 
 ted him, from doing the world fo acceptable a fervice. 
 
 But the providence of God having clofed up his much defired life, has depri- 
 ved us , of what he could have faid of the Primate ; and the Province is now fal- 
 len upon me , not fo much by right and obligation of Law, to raife up feed to 
 my deceafed Brother, asbythe command of others , and my own defire , to do 
 juftice to the memory of that Excellent and moft Learned , as well as moft Reve- 
 lend Father of this Church. 
 
 John Bramhall late Lord Primate of Ireland, was born about that time , where- 
 in that fadion, under which the Myftery of Iniquity has been long working, 
 gave the greateft difturbance to the wife and fteddy Government of Queen Eliza- 
 beth. Every Countrey ( they fay) has Antidotes of its own growth , for its own 
 dileafes i nor is there any period of time , wherein the Providence of Almighty God 
 affords not fome token of his care of his Church, by raifing up, and eminently qua- 
 lifying fome perfons with extraordinary parts, to oppofe the popular and 
 growing Errours of the Age. 
 
 The Church and State of "England had fcarce time to acknowledg their won- 
 derful deliverance from the Invincible Armada, when they were alarum d from 
 within of the dangerous principles and treafonable pradtices of- fome, that would 
 ieem moftoppofite to theintereft and defigne of that Invafion. And indeed it is 
 commonly thus , if one party fires the houfe, the otherhopes for fome booty in the 
 hurry and combuftion \ neither of them can fow feed , but the other buyes a fickle , 
 and cxpeds a fliare in the Harveft. 1 do not believe that thefe parties did then 
 aft by concert ,tho of lateC iireports be true ) fome overtures have been made 
 whereby the different Interefts of Berod and Pi/<jte',might be fo farr accommodated 
 by a mutual Indulgence, that the Church o^Eytgland might cxpedl in a fhort time 
 to have been crucified between them. But this I conceive is but an after-game,fomc 
 perfons of each fide may be willing to play, each hoping to compafs that point by 
 afide-wind and many traverfes, which they could nor, by a diredt and even courfe. 
 As foone as that Excellent Princefs was delivered ot her fear from abroad, (he be- 
 gan to rcqufre an account of the Enemies of her ownc houfe, who not vvilling that 
 (he (hould Reign over them, had made ufe of the late bufy time to traduce her 
 
 e pcrfon 
 
 
 /* 
 

 
 'The LIFE ofPrhfiaTe BR A MH ALL 
 
 Merlon and her Government. About this time Hacku received the 'reward of his 
 Blafpemy and Ticafon , and a little after Vdall was condemn d , but Arch-Bifhop 
 Whiwftf undclcrved mercy and Intcrell with the Queen, obtained a reprieve, which 
 was tantjmoiit to a pardon. Batrorv and Greenwood (having been before impnfon d, 
 and releafed in hopes of amendment) were again apprehended, tryedand condem- 
 ned for new. crimes , and after fome fruitlefs expectation of Repentance executed, 
 and in the fame year Pe>iry, 
 
 How Gentle and merciful his the Reign of his prefent Majefiy been, if we 
 confidcr that Adminiftration, which the men who fuccecd thefe malefadtors in their 
 principles are fo apt to magnify , 1 doubt, more malicioufly, than affectionately. 
 
 By thefeafonableexcrcife of this Difciplinc, Carttvright and "travers became more 
 fobcr at home,and Beza more moderate and refpedful abroad: to which queftioniefs 
 the fweet temper of the Arch- Bifl^np and his learned correption of Beza, the excel- 
 lent labours of Siir^ivd, 5«/c/i)f and £;//o« did much contribute, nor were thefe all 
 thcbucketsbrought out oftbe Church to quench the firei for befides Bancrofts 
 Survey and Coufiiu Apology &c. At this time alfo the learned, the Meek, and the 
 Judicious Hooker opened that fountain of Reafon that Iball ferve as an inexhauftible 
 lJ3ring for this ufe,whofe oncly fault is,thathis Referches are fo deep,that thoft with 
 whom he deals, having nothing to draw are not fo much inftrudted as they might 
 be by more ilight difcourfes becaufe more fuited to their models and capacities. 
 
 In this Crij'ij about the yeare 1593. did our Primate & his great but unfortunate 
 
 Patron the Noble Strafford appear in the world, like Caftor and Follux, when the 
 
 fiormeofthe fchifm began to abateitwo Eminent Aflertors of the Difcipline atiddo- 
 
 drine of the Church & great Labourers for the Splendor ik beauty ofit.Buttho they 
 
 were bom in a quiet Parenthefisfit interval ,it was but {liort,the ftorm again took 
 
 breath, <Sc raged wors than before, and fpenta great part of its fury, upon thefe very 
 
 perfons, who ar^ referved for a time of bloody contradidion •, for the torrent ofdil^ 
 
 content did but for a while hide itshead,it ran murmuring under ground,until at laft 
 
 it broke out into a generaf Inundation, PontfraS in Tork^shire wzs iheVhceof his 
 
 Nativity. His family was Antient and gentile,deicendcd from the Bramhallsof Brant- 
 
 tiall-Hall in Chejhire, by intermarriage related to the Kereffordf of Kerefford in Twjlt 
 
 Shire^a. houfe that has flouri{hed(they fay^in adireft line from the timeof our H«ry 
 
 the Second that is 500 years or moreifo that whereas many may Glory after thefiejh 
 
 he might Glory alfo: but if he received Honor from his Family, he added more to 
 
 it. his own Atchievements did not only eroble himfclf, but Rcfleded a.luftreon 
 
 thofe from whom he derived . The place of his Birth was that alfo of his juvenile 
 
 education , there he learned the rudiments and Elements cf knowledg, every thing 
 
 thriving fo wonderfully, that his Inftrudors planted in him , that when his years 
 
 were green , he was ripe srd fit to be removed to the Univcrfity , as a more Rich 
 
 and kindly foile. His Soul was indeed of too ffrong and manly a make, to 
 
 feed long on the f»frj/eenfertaiments of a Grammar- Schoole , being fo fliaped fof 
 
 Rational Learning,that he fecmed to rcjoyce as in his own Element, when he came 
 
 to Cambridge; He became there Mafter of the Arts and Sciences before he had the 
 
 Degree, all his Ads and Exercifes being ftill performed whith that cafinefsand 
 
 fmoothnefs, that argues a clean flrength and fufflciency. He flayd not much longer 
 
 there, than till he had the Honor of the Univerfity, and was admitted Inceptor 
 
 m the Arts , with general confcnt that he was only too young,'' a fault he could not 
 
 help ) for a higher Degree. 
 
 Thus Qualified he took the firft opportunity of coming abroad upon the llagc 
 ot anadtivc and laborious life ,for thefervice f if the Church ; to which he was jn a 
 
 fi^ c""*^ '''■^"'^^ '" XH-Z^n-f. That was the Theatre , and 'fork it felf the fcenc 
 01 his firft appearance, where he obtained that favour cf God, which few Prophets 
 
 I ^r^- ^^S>^^y honoured in his own Country, About this time a Clergyman of 
 that Diocefs dying, left his Widow not only young , and fignally adorned with 
 Inch matron-like graces, asModefty,meeknes, and quictrcs of fpirit, as rendredher 
 an a greable companion for an other of the fame Order , but alfoCwhich rot many 
 ot them do,) very well poffefTed on other accounts.For the Church-men arc reproa- 
 ched
 
 T/jg LIFE of Primate BRAMHALT.. 
 
 ched by fome to have all the wealth in the Kingdom , and to be the rrtoft covetous 
 of any habit or fort of men , yet Experience fhcws that none generally leave theit 
 Families greater objedtes of Charity. 
 
 This Gentlewoman (being of the Hallys ) Mr. Bramhall obtained for his Wife 
 aud among other advantages by her, he confider'd that (as not the leaft) of a good' 
 Library , left by her former Husband ; by which he was fo wedded to his ftudics 
 that all the tentations of a new-married life , could not divorce him from them * 
 or give any intermillion to his duty of conftant preaching. To this Service he very 
 diligently attended , hxl\ in the City, and after at his Countrey-parfonage of E/- 
 vington or Eterington , a good Living , to which he was prcfenfcd by Mr. Vf^att- 
 desfurd, ( zhci Mr. of the Rolls here, and fometimesalfo Lord Deputy of this' King- 
 dom ). Here he fo tugg'd and laid himfcif to the Oar , that by his adiduity, aud pru- 
 dence , and gravity in that Office , he became as eminent in the Church 'as before 
 in the Univeriity , and very greatly beloved by all degrees of men. But it pleafed 
 God to give him an opportunity of (hewing his abilities in School-learning, and en- 
 dearing himfelf yet more , not onely to the moft Reverend and Famous Prelate 
 ttby Matthews ^ then Archbifliop of Tori;,, but to all the Proteftant Gentry and* 
 Clergy of that large and populous County, by a great victory and triumph he had 
 over a Secular Pricft , and a Jefuitc , in two publick Difputations it Nmh-Alcr- 
 ioti. Thefe men had made publick defiance to all the Proteftant Clergy in that 
 Countrey , in the year 1613. a time in which fuch pcrfons were piore than ufually 
 confident , as hoping for fome advantage to their Caufe from the Prince's being iix 
 Spain , and a Match between him and the Infanta then treated of, and when none 
 took up the Gantlet , Mr. Bramhall not enduring to (ee his Brethren fo difplrited 
 while thefe Goliah*s were blafpheming the Armies of the Living God , as infpircd 
 with a great zeal and indignation , undertook the Combat. 
 
 He was then but a Stripling in the School of Controverfie , in which they had 
 fpent as many years poliibly , as he had in the World , being but thirty yeares of 
 age , yet he managed both the (hield and the fword with that dexterity , that his 
 jtntagonijis and the whole party that flood with them , had reafon to repent of the 
 infolence of their adventure. One of the Subjcdts of the Difputation ^ C as I have 
 heard) was the Article of Tranfubftantiation , from whence they eafily Aiding in- 
 to that other of the Half-communion, he fliamefuUy baffled their Doftfine of Coa- 
 comitancy, and drove the Dilbutant up fo fo narrow a corner, that he affirmed 
 that Eating was Drinking, and Drinking was Eating in a material or bodily fenfc. 
 Mr. Bramhall look't on this as fo elegant a Solccifm , that he needed no greater 
 Trophce , if he could get under his hand , what he had declared with his tongue 
 which being defired , was by the other , in his heat and (hame to feem to retreat * 
 as readily granted. But upon cooler thoughts, finding perhaps after the heat of 
 the conteil was over , that he could not quench his thirft with a peice of bread 
 he refledled fo fadly on the diffionor he had fuffercd,that not being able to digeft* 
 it,in (en dayes he died ; by which as by a fignall from heaven (like Mofet his Smiting 
 the Egyptian)his Brethren might have underftod,by whole hand, God would de- 
 liver them, but they underllood not. upon theoccafion of this difpute Arch- 
 Bifhop Matthews^ ( who taught with what authority , that Campian the' Jefuitc 
 was wont to fay, he did Dominari in Concionibus ] hearing of this triumph Cent 
 for him, and atfirft, in ftead of thanks, gave him a Rebuke for his hardines in 
 undertaking a difputation fo publickly, without allowance. It is not tobcde- 
 nied,but he had committed a fault:butthe leale that prompted him,3c his Ignorance 
 in the Canon;, with which ( then bending his ftudies another wayj it is reafonable 
 ito believe he was not then fo well acquainted, ( tho afterward he became very 
 txpert in that Faculty ) together with the Reputation he acquired, were great 
 inducements to that good Arch-Bifhop to alJfolve him > which he not only did, but 
 as a mark of his Efteem made himhis Chaplain to whofe t'amily he was ever after a 
 kind and grateful friend. While he (tood in this relation to that Primate,he grew 
 fo ufefull and neceflary to him , that he employed him in as much of his' Affairs, 
 as the largenes of his jurifdidion, and the weaknes of his body, now grown 
 weary with very old age and continual labour, would not allow him to expedite in 
 
 f his
 
 The LIFE e/f Primate BRAMHALL, 
 
 hTs owne pcrlbn. In this trult and honor he conunued till the death of the Arch- 
 Bifhop, which was in the year 1627. And by a diligent application ofh.mfelf 
 to this province, he arrived to a very ready faculty in Ecclefiaftical admniftration, 
 which rcndred him afterward a great blcHing to this Church, at what time, ii 
 ercatiy needed fuch a Moderator. . „ , , r^ l j r 
 
 During the life of the Arch-Bifliop , he was made Prebendary of lork,, and alter 
 o( Jiippon.zftct whofe death,he went &; relidedtliere,and conduced moll of thecon- 
 cemmcnts of that Church in the quality of fub-dean.here he alfo met with the con- 
 venience of a goodLibrary beltowed on the Church by one Dean JF^^/Wf/,which he 
 employed^ having more liberty Jince the death of his Patron)to very good purpofe , 
 till his comsning over into Ireland. At Kippon he preached conftantly for (even yeais 
 and became fo famous for his Pulpit abilities , that in the judg- 
 ment of all he inherited the Character formerly faid to be given to his Patron, 
 at whofe feet he had not fate four years for nothing, and who feemed to have left 
 him his mantle, when he was taken from his head, here he (hewed his exceeding 
 great love to his fleck which they were very lenfible of, in flaying among them in 
 a time of amoft contagious and deilrudive Pefiilence. He could not be perfuaded 
 todeiert themnor his duty, but would vifit them , in their greatcftneceffity and 
 danger, going into their infedcd Houfes to baptife their children, and do other 
 offices of his Miniflryi concluding that God who promifes mercy to the mercifuU , 
 would deliver him from ihe noifome pefiilence, and preferve that was bodily life, 
 that was fo cxpofcd, to aduancethc fpirituall life of his fervants , or if God fhould 
 call for him , in that ad of higheft Charity, thcnblejjtdh thatfervarit^ vehom^ when 
 bis Majier cometh , he (hall find fo doing. 
 
 None can doubt but that forare and generous an inftance procured him a great 
 love and veneration from his people > but that was encreafed alfo on account of the 
 great fervjces he did them in their civil and temporal affaires. He was a moft in- 
 defatigable labourer for peace and love among them and others of his neigh- 
 bourhood. 
 
 He was notonely agreat jufHccr , by his knowledg in thelaws,rthe common & 
 ftatute Laws, as well as civill and Canon ) but in the application of them. He had 
 naturally a great fenfe of and love for juflice and jurt Perfons,and would travail farr 
 to take upa controverfy,bcforethc Litigants had wafted theirpurfes and their chari- 
 ty at the Barr : and he was therefore as frequently appeal'd to, as Cato or Arijiides^ 
 none declining a Reference, where he was named, or repining , where he deter- 
 mined. Thus by well doing he obtained fo much honour and glory , that there 
 was fcarce any thing of public tranfadion, over which he had not a confiderable 
 Influcnce,evcn into the Eledions of members for the Parliament fuch as he named 
 at 2i«/'/'o«& other corporations carrying the vote, 8c favor of the people, foinuch did 
 not only particular men,but even focieties depend on his wifdom and integrity, 
 tho he were then but in a private Charader. 
 
 Sometime before his comming into Irelmd he was made one of his Majcrties High 
 Commiffioners, and was obferved to be very curious in the difquifition of all caufcs, 
 making very minute and ftrid cnquirics,to the great terrour of theDelinquenti 
 but in the conlufion mercy commonly rejoiced againfl judgment,fo that he rarely 
 made ufeofthc extremity of La w,unlefs the offence were very high, and the fcandall 
 very grcat,& the offender very obftinate, by this proceduce he obliged many to his 
 perfon,& gain'd fometo the Caufe he flood for,& a great Reputation to the govern- 
 ment,by letting all fee, how cafy and gentle a hand hisMajeftyheld over them, even 
 where were the law allowed and defigned afharper Procefs, vchsje litle finger rvould 
 he found heavier than the loineT of the King, if not moderated by his Gracious Cle- 
 mency , as the Earle o{ Strafford once faidi but the words being inverted became 
 part of his accufation and Ruine. 
 
 I am not ignorant that the Perfon of whom I write flands accufed of the contrary 
 extreme \ but I know too it is by a delicate fort of men that cry out offeverity, if 
 they be but chidden , and tyranny, if they be whipped, when their faults defervc 
 a harftiet cafligation. But they are pcrfecuted , tho they are fpared , and thofe arc 
 mercilefs and cruel,that will not allow them opportunities and inflruments to cut 
 
 their 

 
 The LI FE of fnmate BRAMHALL. 
 
 their A/others throiT htil,and one another's afterward. It is well knowne this per- 
 fon was never an approver of any barbarous ufage to modeft and peaceable difTcn- 
 ters i his demeanour being the direct contradictory to what the PfalmijiCzys of the 
 parafice, viz. his words are fmoother than oyle ,andyet be they very Jwords : on the 
 contrary, however rough his fpeech might fometimesbe, his hands were generally 
 fmooth and gefttle. 
 
 As foon as he was qualified, by his rtanding/orthe Degree of Doctor in Divinity 
 he went to Cambridge to performchis Ads, in order to it i and in them he made 
 it appeaie,hc had not loft his time in the Countrey , nor evaporated all in Pulpit 
 difcourfesi but that he had furniflied himfelf with very fubftantial learning. He 
 made choice of a Ihefis purpofelyto exprefs his thoughts of the Controverfies in 
 RcligioB. viz. Pontifex Konnmus tj\ caufavel frocreans vel confervans, ommum vel 
 jaltemfrtcifuamm controverfurum in orbe Chrifitano. Which he fo defended that he 
 was admired and thanked by that moft learned Aflembly. This I had with (everal 
 other particulars from my Reverend Uncklc Dodtor George ^^<j%r,an Intimate of the 
 Primates and very ufcful to his Grace in many offices. On an argument of this 
 kind he had prcackt alfo formerly before the Arch-Bifhop and a Syno^inlCork^Shirf^ 
 viz- againlt the Biihop of Ke»»f'j unlawful ufurpation ofjurididion over the 
 Bri/j««ic^ Churches. Thefe were the EfTayes vvherewith he (et out, and the Rule 
 by which he fquared all or the molt of his difcourfes afterward againft the Church 
 of Rflwjf. He was fo far from thinking the Popf,efpecially as he is now dreft up, with 
 thefpoilesofall the other Fatriarcks,8i Bi(hops,&Councills,to be an infallible Pilot, 
 in the feas of Controvcrfy,that he looked on him as either the Mother or thcNurfc, 
 that gives life or nouriflimcnt to all or mod of thofe dodrines, that have fo long 
 difquieted the Chriftian world,and by pretending to give light and fafc conduft to 
 uncertain travaillers, has engaged them among Rocks and Quick-Sands, and occa- 
 lioned the Shipwrack of many Soulsi fo that as long as this challenge of infallibility 
 is fo pertinacioufly infifted on, C tho yet no where infallibly placed^ and of fupre- 
 macy over Princes, and all Ecclefiaftical Tribunals and Perfbns, there can be no 
 peace with B-ome. But if this Ground and Pillar of the Schifme were removed, if 
 this Partition wall rvere rent, we might have fomc hopes of having a clearer pro- 
 fped into the Unity and Peace ofChriftendomej But while they pronounce them- 
 felves infallible ("for my part I wfth they could prove it too) he muft needs be a very 
 fanguine man, that can ever hope to fee the blefled and Glorious day which there is 
 no hope for us to fee,but by putting out both our eyes, for uponfuch hard tcrmes on- 
 ly may we enter into their Kingdom. This I acknowledge is an infallible Receipt, for 
 blind men will never quarrel about colours,nor deaf men about founds,nor mcnthat 
 have renounced all reafon about Religion, which is the moft delightful and nobleft 
 entertainment of that Divine faculty , as thofe other qualities are the proper objeds 
 of thofe (enfes. Were the fupremacy of power reduced to a primacy of Order, and 
 the Patriarch of Howe content to be in the Univerfal Church , what the Primate of 
 Jrehnd(iot inftance^is in this National one,vvere there fo much modefty , as to own 
 themfelves to be but men, and conlequcntly fallible , that the voice of God in Scrip- 
 ture and Catholick Tradition, and Reafon ( applying both ) might be heard „the 
 Author was of opinion,Chrirtians might in fomc time fay their prayers together, and 
 different opinions in fmaller matters would rather tend to the beauty and harmony of 
 the Church by exercifing our charity and mutual toleration,than become matters of 
 Schifmeand feparation. But,alas! Infallibility and Supremacy are the Palladium they 
 contend for, the Jewells they would fain have'out of the Crown of Chriftandof 
 Princes, without which all others are of no price, Grant them thefe, and we may 
 Omnia de iis nobis poUiceri: as one of them wrot to Qi^ene Elizabeth, we (hould be 
 epodCatbolick^ in all other points:but deny them thefe privilegcs,5c we are Hereticks, 
 tho we (hould fubmitto all their other determinations,So that unlets all the world 
 would degrade themfelves,and become lefs than men,by denying their Reafon and 
 their fenfes,to make one man more, by exalting him above all that is called God, it 
 is a vain and an idle thing to exp:<3: any goid terraes from them . For after an 
 enumeration of miny particular dogmts 'ur\oof^zi.hf thit Church on them of her 
 Comiiamon, as Articles of Faith, and necc(r*ry to filvation, neceffitateinidi], which 
 
 Pro-
 
 The LIFE of P rimate BR AM HALL. 
 
 Prntenantc caniTot fnbfcribe asTruthj ftho for peace fake they miglit acquicfcrm 
 r (-Vu and eivc no publick contradidion; much lefs can they owne as Ar- 
 cvl^^ofFTwemayfay tothemas Abraham to the Rich man , bcfides allthcfe 
 tEre is xiV;.^;^ a great gulfh fixed, an uncircumfcribed Ocean of unlimited 
 Power and Intallibility, fo thjtthey, v^ho would pajs ^cannot. 
 
 But I needed not have been fo large in giving the lenle ot this learned Perfon in 
 this matter nor in any thing, in which he has delivered hlmfelfc, he having the ad- 
 vantaee of fo dear an expreiiion,that noman'sfenfe is more eafijy difcern'd through 
 his words His Books are ofage.and are able, and have anftvtredfor themfelves. 
 
 The fitiie of his Abilities was fo far fjpread in the Countrey where he lived, that 
 it were a wonder if fuch T^alents fo employed for his Mafters aud the Churches ufe 
 ftould have been hid from the vigilant eye of the Lord Vifcount Wentrporth,ht- 
 ine then defigned for the Government of this Kingdom. This great Man had been 
 by the Archbifliop oi Canterbury gained to hisMajefty, from whofe Inttrelt he had 
 fomc time been alicn'd, And he became as true and zealous a convert to the King's 
 and the C/;«rchfJ caufe, as he was an able fervant to both^ and brought forth fruits 
 mettjor a pf«itMt,that ii more than others, who had not offended. He thought the 
 fame meafure of Zeale that was fufficient in other Loyall Pacriots,had been but lukc 
 warmncfs in himfelf. Bat if he ihain'd the bow too farr, and overrtiott the mark, 
 let no man objed that to his reproach, fince he payd fo dearly for hiserrour, that the 
 Conferences of his very Enemies provided that the fon*s teethpould not befett on edge 
 with tbefoTvre grapet thefather had eaten, but none did or could bewaile his misfor- 
 tune with greater elegance and compaflion,than his Royall Mailer, who never bore 
 any touch of Confcience with greater regret, than for that adt of finfull complyancc 
 ( as that Pious, and Penitcnt,and Beft Prince is pleas*d to call it } whereby he gave 
 up his wife and faithfull fervant to the will of his Enemies, who being deadyetjpeai^s^ 
 and delivers this obfervation, that Delinquents when Penitent may hope for that Par- 
 don from the generofity and mercy of a Prince, which they may defpaire of when 
 they fall into the difpleafure of the People. That noble Perfon knowing how fairc 
 a flower the jf«^ Ecclefufiicutn wzsin the Royall wreath, fand that without it as King 
 JjfWJ faid ot Irf /tiM^, they are but half Kings, the hearts of the People acknow- 
 ledging another man for their Monarch) thought he could not fcrve his Prince, nor 
 indeed the Reformed Church better, than by afTcrting the right of the Crown in fa- 
 ro 'EccJefiajVtco againft the Fanaticks and Recufants on both hands: for the fupream 
 Power, wherever it is vcfled, whether in one or many is very weak and imperfcft 
 and deferves not its attribute, if a Prohibition lye againft it from any other Court, 
 that (hall challenge perfons and caufe$,'thatarenot merely fpirituall, to its Jurididion. 
 But the wifedomof a man is not fo much (ecn in his end, as in the choice of means 
 toaccomplilh it, and the new Lord Deputy was a great Mafter in this part ofthc 
 Politicksi and asnone could difcerne a Ht inrtrument better, fo hedifcemed none fit- 
 ter for his purpofe than Dodor Bramhall; It is obfervcd that fomc of his Minifters did 
 juft fill the places in which he fet them , and were of no great fignification in any 
 other. B\xtDo6totBrjmhall was fitted for every fcrvice, not only of the Church, but 
 the Law, and Crown,and l\ate,in all which he dKcharged himfelf with fuch facility, 
 that tho he was often employed in, he was not entangled with fecular builnefs, but, 
 theret)y rendred himfelf both more confiderable, and able to ferve his proper Pro- 
 vince. It was not without much difficulty, that he was dra wne over into this King- 
 dome* We have heard of one called from ti^e Plough to be Captain of the 
 Roman Army , and of Elijha, fiom the fame Employment to be the Prophet 
 of JJrael, Dodor Bramhall had/ft his hand to the plough alfo, and his friend Mailer 
 Wandijford ( fo whom the Lord Deputy had writ from London about him J found 
 him at it, lab'Uring in the word andDoSrin. And very unwilling to be diverted, he 
 told him when he had delivered hismeffage, that no Country affords greater choice 
 of Learned men than England, where he might fee many great Lights in private pa- 
 riflies content with little oyle, that more needed preferment , and it wastruev But 
 as Hinnibal anfwered his brothera little before the battel at Canm, tho the "Romans 
 be very flrong, and have many valiant Captains-, yet they have not many Magn's, fo 
 tho that famous Church was of old, and was then, and is now , if ever , thejf«6cr 
 
 Mund\
 
 The LIFE of PrimatcHK AM HALL. 
 
 A/Wi, yet (he had not m^ny Bramhalls, MiRcT ff^jndeiford knew thit being cariy 
 irriJ)!oyed in Government, he had acquired a great dexterity in it, and that he was 
 then in hisftrength and Zeaith^heing about fourty years of age,and that therefore like 
 Coliah*j fword , there would be none like him efpecially in the hand of fucha cham- 
 pion as the Loid Deputy JFrntrvn-th^ and therefore he Itill preff'd forward with the 
 lirgc promifcs he had Commilhon to make himi but he found that all fuch Confi- 
 derations were, but like meate offered to a man that is not hungry. He was not to 
 be mov'd by any argument but the neceliities which this Churc hgroan'd under 
 which when he underrtood he yielded and difputed tio more, ' 
 
 There wanted not men of honour and Interelt on the other fide, who urged his 
 ccntinuJnce in hisowne Country, trcm the gcnerall love ail men had for him, from 
 a plentifjll eftate both temporall and fpirituall, both which he might exped to im- 
 p.-oue, being in as goodertecme with the Archbifhop N«/, then lately in the begin- 
 ing of 1632 removed from IFinton to Torh^^ as he had been with all his Predecef- 
 fors M.ithetps, Mountaine and Harfnett, beUdes he was offered by fome Noble men 
 t3 be made his Majc-ltiLsChaplaine inordinary, whence by eafy ikps he might have 
 lifen to the higher Honours ofthe Church. In all which he acknowledged there 
 was great force, but faid, thej* might thence fee, that he confultednot with flefh and 
 Aood;3.nA folemnly protelkd in the prefence of God^that nothing but an unmingled 
 zeal to ferve God and t'le King in recovering the Rights of an opprcflcd Church 
 which he underl\ood the Lord Deputy had (erioufly laid to heart could, byafs 
 him againlt the inclinations he had to gratify fo many dear and Noble freindsi upon 
 which declaration they all defifted from any further attempt, as giving him up to 
 the will otGod, which they difcerned overruled him in this matter. 
 
 In the year 1633. having rellgned all his Church preferments in England^he came 
 over into this Kingdom. The Lord Deputy then and foon after invited many 
 other Clergy men of good merit, but by rcafon of their Cofmicallrifing, they were 
 for fome time lefsconfpicuous, being fo much in the beames of this great Light, out 
 of which, as foon as they had got, fome of them appeared of the firft magnitude.Dr- 
 Bramhall, foone gave evidence of his fufficiencies for the work the Lord Deputy had 
 for him, and he foone found wayes to exprefle his value for Dr. Bramhall. He had 
 been butalitle while here, when he was made Arch-Deacon oi Meath, a Dignity of 
 Good value, I thinke the beft of that title in this Church. 
 
 The Hrlt publickfervice he was employed in was a Kegall vilTtation,in which he 
 was either one of his MajelHes Commiilioners with Baron H///o«,ludge of the Pre- 
 rogative, or fuch a Coadjutor that all was governed by his directions. He there diG- 
 covered thofe things, of which he made that ufc after, that fome of every order in the 
 Church how ever dignified or diftinguiftied have reafon to bleffe God for 
 him. 
 
 He had heard much of the lamentable Condition of this Church, and he found it 
 worfe than report fpake it. The Revenues miferably wafted, the difcipline fcanda- 
 loufly dcfpifci, and the Minifiers but meanly conlidered. The Bifliopricks he found 
 wretchedly dilapidated, by fee farms, and long leafe? at fmall Rentsi granted partly 
 by the Pofijh Bifhops, who refclved to carry as much with them as they could, like 
 the wife, but unjuft fte ward, gratifying their freinds, that they might receive them 
 imo their habitations, and partly by their Proft-jfj^t SuccefTors who might feare an- 
 other turn, and were, having their example, difpofed enough to make ufe cf the 
 fame Arts ; by fuch meanes on the one fide and the ofher,it is certain, many Bi(hop« 
 ricks were made as fmall as facrilege could make them. In fo much that had not fome 
 flop been given , fome forced to refund, and fome new Endowments made, the 
 Church had been fo empoverifhed in a fhort time, that there had been no Roomc for 
 a Reformation : for if all the Bifhoprickshad been made as poore as fome were, lam 
 of opinion Ep//wpjcy had not been (b AntiChrltian a thin^ as of late years it was ac» 
 f ountcd by fome. fome account of this we have in theBifhop of Perry/ letter toPri- 
 mate Vjher, which I (hall infert in its due place. Cloyve, was reduced to five mar\s 
 ferannttm^ hence the BiChop was called Epifcopus quirtque tnararum V Aghad't to 01. 
 01. oS.and Ardfert to zhoaifixty founds, two Bifhopricks in Kery, and lo they ftand 
 ftil!,L>'OTfric^h3d above five parts of fix made away by fee firmSjOr encroached onby 
 
 the
 
 The MFE offrimai e'BR\MH ALU 
 
 T.C undcrtaKcrs, lomepucancrwhereot was reltorcd by the Act ot Explanation as 
 an Augmentation to the 5..,but neither that,nor Hth.nk.any othcr.have the full benefit 
 
 ^^^^cXTewI' SrfordM»'°^^^^ ^^"^^ complaint. Cork,. 
 
 ardK<'/x;ithink,raredthebeftofany, a verygood man Bifhops Lj(»«j being by 
 Gods providence placed early there in the Reformanon, who was fucceeded by 
 two of the family of the Boyles, the rirft brother to the late Earl of CorK( the won- 
 der of his time for the fair acquifition of fo great an ElUte and lo many Honours 
 to his Familyjthe fccond his near kinfmanC and Father to his Grace theprefent 
 Lord Archbifliop of P«t/i« and C/;.mf //or of this Kingdom J tranflated after from 
 Ctfri;,to the Archbiflioprickof !r«4>w,nt>ne ofall which fuffered any diminution that 
 lean hear of, to be made in the Revenues of thofc Churches i what was done in 
 C/tf>Hf, was before their time But other wife there is not one in this Province of 
 Capel' Thit has not the print of the facrilegious paw uponit,and on fome of thcTi 
 thisinfcription ioo,Vejiigia nulla utmfum; thofe that now enjoy fuch things, eikenti- 
 ing themfelves innocent, becaufe they were not the rtrft violators, not confidering 
 that they are (Hll niaU fidei Fojfejfores^ and as our (aviour faid the Children of the/ 
 that Killed the Prophets. Non minHS eji vitium^ qmm qutrere Sparta tueri. If I liftenei 
 totheComplaintsabroadlknowI mighthearefad ftories, and heavy groanings 
 from theGholls ofmoft of the Bifhopricks in the Kingdom, tho fotne of them were 
 appeafed before the time I now write of, by the Piety and bounty of King James, 
 in the Efcheatod Counties, at the Sollicitationof thethen Lord PrimatHawf(o«,and 
 Bi(hop Mont-Gomery whofe Praifes (hall ever be in the Church, for the brave op- 
 pofition they gave to the wicked defignes of the mod Potent men atthattime in the 
 Kingdomei God favouring their prudent and pious Endeavours by giving them * 
 Grace in the Eyes of that learned Prince, But I muft attend the Vifitation , and the 
 obfervationsofDr.Brtfmfca//,tnade of things as they at that time flood , who dit 
 covered another evill as black as the former . For the facra fames, having tome 
 off the flefh , was in many places found gnawing the very bones of the Church 
 (tho very often fuch ftomacks as are urged with that kind ofi8»^'i«'« like Tharaohs leane 
 kine, neither are the fatter nor the fairer for their foule feeding)B£ndes downe right 
 lacrilege, that bold and barefaced y^po//)i"«, that deft royes at noone day,he faw an- 
 other Abaddon^ that had more of the Subiilty of the Serfent^a Tejiilettce that n>al1{eth in 
 darknefje^l mQ2n Simony: Co that the poore pittance that was lclt,could hardly be ob- 
 tained, unlefs the Patrons had fome feeling of the gratitude ot fuch as they prefen- 
 ted or at leaft, unlefs there were in the language of the Caiwnijh, what is next to 
 Simony, a Conjidentia, that the Clerk would be a Gentleman. This is fuch a canker 
 as eats imperceptibly into the very bo wells and vitallsof Religion : For if buying 
 of Offi;es in Common-wealths be a grievance,the buying of benefices in the Church 
 is a mifchlef and a Ruine whereby thieves breakg through and Steak, Ignorant and 
 vicious, fordid and hereticall Paftors creep into the folds, and poifon the fountains 
 out of which the flock (hould drink, and fo thofe who (hould be the fait of the 
 Earth to purge and to cleanfe, do but corrupt the fpringsof ChriftianCouncell and 
 Inftruction.The Church therefore hasCnot without great rearon)called thiswisked- 
 nefle by a very ill name, and provided againft it by very fevere Sancticns. The fin 
 oi Simon, was to think that the gift of God might be purchafed with mony, it was 
 an undervaluing of the holy Ghoft,and the Apoftle St. Teter intimates the greatnes 
 of the fin, not only in his warm return, thy money perifh r^ith thee, but in that cau- 
 tious expiellion, B.epent,J>ray, if perhaps the thoughts of thine k art may be forgiven thee. 
 No man dos imagine that what the Church now calls Simony, is properly the fin of 
 Simon Magus, nor dos he that by any fordid or nefarious practice obtains a Church 
 Living purchafe the Holy GhoftCfor how can the clerk buy him of the Patron, who 
 has him not to fell ) yet it is not improperly fo called becaufe it has fome refem- 
 blance of it,it is a buying of that which in fome fence, is the gift of God, and becaufe 
 when difcovered it is puniniable,as that fin is: So we know many crimes are called 
 felonies and treafons in the Law which are not fignified by thofe words in their 
 firft fence and defigne,but becaufe,the fame punifhment is provided for them as for 
 felons and traitours. Now as no man better apprehended the mifchjefj that grew 
 
 upon 

 
 Ihe LI FE of Frimate BRAMHALL. 
 
 Upon this Itock, lo none could with more zeal, cut Off juch tttimtmall branches 
 with Ecclcfiafticall cenrure,nor vehip the buyers and fellers out of the Temple^not onely 
 the Gehaznhzt would take, but the 5iw9« rhat would give or truck for fpiritual com- 
 modities. Some are of opinion that if the Law againft Simony were mitigated and the 
 oath againll it not required, fo that the Clerk were under no fearc of deprivation 
 or owning hlmfelfaperjured Perfon, and the Patron onely were to lofe his Right 
 of Prefentation, it would more effectually prevent the practice of iti whereas now 
 the fears that both parties arc in, are mutuall obligations whereby each is fecured a- 
 giinft the other in bonds of the greateft fecrecy, which each keeping in the deep of his 
 heart, there is great encouragement in an evill matter: for neither of them dare bite 
 the others hnger, becaufehis ovvne lip is betweenit and his teeth. Whether fuch men 
 think wifely, I Icavcto wifei heads to examine. The way which this great «f,K/(,y/,@>. 
 tooke, was the regular one of punifliing both parties, whom he never fpared. Of this 
 fort of Traffickers he found too many in this Regall vifitation^tho often fo cunningly 
 difguifed, that it was hard to lay the Law to many of their cafes^ in many places 
 he found the Patrons (Generally) where Livings were Prefentative, & where they 
 were notafome powerfull manCfome f*h*t Tisas Simon was accompted^in the Parlfli or 
 vicinage had made contracts with thepooreMinirtcrs during Incumbency (in fome 
 places for a term of years_) for very fmall Rents,which they were commonly glad 
 to accept, not daring to refufe when Offered; for if any man were pervers and would 
 not pay his tithes, the Church jurifdiction was funk fo low that there was no 
 Way for the Miniffer to keep above water unlefs fome powerfull man held him by 
 thechin, for which if he were not rewarded with a beniliciall Lcafe, he himfelfe 
 would dowfe him in, and leave him to emerge as he could,in fuch cafes (and "there 
 were many fuch ) not coming dired ly under Simony, tho of high Oppreffion, he 
 would take great pains to perfwadcto juf\ice and mercyi But where this would 
 not doe, he had one effectual way which was to remove the Incumbent to other 
 Livings, and forcfcue him out ofthc Gripes of the oppreffor. Oneor two Inftan- 
 ces in a diocefs was enough to let the rcl\ fee he was in good earneft. 
 
 But he fpent not his time in this peregrination only furveying of Glebes and va- 
 luing of tithes to make the clergy richer,and to advance the temporal Intercft of the 
 Church, he was more troubled to difcern fom opinions of generall credit among 
 them that he judged very prejudicial! to a good life, which yet were reverenced al- 
 mofl like Articles of faith: And he was very defirous to abate of their value and to 
 reduce them to what they ought onely to palTe for 5 fcheole opinions: that fo men 
 might have the liberty of their privat tezfons falvct fde, zndfalva charitate.He could 
 not endure to fee fome men enflave their ludgcment to a Perfon or a party, that 
 cry upnothing more than Chriftian Liberty. He thought that liberty was much 
 confinedjby being Chained to any mans G hair, as if all he uttered,were ex Tripode.znd 
 to be madetheftanderd and teft of Orthodoxy, That the Chriffian Faith and 
 Liberty, are the nmoft in danger when fo many things are crowded into Confefli- 
 onSjthat what (hould be pradical, becomes purely a fcience, ofa Rule of life a 
 ufelefle fpeculation, ofa thing eafy to be underflood,a thing hard to be remembred. 
 That it was thclntereft oitheVrote^ant Church, to widen her bottom and make 
 her Articles as charitable and comprehenfive as flic could, that thofe nicer accuracies 
 that divide the greatelt wits In the World might not be made the CharaUeri^ich^fii 
 Reformation, and give occafion to one party to excomunicate and cenfure another. 
 Thus he faw the Church of England conlf ituted , both Cahinifls^znd Arminians { as 
 we have learn'd to abufe and nick-name one another^ fubfcribe the fame Propofi- 
 on$, and walk to the houfe of God as friendsiand he from that time began to medi- 
 tate how to have the fame confellion here, which he after brought to pafs, as (hall 
 befeen in due place. 
 
 Upon his return to DkIi//« headvifed the Lord Deputy of all he had obferved 
 and done, and humbly defired him to invigorate the Church difcipline with the fe- 
 cular Arme, without which the other ( to fuch a height of profanefs was that 
 age grown, and yet tulit ms nequiores) would be of no confideration. For men 
 have Sence,that have not Faith, and know there is a prifon tho they will not beleivc 
 there is an He!l> and therefore it has bean Scoffingly faid, they would not feare the 
 
 e 2 Vivell
 
 The LIFE of Primate BRAMHALL. 
 
 Divcll ot Excommunication, but for his horn, meaning the wntt that follows ^r 
 (hoM follow. The Efficacy of the mcrefp.ntual cenfurc is reckoned with the 
 white powder among thcvulgar Errours by thofcofno Rel.gion, orthofeof an> 
 other Kc'ij'ion: but when if is fortifyed with the Civill Power , it makes fome 
 noife and dosfome Execution. And therefore in the cafe this Church then was 
 and now is if we would deiervcthc name we are called by , of Chrirtian andRc- 
 formcd if we would beat down Vice and Profanenefs, if we would root out 
 Schifrne and Sacrilege the ftaincand diflionour of the Reformation, as well as fuper- 
 flition and Idolatry, thereis no wjy , but by giving the Church , the free excrcife 
 of that fpiritual Powcr,(lie derives from Chrilt 9nly,and making it fignilicant by civil 
 punilhment , among fuch who Weighing every thing by a carnal ballance, feare 
 nothing they cannot fee or feelc. A word was fufficient to the Lord Deputy , who 
 as readily received as the other propos'd,which was no (mall encouragement to him. 
 This was indeed a great part ofhis Errand into this Kingdom. The Policy of that 
 Aee was to raike the Monarchy fkong and redoubtable to its Neighbours, and the 
 Protcllant Religion healthy and long-liv'd by an entire union of all his Majefties 
 Sub)e<n-s in the famcConfellion & wor(hip,& he knew all men are not to be Preach't 
 and difputed but to be governed into vertue & picty,peace 5c unity^gf but that thofe 
 endeavours were unhappily mifunderllood wefliould not have had reafon to com- 
 plain of that vaktuJi'ijry (iate,the Church now labours under. 
 
 The Lord Deputy had fo ]nl\ a fenfe of this fird feruice ofhis Chaplaine, that he 
 made it knowne by reprefenting him fo advantageoufly to the King, that the 
 Church then mourning for hcrlofs inthe death of the Grave and Learned DoTPttham 
 Bifhop of Verry^ was foon comforted by the Promotion oi DoAotBramhall to that 
 Sec, as by the birth ofa new fin. He was now advanced to a convenient height, 
 to take alarger and freer profpedt , and by this accelfion of Honour and Power 
 and the perfonal favours of the Lord Deputy fhining on him,in a greater capacity to 
 perform the good he aym'd at. He knew within (hort time, a Parliament was to 
 be called, againft which he was bufy in framing the Idea and model offcveralne- 
 ce/Tary things hee hadprojeded, and which in thatfeafou he happily com- 
 paflcd. 
 
 In the interim he took an opportunity to vifit his new Flock,in his journey when 
 he underfioodhc was come within the Verge ofhis Diocef«, he immediately defcen* 
 ded from his horfe and with much humility and devotion,imploi'd the afliftance 
 of the Divine Grace inthe difcharge of the Duty he was called to, and which God 
 and man expedted from him in that place. In the rode afterward he defired 
 ofDodtor jr^^r an account of hisDioccfs, and admired much at the poverty of 
 the Church livings, which he had heard were the bed in the tiorth, and confequent- 
 ]y Ireland : but when he underfiood the Reafon to be the fame thcre,which he had 
 found elfewherejwz. farming during Incumbency,or clfe the Landlords countenan- 
 cing the tenants againft the Minifter,by which means theyfett their own Lands dea- 
 rer , and kept up a continual ftrife between Pried and People i he advifed himnot 
 to beafraid of any m3n,But in a faire way toinUft upon hisright,& if it vveredenied 
 he would let thofe men fee , they were not greater than Laws, which the Lord De- 
 puty was refolved vigoroully toexecuteagainft all oppre(lion,efpccially if it had the 
 icaft tindlure of Sacrilege- And they foon underftood , he fpake with good ad- 
 vice,The poor Clergy began to lift up their heads, and found their eftates had as 
 firmc foundation as any others in the Law, and their caufe and Perfons as much 
 countenance from the ftate. Hisfirft Sermon as I have heard was on the i. Ctr. 
 4. 21. U^hat mil yf , Jhall I come unto you with a B-od^ or in love and the Sprit of 
 Meekitefsf He was no very fevereExaftor among them in Icffer matters, efpecially 
 for a time, being defirous tofweeten and recommend the difciplineof the Church,as 
 an eafy yoke to them , of which I have heard one inftance, which tho in a trivi- 
 al matter, fpoke his mind. Walking with his Chancellour and Dodlor lyalk^r on 
 the City Walls the Chancellour obferving feveral people at work .in their Meadows 
 on the Feftival of St. P«er, fhewed them to the Bifhop and defir*d to know, 
 what courfc (hould be taken with them, whoonely anfwertd pleafantly, kt 
 them make hay while the fun fliincs : concluding if they could be gain'd in the 
 
 more
 
 The LI bE of trimatc B R A M H A L lT^ 
 
 -nJorc nccclLry things, either the relt would follow after, or it were not much 
 matter, if they did ROt. 
 
 He found his Piocefs cared for by able Preachers^gencrally rcfiding on their Cures.' 
 Only the Birtiopof ^r«/f^fc held the Arch-Deaconry and y4r4(fra,two great livinas 
 by Commendara s but finding his title inrirme,he foon made way for two able men 
 tofuccecdhinv, By which he taught others ,that.he looked for a diligent atten- 
 dance on their Duty, and ihat ihcy muft not exped their /^fw^j where the peo- 
 ple had not their Pjtfr W'/ffr. He had a very terder regard for his Clergy tho 
 ©pinioned otherwife than himfeltwas, if he found them ofherwifc deferring, imna- 
 ung the elder as fathers, and the younger as brethren , vouchfafing to call fume 
 Father, that ask't him blelling as the old venerable Mr. Walker. And if he found 
 them learned, he made them more fo,byhis learned difcourfes from the Pulpit 
 by his privat arguings and inftruftions, advifing them in the Method and matter of 
 their Studies: whereby he gently reduced feveral to more fobsr & charitable thoughts 
 of fome dodtrines, againft which the prejudice of their Education,and the eflecmc 
 they had for their former BiQiop, made them Zealous. Some few he removed as 
 branches thit brought forth no fruit, and brought in their room pious and worthy 
 perfons,as Mr. Sing the prefent Lord Bifhop oi Cor\_^Stanhof, Winter 8cc. nor was his 
 labour wanting among the Lay Gentry, reducing fome that had ftrayed, and con- 
 firming fome that Ihggcrd, their blood being apt to take infedionfrom the neigh- 
 bour Kingdome, as the Laird of Lacquey and others brought to his Lordfhip by Dr, 
 Walker, to whom he gave full fatisfadion in their fcruples. 
 
 The Revenues of his Church hevery much improved, in the recovery of Lands 
 detained from his Predecefrors,as T'ermin, Cclahy , &c. befides the advancements he 
 made in the Rents, finding Vefart Martin to be a menfall, he retriev'd it to that 
 ufe,and made a Parke there,and fo left it to hisfucceffors wholprefume ftillhold it as 
 fuch, without leafing of it out to Tenants,longerthan their owne title holds.In hisEn- 
 deavours of this kind he was fo fucceflful,that hee is affirm'd to have doubled the 
 Rent of that Bi(hoprick,before he was forced from it by the common Calamity. 
 
 But he was not defign'd for the good of his fucceffour only : his Light feemed 
 ftill under a bufhell, when confined within the compafs of any Private Affair , and 
 therefore he was foon called up to D«i/i« to be /ft fl« a Candlefiich^, and placed on 
 thefummit ofall Ecclefiaftical Adminiftrationinthe Kingdom in fuch things as were 
 n6t ordinableby the rcfpedtive privat Governours of the Church. The Talents of 
 the then Lord Primate r/fc/T C not more famous for his learning than his piety) 
 were more properly employed ,becaufe more agreeably to his quiet and gentle 
 fpirit in Preaching and in writing : to which latter Employment the Bifhop of 
 PfiTjihadnot yet leafure to attend , tho he frequently excelled in the former. In 
 their feveral Minifteries they did bothgreat fervice to the Church, according to the 
 grace given them,theone waiting on exhcrtation,3c the other ruling with diligence. 
 yiher like St. Pf/er was Primat of the College, but on BriJTO/;j/y like St. P<jk/, lay the 
 Care of all the Churchts. 
 
 In the tenth year ofKing Charles the f\r!}. Anno Vomorti i6^/i^.July 14. A Parliament 
 was called in this Kingdom, and whith it a Convocation of the Clergy \ Which 
 the Bifhop of Derr^ confidciM as a wide door and effe<flaal to introduce what he 
 had purpofed forthegood of this Church; and though there were many adverfaries, 
 yet he accomplilhed at leaft the greateff part of what he had fb contrived. 
 
 The things he chiefly intended, were the improvement of the temporal Eftate of 
 the Church and the union of it withthat of England, in the fame of Articles, of Re- 
 ligion, and the fame Canon of Difcipline and worfhip. 
 
 In order to the firft,feveral Ads were paffed in behalf of the Church, as it is a 
 Corporation endowed with temporal advantages,neverfo many in one Parliament, 
 in all which the Lord Deputy made fuch u(e of the Bifhop of Dfrry,thathe was the 
 firff & the lafl to piojed and modell them. I would not be thought to detrad from 
 the honour in thefe matters due to other worthy Inffruments , asSr, George Ra*/'- 
 eliffe Mr. Wmdesford zndi others, perfbns of great merit, the former being a Gentlc- 
 minofgreit learning, andasgreatC tho greatly miftaken ) integrity and 7eale 
 for the Proteftant Church , much lefs would I derogate from the Great Architect 
 
 h him-
 
 The LIFE of F rtmate BRAMHALL^ 
 
 1.- felte- but it is well known how much he was allTned and eas'd by the Bifhop of 
 tT^s Counfells and that he fo much confided m his Wifdom, that it is no reflc- 
 n uDon him to'affirm that all Ecclefiaftical matters efpecially were concluded by 
 pother: for, for this end he was brought hither. , ,, ^ 
 
 The work indeed was great,& there was need ol many heads, &manyhandsfor there 
 ted not Saaballats 8c 7ohiahs, rvho with the people of the Lnd endeavoured to wwi^ 
 7nll,em and hinder the Building : of which becaufe I am to give an acount, it is needful 
 defcribe the lines 6c the foundations that were laid in the ^tatutei of that Parlia- 
 '° which may be fccn in St.Rtchard Bo/fo«'s,Edition of the Statutes of 7rf/jW. The 
 ITirwhcrcof was,Aflatutefor the maintenance and execution of pious ufes obliging 
 all ArchBifliops and Bifliops to perform every fuch truft, according to the true in- 
 tent of the deeds, in that behalfe made or to be made. Sefs. 3. cap. i.fol. 50. The 
 was a fututcfor Confirmation of Lcafes made by the Lord Primat, and other 
 Bilhops of 1^ /(?<■'", of fuch Endowments as had been made by Kin^ James, to the Arch- 
 5iflioprick of ^'w^t , t'i<= B'^opricks of Verry , Clogher , Rafhee , znd Killmore ^ 
 'ivinft them power any time within five years, to make Leafes for fixty years of 
 '^ich L aiids- Sejs. 3 cap. ^.fol. 5^. 5ome good effect which his Lordfhip had found 
 bv this Itatute, made hime zealous for pafllng of one in like forme for all tlie Bi- 
 Ihopricks in the Kingdom: of which more afterward . But the Great Bajlioti,(ot 
 the defence of ihc Church was that which paffed Sefu 4 cap.-^.fol. 78. Entituied, 
 An Act for the f reservation of the Inheritance Right! and Vroftt of Lands belonging to 
 the Church andPerfons EcckfialiicaU. T'/^ix limited them to time and Rentj prefcri- 
 bcd what they might fett, and for what and how long, and is thefecurity of fuccclfi- 
 
 Before the laft of thefe ftatutcs was paft,lamfo far from wondering that the Church 
 loft fo much, that I wonder fhe had any thing left to loofc. By the ftatutc ofMort' 
 maine care was taken the (hould not grow too fat and purfey, provifion was made 
 againft difeafts aiilingfrom Plethory, but none againff impoverilhing and utter con- 
 fumption,tho they fay thofe that arife from evacuation, are thchardeft to be cured. 
 The forc-doorc was (hut faft , that nothing without licence (hould come in, but the 
 other doore was fett open, at which dc(f ructive Kfues were made. Where former- 
 ly the Eftatc of the Church ebbed by the finifler Arts of her Truflees ifor their left 
 band kt^re xchat their right hand did) it flowed as fa(} againe, and ths Circulation 
 wasmaintained by new Endowments not a litle helped by the gainful! dodtrin of 
 Merits,o{ Indulgences, Purgatory, and the likg, which the fadtors of the Reman Church 
 knew Low to improve, and apply in fuch a Cnfis , tvhen amatt tvouldgive the whole 
 World in exchange forhis foule. But fince thofe mercenary doctrins are exploded in 
 the Reformation,it had been jufiice and Piety timely to have prevented the Churches 
 utter Ruin at well as policy to prevent her over matching the Laity, and becoming 
 monltrous by f^ill growing after (he had arrived to a ju/l fiature« Now at laft,but 
 very late, the Pof^crn was (hut too, and fome hopes given in this fiatute of regaining 
 in time what had been unjuftly made away by/fe jarm. The Church is thereby 
 enabled on furrendry of fuch Titles and fome Emprovement ofRentf/kLor^Lifw- 
 tenant and Councill confenting) to Make leafes for lixty years, by which meanes (he 
 was in many places bettered fome what at prefent , and had a hopeful! profpect of 
 recovering her full right at laft, and the Eftates and confciences of the Tenants were 
 fecurcd,inmore Jutland legal tenures than formerly they had held by. But the 
 ]Si(hopsCand fome few Deaneries perhaps )endowed with Landsjwcre chiefly bene- 
 fitted by thefe Acts. Care was alfo had of the Inferior Clergy in another. Sefs.^. 
 cap. i.fol. 75. which inableth reftitution of Impropriations, and 7ithes and other 
 Rights EccUfiajiicall,to theClergy with a relhaint of aliening the fame and directions 
 for theprefcntations to Churches. By thisthe Clogg of a licence, which lay like a 
 Lyon in the way, was removed, quoad h£c\ the Rights of patrons fccured, and power 
 given for the uniting and confolidating Rectories and Vicarages, xo the great joy of 
 many a foore labourer in the tJarvejl, who thence forth conceived hopes, having long 
 Soivne in tears, at laft to Reap in joy and bring their Sheaves with them. 
 
 By thefe fcverall ftatutes did the Piety of that Gracious Prince (hine upon a poor 
 diftrclTed Church,which was as chearfully reflected and acknowledged in another 
 
 Act 
 
 I
 
 rhe LIFE of Primate BRAMHALL. 
 
 Act, wherein the Clergy gave his Majcrtie 8 entire fubiidies, as an Exemplary tefti 
 iiiony ot their Loyall affection, rather than as a thing worthy his favorable ac' 
 ceptance. Confeliing to his immortall honour before God and the Chriflian worlcL 
 that as no Church under Heaven did ever (knd in more need, fonone dideverfind 
 more Royal and munificent Patrons and Protedors, his Majefiie not only havine 
 made Reltitution of that which the Iniquity of former times had bereft them of b t 
 as if he intended to expiate tlieir fiults,enriching them with new and Princely' en 
 dowments,M 58. Thus did the church being new enliven'd and beeinnina to 
 lift up her head out of obfcurity celebrate the merits of that Religious King r«:k- 
 oning among other infinite obligations his Majefties incfthnableGoodnefs, in fend- 
 ing them a Governour lo )u(l,carcfu!, provident and propitious to the Ciiurch I 
 know this may be cenfured as a piece of fervile and facerdotal flatterie,but it is by fuch 
 as know not what it isto be Grateful, who might as well allow it,' to be but a iuft 
 and humble Recognition, not only in Refpect of his Majeftie but his Deputy, if they 
 confidered ArchBilhop Laud's concern for him, as he palTed under his window to 
 Execution, »nd begg'd his prayers andblelling: the good Gentleman, faid he had 
 been more ferviceable to the Church, than either himfelfe or any Churchmen had 
 ever been. 
 
 The foundation being laid in theic Afts , the feifhop of Deny immediately ap- 
 plied himfelfe to building, which truly he oarryed up, confidering what matcriaUs 
 he had, whith incredible Expedition the feefarms and Impropriations ftuck like 
 Ivy to the old walls, and it was hard to feparate them. And in al! the numerous 
 Controverfies on that Account, his Lordfhip was the moderator toftate the Rents 
 and compromize the whole difference,gencrally by confent of Parties,and fometimcs 
 by order from theComcil tahle, which then much influenced many affairs, efpecial- 
 ly where the forms and niceties of the Law had rendered it incompetent for that end. 
 But that fo rough and dillaftful a matter might be carry'd on with Effect ' 
 his great care was to recommend flout & prudent Perfons to the Lord Deputy for 
 the higher preferments of the Church, which were accordingly filld with fuch men 
 as they became voyde. Dean Sing being mzde Biihop of Cloy ne, of which he foon 
 at his owne great Expence gave a good account, making of every Mark an hun- 
 dred pound, and Dean Lejjely^ Bifhop ofDorvne, and Co««or: both men of parts at 
 booke and at bufinefs:with feveral other I forbeare to name. 
 
 It would be an endlefslabour to be particul ar in all the ferviceshc did this Church 
 of this kindjl will only give oneinftance,by which we may make fome, con jcftures 
 ofthe reft, and that is of the Primacy, which I find my Lord Primate fy^fr acknow- 
 ledging in his Letters to him, bearingdateFeir. 25.1635. which by the way was 
 not a year after the ftatute had pafsed, which I obferve as an argument of his great 
 diligence and difpatch even in fuch matters,as move commonly very heavily. The 
 Letter for fo much as concerns this bufinefe, is as follows. I have received the Co- 
 talogue of Comf options ^rohereby J find that the Augmentation of the Rents of this See a- 
 moHHteth to feven Hundred Thirty jive Pound fnure Shillings andfoure fence Per annum 
 and that you havemve pajfed the greater halfe of your jourmy^ the refl I hope you rvill fi- 
 nijh in Good time-, which beingbr ought to a Good JJfue^ not onely my felfe hut allmySuccef 
 Jours li\evpije Jhall have caufe to honour the memory as rpell of my Lord Deputy as of your 
 felfe, rvhom God has ufed as an Inlirument to bring this work^ to juch perfeSion. In the 
 ntean time with my moji hearty thankee for your extraordinary pains tak^nin the Churches 
 Caufe and mine, I recommend you to Gods Blefjing and Kefi. 
 
 Your Lordfliips moft affured loving friend and Brother, 
 
 J 3. Armach. 
 I forbear troubling the Reader with the many high expreflions of his care and vi- 
 gilance in the concerns of the Church, which that Primate in feverall Letters ules 
 to him. But if fo great an Improvement was made in that one ArchBifhoprick, by 
 furrendries offeefarmes and Compolitions for the Rents, and that this was only 
 the halfe of his journey, what may we guefs was done in his travail throughout the 
 Kingdom. 
 
 Not was he lefs induftrious or fuccefsful in behalfc of the Lower Clergy, whofe 
 cafe he would often lament with much compalGon, and whofc Caufe he Imgly fuf- * 
 
 tain'cL
 
 77jgLIFE of Frimate BR A M HAL 
 
 tatn'd on all occalioii where the complaint was)uit,being the poore Vicar's champioi,- 
 Wc blanw the Presbyterians for their Lay Elders, but we have a fort of Lay 
 Pricfts or at left Lay-parfons, and Vicar's : and as theyclaime a (hare in the Rule 
 fo do thefe in the Proffits and double honour/ of the Church : but both are mere 
 forces put upon her. The one we know was but an after-game Calvin was forced 
 to play at Geneva to wheedle the people, that lie might fecure himfelfe,and his own 
 power among them, in order to the Keformationhe intended,of which I doubt not 
 but his wifedom and his learning had given a fairer draught , but for the neceflMes 
 he lay under of humouring them very much i And ha>tcpopnlus fecit, is an excufe 
 at any time for an ill piece of painting, ^ut in Ettgland the Perfons to be ufed in 
 the Reformation were above the Elderfliip of a Parochial! confiflory, they did not 
 fo much thirfl after tliofc petty honours as gape for the Riches of the Church: 
 And fhe was faine to wink at the Rapacious appetites offome Great Reformers, whofe 
 lirong ftomacks muft pafs for Zeale:who unlefs they had been bribed with a part in 
 the ertate of the Church, which needed no Reformation, would never have contri- 
 buted their Irtereft to the Reformation of the doctrin and Worfhip, where it was 
 hugely wanting. And therefore the Church confidering thefeas the foule of Reli- 
 gion, and that the life was more than meat, and the body than rayment was content to 
 fart not only with her coat but with her bread, fo wholefom food might be miniftred 
 to the people: but truly it is pitty (he fhould ftill befo great a fufferer by her charity. 
 But bleffed be God there arc fomc that have that fenfe of her fufferings, that they 
 could wi(h fome publick way contrived whereby fhe might be reftored adintegrum. 
 Certainly his Maieftie and a Parliament would rejoice to hear fuch a propofal, from 
 forr.e noble and active fpirit that had wifdom and Intereft to manage fo bravca de- 
 figne. And methinks if either Piety or a noble Zeal by welldoing to purchafc Im- 
 mortality, and to embalm a Name to future Ages, and lay a foundation for building 
 up of a family had any influence on tht Cenius of this Age, we might hope to fee 
 the corner ftonc at leaft lay'd,and heare all the people cry,Grace,grace, of fuch a great 
 and generous undertaking. 
 
 The Excellent Perfon of whom I write , was a brave example, and lookes down 
 from the height of that fame he acquired,inviting our endeavours,acupbraiding us for 
 rot being infpired with the encouragement his fuccefs affords: what that was, I need 
 not tell, it isfo well known, and I cannot, it wasfo great and vniverfal: but how he 
 was encouraged and aflifted, and by what means he performed thofe eminent fervi- 
 ccs, I (hall give fome brief account. 
 
 Some few Impropriations he obtain'd by power of Reafon and pcrfwafion, more 
 by Jaw but moft of all by purchafe. 
 
 for the two {ir(i, hi<i Majcfties Royal! Example was as argument of great force, 
 of which he made great u(e with others. The return of fuch Tithes as RemainM (till 
 was ea(i!yobtain*d, when a gracious Prince fate in the Throne, herein pioufly im- 
 itated by his prefent Maje(tie whom God long preferve and reward for his Koyall bounty 
 to this Church, the King had by his Letters reftored all impropriate tithes, as 
 fa(t as the leafes fhould expire, hisMajefties,now has done the like and more, having 
 given all forfeited impropriations a!fo,tho fomc have made a (hift to defraudCtho they 
 cannot the King of the Reward of his Piety _) th< Church of the bencfitt of it, by 
 ftcpping between and parting Patents of Reverfion,how valuable in Law Iknow not, 
 having not afkt advice of councell The Lord Deputy in purfuance reftored feverall 
 Livings kept by his PredccefTours for their Provifions ,referving fomething to be an- 
 nually paid out of them, for that end. We are told alfo from a late Hiftorian,that 
 this Noble precedent had its confcquence upon fome of the Nobility and Gentry as 
 the Earl of Corfe, and others, who not only gave up fome Impropriations but began 
 to build Churches fayesDr: Heylin. 
 
 We may readily beleive the Bifhop ofDfrry was not backward in improving 
 the(e Arguments by pointing at and applauding the Princely andNoble benefactors . 
 He faid it was a reproach not to follow fo brave leaders, that it was unjuft to exclaime 
 fomuch againft Popery in the point of their monafticl{Orders,forempoveri(hing the 
 Church, and Fleecing the flock, which they never feed, when the Impropriators were 
 . ''^foes ex ajfe and quaffed in confccrated bogles, and fed their dogs with the childrens 
 
 bread
 
 The LIFE of Primate 3K AM HALL, 
 
 iread^znd fpent the patrimony of the church fo rioutoufly and fcandaloufly, many 
 of them, that if the Monks exceeded them, it is an Argument they much needed a 
 Reformation , but as was faid before , it concluded as ftrongly in the fame point 
 againft thefe.He wondered much at the complaint againft non-Refidents, to whom 
 no man was a more declared Enemy, when the tithes were pofTtfTed in many places 
 by Lay- men who could not be other wife , tho they lived not only in the Panfli but 
 fomc of them even in Churches & places confecrate, taking fo themfehes the houfej of 
 Cod in poffe^jo)!. It was a ftrange thing to him that the word Parfon fhould be growne 
 into fuch contempt when the Nobleft men in the Kingdom were not only Parfons 
 but Vicars and parifh Clerks. In the mean time poor people werefamiftied for want 
 of food,crying like prifoners from their grates for bread for the Lords fake. To con- 
 cludejrom feverall 7opick! of Confcience,offliameto keep, of fear to loole, of hopes 
 to winn the Deputies favonr SccHeperfwadedfome into afullreftitution,othersinto 
 a competent endowment ofthe vicarage, or afitt falary fat leaft J forthc Curate. 
 But it is not to be imagined all were fo ingcnuous,fome were refolved to hold to the 
 Conclufion in fpight of the PrerrilTes, let the fin of facrilegebe never fo great, the 
 tith come makes very good Bread : in fuch cafes he was forced to make ufe of 
 the Rod of the law,inftecd of <k //>;«» o/OTwH^jif J which proved fomctimes to thcadvan- 
 tagcofthe Churc!\, for being provoked to (hake the bough, not only the apple he 
 aym'd at, but many others would often fall into his lap. When a particular living 
 was only defigned, the whole Abbey has been found in the King, and confequently 
 given to the Church. None could more readily difco'. er a flaw in tithes and hav- 
 ing found it, none drive the wcdg further. In Connaught he took very much pains 
 inbehalfof the poore Vicars, and in other places, as in Kfrrji, where he generally 
 obtained half of the tiths to be fettled on them> where notwithftanding to my 
 owne certain Knowledg ten vicarages make not above fixty or feventy pounds Per 
 annum. 
 
 A third way is yet behind by which he recovered more than by the other two, 
 Where neither Reafon nor Religion could open the heart, nor the force of Law un- 
 clafp the hand, he dealt in a fair way of purchasi and truely his indefatigable travails 
 in this way are never enough to be admired: but while God and the King and his 
 owne Con[ckv)ce C3.\d unto him^well done Good and faithfjillfervant he enterd into 
 great jy in the height of all his labour. It will be afkt, unde babuit ? and indeed 
 it is hardly to be anfwered, the ftock was not great, but God infinitely hltft and 
 multiplyed it like the loaves. His owne was liberally imployed, but what was 
 that to feed fo many? however with that he began in his owne Diocefs where 
 there was but litle matter to work uponi but his fuccefs was like that of fomc Ge- 
 nerals, who are fometimes drawne into a Victory when they thought only of a 
 fcarmouch or beating up only of the out guards,the thing gave fornuch lefsoppcfiti- 
 onthan he expected, that he was invited to fuetchhis line beyond his owne Jurif- 
 didlion. The ArchBifhop of Canterbury immediately upon the firft fignification 
 counrcnanc'd the work, and lent him his hand and his head,and hispurfe too, hav- 
 ing defign'd fourty thoufand pounds for it. He did not more oppofe it in England, 
 becaufe he liked not the fa(ftours, nor the dellgne, than he incouraged it and op- 
 plauded it here. His Majeftie had given fome money to pious ufes, which his GracCj 
 rinding the Bifhop of Pfrr^ both si faithfull and wife ileward, procured to be com* 
 mitted to hismanagement. Befides what he had out oi Eri gland, he borrowed of 
 feverall Rich men greate fummes of money, and fecured them out of the Ifsues 
 of the Impropriations which he bought, putting them into the hands of fuch Cre- 
 ditors for acertain term of years, which being expired, they where to revert to 
 the Church. He got fome mony alfo by voluntary fubfcriptions from many, whom 
 he alwayes reprcfenttd with fuch advantage to the Lord Deputy, that they repent- 
 ed not of their Charity. For this ufe alfo he fo order*d matters in the furrendry of 
 fee farms, that the furplufageof Renf, which he gamed for feverall Bilhops (hould 
 be for fome years thus imployed. The goods alfo ofPerfons dying inteftate, being 
 partly difpofable by the Court Chriftian for pious ufes, he procured to be directed 
 this way. 1 have not heard that the Commutations for penances were made 
 any ufe of, but if that Age were like this, and the Church difcipline any thing warm 
 
 i I
 
 The LIFE of fr'mate BRA MH ALL. 
 
 T^iribdT had been a richer /««^ than any I have yet named. From the Clergy fuch 
 were rich he had great alliaance ; for as matters had been ordered for want 
 of good Tithes or faculties or fome way or other,theywherc fo lyable to him, or 
 their dcpcndancc and expedations were fuch, that he had no fmall power over 
 their purfes, which he never made ufe of other wife than to borrow, being ever 
 very juft in repaying , as abhorring to offer Kobbery for afacrifice. 
 
 By thcfe and other ways ( not com to my knowledge^heregam'd to the Church 
 in the fpace of four years time,Thirty,fome fay,Fourty Thoufand pounds fer annum, 
 whereof he gave account at his going into England to the Arch-Bifhop of Canterbu- 
 ry io that many a poor vicar now eats of the trees, the Bifliop of Derry planted , and 
 when he eats his meale, has rcafon to thanke God for his Benefador , and many 
 (hall bereafterhave their grounds refreihed by his care and labour, that know not 
 the head and fprtng of the River that makes them fruitful. It is not to be doubted 
 but he had recovered much more, but for the Rebellion oijrclani^ after which he 
 became as famous for thofe other gifts God had beftowed on him,as Eminently bc- 
 nehtting this Church, in afferting herdodrine againft the Papifts, as he had already 
 her difcipline and property againft the malecontents among our (elves. But of this 
 more afterwards. In the meane time let us waiteon him from the houfe of Parlia- 
 ment and the Council Chamber, and the High Commiffion and other Courts, 
 where headvdiated the Churches caufe in right of her Eftate and Dowry, to ths 
 Convocation, and fee how he mcngaed the fecond point he propofed , which was 
 the union of this Church with that o^ England in the fame Confelfion, &c. 
 
 Our charity to the Papifts and our ur.charitablenefs among our felves arc their 
 two Stabbing arguments againft us. But there is no fenfe in either i with the firft I 
 have nothing here to do , nor much with the fecond. But in (hort we have not 
 fo much charity for them , let them flatter themfclves as they pleafe, nor fo little 
 charity for thofe dilTenters among our fclvcs, as they imagine. But however the 
 divillonsof the Proteftant Churches, the want of harmony in their ConfefIions,cven 
 under the fame Prince are very popular objedions. The Archbifhop oiCanterbury 
 thought it reafonablc to filencethe clamour, in which indeed there was more noifc 
 than reafon, and injufticethan either, and propofed it to the Lord Deputy, who by 
 the Biftiopof Verry happily accomplished ir. I faid there was great injuftice in the 
 objeftion , and I think I faid true. We do not undcrftand hov/ every different , 
 opinion makes a divifion between Churches , unlefs every opinion muft pafs for an 
 Article ot faith , and the whole Syfteme of Chriftianity were in danger of being dif- 
 folvcd , if there were not an entire agreement in thole fpeculations, in which there 
 will never be an accord, till all men have the fame complexions, Tutors, and pre- 
 judices. The like objedion was made ol old,and ever may be made againft Chrifti- 
 anity in General . Julian may argue thus againft the Chriftians of his time becaufc 
 of the difference of the Orthodox znd jiniart Confellions, there was no truth in 
 either, and the whole Religion but a bundle ofControverfies, and fuperftitions and 
 uncertainties. The Mufti might argue thus againft the Poff : there is no truth 
 or certainty in Chriftian Religion, bccaufe the "Eaftern and Wefierne, the Proteftant 
 and the Roman Dodors differ ( and in matters of higher moment, than theProte- 
 ftants do).Nay the Proteftant may thus Argue againft the P3pift,there is no certainty 
 among you,for ye arenot,8c we beUcve,ye never will be all agreed, And therefore the 
 objedion as it is unjuft in it felf,fo it is unjuftly managed by thePapifts againft us,for 
 they either believe it neceffary that allChriftians have thcfamc opinions Sc be of the 
 fame fide in every queftion,or they do not/if not? why,is that an objedion againft usv 
 that is not one againft them/ if they do?ho w then corns ir to pafs,that having that ftiield 
 oflnfallibilitytoftrikeall errors dead, that they fuffcr fuch difputes maintain'd with 
 2eale Sc bittcrnes enough between the difcip les of their great Mafter s of defence, being 
 readyJKfdreinwrijwj^ifJri, tobe depofed for the truthof their propofitions > why 
 do they not hold it up,8c declare as by a judgement of Vrim ok which fide the truth is? I 
 need not inftance in the Article of the Immaculat conception, or the u fe of Images or 
 7ranfub{iantiauon it felf varioufly propounded & taught in their Schools Cas this Au- 
 thor makes appeare anriong other things ) of Purgatory or Infallibility and fuprema- 
 cy over Prince*, but in thofe opinions only , fometimcs too hotly agitated among 
 
 the
 
 The LIFE of Primate BRAMHALL. 
 
 the Proteftants ; for there are as very Calvimjis and Armtntans among chole as"trr 
 In which points this Chnrch had been more definitive, than either pruden * 
 charity would 3llow,or the Exampleof the Church o( England commerul And !h°' 
 indeed was the dangenit is not this Churches opining this way & another ih* 
 way materiB /cw5ri,thatdcvides the unity, but making cither necelTary at leaftf ' 
 any other ends than peace dc order,as if they were not only Articles of peace but A 
 ticks offeith , as this Author often diftinguiihes. So in the external forms f 
 worOiip, there is no fuch great inconcinnity in the variety of them in feveral 
 Churches, provided neither condemn the other by preaching up the one asneceffarv 
 on any other account than obedience,&the other as uniawful.for both may be necef 
 fary & unnccelTary, lawful & unlawful according as they are commanded or forbid' 
 den fo that it is not the variety of the modes ofworfhip that dos fo much mifchief 
 as the fondneis or prejudice that the worihippers may have for or agaiuft fhem And 
 here indeed I cannotbut accufe our feparatifts of much folly&fuperftition and in 
 juftice to our chriltian liberty , which has left every Church to its indiffirencv to 
 choofe for her felf and to chaflife fuch as refufe to acknowledge her 
 authority in thcfe matters. And at the fame time I cannot but com- 
 mend the prudence of oar Great Adverfary the church of Rome, who thinks fitt to 
 give her Childern liberty to difpute eagerly enough , and will not determin in fa- 
 vour of either party while both acknowledge her power , as thinking it better to 
 have fome running fores than no health , and that to clofe up fuch iffues might di- 
 vert the humor to fome noble part, and perhaps queliion the feat of Infallibility it 
 fclf, which ficts fafe yet among them, tho no body knowes where. So that tho there 
 be diverfity of opinions among them, there is no Schifme, for they allfubmittto 
 the fame difcipline, agree in the fame Kitual of worfhip, and fay Amen to the fame 
 Prayers, which fome underftand and molt do notj whereas Protettants draw their 
 fwords and fight about that which fhould unite them, and their very devotions and 
 prayers are turn'd into contention ■■, lo that I may fay their Kingdom is divided in it 
 /f//, but ours is divided againfl it felf. And at this Gap our Ruinc enters , if we may 
 not hope for that union from the common danger which no other argutnent could 
 perfwade us to. 
 
 The two Churches of England and Ireland had much of the ftme aire and fpi- 
 rit, the Reformation here bein^ much direded by that there : but the rvaters here 
 voerek trouhled by the Komifh fifhers, that we did but imperfedtly receive the image 
 they (bed upon us, the mouth was a litle diftortcd,& the eyes hadakind offquint & 
 the Complexion was a litle fowre and Cahiniflical, of which I can give no better 
 rea{bn,than that fome good men have fometimes more zeal,than Judgement & like 
 burnt children fo much dread the fire, that they think they can never be farr enough 
 from their fear. And therfore as much of the Jervifh Keligion was in oppofition to 
 the inhabitants of the Laud , foe here fome proceeded mu ch by the fame meafiires 
 and hence became very dogmaticallinkmo. Propolitions Cmoft oppofite as they con- 
 ceivedtothe Church ofRojwe^left undetermia'J by the Church oi England^yvhtttin. 
 fhee declared great wifdom and great mercy. 
 
 The Bifhop of D^rry laboured in the Convocation to have the correfpondcnce 
 more entire and accurate: and difcourfed with great moderation and fobriety of the 
 convenience of having the Articles of peace and Communion in every National 
 Church worded in that latitude,that dilTenting perfons in thole things that concern*d 
 not the Chriftian faith might fubfcribe , and the Church not loofe the benefitt of 
 their labours , for an opinion, which it may be they could not help-, that it were to 
 be wifhM that fuch Articles might be contrived iorthe whole Chriflian world but 
 efpecially that the Proteftant Churches under his Majeftie's dominion mighta// 
 fpea\e the fame language ^zx\A. Particularly that thofe o{ England and Ireland being Re- 
 formed by the fame principle and Rule of Scripture expounded by univerfal tradi- 
 tion , councils , Fathers and other wayes of conveyance, might confefs their 
 faith in the fame forme: for if they were of the fame opinion, why did they 
 not exprefs themfelves in the fame words ? But he was anfwer*d that 
 becaufc their fenfe was the fame , it was not material if the exprclfions dif- 
 ferd •, and therefore it was fitter to confirm and lire ngchcn the Articles of this 
 
 Church
 
 The LIFE of Fnmate BRAMHALL. 
 
 Church paflcd in convocation and confirmed by King lamts^Amo i6i 5, by the Au- 
 thorityofthisprefenf fynod. To this the Bilhop of P^rry replyed, that tho the 
 fcnfc might be the fame, yet that our Adverfaries clamour'd much, that they were 
 dlffbnant confeflions, and it was rcafonable to take away the offence, when it might 
 bcdonefoeafily: but for tfie confirmation of the Articles ofi<Ji5,he knew not 
 what they meant by it, and wiftied the Propounder to confider, whether fach an 
 'Aft would not inftead ofratifying what was dcfired, rather tend to the diminution 
 of that Authority by which they were Enadted,and fcem to queftion the value of that 
 fvnod and confequently of this. 'for that this had no more power than that, and 
 therefore could add no moments to it, but by fo doing might help to inervate both. 
 By this prudent drelHng of this objcdion, he avoydcd the blow he moft feared , 
 and'therefote againe carneftly prefled the Receiving of the E«g/i/& Articles, which 
 -were atlaft admitted;whereupon immediately drawing up a Canon and propofing 
 If it pafled accordingly. The Canon is the firft of thofe that was made in that 
 Convocaflon: i/iz. ofthc Agreement of the Churi:h oi England and Ireland'm the 
 profeliion of the fame Chridian Religions and is, as follows. 
 
 for the maaifeihtion of mr Agreement vnith the Church o/England in the Confefjionof 
 the fameChriflian Faith, and the VoUrine of the Sacraments. IVe do receive and ap- 
 preve the hoo\of Articles of Religion , agreed upon by the Arch-Bijhops and Bifhnps and 
 the whole Clergy in the Convocation holaen at London in the years of our Lord 15^2, 
 for the avoiding of diverftttes of opinions, and for the ejlahUfhing of confent touchingtrue 
 Religion .• And therefore if any hereafter Jhall affirme that any ofthofe Articles are in any 
 part fttperftitiotts or erroneous, or fitch as he may not with a good confcience fubfcribe unto, 
 let himbetxcommunicated, and not ahfolved before he mak^ a publick^ revocation of his 
 error. 
 
 By the palling of this Canon, the Articles of the Church of England were fijper- 
 induced, and confequently thofe o( Ireland formerly in force , were now virtually re- 
 pealed. Had this been in time confider'd , it had prevented the Bi(hop o(J)erry*s 
 defign: but it wasnow too late to recall (o folemn an AQ. Yet fome whohad a 
 greater kindnes for their private opinions than the union of two Churches, 
 being afliamed to be thus furprized , if not plainly outwitted , thought to 
 pr£fcrvc the Reputation of their Articles, and r-lieir own, by averring, that 
 the Articles of England were only received in the fenfe of, and as they might 
 be expounded by thofe o[ Ireland. And accordingly fome few Bifhops requi- 
 red fubfcrlption for fome time to both confeilions, but it was but for fome 
 time, thofe o( Ireland in the judgement of All , and in faire interpretation, 
 being plainly Antiquated ; as the fecond title voidesthe firft Act, and the marrying 
 ofthefecond husband,fuppofes the firft to be dead, unlefs the woman pafsand fuffcr 
 as an Adultcrefs. Thofe Articles were therefore immediately confidered as dead, 
 tho kept a little while above ground. For as the Primitive Chriftians observed for 
 fome time both the Sabbath and the Lords day, till the weake came up to a maturity 
 of Judgment, and faw therrfelves difentanglcd of the legall worfliip, fo the Church 
 here was content thofe Articles might lie for a time in (late, that they might have the 
 more decent burial,& that fhe might with Icfs noife flideinto the defired conformity 
 with her Elder fifter. There was in deed a kind ofconclamation, fome attempts 
 to call them to life again, but the Lord Deputy way fo- difpleas'd with it, that 
 an exprelfionis faid to fall from him on that occafion, which became part of that 
 accumulation under which and the popular fury he after fell as a facrificeto the party. 
 But now they are not only dead and buryed, but forgotten alfo,thofe of the Church 
 of E«£/^«<i being the only ftandard of our communion, and the Rule to trythefpi- 
 rff/ o/i/»e Pro^^f/x, and the Principles of fuch as are admitted into the Orders and 
 preferments of the Church. The fubftance of this Account , and that which fol- 
 lows about the Canons,! had from one who was a party in it, the Lord Archbifliop 
 ofCaJhel , mymoft Reverend Metropolitan, then Archdeacon oi Kilmore, and con- 
 fequently one of the lower houfe of convocation . 
 
 The Bifhop of Derrji thought he had but yet done half his work, and therefore 
 againe moved, that as they had received the Articles , fo they would the Canons cf 
 the Church o( England^ that there might be the fame Rule ofGoverment as well 
 
 as
 
 T he LIFE of Primace BRA M H AL L, 
 
 as ofbdeif. To this the Primate oppofcd himfelf with great earneftnefrai^ ~ 
 
 thinkhehadreafonofhislide : for it lookt like betraying the privileges of a^"^^ 
 tionall Church , which his Grace was by his place to defend; For tho we "*' 
 the right hand of f-lhrvfhip and a// due hrmur yet we muft not make refipna rJ^^If 
 our Right to be difpofed of by that Excellent Church: And it this which was nro 
 propofed, wctc allowed we might fear in time to have a Canon obtained in the 
 Church , like Totmngs Ad ( as it is called ;in thcftate , giving the Church of £« 
 landi\ic\). a fupcrintendence over us , rhat nothing fliould be made Law here that 
 w»rc not rtrft allowed there , and afterward , that we mufl refufe nothmg here 
 tiiat^herehad obtained a Confirmation, that, it was convenient feme dif'-fepancv 
 (hould appear, if it were but to declare our -W-'- gnj jq ^^p^.^^-^ our fenfe of 
 Rites and ceremonies , that there is no neceffity of the fame in all Churches that are 
 independent, as thefe are , one of another: that Rome and Millain mij^ht have dif 
 ferentCanonsand modes and yet the fame faith, and charity and Communion 
 And that therefore tho ihe faith o>:ce delivered ought to admit of no variation but 
 we muft contend for it , andkiep faji the forme of Jowid words, znAk would be 
 decorous , t'lat there m;ght be an agreement in the prime 7heolo^icall verities alfo 
 &inferencesfrom thofe fundamental propofitions which they had already affented to' 
 yet there was no necellity fir the fame Canon in every circumftancc of Government 
 and worfliip, but that by fome difference the minds of men would be bcl\ prcferved 
 from any fuperftitious conceipts of the abfoiute necellity or unlawfulnes of peculiar 
 formes and modes. The Billiop ofPfrr^' noteafily moved from what he had un- 
 dertaken, faid , they would no more rcfigne their privileges and Authority in re' 
 ceiving of therr canons, than their faith in the Articles. But this was but an ill 
 argument to them who had fo repented their having done fo much , that they re- 
 folved not to cure themfelves by a ftcond wound. This difcourfe is faid tohave 
 caufed fome heatc,butthe lower houfe having debated the fame fubjed and dcfirine 
 to be admitted to a conference gave fome time of reflexion and confideration When 
 they were admitted , the Pnmate defired them to divide as they flood affeded and 
 the paucity of thofe that appear'd for the Eaglijh Canons, giving his Grace'fome 
 inward contentment,which he could not choofe butcxprefs by a fmile the Bifhopof 
 Verry perceiving him pleal'd with the difproportion, faid, yron njiimandi fmt mmero 
 fed pondere. And upon the Argument it was found indeed , that they had that 
 weight on their fide, that prevail'd fo farr with the good Primatc,that all thcdifpute 
 v?as refolved into thisam;ci:)'e conc'ulion,t;/z. that fuch Canons as were fitt to be 
 tranfplanted and agreeable to the foyle,(houId be removed hither,and others framed 
 demvo ,and added to them ithat fo we might have a compleate Rule peculiarly 
 calculated for the Meridian o( this Church. This being voted , the bulincfs was 
 cheifly committed to the Bifhop of Pf rry, to be drawn up in forme, his hand being 
 generally imployed in drawing up every thing, wherein any knot or difficulty gave 
 oppofition. Thus the book cf Canons was at laft compiled, and paffed in convo- 
 cation , and received its finall complement and force in his Majefties Royal con- 
 firmation . And thus the Church after fome (harp labour, having but )uf\Jire>ifftb 
 to bring forth , was at laft delivered, and there was joy as vchett a man child is born 
 and a nation brought forth at once,but the 'Dragon liood hefire her to devour her child 
 ( a favage and cruell Rebellion J butGo^^ tookcare of the Child, and prepared a place fir 
 her in the Wilder nefs, 
 
 Thefe things were no fooner made publick , but the word was given Vo^ery 
 and Armitijnifm and I know not what ugly things were creeping into the Church. 
 The Clergy had brought in ftrange Innovations^ fo old things, when for a time 
 difufed , are called, and fo the Protellant dodrincs are branded among thePapifts. 
 Bifhop Braw/jjl/ was undoubtedly aPapifi,and all that 'he LordDspjty had brought 
 over with him , that he was the bramble that the trees called to rule over them and 
 th^x. fire would come out cfhim to devour theCedjrs. So (eemingly witty does malice and 
 defpight make fome perfonsi and fo very unable are fome men that pretend to mor- 
 tification , to denie themfelves the fatisfadion of thefe fuppofed pretty and fmart 
 allufions,as if their Genij were to be feafted with fuchcholerick nidours & belchings 
 as arife from a foule ftomach. 
 
 k Bst
 
 T^e L I FE of Frimate BR A M HA L L 
 
 — t:;i"clKli.Ihop was not ola Ip.nr to be Icarcd tromms uuty wimnoife & ill words,- , 
 he h«pcd to confute their folly by experience,and to fettle the Proteftant Rehgion on 
 Lh I hafts that thofe very men that molt exclaim'd agamft him, would moft thank 
 him for his'pains. And doubtlefs had a convenient time been allowed for the_ con- 
 firmation oi the great fabrick he built, he had rendered this Church a great fecurity to 
 that o{E>iiLh»d,2ind both together a fanctuary for all the Reformed Churches abroad 
 which any prudent man would think they would rather reverence for their primitive 
 fimplicity and beauty and crave Protedtion from their Ihcngth and Authority,than 
 malign and vilify them,contrary to both their Intereft and duty. He expected that be- 
 ing thus lijud up, and fupported they would have lookt to them as lo the Brazen 
 Serpent, when they rvere Stmg, with thofe Serpents among thcm,rather than to have 
 
 called them Nehujhian. . , r r - j a- 
 
 It is no new thing cum benefeceris male audire,to meet with alperlion cc detraction 
 for thanks and deferved praife. Whatever malice and envy might mutter againft 
 him, Pcrfons of the higheft fence and Honour highly valued his fervices. Among 
 others the ArchBtftiop of C^«ff '•^.'"7, often writ to him, and encouraged him, and 
 in one of his Letterstels him> your Lord(hip dos very rvell to neghd envy and malice 
 tvhicb mufi and rvill accompany allmen veho live in any place of eminence, ayiido their du- 
 ty either to God or the King, and if you do notfo, you (hall neither do your duty, nor give 
 yourfelfe any content &c. His Grace had drunk^dcep of this cup him.felf, and could 
 well give advice in fach cafe, and the bi(hop of Verry received it thank- 
 fully, and folio w'd it cheerefully. Never fear when the caufe is iu(l,wis one of his ufu- 
 all fayings. And therefore tho the Perfon that Hood in his way were never fo great in 
 power or rcputation^he would either remove or at lealt,go by him,and follow his point i 
 I will give onely one inftance or two of his refolution in this kind. Primate VJher 
 having one day lent him the key of his ftudy to perufe fome books, he found a me- 
 morandum in one of them which pleas'd him better than the notion he was en- 
 quiring, that a perlon eminent in the Law being a lay man held the Archdeaconry 
 oCGlandelough^ but neither his power nor his Equity could preferve his title long 
 after the difcovery. At another time fomething had flip't from another of the fages 
 t)f one of the Benches in a fpeech in the high Commillion Court in St. Patrick's 
 Church, that might fcem to diminifh the Aate and eftatc of the Clergy as if their 
 holding inFriJ«c Almoine, were but a disparaging andbcg^iarly kind of tenure, and 
 their Office precarious, and their title depending upon charity. But the Bifhop of 
 Verry let him and the whole Audience underfland, that he was not unacquainted 
 with thefcverall tenures in the Law, and that the Churches was at lead as well 
 fixed, as any other, and as litle fubjedt to alienation, and that the Clergy were 
 as ufefnll to the Ends of Government and the fecurity of Princes and States, and of 
 more generall influence upon, and fervice to the fubject: fince all men have con- 
 fciences to be informed and conducted, but many men either have no need of, or no 
 mony for aCounfellour i and tho the particular Endowments of the Church are ac- 
 knowlcdgeable to the Piety of particularPcrfons,yet (he challengesher maintenance 
 in generall from a Divii\e Right. Whereupon he brought his Lordfliip to a better 
 underftanding, and obliged him to a declaration more juft and acceptable. Itis as 
 commonly faid thatLawyers are no friends toRe!igion,as that PhyficiansareAtheifts 
 and I believe both alike,that is neither. I cannot fee how a good Anatomifl can be 
 an Atheift. Galen's difcovery of the ufefulnefs of parts infpired him to fmg znhymn 
 to the Creator as well as Vavid's obfervation of his being fo fearfully and wonder' 
 fully made- Nor can I fee how any goodLawyer can be an Enemy to theChurch or 
 why he (hould, fince (hee fo fincerely Preaches up the Reverence of the Laws, ard 
 the facrednelTe andMaiefty of Lawgivers, and the authority of Judges and inferiour 
 Magiftrates, And hasher (elf fuch a foundation and Eftablifhment in theGovernment 
 that a change of the Priefthood with us,mu(t ofnecellity inferr a change of the Law 
 alfoi of which there was lately fuch an experiment,that I believe no good man 
 defires to fee the like again. Buf there are Mountebanks in one calling and Ignor' 
 amus's in the other, as great Enemies to Religion, asfcandalls to the noble Profe/fi- 
 onstheyare of. I would not be thought for their fakes to criminate any learned 
 Gentleman of that Robe with cither ignorance in the Laws, or want of AfFedion 
 to tht Church,miich lefs the perfon 1 write of whofe candid and ingenious expo- 
 
 fition
 
 Ihe L I ^ E <?f Frtmatt BRAMHALL, 
 
 lltion declared he intended not thelenleto which his words might have been inter- 
 preted: but the Bifhop oi Deny was fuch a man as would not fuffer any double ex- 
 prelfions from fuch efpecially as were efteemed Oracles : but being a great Lover 
 both of plain dealing and and plain fpeaking, would alwayesin fuch cafes cither 
 make them recant, or in his owne phrafe cough out 
 
 It were no difficulty to give many fuch proofs of his Courage in the caufe of 
 the Church, but I will give one ot his humility, which was a great argument of his 
 Zeale for her fervice. It was much wonder'd at that being in all points fo well 
 qualifyed, fo dear alfb to the Lord Deputy, and fo univerfaliy imployed not only 
 in church concernments but many ofthe Crown,and fome of a civil nature,he was not 
 of the Kings Councill,for our Cj/o had this H6nour,tohave the queiiion frequent- 
 ly made, why his ftatuc was not fet up, and I am able to give the Reafon of it it 
 was his great felfdenyall, which made him lefs than what lie might have been, and 
 others of his Order were, that he might make the Church what (he ought to be: 
 For fo his Lordfliip anfwered one that moved this to him. I (hould in being a 
 Privy Councellour become a Judge, and could not be an Advocat for the Clergy , 
 in which charader he thought,he could mod materially ferve them,& therefore in- 
 dulTrioufly declined the Envy of that title, when without it, he had the power. 
 
 Having now for a confiderahle time laboured for the good of others and fet the 
 wheelc in fuch a motion,that an ordinary hand might continue it, he thought it 
 lime to make fome provifion for his owne family, and in order to it made a journey 
 into E»^/a»d/, in the year 1637. to difpofe of hiseftate there, and to bring it over 
 the (easv none can doubt but his Lordihip was well recommended by the Lord De- 
 puty to fuch whofe favour might in any fort be of ufe to him . A copy of one of his 
 Letters figned by his owne hand and entred into his book of Duplicates was fent 
 me, which I have here added, that the Reader may not take all gratis I have faid 
 of his Excellencys regard for him. 
 Sir. 
 
 My Lord Bijhop of Verry being to go into England, and after to fee London, before his 
 return bach^ J can do no leffe than to recommend him to yotir favour, as a Perfon not only 
 of very great merit in the fervice of the Church, but alfu 0/ the Crorvne, in both vchich I 
 afsure you,he daily expeffeth, both great Good affeSions and abilities, fo as he is a perfon 
 worthy of your refpeU, and to have the honour to be knorcn to his Majefiie. And it would 
 in my poors Judgement be very good, his Majeflie were p leafed to let him kitotv, that be 
 mderilands the Good Endeavours that hefhews to the bettering of this Kingdom & People^ 
 J do afjureyoM J do not conceive him to be fellotced in thefe Refpeds by any we have of that 
 Trofefjion on this fide, and therefore to encourage him in fo Good a way will do very wet 
 &c. Your moft faithfull humble Servant. 
 
 Naas i2thoffeptember 1637. Wcntworth 
 
 For Mr. fecretary Coke. 
 
 I am able to give an Acouut of many circumftances in that Journey ( having af- 
 furance from one that travailed with his LordfhipJ how he was received and enter- 
 tained by Perfons ofthe greatefi Quality in all places he came to, with very much 
 Refped; but at Rippon tis fcarce imaginable what exprelfions of Joy were made by 
 all forts of people, every one carelfing him in a way proper to their condition, and 
 all rejoycing to fee their faithfull Pallor advanced to the honour ot a Bifliop C in 
 which honour they thought themfelves to have a (hare) The good deeds he had 
 don them, were liillrecenton their memories and their acknowledgements were 
 fuitable & honourable. At TorJ^ afterwards notonely the ArchBiftiop Nei!,3nd tke Do- 
 ftors there as Wic^am, Stanhop, Hodgings &c. treated him , but the Lord Mayor and 
 Aldermen and chief of the Citizens feem'd ambitious to do him honour, feafting 
 him fumptuoully at their houfes. But the Entertainir.eHts among the Clergy were 
 (eafon'd with excellent difcourfes and variety of Learning. Among other Dodor 
 Cofins ( afterward his fellow Traveller in the wildernefs and fincethat, the Learned 
 and Reverend LordBifliop oCDurefme ) was at that time there, between his Lord- 
 Ihip and whom,there pafled along argument about Conformity to the orders of the 
 Church, the mcafure of exacting it, and the moll probable way of obtaining it, and 
 Tiaking the King, the Church, and the people happy by it. The Dodtor was for a 
 
 rtiff
 
 The LIFE of F rimate BRAMHALL. 
 
 — — Ta fcvere difcip!ine,toliold them in with Bit and Bridle, leaa they fall up- 
 
 Uirt rein ^'|^j^j^^^j(|,ip was for fomc allay &a more gentle moderameniBut hewould 
 °" Up fhcr-byundcrllood to fignifythe laying of the reins upon thcneckcftheBeaft, 
 1!°' h t Art of even and fteddy Government that neither makes itfrett by too ftrict 
 Dcrmitts to ftumble or run away by too remifs a hand. The Conftitution 
 "fthc Church of Ewg/W, is eminently fwcet and mercifull ( much refembHng the 
 ° of the Civill Goverment ) having neither the fiercenclTc of the Roman Ty- 
 
 nnV not the licentioufncs of fome dcmocraticall zud Popular Reformationsi theBi- 
 a[ovoi Veny' s]udi,cmcr)t3vd pradicc were of the fame complexion with the 
 Church he had a great dealc of tire in his body, but it was rot in the power of his 
 naliion to debauch fiis reafor!,which remained IHU clear notwithftandingany fmoak 
 that might arifc from his temper. 
 
 Ftomforki, having fpcnt fomc time at TontfraU among fiis kindred and friends,he 
 went to LWtfW, where almofl: the Hrft thing he met with, was the news of an infer- 
 mation put in againft him in the i^arr chamber . It was ftrange news we may ima- 
 fiin . The charge was, that he was prefent at Kippon, when one Mr. Falmes had 
 mad'e fome refledting difcourfe upon his Majeftie and that his Lord-(hip had taken 
 no notice of it, either to reprovehim or informe againfl him. The words were of 
 no mighty milchic(, and merited no very capital anihfiadverfions if they had been 
 true bein<» no more , but that hefeared a Scotiifh mift was come over their town , 
 becaufc the King had altered hisLodgings from Kippon where he had defigncd them, 
 to one Sir Kichard Graharn shouk , not far from that place : but he threw ,like St, 
 Pi»«/the viper into the fire without harme to himfelf^dicczfily purged the whole company. 
 This however was an admonition to hisLord-ftiip that great obfervation was made 
 ofhis carriage, and his MajelHe could not but take notice of the greatmalice of his 
 enemies, and his as great Innocence, when they could find nothing to afperfehim 
 in but the matter ofhis Loyalty,concerning which the Bifhopof Dfrr)/ (if any man) 
 m'ight ufc that bold exprellion ofBifliop Latimer^ viz, that as to his Loyalty he was 
 fo innocent, he needed not a faviour. I cannot buttake notice that this fpirit of ca- 
 lumny is almoft infeparable from a malignant party, of traducing and accufing par* 
 fons of the cleareft integrity in that point , wherein the world knows the Adtorsto 
 be molt guilty <* whofe very confciences might allow them to be their compurgatours. 
 If any member of the church oi England chance to fpeak uuadvifedly with his lippSi 
 he mull be prefently made an Offenderfora word, when others take it ill,if they be 
 not efteem.ed the moft faithful fubjcds , when their fwords are drawn, and their 
 fcabbards thrown away to him that gave them their Commilhon.This was thefirft, 
 but it was not the onely time,the Bi(hop of Derry was attaqued on this fide,tho with 
 the fame modefly they might accufe Athanafms of Arrianifm or St. Augufiine of 
 being a Manichee or a Telagian. 
 
 At thistime he became familiar with the Arch-Bifliop c{ Canterbury to whom he 
 gave thzt account ofhis Steward-pip here in Jreland^thzt he underwood tobe very ac- 
 ceptable by the great exprclhons of kindnefs he received from his Grace , and the 
 character he was pleas'd to give of him and that fetvice, when he prefented him to 
 hisMajeftie. 
 
 Having received much Honourfrom that Gracious Prince he returned to his charge 
 in IrelandiWhcxe with fix thoufand pounds for which lie fold his Eftatein England 
 (but brought over at feveral times _) he purchafed another of good value, and began 
 a plantation at Omagh in thecoanty of TyrflKf,to which he attended fometimes,when 
 hehad amindto flackenthcbow, and divert himfelf with countrey recreations. 
 But the ill humors that had been long fermenting, broke out in fo few years, that he 
 could neither bring that,nor his more publick defigns totheperfedtion he intended: 
 however while he had time , he did good to all men , but ejpecially to the hottjhould 
 ofFaith^evety year gaining ground from the inundations of facrilege, and making 
 banks and defences againfi the overflowings ot ungodlinefs. 
 
 It is not to be doubted but by this means he made( as many friends, fo ) many 
 Enemies to his perfon. Envy is the {hadow of Greatnefs was one of the Lord De- 
 puties Aphorifms, which as his Majeftie applyed in a noble flowing period , to that 
 Great Minifter of ftate , fo it might be to this as Aftive Miniflerof the Church. 
 
 And
 
 The LIFE of Ptimate BKhM HALL. 
 
 And as in the rtiade venomous and croaking infects are bred and nourished fo it fared 
 with thofe brave Perfons who became by fo much the Obie<3s of popular Envy 
 and detraction, as they l]ood between feme Perfons and the fliine of their adored 
 Intereft. If they by Law refcue a Lamb out of the teeth of a wolf, it is Rapine and 
 oppreliion, it they endeavour the good of the Common- wealth, by (ludying to 
 advance the joyntlntereft ofPriiice and People fbetwcen whom there is as much 
 fympathy, as Hyppocraiej's twins that laugh and weep together,^ it is Tyranny and 
 Arbitrary Government; if any revive the fmalleft punitliment tho for the higheft 
 contempt, it is perfecution& cruelty, if they endeavour to bring that uniformity 
 5c decency in the external worlhip which had been greatly wanting, it isfuperftitiorl 
 & Popery. They are refolved to have fome exception or otheragainft the whole 
 management of Affaires. But we are told by this Author another ftoryCpage 189.) 
 that they did their work by more Noble and more fuccesfull meanes, than penall 
 Lawes, which what they were, may be there feen, during the fpace of thofe eight 
 years,in which as he informs us page. i88.the Earl o( Strafford committed to his hands 
 the Politicall Regimen of this Church. But when men are in a feaver, and the fer- 
 mentation ishighand the brain; diliemperd,they often exclaimeagainft the Doftor 
 and the Phyllck, when the difcafe is in themfelves. As Lucian makes the Phyfician 
 argue in his owne defence, that his Stepmothers phrcnfy was incurable, becaufe (he 
 could not endure the light of the Doftor,but upon his bare appearance before her 
 Raved wildly and fell into the higheft Paroxyfms, This was then too much the Con- 
 diricn of thefe Kingdoms. Frenmerunt Cemes^mY the people do ftill imagine a vairte 
 thing , if any thing grieves them, they are prefently at their Veliram Regei, as if the 
 fault were onely in the Governours and Government. 
 
 The firft Symptomes of the diftemper (hewed themfelves in Scotland, in an itch of 
 Innovation. But as the cloud that at did was no bigger than a mans handCoon covered 
 the Tvhok heavens, fo this Itch fpread prefently like Icprofy over three Kingdoms. 
 The mcrcifull King had long endeavour'd to cure them of that almoft Nationall 
 Evill by jiroakjng, but at laft was forced to try fthey are his own words} whether 
 feverity might piocurc that which had been denyed to that undcferved moderation 
 wherewith he had hitherto proceeded againft fo great Offenders, and that by the 
 advice and Counfell of his Billiops, who however defamed, had been Counfellours 
 of PeaccjashisMajeftie informs us in his Proclamation of febr.20, 1638. The King 
 being again perfwaded to (heath his Stt>ordf(oon found his Grace turned into ppantonefs. 
 The difcontents of that Kingdom ftill boyled higher, and fome a like principled in 
 England gathered thorns and putt under the pott. The Lord deputy began then to 
 ■make enquiries here, and foon found by the pulie of the Scots that there was an in- 
 telligence between them and their brethren, and as an early remedy he obliged fuch 
 as he found in the plot to abjure the Covenant,and to fweare they would not abett the 
 Covenanters, nor proteft againft his Majefties Edicts. He proceeded alfo to fine and 
 imprifon fach as refufed to give this fecurity of their behaviour judging it necef^ 
 fary to ufe fome extraordinary courfe to prevent the Rebellion he faw juft ready to 
 breake out,& better that fome houfcs be pulled downc than the whole City confumed 
 by fire. This made a great cry of Tyranny and oppreliion . It is unla wfull for the 
 King to impofe an Oath for the fecurity of the peace: But it is lawfuU for fubjeds 
 to afsociate and impofe one, without Authority,and againft it,and to Excommunicate 
 and Bani(h fuch as (hould refufe it. His Majeftie had now refolved to be baffled 
 no longer, and therefore fends for his Deputy out of JreLnd^mikes him Lord Lieu- 
 tenant of this Kingdom, creates him Earl oi Strafford, and gives him Commiffionto 
 be Lt.Generall of his army againft the Scots, the Earlc ot'Nmhumberland being Gene- 
 ral. It isfaid, had his Majeftie taken the advice then given him,hehad not only fa- 
 ved the life of fo cotjOJerablea Minifter,but of thousands that after bled in that un- 
 natural quarrell, and his owne too, which was of more value than many thoufands, for 
 which three Kingdoms yet weep and muft yet weep more. But God had refolved 
 to chaftife us for our fins with the (harpeft difcipline, even with a fcourge made of 
 our own bowels, drawn out in a mercilefs Civil warr. 
 
 Scotland became fuddenly fo enflamed, that i t was too hot for many of the ortho- 
 dox and Loyal Clergy, who were forced to flee into E«g/4«</,and hither for prote<fti- 
 
 l on
 
 The LIFE of Frimate B Pv A M H ALL. 
 
 ' 1 .,* rhev were received with all Brotherly Compafion, and provided for in fuch 
 """a ric thatwehavcthcArchbilhopofSt. Andrem Lord Chancellor o(Scotlar,d, 
 theArchBiniopofG/<»/g««',theBi(liop ol Kofs and others , largely acknowledging 
 he B.fhop of Verrfs charity in fcveral Lcttcrs^pr.p/rg Cod to regard the ArchBtJh,^ 
 ofCanurLry^andhis Lordjhip for the Kelttfthe)i gave their di(irej[ed and perfecuted Bre- 
 thren of whom their orvne Cvuntrey was not worthy, not doubting hut fucceeding Ages 
 would Kf member it to their Honour. Sec. Among others one Corbett, was forced in- 
 to this Kingdom, and being found a Pcrfon of Good \carning, was much valued by 
 the Bifliot of Pfrr)*, and employed. He was the author of Lyfimachus Nicanor, to 
 which the Biflwp gave him good allillanee: The ungirding of the Scotilh Armour 
 if I mii^ake not,came from the fame hand, for fo I have heard.HisLordfliip hearing 
 of a living in the Diocclsof Ki//j//i», fallen voyd, recommended him to the' Bifliop 
 oi'Adare being oiCorbets owneCountry: but a mans Enemies arc often they of his 
 owtu Hw/^the poore man inftcad oibread.or a Fijh, or any Relief, met with afione, 
 and a Scorpion, the Bi(hop rcvilM him bitterly, wounding him to the very heart, by 
 juftifying the hard meafure he had received in his owneCountrey:andas if he loved 
 tofpeakc all words that might doe hurt,told him he wasaCor^j,alludingtohisname 
 '' that word fignifying a Crow or 2lji;f«,in their Language ) that hid fledout of the 
 Ar]i^,ZTid that he fliould not h ve where to fet his foot in his Diocefs, with many 
 other cxprellions of virulence againrt fuch men, as refufed to Covenant with their 
 Brethren. This being fignifyed to the Bifhop of Tfrry, he was brought into the 
 High Commiliion Court, cenfured and deprived, but was afterward made Bifhop 
 of fVuterford. 
 
 And now the fcene ofthisPerfonsfufferings & Glories,beginstoopen. The Irifh 
 werenot all this while idle, when the 5co/x were thus employe'd, but finding the 
 Kings hands full of them, and that they had obtained their defires by (hewing them- 
 felvcs in Arms, they refolve to try their fortune the fame way. And as a preparative 
 to the Rebellion, they firft fet up the cry of grievances in the Parliament then fitting, 
 and held by the Lord Deputy Wandefford in the abfence of the Lord Lieutenant, and 
 immediately fly at the Chief Minifters of State and Judges in the Kingdom. Some 
 difaffefted of the Englifh']oyr\t with them, and a Committee ot Lords and Commons 
 is (ent into England, to complaine of the Earle of Strafford's illegall adtings in the 
 Government, who by this time wasimpeached there, jull ashisLordfliip was about 
 to impeach thofe very Perfons that appeared againft h.\rr).Sr. Richard Bolton the Lord 
 Chancellour of this Kmgdom, the Lord Bifhop ot Derry, and Sit Garret Lowther, 
 another of the cheif judges were in like manner accufed. The Bifhop wzs then watch- 
 ing over his Flocl{_inLondon Pfrr^jWhcn he received the intelligence of this fnare laid 
 for his life by Sir Bryan Neil March 6. 1(540. His friends all wrotto him ro decline 
 thetryall, but he thought it diflionourable that fuch a man as he fhould flee. He 
 knew the Malice of his Enemies could not be greater than his Innocence, and that 
 made his confidence as great as eithcri and therefore he pofts prefently wptoVuhlin, 
 and being mett in the way by his frcinds, they found him ]u[htm te tenacem Pro- 
 pofni virum^the fame undaunted Perfon he had ever been, whom no argument from 
 the Confederacy form*d againft him,or the Condition of his Patron could aifrighten 
 into the lealtfhew of diArud in Gods Providenceand his own Integrity.fo that with 
 St. Paul, hi was not only ready to go tn,But even to dy at Jerufakm, The next day after 
 his coming to Towne,hefhewcd him felfe in the Parliamcnt-Houfe, where his 
 Enemies i\ood gaping and faring upon him for a whik^ and then made him a clofe 
 Prifoner. But when all Perfons were encouraged to contribute to his Ruin, they 
 found little to obiedf, but his Endeavours to retrive the Antient Patrimony of the 
 Church,as if thty had a mind not only to (lone him for, but with his good workes, 
 and to bury him under the heape as the faireft m.onument could be erected to his 
 memory. Tho they examined all his Aflions with defpight, they could not find 
 the leafl tincture of privat advantage lying on him: his hands were fo farr from 
 fmelling oifhhy Lwcrt, thatit was his frequent Challenge to declare, where he had 
 got fo much as a paire of gloves, by all that he acted in thofe matters. Nor Indeed 
 were any of his Relations, Family, or Friends one farthing the Richer for any thing 
 he had recovered to the Church, but only as it might be a motive to Gods good Pro- 
 vidence
 
 The LIFE cf Primate BRA MH ALL. 
 
 videncc to blefs and encreale his private fortune by taire and juft ways tor his lo" 
 zealous and honeft labours for that ofthe publick. 
 
 At laft when they had barked themfelves weary ,& found that he ftill (hined as bright 
 as ever, anfwering all the petitions with his o ivn hand, the ufe of his tongue beinft 
 denyed in his vindication, they doubted not to have worrycd him with the accu- 
 fation of undeavouring to fubvert the fundamental Laws. They would make him 
 guilty,and hee muft dye Joi the fin they were ready to adiand fo by crying loudly a- 
 gainit another , they thought to turn away the eyes of fufpicion from themfelves. 
 This was the f»jre they underftood was laid in 'England for the Earle of Strafford and 
 they hoped to catch the Eifhopof Difcrj^in the fame Nooszs an Accomplice with him. 
 In this condition he writes to the Lord Primate V(her then in Engimd which letter 
 becaufe it containsmuchof hischarge and defence I here fubjoyn. 
 Mayitpleaf: your Grace. 
 
 It rvoiild have beena great comfort and contentment to me to have received a ferf lines of 
 counfellor comfort in this my great affliSion which has befallen me for my zeal to the fervice 
 o[ his Majellie and the good of this Church,in being a poor inftrument to rejiore'the ufurped 
 Advowzom and Appropriations to the Crown, and toencreafe the Revenue of the Church 
 in a fair jnfl way alwaies with the eonfent of parties which did ever ufe to takg away 
 Errors : but now it isfaid to be obtained by threatning and ferce. iFliat force did J ever 
 ufe to any, what one man ever fuffered for not confenting ? my force was only force ofrea- 
 fon and Law ^ thefcale muji needs yield when weight is put into it ^ and your Grace 
 kiiows to what pjjs , many Bifhoprichj were brought ,fome to loo. per annum, fame 
 50. Of Waterford, Kilfenoragh, and fame others \fome to five marks axCloyn and Kil- 
 macduagh. Hob' i« /ewe Dzocfflfj ax i« Ferns and Leighlin, there was fcarce a living 
 left, that was notfarm'd out to the Matron, or to fame for his ufe, at two, three, four, or five 
 founds pet znnum, for a long time, three lives , or a hundred yeares. How the 
 Chantries of Ardee,Dondalk &c. were employed to maintaine Triers and fryers, which 
 are now the chief maintenance ofthe Incumbents. In all this my part was only labour and 
 expencejbut I find that lojfes makf a deeper impreffton than benefits, 1 cannot flop mens 
 mouths ^but I challenge the world for one farthingl ever got either by References or Church 
 preferments;! fly to your Grace as an Anchor at this time,when my friends cannot help me. 
 Godkitows how I have exulted at nightythat day I had gained any confiderable Revenue to 
 the Church, little dreaming that in future times that Mjhould be que(iioned as treajonable, 
 I never too\the Oath of judge r-r Counfellour ,yet do I not k>iow wherein I ever in all thofe 
 pafjages deviated fromthe.Rule of Jujiice. My truji is in God, that as my intentions were 
 f:ncere^fo he will deliver me. \k»ow not how I came to be afjifiant to the Bifhop of 
 Down." except it were that at the fame time I had References from my Lord, and compofed 
 all the differences between that See and my Lords o/Ardes, Claneboy, Conway, ondo- 
 thers. Ifendyour Grace the copy of a Petitinn endofed as was fent me. 'the Sollicitor 
 who getts the hands is one Gray cenfured in the Starr-Chamber in one Stewards eafe^ 
 1 hear he has got ^ool by it,andthat the mofiofthcfuhfcribtrs didnotkiiow what they 
 fuhfcribed ,but in general that it was for the purity of Religion , and the Honour of their 
 Nation. They fay he has gathered a rabble nf ii^oo hands , all obfcure perfons y not one 
 that I k^mw, but Patrick Derry of the Newry, a Recufant , not one Englifhman. \t 
 wereno difficult tafk,, if that werethought the w.iy, toget half of thofe hands to a contra- 
 ry petition and 5000 more of a better rank^.fince \was Bifhop, \ never difplaced 
 any man in my Diocefs , hut Mr Noble/or profefjed Popery , Mr. Hugh for cojifeffed 
 Sivaony,and Mr Dunkine an illiterate Carztc for refufing to fray far his MajeHie. 
 Almighty God blefs yourGrace , even as tiye Church fiands in need of you , at this time, 
 which is the hearty and faithfull prayer of. 
 Apr. 25. 1641. Your Graces 
 
 Obedient fervant and fufFragan Jo .* Derenfis. 
 To which lett«thePrimate anfwcrsvery compallionately amongother things faying. 
 \ affure you my care never flackfn'din follicitin^ your caufe at Court, with as great 
 vigilancy,asif it did touch mine own proper perfon. I never intermitted any occafion of 
 mediating with his ttLijejiie inynur behalf , who [iill pittyed your cafe, ack>towledged the 
 faithfullnefs of your fervices both to the Church and to him, avowed that yiu were no more 
 guilty of treafon than himfelfandafjured me that he would do for you all that lay in his power 
 
 &c;
 
 ■ It^LIFE of Primate BR AM HALL. 
 
 -rr-Trd iuartord tbt mghrbeforihu fnferirrgC rvhich ttasmofl Chrifiim and 
 ^InfJmom ad (luporem ufqOM '"^ '" ''^^ ^'\ gtvingme in charge amongothcr 
 ZmcHlars, tofuthimvmindojyoH , and cjwe other mo Lords that are under the 
 
 ^' Thc'IoodVrimat had the ill fate to be mifreprefented to the world in my Lord 
 Straffurds ciCabut it was but a piece of Their art that hoped to palhate their wicked- 
 nefs by Riving out that ib pious and learned a Prelate advifed the King to cotrfent 
 to his Death which no man would think his Grace would have done, had he not 
 dcfcrvcd it. ' I cannot but take notice of the Gallantry of that perfonjWho had be- 
 fore made interccltion to the King againfthimfelf,to remove that unfortunate thing 
 C meaning his life 3 out ot the way of a bleffed agreement, and yet in the eve of 
 his fuffering was fo careful! ofhisfrjends: and certainly fuchan addrefs came with 
 very prevailing circumflanccs, as the lad Rtqiiell of fo Noble a Soul. And the King 
 was jurtto him in it, and _refolved that dncc the lot had falleti up9» the Earlehc 
 would providethatthc Bilhop fhould efcape , and therefore before he had dryed 
 liis eyes for the one, he fent over his letter, to prevent the like occalion otforrow for 
 the other : but iho there was the word of a King, there was hardly fo much power 
 to procure obedience,however at length he was reftored to liberty, but without any 
 publick affoilment, the charge lying Kill dormant againfl him,to be awakened when 
 ihcy pleafed. But alafTc thefe were riafhcs that caufed more fear than hurt, the -fiery 
 matter at lall burft out into (uch Thunderclaps,that the foundation of the whole 
 Kingdom reekd,5c the Bilhop of Df rry washardly gott down, before the tirl^ crack 
 to that City , where he was of great ufe as long as he flayed. The place is one of 
 the flrongefl in the Kingdom, but the people feft nm more fecurely omccoam of their 
 wallSjthan of their watch-man ; as AUxandei when his friend had the Guard. 
 
 Sir. theltm Neil had an eye upon his Lord-fhip and the place, but he had litlc 
 hopes of getting the one , without dellroyingthe other, and therefore he refolved 
 to take up where Sr. Bryan had left, and contrived to bring him to a more difhon- 
 ourable death. To which end he diredts a letter to his Lord-fhip and defired that 
 according to their Articles fucha Gate fhould be delivered to him, expeding that 
 the Scot] would upon the difcovery become his executioners. But God that delivered 
 him from the Lynn delivered him from the bear , and covered his head when he knew 
 not of that danger that hung over it, fo ordering the matter that the perfon who 
 was to manage it, either with horror of the treachery, or feare leaf! he might/a// 
 into the Fnt^ digged forthe Bifhop, ran clear away with the Letter, the plott never 
 coming to light, till Sr. P;[;f /;»« himfelf difcovered it- I with fome pcrfons that 
 pretend toa great Sagacity in difcovering Popifh defigns would conlidcr, whether 
 thofe jealoufies they foment among us , are not the very train to tho^e mines the 
 Papifts hope to fpring , and by them, to blow both them and us up. This Politick 
 Arrow of Sr. Thelim's was drawn out of an Ecclefiallical Quiver, and was but a 
 particular inlianceof the great Arcanum and myjiery of their hiqtti:)'. By creating 
 fearsand diilrulls among us they make their breaches, and doubt not at laft to 
 enter, and it is flrange to fee,how fooliflily feme men arefiill taken, when the Hale 
 has been fo often difcovered, how greedily they entertain any whifpers of this kind, 
 as if they defired the Church oi' England (\\oi\\d be, what they pretend tobe afraid 
 (hee is , of intelligence with the Church ol Rome. 
 
 But tho this delign took no place, the Bifhop found no fafty there: The town 
 dayly filled with difcontented perfons out of Scotland, and he began to grow afraid 
 that the men oiKtilah would deliver him up. One night they turned a piece of 
 ordinance againft his houfe , to affront him, and he then was perfwaded by his 
 friends to look on it a? a warning piece. He took the advice,and foon after fhip- 
 pcd away privately for Em^/W: Having efcaped with his life, ibe tookg joyfully 
 theffoiling of his goods, and was abundantly rewarded for all his lofTes in a gracious 
 Reception from his Royal Malkr. who by this time had but too great need of the 
 Services of fuch perfons. The Bifhop of Derry , that his might be the more figni- 
 ficant, repaired into his owne Country , where by his brave Example, by his fre- 
 quent Exhortations from the Pulpit, by hisincefTant labours with the Gentry, and 
 *^'«orudent advices to the Marquefs of NfB'-C'»'He.he putt greatlifeintohisMajefties 
 
 affaires
 
 Ibe LIFE of Primate BRAMHALL. 
 
 affaires. The Marquefs much refpedrcd whatever he faid, having by fuccefs in 
 fome notable inftances good experience of the wifedomethat condu<fted his Coun- 
 fells v and in confideration of his fufferings oifered him 500I out of the pubhck fiock 
 which he asgeneroufly refafed, and fo taught all his Majeities-yubjecftsa noble Lcffon* 
 faying that to take any thing fnom the King in his exigences was a Robbing of the 
 Publick, andthathehad ever abhorred that, next to (acrilegc. In lieu of this he 
 was willing tojpeitd , and to bejpent , to bleed to the lalt drop for the Royal caufe 
 fending a confiderable prcfcnt of Plate to his Majcftie to Nottingham; which wasaf- 
 er coyned for his ufe at Scjrbomugh. 
 
 At this time alfo his pen was emp'oyed in defending by argument what was proper 
 for others to doe by fword and pike. The treatife called the furpent fahe, or remedy 
 for the bitingof an ajpe^wis the eiTedc of his retirements from the noife'of Drumm 
 and Trumpet :but alas / the deaf adder was not to be charmed^charm he never fo roifdy. 
 If a man will liop his Ears, he is proofagainrt the moft mulical Incantation I will 
 not take on me tofignify how well he difcharged himfelf in this Argument becaufe 
 I have theTeftimony of Primat 'L'/?;frtoproduce,ina letter to his Lordfhipfrom Ox- 
 ford 1^44. Which faythv I have at length received ynur baokjngether with your fermon 
 Preacht before the beginiiig ffthis great northern expedition, on the good fuccefs 
 whereof the fettkment of the rvhok Kingdom norv dependethj cannot fufficiently Commend 
 your dexterity inckaring thofe points^ which have not been fo fjtiJfaQorily handled by thofe 
 who have tah^n pains in the fame argument before you, and Iprofefr I have profited more 
 thereby, than by any of the book^ I have read before, touching that fubjel} 8cc. 
 
 I have heard alfo of another difcourfe publifhed by him about that time called 
 the hijlory of Hull, which I find not among thefe now printed, but of the fubiecS 
 there is fomething faid at the later end of the foregoing treatife 
 
 Thus adive he continued all the time of his being in England, v/hkh was till the 
 battell oiMarjhn Moore, about which time it is faid that if fome advice his Lord- 
 (hip gave Cperfwading to a Cunctation_)had been followed,his Majefties Interell had 
 been longer liv'd in the N«rtfc,which fo funk in the fortune of that day that the 
 Marquesof ]\rfwCd/?/e, and hisLordfliip, whith feveral of great Quality ( Torj^fur- 
 rendring within aforthnight) fliipd themfelves for forreign parts. 
 
 The next news we have of him is at Brexf///, where he continued for moft part 
 till the year 1^48 with Six Benry devic th.^ Kings Refident: preaching conlkntly evc« 
 ry Lords day , frequently adminiftring the Sacrament and confirming fuch as defi- 
 red if, among others the Gentleman of whom I had this account, Walter Cooper 
 Efq. ThsEngliJh Merchants of ^wtwfr/', ten leagues thence ufed to be monthly of his 
 Audience and Communion, and were his bell benefadlors. The Zeal otTome of thofe 
 Gentlemen had engaged them in a difputation with fome of the Jefuits about Tran- 
 fubliantiation,but finding themfelves overmatcht,they fled to the Bilhopof Derryto 
 anfwer for them, who when he had chidden them for their hardinefle in venturing out 
 of their depth, when they could not fwimm,fet them againe one firm ground. He 
 wrote fomething there on that occafion, which he delivered to tiierr, which alfo 
 hasefcaped this Impreilion. At firft he had allowance of the Jefuits Library,for ha- 
 ving none of his own, he was forced to whet his Sword among the Philijiines with 
 whom he was to fighti but the fecond time he went thither, they all with drew, to 
 one man,who with much civility acquainted him, he was the latl man, and prayed 
 him not to take it ill, that he muft attend his occafions abroad. Being once more 
 ferv'd (b, he applyed himfelfe to that of the Dowi^ica^/, where he had admiliion, till 
 he fini{hed,whathe intended, of which lam forry Icangive no further account. In the 
 yeari^48.he returned into Jre/W,wherel can fpeik of nothing but of hisfafferings.all 
 his ftages being but from one danger & mifery to another. Tho he had not like Paph- 
 Mutius or Pow»w« or other ofthc old Cnnfe(Tours,the marks of his ConfeJJion, in 
 hiseycs or his foreheadiyet he was not without beata vulnera,in his fortunes,ahnoft 
 running through all St.Pauls perils and labours, 2 Cor. 11.26. 27. 28. With whom 
 be might glory inhis infirmities,thztis hisatflictbns &tei-Rtations,thohehad alfo thofe 
 endowments whereini/ any man might be bold,he might heboid alfo, All the while he 
 was here, he had his life continually in his hand, being in perils by lrijh,\n perils by 
 bitvwne Countrey men, and in perils byfalfe brethren. At tymerickjht Earl of Kop- 
 
 m comon
 
 the LIFE of Primate BR AM HAL L 
 
 Tonm £Ot luch a tall coming downe a paire ot Itairs, that he lived onely fo long 
 to declare his faith ( at the Bifhop oiVerry's inftance) as it is profeffcd in the Church 
 of E«e/j«^.- which gave fuch offence to the Romanifts there, who would have re- 
 ported he dyed 3Papill,if hehad not fpoke at all, that they threatned the Bifnops 
 death, if he did not fuddcniy depart the town. At Tortumnagh, afterwards he and 
 fuch as wtnt with him enjoyed more freedom under the Marquesof Clan Kic\ards 
 protectlon,and an allowance of the Church fervice. At the Revolt of CorJ^,he had 
 a very narrow deliverance, which CrcmTPell was fo troubled at, that he declared, he 
 would have given a good fumm of inoncy for that Irijh Camerhury. But God that 
 delivered him from the Lyon and the hear ^delivered him from the Fhilifiine aljo^ and gave 
 him this argument ot being a good man, that he was fo hated of thofc that were 
 noti as it was faidof Chriftianityit mull needs be a good Religion,becaufe Nero per- 
 fecuted it. But of all his Efcapes that out oi Ireland^ was the moft wondcrfull, 
 the little bark he was in, was clofcly hunted by two of the Parliament frigats,roany 
 of them being then on this coaft,and when they werccome fo near,thatall hopes of 
 being faved were taken away, he, wfcow the windes a»d the Seas ohey^ was pleafed 
 miraculoufly to pre(erve him, and fnatch liim out of their teeth: for on a fudden, 
 juft as they were ready to feize the prcy,the wind /iackened on the two Shipps 
 intoaperfedcalm, and as it were flew upon her wings into the failes of the little 
 veffell and carryed her away in view. And Godxvai in the wind, and Cod was in the 
 calm: when he pleafes neither/ire ftall hurne, nor Lyons devour, nor winds blow,nor 
 any inftrument,or fecond caufe do their office,that thehelp that isdonjje may bekfiown 
 to do it himfelf This was fo fignal a Providence that it is hardly to be parallelM ia 
 flory. That indeed oiSt.Athanafius was very remarkable, who being purfued on the 
 watcr,turned about in the face of his Enemies,and being asked amongft otheres if they 
 had feen Athanapus^ he himfelf anfwer'd,he went lately that way, and fo avoided 
 them. This had very much of witt and Art, and argued an unbroken and prefent 
 mind, butthe Biftiop ofVerry's was all miracle.Such deliverances asthefe as they arc 
 great obligations to 3 thankfull and holy life,fbare they ufually indications toothers 
 that God has fome great work to do by that Perfon whom he is Co carefull to pre- 
 ferve. But that he might not think,he was delivered from the Sea to peri(h inthe 
 wildernefs,hc found that the goodnefs of God had prevented him, for he had no 
 {ooner fung the Lordsfong inaftrange Landfot(o wonderful! a deliverance, but he faw 
 a table fpread,and fet out,and furnifhed with food unexpectedly dropt from Heaven. 
 The fumme of7oo l.had been fo long due to hira for fome falmon he had taken in the 
 River B<JK«, and knt beyond Seas, ( a River very famous for the plenty of that fi(h) 
 that it had been long fince confidered as dcfperat:but all is not loft that's hidden : 
 God had onely laid it up for him till he wanted it, and now in his greateft necellity 
 let it fall into his 1 ap. This was a very feafonable relief both to his Lordlhip, and 
 to many Royal ConfelTors to whom even of his penury he diftributed fo Iiberally,that 
 the blejfing of fuch as were ready to peripfell on hitn; as may be feen in feverall oftheir 
 Letters. 
 
 It was not upon every head fo golden a fiiowcr did defccnd,nor could this flock 
 laft long, efpecially when his Lordftiips heart wasaslargeas theoccafion ofhischa- 
 fity:But it becomes not aProphet of all men to be a niggard of hisbread, when God 
 makes "Ravens to Minifterto their wants i fome indeed wcrtfo offended atthe perfe- 
 ction, that at this time befell the Church that they went over to Kome to fill their 
 bellyes. Hunger is a pinching argument and a great tcmptation,efpecially ifthe head 
 be as empty as theftomach: but God be thanked, the number of the Apoftates was 
 not very great. There were few that did not conlider, that profeliing to believe In 
 a crucifyedMeffias,outwardfplcndour could be no infallible mark of the trucChurch, 
 (he is nevermore Glorious in his eyes who fee snot as mm fees, than when (he feems 
 nothing but darknes and obfcurityin thofe of the world, being then in conjundi- 
 on with her High Prieft who was confecratcd by his fufferings . Thedifpenfa- 
 tjon indeed was very gloomy and uncomfortable for the prefent,butGod was plea- 
 fed even then, to gild one fide of the cloud in which flice was wrappt, and make it 
 a pilar of light to the true Ifraclites, tho fome faw nothing but adarke fide,and by 
 an odd fort of Logick concluded her fas Job** friends judged of him J wicked and 
 
 erroneous
 
 Ihe L 1 h E gf rnmatt BRAMHALL. 
 
 erroneous, bccaule fhe was miferable and atflided. But the Bilhop ot Deny 
 knew into what he was baptized, and look't on the Croffe that (he then bore as 
 the enlignc of that truth, under which he doubted notj^e would prove trium^hami 
 and theretorcwith Cato he was faithfull to the conquer'd fide, and with Mofes 
 cboji a§iiBion rvith the people of God rather than the pleasures of fin for a feafon : 
 At home he had been mahgned as a Papift, abroad he is perfecuted becaufe he isa 
 Protcftant . this is a very hard Cafe , and they appear unreafonable and perversmen 
 thzifeeh^afterfuchfignsfic will be fatisfyed of our linceiity tothe Proteftant Religion 
 ■with no cheapi-r a demondration than a perfecution ; but fome brave Heroes have 
 llruggled all their lives with the like ill fate, who could never purchafe the reputa- 
 tion of valiant men, till ihey dyed in Arms. The world I hope is by this time 
 happily undeceived, and yet there want not foire Df>w^grt^«f/, who with a prodigi- 
 ous conhdence hope fiill to impofe upon the people with the old pretences,tho one 
 would think it were too foon to temptthem with the fame bait.They noweafily fee 
 through the cobweb covering,and well remember how ihtixCivill &C which is dearer 
 to them than their eyes ^ their Ilf%w«r Intereft was undermined andfliakenat the 
 foundation, under a colour ot liberty: how under a pretext of faving their fleeces, 
 their fhcpheards were ravifli'd from themby fuch as fparednotthe flock,but tore even 
 their fle(h and fuck'dthcir blood, and who in the mean time, only bawled for the 
 Proteiknt Religion , while the others wrote and fuifred for it. I might inftance 
 in many who attended his Majeflie abroad, and many who waited on his caufe at 
 home,thatare fmce fallen afleep,and fbme who are yet living, whofe names I for- 
 bear, becaufe faints are not canonized before they dye. But it has been very well ob- 
 ferved, that none were more fufpeded ofPopery, than the Bifliop oiVerry and Dr. 
 Cofens, and none more convinced their enemies of theinjuliice of fuch a calumny by 
 their writings. It might be expeded,! (hould give fome particular Accompt of 
 the many difputations thisperfon had about Religion with theLeainedofall nationSj 
 fome times by appointment and formal challenge , and fomctimes by occafion and 
 rencounter , for he fcarce came into anyplace,but he was aflaulted,and he never de- 
 nyed the combate , and as feldom left the field, but he gave his Adverfary fome 
 mark of his skil and courage. Butlmuft beg the Pleaders pardon if I be moft fi- 
 lent,whcre he moft defires I (hould (peak.I was encouraged when I firft was perfwa- 
 ded to write his life , to believe I fliouldhave been able to have fa id fomethingon 
 thofe many perfonal engagemants he had fcr the Church : but am now told that 
 fuch as could have furniOiedme beft,are dead,nor can I be relieved from his own we- 
 moires^ which with an hundred fermons he intended to Print were all fo torneby the 
 ratts before his death , that it is not to be hoped to build any thing out of fuch 
 Ruines, which only fpeak how great a man he wa?.But among fuch remains as there 
 are, there want not prooffs enough not only of his learning and his diligence for the 
 Churchjbut ofhis skill and travell alfo in the Tohtk\i^ in behalf of his facred Ma- 
 jefty. He gave good affiftanceto the Glorious ]^o;urojs in his addreflesto fuch per- 
 fons, whofe aid he prayed, as may be fecn in fevcral Letters writt to his Lord-fliip 
 by that Noble Gentleman, who was both the Honour and rf^roiJc^ of his country , 
 between whom and the Bifhop oCDerry, there was a very great friendihip, and fuch 
 acorrefpondence fetled, that neither was a ftranger to what the other did in his 
 Majefties fervice. he would often recommend hisCaufc to the favour and juflice of 
 forreign Princes from various heads and topicks, fctt olT with variety of Learning 
 from hiftory and flate obfervations, efpecially in this Cafe, wherein the perfon of 
 the King was not onely to be confidei'd, but fiveraignty itfelf, and the Rights of 
 McKflTc/?/.' fweetning his arguments (fill feafonably and fuitably to the perfons to 
 whom he addrefTed. And at the fame time he let all men fee, that his Majefties 
 Intereft lay in his Conftancy to that Faith which his blcffed Father recommended 
 with his dying breath, to his care and protedtion, not only as the fureft way of fal- 
 vation, but the beft Policy. 
 
 But we may well imagine the R9w2j>»]h were not all this while afleep: They were 
 endeavoring to perfwade his Majeftie to hope his Reftauration,by embracing their 
 Religion, The defign indeed was worth their labouring for, but being of fo great a 
 weight,itis wondred theyfet notanianofbetter fliouldcrs toit,thanM;/mfrfjinwhom 
 
 nothing
 
 The LIFE of P rimate BKAMHALL. 
 
 r. "rnnears fo conlldcrable as his conhdence. that indeed wanted a Rebuke, 
 
 TK^lr^'Ets needed not an anfwer. So finewlefs, jointlefs, and faplefs a dif- 
 f rardv falls from men employed in deHgns of fuch moment. Yet his prefump- 
 '^""'c were very high, and his head fo heated with the phancy of being canonized 
 f ° this fervicc that he pronounces as boldly as if he were fitting in the infallible chair 
 ih the triple Crown upon his head: but the BiQiop oiDerry made it foone ap- 
 ^' that the good mjn had taken very wrong meafures, and that his defign was 
 ^"remalicious than Cluuitab!c,and that he hoped to make the people fufpea the 
 Kin£^bcingaPapi!l,rather than at all to make him fo, TheBifliopwas too vigilant 
 • the King's and theChiirchcscaufe not to fee thedangcr of publifliing fuch adefignc 
 however weakly lay'd, and managed-, and therefore in time prevented the mifchief 
 it night do in that excellent anfwer which appears hrft oi thefe difcourfes. His 
 Majeilie alfo was obliged to the vanity of this Attempt, fince it gave him an op- 
 portunity of declaring himfell(that for which his People (hall ever lovehimj a rep<l- 
 ved ?rote\idnt. his Royal Father , of whom the world was notworthy^didi not thankM 
 God in vain, that he had a fon , who he had reafon to believe , would love the 
 Church as wellashe did, j«i greater love than tbif, had no man. His MajeftJe thought 
 itas great Piety to juiiify the confidence of fuch a Father, as unreafonable to turn 
 Papill bccaufc fonie men that calithcmfelvesProtellants had cutt off his head with 
 a Sword consecrated at Kome, and (hed his, and hisSubjefts blood, by vertue of fuch 
 principles as no where receive more countenance, than in that Church. If hisMa- 
 ieftie mull leave the Church o( England becaufe of this praftice , which her dodrine 
 loudly difclaimes , yet modefty would not invite him to Kome, where the Principle 
 is allowed & juftifyed,and never was condemned, we have heard of a Holy Ligne in 
 francezs well as a folemn League and covenant m Scotland. 
 
 His Majeftie was therefore refolved to tarry the Lords leifure,and by no indireft 
 meanstoobtain the Blellinghc had in flore for him. But thothe King flood 
 invincible as a Rock, fome of the court had their foundation in the fand, and began 
 to totter when they faw him attempted with fuch confidence i tho his conftitution 
 lefifted the infeftion, it met with a fympathy in the blood of fome others. But the 
 BifhopofPerrjiltood like Aaron between the living and the dead, and ftayedihe 
 flaaue, by this feafonable and learned difcourfe , for the fuccefs whereof then, and 
 the value of it at all times, he merits the thanks of all the Reformed Churches,which 
 fome of them were fo ingenuous as to pay him. He had now dipped his pen, but 
 could not be allowed to dry it. Every day almoft produced a frefh challenge, and 
 almoll as often a new Adverfary,or an old one with a new fword ; but atlaft find- 
 dini; how litle they gained by particular quefiions, wherein fome hunted centre to 
 the other, and by their difcordant notes gave occafion to the Proteftants to upbraid 
 them with the want of that harmony,of which they ufcd to boafl, they thought fit to 
 joyn their throats,in one common cry,and to drown all his anfwersto their objedions 
 in the clamour o( Schifme. This indeed he acknowledges as a great crime fa fin that 
 is not only contrary to that Law of charity, that is the bond of peace andperfeHnes^ but 
 has a Legion in its belly, and is accountable for all the Evils that are confequent to 
 the want of difcipline, without whiih nofociery, without a miracle of Providence, 
 can long fubfil^_) fo the molt plaufible and popular obje61:ion,they can make againft 
 Ub.-but turpeeii Vodoremiic. The Bilhop foon blewaway the dull,which they threw 
 in weakeyes,& helpt them to fee not only the innocence ofthcChtirch ofEngland,b[it 
 the guilt of the Church of Rome, in that point. And this is fo demonlirated to him 
 that reads without prejudice, and examines his arguments and Authorities, that 
 he will have no need of the wifdome of SoLmon to difccrn who is the mother of 
 the brat. W^re the quertion to be flated between Rome, and fome other Commu- 
 nions ( whom the Errours and the Cruelty of that Church may have forced to a ne- 
 ccflity of fcpararion in fome things, in which they might have maintained their 
 unity witliour fin ) perhaps the child ought to have been divided, but a^the cafe 
 flands b:twecn us and them, he has made it hers, who blufhed not to cry JVhore firjl. 
 If the book wherein he has done this fervice wanted it, I could produce many 
 Atteftations of its worthibut take one for a11,fromDr.Mor-/o'the prefcnt Lord Bifhop 
 oifVintoM, who ina letter to the Bifhop of Pfir^ fays. 1 nevtr faw any thing writ- 
 ten
 
 The LIFE of Private BK AM HALL, 
 
 ten of that argument fo clearly^ fo fMy ^fo convincingly, and therefore 1 heartily thanh^ 
 your Lord-fl^ip fjf it., not only in my otvne name ,biitoftbe rvhole Clergy and Church 
 o/Englanti, which thereby is notably vindicated^ form the greateli prejudice that lay 
 uponher^or could rvith any probability be obje&ed to her &c. 
 
 To this difcourfc,received by all the Proteftants with great fatisfa<Sion,Dr, Kichard 
 Smith Bifliop oiCbakedon made anfwcr, but the BiQiop of Verry (tood the Afjault^ 
 and kept his Vo[\, not loofing an inch of the ground he had gained, neither ftarting 
 himfeU from the Qiiei^ion, nor fulfering his Antagonifl: to wander from it, by the 
 intervening of any new mattcrian artifice fomc Lawyers pradiife at the Barr todraw 
 the Counfell ot the other fide from the argument that would nick thecaufc.But he 
 did not only confider this Art in the Opponent , but tlie indifcretion of fome-Df/f«- 
 ^fwfxwho contend fiercely forfome flight Outworks,which it may be,it matters not 
 -whether they be in the poflellion of the one fide or the other,but being gain*d when 
 fo earncftly defended, often give that occafion of triumph, that thcCaufcmay fome 
 time fuffer in the opinion ofthofe that behold the adtionfand who raakc thcmfelves 
 Judges of it ) on the accompt of the lofs ofthat in which it was no way concern*d. 
 " Clearing himfelf therefore of all fuch forreign matter,as might intricate the queftion 
 and hinder his profpeft into it,hc fixes his foot upon the fpot , and defends the 
 Ch\ixc\\oi England under fuch a guard, that he did not only quench all the fiery darts 
 vpith ihejlneldof the Faith {he profefTcs, but beat back the impeachment of criminal 
 fchifmc on the head of her great Adverfary the Church o(Kome. 
 
 when the Bifliop oi Chalcedon had done,a very Tbrafonick^znd oftentatious per- 
 fon enters the lilts of this Centroverfie, with that unufual confidence, as if hefpokc 
 nothing hutfcience and demonfiration ; but the greateft proof he made of any thing 
 wasof an infolent, bitter, and unchriftian fpirit. 
 
 The Queftion of fchifm being difpatched , a new objection is flarted, againft our 
 Orders, and a pretty tale forged of a Na^shead finely dre(T'd,andfetofflike a fight 
 to draw in and cheat poor people of their money. Theftory pafTcd as currently 
 among them as any Legend in the Livss of their Saints, being afTertcd confidently 
 by fome of their Dodtors,and affirmed to be owned in the houfe of Lords by fome 
 of our BifhopSjWho they faid,offered to engage to juftify ir.What is it they will not 
 attempt or fay, that will thus abufe the credulity ofthofe fimple fouls who depend 
 (b entirely upon fuch Makers and teachers ofLyes> why do they not tell them that 
 the Englifh have all horns & hoofs, & long tailes, that they eat Children at their 
 Sacraments, or worfhip an A^es Head ? they may, with as much truth and juftice: 
 But I fuppofe the Bifhop of'Derry's difcourfe on this fubjedt with the Authorities 
 for the matter of fad now Printcd,has put an eternal Clence to that flander, fo that 
 tWcTslaggs head will never hereafter be heard to fpeake,unlefs it be with Baalambs Affe^ 
 to reprove the madncfs of the Prophet. I fhall fay no more of his writings againft 
 the Papirts,but conclude with what was faid of them by one, than whom no man 
 Gould Iprake bttter , the late excellent Bifliop of Doirw, Dr. Taylor in his Funeral 
 Sermon. When ever there is a man will dcfire to be fatiffyed in thofe great Queliions 
 C viz. between Rome and us ) the Bifliop of Derrys book (hall be their 
 Oracle. 
 
 And yet they have not given that fatisfadion to all men, for fome have been fo nice, 
 that they fancied they frae'.t not only the Bifliop** , but the Popes foot in all his 
 writings againft him:but thefearc they that think we muft runfromRowe and out 
 Witts together, whofc temper isfarr removed from the generous Chri flan fpirit, 
 which can digcft for Peace fake fmaller in- expediences, and places not the 
 cfTence of Religion either in mere Schoole opinions, or any particular formes of 
 •wcrfliip, but in faith and charity and holypcfs towards God, and obedience to Go- 
 vernours,Let thefc be fecured,and he was ready for peace with one fide or other ; 
 hut it is to nopurpofe to maitg abatements to either^ while the one eattnot give a jledfali 
 'Rule, ai'.d the other claimesfucha ^oa>er as pall make it bend in every Age, as the Jnterejl 
 of the Romane Court requires. 
 
 Sf, Aujime had as well the Manichees on one hand to conteft with, as the Pelagians 
 on the other: the Bifliop of r>f rr)f had in like manner had to deal with perfonsof 
 fo very like Perfvvafions, that it is noteafy to diftlnguifh them, and among them of 
 
 n the
 
 The LIFE of Frtmate BRAMHALL. 
 
 "tU forincrfortjWith Mr.HofciVa very natural Philofophcr,whofedo<flrines have had To 
 c-reat a ihare in the debauchery of this Generation, that a good Chriftian can hardly 
 hear his name without faying of his prayers , unlefs perhaps he may forbeare out of 
 fome compalh'on to the man, andunwillingnes to raife the evil fpirit , which was 
 fo moved at the Bi(hop of Derry's God bhf! us^ as if he were in torment andfeare 
 rvhere no fear e was, at the name of that Imaginary Vorver. Other philofophers made 
 it their bufines to reform men, his was to corrupt philofophy it felf, andinftead 
 ofcorrcding thcobliquity of mens manners, to make the Rule crooked: andthere- 
 fore it is not greatly to be wondrcJ, if many of that Age efpecially, that are not fitt 
 hearers of other Ethicks, had his in gruat admiration, lince his Nectftty gives them 
 the ercatell Liberty. I know none that envycs him the honour of hisLcar- 
 nin2, but none without indignation can think of it being fo bafely proftituted to 
 to be apandor to bcrtia]ity,& to fervc only as a ftrong vehicle to convey the poyfon 
 infufcd in ifjmore fpeedily,8c make it work more powerful! even upon many ofthe 
 noblcrpartsofthefe Kingdomes.Butgood Judges have thought he has not lick'dhim- 
 felf wcllof thofe wounds the Bifhop ofDerry gave him. And asSeUen found hifto- 
 rians , and Philologers in the Order he fo haughtily defpifed, fodid Mr. Hobbx phi- 
 lofophers.that had obferved other principles than matter and motions and fatall ne- 
 cellity in the world. And tho this great Leviathan takes pleafure in that deluge 
 oiAtheifm he has fpucd cut of his mouth, and roules with great wantonnefs in the 
 deep, attended with a numerous (hoal of his own fpawning, yet the hookjiftillin hit 
 nofe. And I do not doubt but thofe his bruti(h dodferines will appear as unfavoury 
 tra{h, when the Grace of God has humbled thefe Kirtgdoms by fome difcipline 
 which they greatly want, and brought them back to that charity and fobriety,from 
 which they have as greatly departed, tho they are noa> a gratefiiU ban\ett t^) the Com- 
 f anions ; but till then the hofe of him is in vain. We are told by the Noble D». 
 P/f////,that it is the conceipt ofthe later Jervs, that the Leviathan is a dainty difli, 
 feafon*d and referved by God for the entertainment of the Mfj/rj/ and his friends : 
 but fure this can be none of it, for the foul beaft has fuch an hautgoufi, that Chrif 
 I\ians have no llomach to it hcre,and I fuppofc their appetites will not be more car- 
 nal in the Refaredlion. 
 
 But let us leave Mr. Hobbs and his Leviathan, who mcthink? refemble Lucian Sc 
 his great hfli which contains fo manykingdoms and fo many falflioods, & wait 
 further on the Bifhop, paying the fupercilious Dffg>Mi«f//f this acknowledgement 
 for afatewel, that the words ufed by God of that Crcature^Sc borrowed by him as 
 a Motto for the Hieroglyphick of his Commonwealth,areas applicable tohimfelf.viz. 
 «po« "Earth there is not his lik^\tho I cannot add what follows, n'fco is made rpithoutfeare.. 
 There are two difcourfes yetunfpoken oF, at which I doubt fome offence will be 
 taken, viz. Fairrvarning &c. And that ofthe Sabbath. But in the firft of thefe his 
 Lord-fhlp hasfo manifefted the inconfiftency of the admired difcipline with the 
 Rights of the Civill Magillrate, the Privileges of Pjjrlijmenr.iud the liberty and pro- 
 perty ofthe Subjeft and all orders and degrees of men, that no man can reafonably 
 be diftafled, that would not run into the fire for fear of being burned, or that 
 loved not bondage rather than liberty. But Smtpiilnus perfons out of a fear of 
 fnper(iitton often run into it. 
 
 The doftrine ofthe Sabbath is a kind of No/i me tangere, it was difficult for him 
 to handle it without burning of his fingers, fome men having as great a veneration 
 for that precife time, as an abomination forall other dayes and circumfiances of 
 worfliip, which yet are as capable of that Relative holynes, th^t arifes only from 
 their deftination to facred offices^ whiles others levell it with the other feffivals, and 
 fome profane ones (wholly difparking the enclofure ) make it common with the or- 
 dinary dayes of the week. 
 
 Of his difcourfe in this caufe( ifwc may take the word of one well able to judgc^ 
 the Bifhop of DoipwC before mentioned jhas fometimes faid,he had feen nothing 
 better, and that he hadfhewed a clear and fcholaffick head, and a mind free from 
 Juperftitinn and profanejs. His Lord-fhip was no enemy to the duties of the day, nor 
 the fevcreft obfervation of it, provided they proceeded not from falfe and miflaken 
 conceiptSj as ifwc were obliged prccifely by the Law ofthe fourth Commandment. 
 
 whick '
 
 The L I FE of Pnmaie BKAMHALL. 
 
 which It is vilible we do not conceive we are, further than in the general] and" 
 by way of accommodation and reductionior as if the minutsof one day were more 
 holy than ot another, or that fuch minuts didfandtify the duties pertormed in them 
 Thefe are fond imaginations,&: fuppofe us ftil under the obligation of the bandrvrit- 
 irtg ofordinances.BM there is a Natural Eiy«/()',that is the ground of the fourth Com- 
 mandment ,& is of eternal force in (his mattcr,5c there is a formal moral obligation 
 on us from the fifthw there is a Pvcfped due to the pradice of theChriliian Church 
 which either appointed cv: obferved this d3y,becaufc flie was commanded or bccaufe 
 (he had power without itv and there is a great value in the Argument of the Day 
 the Re(urre<ftion of our Lord', and an honour done to his Pcrfon in the defignationi 
 and from the Religious obfrrvation of it fuch a vifibie influence on the lives of men* 
 who are thereby made more foberand more holy (* I do not fay from the time but 
 the facred Offices of it) that wc are not without Arguments and encouragernents 
 to a ftrictcr account of our manner of fpending it, than is too generally pradifed . 
 And therefore tho there arc Mathematical and other arguments ( which truly I 
 could wi(h were well anfwered J againil the morality, there can benoneagainft the 
 Offices, the piety, and Charity ot the Lords day; and thele certainly render our per- 
 fons more acceptable tho perform'd on fuperfiitious grounds, than the omillion of 
 them can do.efpecially if the duty be fliut out by any fecular ernployment or Recre- 
 ation^ unlefs Mercy bring the difpenfation for the want of Sacrifice. 
 
 Among his other labourshc had defigned fomthing about Liturgy,of which he pro- 
 mifes fomthing,page 5ii« Fairwarning cap 12. & for that end(a$hetold the Pafsage 
 himfelfto Dr. ?^<j%r;deligned a journey into Spain, where what advantages he ex- 
 pcfted in thatitudy I know not .'But he met with an unexpected diveriion in his 
 firft days journey into that Kingdomi for he no fooner came into thchoufe where 
 he intended to refreih himfelf, but he was known and called by his name by the 
 Hoftefs. And his Lordfliip admiring ar his being difcovered,flie foon revealed the 
 fecrct and ihe wed him his owne picture, and affured him there were feveral of them 
 in the road that being known by them he might be feiz'd and carryed to the Inquifi- 
 tioH^ and that her hulband among others had po vver to that purpofe, which he would 
 certainly make ufe of, if he found him. TheBiftiop faw evidently he was a condem- 
 ned man being already hanged in E^g?c, and therefore made ufe of the advertife- 
 mcntand efcaped out of the power of that Court. This is the beit way fome men 
 have of anfwering arguments, and fo SuStephen was ftoned to death, becau(c the 
 Jetvs could not refirtthe wifdomby whichhe fpake. 
 
 Thus 1 have given a Relation , fuch as my Information would allow me of the 
 hazard this Renowned Champion of the Church oiEtrghnd ran through at home 
 8c abroad,8cnow the day which the Lordhadmade beginsto dawn, wherein it pleafed 
 God to looke dorene and vifit his Vine & the place of his Vineyard^& to lay his hand up- 
 on ihe man of his Right hand to ma\e him jirong for himfelf. He had before told Mili- 
 iter, that God had nobler wayes of reltoring his Majeliie than by battles and 
 blood(hed>by changing the hearts of his Creatures at his pleafure,and turning EJati's 
 vowed revenge into love and kindnes,of which change there was then fo little ap- 
 pearance, that we may conclude if the intimation of it proceeded not from a fpirit 
 illuminated with Prophecy, yet it was an argument of a great judgement and fa- 
 gacioufnes in the affaires and minds of men. He was neither aboaftcr oi Kevi lations 
 nor an obfcrver of <^rMwf /,and yet he would often before the Rebellion of Ireland, 
 ^cakot one, that then much troubled him, which was, that being in a very faire 
 Cathedrall Church,he thought it fuddenly fell upon him, (o that he was almoft bu- 
 ry'din the Rubbifli but having with much difncuhy got out and looking upon it 
 fometime, he faw it rife up without any noiff, of every part whereof he lived to fee 
 the veritication.That wonderful Providence that had covered the head of his A»ointed^in 
 the day of battle^& ca.ixYed him in a cloud like our 5jwo«r from the midd: of his Ene- 
 mies, when they were fecking of his Lifevhad now turn'd the hearts of the dtf obedient 
 io thetvifdomof the JulhSc thereby opened a way to fett his King upon the holy hill 
 o(Sion info filent and rtrange a manner, as no hiflory affords a greater proof, that 
 God has not abandoned the Empire of the world tochance,but ftill mantainshis do- 
 minion over the Spirits of men,no leffe an hand could carry on a bufinefs of fo great a 
 
 weight
 
 The LIFE of Frim^e BR^MHALL. 
 
 wcielit androulcluchaiioncuplhc hill, againll the inclinations and interefts of fu 
 :!:„ ', m^n who had power in their hands, and whofe guilt prompted them to make 
 
 rot 
 inent in- 
 
 manv men who had power in their hands, ana wnoie gum prunipica rnem to n 
 fc otif to oppofc it. Bi't the men nhofe hands were mighty foundmthing. I will 
 denv bu't many who had contributed to the Death ot the Father, were Eminent in- 
 firumcnts in the Reftauration of the Son,buteven that helps to makeup the Demon- 
 firation. The Royall Caufe had long fuffercd between two Uakfaaors,h\it one of 
 them at'laft became a Pfw//f"', and his Majcltiehasremcmbred himfo farr fincehe 
 tamt into his Ki»gdom,th3Z I hope he wiWnevci return to his folly. Cwcc not on]Y 
 his Religion and Loyalty, but his Gratitude lyes in the way to hinder any fuch de- 
 fection. Hi^MajcHic from thefirft day of his happy Reftauration defigncd the ad- 
 vancernent of thcBifliop ofDfrry, but it was not readily knownc, upon lohat Hill 
 the Lioht was to be placed . It was rumour'd efpeciajly in Tor/;jf^frf, becaufe they 
 mightily hoped it, that he fliould have been their Arch-bi(hcp,and his going downe 
 into that Countrey was fomc occafion of the Report, for they received the Vifit fo 
 kindcly, that they became fond of his continuance among them, all being defirous 
 to renew their old acquaintance, or contradl a new one with a man fo univerfally 
 farao-Rs . The moft learned of the Clergy were defirous of the honour to preach 
 before him, the younger to be ordained by him, upon whom accordingly (^ being 
 licenfedby the Dean and Chapter of TorJ;^^ he layd his hands. Among others 
 he there found his old friend Dotftor JT^j^r, and received him with great kindneft 
 and tendernefs, whom he had concluded dead, having heard nothing of him: but 
 he was onely buried in an obfcure and fmall,and therefore notfcandalous. Living, of 
 about twenty pounds pr. annum , in which by the tavour of his friends, he had 
 allowance of performing Divine offices, as appointed by the Church, after many 
 Afflidions and Imprifonmcnts for the King. One Mickjethveait was by him prefent- 
 cd to his Lordftiip, for refolution in that Cafe which afterward troubled many, viz. 
 Presbyterial ordmation, which he had received when young and not fkilld in An.- 
 tiquityi with which the more he was acquainted, the more he was concerned. The 
 Bifhop of Perry was not willing to enter into it till he had advifed with theBifliops 
 at London^ to whom he propounded the Cafe, and after their Return, he proceeded 
 to fatiffy his confeience, by giving him Epifcopall ordination. Of this fubied I (hall 
 have occ?.fion to fpeakc more in another place. 
 By this time it was publickly kno wne that his Majcftic dcfigned to oblige this Church 
 by fending the Bifhop ofVerry to the Government of it, as one that beft knew her 
 Conftitution and dif{cmpers,and accordingly he was made Arc!>Bi(hop oi' Armagh^ 
 Primate and Metropolitan of all Ireland, Indeed no man could be more acceptable 
 to the Clergy here, becaufe none fo fit to repaire the breaches of the Church by 
 knowing to what part every flone & every piece of timber belonged, as this fkillfull 
 Architect, who by alfigning the proper place for every thing, had the fatisfadion 
 tofeethe ifTue ofhisdreame, the building rife fuddenly,rife out of its Afhes, with- 
 out thenoife ofhammer,or any contradidion,the Authority of his Perfon and ofhis 
 Judgement filenced all the oppofition, which one of lefle veneration miglit pollibly 
 have met with. All mens expedations were fixed on him, and many of the Prime 
 Nobility and Clergy in England ^-whoiz names much more their Letters would tire 
 the Reader,congratulated the Churches happinefs in his Promotionv which the Queen 
 of Bohemia in her Letter to his Grace, prayes him to be confident that none of his 
 fricndsjis more glad of,or wilhcs him morehappines, than his ever moft affectionate 
 friend Queen Elizahetf.\. And indeed all lookt on Iiis Grace as another Abiathar, 
 that bore the Ark of the Lord before David, and was atfiidtcd in all his aftlidions. 
 & therefore joyfully acknowledged him as the fittcfl: Perfon for the High Priefthood. 
 The Light coald not be more welcom after long and difconfolate night, than his 
 Grace was to this Church, to which he came like the Great Athanafnis to his Chair 
 after many peregrinations, and a tedious exile but tho young menClike thoieat 
 the building of the fecond temple^rcioyced greatly, the old who had feen him in 
 his cxaltation,walking in the meridian ofhis Itrength and lufire could not refrain 
 weeping,nor onely for the joy of his return,but becaufcthey faw his body rerymuch 
 broken with Age, and Perfecution and labour,there being \erp fpeeches or h/iguages 
 in thefe parts of the world, where his voice vpas-mt heardinor was his fancy without 
 
 fome
 
 Ihs LIFE of Primate BRAMHALL. 
 
 Come dimmff from the vexation. But thefe things tho they might make him lefs ac- 
 tive, they made him more jutlicioiK. Thofe qualities that rendered him a fit folli- 
 ci/or for the Church, as he would call himfelfjhad nowlcft him,and in their Room 
 •that vvifdom from experience in futfering as well as acting fucceeded,which became 
 him wlien he was made her judge and Patron . And the fenfe that he had of his 
 crazy and infirm Hate made him more Indufhious, than it would wellallow and 
 God made him fuccesfull in a great work. ' 
 
 It was one ofhis Majefties tirlt carcstogiwKJ/to God the things that are Gods' 
 and accordingly he reltored unto the Church all her Tcmporalties in as full manner 
 as (he flood potTefFed in the year ii54i,on all which the Powers before in being had 
 extended their ufurpation. 
 
 In Right aHo of his Power o? Uvefliture^ he proceeded by his Letters Patents to 
 appoint the BKhops in the feverall vacant fees, andiiTued his Royal mandate to the 
 ArchBifhop of^rwj^fe fortheir Confecration, by vertue whereof his Grace in one 
 day withtheatliftance of thofe few that had outlived the Pcrfecution, laid his hands 
 on two Arch^ijhops viz. on Dean Margetfon then made ArchBifhop of Vuhlin and 
 Dr. Pullen of Tuam: and on ten Bipops, viz. Dean Boyle Lord Bi(hop of Cor}^ Dean 
 Fark^r oi Elfin, Dr. Taylor ofVorvn, Syng ofLymerich^.FriceofLeighlin, Bak^r of Wa' 
 terford, IVild of Virry^Leffly ofDrommore, Worth of Killalorv, and Ball of Killala. 
 
 Thus were feveral Paflors (et over the flocks: Kildare onely was yet without a 
 (hepherd, asaffording little wooll or milk tohim that fiiould feed it. But it was 
 not long (o,Dt.7homas Price found the loft flieep, and took care of iti and bccaufe he 
 was contented and Faithful in a very little he was afterwards tranflatedto the Arch- 
 Bifhoprick of Cafhel, and fo made Kuler of many Cities. This fo folemn and rare 
 an Adion ( Confidering their number ) was performed in the Cathedrall Church of 
 St. Patricks D«i/w, the Sermon being preached by the pious, Eloquent, and 
 learned Biihop of Poiyw, the Lords Jujiices and Council attending the Ceremony, all 
 parts whereof were fo gravely and ritely performed that it gave much pleafure to 
 that Great and Noble audience. Thus having like the Apoftles at Jerufalem receiv- 
 'ed Poveer from on high immediatly before their difperfion to the feverall flocks over 
 Tphich the Holy Ghoft had made them overfeers^the then Bifhop of Lymerick^ and now of 
 Cork, entertained theftate and them in Chrift-Church in Dublin^ with a moft ftafon- 
 ablc and pious difcourfe on thofe words of the Apofilc 2. Thcf. 3. i. 2. than which 
 none could be found more appofite to the occafion, and which of themfelvcs had 
 theeffedt of a Sermon, ftrikin^; the fancy and raifmg the devotion of the Congre- 
 gation, finally brethren Pray for us , that the word of the Lord may have free courfe 
 and be Glorified, even as it is^ vpith you: and that vee may be delivered from unreafenable 
 and tvickfd men ,for all men have not faith. 
 
 Prefently after this, each betaking himfelf to his Proper Charge,the Primate went 
 downe into the Country to vifit his Diocefs, where we cannot fuppofe, but he 
 found great diforder among the fervants, fomc fmiting their Fellows, in the 
 fo long abfence of the Lord, many imbibing very (Trong prejudices from 
 their education in an evil time both againlt his Perfon,and the doctrin and difcipline 
 of the Church-, but by lenity and reproof,by argument and perfwafion, by long (uff- 
 ering and podrin,he gained upon them even Ijcyond his own hopes. He ufed to fay 
 men mufthavefome time to return to their witts,that had been fo long out of them, 
 knowingCas heobferved in one of his fpeeches in Parliament of Civil Government) 
 that res facile redeunt in pri\}inum jiaium. I (hall give but one inftance ( but it is a 
 memorable one^ of his Graces Prudence in turning the edge of tie moft Popular 
 objedion of that time againd Conformity : when the Benefices were called at the 
 vifitation,(everal appeared and exhibited onlyfuch Titles as they had received from 
 the late Powers,Hc told them,they were no legall Titles,but in regard he heard well 
 ofthem,hewas willing to make fuch to them, by Inltitution and Indudion, which 
 they humbly acknowledged and intreated his Lordfhip fo to do: but defiring to fee 
 their Letters of orders^Comc had ro other,but their Ccrtificats of ordination, by fome 
 Presbyterian Cla(res, which he told them did not qualify them for any Preferment 
 in the Church. Whereupon the QuelUon immediately arofe, are rve not Miiiiilersof 
 the Gifpell, to which his Grace anfvvered, that that was not the Que(\ion,at leaft he 
 
 ■ dcfired
 
 TbTT TFE of Frimaie BRAMHALL 
 
 d^l.rcd tor l^eace (akcot ^vhlch l>c hopes, rhcy woe M.mucrs too, that that might 
 not be the Q..c(tion for that tirr.e. I difpute not faid he the value of your Ordina- 
 tion northofe Afts you have excrcifcd by vertue of >t , what you are, or might do 
 hcre'whcn there was no Law, or in other Churches abroade ; but we are now tp 
 confider our fclvcs as a National Clmrcb limited by Law, which among other things 
 takes chicfe care to prcfcribe about Ordination: and I do not know how you could 
 recover the means of theChiirch,!fany ftould refufcto pay you yourTithes,ifyou are 
 not ordained as the Law of this Church rcquircth, and I am dcfirous that fliee may 
 have your labours,and you fuch portions ot her Revenue , asfliallbe allotted you, in 
 a Icaal and affured way. By this means he gained fuch as were learned and fober, 
 and for therein it was not much matter. Old Govcrnours do not much care for 
 difputing , nor Old Generalls for righting-, the lefs blood is flicd, the more Glori- 
 ous is the conqucll: vvhen the warr is civill, the lefs the Enfigns are (lained and 
 torne the nobler is the vidory. In fuch cafes an Ovation is more Glorious than a 
 Triuwph. ]ni\ as I was about to clofe up this particular 1 received full affurance of 
 all I offered in it, which for the Readers fake I thought ritt to add being the very 
 words which his Grace caufcd to be inferted into the Letters of one Mr. 
 Edward Pjrkjnfiu^vvhom he ordained at that time,and from whom I had them by my 
 Reverend Brother & Neighbour the Lord BKhopoi KiUalotv.Nan annihihntes -priores 
 Ordines (fi quos hahmt ) nee validttatem aitt jnvaliditatem eorundem determinantefy 
 multo minus omnes Ordines facros Ecckfiarum Forinfecarum condemnantes, quos profrio 
 Judici relinquimns^ Jed Jolummodo fuppkntes, qmcqmdprius defnit per Canones lEcckfi^ , 
 Anglicjnx requifitum, et Frovidentes Pact Ecchfia ut fchifmatis tollatur occafio , & 
 conjcientjis FidelzHmfatisfiat, nee ullo modo duhitem de ejus Ordinalione, ant Actus fuos 
 Trefbyteriales tanquam invalidos averfentur : in cu\us ret tefiimonium. 
 
 By this Prudence and moderation he greatly foftned the fpirit of oppofition, and 
 got effed-ually doubled the point he aimed at. And indeed upon fuch terms,whe- 
 thex Epifcopacy be a diftindt Order ^ or an higher degree h-\ the fame Order of prieft- 
 fliood , whether it be of Divine^ or Apofiolieal , or of but early EcclefiajUcal Inftitu- 
 tion,thofe men have but fmal regard to the Peace and Unity of the Church,that will 
 Hand off, and fo keep the wound ftill raw and bleeding. In the time of the Law the 
 charader of Priflhood we know wasconvey'd as it were ex traduce, and by propa- 
 gation in a natural Line, God fo appointing. Yet in a time of perfecution, in the 
 Babylonifh captiuity, fome had crept into the office,that derived not t'rom Aaron 
 who not being found Regeftred in the Genealogy were removed as polluted, and 
 rot allowed to eat of the holy things,till a Priell flood up with Vrim & "thummim. 
 Nehem.y^S^.S^^ <55.yet none of their former Adts were qucftioned while they paffed 
 under the cfteem of Priefts. The cafeis in fome rcfpeds like Ours,OurPriefthood 
 indeed is not after thcLaa> of a carnall Commandment^ but yet the Ecclefialtical manu- 
 traduclion thereof in a way of Civill Generation anfwcrs to their natural. He that 
 was not then of the Line of Aaron, never could be taken into the Priefthood 
 of that Order , but now men are taken into this Minifiry , but no man 
 iah,esthe Honour to himjelf; & ifany do fo, or fland not vifibly in theOrdinary feriet, 
 he is to be confidercd as one that has broke the Order , 8c removed as one that 
 cannot rind his Regitier, without queftioning the validity of his former Adts. For the 
 value of fuch Ads, astotheEffcds of them,pcrhaps,dcpends not fo much among 
 honcft and fimpleChrillians,or the qualities orqualihcationsof the Difpenfers,as the 
 JaithSc integrity of thofe to whom they arc dirpenfed-,& he is effedtually baptized 
 that has a moral affurance of his being fo, and would be, if he had noti and foof the 
 other Sacrament. And therefore a continuance in the office is not ■■> to be pleaded 
 from the value offuch Ads, as arife rather from the Mercy of God , accepting ofthc 
 good meaning & pardoning the ignorance of honcft minded, butabufcd people, than 
 from the habit or character oftheAdminiftratour. But fpeciallyfince the door was open 
 for their Regular entrance,if they would not come in,why lliould not the Thjhatha put 
 •away fuch Priefts, till one fhould Hand up with Fr/jw, that is, till fuch an Autority in 
 *vhichwceoughttoacquie(ce, either a free General Council, or one at leaftof the Prote- 
 flant Churches, {hould determine the Cafe / till fuch time , astheChurch ofEngland 
 /land now reformed according to the Pattern of Primitive Antiquity, wee may fay, 
 Kebavean Ah ar, of which they baveno right to eat whothus Minifler to a Schifirx. The
 
 ihe L ir E of tnf?iate B R A M H A L I 
 
 iiicif,icat, tiu: IS, tnc Ipintai! Concernments of this Church his Gi^icm-u. ^i 
 in pcrfonjthe 'e.s, that is the temporal by Proxyi deputing Sr. George Atc'hinfC 
 Dr. rKf/^'-, and Ca^t. 'ibomss Chjmhers. by Commilfion to fettle his^£jt«tc, who 
 did :;!! fhings in tlut matter fo hi": rdtisfad:ion. 
 
 Tie Govcrmiient of the Kingdom was then adminiftred by Sr. Muurice Lajlaee 
 the Lord Chancellor, and the Earles of Orrery and hlontrath as Lords Julticcs and 
 a ParHarnciit funimonedand convened together with aConvocation,Mu>iS.i(56t. 
 Of this the Primate was Prcfident by his Place, and of tiie Lords Houfe in the cdicr 
 made Speaker by his merit. That OHice and the charadcr which the Loid Chan- 
 cdhir then bore being inconfilkntjthe Lordsjuflices thought none httcrforit thanhis 
 Grace , 't!io fome endeavours were ufcd (ot Mother whofe only unhappinefs it was 
 to be overmatcht in his Competitions. It is not cafy to fay, which of the two 
 places he filled belt, whether the Statefman or Divine fhined with greater brightnefs. 
 Hs had a judgment n)c!ear,and a fpeech fo plain and per(walive,thathc could rea- 
 dily unravell any intricacy, and divide all the parts of the Controvcrfy info theis 
 proper lides, fo that the heavier fcale woukl callly fhew it felf. In fhort he (o mo- 
 der;U;d and ftated all quertions that arofe, that I believe few Affemblies can boaft 
 ccfo great an Inrerell being difputed with fo little noifcf tho there wanted not 
 fomej in thofe kind of Arguments wherein men are not ufually the moft filent. Ths 
 value which thcPdrlijineiu had for hisGrace appeared very early in appointingCcm- 
 mittce; of both Houfes to examine what was upon Record in either of their books 
 againll him, or the Earle ot Sirafford; and they found the AjTronts and Injufticc fo 
 great, that nothing could be greater but the Honour, which they did them, in or- 
 dering all the fcandalous Charges to which the preceding Parliament had g-ven but 
 too much count£n3nce,to be torne out of their bookes, which was done accordingly. 
 The (7f-/zj(.ci»?io« had fuch a fenfc of the meritorious fervices, he did the Church, 
 ai;d for which he had been fo much troubled,chat they acknowledge them, in arj 
 !a(irumeri.t of Hfcogwifio^ which was defigncd to be made publick, but was un- 
 happily midiyed or loft. 
 
 The Army that had fcrved Julian, as foon as they had an opportunity, not 'only 
 chofe hvianus a ChrilUan for their general, but declaring themfelvesfo, (hewM it 
 was tyranny and feare that made them deny with their mouths, what they believ'd 
 in their hearts. I cannot commend the Cowardife, but I do the Repentance, and 
 I hope none will malicioudy Itretch the comparifon beyond what is intendedjifl 
 fay many of theHoufe ot Commons (hewed in two great inftances,thatthey had been 
 alfo under a force in denying their Allegiance to their Prince,or their ohedienceto the 
 Church. For an evidence of this laft they defired to receive the BlefTed Sacriment 
 •from the Primats hands, which his Grace accordingly adminiftred to them, having 
 before fed them with a Sermon of Repentance, as with bitter herbs at the Pafs-over^ 
 wherein his Grace inlilkd much on the miftakesof that Duty, urging that it was 
 ri«t completed by Confellion and forrow without forfaking and amendment, and I 
 doubt not,but theyconfirmed and bound upon themfelves by holy & feverc vows , 
 the dodrine of the one at their fo folemu reception of the other. 
 
 The other inftance was of their Loyalty in recognising his Majefties Title, and de- 
 claring their joy for his Reftauration , to which moft of them had feverally contri- 
 butcd;Nbr ftaydthey hcre,but proceeded biiskly to a joyntcenfure with theLords,of 
 that which had driven him from them,ev&n outrunning the Convocation in their zeal 
 to condemn the folemne League and Covenant to the fire, as that which had en" 
 flamed three Kingdoms i which tho it was potent enough to murder the Father in 
 fpigh: of Duty & Alkgiance^wzs, feeble in Refloring theSon,vvhenit was to fight a- 
 cainftthe E'/g^gffWH/.Andas if this had been too litle,they after declare in the Adtof 
 "Z/M/f-cwir)', for they oblige others to do fo, that it has no obligation, and was in 
 it felt an unlawtuU Oath,and impofed contrary to the known Laws and Liberties of 
 the Kingdom.lt is not my bulines to wade further into this matter. And I expeft it 
 may he objedred, that this was but an ill argument of Loyalty fincc the defence of 
 the Kings perfon was one branch of the Covenant it (elf.I (hall fay nothing to this , 
 but whK Crmippell faid to {^im; Presbyterians in Scotland^ when they charged him 
 zn^tnzKu,n^ with tht breach of ttieir oath in putting the King to death- He 
 
 told
 
 "TL? LIFE of F rimaH BHAMTjALL. 
 
 ■^J^donc in purfuance and by vertue of the Covenant which did 
 
 told f'^^'" '. „ obliec them to defend the King in thetnaintenanceof the true Reli- 
 but condition ^^j ^^ b^^^^ ^^^^^. ^ opppugner of, but it abfolutely engag'd them to 
 §'°"'aUmalienantstocondignpuni{hment,and that confequently the King being 
 u'"h ad ot them their right hand was a right hand of tmqmty, t.\\zt oppos'd the cutting 
 r n" Bv which anlwcr they faw themfelves intangled in their own fnare, and 
 " tialmcn bya fairconaruflion of the words of theCovcnant arc ready todohim 
 *l?-^^^ fticc tliat he conquered that nation as well by his argument as his ftvord. 
 p t\"mu(\ return to the Primate whom yet I have not forgott in this account, un- 
 I ft we can imagin fo active a perfon in fuch a place was iflcep when a thing of 
 W rioment was in agitation. I know fome will be ready enough to exciife me 
 n avine any way digrefscd,as allowing him to have had the greateft (hare in it, 
 d I am not willing to contradict them, tho we have fcverall ends in our agree- 
 ment in this particular. 
 
 During the Sellion of this Parliament feverall advantages were obtained, more 
 were defigned for the Church,in which his Grace was very induflrious. Several 
 of the Bifliops muft acknowlcdg their Augmentations to hisinterceifion, aslikewifc 
 the Inferiour Clergy the forfeited Impropriate Tiths,and the whole Church, all the 
 advantageous Claufes in the Acts oi Setkment & ex^la}^ation,\ho of many of them (he 
 reapsfmall benefits as of the two Acres out of the hundred for Glebes in the firft, 
 which were after reduced to ten in every parifh in the Laft Ad, but out of this fo 
 Pious Provi(ion,not fo much as one Acre was fetled on any one Church. But this is 
 owing to fome mal-admini(tration, when the Piety of the King and the Bounty of the 
 parliament intended better things. 
 
 There were two Bills for the pafling whereof his Grace took very ^reat pains , 
 but was defeated in both. And fome were of opinion^ that truly it was better for the 
 Church that neither (liould pafs than that both fliould . 
 
 The firft was for making the tithing table ofVlJhr, the rule for the whole King- 
 dom there being the fame reafon now for its being received in the other Provinces, 
 that was at firft for its admiffion into that. The Lands of thefe countreys being 
 formerly employed in tillage are now fo much converted to Pafiurage as the eafieft 
 ?c mo{\ profitable kind of husbandry, that whole Baronies are overfpred with 
 Cattle out of which very litle profit arifes to the Mini(ter,out of the greater fort 
 nothing, as liGcd took^ no care for Oxe», and therefore defervcd no acknowledgment 
 for his Providence; in fo much as he who Miniflers to the people Spirituall things^ 
 reaps fo litle of their Carnal, that I know a Prebend in the Diocefs of LjiwmcJ^Cfor- 
 merlyofgood value _) that has been Set for fome years of late by this means for 
 four pence a year. Yet in this his Grace could find no Relief. 
 
 The other Bill was for enabling the Bifhops to make Lcafcs for fixty years, in 
 which he had no better fuccefs . For mofl of both Houfesthat wi(hcd wel to the 
 Church Schad fuffered in her Caure,oppofed it.Some of the Bifhops appearing openly 
 againft it, not withi\anding the great rt fped they had for his graces judgement : as the 
 thenLordBilhopof Corfe,nowLord Archbifliopof rK^//«,&(ither?.This was indeeda 
 great trouble to his Grace, and made him fay,furcly I have liv'd long enough, I be- 
 gin to doubt I have loft my Reafon, for my integrity I will never lofc-, I that have 
 fuffered fo much for the Patrimony of the Church formerly, cannot betray it in my 
 old Age. And indeed the confidcration of his Integrity and of his wifdom toge- 
 gether with the experience he vouched of fome goodeffedls of a like ftatute formerly 
 mentioned, in rcfpeft of fome N'rf/^frw Bifhopricks, prevailed fo far, that nothing 
 was wanting at la{i,but the Royall Afsenf, but before that pafsed,an Erour wasdif- 
 covered in the Bill which was very fatall to icfor before it could return amended out 
 oi England the Earl of Orrery by the Duke of Ormonds aflliming that Government 
 wasat liberty to fpeake his fenfe in the Cafe. HisLordflJp hada great regard forthc 
 perfonsoftheprefcnt bifhopsSc for their fuffering5,but he had a greater for fuccefIion,in 
 favour whereof, Ac for the fupport of their rirdtr^t conceiv'd the Church was endowed, 
 and not for the fake of the men of any one Age however meritorious. In fhcrt the inju- 
 f\ice of one Bifnop fweeping away the half cFthc ellate of the cl urch fcr fo long a time 
 asfixtyyears> leaving onely the bare ftatute Rent for his fucccfTcrs the opportunities 
 
 fuck
 
 7he L I FE of Primate B R- A M H A LL. 
 
 uch Lealcs would give the Tenants to alter and contound the bounds ot die 
 Church Lands with fuch of their owne as are contiguous Tofw^ich there want not 
 already fome precedents and there will be many more inftances of this kind for 
 the want of inquilitions pcjl Mortem) with many other not only inconveniences 
 but mifchiefs which he prcfaged tothe Churc'i,as the confequences of fucha Power 
 werefo demonftrated by that fore: of Rcafon, of wit and Eloquence that alwayes 
 attends that Noble Orator.thmhc Bill was thrown out of the Houfe of Lords where 
 it had received the rirrt encouragcment:fome of thofe who were moll concerned for 
 it, returning his Lordlliip thanks tor the illumination he had given them in that 
 point. 
 
 How the Primate came tobe,'as many of his owne ordsr judged) of the wrong 
 fide of the queftion in this matter I know not. But I know this,it was no advantage 
 he propoi'ed to himfelf that blinded his eyes,remembring to have heard him fay,that 
 mofl of his Lands were fet out by his predecelTor for a long time yetunexpired 
 & that he would iill them up to fixty years , without requiring any fine,that the 
 Tenants might be encouraged to improve them. 
 
 The foregoing paffage has brought into my mind another Expedient as a more 
 equall contrivance C in the opinion of fome ) between all parties concerned viz; 
 the prefent Bilhophis fuccelTors and the Tenants^ which I will venture to fet downe 
 andfubmit to better judgments. Firll that a terrier of all the Bilhops Lands be made 
 and returned into the Remembrancer's Office, there to be made matter of Record 
 fo that every Bifhop at his entrance into his See,may Cif he pleafe ) take a copy of 
 it , with his Co,!jiat,in order to his giving bonds for his firft fruits. 2. That no Ec- 
 clefialHcall Corporation (hall renew any Leafe of any part of the Eftate belonging 
 thereunto, without firft adivifing the Lord Lieutenant and Council thereof^Sc that a 
 Commidion upon fuch fignification (hould ilTue to enquire feverally into the true 
 value of the faid Eftate, and upon return thereof, the Bilhopsor other Church Cor- 
 poration,fhould be licenfed to let at the ftatute Rent, viz. not under half the value 
 for twenty one years,compoanding with the Tenant, as he can, for the fine,incon- 
 iideration of the abatement of the complement of the full improved renti and that at 
 every feven years end,or within fix months after at farthelt, the Tenant rtiall be ob- 
 liged under a penalty to tender a years Rent to the Bifhop'a year's rent as the Lands 
 are then fet)and the Bilhop obliged to receive it,& in conlideraxion thereof to make 
 up his Leafe for as many years as at firft were covenanted for. Were a ftatute provided 
 to this purpofe, it is conceived it would fecure the Churches title altogether as well, 
 if not better,than enquiries poft >M';r(fOT, which are now rarely made. It would fecure 
 the Tenant his Emprovements, and confequently encourage him to make them, it 
 would fecure the Rent, and make it in time the calieft in the Kingdom, and more 
 equally divide the fines,than now they are, when one Bifhop forcftalis fuccelfion for 
 Twenty, if the other Bill had paflcd, for threefcore year?. 
 
 The Primate : was about this time alarum'd with a great fit of ficknefs. It was 
 the fecond fit of a palfey which wasfo violent, that all thought it would not have 
 ftayed for a third . But it pleafed God to add fome months yet unto his life, in 
 which he defigned great things, knowing that when fich diftempers knock at a 
 mans doore, the found of the Majiersfeet is notfarr behind them. before his Death 
 - he was very intent upon a Regall vilitation in order to the corredlion of fome dis» 
 orders he had obferved.and the fctlement of Minifters upon their Cures with more 
 convenience and comfort to themfelvesand their refpedlive Charges. Nonrefidence 
 was a thing he frequently declaimed againft as the ruin of the Church with great 
 zeale,and therefore he greatly defired to have the Ad for uniting and dividing of 
 Parifhes put in execution. I have fcen a mapp of the Diocefs oi^ Armagh which his 
 Grace had drawn purpofely for this end, intending to diftributc it parochially and 
 appoint places for the building of Churches, with more advantage to the Minifter 
 and People:Plantations being moveable things and not nailed to a place, but float- 
 ing from one to another efpecially after a long and dcftrudJive Civil! war. So that 
 we may fay of them what the Poet does of words 
 
 M«/.
 
 The LIFE of ? rim at e BR AM HAL L. 
 
 hMu rentfceutur qttxjam cecidere, cadentqi 
 ^Hxmncjuntin honortdcc. 
 
 In his Graces Diocefs and province, this care had been poflibly fucefiijlly im- 
 cloved but in others where Benefices arc generally very fmall,and interwoven with 
 Impropriations, I doubt that A^: will be tound in the operation very imperfe<a,if 
 rot in fomeplaceswholy impracticable. And indeed fome are fearefuU fucha 
 laudable deiigne without which I never expedt to fee the Church well fettled,will 
 hardly ever be brought to any good effect, till the Impropriations be bought ( for 
 otherwife I have no hopes ) and the Endowments of the Cathedrals be layed in 
 Common with the ordinary Cures ^ro tempore^^nd the Bi(hops empowred to make 
 new eredtions for the fevcrall Dignities and Canonrics in thofe foundations more 
 commodioufly, than they either are at prefcnt or can be by vertue of that Ad. 
 
 Some fay his Grace had an other end, in this vifitationi viz. to bring the Church 
 under a new Tax. A new Tax we may underftand three wayes, either a new rate 
 to be fcton all Livings whatever, as well thofe that are already rated, as thofe that 
 are not i or a Taxation of thole that are not yet brought into any Accounts or 
 thirdly after the union and divifion of pari(hes,a proportionable adjullment (to fuch 
 an union and divifionj of all Charges, not onely the hrit fruits and twentieth parts, 
 but others to which thofe Livings were fubjed in their former bounds and circum- 
 fcriptions. 
 
 I. Whoever thinks the Primate underftood the firll of thefe, rniftook the man and 
 does much undervalue his Judgment.His Grace was too wel acquainted with the laws, 
 ever to think of any fuch thing: The Crotvn Rentf out of the Church, fuch as firft 
 fruits which are cafuall, and the twentieth part which is a ftanding and conftant 
 Revenue, being once fixed by a ftatute, and a Commiflion, and Authority purfuant 
 thereunto,are not furely any more fubjecft to be raifed,than any other branch of the 
 Jioyall Revenue. Something of this was propofed to King James,bat he would not 
 hearof it i and of late fuch a projedl was fctt on foot, and fome perfons were not 
 difpleafed to fee the ftone falling upon the Churchy which fliee had afterward the 
 fatiffadion to fee ground to powder,the defign being dafhed in pieces by the ableft 
 in the law. But why (hould any be fo pleafed with the Churches groaning under an 
 Arbitrary PowfrofraifingMony without an Adt of Farliament,at the fliadow where- 
 of they themfelves ligh,as if the mountain were ready to fail upon thcm,though it be 
 as farr of as the Vyrene , Let us but alittle while turn the tables , and fuppofc that 
 a fiatute upon confidet ation of the Difference of Lands in peint of value and good- 
 nefs directed the Lord Chancellor/raw /iwe io tm;e to conliitute Commifiioners 
 under the Great Seal to enquire into the refped'ive value of the faid Lands,and accor- 
 dingly to lix the Crown or Quit-rent in fevcrall Counties or Baroniesi let us fup- 
 pofc alfo that fuch Commiflions have been iffued out and fpcd, and the Authority 
 fullyexecutedi (b that i>/^ci(„^cre (hould pay but a pcnny»and white Acre fix pence 
 in the judgment of the Commifiioners ", and that this return has been received and 
 made Record, and for an hundred years or more the /b>f(/jr^ a>id rule of fuch pay- 
 mentsibecaufe blacky Acre in procefs of time comes to be as good as n>hite Acre ,{\\zll 
 itbe again valued, and made to pay as much? will not the proprietor, fay, my Rent 
 is afcertained,and cannot be enhanfed without a new (tatute, and if this be allowed 
 there will be no need of Parliaments,for every ycarnew Commiflions may iffacfrom 
 time to time to enquire and raife our Rents ? Now if this be good Law for a Lay 
 man why is it not for Clergy men? are tlicy Icfs free-born Subjects, or have they not 
 as great afliarc in MagnaCharta as others,furcly we arc deceived or our flakes are as 
 well fccured there as any Eftate in the Kingdom; either all or none are lyable to this 
 Impofition. But I think there are few that are not fatiffyed in the point, fince the 
 late Lord Chiefe juftice Saiury( a man generally learned and in his own Profellion 
 fecond to none, and of an Integrity and Loyalty cquall to his fkill^ delivered his 
 Judgment on that Argument in an elaborate and prolix Difcourfe at the Councill 
 Table . I (hall only obferve one thing which I am furethe Primate vvas no 11 ranger 
 to,and that is a Claufe in the Ad for eight entire fubfidies by the Clergy An»o deci- 
 moCar. Primifol. 69. where the fubfidies are limited to four fliiliings in the pound 
 
 ac-
 
 The LIFE of Private EK AM HALL. 
 
 according to the valuation or eftimation then of Record in the ExchequerTorThaT 
 hereafter (hould remain in thefaid Court where m former valuation was thereof Re- 
 cord already J'>r the payment ef the troemietb fart to Henry the eight in the z^th of his 
 Rtigne ; Whereby ( there being at that timca difcourfeof anew Taxation Jthere 
 is a manifeft exception of fuch Livingsas were already valued,from any new burden: 
 So that, I niult needs fay, they reckon without adviling with his Grace, who think 
 he intended any fuch thing in the Regal vifitation he defigned. 
 But befides the illegality his Grace could not butconfider many inconveniences that 
 muft needs attend fuch a Taxation^ It it could be done it were not titt either on the 
 Account of Policy or Religion: In refpcct of the firft, weknowitis now as well the 
 Intereft as the duty of the Church to preach ( and topractice as (hee preaches) Loy- 
 M pnndpks to the psopk.hut opprefftonrvillmah^ even wife men mad when they 
 ly under the neceffities oi hunger and cold, and cannot get<z piece of Bread by beinz 
 in the Priejh Office, hwt are famiih'd at the Alter at which they ferve, I will not fay but 
 fiejh andblood which enters not into the Kingdom of God may tempt fome to enter into 
 the Conventicles offedition . Jconfefs I do not know any that I think would but 
 I leave it to be confider'd whether fomc might not do fo, fmcc others have, that'were 
 never under fo great atemptation,as this project might in time bring over them by 
 making the comfortable Endowments of our Pious Anccrtors infignificantby large 
 and grievous impofitions.This may fecm an idle confideration with Reference to the 
 Church-men of this Age, in whofe Loyalty his Majeitie cannot have a greater aflU- 
 ranee, than they have in his Majefties Gracious and Good natureC of which no man 
 ever was a greater inftance ) a full fecurity from all fears of any fuch feverity. It is 
 for Pharaohs that do not kpow Jofeplf to expect bricks above the allowance of ikaw. 
 The fecond thing on whofe account fuch a Tax would be inconvenient, is that of 
 Religion. An ignorantand vicious Clergy muft vilibly be the confequent ofit , 
 and we know of what that would be the Antecedent,either Popery.orCthat to which 
 we are neare ^ down right Atheifme, for ignorance is the mother of t/7<*^ and folly 
 ofthif. What encouragement would there be to ftudy ,and what human argument 
 toreftrainthe Clergy from vice, when deprivation would be a preferment, unlefsthc 
 zeale of Religion (hould warme fome few noble foules that could of their owne 
 maintain their Children in the office ofthe Miniftry,after they had bred them to iti none 
 would be at thecxpenceofmony& of time that fuch an education requiresvmen would 
 rather bind their Children to mean Artizans, who often arrive at greater fortunes, and 
 are generally more refpeded than to breed them up to be poor Triejisy who having ferv- 
 cd,it may be three Apprenticcfliips in fchooles and Univerfities,are at laft grudged their 
 fmall morfell, & maligned as time-fervers andhirelingt becaufe they preach obedience 
 to the King for the Lords ]ak,e,znd have but a penny for their labour in the Vineyard^ 
 It is too much as the Cafe is now, to bedefpifed, and pufhed at,and gored by the 
 inferior people , it would be worfe to be farmed and fleeced and polM by publick 
 Exa<3:ors.His grace underrtood the Liiw,the King and Rf/i^.iC'i better than to intend 
 fuch a valuation ofthe Church Preferments, which is fo much againft the Interell; of 
 all three.2. Poilibly his Grace might have intended the fecond fort ofTaxation, viz. 
 of fuch Livings as were not already taxed,butl doubt that would not have fignifyed 
 muchinhisMi)2ftiesExchequer,Ifuppofe thelate CommillionersoftheTreafury did 
 not rtnd the advantage anfwerable to their great cxpeftations, that they havenotyet 
 that lean hear of returned thofe valuations ( lately made ) into the Exchequer, 
 
 3. And therefore lam humbly of opinion, thatif his Grace intended any, it was 
 chiefly a Tax purfuant to fuch an Union and Divifionof Pari(hes, as before is men- 
 tioned. Where Pariflies fliould be divided, to divide the Charges fuitably, where 
 united,to joyn them.and where any fmall Living not formerly rated was joined to 
 another, toad fome allowance for it ; And fo with the Schedule of the unionstohave 
 returnMone for the firil fruits-to the Councill, which in convenient time might have 
 hadtheconfirmation of an A6I: of Parliament,and being Lodg'd in the Exchequer 
 together with the bounds ofthe pariflies fo united be made the ftanding meafure 
 ofthe Charch Revenue tor ever.Such a Tax as this would then indeed have been ab- 
 folutely nsce(firy,ualefs the King would have been pleafed to have remitted all,&: left 
 the Chilli-eit as free,is th^Y were before the Bifliops of Eome ufarpcd , notonly on
 
 The LIEF of i'ridmte BRAMHALL 
 
 ^'Zc lurifdi<^ions but the proffits and Ecclefiaftical preferments that came through 
 h \ anJs At firft fomcthing was given them as a Gratuity,and then it was ex- 
 nSd ' & at iall challenged as a dcbt.But by a ftatute of the 26.0/ Henry UnEnglaiid, 
 d 2%' of the fame King in Jrehnd^ thofe Payments were verted in the Crown. 
 '^''And'thc Clergy are fo far from repining at this Honorary acknowledgement to his 
 Maicfticforhis Gracious Defence of the Faith, and Protcdrion of their Perfons and 
 Ellates that I am well affurcd ( I fpeake for one and for many ) they wi(hthe Re- 
 venue twice as great as it is, rather than it fliouid be any way diminiflied, and up- 
 on the termcs before layed down , it would vifibly rife to that value without any 
 fcnfibic trouble or burden to them, 
 
 Whatfoever that Primate meditated in this Matter, we know he brought nothing 
 to perfc6tion. Tbejhaduws of the ese>u>ig began novo to ftretch themfelves upon /;/w,and 
 to admonilh hira that his Sabbath and Kefrejhment was notfarr off, whei-ein he 
 fliouId rf/? from his Labours. He had run indeed a very large ^rc^, fometimes 
 in and Comctimcs out o( a. doud^through evillandthrough Good Report, but it pleafed 
 God to let him fett in a fair and clear Heaven. A little before his death he took care 
 iofett his houfe in order,to vifit his Dioces , and provide for the repairing of his Ca- 
 tlicdral & other works proper for his paftoral care: on his return at Vundalk^^he 
 enquired for the place where one ofhisPredeceflbrs the famous Kichardus Jrmachan- 
 us was buried j and fpake with great kindnes and veneration of him , and refol- 
 vcd to have built a monument to his memory : Such a cognation there is between 
 the fouls of Great perfons whatever difiance there is between the times they have 
 convcrfed here below* The Age that learned man lived in,and thofe after did not 
 think fitt to honour him with any memorial, but the brand of Herefy in their books, 
 for after fuch a way it feems did that Fiotts Frelate veorfhif the God of his father s^\ii had 
 rot our Primate been fb fuddenly gathered unto hii,he would have {hew'd that though 
 his body were fo negle(3:ed, and his Reputation fligmatized by thofe of the Roman 
 Chmch^yctProtejlants have hope of him in the Refurrecftion, where he will have more 
 juftice and mercy than he found at their Tribunal. About the middle of May 166^. 
 his Grace returned to Dublin-, at his vifitation he had been pleaCdto beftow, up- 
 on my refignation,his Arch Deaconryf which he had before given me_) on my 
 neareft Relation,at theRequeft of my moft Noble and mol\ obliging Lord the Earle 
 ofOrrfryi faying he was well affured, his Lord-fhip and the then Bifhop of Cori^j 
 care and kindnes would provide better for me,in whicli his grace was not miftaken, 
 and when I took my final leave of him at Dublin , he was pleaf'd to add, that he 
 could not rcfufe what my Lor^had defired of him , and he knew it would be for 
 my good, but however as long as he lived and had power in the Church, I might 
 be confident, I had a friend there. Such was the courtefy and humility of this 
 Excellent perfon- But within a (hort time after, the difconfolate news followed 
 mcofhis Death. He had then aTryal for fomepart of his temporal Eflate at Omagh 
 with Sr.Audley Mervyn depending in the Court of Claimes,and therc,at the time of 
 hearing, being as I Remember the latter end of 7?wf,the third fitt of the palfey fo 
 fmote him,that he funk in the Court, was carryed out lenfelefs, andcontinued fo,till 
 death finifhed his work. Had the caufe been unjuft,or adjudged againft him,forae 
 ccnforiousfpirits would not have fpared tohavemadc left-hand judgments from the 
 circumtlances of his death, buthis Right foappear'd on the Argument that he was 
 a Conquerour, in his death and vidtory and honour waited on him to the grave: 
 His death was quick indeed, but it was not fudden, it was a greater furprize to us 
 than to him. T/;e arrovp roasjhot homejbut he fare the draxving cfit.He found himfelf 
 Ihaken at theRoot,at the laft a(rault,and knew he could not withlland the next,and 
 therefore prepared for it, & difpofcd wifely & pioufly of all his Affaires.His Eftate 
 he fetled upon his fon Sr.Thomas Bramhal! Baro«f«,recommending the care of him & 
 fometruft in it to thcPuke oWrmi>nd,8c theEarle oWrmyhy whofe confent he mar- 
 ly'dthc daughter of vvorthySr.P<jK/DaijjiiLt.Clerk of the council,but dying without 
 Iffue the eftate defcended to his three daughters by difpofition. Thceldef^ of them 
 only was marry'd before hisGraces death toSr.JanujCrjh.im fen to theEarle Monteith, 
 anoble and which ismorea very Lcya! Family oi ScoiLfidjthc other two fincG,onc 
 ^oA]dexTn2n7oxteathoi'Droghedah^S<. tlie other to Standijh Hartjhng Efquire.To con- 
 clude
 
 The LIFE of Frimate B R A M HA L L, 
 
 elude, to ftiew that he dy'd,as he had hved, a Generous Benefa&or to tlieChur h~ 
 he left 500 /.for a lcgacy,as a matter ot Piety andBounty towards the repair of th' 
 C:iihcdr3.\\ o( Armagh, ^r\dS:. Feter I ztDroghedab. ^ 
 
 Thus lived and dyed the mort Reverend and learned Primate Bramhall, whofeJif 
 andaftionsas they were expofed to various cenfures, fo perhaps may this ReJatio 
 of them. However (ho mary may convince it of imperfcdtion, none can of fal- 
 %'ood.l have been very carefull not to fwcrvc from the TruthCtho I have bJIen fhorc 
 "df ft ) and have kept clofc to the fublUnce of fuch 'Accounts as I have reafon to believe 
 Attthetitkl^, eficemingmyfelf as much obliged by the Rule T>g mortuis nil nifi ve^ 
 ■TKOT, as, nilnifi bonttm. ■ if I have feemcd any wayes indecently to refle<5t on fome 
 "forts of men pretending much to Religion and thereby indirectly to wound Religion 
 it felf, I mull fo farr commend my fclf, to fay , it is not much in my temper or 
 judgment to do either, and that I only defign'd to melt the fword that does the 
 inifchictj without oiTcndingthe painted Scabbard, Sanmd''s mantle is venerable 
 but who can love the I>evil under it, tho he ftrive to hide his Cloven foot with a 
 broad Fhyhdery> 
 
 But tho I have faid much , it will not be amifs to add a littlefmore particularly) 
 ofhis Character. His perfon was of the middle fiature,and active, but his mine and 
 prefence not altogether fo great as his endowments of minde. His complexion hieh- 
 ly fanguine, pretty deeply tinctured with choler, which in his declining yeares became 
 predominant & would fometimes overflow not without feme tartnefs ofexprellion 
 but it proceeded no further. It was faid of Arch-Bi(hop Cr««mfr, do him an ill 
 office, he will do you a good one.It has been obferv'd of Primate Bramball if he do 
 you an injury in fpeaking, he will make you reparation in doing, if you would have 
 him kind , make him angry but oppofe him not, For fo the fiorm often cndes in a 
 (hower of goodneffe, I am not Ignorant how much he hath fuffered on this 8c other 
 accounts with fomc that love peeviflily to ftick upon a fore place,and to frett and 
 gall it more, under a pretence of hiding it i furcly their charity will be far from 
 tovering a multitude nf faults, that cannot conceal one infirmity , but delight in be- 
 holding and expofing their Fathers nai^dnejfe : His converfation was free and fa- 
 niiliar,patient of any thing indifcourfe but opittiafireteihh {peech ready & intelligible 
 fmooth and ftrong, free from affectation of phrafe or phancy, faying it was a boyifh 
 fport to hunt for words, and argued a penury of matter, which would al wayes find 
 cxprellion for it felf. His intellectuals were very pregnant, and they were greatly 
 improved by labour and ftudy. 
 
 If you confider him as a fcholar, his Excellency was in the Kationall and Argu- 
 mentative part of Learning, and therefore as a Divine, he fateinthehigheftleat of 
 polemick Theology. He wasalfo far travelled in the Eccllefiafticall and other Hifto- 
 ries, and in the Pulpit an excellent perfwafive Orator. So that he was among the 
 Biibopshere like St: Paul among the Apoftles. Allfpaks by the fame fpirit, but not 
 alike logically. All fpake and wrote truth, but St. Paul difputed and reafoned and 
 proved his Propofitions : like Aquinas among the 5cho]emen,others might be more 
 nice, but none more methodical and fubftantial-, and like Athanafius among the 
 Prelates, tenatious of theCatholick Tradition, bold in the defence of it, and patient 
 in fufFering for it. 
 
 Yet he was very-farr from any thing like Bigotry. He had a great allow- 
 ance 6c Charity for men of different perfwafions , looking upon thofe Churches as 
 in a tottering condition that flood upon nice opinions, as if the Temple were re- 
 verf'dj and the weight ofit to reft upon the pinnacles. And accordingly he is 
 much celebrated! for that diftinction between Articles neceffary for Peace and Or- 
 dery 8c thofe that are neceffary to Salvation , for the wholfome S>c healing vertue 
 that is in it, towards the cure of 5chifme. And he hath often declared that the 
 Church was not to be healed but by Cfwera/ fropofuions' Ifhebe conildered asa 
 Ei(hop& Ruler, he had in an eminent degree all the vertues^nd helps of Government. 
 So tha.t it is not very eafy to determine where his Talent lay, in the Chair, or the 
 Pulpit, at the Councill Table, or Confiftory. He was C contrary to the Common 
 
 q obfer-
 
 T^TlFFE of FrmateB KAM hall. " 
 
 -dnFTvation ) in omnibus Altquu, T^iJn^M^xmHS. ~" 
 
 It was bv God's Providence fo ordained, that he fliould fuccecd very enjinent 
 Pons in the two Churches of Derry and Amagh, and it was his Honour that he 
 «me behind them in time onely. Primate Z/y&er his immediate predeceffor was 
 verv famous in his generation i and Primate BrjjKfc<j« no kffe. The memory of 
 boththcfe worthy Prelats will never dy •, Their learning indeed was not altoge- 
 ther in eodem f^eticre ; but both very extraordinary in their way. And we have 
 areat reafon to bleffe God for them both. Nor can any one Church in our dayes 
 boaft of the immediate fucceilion of one fo famous a Prelate to another. I (hall con- 
 clude the life ofthis Enoinent Primate with my prayers for the King and the Royal 
 Family, the CWcfc and the Hifrac/?} j that the one may never want a councellor as 
 wife and faithful!, and the other a Biihop as learned and induftrious,as juft and mer- 
 ciful! as zealous and judicious, ascouragious and vigilant v which if God be pleafed 
 to grant, then ihould England both in its Keligious and civil ftate be again the 
 E«"ry of ail lier Eaeraies abroad, and all would fay of us , Happy Tr me , Ha f^y 
 Qhmb , Hippy Vtopk. 
 
 TheEndefthe LIFE.
 
 HYPO M N E M O N E U iM A. 
 
 Pofito quod habcbat monale, 
 
 Diemm ac F^m<e Satur 
 
 JEvHin agic in (Sloriaj 
 
 JOANNES BR AM HAL LUS, 
 
 In Theologia ProfeforrimulSiPrimas, 
 
 aui STRAFFORDIOdebuit 
 
 Quod Derrcnfis Scdis fadus fit ornaonen turn, 
 C A R O L O3 qu6d Armachauji Dccus , 
 At 5 I B I quod utramque dignitatem & meruit & 
 Vera- R cligionis in Hi/'^m^ (^auxit« 
 Erat & Sacerdof^ & Sacrificmm^ fed & Stator. 
 Sub ejus aulpiciis tarn faclicitcr militavit Ecclefiaj 
 Ut vel hie Triumfhantem facile dixeris* 
 Civiles inter Difcordias, 
 Prolpero Regni Principifque ftatu , 
 Dcique cujtu una collapfis, 
 Iffe etiam cecidit : 
 ( Nequc enim aliter potuit perire ) 
 Cum iis refurrexit^ cum ii{clem viSurm, (ftites; 
 Quam diu vel Monarchia vel Piem [murx fint fuper- 
 Poenas a rebellibusj&//'/i/, led invidia dignas: 
 Hon ore fle&cbatur, Oftracifmo inJignitUif, 
 
 Dum in illo Ecclefia Anglicana vel exulartt vel pere- 
 
 (grinaretur. 
 
 At non tarn vidus quam in pofterum povidens 
 
 FQrtm£ potius quam bofli ceffn-^ 
 
 More plane Parrhico, fuziem iaculabatur, 
 
 ^ ^ "" ' Nifi
 
 Nifi quod c -idem fagltdj 
 Et vulnera^ Sc Medelam meditatm fit, 
 Papiftic<e Calvmiflic£q; Stiperftitioms , 
 Simul & Atheifmi malleus : 
 Romam & Genevam lubegir, 
 Quodc]^ mdigis Her culeumt{k, (fiorem 
 HOBBESIUMquovisjVd {xxo^Leviathane rnonftro- 
 
 Perdomuir • C'^iu 
 
 Infulamq; tot intertextam laurels aeternitati confecra- 
 
 Viator ne BR AMHALLUM qugerites 
 ' Inter iaxa & rudcra^peritura temporis trophasa, 
 IHcin literarum monunientis fua Hhiftruxit maiLtnorsiy 
 Longaeviora ^gyptiac^.Si fupra Pjramidas miranda : 
 
 Setbum noftrum non aliae decent Columns ^ 
 Quamquaefcicntiam&veritaterae Diluvio vindicent, 
 Hae Chrifiiamm decent Aicidem; 
 
 Has cum demum ftatuiflct, 
 
 Religiofas lites longum juflit facefcere, 
 
 Et mi Jitia probe fundus ccffit quicti. 
 
 Nobis & feris Nepotibus 
 
 Mcrito infcribamus licet Literariis hlsColumnis 
 
 NON ULTRA.
 
 A 
 
 General Table 
 
 ^^ OfArchbifhop BR AM hall's 
 
 VV O R K S. 
 
 In the Order, as they are now Printed- 
 
 TOME I. Coittaineth tht VifcQurfes againji the Romanics. 
 
 I.' |~»HE Anfwer to Militiere, with Militiere^s Letter prefixed Page i. 
 
 _!_ 2. A juft Vindication of the Church of England, from the unjuft 
 
 Afperfion of Criminal Schifm /'•5i« 
 
 3. A Replication to the Bi(hop of Chalcedony Survey of the Vindication 
 
 of the Churcli of England from Criminous Schifm f. 140. 
 
 4. A Reply to S. ff^s Refutation of the Bilhop of Derry's juft Vindication 
 
 of the Church of England p. 260. 
 
 5. Schifm guarded, andbeatenback upon therightOwners p. 2^1. 
 
 6. The Confccration of ProteftantBiftiops vindicated,and the Fable of the 
 Nags head Ordination refuted p. 427. 
 
 TOME II. Jgainft theEugUih Sedarier. 
 
 I . A Fair Warning to take heed of the Scotch Difcipline p. i^pt. 
 
 2. The Serpent Salvcv or. The Obfervators grounds difcuflcd f*525< 
 
 5. His Vindication of Himfelf, and the Epifcopal Clergy, from the charge of 
 Popery ,againft Mr. Baxter p. 6o'J- 
 
 TOME III. Againji Mr. Hobs. 
 
 I . A Defence of true Liberty from Antecedent and Extrinfecal Ncccffity p. ^4.7. 
 
 2. Caftigations of Mr. Hohs his Animadvcrfions, &c, p. 733. 
 
 5. The catching of the Leviathan f. 86p. 
 
 TOME
 
 T O M E I V. On MifceVattee SnhyUs. 
 i A Treatife concerning (he Sabbath , and the Lords Day. Never before 
 *** publilh't f'?07. 
 
 h Scxmon on 2 Sam. i'o. 12. Before the Marquefs of NePfcafik , being 
 ready to meet the Scotch Army, Jan. 28.1^43. /. 93p. 
 
 -., \ScTmonon?faI.i26.y.April2^.i66i.hcmgthc Day of His Majefties 
 ^ Coronation. ^Vith' Two Speeches in the Houfe of Peers P-PSS- 
 
 4. A Sermon on Prov. 28. 15. before the Honourable Houfe of Commons , 
 at their folemn receiving the Sacrament, in ;St. Vatrick/, Vuhlin^ Jan. 
 i6.\66i. p'$6ff. 
 
 5. Of perfons dying without Baptifm f. 979 
 
 6. An Anfwer to two Papers, of Proteftants Ordination, &c. p. ^84. 
 7 An Anfwer to S. JsPs, Objections againft Proteftants Ordination p. p88« 
 
 I 
 
 TOME I;
 
 . 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 Containing the Discourses againft the 
 
 ROMANISTS 
 
 The VICTORY of TRUTH- 
 
 OR, AN 
 
 EPISTLE 
 
 FROM 
 
 M^ de la Militiere , 
 
 Counfellor in Ordinary to the King of FRANCE 
 
 Tothe Kino of GREAT BRITAIN, 
 
 to invite His M A J E s T Y to embrace the 
 Catbolicli Faith, 
 
 S I R, 
 
 H E Wifedom of God's Comfeh U far 
 above the p'ttdence of men ^ who are al- 
 together void of the knorvledge of hit 
 Grace. One fort , who kfiow neither God^ 
 nor hU Providence , look^upon all the events 
 of humane life^ at if they happened by 
 chance. "They imagine that that which we 
 caD good /«c^, or ill luck^^ hath no other 
 caufe than hazard., and that which every 
 mans prudence or imprudence hrings to the 
 conduU of his life. Others , who ackifow- 
 ledge a 'Divine Frovidence^ but one ly after 
 the manner that God hath manifefted it to 
 the world by the inftruUions and judgments 
 of his Lav? , think^ that all the goods , 
 which heap profierities upon them , are the 
 effeCfs and teftimonies of the favour where- 
 cherijheth thofe that are hii ■■, And that the Ills., that opprefi mans life with 
 are arguments of the anger and hatred of God upon thofe he handles after thai 
 But Chriftians , to whom Cod hath revealed by the Co^el the counfei of hie 
 
 A mercy 
 
 ivith God 
 miferies , 
 manner.
 
 The ViBory of Truth ; Or, Tome I. 
 
 mercy ,n Jejh Chriil , k?or. , ^at in his Croji oh n^htch for fatUfying the JujHce of 
 the Lrv he hath born the pain of ar fun , he hath changed for thoje he cah to /;« 
 Communion the ttfe of JfflUions. And that he imfloyts themfirjt to humble them^and 
 to make them ackitorr ledge their fin, that they may define deliverance, to the end they may 
 comebythti rvay to the Faith ofhU Grace, which doth deliver them. And rvhen they are en- 
 tred into Communion with him by Faith, and that the exercife of the fame afPiCtions ac- 
 comPhlheth in them the JFork, "/ hif Grace, in giving them , by hii^ confolation in their 
 patience the hope of the glorious happinefs which he hath promised them , and which 
 carries "over all their affections to the loving of him. Jhofe therefore that have this Faith 
 a^dth'n hope, are of a judgment far differing from the opinion of men of the world, up- 
 on the event ifGiods and Evils which accompany mans life. 
 
 Confidering, Sir, the prefent fortune of your Serene Majejiy, far removed fi-om the 
 Maieliick Condition of your Birth, I humble my felf with you in the fight of the pow- 
 erful hand of God, who U the onely Judge , and onely Majier, of Monarchs, to afcend 
 by the jieps , whereto the Goffel addreffes uf, even into the counfel of hU infinite mercy. 
 And I find there ^ that the dififier of this great Calamity , which environs you, vs a 
 jym\of the wifdiim of the King of Kings, who will fhew in you, whom he hath ho- 
 tt wed with his VnUion , and h'vs Image , an admirable effeU of hU Grace and of his 
 Tower. I f>y , Sir, Ihat under the Cloak^ of fo niany fad adventures , which try you 
 by revolutions fo flrange , that all the Univerfe doth tremble; the King of Heaven^ 
 and of the Earth, who hath humbled hi mf elf for you, infinitely more low than you 
 are, draweth himjelf near unto you. He comes to tak^ you by the hand, not onely to 
 re-eihblip ynn in your Ihrone, but to makg you to fit in his, that you may reign with 
 him eternally, after you have imployed the Scepter, which he Jhalt put again into your 
 hand , to re-efiablijh his Kingdom amonq^ your people. It is very eafie for me. Sir , to 
 ffive you a reafon of this judgment I mak^ of that of God upon your facred Perfon, and 
 to explicate unto yon , not oneiy the catifes and effeds of the W which is come upon you , 
 but alfo the way , the ufe , and the fuccefi of the remedie , which the hand of God wiU 
 give jou , to accomplifh in you this work^ of his mercie. If we feek^ the Caufe for 
 which we behold that the hand of Cod hath made it felf fo grievoufiy heavie upon the 
 fiar.red Head of the King your Father , and which purfues yet after him , your Koyai 
 Perfon with fi) rjiany finijier accidents , which hath caufed this great deflation to come 
 upon all yjirr Kingdoms, this confiifion , and this fubverfion of their peace and former 
 projperitie , this change into which they are fo blindly precipitated , to part with the form 
 tf Government that Cod hath ejlablijhed amongft them , under which they had lived fo 
 happily for fo many Ages paji , to become fiaves of the Xokg , which the armed hand of 
 a Tyrant hath put upon their head under the falfe name of Liber tie, it will be very eafe 
 for us to find the Caufe , and to ackitowledge it by the Effeds. 
 
 Toti are not ignorant , Sir , and all the world knows it with you , that the fubjeS 
 far which this Parricidal Parliament hath fo cruelly perfecuted the King your Father , hath 
 been the Ecckfiaftical Government , of which they defired to change the Form , by abolijh- 
 ing Epifcopacie , and fuppreffing the Littirqie , and the Ceremonies , by which the Pro- 
 tefiams of your Kingdom had yet retained fome Image of the Catholick^ Church. Ihofe ^ 
 which ihey call Puritans and Presbyterians, who would live under the Form of the Genc- 
 vian Vifcipline , could not endure the Form of that Ancient Order , which the Knyal 
 Authorise had retained as injiituted by Divine Authoritie , and for this very thing necef- 
 fary for its Conformitie , to preferve in Chriftian Eflates the Form of a Monarchical Go- 
 vernment. From thence it is come , that the Puritan and Presbyterian FaCiion hath con- 
 ceiv'd , and alreayes kept in its breqji,an implacable hatred againft Monardncal Govern- 
 ment , by reafon of their averfion from the Epifcopal. That , which the prudence of 
 King ]amcs , your Majejlies Grandfather , Sir , having judicioufy tak^n notice of, did 
 as widely inform his Pojleritie , by an exprefi Book^, to takg heed of tt. And this King 
 kiiowing Church , as well ijf State-matters , forefeeing the inconvenience that might arife^ 
 txprefjing fi-om his mouth that which touched him at the heart , had this familiar ffeech , 
 NoBilhop, no King-, which is become a lamentable Prophefie under his Sitcceffoter. 
 But , Good God ! what Succeffour .? Such an one certainly , that had neither caufe mr 
 pretext capable to fiir up the hatred of SubfUs againji a King fo merciful , fo juji , and 
 fo loyal , fo amiable to his People , fo venerable to his Netghboitrs , that upon this onely 
 
 preju^
 
 To M E f. An Epiftle oi M'. dcla Militiere^ &c,. 
 
 frejudication^ rpherein the Puritan Fad ion had injiruaed them , in makjng them be- 
 lieve , that under that Form of Government , and ancient Service , the King and the 
 Bijhops had an intention to re-ejiablifh in the Realm the Catholic}^ Religion. Ihis is the 
 foyfon , rphich the Puritan Fathon hath blown into the hearts of the People , tofU them 
 with hatred againfi a King fo love-reorthy. 
 
 And thvs Republican Parliament , endeavouring to ereB it felf in a Sovereign Aw 
 thoritie , by annihilating that of the King , hath net thought any occafwn more favou- 
 rable to their defgn^ than to act the Puritan , that they might come to the execution of 
 their defres , w]jkh they have done at lali by the Sacrilegious Parricide of tfxir Arch- 
 bijhop and of their King. This rras^ Sir, the grand rvork^ of mans malice, and the 
 Devils firatagem , rvhich caufeth the Ills vehich are fallen upon your Crorvn and Perfon, 
 by the pitiful fate of that fuccejjion niich ought to have befallen you. But the Jujiice and 
 JVijedom of God in this con]unCture , hath other ends. Every one k^orps that this 
 Archbijhop^ nourijhed in the Schifm from the Catholick^ Church, had no other thought, 
 nor inclination, than to re-unite in one Bodie the People divided into Self s among them- 
 felves, as n-ell as from the Church, and to rnaks himfelf Chief Head of this Schijma- 
 tical Bodie. 
 
 And n^e fee God hath permitted , that hii own People, divided againji it felf , hath 
 catffed his Head to be cut off. 
 
 The King otherrvije accomplifhed in all Royal and moral Virtues , did ufe in the 
 Schifm , by the Lave of his PredecejJ'ours , the Authority which God had given him in 
 temporal matters , for governing of jpiritual , and called himfelf the Head, h is for 
 that reafon, that God chaflizing in his Perfon the fault of his Predeceffours , would let uf 
 k>tow by the Tragical Spedacle of an unheard-of Death , in a King no lefl innocent than 
 larvful , that fo (irange an effeCt of ha anger hath had no other caufe, than to inftruU all 
 other Princes that are in Schifm , with rphat jeveritie God will revenge his glory, for their 
 injuring the Vnitie and Authoritie of his Church. 
 
 But if fuch is the EffeSi of Divine Jujiice and TVifedom in the caufe of your misfor- 
 tune , Sir, his mercie goes far before it ■> and this is the effeU that concerns you. For 
 God mak^s it here plainly appear unto your Alajeftie, that the Reformation, which the 
 Authours of the Schifm in this later Age have pretended to mak^ , hath been ( under 
 the pretext of fo good an outfide ) no other thing in effeU than the entire ruine at well of 
 the Faith, and Form of the Chttrch , as of the Order it felf infiituted by God for the Go- 
 verning of men. This is the Lejion which God fets before your eyes , in the Hifrorie of 
 this fM Revolution , which hath given you a wound, the feeling whereof is to he your 
 infiruUion. Tou fljall fee , Sir , through all the circumjlances of thefe Tragical effect 
 which have produced the trouble , and changed the form of your Ejiates , and which have 
 raviped from you the Crown : That the New Religion which your Predecejfours embra- 
 ced after the Schifm , is the onely efficient caufe , by the very Maxims and Foundations of 
 the defwn , which its Authours have called the Reformation of the Church. 
 
 Their New Opinions did very eafily fide themfelves under this apparent colour, through 
 the clefts of the Schifm into thefiirit of the Bijhops , who made themfelves culpable. But 
 neither they themfelves that received this Noveltie , nor the Kings that authorized them , 
 did thinhjhey fljould charge themfelves with Uriah'/ Packet , which would abolijh both the 
 Authoritie of the Bijhops , and the Sovereigntie of Kings. For men are alwayes blind in 
 the Worh^ of Darhjtef! , which they do by the inftinSi of the Devil , who goes difguizing 
 himfelf into an Angel of Light , that he may induce them for to commit them. And 
 their paeons which di blind them , do infenfrbly draw them into precipices of mijhaps , 
 whereof neither the extraordinary freepnefi nor depth is by them difcerned. 
 
 Certainly , whofoever Jhould have demanded of Peter Martyr himfelf, and Martin 
 Bucer , who carried Calvin'/ Reformation into England , if they went to bring in the 
 Brownifts Opinions, who, by Maxims received from their hands , did a little after thinks 
 upon a more exaCt puritie , by the motions which they fuppofe the Holy Ghoji fuggejis un- 
 to them , from whence it is that they efieem themfelves more Reformed Puritans i Wljofo- 
 ever lik^wife jhould have enquired of them , If they came to tell them they might be of 
 what Religion they pleas' d , and for the extinHion of all Ecclefiajlical Difcipline , of aU 
 Rule and Form of a common Faith , according to the Opinion of the Independents ? IVho- 
 foever jhould at lajl have asi^d them , JFJmher the Sword of the JVord they carried in 
 
 A 2 iheift
 
 The Viaory of Truth; Or, TomeI. 
 
 their tnoHihs t.^ to cut off their King^s and B>pofs heads that they mgh gtve a 
 Tmauther>,er., as Jell to the K>.gdom a. to *he Church, -j-^ ""'f they have 
 aJflrd^-They r.ould have fmrn mthout doubt rv^ththetrha.ds upon the nerv Gofiel 
 tZ carried abof^t them, that their intentms mre farther d,j\am front thefe ihougbts 
 thii 4he Earth U from HeV. And neverthehfl ihis thing is no wayes to be doubted of; 
 and altogetkr apparent at prefent, that Calvin Martyr , Buccr ^ ^W //;. Bi^ops 
 which admitted their Reformation , and the King which authorized it, have brought in 
 bvthe maxims of their Foundations not onely Protefiants , but aljo Brotvnijis and Inde- 
 pendents, the Bijhops that receivd this Reformation , fan> mt that of it ivould be bred 
 the SeH 'of the Presbyterians , Enemies to the Hierarchie of the Church , and aV the Or- 
 der of its Jnftitutions , as rvetl fir the Service as for the Government , and would ruine 
 their Amhoritie , that they might aboliflj Roy alt le it f elf But neither did Calvin, 
 Martyr nor Bucer li^iorp , that from the maxims of their Reformation voould firing up 
 the Brorvnifts and Independents , who would ruine their Reformation by introducing an 
 indifference concerning all Opinion in Religion. 
 
 Ihis is that , Sir , which the Hijiorie of things hapned in the progrefl of this Refor- 
 mation C the knowledge whereof your Maje^ie at this prefent carries engraven in your 
 heart by too bitter feelings ) reprefents unto your eyes , to the end aV the world may fee 
 the nature and Genius by the effeUs cf its maxims. I will reprefent them , Sir , to the 
 eyes of your Majeflie , and by a demonfiration fo lively and evident , that no reafon can 
 contradiU it. fou pall fee , that the pain you fuffer , and under which your Ejiate 
 groans, is the true efftci ^ as the very punijhment, of the fms your Fathers committed^ 
 and iranfmitted unto you , then, when under the pretext of this blind Reformation ^ 
 they abandoned the Faith of the Church , and her Communion. For it is after this 
 manner the jujl vengeance of God punijheth fin by it felf, and that its own proper work^ 
 becomes the punijhment it deferves. "this Religion , for which the Bijhops , the Kings, 
 and the Teople have forfook^ the Church , hath dejhoyed the Bijhops , and the Kings , 
 and reduced the People to live without Bijhops , without Kings , without a Form of Go- 
 vernment, and without Vifcipline in Religion , under the lyrannie of aMonJier, who 
 without being either King or Bijhop , attributes to himfelf all Authoritie both in State 
 and in Religion, this which I declare unto your Majeflie , Sir , is , to makg you 
 underjiand , that this terrible worh^ of the Hand of Cod , which afffids you after this 
 manner , is neverthekji a judgment of his mercie for you : For you may fee he fends 
 yoH not this trouble , but that you may perceive the fin, whereof it is the off-ffring^ 
 that you may draw your felf from the one and from the other, by the k>rowledge which he 
 gives you of the horrour you fhould have for the Caufe , by the grief you refent by its 
 F.ffeU. Tou JhaV fee it , Sir , clearly enough by the confequents of the maxims upon 
 which the Authours.'of the Reformation which your Fathers embraced^ have laid their 
 Foundations. 
 
 The Foundations of tJoe Reformation of Calvin are laid upon thej'e two Maxims, which 
 he , and all thofe which have forfoo]{^ the Church , as himfelf hath delivered as indubi- 
 table to the People which have followed him : The Firji is. That the Church was fal- 
 len into ruine and defolation, by Errour in its Faith , by Idolatry in its Service, 
 and by Tyranny in its Government, the Second , That to reform and re-eftablifli 
 it in its Original Purity, the Faith of its Dodtrine, of its Service, and of its Go- 
 vernment, was to be reduced to the onely precepts of the Scripture , of the fenfe 
 whereof every Believer ought to be Judge, for his own proper Salvation, by the 
 light of the Holy Ghort which conduds him. they faw that if they did mtfuppofe 
 thefe Mitxims for the caujes of their Reformation , they could not pretend any which 
 might oblige them to forjak^ the Church, which they had a mind to leave, that they might 
 frame a Contrary Partie, and make war againfi her. For they could mt deny the Church 
 from which they feparated, the title of the true Church , hut in accufing of it , as they 
 have done, of Errour , Idolatrie, and of tyrannie. And if we fuppofe this accufation 
 for true , they could not bring in the neceffuie of a Separation ,. to make their Reformati- 
 on, hut in excluding the Authorise of Tradition , and the Judgment of the Church, and 
 by reducing the rule of the Reformation to the Scripture it J'elf, interpreted by every mans 
 judgment. 
 
 tour Majeflie , Sir , Jhall new fee , that of thofe Maxims which the Bifhops of your 
 
 Realm
 
 T o M E I. An Epiftle ot M^ dc la Milttiere , &c. 
 
 Kealm ( already become Schifmatickj ) received for the cjtifes of the Reformation rvhich 
 they admitted , there tp^k firji of all Formed the SeU of Pttritan-Fresbyterians againfi 
 the Froteftant-Epifcopalians , who could not ftthfli againft them , upon the Foundation of 
 ihefe Maxims. And that at the length the Brorvnijis , the more Keformed Puritans , did 
 raife themfehes upon the fxme Foundations^ who have fince begot the Independents for 
 the mine of the Presbyterians , by the fame reafons by which the others had ruined the 
 Protejiants and Epifcopacie , and with Epifcopacie Royaltie it felf: In fuch fort ^ that 
 all this dreadful difordtr , which mak^s your Kingdoms to be a Chaos of lamentable dif- 
 order^ in which your Authoritie finds it felf put out , comes from thefe Principles of 
 Reformation , which are the natural fource thereof. 
 
 "That this is fo , your Majejlie , Sir , jnay clearly perceive it. JVlnn the Bijhops con- 
 fented to thefe Principles of Reformation^ they abandoned by them the Faith of the Ca- 
 iholick^ Church concerning the Sacrifice of the Mafi , concerning Tranfubjiantiation in the 
 Holy Euchariji , concerning the number and vcrtue of the [even Sacraments i concerning 
 Jujiification real and inherent in the Faithful^ and of their Merits, and the Invocation 
 of Saints'-, concerning Prayer for the Dead, and of Furgatorie '■> concerning the Autho- 
 ritie of the Pope, and of the adhering of all the Faithful to the See of St. Peter at 
 Rome. But they retain, neverthelefl, the Epifcopal I)i(rnitie and Authoritie , with a 
 pai-t of the Liturgie, and Ceremonies' of the Catholic^ Church. 
 
 But the Puritan-Presbyterians haite cajl atvay all Form of Hierarchie , and communitie 
 of the Liturgie and Ceremonies which the Church of Rome , as pernicious remainders of 
 the Papal 'Tyrannie and Idolatrie , of they call them, "that they might oppofe both Par- 
 ties , according to the firjl Maxim of their Reformation , they brought in a Form of Go- 
 vernment altogether novel , and compofed a Form of Service altogether new. Vpon which 
 they have had fo much advantage againji the Protejiants in combating them with the rea- 
 fons of their common Principles , and in fiirring up the People heated with the zeal of 
 Reformation , that it was impojjible for them to fitbfji , if the Puritans could but once be 
 fupported , by the Authoritie of Parliament , againft the Authoritie of the King , who 
 onely did fupport the Protejiant Caufe , not by arguing , hut by command. For Contro- 
 verfie , by their Principles , Wds all for the Puritans againft the Proteftants. 
 
 Could they , without 'tradition , and by the Holy Scripture alone , interpreted by the 
 judgment of every one , ftnd Epifcopal Vignitie , and its Authoritie , with diftindion , 
 and fuperioritie of power above the other Paftors and Minifters ? Ihey could certainly , 
 ■without doubt , by the Authoritie of the Holy Scripture , affifted by Tradition , which 
 declares the lawful fenfe. But in doing this , the ViUorie which it gives them , obligeth 
 them to confent likgwife to the Authoritie , and Primacie of the Pope , for the Government 
 of the Vniverfal Church , as founded in the Primacie St. Peter received in the CoVedge of 
 the Apoftles, as well for the Form of the Government of the Vniverfal Church , as of eve- 
 ry particular Church , from whence every Bijhop derives his Authoritie. Then thus it 
 tnuft be, either that the Protejiants abandon Epifcopacie as a feed of Tyrannie, and be- 
 come Presbyterians; or, in retaining it , to enter again into the Communion of the Pope , 
 and Bifhops who adhere to him. Though there be no need to fieak^ here , that their file 
 Divifion mak^s it impojfible for them to fubfft , by the reafon which the great Bijhop and 
 Martyr , St. Cyprian , reprefents to all Bift>ops , in declaring the obligation they have 
 ftrongly to retain the Vnitie of the Church , by the not-to-be-divided Vnitie of Epifcopacy^ 
 whereof every one doth folidly pojfef his Jhare. Vpon which he admonijheth them , that 
 if any one goes to feparate himfelf, it jhall happen unto him , as to a Beam drawn front 
 the bodie of the Sun, which Jhall have no more part , through its divifion, in the unitie 
 of the light which continues in the bodie : As to a Bough broken from the Tree , which 
 Jhall firing no more , having no more jhare in the fap which remains in the bodie and in. 
 the root of the Tree : Even liks a Rivulet, cut of from the Fountain , which will dry 
 up , having no more to do with the courfe of the water which runs from the Spring: 
 This U thatalfo , Sir , which your Bifhops cannot avoid. It muft be , that being fepa- 
 rated from the Mother-Church , they (hould be extinguijhed , and fhould vanifh away , as 
 its come to pafi. It muft be , that their very pain was the proper work^ of the caufe of 
 their errour. That their Reformation made them lofe their Form. 
 
 But if the Puritans have had this advantage upon the Proteftants , by the Common 
 Principles of their Reformation , that which the fame Principles have ^iven the Brown- 
 
 B 'i" »
 
 The Viaory of Truth ; Or , Tome L 
 
 irt/ to mthdrarP themfelves from the Puritans of the Genevian Wciphne , in the mure 
 exah Pmtie, r^hich their ffirh , Interpreter of the Scripture fuggejis unto them ^ U 
 Met more great. Behold bore they combat the one partie agatnft the other , and the viaory 
 of the hit The Turitans of the Genevian Vifciphne have determined of Articles of 
 faith andhave formed the trCoifijfion, to which they oblige a^ thofe that receive their 
 Commmion. But this Latf , which prefcrihes by Authorine a common Belief among aS 
 the Communicants , cannot agree with the judgement that every Believer can and ought tJ 
 mak^ of the fenfe of the Scriptures , by the a0ance of the Holy Chojl , according to 
 the fecond common Maxim of their Reformation. For if one fuppofes it true , no other 
 Authorttie can bear rule over the Confcience , jtor prefcribe it any thing beyond the fenje 
 that the Spirit fuggefis to it in the interpreting of the Scripture. Vpon which the Brovp- 
 nijis alfo fet upon the Presbyterians by all the fame Authorities , upon which they have 
 founded theirs to feparate themfelves from the Church , and abandon its determinations. 
 "They maintain , "That to oblige the Faith of faithful men to a formular confeffton , which 
 can have no other than an humane Authoritie , // to bring them forthwith under the Pa- 
 pal 'Tyrannic ^ from which the Holy Chojl hath freed them. Againji this the Calvinifts 
 bate no reply , which doth not wound themfelves with their own hands , and which u not 
 their condemnation pronounced by themfelves. For they can anfwer nothing pertinently ^ 
 if they do not borrow the reafons the Church hath againji them. So God , perpetual Pro- 
 testor of his Churchy caufes her Enemies to pronounce her ViSiorie with their own mouths: 
 whilfi that they ijjued from the teeth and the mouth of the Serpent , to makg war with 
 her y do wage it among themfelves , and hfti one another. 
 
 From thefe Brownijis , as your Majeftie , Sir , kotows much better , are come the In- 
 dependents , whicJ} are not rifen , but fince the advantage the Puritan-Presbyterians had 
 upon the Protejiants , by the Authoritie of the Parliamentitrs. It vf thofe that have pro- 
 duced thU falfe Prophet of blood and faughter , to end this laji Ali of Infernal Refor- 
 mation, that he himfelf preaches to his Mufulmans , with his Sword in his hand, after 
 he hath broh^ the Crofi , and changed the Epifcopal Crofier into a Murderer's 
 Axe. 
 
 By this fame Jpirit of the Brownijis , in which he hath been originally injiruHed , hy 
 ufing Vijputes he deduces Fundamental Maxims of the common Reformation among them^ 
 he wars againji the Presbyterians with much more advantage than he did againji the Prote- 
 flants. From whence he promifes himfelf to mah^ them all fubmit to his opinion, which is 
 an indifference of all opinion of Religion. 
 
 iVhich Jhall fallout without doubt according to hn own mind , if they will follow the 
 Confequences of their own Maxims : For the reafon of which , he gives libertie to every 
 man to believe and prophefie that which they think^ the Spirit fuggejis to them. But he 
 thinks "* making thefe Peoj/le , feparated from the Church , tajie the Libertie of Confci- 
 ence , hejhall rally all their different Seds into one Bodie , to fet them againji the Bodie of 
 the Cathohck^Church , to the end he may dejiroy the Pope , and the Bijhops that conduU 
 her, and may exterminate the Kings that de fetid her. He calls that the great Work^of 
 God. He afrures the fuccefi to all them that follow him , by the revelation which he makes 
 them believe he had at his Fafts, his Prayers , and his reading the Holy Scriptures. But 
 it is no marvel he can affemble fuch a number of Followers by the arguing of their Ma- 
 xims: for fince they had already prroduced thefe different bodies of reform'' d Battalions , 
 and reforming , even to infrnitie, Protejiants , Presbyterians, and Brownijis, who in a 
 perpetual war cannot agree amoyig themfelves : He comes farther , as more fit to ferve 
 himfelf of theis Maxims , to put them to the Ho there , by the indifference , and by abn- 
 lijhing all Laws that rule upon the Confcience, and leaving every mans thoughts free, and 
 the liberty to prophefie and interpret the Scriptures, according to the fenfe hisjpirit diUates 
 to him. For, as to the remainder , he troubles not himfelf to fee by this J}irit, the pro- 
 digious number of Sells and InfeSs to fwarm about , who daily vomit forth more mon- 
 ftrous opinions than can come from the hottomlefl pit. For let there be what difference 
 there will among them , they all agree in his indifferencie. 
 
 By this Catajhrophe of tlx Reformation , undertaken by thofe that have divided the 
 Omrch in thefe later Ages , you fee , Sir, what hath been both the defign and Genius. 
 IhU is not I that reprefent the truth of it to you , Cod hath Jet it before your eyes , cr J 
 may rather fay, in your heart, written in Charaiiers which Jhall never be blotted out. 
 
 And
 
 T o M E J. An Epiftle of M"". de la Milttiere, &c.. 
 
 j4}id to m-ite them reith hU own hand ^ he himfelf U defended from Heaven , environed 
 Tvith the fire and thunder of his anger, which appears enlightened upon you. Bui 
 from the middle thereof you hear the voice of his mercie , recalling you to him, and de- 
 claring to you , that all this he hath done , to let you know the fins of your Fathers 
 by drawing you out of them , that he may call you back^ into hU Church , where all bene- 
 diCtion jhall be given you. For true Fietie and Religion , whereof Jhe hath been made 
 the Guardian, finds there (as the Apofile Jpeakj) the promifes of prefent life, and of 
 that which is to come, And your Faith , which God will work^ in you by the vertue of 
 the Croji , in the prefent afjliUion whe-rein you are , fubmitting all your defires to the 
 Wifedotn of his Counfel , and power of his jirength , Jhall meet there the comfort of your 
 patience, comformable to the hope you Jhall put in him. Tou will fay then , Sir when 
 you confider your felf, and the work^ that God Jhall have wrought in you , 7hat the Wife- 
 dom of the Judgements of God are without hottcme I "That the knowledge thereof it 
 very difficult! 7hat it is impofible to find it out, if he himfelf doth not manifefi it ! 
 He will manifefi it to you , Sir , and you may fee it , if you confider the great ahyfi that 
 Tooi between you and God \ how far you were drawn from him , before he came to you 
 after this manner , and drew himfelf near to you , that he might draw you to 
 him. 
 
 IVJjen the King your Father had the Crown upon his Head , and was fitting upon his 
 'throne in the middle of his flourijhing Kingdoms , in the abundance of all profi>eritie and 
 glorie ■■, And that you , Heir to this Majefiie and Royal Pomp , bred up your jpirit, among 
 thefe mundane delights , of the defire and hope of adding to the Utfire of your Grandfa- 
 thers , the jplendour of your brave Anions, wherewith your politick^ and militarie vir- 
 tues Jhould adorn your life , and the Hifiorie of your Reigns What's this then, when 
 all the reafons of State , as well as thofe wherewith your Confidence had been onely injiru- 
 (ted, -would have kgpt you engaged in this new Religion , the err our whereof you have 
 fucki i^ ^'th the mi\ of your Jnfancie , your eyes and" your ears fljould have been capa- 
 ble of feeing and hearing the Truths which now mak^ k^own to you tJje Fault, and the 
 condemnation , which God by the wifedom and power of his Judgements hath drawn 
 from, it felf, and his proper work^ , that you may feel the effe£ls ? How Jhould you have 
 been able to have difcovered, under this jair Jhew of Reformation , whereof Jhe hath ta- 
 k^n title , under this Jf Undid lufire which Jhe hath put upon her face , of Knowledge 
 and Eloqueme , the gifts whereof Jhine in her Dolours and Mini{iers \ of the reading , 
 and particular regard Jhe commands them to have towards the Holy Scriptures ^ of the 
 Familiar texts , which adorn their Faftours Vifcourfes and Preachings ■■, of the popular 
 exercifes of her Pfalmes and Canticles ■■, of the Prayers and Orifons which are extraU- 
 ed and interwoven with the Vnderfianding , which gives confolation : Should you have 
 been able to have difcovei-ed , I fay , that under this appearance of Pietie (he had dif- 
 avow'd her firength , if God had not at prefent let you fee it in the works "f horrour 
 and confufion, deadly to Chrijiian pietie and charitie, defiru&ive to all Form of Religion, 
 Enemies to all Order of God, which Jhe hath produced by the confequences of her Fttnda- 
 mental Maxims ? Sir, Had your Majefiie tak^n notice of the impofiure and deceit which 
 the Father of lyes hath hidden under thefe Baits , that they themfelves , whom he made 
 the firfilnfiruments and Authours of the divifion of the Church , did not perceive, for 
 they would have abhorred it had they kjtown it would have been fuch ? this is then truly 
 the great work^of God, whereof this falfe Prophet undirfiands not the reafon , when he 
 Jpeaks thus : God hath certainly done this work^: And God hath raifedup himfelf, to put 
 this confufion among them which have forfak^n the Vnitie of the Church, in dividing 
 themfelves into a thoufand SeSs , of which they ach^wledge at prefent , that no one 
 can call himfelf the Church. For the SeCt of the Protefiants cannot pretend to it, fince 
 Jhe her felf fubfifis no more : but that every one fees her jufily perijhed, by the fame Ma- 
 xims that feparated her from the Church i and that the Presbyterians , which feduced 
 them , have now defiroyed them. For the Se6i of the Presbyterians , which is under the 
 yok^ of the Independents , who cut their throats with the fame Swords wherewith they 
 warred againfi the Church : For they brought them , by their own Maxims, to renounce 
 all Difcipline , all Government, all Law, and all Rule of Vnitie, attdby confequence 
 all Form of the Church, "this curfed Cham hath then difcovered his Father^s filthinefl, 
 that is to fay , of the firji Authour of this pretended Refm-mation , who being 
 
 B 2 df^fiK
 
 8 
 
 The Victory of Truth; Or ^ T o m e I. 
 
 drunk with the trine of hU enour , did not himfelf K'^otp it. 
 
 But if God pleafes , the imptdence of this brazen face , who hath lojl aV flmmefac'd- 
 »c(i hmn, not afraid \o difcover , by his Independence, the Foundations of this frepjie- 
 rm MomatioM , Jhall noTP touch his brethren with compmUion and pame , that they 
 tniy return to their common Father. 
 
 He rrill caufe the Tresbyterians and Troteftants to underjiand , that it was the jpirit of 
 fenflefneS and errour , which made Luther conceive and undertake the defign of dividing 
 the Church, under pretext ef a falfe Reformation. From whence they will perceive (if 
 they can hut come to themfelves ) that one ought not to defire , neither that any one can 
 do any thing true or lawful, but in the union, and by the confent of the Church, and 
 the rule of "tradition , which fhe hath received from the Apojlles , and conferved by a 
 continued fuccefjion. 
 
 As God Sir , draws light out of darh^iefi , fo your Majejiie fees, that he makgsyour 
 fjlvation to come out of your calamitie. But this is not for you alone. That rvhich he 
 jviH do in your Perfon , he wilt bring to pajl in all your Kingdoms by your Perfon. And 
 not onely in all your Kingdoms , but in all the places , and in all thofe which arefepara- 
 ted from the Church, as your Kingdoms are, 
 
 "tljat which you have fuigular in\this caufe , is ,by being the greate^ King of the party 
 divided from the Church , and that your Kingdoms are the greatejl and moji flourijhing 
 Ejiate that hath received this noveltie of Religion , where jhe hath found the moji power- 
 ful SanBuarie, and where Jhe hath planted her Seat the moji eminent , and mnji ajfuredi 
 This is lik^wife a reafon why God hath put her into this confufwn , in defrroying her by the 
 different Se&s which Jhe her f elf hath ingendred , that alltfje world may k^tow the Spirit 
 of errour, from whence Jhe hath tak^n her Original. 
 
 For all the world at prefent fees what this Spirit is, and its nature ■■> if it is the Spirit 
 of Chriji , it is the jpirit of peace and truth i if it be the Spirit of Satan , it is the 
 §irit of trouble and errour , rohich hath raifed the trouble and errour which rules at pre- 
 fent in your Kingdoms. 
 
 Since fuch is the Spirit of this new Reformation , and its Maxims , fuch are its works, 
 that are at this day difcovered, and made evident : who is that man that can defend it? 
 that can preferve it in his Confcience ? that can have repofe or comfort in his foul , by ad- 
 hering to it ? There's no more need of Viffiutes, or Arguments to convince it: She is 
 convinced by her felf, according to the charader the Spirit of God bath jiamp'd upon the 
 heretical man , by the pen of the Apojile St. Paul , who commands us to depart for thefe 
 reafons: There is , faith be , a perverted fpirit , that is condemned by it felfl This 
 is the image that all the world doth fee at prefent in this Reformation , and its Ge- 
 niits. 
 
 Bttt there rejis now one thing to do, which is , to apply this remedie of Salvation to the 
 Confcience of the people feduced by the errour. There is no more to do than to anoint the 
 wound the Scorpion hath made with the cyl rvhere it hath keen bruifed. For the way to 
 heal them is now very eafw , by reafon their Rt formation hath received fuch a mifei-able 
 fuccijl. There is nothing more eafie , than to make the people k^iow thereupon by the convi- 
 ction of their Pajiours , upon the very Foundations and Maxims of their Reformation, that 
 they have neither Church nor Faith : Bttt then rvlxn they fuppofed ( contrary to the pro- 
 mife of Jejus Chriji ) the Church was fallen into ruine , for pretext of reforming it , 
 they have not been able to form another , rvhich hath the conditions of the true Church, 
 but an inpnitie of different and contrary Seds among them , none of rohich can be the 
 Church ■■> but in rejeSing the Authoritie of Tradition for interpreting the Scripture , and 
 the Judgement of the Church for the declaration of her Faith, Tl)ey have abandoned the 
 Vmtie of the Faith , that every one might abound in his on>n fenfe , by the different opi- 
 nions they have conceived. That which of neciffttie muji caji them, as it is come 
 to pafi , into the Independence of all rule , and the indifference of all opinion in Re- 
 ligion. 
 
 . -^"^ '*^ modejiie to accufe the Church of Frrottr in all the Ages , hath been the begin- 
 ftygto mak^ the Authours of this Reformation agree , that the Church remained pure 
 in Faith during the time of the Four jirji general Councils j they have afforded us a way 
 bythistodifabufethe people, they do ahufe , when they accufe -the Church at this day 
 0} trrour in the Heads of her Faith , which they have rejeited. Far they can no longer 
 
 avoid 
 
 t
 
 To M E I. An Epiftle ot M^ de la Mihtiere ^ &c 
 
 avoid falling into a manifeji contradiction of the fenfe rchich they impute to the ancient 
 Fathers in points of Faith , rfhich are in controverfe betrfeen us. They cannot brand the 
 Church at this day for having a different Opnion in Faith from the Ancient Church , 
 witi^OHt cutting their throats with their own proper comradi&tons ^ upon the opinion they at- 
 tribute to the Fathers. 
 
 So that there is nothing more to do for the informing the Feopk , Jeparated from the 
 Church of the 'truth , and obliging them to enter again into her , than to make them un- 
 derftand the cheat rvhereveith they have been furprized under the name of Keformation ^ 
 by convincing , in their prefence , their Ministers , cf an evident contradiVtion (f them- 
 felves , by the confequences of the Fundamental Maxims of their 'Reformation. From 
 whence refults the indubitable Vetnonfrration , rchich proceeds from the jfirit of lying and 
 errour. 
 
 If it pleafe your Majejiie , Sir , to imploy this vcay for your injlru&ion , and the fa- 
 iisfaCtion of your Confcience , that your Converfwn and Return to the Church may both 
 open the hearts , and the veay for all the reji to folloa> your example. Tou cannot do it 
 more folemnly , or commodioufly , than in the place wherein yon are at the prefent. We 
 have in this place Five Minijiers of the Communion feparated from the CatholicI^ 
 Church , who have gotten themf elves as much credit and atithoritie^ through the 
 efleem of their fufficiency , and reputation of their zeal , M any that are in their whole 
 bodie. 
 
 Tour Majejiie, Sir, may eafily obtain of the King your good Brother and Friend , 
 that they be called, by his Authmitie , to come ( with all thofe of their Communion where- 
 with they would be affifled ) and appear in prefence of Monfeur the Archhijhop of Paris , 
 and Monfieur his Coadjutor , and the CathoUck^Voaors, which he JJjall pleafe to bring 
 with him. And there, Sir , your Majejiie being prefent, they Jhall jpeak, and anfwer with all 
 fecuritie and libertie , that which their fririts and confcience doth fuggtji to them , upon 
 the evident contradiBions of the principles and confequences of their Reformation , that , 
 in aV their different SeUs which have forfak^n the Church under this pretext, there is 
 neither Church nor Faith. And that , upon the Points of Faith , where they have ac- 
 cufed the Church of Errour , and have takgn the opportunitie to feparate themfelves from 
 her , they are lik^wife feparated from the Communion of the Church of all Ages. So 
 that they cannot any wayes accufe us of diverfnie of opinion with the Ancient Church , 
 but that they again fall into an evident contradiCiion of themfelves , as well as of the An- 
 cient Fathers , and of us. 
 
 7hefe Minijiers , Sir , will deny neither the defire of you f Majeftie , no-r the Command- 
 ment of the King your good Brother , to render the dutie both to their charge and to their 
 confcience , unlefl by their tergiverfation they will betray the weak^tefi of 
 their caufe , and the condemnation which they themfelves p-onoiptce in their 
 Hearts. 
 
 But they'll love rather (aslthink^) ingentioujly to prefent themfelves, to yield to the 
 truth , which they cannot contradict , than to inarr the hlam.e cf being acl^owledged for- 
 mal enemies of the peace and re-union of the Church, through the perverfnefi of an ob- 
 Jiinate Faith. 1 kriow not what to thinks that they fhotild rather love to fling themfelves 
 headlong , with their people , into the confufon and diforder of Independencie , and in- 
 difference of all opinion in Religion , than to avouch the errour and blindnefi of thofe who 
 were the frijl Egreffors from the Church by thefe Maxims , which have caji, by their 
 eonfequences , their Followers into this aby^ of Ireligion, whereinto we fee them at this 
 prefent fallen. 
 
 And when the Minijiers would let themfelves be carried away to fo unlucky a thought, 
 J do no wayes believe that in Ytdiucc the People would foliow them, and adhere to their 
 
 opinions. 
 
 This is wherefore. Sir ^ 1 dare hope that the Minijiers which are in Paris , being obli- 
 ged by the defire of your Majejiie , and the will of their Sovereign , to fubmit to this 
 Law , which their own Confcience impofes on them for the fatUfacfion of their own Peo- 
 ple (for the People will have no leji affection , and will he no kfi defiroHS to fee the fuc- 
 cefi of the appearance of their Minijiers , and the anfwer theyfliaV mak^ ) wiV yield to it , 
 and will rather chufe to wall{, in the way of honour, and a good confcience , than bajely to 
 appear defertors , at one and the fame time , both of their Caufe, and good Faith. _^
 
 The Viaor y of Truth ; Or , T o m e I. 
 
 itn r , n„,^c tn Pais Sir and tph.itfoever they du , rphether they foJlnrv the mo- 
 . y{l7%lTofFfac^^^^^^^^ Jr^hethe/the Spim rf Vnde f.ggefts unto 
 
 Zmto avoid a>,d fly both the one and the other , your MajelUeJhV ^aV alwayes have aU 
 f V MifaaioK for departing flom the errour , which you Jhall jee prjak^n or condimn- 
 ed bv its orvn Mi>Mers i and entring into the Church , rvhich U the FiVar of truth , 
 andRork of Agis ,' againjl which you fee all the fail of different Seds , running at 
 every wind of VoUrine , through the deceit of them that conditS them , to breaJ^ and 
 Ihiptvrack. themfelves. And n-hen your Majejiie jhall he entred into the Church after thit 
 manner, and when all the world Jhall fee , that the defre to glorife God, by the fear ch- 
 iitrr for the Truth, the repofe of your Confcience , and for the love of your Salvation , 
 (hill have been your whole motive i Tou need not doubt , Sir , hut your example 
 trill make the lik^ imprejjion in all the fouls that are touched with the fear of 
 
 God, 
 
 Tou need not doubt , <S'/V , forfo much Of God hath elevated your Majeflie in Birth 
 and eminent Via^nitie above the reji that are in the Communion wherein you have lived. 
 They all feeing thefe circumjlances of your change, and entrance into the San&uarie of 
 the Church upon the wings of the Vitiorie of Truth , which carries you thither alone , 
 will he llirred up to give glorie to God for the fame caufes for which you jhall be rendred 
 to him. 
 
 It concerns you then , Sir , to makg your entrance by this means , and that you ferve 
 your felf of this way to addreji your felf thither , to the end your Converfwn and Re- 
 turn to the Church , bring to her , with you , by the folemn conviUion of the errou*' 
 which h^th difmemhred her , not onely thofe which the divifwn of your fathers hath torn 
 from her , but alfo all the reji which the fame caufe hath feparated. For by the power 
 which Truth hath upon the Confcience of men , when it is apparent , there U no doubt 
 but it will come to paj! after this manner. 
 
 iVhenthe Teople jhall fee that the Minifiers called in the prefence of your Majejiie, ei- 
 ther by their avowing of the Truth , or refufal to appear , jhall have been themfelvet 
 the Minijiers of your Converfion , every one will enter upon the examination of the cait- 
 fes and reafons of the Truth, which jhall have moved you thither, which jhall have jto 
 lefi vertue to make the like imprejjion in their fouls , by the fame means. 
 
 For whether the Minijiers do fincerely yield to the Truth , which they will not k^tow 
 how to comradi& , or whether they condemn themfelves by their refufal of an ingenuouf 
 proceeding , the event of their Convocation jhall be alik^ and univerfal in all places , 
 where the fame way to call back, the Teople to the Church jhall be pradifed. 
 
 There are no Minijiers in France will k^ow what to anfwer , when thofe of Paris 
 Ihall be made dumb. No others will by any manner of means dijpute them concerning 
 their fu^cienci'e. But if they are wanting to the dutie of a good Confcience, you may 
 eafily meet many more ingenuous , who will m wayes refufe to acknowledge the Truth. 
 By thvf way the People, who feek^ nothing but their Salvation , and who have no inter- 
 e\i more precious , will be ravijhed to fee themfelves at lafi, by a plain, folid and (jn- 
 cere inftrulHon , upon the true underftanding of matters of the Catholick^ Faith , drawn 
 from this Labyrinth of Vij^utes , which are given them for matter of Reformation, no 
 lejs Enemies to Tietie than Chrijiian Charitie. 
 
 For this effect , Sir , defiring to be affijiing to the defign of making the People fee, by 
 the conviClion of their Minijiers , that being feparated from the Church under thif pre- 
 text nf Reformation , they are left by that means without Faith , and without the 
 \ Church; And then when one perfwades them , that in the §)ue\}ions controverted in 
 Faith , the Church teaches contrary to what the Ancient Church hath believed; thofe that 
 accufe them cannot do it but by a formal contradiUing both the Holy Fathers and them- 
 felves, which isanecejfary argument of lying and errour: I here put forth into the light 
 " ^'il'^ 7'"<'at(/f , wherein thefe two Truths are rendred evident. 
 
 They have formed no Controverfe more important, according to their own opinion, than 
 that of Tra»fuh\\amiation in the Holy Sacrament of the Eucharijl. They accufe us for ha- 
 ving introduced , by the truth of this change , the necefjitie of adoring Jefm Chrijl in this 
 Sacrament, or the Sacrament it felf , which we maintain to be Jefus Chriji himfelf. 
 They impute unto us , that in this we have altered the Faith of the Ancient Church , to 
 which they fay , both thU change , and the adoration df the Sacrament, hath been un- 
 
 hpown.
 
 Tome f. An Epiftle of M'. dc la Milttiere, &c. 
 
 kl'oxp>t. They mal^ this the principal caufe, forfooth , of their file neceffitie of fepsrating, 
 themfelves from us, ^ 
 
 And being not able to deny , that the whok Ancient Church did fnkmnly offer the Sa- 
 crifice of the Bodie and Blood of Jefm Chrijl to God his Father , according to his inflitu- 
 tion^ in the Holy Eucharifl ^ they alfo cloaks their difference in this fitbje£i , from the 
 Ancient Church, and from «<, rvith this, "that the Ancient Church did not believe ( oi 
 theyprefiume ) T'ranfiubllantiation with us, nor by confiauence the Sacrifice, as we do, 
 f&H ■> ^'•'''* ^° ^^^ purpofe, as they refiU in our Belief Iranfubliantiation , fo they have 
 for the fame re afon likewife abolifioed the Sacrifice, which the Church celebrates at this 
 frefent. J have made it evident. Sir , that the Faith of the Church at this day is con- 
 formable to the Ancient upon thU change , in a Book^ which J have piiblifljed againfi 
 the defences brought by Minijier Aubertin upon the Pajjages of the Holy Fathers , in bis 
 Book^ of the Eucharifi. 
 
 I have reduced the Vemonfiration of the Truth to this point, viz. That all the Holy Fa- 
 thers have believed , that by the change , which interpofes it felf in this Sacrament , 
 there is rendred, the fame Flefh , and the fame Blood of Jefus Chrifi , received by the 
 mouths of Believers , whereof Jefm Chriji jpeakj in St. John , where he commands us 
 to eat and drin\ them , that we may have eternal life. The Minijier hath not been 
 able to contradict this truth , but in formally contradiSiing the finfe , which the Au- 
 ihours of his opinion , before him , have attributed to the Fathers , as conformable to 
 them , and in making the fenfe of the Fathers formally contrarie to that of Jefus Chrifi, 
 and that which he attributes to them frmally contrary to the true fenfe which they 
 have and do declare in clear and expreji words, I have convinced him by the proof of an 
 evident Vemonfiration in this little Treatife. And if he be called to anfrver upon this 
 Conviiiion , the Truth will be found to he victorious , either by his good or his evil Faith. 
 And as their Confidences tell them , and bite them for having introduced , by their Re- 
 formation , all Opinions equally contrarie to the Faith, of the Church of all Ages, when they 
 fee themfelves reduced to this extremitie i they cafi themfelves into the retrenchment of their 
 Fundamental Maxims , which is to admit of no Rule of Faith , but that of the Scri- 
 pture , interpreted hy every mans reafon. Vpon that I have convinced them by a Vemon- 
 firation without Reply , that hy the defign of their Reformation , founded upon the ufe of 
 this Rule , they have lofi both the Church and Faith. Which they mufi avouch if they 
 he called to anftver there , or the Truth fi^all confirve its advantage by the refufial they 
 JhaV mak^, 
 
 I mofi humbly intreat your Majefiie , Sir, that you will be pleafied to let this little 
 rvor}{_ have the glory to appear to the JForld under your Royal Name , for a prop which 
 will be able to ferve your Faith , as an Infirument of the Truth , the ViCtorie whereof 
 nught happily to gain you to the Church : And by gaining you , to bring with you her 
 Peace , and re-union of all the Parties that are divided from her. For affuredly 
 this grace of Heaven is not far from us, if we our felves do not draw our fielves 
 back; 
 
 And I am certain , that if it pleafie the prudence of the Bijhops , which the Holy 
 Ghofi hath eflablifi^ed for the conduCl of the Church ( as I hope they will be pleafied) to 
 ferve themfelves towards the People that have abandoned their Crolier , of the way that I 
 propofe and prefent to your Majefiie '•, they fi^all fiee , without much pain , and in a lit- 
 tle time , the firayed Sheep returning to them , by the very hand of thofe which k^ep 
 them withdrawn from their She epf olds. For in effeU, when the evidence of this demon- 
 firated Truth fhall once have taken its place (by the fweetnefi of the amiable conferences^ 
 ■where (he ought to be treated with all finceritie and libertie ) in the fiirit of all our fepa- 
 rated Brethren , as well Minifiers as people , they will confent with joy to re-enter into 
 the Catholick^ Church. So much the more willingly , that by the reafions of the truth of 
 her Faith , acknowledged conformable to the Tradition of all Ages , they fijall fio acknow- 
 ledge her, in all her parts , to be the True Seed from which the Holy Spirit hath caufedPi- 
 etie and Charitie to faring, flourifh, and fruBifre in BeUevers. 
 
 From whence it follows hy the fame reafon , that the true and lawful Reformation , 
 all good men of the Church define in the Church , doth depend no otherwife than upon the 
 underfianding and pradice of thefie fame Truths , by the dutie to which they addrefi all 
 Believers , in the different Vocations whereto God calls them, hi all which, the end, 
 
 C 2 which 
 
 II
 
 The \^i6i-ory of Truth; Or, T o m e I. 
 
 tPhichis proPojUthem, is no other than to live umted among them andrvhhjefiis 
 Clmd hi the grace of the Holy Ghoji , to ferve God tinder the ohedience of the Govern- 
 ment which he hath Put into the hands of the Bif^'ofs , rvhich feed the Flock, with an una- 
 nimoM conQnt under the Atithoritie of the efiecial Chair of St. Peter , ejtahlifhed at 
 Home by two Principals of the Ap> files, ^/. Peter , and St. Paul, from which whofo- 
 everfeparateshimfelf, is a Schifmatick^, and out of the Commmion of the Church. 
 
 Vponthis, Sir, I am imholdened to Jpeak^fir this lafi time to your Majeftie , that Of 
 you may if you will, by the way which I fropofe to you, lay the Foundation of this worl{_, 
 by your Converfwn and entrance into the Catholic}{, Church : Tou will find alfo , that 
 the (uccefl jhall be , in the hand of God, the indubitable way of re-eftahlifhing you in 
 vour fhrone. Certainly all will agree with me, that this worJ{_ is upon fuch conditions ^ 
 that if it had received its accomflijhment in Paris , with the Minijlers , and People fepa- 
 rated from the Church , there'' s no place in all France wherein they would refufe to do 
 
 the Hk- 
 
 Jnd if once the love of the Peace , and the re-union of the Church , had thus gained 
 
 the heart of our feparated Brethren which are in this Kingdom , acknowledging in this 
 manner , that the onely fafe and necejfarie Reformation ought to be this , which , by the 
 truth of the Definitions of the Faith of the Church , in her VoUrine , in her Service , 
 and in her Government , jhall re-efiahlijh a Chriftian life among Chriflians : the other Peo- 
 ple and Pajiours ( and the Pafi ours for the love , and by the very motion of the People ) 
 which are in the fame Communion in other parts of Europe , wiU without doubt do the 
 fame thing. 
 
 Think^you , Sir , that if your Subje&s of Scotland , and thofe which are in England 
 and Ireland , faithful and affeciionate to your Crown and Perfon , feeing the fuccej! of 
 this projeSi hapned in France, to which your Converfwn JhaV have given the beginning 
 and motion , they will refft the call of the fame grace , and that they can be able to find 
 in their hearts , in their mouths, and in their hands , either reafon, nr means , for to 
 hinder themfelves to follow that which aV thofe of their Commttnion Jhall have done here? 
 And after this -will you doubt , that the Bleffing of God , who is never -wanting to his 
 promifes , will not accomplijh in you fully that which he hath promifed to thofe that be- 
 lieve in him , by the mouth of his own Son , when he tells them , Search the Kingdom 
 of God , and his righteoufnefs , and all things fhall be added unto you ? Will you 
 doubt , that in thits fearching of his Kingdom , you Jhall not find alfo your own ? And 
 that Heaven will not lik^wife render unto you , upon the Earth , this temporal recompence, 
 for a tok^nef that you Jhall have fought, and which you Jhall receive in Heaven for 
 eternitie ? 
 
 Tes , Sir , the Word of God deceives no man i it is more firm and immovable than 
 the Heaven and the Earth ; for the one and the other Jhall vanijh away, but one J'ole Jota 
 of the Word uttered from the mouth of the Son of God, Jhall not pafi away. When I 
 tell you theje things , founded upon the 'Truth which he hath jpik^n unto Uf , believe that 
 this is he himfelf that addrejfes them to you by my mouth. It is he himfelf that calls 
 you. It is he himfelf that firetcheth forth his Hand towards you. Jt is he himfelf , 
 that by his Hand hath conduced you , for this end, to the place where you are. Kecol- 
 leci again your felf upon all the thoughts of your heart , fince the time your Majefiie 
 parted from hence , to the time your Majefiie returned back^ 
 
 Thinl^upon all that you have been willing to do , and upon all that which it hath plea- 
 fed God to do with you : For he hath done all the things , both what you fee, and what 
 you fuffer , upon your Perfon , and upon your Efiate. 
 
 He hath put you into the Efiate you are , to mak^ you underfiand his voice , and for 
 to oblige you to fay to him , Lord , what wilt thou that I do ? 
 
 Tom have thought to be able to re-afcend upon your 'throne , by the means of thofe of 
 your SuhjeUs , who appear'' d to retain for you , and for your Crown , that fidelitie to 
 which a more ancient Bond held them obliged more ^raightly than all others. God would not 
 have it fo. "fhey had a defign to bind your Confidence to the Laws of their Reformation, 
 by an oath to objerve the conditions of their Covenans , and by abjurittg your opinions , 
 that drew more near the Catholick^ Religion. 
 
 TJyey hoped by this means , that in conferving upon your Head fome Form , at leaft ap- 
 parent , of the Royal Government , under which they had fe happily obeyed your Fathers 
 
 j'or
 
 T o M E I. An Epiftle of Mr. de la Militiere , &c. i o 
 
 for fo mavty Ages , they Jhotild avoid the falling mder the Jlavage of the 7yramy which 
 if called Cromwell's Commonwealth. 
 
 And that they Jhould defend by this rvay the faCiioufnefi of their Keliglon from giving 
 place to his Independencie , Jfhat is it come to ? God hath dejhoyed all their Cottnfels, 
 He hath routed aU their Armies by the Arm of this Falfe Prophet , by whofe mouth he 
 convinces , and confounds in the face of their Minifiers , by mouth and by rcritingr the 
 Kules of their Covenant , by the proper Maxims of tlmr Kefoi-mation. God hath delive- 
 red them into his hands , and impofed upon them the yo^e of his abfolute domination. They 
 muji now fubmit to the Laves of hU Independencie , and of his Commonrvealth the name 
 whereof ferves for a Mafque to his Tyrannie. 
 
 But God hath delivered you , Sir , and hy a conduU if his Providence , full of trem- 
 hling and admiration , he hath reithdraren your Sacred Perfon from a thoufand dangers , 
 xvhich threatned it from the ftcrie and crueltie of this Monjier , rrho Jpared neither the 
 Jirce of Iron^ nor the value of Gold ^ to find the means of violently taking axvay your, 
 life. Ion havefecn , Sir , the anger of God to defend upon your Head , rvho according to 
 the terms of the Scripture , hath loojhed the Belts of Kings ^ and bound their Reins with 
 Cords. 
 
 Ton have feen his Arm^ armed with his rage , to defeat your Armies. Combating at 
 their head you have done bravely ^ with your hand ^ and tvith your courage ^ all that the 
 generofitie of a valiant and magnanimous Prince could do ^ to afjociate Vidorie to the jufiice 
 of your Arms, fou have there jhed your Blond , and feen that of your faithful Subjects to 
 frream through the fields covered with their bodies. 
 
 Tour valour^ and their unfearful hearts , had for a time gotten the advantave of the 
 great number of your Enemies , who faw themfelves readie to turn their backs : But the 
 chance of Arms turning in an inflant for them^ this ill hap ^ fatal to your Crown ^ ravijh'd 
 from you in this laji ConfliU ^ according to humane appearance^ both the way , and hope 
 of recovering it. But God hath wayes unknown to men , and his wayes are not our wayes. 
 It is not in our weakitefi that he magnifies his Jlrengih , and in our lowlinefi that he mak^s 
 his heighth to be feen. 
 
 Then when you were thus deprived of your Forces^ and all humane means offafetie ta- 
 k^n from you , he came to you under another vifage , and armed you with a fenfe ofhar^ 
 dineji and r efolution , which was above the jpirit of a man , for the Partie which yon 
 made choice of for your fecuritie. Tou refolv'd with your felf to fee\ it , by expofmg 
 your fole Perfon in the folitarinefi of wayes, and in the deprt of Forrefis, to the hazard 
 of a thoufand fad Accidents ■■> after you had hidden all the Mark^ of that Majeftie, which is 
 horn with you , under a Form borrowed from the moft bafe condition , that the eyes of the 
 People, which owe you after God the fecond homage, might not k>tow what you truly 
 were. Tou have pa^ed after this manner , without afionifhment , and withottt fear , acroS 
 a thoufand objeHs , which the imagination at every fiep prefented to you. ft is there , 
 where you ackjiowkdge God hath encamped his Angels about you , for your guard , and 
 for your defence. It is there , where he made a fimple Peafant , and an infirm Woman , 
 the very Angeb of his affiance , for to be your guide : giving to the pmplicitie of the one, 
 and to the frailtie of the other , prudence and refolution necejjarie to conduCl you , with as 
 much judgement as fmcere loyaltie , and to bring you , as a frranger and ttnk^own perfon 
 both the objeti of every mans fcorn and disdain , into the Capital Citie of your Ancefiors 
 Inheritance. It is there , where before fearing ( by reafon of the Orders fet forth againji 
 your life , and for difcovering you ) the meeting jo many Faces that would regard yours, 
 the Hand of God hath withdrawn the eyes of aV thofe who had a heart to hurt you. And 
 he hath opened them to him alone , for to acknowledge you , who without being prevented, 
 either by a Fore-fight , or expellation of you , became the Angel of your conduti, for your 
 crowing the Seas , depending upon our Banks , and moreover, rendringyou to the eyes of 
 the ^een your dear Mother , to whotn your Prefence hath caufed a g-eater ceffation of 
 grief, and rendred a greater joy , than you did at your Birth, 
 
 God hath then after this manner. Sir , made you to return hither into theBofome, 
 wherein your Majeftie hath begun to live, to the end he may give you a new one , by your 
 being born again into the Spiritual Bofome of your Eternal Mother. Tou may fee the con- 
 duB andCounfel of God, who calls you to him by aCall fo marvellous, having heard the 
 Prayers and Vowes, the Sighs and Tears of this CatholicllPrincefi, to give her the joy to 
 
 D fee
 
 14 
 
 The \"\doty of Truth , Or, An Epiftle, &c. T o m e l- 
 
 fee wnmtdredjpjrtJk^ofthegfeateftGracesJhe hath received from God ^ andrehich 
 (he hath implored fr yoti eirrfmce your Birth, nvthout ceafwg. 
 
 Sbicejhe if the Daughter of Henry the Great , the Glorie of mofi Chrijlian Kings, Jhe 
 implores of Cod for you the inheritance of that Grace he received from hU hand, rvho fet 
 him at one and the fame time both in the Church , and upon the 'Throne. -Her faith im- 
 plores it, her patience hopes it , and her pietie pail obtain it. IhU if the conflation fhe 
 (tffhs after , for refloring kr from fo many bitter affliUionr, which pe hath fuclq in at lei- 
 fure , and that the hand of God hath poured upon her, in hU Som Chalice , by which he 
 troves the conftancie of thife xvho love him. 
 
 to the tears of this deflate Princep , I add. Sir, the Innocent Blood ped before Cod by 
 the King your Father, tirhotn Ithink^ I may be able veithout fear tojiile happy. For if tve 
 Iwk^uPonthe caitfeofhif Death, he hath been perfeczited and cruelly fain , being able to avoid 
 the one and the other from the hands of hit Enemies , if he would have fubmitted his Con- 
 fcience to their Covenant, and confented to the aboliping of Epifcopacie. 
 
 But he hath loved rather to glorifre God by the Confejjion of a good Confcience , and for 
 ftpporiing a Dignitie which he hath believed to have been inftituted by Cod, according to 
 the Opinion of the Catholick^ Faith. Certainly we ought to believe , that it is to this Faith^ 
 which he hath preferred before the greateft things in the world, to which we muft afcribe, and 
 acknowledge fir the fruits thereofthe Pietie,Humilitie,PatieHce,ConJlancie,Kefignation to the 
 tVillof God , Submijjion even to that cf men, for the love of God, which wehave feenin 
 him, and which his Ferfecuiion, Suffering, Trifon , unworthy Jntreatings , criminal Procee- 
 ding, Degradation, Condemnation, the horrour and crueltie of hn Punipment , likgto which 
 the Sun did never yet fee an example on the Earth , have rendred him more iHuftrious and 
 more bright-pining than the light of the Sunitfelf. We may fay, that that firmneji of 
 this Faith hath been in his heart a fecret work^ of Cod , for re-uniting him , in this iryal 
 cf the laft moments of his life, to his Catholick^ Church , in the number of his Faithful 
 Eled, many of which (faith St. Auftin ) invifibly belong to the Church , though they are 
 not rendred rHembers vifibly. Andwe ought to believe , that this Crown, which he hath 
 gained by the conftancie of his Faith , hath been woven for him by the hands of Jefus 
 thrift , the King of Kings, hearing the Prayer and Interceffionof the moft happy §)ueen his 
 Grandmother , who hath in the fame manner ped her blood, and given up her foul into the 
 hands of Cod, by one and the fame punipment, with a Faith and Conftancie not to be imi- 
 tated , for the Catholick^ Faith , which woi the very caufe of the hatred and perfecution pe 
 received from her People , andmqft near Kihfwoman , from whom the Succejfion of the 
 Crown belonged to her. For the Prayers of the moft happy Martyrs in Heaven tend to ob- 
 tain continually of God, by Jefus Chrift, the accomplipment of the fame Grace they have 
 received here below , imploring it for thofe that have need, to the end that their Faith may 
 lealfo confummated by a perfeCt Charitie. This is the Grace, Sir, you paU makg tryal of^ 
 when your Majeftiepall attain this Faith by your re-union with the Church. Ton (hall feel 
 likiwife the efftH of the Prayers and Interceffion this glorious Princtfi makis to God for you 
 hy Jefus Chrift; to the end, that when you pall be re^ored to his Church, the throne un- 
 jufty tak^n away both from her, and from you , pall be rendred to you in the tniddle of your 
 Suh]eUs, thereto eftablip, by the fame Grace the Kingdom of Jefus Chrift. 
 
 To thefe Prayers , which all the Angels and Saints which are in the Church in Heaven , 
 andinEarth,mak^toGodforyourMajeftie,Ijoyn, Sir, my Vows and Supplications, 
 with this teftimonie of my Devotion to your moft humble fer vice , in a Subje6f which Ihave 
 efteemed the mo^ important , and moft worthy to gain me the honour of the good Favour of your 
 Majeftie / and that to ftile my felf, 
 
 SIR, 
 
 Of yottr Majeftie the moft Humble, moft Faithful, 
 and moft Obedient Servant, 
 
 La MILITIERE.
 
 I^ 
 
 DISCOURSE!, 
 
 A N 
 
 A N 
 
 S W 
 
 T O 
 
 E R 
 
 M\ de la Milidere 
 
 His Impertinent Dedication of his Imaginary Triumph i 
 
 O R. H I S 
 
 EPISTLE 
 
 TotheKiNG of GREAT BRITAIN, 
 
 wherein he inviteth his MAJESTY to forfake the 
 Church of England^ and to Embrace the Roman Catholic^ 
 Religion, 
 
 By John Bramhall D.D. and Lord Bifhop of Derry. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 O U might long have difputed your Queftion of Tranfubftan- 
 tiation with your learned Adverfary , and proclaimed your 
 own Triumph on a filver Trumpet to the World , before any 
 Member of the Church of England had interpofed in this pre- 
 fent exigence of our Affairs. I know no necellity that Chri- 
 ftians mart be like Cocks , that when one crows , aV the reft mufl ■^'*''' 
 crow for company. 
 
 Monfieur Auhertine will not want a furviving Friend , to 
 teach you what it is to found a Triumph before you have 
 gain'd the Vidory. He was no Fool that deiired no other Epitaph on his Tomb -. „ 
 than this , Here lies the Authour of thisfentence , frurigo di^utandi fcaUes Ecclefia, ^^110011^ 
 the itch of difputing is the fcab of the Church. 
 
 Having viewed all your ftxength with a fingle eye , i find not one of your Argu- 
 ments that come home to Tranfubftantiation , but onely to a true Real Prefence , 
 which no genuine Son of the Church of England did ever deny , no nor your Ad- 
 verfary himfelf Chrift faid , This is my Body i what he faid , we do ftedfaftly be- 
 lieve ^ he faid not after this or that manner , neque con, neqtiefub , neqite trans ■■> And 
 therefore we place it among the Opinions of the Schools , not among the Articles 
 of our Faith. 
 
 The holy Eucharift , which is the Sacrament of Peace and Unity , ought not to 
 
 D 2 be
 
 he tiifljop of Perry V Anfn>er to T O M E I. 
 
 ■ , I atter of ftrife and Contcnrion. There wanted not abufes in the Ad- 
 No a ffcrcnce ^''.":', '[''" of this Sacrament, in the moft pure and primitive times: asPropha- 
 in the church '"""'"j ,.,,•,,. i.^eft amon£ the Corinthians. The Simonians , and Menandri- 
 dircftly about ncfs '^"^ ""^''f ' "^''S imps^of Sathan, unworthy the name of Chriftians, did 
 tt'^T ^''i:Nrr.£^ theuf o^ ^^^ "°^ f°^ any difference about 
 800 .carl: ^^'^t^J'^tit it fcif but about the Natural Body of Chrift ; They held , that his 
 nc'd.l'x'n- Tujh, and Hood, and Fafwn, were not tme and real , hm imaginary and fhantajhcai 
 
 </;/Kgjr.^ ^j^„j(./^ff;. did forbear the Cup , but it was not for any difference about the 
 Sacrament it fclfi They made Two Sods, a good God, whom they called »•» 
 or Light ■, and an evil God , whom they tearmed w't©- or Darknefs, which evil 
 c'^od they faid , did make ibme Qeatures of the Dreg, or more feculent parts of 
 the Matter , vrhich were evil and impure i and among thefe Evil Creatures they 
 cfteemed VVine , which they called the GjhI of the Dragon : For this caufe , not 
 upon any other fcruple , they wholly abftained from the Cup , or ufed water in 
 r„ Ser. 4. de the place of wine i which Epiphaniuf recordeth among the Errors of the Ebiottiter 
 ^ad. Epiph. ^^^ 'Xatiattf , and St. Augu\Hne of the Aquarians. Still we do not find any clalh- 
 Vir. i^-f^' ing either in word or writing diredlly about this Sacrament , in the univerfal 
 ^YcU. Church of Chrilt, much lefs about the prefence of Chriif in the Sacrament. lie- 
 Bel. It -de que nHus veterum dif^utat contra hmc errorem frimis fexcentis Annis. 
 SacEKch.c.i' y{,e f^rfl that are fuppofcd by Bfl/^rwiw to have broached any Error in the 
 Church about the Real prefence , were the Jcomnachi , after 700 years. Trimi qui 
 V veritatem corporis Domini in Euchariiiia in qu£ftionem vocarunt^ fuerunt Iconomachi 
 poll Annum Domini 700. onely becaufe they called the Bread and Wine the Image of 
 Be/. Hid. Syn. ChriiVs Body. This is as great a miftake as the former. Their difference was 
 i/k.. 2 >ifl-6- meerly about Images, not at all about the Eucharift i fo much F^/f/KW confefleth, 
 Dijp. 119- f-'- that , hi his judgement , they were not to be numhred with thofe who deny the prefence 
 
 of Chrift in the Euchariji. 
 Yet differfnt we may well find different obfervations in thofe dayes , as one Church confe- 
 Obfervations, ^J^^■^^„ leavened Bread, another unleavened i One Church making ufe of pure 
 wine another of wine mixed with water ■■, One Church admitting Infents to the 
 Communion , another not admitting them i but without Controverfies, or Cen- 
 fures, or Animoiity one againft the other; We find no Debate's or Difputes concer- 
 ning the prefence of Chrift's Body hi the Sacrament , and much lefs concerning the 
 manner of his prefence, for the firA 800 years . 
 Ami ilifferetit] Yet all the time we find as different exprelEons among thofe Primitive Fathers, 
 ExprenTions. as among our Modern Writers at this day , fome calling the Sacrament »(&ey7g« of 
 Chrtjl's Bodie , the figure of his Bodie , the Symbol of his Bodie , the myfterie of hit Bo- 
 die., the exemplar type and reprefentation of his Bodie, faying., that the Elements do 
 not recede from their Natures Others naming it the true Bodie and Blood of Chrij}^ 
 changed, not in Jhape, but in nature, yea , doubting not to fay , that in this Sacra- 
 ment we fee Chrijl , we touch Chrijl , we eat Chriji , that we faften our teeth in hit 
 very FUjh , and mak^ onr tongues red in his Blood. Yet notwithlianding there were 
 no Queilions , no Quarrels , no Contentions amongft them ; there needed no 
 Councils to order them , no Conferences to reconcile them, becaufe they content- 
 ed themfelves to believe what Chrift had faid , this is my Bodie , without prefiuning 
 on their own heads , to determine the manner how it is his Body •, neither weigh- 
 ing all their own words fo exactly before any Controverfie was raifed , nor ex- 
 pounding the fayings of otiier men contrary to the Analogy of Faith. 
 Thefirn diffe. The firft doubt about the pretence of Chrift's Body in the Sacrameiit , (eems to 
 rencc about ^ have been moved not long before the year <?oo. in the dayes of Bertram and Pa- 
 chrm^in"h" fi^'4^'ff , but the Controverfie was not well formed, nor this new Article of Tran- 
 Sacrament. fublhntiation fufficiently concodled in ' the dayes of Berengaritts , after the year 
 1050. as appeareth by the grofs miftaking , and miftating of the Queltion on both 
 tides. Firlt Berertgariut ^ if we may truft his Adverfaries , knew no mean between 
 a naked Figure , or empty fign of Chrift's prefence , and a Corporeal or Local pre- 
 fence, and afterwards fell into another extreme of impanation; on the other fide, 
 the Pope and the Council made no difference between Confubftantiation and 
 
 Tranfub-
 
 Discourse/. the Epijile of M\ de la MWitlcre^ Sec, 17 
 
 Tranfubllantiation , they underftood nothing of the Spiritual or indivifibk being 
 
 of the Flefli and Blood of Chrift in the Sacrament , as appeareth by that ignorant 
 
 and Capernaitical Retradiation and Abjuration , which they impole upon Bereit^a- 
 
 rius. Penned by Vmberm a Cardinal, approved by Pope Nichols ^ and a Council, Rom UtbNic. 
 
 "Ego BereHgariiif, 6^c. j, 
 
 I Berengarius do confev.t to the H>ly Roman Jpoftolkk^ See , and pofeji reith my 
 Month and my Hearty to hold the fame Faith of the S.Krament of the Lords Supper , 
 rpith Pope Nicholas and this holy Synod , &c. And what the Faith of Pope Nicho- 
 /jf and this Synod was, follows in the next words i That the Bread and JFine , 
 rehich are fet upon the Altar after Confecration , are not onely the Sacrament ^ but the 
 very Bodie and Blood of Chrift. This ftems to favour ConfubJtantiation, rather 
 than Tranfubftantiation. If the Bread and Wine be the Body and Blood of 
 Chrift , then they remain Bread and Wine ftill ■■, If the Bread be not onely the Sa- 
 crament , but alio the thing of the Sacrament , if it be both the fign and the thing 
 fignitied , how is it now to be made nothing ? It follows in the Retradation i 
 Tlut the Bndie and Blood of Chrift is fenfibly , not onely in the Sacrament , but in truth 
 handled and broken by the hand of the Prieft , and bruifed by the teeth of the Faithful. 
 If it be even fo , there needs no more but feel and be fatished. To this they made 
 Berengariui {w£2t by the Confubftantiate Trinitie, and the Holy Gojpels , and accurfe 
 and Anathematize all thole who held the contrary; yet thefe words did fo much 
 (candalize and offend the Gl offer upon Gratian , that he could not forbear to admo- 
 nifh the Reader , tint tmleji he undeijiood thofe words in a found fenfe , he vcould fall 
 into a greater Haefe than that 0/ Berengarius. Not without reafon , for the molt DeConf.diji. 
 favourable of the School-men do confefs , that thefe words are not properly and l/"^' ^'' 
 literally true , but figuratively and Metonymically, underftanding the thing con- 
 taining by the thing contained , ai to fay the Body of Chriit is broken or bruifed , 
 becaufc the quantity or Species of Bread are broken and bruifed. They might as well 
 fay , That the Bodie and Blood of Chrift becomes fufty and fower , as often as the 
 Species of Bread and Wine before their corruption become fufty and fower. But 
 the Retradtation of Berengarius can admit no fuch figurative fenfe , that the Bodie 
 and Blood of Chrill in the Sacrament are divided and bruifd fenfibly , not onely in the 
 Sacrament ( that is the Species ) hut alfo in truth. A moft ignorant Capernaitical 
 AlTertion i For the Body of Chrift being not in the Sacrament modo quantitativo 
 according to their own Tenet, but indivillbly , after a fpiritual manner , without 
 cxtrinfical extenfion of Parts,' cannot in it felf, or in truth , be either divided or 
 bruifed. 
 
 Therefore others of the School-men go more roundly and mgenuoufly to work , 
 and confefs , Thit it is an abufwe and exceffive exprefion^ not to be hdd or defended^ j^ig^^Q^i, 
 and that it happened to 'S.exfn^znns ^ ( they fhould have laid to Pope Nicholof ^ and Bonav.Stc. 
 Cardinal Vmbertus ) as it doth noith thofe who out of a deteftation of one errour encline to 
 another. 
 
 Neither will it avail them any thing at all , that the Fathers have fometimes ufed • 
 
 fuch exprelEons 0^ feeing Chrift in the Sacrament , of faftening our teeth in his Flejh , 
 and fnakjnz our tongues red in his Blood.' There is a great difference between a Ser- 
 mon to the People, and afolemn Retradation before a Judge. The Fathers do not 
 fay, that fuch expreflions are true , not onely Sacramentally or figuratively, (as 
 they made Berengarius both fay and accurfe all others that held otherwife) but alfo 
 properly , and in the things themfelves. The Fathers never meant by thefe Forms 
 of fpeech to determine the manner of the Prefence , ( which was not dreamt of in 
 their dayes ) but to raife the Devotion of their Hearers and Readers i to advertife 
 the people of God , that they fhould not reft in the external fymbols , or figns , 
 but principally be intent upon the invifible Grace , which was both lawful and 
 commendable for them to do. Leave us their Primitive liberty , and we will not 
 refrain from the like expreflions. 
 
 I urge this to fhew , that the new Doflrine of Tranfubftantiation is fo far 
 from being an old Article of Faith, that it was not well digefted , nor rightly 
 underilood, in any tolerable meafure, by the greateft Clerks , and moft concerned, • 
 above a thoufand years after Chrift. 
 
 D 3 The
 
 g jfj^ pifhop of Dcrry V Anfwer to T O M E T . 
 
 The hilt dcrinition or determination of this manner of the Prefence was yet la- 
 SccinA-Jfr't- tcr in thc Council of Laterait , in the dayes of Innocent the Third, after the 
 dift.ii-i-i- year 1200. Jnte L:itaancni£ Concilium Tranfubjiantiam non fint dogma fidei. And 
 T.^qli- ^' \^\^^.^ jhc fruit of it was , let Vafqttes bear witnefs : Audita nomine Tranfubjlantiati- 
 Th/(\ctermi/ onis , &c. 'the very natne of 7ranjuhftantiation being but heard, Jo great a Controver- 
 nationof the r j-^ arife among' the later School-men concerning the Nature thereof, that the more 
 manner of the , endeavoured to wind themfelves out , the more they rvrapped themfelves in greater 
 eTSoudgate' difficulties , rphereby the Myjierie of Faith became more difficult, loth to be explained, 
 to a Deluge of ^„^ ,„ ig underjhnd , and more expofed to the Cavils of its Adverfaries. He adds , 
 Coniroverfies. ^.j^^j. jj^^ name of Converfion and T^ranfubjlantiation gave occafwn to thefe Contro- 
 
 verfies* 
 
 No fooner was this Bell rung out , no fooner was this fatal Sentence given , but 
 as if Pandora's Box had been newly fet wide open , whole Swarms of noyfom 
 Queftions and Debates did fill the Schools, Then it began to be difputed by what 
 meaiis this Change comes : whether by the Bcnedicftion of the Elements , or by 
 the repetition of thefe word's of Chrilt , this is my Bodie ? The common current 
 LS>. de cor. of your Schools is for the later : But your judicious Archbifliop of Cdifarea, fince 
 Thiol Schol. the Council of Irent , in a Book dedicated to Sixtus the Fifth , produceth great 
 reafon to the contrary. 
 
 Then was the Quertion ftarted , what the demonftrative Pronoun Hoc fignifies in 
 thefe words, Ih'vs is my Bodie} whether this Thing, or this Subftance , or this 
 Bread, or this Bodie, or this Meat , or thefe Accidents, or that which is con- 
 tained under thefe Species, or this Jndividuum Vagum,oi Laftly (which feemsftran- 
 ftcnpTh ger than all the reft) this Nothing? 
 
 mr'em. Then it began to be argued , whether the Elements were annihilated > whether 
 
 the matter and form of them being deftroyed , their Effence did yet remain ? or 
 the E/Tence being converted , the Exiflence remained ? whether the Sacramental Ex- 
 iftence of the Body and Blood of Chrilt do depend upon its natural Exiftence ? 
 Guidmend.l,v y^.\^Q^\^Q^ the whole Hoft were Tranfubftantiated , or onely fbme parts of it , that 
 ''^ """' is , fuch parts as {hould be diftributed to worthy Communicants ? or whether in 
 
 thofe parts of the Hofi: which were diftributed unto unworthy Communicants , the 
 matter of Bread and Wine did not return? Whether the Deity did afTumethe 
 Bread , or the Species thereof, by a new Hypoftatical Union , called Impanation , 
 either abfolutely, oi reCp£&ivdy,Mediante Corpore} Whether the Body and Blood 
 of Chrift might be prefent in the Sacrament without Tranfubftantiation , with the 
 Vafq. difp, Bread or without the Bread ? Whether a Body may be Tranfubftantiated into a 
 184 c. 8. gpjj^jj J ^^^ ^ which is moft ftrange ) whether a Creature might be Tranfubftantia- 
 ted into the Deity? 
 
 Then the School-men began to wrangle what manner of change this was, whe- 
 ther a material change , or a formal change , or a change of the whole fubftance , 
 , both matter and form ? and if it were a Converfion of the whole fubftance , then 
 whether it was by way of Production, or by Addudlion, or by Confervation ? 
 each of which greater Squadrons are fubdivided into feveral leffer Parties, {peaking 
 as different language as the Builders of Babel , peftering and perplexing one ano- 
 ther with inextricable difficulties. 
 
 It cannot be a new Produdlion ( faith one ) becaufe the Body of Chrift , where- 
 into the Elements are fuppofed to be converted , did pre-exift before the change i 
 neither can that Body which is made of Bread, be the fame Body with that which 
 was born of a Virgin. 
 
 If it be not by Produftion ( fay others ) but onely by Adduftion , then it is not 
 a Tranfubftantiation , but a Tranfubiation , not a change of Natures , but a local 
 fucceflion. Then the Piieft is nor the maker of his Maker , ( as they ufe to brag ) 
 but onely puts him into a new pofiture or prefence , under the Species of Bread and 
 Wine. 
 
 Howbeit this way by Addudion be the more common, and the fafer way ( i£ 
 we may truft Bfl/ar/»i«e ^ yet of all Converfions or Changes, it hath leaft affinity 
 ^ith Tranfubftantiation. Suppofe the Water had not been turned into Wine at 
 Cam of Galilee by our Saviour , but poured out , or utterly deftroyed , and Wine 
 
 new
 
 Discourse I. the Epi/ile of M". de la Miliciere, &c. 
 
 new created , or adduced by Miracle into the Water-pots , in fuch a manner that 
 
 the introdudion of the Wine , (hould be the expulfion of the Water , not'onely 
 
 conccmitanter but cattfaliur^ in fuch cafe it had been no Tranfublhntiation. Mofes his 
 
 Rod was truly changed into a Serpent , but it was by Produdion , if his Rod had 
 
 been conveyed away invifibly , by Legerdemain , and a Serpent had been adduced 
 
 into the place of it , what Tranfubftantiation had this been > None at all i no 
 
 though the addudtion of the Serpent had been the means of the expulfion and de- "^ 
 
 ftrudion of the Rod. It is fo far from Tranfubftantiation , that it is no Conver- 
 
 fion at all. The fublknce ot the Elements is not converted, for that isfuppofed to 
 
 be deftroyed ■, The Accidents are not converted , but remain the fame they were. 
 
 It is no Addudion at all, when the Body of Chrilt ( which is the thing fuppofed to 
 
 be adduced ) remain^ ftill in Heaven , where it was before. 
 
 It cannot be a Confervative Converfion , fay others ; for the (amc individual 
 thing cannot be Con(erved by two total diftindl Conlervations : but if this were a 
 Conlervative converfion, the Body of Chrill (hould be Conferved by two total di- 
 fiind Confervations , the one in Heaven , the other in Earth ■, Yea , by ten thou- 
 fand diftindl total Confervations upon Earth, even as many as there are confecrated p r r 
 Hofts ■-, Which feems to be ridiculouf^ and veithont any ntccfitie adminifters great occafwn ■j^^d.ikT, c.\. 
 to the Adverfjries ofChrifitM Keligion ^ of jeajihig and deriding the M}jieries of our 
 Faith. 
 
 So here we have a Tranfiibllantiation without Tranfubftantiation ; A produdi- 
 on of a Modus or manner of being , for a produdion of a Subftance-, An Annihila- 
 tion fuppoled, yet no Annihilation confeffed v An Addudion , without any Addu- 
 dion 'i A terminm ad quern , without a terminus a quo. Who (hall reconcile us to our 
 felves ? But the End is not yet. 
 
 Then grew up the Queftion , what is the proper Adequate Body which is con- 
 tained under the Jpecies or Accidents ? whether a material Body , or a fubllantial 
 Body , or a living Body , or an organical Body , or an Humane Body ? whether 
 it have weight or not , ancf why it is not perceived ? whether it can be (een by the 
 eye of mortal man ? whether it can adt or fuffer any thing ? whether it be movable 
 or immovable ? whether by it felf, or by Accident , or by both ? whether it can 
 move in one place , and reft in another , or be moved with two contrary moti- 
 ons, as upwards and downwards. Southwards and Northwards, at the fame 
 time ? 
 
 Addtothefe, whether the Soul of Chrift, and the Deity, and the whole Tri- 
 nity , dp follow the Body and Blood of Chrift under either Jpecies , by Concomi- 
 tance ? vvhether the Sacramental Body muft have fuffered the fame things with the 
 Natural Body ? As fuppofing that an Hoft confecrated at Chrift's laft Supper , had 
 been referved until after his Pallion v whether Chrift muft have died, and his Blood 
 have been adrually fhed in the Sacrament? Yea, whether thofe wounds that were 
 imprinted by the Whips in his Natural Body , might and Hiould have been found iii 
 his Sacramental Body without flagellation ? 
 
 Likewife , what Blood of Chrift is in the Sacrament > whether that Blood onely 
 which was (bed , or that blood onely which remained in the Body , or both the 
 one and the other ? And whether that Blood which was n\ed was affumed again 
 by the Humanity in the Refurredlion ? 
 
 'Then began thofe Paradoxical Queftions to be iirft agitated in the Schools: whe- 
 ther the fame Individual Body, without divifion or difcontinuation from it felf, 
 can be locally in ten thoufand places , yea , in Heaven and in Earth at the flme 
 time ? or if not locally , yet whether it can be fpiritually and indivifibly ? And 
 whether it be not the fame as to this purpofe , whether a Body be locally or fpiri- 
 tually prefent in more places than one ? BeHarmine feems to encline to the affirma- Bell. L.liyde 
 tive. 'though to he any where SacramentaVy doth not imply the taking up of a place, ^ich.c.i.in 
 yet it implies a true and real Yre fence \ and if it he in more Hofls or Altars than one , 
 it feems no lefi oppofite unto'lndivifibility ^ than the filling tip of many places. Nay, he 
 is paft feeming pofitive , that rvithout doubt if a Body cannot be in T^tpo places locally , 
 it cannot be' Sacrament ally in 'ttvo places. Jn 4. D. 44. 
 
 Compare this of Bellarmine with that oi Aquinas, 'that it is impoftble for one ^i.A,2.q.%i 
 
 , Body
 
 20 
 
 — T/.'^ B//Jjoly of DerryV ylvfrper to T O M F. I- 
 
 R/^ in he in more places than one locally, no, not by Miracle, hecauje it implies a 
 ^odyfop . And coniider upon what tottering Foundations you build Articles 
 f r-th Itisimpoliible, and implies a Contradidion , for the Body of Chrift 
 b locally in more Hofts than one at the fame time ( faith Jqmnas. ) But it is as 
 •'^ o/iible and implies a ContraditSion as much , for the Endy ot Chrill to be 
 Samentally in more Hofts than one at the fame time as to be locally ( faith Bel- 
 larmine. ) The Inference is plain and obvious. 
 
 And many fuch ftrange Queltions are moved, as whether it be poflible the thing 
 contained fhould be athoufand times greater than the thing containing > whether 
 a definitive being in a place , do not imply a not-being out of that place > whether 
 more Bodies than one can be in one and the fame place ? whether there can be a 
 penetration of Dimcnlions ? whether a Body can fubiilt after a fpiritual manner, fo 
 as to take up no place at all , but to be wholly in the whole , and wholly in every 
 part ? Moreover whether the whole Body and Blood of Chrifi: be in every particle 
 of the Bread , and of the Cup ? and if it be , then whether onely after tlic divifion 
 of the Bread and Wine, or before divifion alfo > And in how many parts , and in 
 which parts , is the whole Body and Blood of Chrift ? whether in the leaft parts ? 
 and if in the leaft parts , then whether in the leaft in kind , or the leaft in quantity, 
 that is , fo long as the Species may retain the name of Bread and Wine ? or fo long 
 as the matter is divifible ? and whether the Body and Blood of Chrift be alfo in the 
 indivifible parts , as points , and Imes , and fuperficies ? 
 
 Laftly , whether Accidents can fubfift without their Subjeds , that is , whether 
 they can be both Accidents , and no Accidents ? whether all the Accidents pf the 
 Elements do remain , and particularly whether the quantity doth remain > whether 
 the ether Accidents do inhere in the quantity as their fubjedt ? that is , whether an 
 Accident can have an Accident ? whether the Quantity of Chrift's Body be there? 
 and whether it be there after a quantitative manner, with extenficn of Parts, ei- 
 ther extrinfecal or intrin(ecal ? and whether the quantity of the Body of Chrift be 
 diftind; and figured , or indiftindt and unfigured ? whether the Accidents can nou- 
 rifh or make drunken or corrupt , and a new Body be generated of them > And 
 what fupplies the place of the matter in fuch generation ? whether the quantity , 
 or the Body of Chrift , or the old matter of the Bread and Wine reftored by Mira - 
 cle , or new matter created by God ? And how long in fuch corruption doth the 
 Body of Chrift continue ? 
 
 Whofoever is but moderately verged in your great Do(fl:ors , muft needs .know 
 that thefe Queftions are not the private doubts or debates of fingle School-men, but 
 the common Garboils and general engagements of your whole Schools. • 
 
 Wherefore it had been a meer vanity to cite every particular Authour for 
 each Queftion , and would have made the Margin fvvell Ten times greater than 
 the Text. 
 
 From this bold Determination of the manner of the Prefence how , have flowed 
 Two other differences: Firft, The detention of the Cup from the Laity , meerly 
 upon prefumption of Concomitance , firft decreed in the Council of Confiance, af- 
 ter the year 1400. Let what will become of Concomitance, whileft we keep our 
 felves to the Inftitution of Chrift and the univerfal Pradice of the Primitive 
 Church. It was not for nothing that our Saviour did diftinguifh his Body from 
 his Blood , not onely in the Cenfecration , but alfo in the Diftribution of the Sa- 
 crament. By the way give me leave to reprefent a Contradiftion in Bellarmine , 
 Lib. A- de £«- ^^''^h I am not able to reconcile. In one place he faith , "Ihe Frovidence of Cod 
 cbarift.c.ii. ^ marvellous in Holy Scripture; for St. Luke hath put ihefe words [do you this 3 
 after the Sacrament given tinder the Form (f Bread, but he repeated it not after the 
 giving of the Cup , that ree might underftand , that the Lord commanded that the Sa- 
 crament jhould be dijlributed unto aV under the Form cf Bread, but not under the 
 Form of Wine. And yet in the next Chapter, but one, of the fame Book , he doth 
 pofitively determine the contrary , upon the ground oP Concomitance , that the 
 CJp:}7. Bread maybetakgn arvay if the Cup be given ^ hut both cannot be tak^n an'ay together. 
 
 Can that be taken away which Chrift hath exprefly commanded to be given 
 toall? 
 
 A Se-
 
 Discourse 1. the Epiftle of M\ de la Miliciere , &c. 
 
 1 1 
 
 A Second difference flowing from Tranfubftantiation , is about the Adoration ot' 
 the Sacrament i One of thofe impedimejits which hinder our Communication with 
 you in the Celebration of Divine Offices . We deny not a Venerable refped unto 
 the Confecrate Elements , not onely as love-tokens (ent us by our beft Friend , 
 but as the Inftruments ordained by our Saviour , to convey to us the Merits of his 
 . Palfion : But for the Perfon of Chrift , God forbid that we (hould deny him Di- 
 vine Worfliip at any time , and efpecially in the ufe of this Holy Sacrament i We 
 believe with St. Auliine , that No mm eats rf that Flejh , but firji he Adores. But 
 that which oifends us is this , That you teach and require all men to Adore the very 
 Sacrament with Divine Honour. To this end you hold it out to the People. To 
 this end Corpm Chrifti Day was inftituted about 300 years iince. Yet we know that conc. VUti. 
 even upon your own grounds you cannot , without a particular Revelation , have 
 any infallible afTurance that any Hort is Confecrated i And confcquently you have no 
 aflurance that you do not commit material Idolatry. 
 
 But that which weighs moft with us is this , That we dare not give Divine Wor- 
 fliip unto any Creature , no not to the very Humanity of Chrift in the Abftrad 
 ( much left to the JHoft ) but to the whole Perfon of Chrift , God and Man , by 
 reafon of the Hypoftatical Union between the Child of the blelTed Virgin Mary , 
 and the Eternal Son , reho is God over all blejjed for ever. Shew us fuch an Union 
 betwixt the Deity and the Elements , or Accidents , and you fay fomething. But 
 you pretend no fuch things i The higheft that you dare go is this. As they that ad- 3^//. 4. jg £„. 
 ored Chrrji a>hen he tfoi ttpon Farth^ did \_ after a cei'tain kjnd of mamfir~\ ado-re his char. c. 19. 
 Garmems, Is this all ? This is after a certain kjnd of manner indeed. We have enough. I^^dum msdi. 
 There is no more Adoration due to the Sacrament than to the Garments vdiich 
 Chrift did wear upon Earth. Exadt no more. 
 
 Thus the fearalefi Coat of Chrift is torn in pieces ■■, Thus Faith is minced into 
 ftireds, and (pun up into nicities , more fubtil than the Webs of Spiders , 
 
 Fidem minutis dijfecam ambagibw , 
 
 ^ Vt qxifque eft lingua nequior. 
 
 Eecaufc curious wits cannot content themfelves to touch hot Coals with Tongs , 
 but they muft take them up with their naked Fingers , nor to apprehend Myfteries of 
 Religion by Faith , without defcanting upon them , and determining them by Rea- 
 fon , whilft themfllves confefs that they are incomprehenfible by humane Reafon, 
 and imperceptible by Mans imagination v Hotv Chri^ is prefent in the Sacrament , can Aq.}. 3"^7*. 
 neither be perceived by fenfe^ nor by imagination. The more inexcufable is their pre- Art •}. 
 fumption to Anatomize Myfteries, and to determine (upernatural , not revealed. 
 Truths upon their own heads , which if they were revealed , were not pollible to 
 be comprehended by mortal man ■■, As vain an attempt , as if a Child fliould think 
 to lade out all the water out of the Sea with a Cockle-ftiell. Secret things belong to jjgm., 2$. 3p. , 
 the Lord our God, hut things revealed unto m , and our Children for ever. 
 
 This is the reafon why we reft in the words of Chrift , "Ihis if my Body , leaving 
 the manner to him that made the Sacrament i we know it is Sacramental , and 
 therefore efficacious , becaufe God was never wanting to his own Ordinan- 
 ces , where man did not fet a Bar againft himfelf. But whether it be cor- 
 poreally or fpiritually, ( I mean not onely after the manner of a Spirit, but in a 
 fpiritual (enfe) whether it be in the Soul onely, or in the Hoft alfo, whether by 
 Confubftantiation or Tranfubftantiation i whether by Produdion , or Addudtion , 
 or Confervation, or AfTuraption , or by whatfoever other way bold and blind men 
 dare conjecture , we determine not. 
 
 Motum fent'tmiu , modum nefctmw, prjifentiam credimus. Vurand. 
 
 This was the Belief of the Primitive Church, this was the Faith of the ancient 
 Fathers , who were never acquainted with thefe modern Queftions de modo, which 
 edifie not , but expofe Chriftian Religion to contempt. We know what to think, 
 and what to fay with probability , modefty , and fnbmillion in the Schools i But 
 
 wc
 
 22 
 
 The Bifhop of DcrryV An fiver to 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 Againfl multi- 
 plying of QiiC. 
 fiions anii 
 Controvcrfits. 
 
 Theoccafion 
 of this Di- 
 fcourfc. 
 
 r. 1.- 
 
 TheAutlioui's 
 indifci eticn, 
 
 To no pur- 
 
 pofe. 
 
 The King is a!. 
 
 ready a better 
 
 Caiholick than 
 
 himfclf. 
 
 Difcur[HS mo- 
 
 dejlu) Jefuila- 
 
 Tump 1^. 
 
 Watfon5i:^arf. 
 
 lib. 1.2. Art.j^, 
 
 we dare neither fcrue up the Quciiion to fuch a heighth, nor didarc our Opinions 
 to others Co Magillerially as Articles of gaith. 
 
 Nffcire veli'e qu£ Magijler maximus 
 Ducere non vult , erudita eft vtfcitia, 
 
 O ! how happy had the Chriftian World been , if Scholars could have fate doWn 
 contented with a latitude of general , fufKcient , faving Truth , ( which when all 
 is done muft be the Olive-branch of Peace , to fhew that the deluge of Ecclefiafti- 
 cal divifion is abated ) without wading too far info particular fubtilties , or doting 
 about ^e\\ions and Logot7iachies ^ whereof cometh envy ^ ft^'fc ■, railings^ evil furmi- 
 j„,^s ^ t,erverfe difintings. Old controverfies evermore raife up new Controverfies , 
 and yet more Controverfies , as Circles in the water do produce other Circles. 
 
 Now clpccially thefe Scholaftical Quarrels feem to be unfeafonable , when Zend's 
 School is newly opened in the World , who fometimes wanted Opinions , but ne- 
 ver wanted Arguments i Now when Atheifm and Sacriledge are become the Mode 
 of the Times i Now when all the Fundamentals of Theology , .Morality, and Po- 
 licy , are undermined and ready to be blown ups Now when the unhappy conten- 
 tio;:s of great Princes , or their Minil>ers , have hazarded the very being of Mo- 
 narchy and Chriftianity ■-, Now when Behnt (hakes her bloody whip over this King- 
 dome, it bccometh well all good Chriftians and Subjeds, to leave their litigious 
 Queliions , • and to bring water to quench the tire of civil DifTention already kind- 
 led , rather than to blow the coals cf Difcord , and to render themfelves cenfura- 
 ble by all dilcreet perfbns , like that half-witted fellow perfonated in the Oratour, ' 
 ^i dm capiti niederi debnifiet, redttviam curavit ■> When his head was extremely di- 
 ftempered , he buficd hiitifelf about a liriall pufh on his fingers end. 
 
 But that which createth this trouble to you and me at this time , is your Preface, 
 and Epiltle Dedicatory j wherein to adorn your vainly-imagined Vitftory in an un- 
 feafonable Controverfie, you reft not contented that your Adverfary grace your Tri- 
 umph, unlefs the King of Great Britain, and all his Subjeds, yea and'all Proteftants 
 befides, attend your Chariot. Neither do you onely defire this, but augurate it , or 
 rather you relate it as a thing already as good as done : for you tell him, that his eyes 
 and his ears do hear and fee ihofe Truths, which maks '■'"'^ *" h^oxf the Faults of that Neif 
 Keligion rehich hehadfuckt in with his mil\-, you fet forth the caufes of his Converfi- 
 on, ihe tears of his Mother , and the Blood of his Father, whom you fuppofe ( againft 
 evident truth) to have died an invifible Member of your Koman Catholick Church, 
 And you prelcribe the means to perfed his Converfion, which muft be a Conference of 
 your Theologians with the Minifters of Charenton. 
 
 If your Charity be not to be blamed, to wifli no worfe to another than you do to 
 your felf, yet prudent men defire more difcrction in you, than to have prefented fuch 
 a Treatife to the view of the World, under his Majefties Protedion, without his Li- 
 cence, and againft his Conlcience : Had you not heard that fuch groundlefs infinua- 
 tions as thefe, and other private whifperings concerning- his Fathers Apoftatifing to 
 the Roman Religion, did lofe him the hearts of many Subjedls? If you did , why 
 would you inlift in the fame fteps, to deprive the Son of all poffibility of recovering 
 them ? 
 
 If your intention be onely to invite his Majefty to embrace the Catholick Faith, you 
 might have fpared both your oyl and labour. The Catholick Faith flourifhed 1200. 
 years in the World, before Tranfubftantiation was defined among your felves. Perfons 
 better acquainted with the Primitive times than your felf (unlefs you wrong one an- 
 other) do zckno-wlcds^e, that the Fathers did not touch either the Word or the Matter of 
 Tranfuhjhntiation. Mark it well, neither Name nor thing. His Majefty doth firmly 
 believe all fuptrnatural Truth revealed in ficredWrit.' He embraceth chearfiilly 
 vvhatlbever the holy Apoftles, or the Nicene Fathers, or blelTed Jthanafius,m their re- 
 fpeftive Creeds or Summaries of Catholick Faith did fet down as neceflary to be be- 
 lieved. He is ready to receive whatfoever the Catholick Church of this Age doth 
 unanimoufly believe to be a Particle of faving Truth. 
 
 But
 
 Discourse I. the Epift/e of Mr. cie la MWmere ^ Sec. 2^ 
 
 But if you (eek to obtrude upon him the Roman Church , with its adherents, for 
 the Catholick Church, excluding Three parts of Four of the Chriftian World from 
 the Communion of Chrift i or the Opinions thereof, for Articles and Fundamen- 
 tals of Catholick Faith , neither his Reafon , nor his Religion, nor his Charity, will 
 fuiferhim to liiten unto you. The Truths received by our Church , are fufficient in 
 point of Faith to make him a good Catholick. More than this , your Kuman Bi- 
 ftiops , your Koman Church , your Tridentine Council , may not , cannot, obtrude 
 upon him. Liften to the Third general Council, that of Epbefuf ^ which de- Par. 2 AH. 6. 
 creed, i^zxit fhouldbe lawful for no man to publjjh nr compofe another Faith or Creed '^''' 
 than that which rvof defined by the Nicene Council \ And that rrhofoever Jhonld dare to Not lanful to 
 eomfofe or offer any fuch to any per fans willing to be converted from Paganifm^ Judaifm^ add to the old 
 orHerefie^ if they were Bijhops or Clerks, Jhould be depofed ; if Lay-men, anathema- ^'^^^'^• 
 tifed. 
 
 Suffer us to enjoy the fame Creed the Primitive Fathers did , which none will fay to 
 have been infufficient , except they he mad , as was alledged by the Greek^ in the Coun- Concil. Flo. 
 cilof Florence. You have violated this Canon, you have obtruded a New Creed ^^P'-°'l^/''^' 
 upon Chriftendom : New I (ay, not in words onely , but hi fenfe alfo. Pii'sMartt. 
 
 Some things are d' Symbolo , fome things ate contra SymhoUtm , and fome things what are Ad- 
 are onely pr£ter Symbolum. Some things are contained in the Creed , either Expre- ditions to the 
 fly or Virtually, either in the Letter or in theSenfe, and may be deduced by evident ^h"aj'eoneIv 
 confequence from the Creed, as the Deity of Chrift, his Two Natures , theProcef- Explications; 
 lion of the Holy Ghoft. The Addition of thele was properly no Addition, but an Ex- 
 plication V yet fuch an Explication, no pcrfon, no Affembly under an Oecumeni- 
 cal Council, can impofe upon the Catholick Church. And fuch an one your I'riden- jiq.2.i.q.ii 
 tine Synod was not. An. 10. 
 
 Secondly, fome things axe contra Symbolum, contrary to the Symbolical Faith, 
 and either Exprefy or Virtually overthrow fome Article of it. Thefe Additions are 
 not onely unlawtlil , but Heretical alfo in themfelves, and after convidion render 
 a man a Formal Heretick^^ whether fome of your Additions be not of this nature , I 
 will not now di(pute. 
 
 Thirdly, fome things are neither of the Faith , nor againft the Faith , but onely 
 befides the Faith i That is , opinions or truths of an inferiour nature , which are 
 not fo neceflary to be aftually known : for though all revealed truths be alike ne- 
 ceflary to be believed when they are known , yet all revealed truths are not alike 
 neceflary to be known. It is not denied, but that General or Provincial Councils 
 may make Conftitutions concerning thefe for Unity and Uniformity , and oblige all 
 fuch as are fubjedt to their Jurifdiftion to receive them, either ABively , or Fafftve- 
 ly , without contumacy or oppofition. But to make theie , or any of thefe , a part 
 of the Creed, and to oblige all Chrift ians under pain of damnation to know and 
 believe them , is really to add to the Creed , and to change the Symbolical , Apo- 
 ftolical Faith , to which none can add , from which none can take away , and 
 comes within the compafs of St. FauPs curfe : If we, or an Angel from Heaven , Gal. i.3. 
 pall Preach unto you any other Gojpel ( or Faith ) than that which we have Preached, 
 let him be accurfed. Such are, your Univerfality of the Koman Church , by the in- 
 ftitution of Chrift ( to make her the Mother of her Grandmother the Church of 
 Jerufalem , and the Miftrefs of her many elder Sifters ) your Doflrine of Purga- 
 tory and Indulgences , and the Worfhip of Images , and all other Novelties defi- 
 ned in the Council of Trent, all which are comprehended in your New Koman 
 Creed , and obtruded by you upon all the World to be believed upon pain of Da- 
 mnation. He that can extrad all thefe out of the Old Apoftolick Creed , muft 
 needs be an excellent Chymift , and may fafely undertake to draw water out of 
 a Pumice. 
 
 That Afflidions come not by chance ', that Profperity is no evidence of God's ^ ^^ 
 favour, or Adverfity of his hatred; that Cfoffes impofed by God upon his fer- c'rolTesarenot- 
 vants , look more forwards towards their amendment, than backwards to their alwayes pu- .j 
 demerits, and proceed not from a Judge revenging , but from a Father correcfling, "ifhm_ents,huc. 
 or ( which you have omitted ) from a Lord Paramount , proving and magnifying peftions, or 
 before the World his own Graces in his Servants , for his Glory and their Advan- tryals.
 
 24 The Bifljop of Per ry's Anfwer to TOME I. 
 
 taae arc undeniable Truths which we readily admir. As likewife that the dim 
 eyeof man cannot penetrate into the fecretdifpenfations of God's temporal judg- 
 ments and mercies in this hfe , fo as to fay this man is punifhed , that other chalti- 
 lid , this third is onely proved, 
 which the All. But you forget all this foon after , when you take upon youtofearch into, yea 
 thourprefcDt- ^^ore, to determine the grounds and reafons, why the hand of Cod ^ m rpeV at the 
 ly forgets. parlument , hath been fo heavie ufon the Head of hvs late Majejiie , and his 'Royal Sou. 
 *' Namely on Gods part , hecaufe he called himfelf the Bead of the Church , Godfurfofxrtg 
 
 P. 3; ly his punipnient , to teach alt other Princes that are in the Schifm , vcith tvhat feveritie 
 
 he can vindicate his glorie, in the injurie dune unto the Vnitis and Authoritie of his 
 Church. And on the Parliaments part , hecaufe he vpould not confent to the Abolition of 
 ''■'■''*■ Epifcopacie , and fuppreffton of the Liturgie ^ and Cerimonief efiahliped in the Church of 
 
 England. 
 
 Firft , what warrant have you to enquire into the Anions of that BlefTed Saint 
 and Martyr, which of them ftiould be the caufes of hisfuflerings ? not remembring 
 Toh 9. J. that the Difciples received a, check from their Mafter upon the like prefumption : 
 lVl}o finned ? this man, or his Parents , that he rvas born blind ? Jefus anfvrered , nei- 
 ther hath this man finned , nor his Parents , but that the worths of God Jhould be made 
 tnanifeji in him. 
 EettergrounJs yi^^, Hcroical Virtues , the flaming Charitie , the admirable Patience , the rare 
 fufferines^a" humility , the exemplary Chaftitie , the conftant and frequent Devotions , and 
 thofe of the the invincible Courage of that happy Prince , not daunted with the ugly face of a 
 Authour. moft horrid Death , have rendred him the Glory of his Country , the Honour of 
 that Church whereof he was the chiefeft Member , the admiration of Chriftendom, 
 and a Pattern for all Princes , of what Communion focver , to imitate unto the 
 end of the World. His Sufferings were Palms, his Prifbn aParadift, and his 
 Death-day the Birth-day of his happinefs ■■, whom his Enemies advantaged more by 
 their crueltie , than they could have done by their courtefie. They deprived him 
 of a corruptible Crown , and inverted him with a Crown of Glory i They fiiatch- 
 j,,. g ed him from the fweet fociety of his deareft Spoufe, and from moil hopeful O/zT/tf 
 Branches., to"placehim in the bofome of the holy Angels. This alone is ground 
 enough for his Sufferings , to manifeft unto the World thoft tranfcendent and unpa- 
 rallel'd Graces , wherewith God had enriched him , to which his Sufferings gave 
 the greateft luftre , as the Stars (hine brighteft in a dark Night. 
 The Authour's The like liberty you affume towards the other moft glorious Martyr , the late 
 rafti cenfure Archbifliop of Canterbury , a man of profound Learning , and exemplary Life , 
 Archbilhopof of clean hands , of a moft fincere heart , a Patron of all good Learning , a Profef- 
 Cttnt. for of Ancieitf Truth , a great Friend indeed , an earneft Purfuer , of Order^ Uni- 
 
 ty , and Uniformity in Religion , but moft free from all fmifter ends , either ava- 
 ritious or ambitious , wherewith you do uncharitably charge him , as if he fought 
 onely hU own Grandeur , to- make himfelf the Head of a Schifmatical Body. Iii 
 brief, you therefore cenfure him , becaufe you did not know him. I wifti all your 
 great Ecclefiafticks had his Innocency , and fervent zeal for God's Church , and the 
 peace thereof, to plead for them at the Day of Judgment. 
 
 By applying thefe particular AfBidlions according to your own ungrounded Fan- 
 cy , what a wide gap have you opened to the liberty and boldnefs of other men ? 
 who if they (hould affume to themfelves the fame freedom that you have done , 
 might fay as much, with as much rea(bn , concerning the preffu res of other great 
 Princes abroad , that God afflidts them , becaufe they will not become Protcftants , 
 as you can fay that God afflided our late King , ■ becaufe he would not turn 
 Papirt. 
 
 But if you will not allow his Majefties Sufferings to be meerly probatory v And 
 if ( for your fatisfadion ) there muft be a weight of fin found out to move the 
 Soverelens ^^^^' *^^ *^o<l's Juftice , why do you not rather fix upon the body of his Subjeds , 
 Hiay be taken ^"^ ^^ '^^^ ^ difloyal part of them ? We confefs that the beft of us did not deferve 
 away for the ^^^ch a Jewel , that God might juftly fnatch him from us in his wrath for our ingra- 
 <"^°a!^^''^ titudc, Reafon , Religion , and Experience do all teach us , that it is ufual with 
 5ut);ett». Almighty God , to look upon a body Politick , or Ecclefiaftick , as one man , and 
 
 to
 
 Di5CoaRSE I. theEpiftleofU.'. de la Militierc, &c. 2"; 
 
 to deprive a perverie people of a good and gracious Governour ■■, as an expert Phy- 
 
 fician , by opening a vein in one member , cures the diikmpers of another. For Pro. s8. a. 
 
 the tranfgrejjtons of a Land , many are the Vrinces thereof. 
 
 It may be that Two or Three of our Princes at the moft ( the greater part Not above mo 
 whereof were Koman Catholicks ) did ftile themfelves, or give others leave to ftile o'"''^^^.'^ °f 
 them , the Heads of the Church , within their Dominions. But no man can be fo caHed Heafls 
 fimple , as to conceive that they intended a fpiritual Headfhip , to infufe the life and of the Church, 
 motion of Grace into the hearts of the Faithful , fuch an Head is Chrilt alone i No 
 nor yet an Ecclefiaftical Headfhip \ We did never believe , that our Kings in their 
 own Perfons could exercife any adt , pertaining either to the power of Order or Ju- 
 rifdidion : Nothing can give that to another, which it hath not it felf. They poi^tkaf "^jj 
 meant onely a Civil or Political Head , as Satil is called the Head of the Tribes of i sam. 15. 17. 
 Ifrael v to fee that publick Peace be preferved ■■, to fee that all Subjeds , as well Ec- 
 clefiafticks as others , do their Duties , in their feveral places •, to fee that all things 
 be managed for that great and Architeftonical end , that is , the Weal and bcneht 
 of the whole body politick , both for foul and body. If you will not trufl me , 
 Hear our Church it (elf: When we attribute the Sovereign Government of the Church to ^^^' ?7' 
 ^e King , vpe do not give htm any power to adminifler the Word or Sacraments ■■, but 
 onely that Frerogative which God in Holy Scripture hath alrvayes aUctred to Godly Vrinces^ 
 to fee that aU States and Orders of their Subjerts , Ecclefiajhcal and Civil , di their 
 "Duties, and to pinijh thnfe who are delinquent with the Civil Sword. Here is no Exts.Paraph 
 Power afcribed-, no Punifhment inflided , but meerly PoHtical, and this is appro- Art.conf.Auc'. 
 ved and juftified by St. Clara , both by reafbn , and by the examples of the Parlia- ■^'''- ?7' 
 msnt o^ Paris. Yet by vertue of this Political Power , he is the Keeper of both 
 Tables , the Preierver of true Piety towards God , as well as right Judice towards 
 men ■■> And is obliged to take care of the fouls, as well as the skins and carcafes, of 
 his Subjedts. 
 
 This Power , though not this Name, the Chriftian Empcrours of old afllimed The ChriOian 
 unto themftlves , to convocate Synods , to prefide in Synods , to confirm Synods , E'nperoui's 
 to efiablifh EcclefiafVical Lawes , to receive Appeals , to nominate Bifhops , to Head" 
 ejedt Bifhops, to fupprefs Herefies, to compofe Ecclefiaflical differences, in Coun- 
 cils, out of Councils, by themfelves, by their Delegates-, all which is as clear in 
 the Hiftory of the Church , as if it were written with a beam of the Sun. 
 
 This Power^ though not this Name , the Ancient Kings of England ever excr- Tlie old Kings 
 cifed , not onely before the Reformation, but before the Norman Conquefl , as ap- p'^5"*'f^'' j 
 pears by the Afts of their great Councils, by their Statutes, and Articles of the ^o"""'""'"- 
 Clergy, by fb many Lawes of provifion againft the Bifhop of Komes conferring 
 Ecclefiaftical Dignities and Benefices upon Forreigners , by fo many fharp oppofiti- 
 ons againft the exaftions and ufurpations of the Church of Kome, by fo many 
 Lawes concerning the Patronage of Bifhopricks , and Inveftitures of Bifhops, by 
 fo many examples of Church-men punifhed by the Civil Magiftrate. Of all which 
 Jewels the Rowizw Court had undoubtedly robbed the Crown, if the Peers and 
 Prelates of the Kingdom had not come in to the refcue. 
 
 By the Ancient Laws of England it is Death , or at lealt a Forfeiture of all his 
 Goods, for any man to publifn the Pope's Bull without the King's Licence. The 
 Popes Legate without the King's leave could not enter into the Realm. If an Or- See Authori- 
 dinary did refufe to accept a refignation , the King might fupply his defedt. If any |hefe°in c<jn>- 
 Ecclefiaftical Court did exceed the bounds of its jufl Power, either in the nature (frre'sCafe. ia 
 of the caufe , or manner of proceeding , the King's Prohibition had Place. So in Judge coot"* 
 cfFedt the Kings of England were alwayes the Political Heads of the Church within R^poi"- 
 their own Dominions. So the Kings of France are at this day. 
 
 But who told you that ever King Charles did call himfelf the Head of the ^charUi 
 Church? thereby to merit fuch an heavy Judgement. He did not, nor yet King k. /amfx/nor 
 7<«w«f J his Father, nor Queen E/iiJSfltft/; before them both , who took Order in her Q^£/f^<ifff* 
 Firfl Parliament, to have it left out of her Title. They thought that name did ftiiC'lH^ajtsof 
 {bund ill , and that it intrenched too far upon the Right of their Saviour. There- "^ " 
 fore they declined it, and were called onely Supreme Governours, in all Caufe s , over 
 allperfens Ecckfufiic-al and Civil') which is a Title demure infeparable from the Crown 
 
 E of
 
 ^5 ' Ibe b tfJ^op of Perry's J^f}frt>er to TOME l 
 
 of all Sovereign Princes ; Where it is wanting de faUo ( if any place be io unhappy 
 to want it ) the Kingis but half a King , and the Commonwealth a Serpent with 
 
 Two Heads. , , , , , , -r i . .„ . 
 
 Thus you fee, you are doubly, and both wayes, miferably miftaken. Firft, 
 King Charles did'never ftile himfelf Head of the Church, nor could with patience 
 endure to hear that Title. Secondly , a Political Headfhip is not tnimiom to the 
 Vnity^ or Authority-^ of the Chunh. The Kings of Ifrael and Judah , the Chriftian 
 Emperours, the Ettglijh Kings before the Reformation , yea, even before the Co.n- 
 quelt and other Sovereign Princes of the Kow^w Communion have owned it fig- 
 
 Eut it feems you have been told , or have read this , in the virulent Writings of 
 Sanders or FarfoHs , or have heard of a ludicrous fcoffing propofition of a Marri- 
 age between the Two Heads of the Two Churches, Sixtus ^mtus ^ and Queen 
 The Amhours Elizabeth , for the re-uniting forfooth of Chriftendome. All the iatisfa(ftion I 
 fatisfaftion to ^q^jj enjoyn you, is to perfwade the Bifhop of Rome, ( if Gregory the Great 
 Pope'to^eave were living , you could not fail of fpeeding) to imitate the piety and humility of 
 thac vain Title, our Princes v that is , to content himfelf with his Patriarchical dignity , and prima- 
 cy of Order , & Principium Vnitatis , and to quit that much more prefumptuous , 
 and ( if a Pope's word may pafs for current ) Antichriftian, term of the Bead of the 
 CathoUck^ Church. If the Pope be the Head of the Catholick Church , then the Ca- 
 tholick Church is the Pope's Body , which would be but an harfh expreilion to 
 Chriftian ears : then the Catholick Church fhould have no Head , when there is no 
 Pope i Two or Three Heads, when there are Two or Three Popes > an unfound 
 Head , when there is an Heretical Pope i a broken Head , when the Pope is cenfu- 
 red or depoftd i and no Head , when the See is vacant. If the Church muft have 
 one Univerfal , Vifible , Ecclefiaftical Head , a general Council may beft pretend to 
 that Title. 
 p. 1. Neither are you more fuccefsful in your other Reafon, why the Parliament perfe- 
 
 HatredofEpi- cuted the King i becaufe he maintained Epifcopacy , both out of Confciettce and Intereji , 
 fcopacynot rvhich they fought to aboHJh. For though it be ealily admitted, that fcme (editious 
 wh/the ParU. and heterodox perfons had an evil eye , both againft Monarchy and Epifcopacy , 
 ament perfe- from the very beginning of thefe troubles , either out of a fiery zeal , or vain aife- 
 cutcd the King: (ftation of Novelty , ( like thofe , who having the Green-ficknefs , prefer chalk and 
 meal in a corner, before wholefom meat at their Fathers Table , ( or out of a gree^ 
 dy and covetous defire of gathering fome flicks for themfelves upon the fall of thofe 
 great Okes : yet certainly they , who were the contrivers , and principal adtors in 
 thisbufinefs, did not more malign Epifcopacy for Monarchies fake , than Monar- 
 chy for Epifcopacies. What end had the ISluncio's Fadtion in Ireland againft Epifco- 
 pacy > whofe mutinous courfes apparently loft that Kingdome. When the King's 
 confent to the Abolition of Epifcopacy in Scotland was extorted from him by the 
 Presbyterian Fadion ( which probably the prime Authours do rue fufficiently by this 
 time ) were thofe Presbyterian Scots any thing more favourable to Monarchy > To 
 come to England , the chief Scene of this bloody Tragedy : If that party in Parli- 
 cment had at firft propofed any fuch thing , as the Abolition either of Monarchy , 
 or Epifcopacy , undoubtedly they had ruined their whole defign •■, until daily tu- 
 mults , and uncontrollable uproars had chafed away the greater, and (bunder, part 
 of both Houfes : Their firft Proteftation was fblemnly made to God , both for King 
 and Church , as they were by Law eftablifhed. 
 The true can- Would you know then what it was that conjur'd up the ftorm among us ? It was 
 fesofthe trou- fome feigned jealoufies and fears, ( which the firft Broachers themfelves knew well 
 hies in Eng' enough to be Fables ) dilperfed cunningly among the People , "that the King furpo- 
 land. f(il to fubvert the Fundamental Lances of the Kingdome , and to reduce the free EnglMh 
 
 Sub'je^ to a condition of abfolute favery under an Arbitrary Government. For which 
 maliie weight of malicious untruth , they had no fupporters , but a few Bull-rufhes. 
 Secondly , that he meant to apoftate from the Proteftant Religion to Popery , and 
 to that end had raifed the Irijh Rebellion by fecret Encouragements and Commiffi- 
 ons-. For which monftrous calumny, they had no other foundation (except the fo- 
 lemn Religious Order of Divine Service in his own Chappel, and Cathedral Chur- 
 ches )
 
 Discourse f. the Epijileof M\ de la Militiere , &c. 
 
 V ^ 
 
 ches ) than fome unfeafonable Difputes about an Altar , or a Tabic , and the per- 
 milfion of the Pope's Agent to make a fhort ftay in England , more for reafon of 
 State than of Religion. And fome fenflefs fi(flions of fome Irijh Rebels, who ha- 
 ving a Patent under the Great Seal of Ireland for their Lands , to colour their bar- 
 barous murthers , ihewed it to the poor fimple people as a Commillion from th* 
 King to leavy Forces. And Laftly , fome impious pious frauds of fome of your own 
 party, whofe private whifpers, and printed infinuations, did give hopes that the 
 Church of England was coming about to (hake hands with the Koman in the points 
 controverted i Which was meerly devifed to gull fome filly Creatures, whom they 
 found apt to be catched with chaff ■■, for which they had no more pretext of truth 
 tlian you have for your groundlefs intimations in this unwelcome Dedica- 
 tion. 
 
 Thefe fufpicions being compounded with Covetoufnefs , Ambition , Envy, Emu- 
 lation , dcfire of Revenge , and Difcontent , were the fourfe of all our Calamities. 
 Thus much you your {elf confefs in effecfl i that, thif fuppifnion , that the King and 
 Bijhops had an intention to re-eftablifh the Rormn-Catholick^ 'Religion , was the venome ^' ^' 
 n>hich the Turitan Faction infufed into the hearts of the people, to fill them with hatred 
 again]} a King worthy of love v And the Parliament judged it k favourable accaftnn for 
 their defign , to advance themfelves to Sovereign Authority. Be Judge your felf how 
 much they are acceflary to our fufferings, who either were , or are, the Authours or 
 Fomenters of theft damnable flanders. 
 
 There was yet one caufe more of this cruel perfecution, which I cannot conceal 
 from you, becaufe it concerns fome of your old acquaintance. There was a Bifhop 
 in the World ( lofers may have leave to talk ) whofe privy Purfe, and fubtil Coun- 
 fels , did help to kindle that unnatural war in his Majefties Three Kingdoms. Our 
 Cardinal Wolfey complained before his death , 7hat he had ferved his King better than 
 his God. But certainly this pradice in your friend , was neither good fervice to his 
 God, to be the Authour of the effufion of fo much innocent blood -, nor yet to his 
 King , to let the World fee fuch a dangerous precedent. It is high time for a man to 
 look to himfelf , when his next neighbours houfe is all on a flame. 
 
 As hitherto I have followed your (teps , though not altogether in your own me- 
 thod , or rather your own confufion i So I fhall obferve the fame courfe for "the fii- 
 ture. Your difcourfe is fo full of Meanders and windings , turnings and return- 
 ings , you congregate HeterogeneoKs matter , and fegregate that which is Homogene- 
 ous , as if you had made your Dedication by ftarts , and fnatches i and never dige- 
 fted your whole difcourfe. On the contrary , where I meet with any thing, it (hall 
 be my defire to difpatch it out of my hands, with vvhatfoever pertains unto it, 
 once for all. I hope you expeft not that I (hould amufe my felf at your Rhetorical 
 flowers, and elegant expreiiions ■■, they agree well enough with the work you were 
 about. The Pipe playcs fweetly, whilft the Fowler is catching his prey. Trap- 
 pings are not to be condemned , if the things themfelves are good and ufeful ■■, but 
 I prefer one Pomegranate Tree loaden with good fruit , before a whole row of Cy- 
 prefles that ferve onely- for ihew. Be fure of this , that where any thing in your 
 Epiftle refledls upon the Church of England , I (hall not mifs it tirll or 
 laft, though it be but a loofe unjoynted piece, and Co perhaps hitherto un- 
 touched. , 
 
 Amongft other things which you lay to our charge, you glance, at the leaft wcareondy 
 Twelve times , at our fuppofed Schifm : But from firft to la(t , never attempt to accufed of 
 prove it , as if you took it for granted. 1 have fhaped a Coat for a Schifmatick , SchiCn. 
 and had prefented it to you in this Anfwer i but confidering that the matter is of 
 moment , and merits as much to be ferioufly and folidly weighed , as your naked 
 Crimination without all pretext of proof cleferves to be flighted, left it might 
 ftem here, as an impertinent digreflion, to take up too much place in this (hort Di- 
 fcourfe, I have added it at the Conclufion of this Anfwer , in a (hort Trad by it 
 felf, that you may perufe it if you pleafe. PresbyteTum 
 
 You fall heavily , in this Difcourfe, upon the Prebyterians , Brownifts, and In- hSi bcen"'^' 
 dependents. If they intend to return you any Anfwer , they may (end it by a mef- p^ome\ bdl 
 fenger of their own. As for my part , . I am not their ProAor , I have received no frico'ls. 
 
 E 2 Fee
 
 ,8 Jhe Bi^jop of DerryV Anfwer to T O M E I. 
 
 fee from them. But if I Ihould undertake to plead their Caufe upon my own 
 head by our old EfigUjh Law , you might call me to an account for unlawful 
 maintenance. Onely give me leave as a by-ftander to wonder why you are fo cho- 
 lerick a^ainil them , for certainly they have done you more fervice in England than 
 ever you could have done for your felves. 
 
 And I wonder no lefs why you call our Reformation , a Calviniftical Keformati' 
 P on , brought into England by Bucer , and Peter Martyr j a blind Reformation^ yea , 
 
 il,e intire ruine of the Faith , of the very Form of the Church , and of the civil Govern- 
 ment of the Commonvpealth injiituted by God. Though you confefs again in our fa- 
 vour Ihatif our jirji Reformers had been interrogated , whether they meant any fuch 
 P. 4* thing , they would have purged themfelves , and avouched their Innocence with their 
 
 hands upon the new Gojf'el. The gifts of Enemies are no gifts. If fuch as thefe are 
 all your courtefies , you may be pleafed to take them again ■■, Our firft Reformers 
 might lafely fwear upon the Gofpel , old or new , that they meant no fuch thing. 
 And we may as fecurely fwear upon all the Books of God , old or new, that there 
 is no fuch thing. But why our Gofpel fhould be younger or newer than SixttK 
 ^intiif his Gofpel , or Clemens OCfavuf his Gofpel , paffeth my underftanding, and 
 yours alfo. 
 
 Comparifons are odious , therefore I will not fay , that the true Englijh Pvote- 
 ftant landing to his own grounds , is the beft fubjeft in the world : But I do fay , 
 that he is as good a fubjcd' as any in the World , and our Principles as innocent , 
 and as auxiliary to civil Government, as the maxims of any Church under Hea- 
 ven i And more than yours , where the clafhing of Two Supreme Authorities , and. 
 the exemption of your numerous Clergy from the Coercive power of the Prince , 
 and fome other Novelties , which I forbear to mention , do alway threaten a 
 florm. 
 
 Tell me , Sir , if you can , what Church in Europe hath declared more fully , or 
 more favourably for Monarchy than the poor Church of England , "that the meji 
 l.Cant. ^-^y and Sacred Order of Kings is of Divine Right, being the Ordinance of God 
 
 himfelf , founded in the prime Lawes of Nature, and clearly ejiablijhed by expreji Texts , 
 both of the Old and New Tefiament. Moreover , that this power is extended over all 
 their SubjeSs , Ecclefiajiical and Civil i That to fet up any Independent coaUive power 
 above them , either Papal or popular , either direUly or indireUly , is to undermine their 
 great Koyal Office , and cunningly to overthrow that mofl Sacred Ordinance , which God 
 hitnfelf hath ejiablijhed. That for their SubjeCfs to bear Arms again^ them , offenfve or 
 defenfive, upon any pretends whatfoever , is to refiji the powers which are ordained 
 of God. 
 TheEngltfti And why do you call our Reformation C^j/wiKiffiw/ > contrary to your own Con- 
 Refornution faience ^ contrary to your own Confeflion , That in our Reformation we retained the 
 flical.'""' ' ancient Order of Epifcopacy , at Injiituted by Vivine Authority , and a Liturgy, and Ce- 
 p, a. rernonies , whereby we preferved the Face , or Image of the Catholick,^ Church; And 
 
 that for this very caufe the Vifciplinarians of Geneva, and the Presbyterians , did con- 
 ceive an implacable hatred againft the King for the Churches fahg , and out of their aver- 
 fiontoit. Did they hate their own Reformation To implacably? If thefe things be 
 to be reconciled , reddat mihi minam Diogenes. He that looks more in Difputation 
 to the Advantage of his party , than to the Truth of his grounds , had need of a 
 llrong memory. We retained not onely E/'i/co/'^Jc^' , L^wr^j/, zndi Ceremonies, but 
 all things elfe that were conformable to the Difcipline , and publick Service of the 
 Primitive Church rightly underftood. 
 
 No , Sir , we cannot pin our Faith upon the fleeve of any particular man : as 
 one ufed to fay , We love m Nifms •, neither Calvinifm , nor Lutheranifm , nor Jan- 
 M. Tht. Sq. ftnianifm , but ondy one , that we derive from Antioch , that is Chrifiianifm. We 
 honour Learning and Piety in our fellow-fervants , but we defire to wear no other 
 badge or cognizance than that we received from our own Mafler at our Baptifm. 
 Bucer was as Ht to be Calving Mafter , as his Scholar. So long as Calvin continued 
 'Viit\\\nm in Germany, he was for Epifcopary , Liturgy, and Ceremonies ( and for 
 affurance thereof fubfcribed the Augt^ane Confeffion ) and his late Learned Siiccef^ 
 for, and Affertor in Gf«fra , Monfuur Deedate , with fundry others of that Com- 
 munion , 
 
 F.i
 
 Discourse I. the Epiftle of Mr. de U Miliciere , &c. 29 
 
 mnnion , were not averfe from them. Or why do you call Reformation blind ? 
 It was not blindnefs , but too much affedation of knowledge , and too much 
 peeping into controverted and new-fangled Queftions that hath endamaged our Re- 
 ligion. It 15 you that teach the Colliers Creed, not we. 
 
 Howfoever you pretend to prove , that our Reformation was the ruine of the 
 Church , and Common-wealth ; we exped you (hould endeavour to prove it. You 
 cannot fo farmiftake your felf,as to conceive your Authority to be the fame with us , 
 that Tythagons had among his Scholars , to have his Dictates received for Oracles 
 without proof. What did I fay , that you pretend to prove it? That's too low an 
 exprellion , you promife us a Vemonjlratim of it , fo lively and evident , that no reafnn P« 4- 
 fljjU be able to contradict it. Are you not atfraid , that too much expe<ftation fhould 
 prejudice your Difcourfe by diminifliing our applaufe ? 
 
 ^id tamo dignumferet hie promifjor hiatu ? 
 
 Do you think of nothing now but Triumphs? Lively and evident demonflration, 
 not to be contradicted by reafon, is like the Phenix, much talked of, but fcldome 
 feen. Moft men , when they fee a man Itrip up his fleeves , and make too large 
 promifes of fair dealing, do fufpecft juggling. No man proclaimeth in the Market 
 that he hath rotten Wares to fell i And therefore we muft be careful, notwithftand- 
 ing your great promifes , to keep well Epicharmus his Jewel , 'Remember to diftrufl. 
 By your permiliion , your gliflering Demonflration is a very counterfeit , 
 not fo valuable as a Brijlol Diamond, when it comes to be examined by the 
 Wheel. 
 
 Sometimes nothing is more neceflary than Reformation. Never was Houfe ^ r r m ■ „ 
 well builded , that now and then needed not reparation. Never Garden Co well jj fometimes 
 planted , but muft fometimes be weeded. Never any Order fb well inlHtuted, but ncccfTary. 
 in long tradt of Time there will be a bending and declining from its Primitive per- 
 feftion , and a neceffity of reducing it to its hrit principles. Are your Houfes of 
 Religion which are Reformed , therefore the lefs Religious > Why then did all the 
 Princes and Commonwealths in Europe , yea , the Fathers themfclves in the Council 
 of 'Trent, cry out fo often , Co earneftly for a Reformation ? yet were forced to 
 content themlelves with a vain (hadow for the fubftance, as Ixion embraced a cloud 
 for Juno , or Children are often ftilled with an empty bottle. 
 
 But Reformation is not agreeable to all perfons. JitdM loved not an Audit , be- Reformation 
 caufe he kept the Bag. Dull Lethargick people had rather fleep to death , than to not agreeable 
 be awaked, and mad phrenetick Bigots are apt to beat the Chirurgeon that would to all perfons, 
 bind up their wounds •, but none are fo averfe from Reformation as the Court of «fP«cia'ly '•i*' 
 Home , where the very name is more formidable than Hannibal at the Gates ■■, yea , ^^me. 
 than all the five terrible things. No marvail they are affraid to have their Oranges 
 fquee-zed to their hands v if they were infallible as they pretend , there was no need 
 of a Reformations we wi{h they were, but we fee they are not. 
 
 On the other fide , it cannot be denied that Reformation, when it is un(eafonable. There is dan- 
 or inordinate , or excellive , may do more hurt than good ■■, when Reformers want ^j j"n ^ °''' 
 ^uft Authority , or due information , or have fmifter ends, or where the remedy 
 may be of worfe confequence than the abule , or where men run out of one ex- 
 treme into another i therefore it is a rule in prudence. Not to remove an ill cujiome, 
 when it is vpeH fettled, unlefs it bring great prejudices, and then it is better to give 
 one account why we have taken it away , than to be alwayes making Excufes why 
 we do it not. Needlefs alteration doth diminifh the venerable efteem of Religion, 
 and leflen the credit of ancient Truths. Break ice in one place, and it will crack in 
 more. Crooked fticks,by bending ftreight, are fometimes broken into Two. The right rule 
 
 There is a right mean between thefe extremes, if men could light on it, that is, ^^ eorraati- 
 Tielther to deftroy the Body out of hatred to the fores and ulcers, nor yet to che- OurReforma- 
 ri(h the fores and ulcers out of a doating affedtion to the body i that is, neither to tionnotthe 
 deftroy ancient Inftitutions , out of a zealous hatred to fome new abufes , nor yet to [-"i'°^^ ^^''''' 
 doat fo upon ancient Inftitutions, as for their fakes to cherifh new abufes. Common* 
 
 Our Reformation is juft as much the caufe-of the ruine of our Church and Com- wealth. 
 
 E 3 monwealthj
 
 The Bifljop of DerryV Anftver to 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 Ourfirfl fup- 
 pofed Maxim, 
 
 Theeatholick 
 Church can- 
 not come to 
 rufne, or be 
 guilty of Idot 
 latry or Ty- 
 ranny. 
 
 Chryl. 
 
 Catholick and 
 Roman not 
 Convertibles. 
 
 Rev. ?: 5. 
 
 u 
 
 The Roman 
 Church it felf 
 notabfolutely 
 fairntotuine 
 
 mon-wcalth, as the building oiJenderden Steeple was the caufe of Goodmn's Sands , 
 or the ruine of the Countrey thereabouts, bccaufe they happened both much about 
 the fame time. 
 
 -— - Careat fucceffibm opo. 
 
 May he ever want fuccefs , who judgeth of AAions by the Event. Our Reforma- 
 tion hath ruined the Faith, juft as the plucking up of weeds in a Garden , ruins the 
 good Herbs. It hath ruined the Church, juft as a Body full of fuperflous and vicious 
 humours is ruined by an healthful purgation. It hath ruined the Common-wealth, juft 
 as pruning of the Vine ruins the Elm. No , no, Sir, our fufferings for the Faith, for 
 the Church, for the Monarchy, do proclaim us Innocent to all the World, of the ru- 
 ine cither of Faith, or Church, or Monarchy. And in this capacity we chufe rather to 
 fterve as Innocents, than to fwim in plenty as Nocents. 
 
 But this is but one of your doubles to keep us from the right Form. It is your 
 new Roman Creed that hath ruined the Faith. It is your Papal Court that hath rui- 
 ned the Church. It is your new Doftrines of the Pope's Omnipotence over Tempo- 
 ral perfons in order unto Spiritual ends, of abfolving Sub jeds from their Oaths of Al- 
 legiance, of exempting the Clergy from fecular Jurifdidion, of the lawfulnefs of mur- 
 thering Tyrants and excommunicated Princes, of iEquivocationand the like, that firft 
 infeded the World to the danger of Civil Government. Yet far be it from me to 
 make thefe the univerfal Tenets of your Church, at any time , much lefs at this time, 
 when they are miich fall'n from their former credit, neither can I deny, that fundry 
 dangerous pofitions, deftrudive to all civil Societies , have been tranfplanted by our 
 Sedaries, and taken too deep root in our quarters, but never by our fault. If God 
 fhould grant us the benefit of an Oecumenical or Occidental Council, it would be- 
 come both you and us in the firft place to pluck up fuch feditious opinions , root 
 and branch. 
 
 You {ay our Cahinijiical Reformation ( fb you are pleafcd to call it as you would 
 have it, for the moderate and orderly Reformation of England was the terrour and 
 eye-fore of Kome ) is founded Mfon "Trvo Maxims; The one, that the Church teas fall'n 
 to ruine and deflation, and become guilty of Idolatry and tyranny. 
 
 This is neither our Foundation, nor our Superftrudion, neither our Maxim , nor 
 our Opinion. It is fo far from it, that we hold and teach the dired contrary. Firft, 
 that the Gates of Hell Jhalt never prevail againji the Vniverfal Church, that though the rain 
 defend, and the floods come, and the winds blovp and beat upon it, yet it (hall never fall to 
 ruine or deflation; becaufe it is builded upon a Kock. Secondly , we believe that the 
 Catholick Church is the faithful Spoufe of Chrift , and cannot be guilty of Idolatry, 
 which is fpiritual Adultery. Thirdly, we never faid , we never thought , that the 
 Oecumenical Church of Chrift was guilty of Tyranny. It is principled to fuifer 
 wrong, to do none, and by fuffering to Conquer, as a flock of unarmed Sheep , in 
 the ixiidil of a company of ravenous Wolves, A nerv and unheard-of kind of warfare, 
 <K if one jhould throw an handful of dry flax into the midji of a flaming flre to extin- 
 guijh it. 
 
 But I prefume this is one of the Idiotifms of your Language , in which by the 
 Church you alvyayes underftand the Roman Church , making Roman and Catholick 
 to be Convertibles. As if Chrift could not have a Church, nor that Church any pri- 
 viledges, unlefs the Court of Rome might have the Monopoly of them. There is 
 a vaft difference between the Catholick Church and a Patriarchal Church. The Ca- 
 tholick Church can never faih any Patriarchal Church may Apoftate and fail. We 
 have a promile that the Candle (hall not be put out , we have no promife that the 
 Candlefiick^Jhall not be removed. 
 
 But fuppofing that (which we can never grant) the Catholick Church and Roman 
 Church were Convertibles, yet ftill you do us wrong. Firft , we do not maintain , 
 that the Roman Church it felf is fall'n to ruine and deflation '■> we grant to it a true 
 Metaphyfical being, though not a true Moral being ; we hope their errours are ra • 
 ther in Supcrftrudures, than in Fundamentals^ wc do not (ay that the Plants of fa- 
 ving Truth (which are common to you and us) are plucked up by the roots in the 
 
 Roman
 
 Discourse I. the Epi file of Mr. de la Militiere, Sic. 
 
 3' 
 
 Koman Church, but we fay that they are over-grown with weeds, and in danger to 
 be choaked. 
 
 Next for Idolatry, whether, and why, and how far we may accufe your Church 
 of it, deferves farther Confideration. Firft you agree with us , That God alone is 
 the Objed of Religion, and confequently, that all Religious Worfliip is due termina- 
 tively oiiely to him ■■, that God alone is to be invocated abfolutely or ultimately, that 
 is, fo as to grant our requel^s, and fulfill our defires by himfelf , and that the Saints 
 are not the Obje&s of our prayers , but joynt-Petitioners with us, and InterceflTors for 
 us to the Throne of Grace. 
 
 Secondly, we profefs as well as you, that there is a proportionable degree of Ho- 
 nour and refpedt due to every creature in Heaven and Earth, according to the digni- 
 ty of it, and therefore more honour due to a glorified Spirit than to a mortal man : 
 But withall we add, that this honour, is not ServimtU but Charitatis, net of Service 
 as to our Lords and Mafters , but of Love and Charity as to our Friends and Fel- 
 low-fervants , of the fame kind and nature with that honour which we give to 
 holy njen on Earth. And herein we are confident that we fhall have your con- 
 fent. 
 
 Thirdly, we agree in this alfo, that abundant love and duty doth extend an ho- 
 nourable refped: from the perfbn of a dear friend, or noble benefador, to his pofte- 
 rity, to his memory, to his Monument, to his Image, to his Reliques, to every thing 
 that he loved, or that pertained to him, even to the Earth which he did tread upon, 
 for his fake. Put a Liefhebber^ or Vtrtuofo^ among a company of rare picftures, and he 
 will pick out the beft pieces for their proper value. But a friend or child will more 
 efteem the Pidure of a Benefador, or Anceftor, for its relation. The refped of the 
 one is terminated in the Pidure, that of the other is radicated in the Exemplar. Yet 
 ftill an Image is but an Image , and the kinds of refped muff not be confounded. 
 The refped given to an Image, muft be refped proper for an Image, not Courtfhip, 
 not Worfhip , not Adoration. More refped is due to the perfon of the meane/l 
 begger than to all the Images of Chrift and his Apoff les , and a thoufand Primitive 
 Saints or Progenitors. Hitherto there is either no difference or peril either of Ido- 
 latry or Superftition. 
 
 Wherein then did confifl this guilt of Idolatry contraded by the KomanCtrnxch. > 
 I am willing for the prefent to pafs by the private abufes of particular perfons , 
 which feerh to me no otherwife chargeable upon the whole Church, than for Conni- 
 vance. As the making Images to counterfeit tears, and words , and geffures , and 
 complements, for advantage, to induce filly people to believe that there was fome- 
 thing of Divinity in them i and the multitude of fiditious Reliques , and fuppofititi- 
 ous Saints, which credulity firfl induced , and fince covetoufiiefs hath nourifhed. I 
 take no notice now of thofe remote fafpicions or fuppofitions of the polEbility of 
 want of intention, either in the Prieft that confecrates the Sacrament, or in him that 
 Baptized, or in the Bifhop that ordained him , or ih any one through the whole 
 line of Succeflion i in all which cafes Caccording to your own principles) you give 
 Divine Worfhip to corporeal Elements, which is at leaff material Idolatry. 
 
 I will not ftand now to examine the truth of your diftindions, of x«Tf«i«and J»X'i«, 
 yet you know well enough, that ^kK''* is no religious Worfhip , and vo-ij j-sxi,* is coin 
 lately minted, that will not pafs for currant in the Catholick Church. Whilff your 
 common people underftand not thefe diftindions of degrees of honour, what hold'? 
 them from falling downright into Idolatry ? 
 
 Neither do I urge how you have diffributed the Patronage of particular Coun- 
 tries, the Cure of feveral Difeafes, the protedion of all diffind Profeifions of men, 
 and all kinds of Creatures, among the Saints , jufl as the Heathen did among their 
 Tutelary Gods ■■, nor how little warrant you have for this pradice from experience i 
 nor Laflly, how you build more Churches , ered more Altars , offer more prefents, 
 pour out more prayers, make more vows , perform more offices to the Mother than 
 to the Son. Yet though we fhould hold our peace , methinks you fhould pon,der 
 thefe things ferioufly, and either for your own fatisfadion, or ours , take away fuch 
 unnecefTary occafions of fcandal and dif^union. 
 
 But I cannot omit, that the Council oi^Trent is not contented to enjoyn the Ado- 
 ration 
 
 whether the 
 Roman 
 Church be 
 guilty cf Iilo- 
 latry.
 
 32 
 
 The bi/hop of DerryV Atifrver to 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 The Roman 
 Court mod 
 Tyrannical. 
 
 Our fecond 
 fuppofed Mai 
 xim. 
 
 ration of Chxili in the Sacrament, ( which we never deny ) but of the Sacrament 
 it felt' C that is , according to the common current of your School-men, the Acci- 
 dents or Species of Bread and Wine , becaufe it contains Chrifi: ) Why do they not 
 add upon the fame grounds, that the pix is to be adored with Divine Worfliip , be- 
 caufe it contains the Sacrament ? Divine honour is not due to the very Humanity of 
 Chrift, as it isabltradted from the Deity, but to the whole perlbn, Deity and Huma- 
 jiity, hypollatically united. Neither the Grace of Union, nor the Grace of Uniftion 
 can confer more upon the Humanity than the Humanity is capable of. There !■; 
 no fuch Union between the Deity and the Sacrament , neither immediately , nor yet 
 mediately, »2f^/iJ«^^ corf ore. 
 
 Neither do you ordinarily afcribe ^a-rt'ntt or Divine Worfliip to a Crucifix, or to the 
 Image of Chrirt, indeed not Terminatively, but Tranfeuntly , fo as not to reft in the 
 Image or Crucifix, but to pa(s to the Exemplar, or Perfon crucified? But why a 
 piece of Wood (hould be made partaker of Divine honours even in Trattjitu , or in 
 the palTage, pafTeth my undcrftanding. The Heathens wanted not the fame pretext 
 for all their grofs Idolatry. Let them plead for themfelves. Non ego^&c.I do not wor- 
 Jhip thatjlone which J fee, btit Jferve him whom J do not fee. 
 
 Laftly, whilft you are pleafed to ufe them, I may not forget thofc ftrange infblent 
 forms of Prayer, contained in your Books , even ultimate Prayers , if v.'e take the 
 words as they found , diredlcd to the Creatures , that they would frote£i you at the 
 hour of death, and deliver you from the Devil, and confer f^iritual ffaces upon you, and 
 admit you into Heaven, precibus meritifque, hy their prayers and merits. ( You know 
 what Merit fignifies in your language, a Condignity, or at leaft a Congruity of defert ) 
 The Expofition of your Doftors is , that they {hould do all this for you by their 
 prayers, as improper a form of fpeech, as if a Suppliant intending onely to move an 
 ordinary Courtier to mediate for him unto the King , (hould fall down upon his 
 knees before the Courtier, and befeech him to make him an Earl, or a Knight , or to 
 beflow fuch an Office, or fuch a Pardon upon him , or to do fome other Grace for 
 him, properly belonging to the Prerogative Royal. How agrees this with the words, 
 precibus tneritifque ? A begger doth not deferve an Alms by asking it. This is a fnare 
 to ignorant perfons, who take the words to fignifie as they found. And ( it is to be 
 feared) do commit downright Idolatry by their Paftors faults , who prefcribe fuch 
 improper forms unto them. 
 
 Concerning Tyranny , which makes up the arrear of the firft-fuppofed Maxims: 
 We do not accufe the Roman Church of Tyranny, but the Knman Court. If either 
 the unjuft ufurpation of Sovereign power, or the extending thereof to the deflru<fli- 
 on of the Laws and Canons of the Church, yea, even to give a Non ohfiante, either to 
 the Inftitution of Chrifi, or at leaft to the uniform practice of the Primitive Ages , or 
 to them both ; If the fwallowing up of all Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidliion , and the arro- 
 gating of a fupercivil power paramount •, If the caufing of poor people to trot to 
 Kome , from all the Quarters of Europe , to wafte their Livelyhoods there i If the 
 trampling upon Emperours and the difciplining of Monarchs be Tyrannical i either 
 the Court of Kome hath been Tyrannical , or there never was Tyranny in the 
 World. 
 
 I doubt not but fbme great Perfons when they have had bloody Tragedies to a<2: 
 for their own particular ends , have fometimes made the Koman Church a ftalking- 
 horfe, and the pretence of Catholick Religion a blind to keep their Policies undifcer- 
 ned: But if we confider ferioully , what cruelties have been really aded throughout 
 Europe, either by the Inquifitor's General , or by perfons fpecially delegated for that , 
 purpofe , againft the ^F^jWe;?/^/ of old , and againft the Proteftants of later dayes, 
 againft poor ignorant perfons, againft women and children, againft mad-men, againft 
 dead carcafes, as Bucer, &c. upon pretence of Religion , not onely by ordinary forms 
 of puniftiment , and of death , but by fire and faggots, by ftrange new-devifed tor- 
 tures, we fliall quickly find that the Court of Rome hath died it felf red in Chriftian 
 blood, and equalled tlie moft Tyrannical perfecutions of the Heathen Empe- 
 rours. 
 
 The other Maxim whereupon you fay that our Reformation was grounded , was 
 this, That the onely way to reform the Faith, and Liturgy, and Government of the Church, 
 
 K>ai
 
 Discourse I. the Epiftle of Mr. de la MWit'iere &c. 
 
 VTM to coitform them to the d:dates cf holy Scripture , of the fenfe tvhereof every Private P-4. 
 Chrifiian ou^ht to be the Judge, by the light of the Spirit^ excluding tradition , and the 
 pthUck_ Judgement of the Church. You add, That we cannot prove Eptfcopacy by Scri- ^- 5* 
 ptiire, tvithout the Eelp of tradition--, And if roe do admit of tradition , we muji achtorv- 
 ledge the Papacy for the Government of the Catholick^ Church, Of founded in the Primacv of 
 5^ Peter. -^ •' 
 
 Your Second fuppofed ground is no truer than the former-, we are as far from Muchmifta- 
 Anarchy as from Tyranny. As we would not have humane Authority, like Medufas '^^"* 
 head , to transform reafonable men into fenllefs ftones ; So we do not put the reins 
 of Government into the hands of each, or any private perfon , to reform according 
 to their phantafies. And that we may not deal like blunddltrs, or deceitful perlbns, 
 to wrap up or involve our felves on purpofe in confufed Generalities, I will fet down 
 our fenfe diftindtly. When you underftand it, I hope you will repent your rafli cen- 
 furing of us, of whom you had Co little knowledge. 
 
 Three things offer themfelves to be confidered : Firft, concerning the Rule of Scri- The Scripture 
 pturei Secondly, the proper Expounding thereof and Thirdly, the manner of Expo- ^^^ "^"'^ °^^^' 
 iJtion. ^ pernatural 
 
 Concerning Scripture we believe , That it was impoffible for humane reafon , "*' '' 
 without the help of divine Revelation, to find out thofe fupernatural Truths which 
 are neceffary to Salvation. Secondly , that to fupply this defc<a of natural reafon , 
 God out of his abundant goodnefs hath given us the holy Scriptures , which have 
 not their authority from the Writing which is hmr.ane , but from the Revelation 
 which is divine, from the Holy Ghoft. Thirdly, that this being the purpofe of the 
 Holy Ghoft, it is blafphemy to fay he would not , or could not attain unto it •, and 
 that therefore the Holy Scriptures do comprehend all neceffary fupernatural Truths. 
 So much is confeffed by Bellarmine, that all things which are neceffary to be believed, and ^ f '^' ^"^^ 
 to be done by all Chrijiianx , were preached to aU by the ApojHes , and were all written. ^"'"'^'"' 
 Fourthly , that the Scripture is more properly to be called a Rule of fupernatural 
 Truths than a Judge ■■> or if it be fometimes called a Judge , it is no otherwife than 
 the Law is called a Judge of Civil Controverfies between man and man , that is, \he 
 Rule of judging what is right, and what is wrong. That which (heweth what is 
 ftraight, (he weth like wile what is crooked. 
 
 Secondly, concerning the proper Expounders of Scripture, we do believe that the Who are the 
 Gofpel doth not confift in the words, but in the fenfei nan in fuperficie,fed inmeduM ; properex- 
 And therefore that, though this Infallible Rule be given for the common benefit of scripture aoA 
 all, yet, every one is not an able or fit Artift to make application of this Rule , in all howfar. ' 
 particular cafes. To prelerve the common right, and yet prevent particular abufes 
 we diftinguifh Judgement into Three kinds: 
 
 Judgement of Difcretion , Judgement of Direftion i and Judgement of Jurif- 
 didtion. 
 
 As in the former Inftance of the Law, ( the ignorance whereof excufeth no man) 
 every Subject hath Judgement of Difcretion , to apply it particularly to the prelerva- 
 tion of himlelf^ his eftate and intereft i The Advocates , and thofe who are skilful in 
 the Law, have moreover a Judgement of Diredion , to advife others of lefs know- 
 ledge and experience i But thole who are Conftituted by the Sovereign power , to 
 determine emergent difficulties, and differences, and to diftribute and adminifter Ju- 
 ftice to the whole Body of a Province or Kingdome, have moreover a Judgement of 
 Jurifdidion, which is not onely Difcretionary, or Diredive, but Authoritative, to 
 impole an Obligation of obedience unfo thofe who are under their charge. If thefe laft 
 fhall tranfgrefs the Rule of the Law , they are not accountable to their Inferiours, 
 but to him or them that have the Sovereign power of Legiflative Judicature s Ejus 
 efl legem inter pretari, cujtu eji condere. 
 
 To apply this to the cafe in queftion concerning the Expofition of the Holy Scri- 
 pture. Every Chriftian keeping himfclf within the bounds of due obedience and 
 fubmiffion to his lawful Superiours, hath a Judgement of Difcretion ; Prove all things, i Thert j. 21. 
 holdfa[i that which U good. He may apply the Rule of Holy Scripture for his own pri- 
 vate inftrndion, comfort , edification and diredion , and for the framing of his life 
 and belief accordingly. The Paftors of the Church ( who are placed over God's 
 
 people
 
 u 
 
 [be bifJjop of Derry V Anfrper to 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 The manner 
 of expounding 
 Scripture. 
 
 Tliis it con- 
 formable to 
 the doftrine 
 and praftice 
 of our Church. 
 Can. l6og. 
 Crtn.451. 
 Sec the Pre- 
 face to the Bi- 
 ftiops Bible. 
 
 Can, }4. 
 
 Can. 1571. 
 n't. Conciona' 
 Wet. 
 
 people as watchmen and guides } have more than this , a Judgment of DireUion^ to 
 expound and interpret the Holy Scriptures to others , and out of them to inftrudl 
 the ignorant, to reduce them who wander out of the right Way, to confute errours , 
 to foretell dangers, and to draw fmners to repentance. The chief Pallors , to whofe 
 care the Regiment of the Church is committed in a more fpccial manner, have yet an 
 higher degree of Judgment, a Judgment of Jurifdituon ^ to prefcribe, toenjoyn, 
 to conftitute, to reform, to cenfure, to condemn , to bind , to loofe. Judicially , Au- 
 thoritatively, in their refpedive charges. If their Key fhall err , either their Key of 
 Knowledge, or their Key of Jurifdidion, they are accountable to their refpedive Su- 
 periours, and in the laft place to a General Council, which under Chrift upon Earth, 
 is the higheft Judge of Controverfies. Thus we have feen what is the Rule of Faith, 
 and by whom, and how far refpedively, this Rule is to be applyed. 
 
 Thirdly, for the manner of expounding Holy Scriptures, ( for there tftay be a pri- 
 vacy in this alio , and more dangerous than the privacy of the Perfon ) many 
 things are neceflary to the right interpretation of the Law , to underftand the rea- 
 fon of it , the precedents , the terms , the forms , the reports , and ability to 
 compare Law with Law. He that wants all thefe Qualifications altogether , is no 
 interpreter of Law. He that wants but fome of them , or wants the perfection of 
 them , by how much the greater is his defed , by fo much the lefs valuable is his 
 expofitioni And it he fhall out of private fancy or blind prefumption , arrogate 
 to himfelf , without thefe requifife means, or above his capacity and proportion of 
 Knowledge , a power of expounding Law, he is a mad -man. 
 
 So many things are required to render a man capable to expound the hdly Scri- 
 ptures , fome more neceflarily, fome lefs i fome abfolutely , fome refpedively : As 
 Firft , to know the right Analogy of Faith , to which all- Interpretations of Scri- 
 pture mul^ be of neceifity conformed. Secondly, to know the pradice and tradi- 
 tion of the Church , and the received Expofitions of former Interpreters in the 
 fucceflive Ages , which gives a great light to the finding out of the right (enfe. 
 Thirdly , to be able to compare Texts with Texts , Antecedents with Ccnfe- 
 quents , without which one can hardly attain to the drift and fcope of the Holy 
 Ghoft in the obfcurer palTages. And Laflly , it is fomething to know the Idiotifms 
 of that Language wherein the Scriptures were written. He that wants all thefe 
 requifites , and yet takes upon him out of a Phanatique prefumption of private Il- 
 lumination to interpret Scripture , is a doting Enthufiaft , fitter to be refuted with 
 Scorn than with Arguments. He that prefumes above that degree and proportion 
 •which he hath in thefe means, and above the talent which God hath given him, (as 
 he that hath a little Language , yet wants Logick, ©r having both Language and 
 Logick, knows not, or regards not, either the Judgement of former Expofitors, or 
 the pradice and tradition of the purcfl Primitive Ages , or the Symbolical Faith of 
 the CathoHck Church ) U not a likely workp^an to build a Temfle to the Lord, but ruine 
 and dejirudion to himfelf .,• and his feduced follojvers. A new Phyfician ( we fay ) re- 
 quires a new Chuich-yard •, But fuch bold ignorant Empericks in Theology , are 
 Ten times more dangerous to the Soul, than an ungrounded unexperienced Quack- 
 falver to the Body. 
 
 This hath alwayes been the Dodrine, and the pradice of our Englijh Church i 
 Firft , it is fo far from admitting Lay-men to be Diredive Interpreters of holy Scri- 
 pture, that it allows not this Liberty to Clergy-men fo much SiS to glof! upon the 
 Text, until they be Licenfed to become Preachers. Secondly, for Judgement of 
 Difcretion onely , it gives it not to private perfbns above their Talents , or beyond 
 their laji. It difallows all Phantaftical , and Enthufiaftical prefumption of incom- 
 petent and unqualified Expofitors. It admits no man into Holy Orders, that is , 
 to be capable of being made a Diredive Interpreter of Scripture , howfoever other- 
 wife qualified , unlefs he be able to give a good account of his Faith in the Latin 
 Tongue , fo as to be able to frame all his Expofitions according to the Analogy 
 thereof. It forbids the Licenfed Preachers to teach the Jieople any Vodrine as neceffary 
 to be religimify held and believed , rchich the Catholick^ Fathers , and old Bijhopsofthe 
 Trimitine Chttrch , have not coVeQed out of the Scriptures. It afcribes a Judgement of 
 Jurifdidion over Preachers to Bifhops , in all manner of Ecclefiaflical Duties , as 
 
 appears
 
 Discourse 1. the Epiftie of M\ de la Miliciere , &c. 21^ 
 
 appears by the whole Body of our Canons. And e(pecially where any diiTerence 
 or publick Oppofition hath been between Preachers , about any point or dodrine '^*"''^'^- 
 deduced out of Scripture. It gives a power of determining all emergent Contro- ah.'zo^.' 
 -verfies of Faith above Bifliops to the Church, as to the mtnefS and kiefer of the Sacred Can. jdoj. 
 Oracles ■■, and to a larrful Synod, as the reprefemathe Church. Can. 139. 
 
 Now, Sir, be your own Judge, how infinitely you have wronged us , and your 
 felf more, (iiggefting that temerarioufly, and without the fphere of your knowledge, 
 to his Majerty, for the principal ground of our Reformation, which our fouls abhor! 
 Is there no mean between ftupidity and madnefs? Muft either all things be lawful for 
 private perfbns, or nothing ^ Becaufe we would not have them like David's Horfe 
 andMuk, without underftanding, do we therefore put both Swords in their hands, 
 to reform and cut oif, to plant and to pluck up, to alter and abolifli at their plcafure? 
 We allow them Chriitian liberty , but would not have them Libertines. Admit 
 fome have abufed this juft liberty , may we therefore take it away from others > So 
 we (hall leave neither a Sun in Heaven, nor any excellent Creature upon Earth, for 
 all have been abufed by fome perfbns, in fome kinds, at fbme times. 
 
 We receive not your upftart-fuppofititious traditions, nor unwritten Fundamen- The Engliffi 
 tals: But we admit Genuine,Univerfal, Apoftolical Traditions, As the Apollles Creed, Church an c- 
 the perpetual Virginity of the Mother of God , the Anniverfary Fcftivals of the ftg^Jnot to' 
 Church, the Lenten Falh Yet we know that both the duration of it, and the man- Apoftolical, 
 ner of obferving it , was very different in the Primitive times. We believe Epifco- traditions, 
 pacy, to an ingenuous perfon, may be proved out of Scripture without the help of 
 Tradition ■■, but to fuch as are froward, the perpetual Pradice and Tradition of the 
 Church, renders the interpretation of the Text more authentick, and the proof more 
 convincing. What is this to us who admit the Pradice and Tradition of the 
 Church , as an excellent help of Expofition > life is the beft interpreter of Laws, 
 and we are fo far from believing , that JVe cannot admit Tradition rvithout ahtving 
 the Papacy , that one of the principal motives why we rejeded the Papacy , as it is 
 now eftabliflied with Univerfality of Jurifdidion , by the Inftitution of Chrift, and 
 fuperiority above Oecumenical Councils, and Infallibility of Judgement , was the 
 conftant Tradition of the Primitive Church. 
 
 So , Sir , you fee your Demonftration (haken into pieces. You who take upon 
 you to remove whole Churches at your pleafure , have not fo much ground left you 
 as to fet your Inftrument upon. Your Two main ground-works being vanifhed , 
 all your Presbyterian and Independent fuperftrudions do remain like fo many Bub- 
 bles, or Caftles in the Air. It were folly to lay clofe fiege to them , which the next 
 puff of wind will difperfej ruunt fuhduBU teda Columnis. 
 
 Howfoever, though you have miftaken the grounds of our Reformation , and of 
 your difcourfe ; yet you charge us, that rpe have renounced the Sacrifice of the Maji, 
 Tranfubftantiation, the Seven Sacraments , Juilification by inherent righteoufnefl , Merits, ^'^' 
 Invocation of Saints, Prayer for the Dead, rvith Purgatory, and the Authority of the Pope. 
 Are thefe all the neceflary Articles of the new Roman Creed , that we have renoun- 
 ced > Surely no, you deal too favourably with us. We have in like manner renoun- 
 ced your Image-worfhip , your half Communion , your Prayers in a tongue un- 
 known, &c. It feems you were loth to mention thefe things. 
 
 Firft , you fay we have renounced your Sacrifice of the Mafs. If the Sacrifice of oftheSacri^' 
 the Mafs be the fame with the Sacrifice of the Crofs, we attribute more unto it ficcofthe 
 than your felves", we place our whole hope of Salvation in it. If you underftand ^ 
 another Propitiatory Sacrifice , diftind from that ( as this of the Mafs feems to be, 
 for confeffedly the Prieft is not the fame , the Altar is not the fame , the Temple is 
 not the fame ) If you think of any new meritorious fatisfadion to God for the fins 
 of the world , or of any new fupplement to the merits of Chrifl's Paflion , you 
 mufl give us leave to renounce your Sacrifice indeed , and to adhere to the 
 Apoftle •, By one Offering he hath perfeUed for ever them that are fan&ified. Heb.io.(4J 
 
 Surely you cannot think that Chrifl did adually facrifice himfelf at his laft Sup- 
 per C for then he' had redeemed the World at his laft Supper, then his fubfequent 
 Sacrifice upon the Crofs had been (uperfluous ) nor that the Prieft now doth more 
 than Chrift did then. We do readily acknowledge an Euehariftical facrifice of 
 
 Prayers
 
 3^ 
 
 Ihe Bijh-op of Derry V Anfrver to 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 pitheCoIIeflt 
 for ihtfe 
 FeaftJ. 
 
 OfTranfub- 
 flamiation. 
 
 Of7Sflcra- 
 mcDtt. 
 
 I$38. 
 
 1547* 
 
 ]»m. M4. 
 
 Ofjuftificati' 
 on. 
 
 Rom. 8. 33. 
 
 ©f Merits. 
 
 Prayers and Praifess wc profefs a commemoration of the Sacrifice of the Crofs i and 
 in the Language of Holy Church, things commemorated are related as if they were 
 then aded i As, Almighty God ^ wjyo haft given w thy Son [^ as this day 3 to be born 
 of a pure l^irgin. And , Tfhofefraife the younger Innocents have \_ this day 1 fet forth. 
 And between the Afcenfion and Pentecoft , which haft exalted thy Son Jefm Chrift 
 ifith great Irtumfh into Heaven , tve befeech thee leave us not comfortleji, but fend unto 
 ui thy holy Spirit. We acknowledge a Reprefentation of that Sacrifice to God the 
 Father, we acknowledge an Impetration of the benefit of it, we maintain an Ap- 
 plication of its vertue : So here is a Commemorative, Impetrative, Applicative 
 Sacrifice. Speak diiiindly, and I cannot underftand what you can defire more. 
 To make it a Suppletory Sacrifice, to fupply the defeds of the onely true Sacrifice 
 of the Crofs, I hope both you and I abhor. 
 
 The next crime objeded by you to us is , that we have renounced Tranfubftan- 
 tiation. It is true, we have rejeded it defervedly from being an Article of our 
 Creed •, you need net wonder at that. But if we had rejeded it 400. years fbon- 
 er , that had been a Miracle. It was not To foon hatched. To find but the 
 word 'Tranfubftantiation in any old Authour , were flifEcient to prove him a coun- 
 terfeit. 
 
 Your next Article of the (eptenary number of the Sacraments is not much older. 
 Never Co much as mentioned in any Scripture , or Council , or Creed , or Father, 
 or ancient Authour ■■> firft devifed by Feter Lombard; firft decreed by Eugenius the 
 Fourth i firft confirmed in the Provincial Coiincil of Senes , and after in the Coun- 
 cil of Trent. Either the word Sacrament is taken largely , and then the wafhing of 
 the Difciples feet is called a Sacrament , then the onely fprinkling of Aflies on a 
 Chriftians head is called a Sacrament , then there are God knows how many Sacra- 
 ments more than Sevens Or elfe it is taken ftridly for a vifible fign , inftituted by 
 Chrift, to convey or confirm Grace to all fuch partakers thereof , as do not let a 
 bar againft themfelves , according to the Analogy between the Sign and the thing 
 fignified. And in this fenfe the proper and certain Sacraments of the Chriftian 
 Church , common to all , or ( in the words of our Church ) generally necejfary to 
 Salvation , are but Two , Baptifm and the Supper of our Lord. More than thefc 
 St. Ambrofe writes not of in his Book de SacramentU, becaufe he did not know them. 
 Thefe we admit for genuine, and general Sacraments. Their Sacramental vertue we 
 acknowledge. 
 
 The reft we retain more purely than your (elves, though not under the Notion of 
 fuch proper and general Sacraments. As Confirmation , Ordination , Matrimony , 
 Penitence ( though we neither approve of your prepofterous manner of Abfoluti- 
 on before fatisfadion , nor of your ordinary Penitentiary tax ) and Laftly , the Vi- 
 fitation of , and Prayer for, the fick , which onely is of perpetual neceffity. The 
 Undion prefcribed by St. James , being appropriable to the miraculous gift of heal- 
 ing , or recovering men out of ficknefles , then in ufe i Whereas your cuftome is 
 clean contrary , neuer , or rarely to anoyl ?jiy man , until he be paft all hope of 
 Recovery. The Ordinary and moft received cuftome of preparing fick perfons for 
 another world in the Primitive Church , was Prayer and Ablblution , or the bene- 
 fit of the Keys , and the Viaticum of the Body and Blood of Chrift , which wc 
 retain. 
 
 Concerning Juftification , we believp that all good Chriftians have true inherent 
 Juftice , though not perted , according to a perfedion of degrees, as Gold is true 
 Gold, though it be mixed with fome drols. We believe that this inherent Juftice 
 and Sandity doth make them truly jult and holy. But if the word Juftification 
 be taken in jenfu forenfi , for the acquittal of a man from former guilt , to make an 
 offender juft in the eye of the Law , as it is oppofed to Condemnation , Jt if God 
 that juftifieth , who is he that condemneth ? Then it is not our inherent righteoufnefi 
 that juftifieth us in this fenfe , but the free Grace of God for the merits of Jefus 
 Chrift. 
 
 Next for Merits , we never doubted of the neceffity of good Works , without 
 which Faith is but a fidion. We are not fo ftupid to imagine that Chrift did wafli 
 us from our fins , that we might wallow more fecurely in fin , but that we might 
 
 firvt
 
 Discourse J. the Epijile of M\ de la Militiere , &c. 27 
 
 ferve him in holineji and righteoufneji all the dayes of our life. We never doubted of the 
 reward of good Works ■■, Come ye hle^fed of my Father^ &c. For I was hungry , and ye 
 fed me. Nor whether this reward be due to them in Jufticej Hf«cf/orf/; w /iji</ wp /or ^■ 
 me a Crovpn of righteoufneji ^ which the Lord the jufi ^ Judge Jhali give me in that^ ™"^' ' 
 day. Faithful promife makes due debt. This was all that the Ancient Church did 
 ever underftand by the name of Merits. Let Fetaviut bear witnefs ■-, Antiqui Patres p-^^,, ^^.j^r 
 omnes, & fra c£teris AugujHnus , cumque iU confentiens Romana & Catbolica pietas ag- m\. C 4. 
 nofcit merita eo fenfu , nimirum ut neque Vet gratiam uh antecedant merits , & hxc rpfa 
 turn ex gratia , turn ex gratuita Dei follicitatione tota pendeant. AU the Ancient Fathers 
 eJpetiaVy St, Au&'m , and the Roman and CathoUque Faith confenting with them, do ac- 
 knowledge Merits in thiffenfe, that no Merits go before the grace of God, and that thefe 
 very Merits do depend wholly an grace , and on the free promife of God. Hold you to 
 this, and we (hall have no more diflference about Merits. Do you exad more 
 of us , than all the Fathers , or the Roman and Catholique piety doth acknow- 
 ledge ? 
 
 It is an eafie thing for a wrangling Sophifter to difpute of Merits in the Schools , 
 or for a vain Oratour to declaim of Merits out of the Pulpit : but when we come 
 to lye upon our Death-beds , and prefent our felves at the laft hour before the Tri- 
 bunal of Chrifti it is high time both for you and us to renounce our own merits , 
 and to caft our felves naked into the Arms of our Saviour. That any Works of 
 ours ( who are the beft of us but unprofitable fervants , which properly are not ours, 
 but God's own gifts i and if they were ours , are a jk/? debt due unto him , fetting 
 afide God's free promife , and gracious acceptation) fhould condignly by their own 
 intrinfecal value delerve the joys of Heaven , to which they have no more propor- 
 tion than they have to fatisfie for the eternal torments of Hell, This is that which 
 we have renounced , and which we never ought to admit. 
 
 If your Invocation of Saints were not fuch as it is, to requefl of them Patronage Of InvocatioD 
 and Protedion , fpiritual graces , and celeftial joys, by their prayers , and by their of Saints, 
 merits (alas the wifeft Virgins have oyl in their Lamps little enough for themfelves ) 
 Yet it is not neceflary for Two Reafonsv Firft, no Saint doth love us fo well as 
 Chrift. No Saint hath given us fuch aflurance of his love , or done fo much for us 
 as Chrift. No Saint is fo willing , or able to help us as Chrift. And Secondly, we 
 have no command from God to invocate them. 
 
 So much your own Authours do confels , and give this reafon for it. Leji the s.clara Prob. 
 Centiles being converted, Jhould believe that they were drawn back^ again to the worfhip of 57, ex ffiran^ 
 the Creature. But we have another command , CaU upon me in the day of trouble , ''<>• 
 and I wiU hear thee. We have no promife to be heard , when we do invocate them •, 
 But we have another promife, iVhatfoever ye JhaU ask^ the Father in my name , yefly.ill 
 receive it. We have no example in holy Scripture of any that did invocate them , 
 but rather the contrary j See thou da it not \ I am thy feVow-fervant , worjhip God. We rj, jj 
 have no certainty that they do hear our particular prayers , efpecially mental pray- 
 ers , yea, a thoufand prayers poured out at one inftant in feveral parts of the world. 
 We know what your men fay of the glafs of the Trinity , and of extraordinary 
 Revelatioixs : But thefe are bold conjedbures without any certainty , and inconfiftent 
 the one with the other. 
 
 We do fometimes meet in Ancient Authours , with the Interceflion of Saints in 
 General , which we alfo acknowledge j Or an oblique Invocation of them Cas you 
 term it) that is , a prayer dircAed to God , that he will hear the interceflion of 
 the Saints for us , which we do not condemn i Or a wifti , or a Rhetorical Apo- 
 ftrophe , or perhaps fomething more in fome Imgle Ancient Authour : But for an 
 Ordinary Invocation in particular neceflities , and much more for publick Invocati- 
 on in the Liturgies of the Church, we meet not with it for the firft fix hundred 
 years, or thereabouts i All wliich time, and afterwards alfo , the common princi- 
 ples and tradition of the Church were againft it. So far were they from obtruding 
 it as a neceflary fundamental Article of Chriftian Religion. 
 
 It is a common fault of your Writers , alwayes to couple Prayer for the Dead , ^^^d^" '^^ 
 and Purgatory together, as if the one did neceflarily fuppofe , or imply the other v vvith Purgato- 
 In whofc fteps you tread. Prayer for the Dead hath often proceeded upon miftaken ry. 
 
 F grounds,
 
 '^8 IheBilJjopof Dcny's Anfrver to TOME I. 
 
 Tartarui- 
 
 "rounds often from true grounds , both inconfiftent with your Purgatory. Many 
 have held an Opinion , that, though the fouls were not extinguished at the tinne ot 
 their feparation from the body, yet, they did lye in fecret receptacles , m a profound 
 -ordeep lleep, until the Refunedion, doing nothing, fuffenng nothing in the 
 mean time , but onely the delay of their glory. Others held , that all mull pafs 
 through the lire of Conflagration at the Day of Judgement. Thefe opinions were 
 inconUlknt with your Purgatory, yet all thefe , upon thefe very grouuds ufed pray- 
 er for the Dead. Others , called the merciful Doftors, held , that the very pains 
 of Hell might be leffencd by the prayer of the living. Such a prayer is that which 
 we meet with in your own MilTal : King of Glory , deliver the fouls of all the faith- 
 ful deceafed , from the j>ai»s of Belt , from the deep Lak , from the tnnuth of the Lion 
 ( that is , the Devil ) that the bottomlefr fit of Hell do not frvallow them up. A man 
 may lawfully pray for that which is certain, if it be to come, but one cannot law- 
 fully pray for that which is paft. The fouls which are in Purgatory ( by your lear- 
 ning ) arc part the fear of Hell. Nor can this Petition be any wayes fo wrefted, as 
 to become appliable to the hour of Death. This prayer is not for the man, but 
 for the foul feparated ■■, not for the foul of a lick man , or of dying man , but for 
 the fouls of men adtually deceafed. Certainly this prayer muft have reference , ei- 
 ther to the deeping of the fouls , or to the pains of Hell y To deliverance out of 
 Purgatory it can have no relation. Neither are you able to produce any one prayer 
 publick or private , neither any one indulgence to that purpofe , for the delivery of 
 any one foul out of Purgatory , in all the Primitive times, or out of your own 
 ancient MilTals or Records. Such are the Innovations which you would impofe up- 
 on us , as Articles of Faith , which the greateft part of the Catholick Church never 
 received until this day. Moreover , though the fms of the Faithful be privately and 
 particularly remitted at the day of Death , yet the publick promulgation of their 
 pardon at the Day of judgement is to come. Though their fouls be alwayes in an 
 eftate of BlcfTcdnefi , yet rhey want the confummation of this Blefledneft , exten- 
 (ively at leaft , until the body be re-united unto the foul, ( and as it is pioufly and 
 probably believed ) intenfively alfo , that the foul hath not yet fo full and clear a 
 vifion of God , as it (hall have hereafter. Then what forbids Chriftians fo pray for 
 this publick Acquittal , for this Confummation of BleiTednefs ? So we do pray , as 
 often as we fay , "Tby Kingdom come , or , Come Lord Jefus , come quickly. Our 
 Church is yet plainer , that tpe with thii our Brother , and all other departed in the 
 faith of thy Holy Name , may have our perfeU Confummation of Bleffednefi in thy everlafi- 
 ing Kingdom. This is for enough from your more gainful prayers for the Dead , to 
 deliver them out of Purgatory. 
 The Authority Laftly , concerning the Authority of the Pope , It is he himfelf that hath re- 
 of the Pope, nounced his lawful Patriarchal Authority. And if we fliould offer it him at this 
 day, he would difdain it. We have onely freed our (elves from his Tyrannical 
 Ulurped Authority. But upon what terms, upon what grounds, how far, and 
 with what intention , we have feparated our felves, or rather have fuffered our 
 fclves to be feparated from the Church of Rome , you may find if you pleafe in the 
 Treati(e of Schifm. 
 p. 5, I cannot chufe but wonder to (ee you cite St. Cyprian againil us in this cafe, who 
 
 feparated himfelf from you , as well as we , in the dayes of a much better Bifhop 
 than we , and upon much weaker grounds than we , and publiflied his diflent to 
 the World in Two African Councils i He liked not the fwelling Title of Bilhop of 
 Bilhops , nor that one Bilhop (hould Tyrannically terririe another into obedience i 
 No more do we. He gave a Primacy , or Principality of Order to the Chair of 
 St. Feter , as frincipium uniiatps > fo do we : But he believed that every Bilhop had 
 an equal (hare of Epilcopal Power i fo do we. He provided apart , as he thought 
 rit in a Provincial Council for his own (afety , and the fafety of his Flock i fo did 
 we. He writ to your great Bilhop as to his Brother and Colleague , and dared to 
 reprehend him for receiving but a Letter from fuch as had been cenfured by the 
 African Bilhops. In St. Cyprians (en{e, you are the Beam that have feparated your 
 felves from the body of the Sun '■> you are the Bough that is lopped from the Tree; 
 you are the ftteam which is divided from the Fountain: It is you, principal-
 
 Discourse I. the Eptft/e of M^ de la Militicre , &c. op 
 
 ly you, that have divided the Unity of the Church. 
 
 You colled as a Corollary from our fuppofed Principje of the right and fufficiency '^'li'*" ''"- 
 of private iudgement, enlightned by the Spirit, that no humane Authority can bind bind^theCon- 
 the Confcience of another , or prefcribe any thing unto it. I have formerly fhewed fcience. 
 you your grofs miftake in the Premifes. Now, if you pleafe, hear our fenfe of the 
 Condufion. Humane Laws cannot be properly faid to bind the Confcience, by the 
 fble Authority of the Law-giver i But partly by the equity of the Law , every one 
 being obliged to advance that which conduceth to a publick good, thou Jh alt love 
 thy neighbour af thy felf-, And efpecially by Divine Authority , which commands eve- 
 ry foul to be fMbje^ to the higher pre ers ^ jor Confcience fak^i net prudentially onely. 
 The Queftion is foon decided , juft Laws of lawful Superiours , either Civil, or Ec- 
 clefiaftical, have Authority to bind the Confcience in themfelves, but not from 
 themfelves. 
 
 How fliall we believe that it vs not you, hut God, that reprefents thefe things to hps p,^. ,j. 
 Majejiie , that addrejfeth them to him by your mouth, that caHeth him , that Jiretcheth out The Author a 
 h^s hand to him , that hath fet thefe things before h'vs eyes , in Characiers not to be de- '"'j' Enthufi- 
 faced ? What ? That his Majefty fhould turn Kow-JM-Catholick '> Are they like Bf /- '^*'"'' 
 J&(?z^'s Charafters ? and are you the onely P«»if/ that can read them ? We do not 
 ieca Cloven Tongue upon your head, nor a Dove feeming to whifper in your ear. 
 Be not too confident , left Come take it to be a little t aiuc of Anabaptifm •, perhaps 
 you have had as ftrange phantafies as this heretofore, whiUl you were of a contrary 
 party. 
 
 Be it what it will be, you cannot offer it to his Majefty with more confidence, or 
 pretend more intimacy with God , or to be more familiarly acquainted with his 
 Cabinet-Counfel , than a Scotch Presbyter ■■> And yet your felf would not value all 
 his confidence at a Button. Wife men are not eafily gained by empty fhcws or 
 pretences , that fignifte nothing but the Pretenders vanity, nor by Enthuilanical in- 
 terpretation of Occurrences. It is onely the weight of reafon that reprefTeth the 
 fcale of their judgement ,.and maketh them to yield and fubmit unto it. 
 
 Howfbever it be God, or you, that reprefent thefe things to his Majefty ; you tell 
 us , that the end if to reduce him from thofe errours -which he juch^d in with hU milk^ 
 rvhich in the dayes of Peace , and abundance , it had been difficult far him to difiover : 
 But noTP his eyes and hU ears do fee and hear thofe Truths , which mak^ it evident to him 
 that Cod hath condemned them to reduce him to the Communion of the Church ; wherein 
 you promife him all manner of Blellings. Who told you of his Ma)efties new il- 
 lumination'' or what have you feen to believe any fuch thing ? When you dare 
 avouch fuch grofs untruths of himfelf , to himfelf, how fhould he cr.ot your pri- 
 vate Prefumptions , which you tell him as anew Mercury dropped down from 
 Heaven. 
 
 You tell us that it is necefTary for every one to adhere to the true Church , which U The Romahifli 
 the Keeper of SavingTruth. That is true , but nothing to his Majefty, who hath "^'1"'" ^"''* 
 more right already in the Catholick Church than your felf: You tell us moreover cSchfs'Ee-'^ 
 that this Church is the Koman Church. That is not true^ but fuppofe it were moft cefTary to Sal- 
 true , as it is moft falfe , what fhould a man be better or nearer to jhe knowledge of vation. 
 the Truth, and confequently to his Salvation, for his fubmilhon to the Roman 
 Church ; As long as you cannot agree among your felves , either what this Roman Yet cannot 
 Church is, or what this infalliBle Judge is? One faith it is the Pope alone i Ano- l^'^^^^^fs"^ 
 ther faith no, but the Pope with his Conclave of Cardinals i A Third will go no lefs what this Ro- 
 than the Pope and a Provincial Council i A Fourth will not be contented withoiit man Church 
 the Pope and a General Council v A Fifth is for a General Council alone, either "• 
 with or without the Pope i A Sixth Party ( and they are of nofmall cfteem amongft 
 you here at this prefent J is for the EfTential Church, that is, the Company of all 
 faithful People, Whofe reception ( fay they ) makes the true ratification of the A£ts 
 of its reprefentative Body. It were as good to have no infallible Judge, as not to 
 know or agree who it is. Be not fo cenforious in condemning others, for not fub- 
 mitting to your Roman Church or infallibje Judge , nor fo pofitive to make this fub- 
 milEon fo abfolutelyneceffiry to Salvation, until you agree better what this Judge 
 or Church is. It is five to one againft you , that you your felf mifsthe right Judge. 
 
 F 2 What-
 
 40 
 
 Ihe BjjJjop of Dcrr}/'/ Anfrver to TOME I. 
 
 Th FnPlifh vvhatibcvcr become of your Church, you i^y Ours ii perijhed by the proper Axioms 
 
 Pcrifticd. Lv,,^,Ud,e of a Chnrch. Tliis is hard. He peri(heth Twice that penfheth by his 
 
 •'• '• own wcaptns. Even fo Jofeph's Brethren told K^fc himfdf, with Confcience 
 
 onllfv cnouc^h One is not. This is that which the Court of Kowe would be con- 
 
 Cen.4»..3. f "'"["' ^chaVe at any rate. This hath been the end of all their Negotiations and 
 
 Inflruftions by all means to fupport the Presbyterian Fadion in England againft 
 
 Epifcopacy I Not that they loved them more than us, but that they feared us more 
 
 ^ ^ There was an IfraelitiOi Church , when Eliai did not fee it i but he muft be as 
 blind as Bartimxnf, that cannot fee the Englifl} Church. Wherefoever there is a 
 lawful Eh?///^ Paftor , znd zn Englifh Flock, and a Subordination of this Flock to 
 that Paftor there is a Branch of the true Englijh Proteftant Church. Do you make 
 ro difference between a Church perfecuted, and a Church extinguifhed ? Have pa- 
 tience and exped the Cataftrophe. It may be all this while the Carpenter's Son is 
 making a Coffin for Julian. If it pleafe God , we may yet fee the Church of Eng- 
 land which is now frying in the fire ,come out like Gold out of the Furnace, inore 
 pure', and more full of lufter. If not, his Will be done. Juji art thou, Lord, 
 and righteoms are all thy judgements. The Primitive Church was as glorious in the 
 light of God, when they ferved him in Holes and Corners, in Cryptif, Sacellis , 
 Conventiculis , Ecclefiolis , as when his Worlhip was more fplendidly per- 
 formed in Bafilicis and Cyriacis , in goodly Churches and magnificent Cathe- 
 drals. 
 
 Your Defign flops not at the King of Great Britain , but extends it felf w all his 
 
 r.8, Sub]eUs^ yea, to all Proteftants whatfoever. I wonder why you ftay there, and 
 
 would not add all the Eaftern Churches, and the Great Turk himfelf , fince you 
 
 The Author's ^■^■^^^^^^ have done it with another Penful of Ink , and with as much pretence of Rea- 
 
 vain Dreams. ^^^ ^ to fecure himfelf from the joynt-Forces of Chriftendom thus united by your 
 
 means. A ftrong Phantafie will difcover Armies and Navies in the Clouds, men 
 
 andhorfes, and chariots in the fire, and hear Articulate Didates from the Bells. 
 
 This is not to write waking but dreaming. 
 
 Yet you make it an eafie work v to effeU which , there needs no Vijputation , but 
 onely to behold the Heretical Ceniuf of our 'Reformation , which is fuffciently condemned 
 p, 8. 9. by itfelf^ if men rviV onely tal^ the pains to compare the Fundamental Principles thereof 
 
 with the Confequences. Great Houfes and Forts are builded at an eafie charge in Pa- 
 per. When you have confulted with your Architcds , and Engineers , you will 
 find it to be a work of more difficulty. And your Adverfaries Refblution may 
 teach you , to your coft , what it is to promife to your (elf fuch an eafie Conqueft 
 before the Fight •, and let you fee that tho(e golden Mountains, which you have phan- 
 tafied, have no fubfiiknce but in your Brain, and fend you home to feek that felf- 
 Convidion there, which you fought to faften upon others. When you are able to 
 prove your Univerfal Monarchy, your new Canon of Faith, your new Treafury 
 of the Church , your new Koman Purgatory , whereof the Pope keeps the Keyes , 
 your Imagc-Wor(hip , your Common-Prayers in a Tongue unknown , your detai- 
 ning of the Cup from the Laity in the publick Adminiflration of the Sacrament , 
 and the reft of your new Creed , out of the Four firft General Councils , or the 
 Univerfal Tradition of the Church in thole dayes , either as Principles or Funda- 
 mental Truths , ( which you affirm ) or fo much as ordinary points of Faith , 
 ( which we deny ) we will yield our lelves to be guilty both of Contradidionand 
 Schifm. Until you are able to make thefe Innovations good , if were beft for you 
 to be filent , and leave your vaporing. Defperatc undertakings do eafily forfeit a 
 mans Reputation. 
 P-9. ^c. Now are we come to the moft fpecious Piece of your whole Epiftle , that is. 
 
 His vainer Jhe Motion or Propvfition of a Conference^ by Authority of the King of France, at the 
 a Conferenc? ^"ft''^'^^ 'f *^^ ^"'g "/ Great Britain , before the Archbifhop of Paris , and his Coadju- 
 tor , between fame of your Roman Catholick^ VoUours , and the Minifiers of the Re- 
 formed Church at Paris , whom you do delervedly commend for their lufficiency 
 and 7eal. You farther fuppole, that the Minijiers of the Reformed Church will accept 
 
 of
 
 Discourse I. the Epiftie of i\P. de la Miliciere , &c. ^i 
 
 of j'ucb a Vijfzitauon ^ or hy their ler^iverfatioit betray the rveaknejl of their Caufei 
 And you conclude confidently beyond fuppofition , "that they mil be confuted and 
 convitied , and that their converfion or convitiion rvill afurd fufficient gronnd to the King 
 ^ Greaf Britain , to embra.ce the Communion of the Roman Catholick^ Church ■■, And 
 that his converfion rfill reduce all confciemious Protejiants to Vnity and due Obe- 
 dience. 
 
 I will contrad your larger Palm to a Fift. If the King of Great Britain delire a 
 folemn Conference _^ the King of Fr^wce will enjoyn it •, If he enjoyn it , the Mini- 
 fters. will accept iti 'if they do accept it , they are fure to be convidedi If they be 
 convided , the King of Great Britain will change his Religion ■■, If he change his 
 Religion , all confciencious Proteftants will be reduced ■■, And all this to be done , 
 not by the old way of Difputing, No , take heed of that , the burnt Child dread'^ 
 the fire , But by a proper new way of refuting old Proteflant Principles by new In • 
 dependent Pradifes. Why was this Remedy found out no fooner ? This might 
 have eafed the Cardinals in thjeir Confultations about propagating the Faith ■■, This 
 might have faved Cardinal Allen all his Machiavilian Inftruftions to his Englijh 
 Emiflaries ■■, This may in a (hort time turn the Inquifitors out of their employment 
 for want of an Objed: , and not leave fuch a thing as Heretical pravity in the 
 "World. How muft men praile your Fortune , and applaud your Invention > But 
 ftay , the fecond thoughts are wifer •, What if this Chain fuppofed to be of Ada- 
 mant , fhould prove a rope of Sand ? And fo it is : I have feen a Sorites difgraeed, 
 and hifled out of the Schools , for drawing but one lame leg after it i this is foun- 
 dred of all Four , from the beginning to the later end there is nothing in it but 
 future Contingents , which are known onely to God , not one Grain of neceflary 
 Truth. 
 
 Firft, Sir, be not angry if a man take away the fabjedl of your whole Dif- The King of 
 courfe i It is but your officioufnels , the King defires no fuch Conference. Let England de- 
 them defire Conferences who waver in their Faith. All thefe bluftering ftorms have fir^' "o ftjcf" 
 radicated him deeper in his Religion. And chiefly that which you make the chief- C°°'"^°^^' 
 eft motive to his Apoftating, the Martyrdom of his Royal Father, and an heredi- 
 tary love to that Church which he hath juftitied with his Blood. 
 
 Secondly, if his Maiefty (hould incline to fuch a Conference , do you think he if he fhould, 
 would defert the Englijh Clergy , who have forfaken their Country, their Friends , he had neitiier 
 their Eftates , out of their Confcience, out of their Duty to God and their Sove- ^"^°'' ^°^, 
 raign ; who underftand the conftitution of the Englip Church much better than hh^Englilh " 
 yourfelf, or any Foreigners how futficient foever , and caft himfelf wholly upon Clergy. 
 Strangers , whofe Reformation ( you fay ) is different from that of England , in 
 the Points of Epifcopacy, Liturgy, and the Ceremonies of the Church? Say, 
 What was the Reafon of this grofs Omillion ? Were you affraid of that Image of the 
 Church C as you call it in a flighting manner ) which they retained ? Or did you 
 not think any of the Englijh Nation worthy to bear your Books at a Conference ? 
 it hath been otherwift heretofore , and you will find it otherwife now, when you 
 come to prove it. I know not whether England hath been more fortunate or un- 
 fortunate fince the Reformation , in breeding as many able Polemique Writers on 
 both fides, as any Nation in Europe ■■, Stafleton ^ Harding^ Tarfons ^ Sanders^ 
 Fy-eymlds, Bijhop , &c. for the Roman Church: Jert>ell, Andrerps , Abbot ^ Laud, 
 IVlnte , Yield , Montague , Reynolds , TFhitak^r , &c. for the Englijh Church i ( I 
 forbear to name thofe that are living ) and many more who come not fhort of thefe, 
 if they had pleafed to communicate their Talents to the World; This is fuch 
 a contumely that reflefts upon the Nation , and you muft be contented to be told 
 of it. 
 
 Thirdly, how are you fure that the King of France and his Couiicil would give such aConfe- 
 way to fuch a PublLck Conference ? Private Infinuations ufe to prevail much when rcncc not fit 
 a man may Lavere & tack^ to and again to compafs his Ends. Authority or the to be granted 
 Sword may put an end to Controverfies : But Publick Conferences for the mofl: p^'*^^ '''"8 of 
 part do but Itart new Quefiions , and revive old forgotten Animofities. What 
 were the I>onati(is the better for the Collation at Carthage ? The Mind of a man is 
 generous, and where it looks for Oppofition , it fortifies it (elf againlHt. Vrban 
 
 F 3 the
 
 r 
 
 4-^ 
 
 IheBifJjopof Perry's M^''^'' TOME I. 
 
 Nor ro be ac- 
 cepted by the 
 Minirters of 
 the Reformed 
 Churcl). 
 
 be expefted 
 froiB it. 
 
 The Authors 
 impertinence 
 and faucinefs 
 with the King. 
 
 1 c- I .u WIS the wifdl Pope you have had of late , who by his Moderation and 
 Sunl o kd --h o/tfccW, whKhthe violence of his PredeccfTors had 
 court enc cuu^^^ ^^^^^ ^^, ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^jj ^^^^^ ^^^^^ g^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ prevalent 
 
 [ban tiK blullring Blalb of the North-wind. Multiplying ot Words more commonly 
 
 ''l?urTlf'tm!''vhS youfo confident, that the Minifters of the 
 
 Rrformed Church would admit of fuch a Publick Difputation upon thofe terms 
 
 II u propofe , That is , to accept of the Archbilhop of Parif and his Coad- 
 ^ Xwo Pcrfons interefled, for competent Judges. I am as confident of the 
 '"^Tarv that they would ra|her chufe to fuffer , than wrong their Caufe lb muchi 
 r'rliL iit per plnra , quod fieri foteji pr famiora. It were a readier way for them, 
 
 d but the fame in effedt, to fubfcribe to a blank Paper , and to fubmit without Di- 
 
 Nor could any P'lifjyy' fuppofe (all this notwithftanding ) fuch a Conference fliould hold , 
 fuch Succefs ^^^^^ reafon have you to promife to your felf fuch fuccefs as to obtain fo eafie a 
 Vidory ? You have had Conferences and Conferences again at Poijy, and other Pla- 
 ces and gained by them juft as much as you tiHght put in your eye and fee never 
 the worfe. When Conferences are onely made ufe of as Pageants , to grace the In- 
 troduction of fome new Profelyte, and to preferve his Reputation from the afperfi- 
 on of Defultorious Levity, they feem much more efficacious than they are. As 
 they know well enough who are privy to what is adled in the withdrawing-Room. 
 The time was when you have been as confident in a contrary Opinion, that Cuch 
 a Free Conference would have fcaled the Walls oP Rome , and levelled the Popes 
 
 Triple Crown. 
 
 Sixthly whether the Minifters fhould accept of fuch a partial unequal Confe- 
 rence or not, or whatfoever fhould be the fuccefs thereof i you trefpafs too boldly 
 upon his Majefties patience , to didtate to him fo Pragmatically , fo Magifterially , 
 what he fhould do, or would do, in fuch a cafe , which is never like to be. Doth 
 his Fathers conftancy encourage you to believe, that he is a Keed Jhaken with the 
 Wind'* iiui fauca confidirat, fatile promttciat. He that weighs no more Circumftan- 
 ces or Occurrences than ferve for the a<lvancement of his Defign , pronounceth fen- 
 tenceeafily , buttemerariouily, an4 for the moft part unfoundly. When fiich a 
 thing as you dream of fhould happen , it were good manners in you to leave his 
 Majefly to his Chriftian Liberty. But to trouble your felf and others about the 
 Moon's fhining in the water, fo unfcafonably , fo impertinently , or with what will 
 come to pafs when the Sky fells, is unbefeeming the Counfeller of a King. 
 
 Laflly , confider how your Pen doth over-run your Reafon , and over-reach all 
 grounds of Probability, to afcribe unto his Majefties change fuch an infallible Influ- 
 ence upon all Proteftants , as to reduce them to the Koman Communion , not onely 
 his own Subjedts , but Foreigners. His blefled Father's Example had not fo much 
 influence upon the Scots his Native Subjedts. He was no Changeling indeed, nei- 
 ther to the right hand, nor to the left. Hemy the Fourth , his Grandfather , did 
 turn indeed to the KoiHioi Church. Had his change any fuch influence upon the 
 Proteftant Party in France ? I know no followers fuch a change would gain him "> 
 but 1 forefee clearly how many Hearts it would loofe him. Certainly , Sir, if you 
 would do a meritorious Piece of fervice to his greateft Adverfaries , you could not 
 fix upon any thing that would content them more highly , than to fee you fuccef^ 
 ful in this Undertaking. I have done with your Propofition. He that compares it 
 and your Determination together , will eafity judge them to be twins,, at the firfl 
 fight. 
 
 As a Motive to his Majefties Converfion , you prefent him with a Treatife of 
 Tranfubftantiation , and defire, that it may afpar unto the World under his Royal 
 Name. 
 
 I meddle not with your Treatift , fisme of your learned Adverfaries Friends- will 
 give you your hands full enough.' But how can his Majelty protedt or patronize a 
 Treatife againft his judgement, againft his Confcience, contrary to the Dodtrine of 
 the Church of England , not onely fince the Reformation, but before > About the 
 year7co. the Body of Clmji wherein he fitfered , and his Body Consecrated in the Hofiy 
 
 differ 
 
 His Pen over- 
 runs his Wit. 
 
 His improper 
 choice of a 
 Patron for his 
 Treatife. 
 Seim. Saxon 
 in fcfla P4- 
 chgt.
 
 Discourse I. the Epiftle of M\ de la Militiere, &c. 
 
 ' — ^■^ ' 
 
 Jifer much, the Body wherein he fuffered rvof born of the Virgin , conjifting of flffl, 
 and hones , and humane members j his Spiritual Body , rchich vce call the Hoji , confijh 
 of many Grains , without blood , bones , or humane members ; wherefore nothing is 
 to he mderjiood there Corf orally , but all Spiritually. Tranfubftantiation was neither 
 held for an Article of Faith, nor a Point of Faith, in thofe dayes. 
 
 You charge the Proteftants in divers places , That they have neither Church nor 
 Faith, but have loj\,both. And at the late: end of your Treatife you undertake to 
 demonftrate it : But your Demonftration is a meer Paralogifm. You multiply 
 your Terms, you confound your Terms , you change and alter your Terms, con- 
 trary to the Rules of right arguing , and vainly beat the air , concluding nothing 
 which you ought to prove , nothing which your Adverfary will deny. You would 
 prove that Protellants have no Church. That you never attempt ■-, But you do at- 
 tempt to prove (how pitifully God knows) that they are not the onely Church , 
 that is , the one. Holy CatholickcChurck This they did never affirm, they did ne- 
 ver think. It fiifficeth them to be a part of that Univerfal Church ■■, more pure , 
 more Orthodox , more Catholick, than the Roman , alwayes profeffing Chrift vifi- 
 bly , never lurking invifibly in another Communion, which is another of your mi- 
 ftakes. 1 (hould advife you to promife us no more evident Vemonfirations j either 
 your skill , or your luck, is fo extreamly bad. 
 
 In the (econd place you affirm, tha.t Faith is founded upon Divine Authority, and 
 Revelation , and depoftted with the Church. All that is true •, But that which you 
 add , that it is founded in the Authority of Chrift freaking by the mouth of his Church-. 
 By this Church underftanding the Church of this Age , and ( which is yet worfe ) 
 the Church of one place , and ( which is worft of all ) the Bilhop of that one 
 Church , is moft falle. , 
 
 And fo is that which you add , that the Faith of Proteftants is founded upon their 
 own reafonings , which mak^s fo many differences among them. Reafon niuft be fubfer- 
 vient in the application of the Rnle of Faith > It cannot be the Foundation of Faith. 
 Bad reafbning may bring forth differences and errors about Faith , both with you 
 and us , but the abufc of Reafon doth not take away the ufe of Reafon. We have 
 this Advantage of you, that if any one of us do build an erroneous Opinion upon 
 the Holy Scripture, yet becaufe our adherence to the Scripture is firmer and nearer 
 than our adherence to our particular error, that full, and free , and univerfal, affent 
 which we give to Holy Scripture , and to all things therein contained , is an im- 
 plicite Condemnation and Retradtation of our particular error , which we hold un- 
 wittingly , and unwillingly, againft Scripture. But your foundation of Faith being 
 compofed of uncertainties, whether this man be Pope or not, whether this Pope be 
 judge or not , whether this Judge be infallible or not , and if infallible , wherein , 
 and how far i the faith which is builded thereupon cannot but be fallible and uncer- 
 tain. The ftri<^er the adherence is to a falfe , uncertain , o*- fallib'e rule, the more 
 dangerous is the error. So our right Foundation purgeth away our error in Super- 
 ftruSioni and your wrong Foundation leffens the value of your truths , and doubles 
 the guilt of your errors. 
 
 I will ( by your leave ) requite your Demonftration, and turn the mouths of your 
 own Canons againft your (elf 
 
 That Church which hath changed the Apoftolical Creed , the Apoftolical Succef- 
 fion , the Apoftolical Regiment , and the Apoftolical Communion , is no Apoftoli- 
 cal, Orthodox , or Catholick, Church. 
 
 But the Church of Rome hath changed the Apoftolical Creed , the Apo- 
 ftolical Succeflion , the Apoftolical Regiment » and the Apoftolical Commu- 
 nion. 
 
 Therefore the Church of Rome is no Apoftolical, Orthodox , or Catholick, 
 Church. 
 
 They have changed the Apoftolical Creed , by making a new Creed , wherein 
 are many things inferted, that hold no Analogy with the old Apoftles Creed -, The 
 Apoftolical Succeflion , by ingroffing the whole Succeflion to Rome , and making all 
 other Biftiops to be but Popes Vicars , and Subftitutes , as to their Jurifdidion i 
 The Apoftolical Regiment by ereding a vifible and Univerfal Monarchy in the 
 
 Churchi 
 
 43 
 
 p. 10. ri. 
 
 P. a2J. 
 Mis uDskilful- 
 nefs,or hison- 
 fortunatenefs, 
 in his Demon- 
 ftration. 
 
 The great ad- 
 vantage of the 
 ProtclUnt 
 above the Ro» 
 man-Catholick 
 in the choice 
 of his founda* 
 tion.
 
 44 
 
 The billjop of Vevxy's Anfwer to 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 p. 12. 
 
 His Majeflics 
 Apoflacy is 
 not the way to 
 his reftitution. 
 
 I Pet. 1. 7. 
 
 The obligati* 
 on of the Scats 
 to his Majefty 
 thegreatcft of 
 any Subjefts 
 in the known 
 world. 
 
 Church • And LalUy the Apoltolical Communion , by excommunicating Three 
 parts of die Holy Catholick Apoftolick Church. _ 
 
 Acain That Church which refolves its Faith, not ,mto Div me Revelation and 
 Authority, but, into Humane Infallibility, or the Infallibility of the prefent Church, 
 without knowing , or according, what that prefent Church is, whether the Virtual, 
 or the Reprefcntative, or the cfTential Church , or a body compounded of fome of 
 thcfc , hath no true Faith. 
 
 But the Churcli of Kome refolves its Faith , not into Divine Revelation and Au- 
 thority, but into the Infallibility of the prelent Church , not knowing, or not ac- 
 cording' , what that prefent Church is , whether the Virtual Church ( that is the 
 Pope , ; or the Reprefentative Church ( that is a General Council ) or the ElTen- 
 tial Church , ( that is the Church of Believers dilTufed over the world , ) Or a body 
 compounded of fome of thefe , ( that is the Pope , and a General or Provincial 
 Council. ) 
 
 Therefore the Church of T<^ome hath not true Faith. The great number of your 
 Writers is for the Pope , that this Infallibility is fixed to his Chair. But of all other 
 Judgments , that is moft fallible and uncertain v for if Simony make a Nullity in a 
 Papal Eled:ion , we have great realbn to doubt , that that Chair hath not been fil- 
 led by a right Pope thefe laft hundred years. Thefe are no other but your own Me- 
 diums i fuch luck you have with your Irrefrajrable Vemonjhations. 
 
 In cafe his Majejly tviU turn Roman-Ciit^o/icJl^, you fromife him reftitution to his ^ 
 Kingdoms. 
 
 Great undertakers are leldom good perforrners i vt'hen you are making your Pro- 
 felytes, you promife them golden Mountains , but when the work is done , yoa 
 deal with them, as he did with his Saint, who promifed a Candje as big as his Maft, 
 and offered one no bigger than his finger. Do you however think it reafon,that any 
 man (hould change his Religion for temporal refpec^-s , tI\ough it were for a King- 
 dom ? Jeroboamii6.£o y you may remember what was the luccefs of it. 
 
 You propole this as the readiefl means to reflore him. Others who penetf ate deeper 
 into the true ftate of his affairs , look upon it as the readieft way to ruine his hopes, 
 by the alienation of his friends, by the confirmation of his foes, and in fome fort 
 the juftification of their former feigned tears. Do you think all JRowaw-Catholick 
 Princes defire this change as eameftly as your felf ? Give them leave firft to confiik 
 with their particular Interefts. A common Intereft prevails more with Confede- 
 rates than a common Faith. The Sword diftinguifheth not between Proteftants and 
 Papifls* 
 
 But what is the ground of this your great Confidence ? No lefs than Scripture. 
 Seeh^yeftrft the Kingdom of God , and the righteoufneji of it , and all other things fhaU be 
 added unto you. You fay the Word of God deceives no man. True, but you may 
 deceive your felf out of the Word of God. The Conclufion alwayes follows the 
 weaker part , fuch as this , are commonly your miftaken grounds, when they come 
 to be examined. The Text faith , Seeh^ the Kingdom of Cod-, You would have his 
 Majefty defcrt the Kingdom of God : The Promife is of all things necefTary or 
 convenient i You will be your own Carver , and oblige God Almighty to King- 
 doms and particular Conditions : The Promife is made ( as all temporal promifes 
 are,) with an implicite exception of the Crofs , unlets God fee it to be otherwife 
 more expedient for us i He that denies us gold, and gives us patience and other 
 graces more precious than Gold , that denies a temporal Kingdom to give an eternal , 
 doth not wrong us. This was out of your head. 
 
 That the 5e«x had an ancienter Obligation to fidelity towards his Majeffy, and 
 that Royal Family, than the Englijh, is a Truth not to be doubted or difputed of, I 
 I think I may fafely add , than any Nation in Europe , or in the known World to 
 their Prince , his Majefty being the Hundred and tenth Monarch of that Line , that 
 hath fwayed the Scepter of that Kingdom fucceflively. The more the pity that a 
 few treacherous Sheba's , and a pack of bawling feditious Orators , under the vi- 
 2ar and fhadow of pure Religion , to the extreme fcandal of all honefl profeffors, 
 (hould be able to overturn fuch an ancient Fabrick , and radicated fucceflion of 
 Kingly Government. 
 
 But 
 
 I
 
 Discourse I. the Epiftle of M". de la Militiere, &c. 
 
 But take heed , Sir , how you believe that any ingagement of the Presbyterian 
 Fadlion in Scotland , proceeded either from confcience , or gratitude , or fidelity or 
 aimed at the re-fetling of his Majefty upon his Throne. No, no , their hearts were 
 double, their Treaties on their parts were mere treacheries from the beginning. I 
 mean not any of thofe many loyal Patriots, that never bowed their knees to Baal- 
 berith, the God of' the Covenant , in that Nation ; Nor yet any of thole ferious Con- 
 verts , that no fooner difcovered the leger de main of a company o{ canting Impofiors 
 but they (ought to flop the ftream of Schifm and Sedition , with the hazard of their 
 own lives and eftates i Nor even thofe whole eyes were longer held with the fpirit 
 of flumber , by fome ftronger fpells of Difciplinarian Charmers , but did yet later 
 open their eyes , and come in to do their Duties , at the Sixth or Ninth hour. All 
 thefe are expunged by me out of this black Roll. Let their Pofterities enjoy the 
 fruit of their refpedive Loyalties •■, And let their memories be daily more and more 
 blefled. But I mean the obftinate Ring-leaders , and Standard-bearers of the Pres- 
 byterian Covenant o( both Rohes J and the Setters up of that mifhapen Jc/o/. It is 
 from thefe, I (ay , that no help or hope could in reafon be expeded. They who 
 fold the Father, and fuch a Father, were not likely to prove loyal to the Soni 
 They who hanged up one of the moft ancient Gentlemen in Europe , the gallant 
 Marquefs of Montrofe, being then their lawful Vice-Roy , like a dog in fuch bafe and 
 barbarous manner , together with his Ma jeftiei Commijfion^ to the publick difhonour 
 of their King , in the chief City of that Kingdom , in a time of Treaty > They 
 who purged the Army , over and over , as loth on their parts willingly to leave one 
 dram of honefty, or loyalty in it , who would not admit their Fellow-fubjeds of 
 tnuch more merit and courage than themfelves to ailift them i They who v/ould not 
 permit his Majefty to continue among the Souldiery , left he (hould grow too popu- 
 lar ■, They who after they had proclaimed to the World his Title and Right to the 
 Crown , yet fought to have him excluded from the benefit of it , and from the exe- 
 cution of his Kingly Office, until he (hould abjure his Religion^ call din upon his Fa- 
 rents , alienate his loyal SubjeSs, and ratifie the ufurpations of his Rebels \ Thefe 
 C thefe I fay ) were moft unlikely perfons to be his reftorers. Was it ever heard be- 
 fore, that Subjeds acknowledged a Sovereign , and yet endeavoured to exclude 
 him from his Rights , until he had granted whatfbever feemed good in their eyes > 
 <Dthers maybe more fevere in their judgments , but I for my part could be well con- 
 tented , that God would give them the honour to be the Repairers of the breach , 
 who have been the Makers of the breach-, to be the Reftorers of Monarchy, who 
 have been the Ruiners of Monarchy i to be the re-eftabli(hers of peace , who have 
 been the chiefeft Catalines and promoters of War. But that can never be whilft 
 they juftifie their former rebellious pradices, and after they have eaten and devou- 
 red, wipe their mouths , and fay ^ What have we done? until they acknowledge 
 their former errors. Repentance onely is able to knit the broken bone ■■> why fliould 
 they be more affraid to confels their faults , and ft\ame the Devil , than to commit 
 them? 
 
 Yet I cannot fay with you , that this hath robbed his Majefty of all hopes and means 
 of recovery. We may not limit God at any time, who commonly with-holds his 
 help until the Bricks be doubled , until the edge of the razor doth touch the very 
 throats of his Servants, that the glory of the Work may wholly redound to him- 
 felf. We may not limit God to thofe means which (eem moft probable in our eyes. 
 So long as Jojfeph trufted to his Friend in Court , God did forget him ■■, when Pha- 
 raoh's Butler had quite forgotten Jofeph , then God remembred him. God hath no- 
 bler wayes of reftitution than by Battails , and bloud-ihed, that is, by changing 
 the hearts ofhis creatures at his pleafure, and turning Efaus vowed revenge into 
 love and kindnefs. 
 
 I confe(s , his Majejlies refolution was great , (b was his prudence , that neither 
 fear ( which ufeth to betray the foul, ) nor any indifcreet Adion , or word , orge- 
 (ture , in (b long a time (hould either difcover him, or render him fufpeded. When 
 I confider that the Heir of a Crown , in the midft of that Kingdom where he had 
 his breeding , whom all mens eyes had ufed to Court as the riling Sun , of no com- 
 mon features or phyiiognomy , at fuch time when he was not onely believed , but 
 
 known 
 
 Their Trea- 
 cher}'. 
 
 The loyal 
 Scots exce- 
 pted. 
 
 The difloyal 
 Scots deciphfe- 
 redj 
 
 No hope from 
 that party un- 
 til they re- 
 pent. 
 
 P.I?. 
 
 God niuft nsc 
 be limited to 
 time or means 
 ofdeliverance. 
 
 P. 14. 
 
 His Majeftiei 
 efcapeoutof 
 England ai- 
 med miracu- 
 lous.
 
 ^6 
 
 Ihe btfhop of DerryV Anfwer to 
 
 TOME L 
 
 And Teems to 
 ptefage that 
 Goil harh fome 
 things to do 
 with him. 
 
 P. 14 
 
 Prayers and 
 tears the pro- 
 per Arms of 
 Women ; 
 Efpecially of 
 Mothers. 
 
 Ytt not fo 
 powerful 1 as 
 his Fathers in- 
 lerceflion now 
 in Heaven. 
 P. 14- 
 
 The Authors 
 inftance of 
 Henr) the 
 great not per- 
 tinent. 
 Plutarch. 
 
 P. 14. 
 
 The jufr com- 
 mendation of 
 K. Charles. 
 
 It is grofs im- 
 pudence to 
 feign that he 
 dyed a Roman 
 Caiholick 
 
 The Aiithors 
 confifTion con- 
 futes his de- 
 monftiation , 
 thatProteftanis 
 hate 00 Faith. 
 
 known to be among them , when every Comer of the Kingdom was full of Spies 
 to fearch him , and every Port and Inn full of Officers to apprehend him ", I fay ._^ 
 that he flioiild'travail at fuch a time , fo long , fo far , fo freely , in the fight of th? ^ 
 Siui, expofed to the view of all perfons , without either difcovery, or fufpicion, 
 foems little lefs than a miraclev That God had fmitten the eyes of thofe who met 
 him with blind nefs, as the eyes of the Sodomites ., that they could not find Lof's 
 door , or the Syrian Souldiers , that were fent to apprehend 'EUjha i This ftrange 
 efcape', and that former out of Scotland , where his condition was not much better, 
 nor his'Perfon much fafcr, do feem ftrangely to prefage , that God hath yet fome 
 great Work to be done by him in his own due time. 
 
 You attribute this rare deliverance, and the hopes of his Converfion , in part m 
 the prayers and tears of his Motho' i prayers and tears were the onely proper Arms of 
 the old Primitive Chriftians v more particularly they are the beft and mofi: agreea^ 
 ble defence of that fex i but efpecially the prayers and tears of a Mother , for the 
 Son of her defires, are moft powerful. As it was faid of the prayers and tears of Mo- 
 nica , for St. Aujline her Son, ^eri non fotuit ut filius ifiarttm lacrymarum periret ; It 
 could not be that a Son (hould perifh for whom fo many tears were (hed. God fees 
 her tears , and hears her prayers, and will grant her requeft , if not according to her 
 will and defire , ( we often ask thofe things , which being granted , would prove 
 prejudicial to our felves and our friends ) yet ad utilitatem , to his Majefties greater 
 advantage , which is much better : She wifheth him a good Catholick , and God 
 will preferve him a good Catholick as he is. We do not doubt but the prayers of 
 his Father ( reho norp foVores the Lamb in his whites ) for his perfeverance , will be 
 more effedual with God , than the prayers of his Mother for his change. 
 
 Your inftance of his Majeflies Grandfather , your grand King Henry the Fourth is 
 not fo appofite , or fit for your purpofe. He gained his Crown by turning himlelf 
 towards his people ; you would perfwade his Majefty to turn from his people , and 
 to caft away his poflibilities of reftitution , that is , to cut off a natural leg , and tak^ 
 one of rvood. 
 
 To the tears of his Mother you add the bloud of hit Father , whom you juftly ftile 
 happy , and (ay moft truly of him , that he preferred the Catholick^ Faith before hit 
 Croron , his liberty, his life, and whatfuever n>as moji dear unto him. This faith was 
 formerly rooted in his heart by God, not fecretly and invifihly in the la(t moments of 
 his life to unite him to the Romzn-Catholick^ Church , but, openly during his whole 
 Reign , all which time he lived in the bofom of the true Catholick Church. Yet 
 you are fo extremely partial to your felf, that you affirm that he died invifblyz 
 Member of your Rom^«-CathoHck Church, as it is by you contra-diftinguiihed to 
 the reft of the Chriftian World. An old pious fraud, or artifice of yours , learned 
 from Machiavel, to gain credit to your Keligion by all means, either trueorfalfe; 
 but contrary to his own profeflion at his death , contrary to the exprefs knowledge 
 of all that were prefent at his murther. Upon a vain prefumption , that , "fakm, 
 rifi veftra Ecchfia, nulla pareret filium. And becaufo you. are not able to produce one 
 living witnefs , you cite St. ylufiin to no purpofe, to prove that the Ele£i before they 
 are converted , do belong invifihly to the Chnrch ■■, Yea , and before they were born alfo. 
 But St. Anftine neither faid nor thought , that after they are converted they make no 
 vifible profellion , or.profefs the contrary to that which they believe. Seek not thus 
 to adorn your particular Church, not v/\th. borrowed but with jMf w 5ai«f J , whom 
 all the World know to have been none of yours. What Faith he profefTed living, 
 he confirmed dying. In the Communion of the Church of England he lived , and 
 in that Communion at his death he commended his foul into the hands of God his 
 Saviour. That which you have confelTed here concerning King Charles , will 
 fpoil your formiCr demonftration , that the Frotejlants have neither Church nor 
 Faith. 
 
 But you confefs no more in particular here , than I have heard fome of your fa- 
 mous Rowan Dodors in this City acknowledge to be true in general', And no more 
 than that which the Eilhop of Chalcedon ( a man that cannot be fufpedted of par- 
 tia'ity on our fide, ) hath affirmed and publifhed in Two of his Books to the world 
 m Print i That Frstejiantibas credentibus , Sec. perfons living in the Communion of the 
 
 Frote-
 
 Discourse I. the Epiftie of M\ de la Militiere, &c. 4^7 
 
 Frotejiant Church , if they endeavour to leant the truth , and are not able to attain unto it 
 hilt hold it intplicitely in tlx p-eparation of their minds , and are ready to receive it tvhen 
 God fhaUhe f leafed to reveal It ( which all good Proteftants and all good Chrifdans 
 are ) they neither want Church , nor Faith , nor Sahation. Mark thefe words well. 
 They have neither Church , mr Faith , lay you ■■, If they be thus qualified ( as they 
 all are ) they neither want Church , nor Faith , nor Salvation , faith he. 
 
 Laftly, Sir, to let us fee , that your intelligence^ is as good in Heaven as it is Hisintdli 
 upon Earth , and that you know both who are there , and what they do , you tell gence as good 
 us , That the Crown and Conquelt , which his lateMajefty gained by his fuiferings '" ""''^" " 
 was procured by the interceliion of his Grandmother Queen Mary. We ihould be "^°° ^"^' 
 the apter to believe this , if you were able to make it appear , that all the Saims in 
 Heaven do know all the particular necelfities of all their pofterity upon Earth. 
 St. Jujiine makes the matter much more doubtful than you , that's the leaft of his 
 AlTertion , or rather to be plainly falfe ; Fatendum eji nefiire quidem mortuos quid hie Aug. de ma 
 agatur. But with prefumptions you did begin your Dedication , and with prefum- f" """• '^•'*' 
 ptions you end it. In the mean time , till you can make that appear i we obferve 
 that neither Queen Mary's conftancy in the Konz^«-Catholick Faith, nor Henry the No Faith fuffi- 
 Fourth's change to the Roman-CzthoYick Faith , could fave them from a bloudy end. aSnliTodv 
 Then by what warrant do you im.pute King Charles his fufferings to his error in Re- aftempts. ° 
 ligion ? Be your own Judge. 
 
 Heu quanth de jpe decidimw I Alas ! from what hopes are we fall'n ! Pardon our The Author 
 error , that we have miftaken you fo long. You have heretofore pretended your ""'^^ '?"^" 
 felf to be a moderate perfon , and one that feriouily endeavoured the re-uniting of '^^°'"^'l'' ^P""". 
 Chriftendom by a fair Accommodation. The wid'eft wounds are clofed up in time, fT/kingYheVc" 
 and ftrange Plants by Inoculation are incorporated together and made one ■■, And is "n'o" of chri- 
 there no way to clofe up the wounds of the Church , and to unite the difagreeing "^1"^°™- 
 members of the fame myftical body ? Why were Caleb and Jofhua onely admitted 
 into the Land of promife , whilll the carcafes of the rert periihed in the Wilder- 
 iiefs , but onely becaufe they had been Peace-makers in a time of Schifm > well 
 fare our Learned and Ingenuous Country-man St. Clara , who is altogether as per- 
 Ipicacious as your felf, but much more charitable. You tell us to our grief that 
 there is no accommodation to he exfeUed i that Cardinal Richelieu vhm too good aChri- 
 ftian , and too good a Catholick^^ to have any fuch thought ■-, that the one Religion is true P- sp4' 
 the other falfe , and that there it no fociety between light and darkjieji. This is plain 
 dealing, to tell us what we muft truft to. No Peace is to be expedted from you , 
 unlefs we will come unto you upon our knees, with the words of the frodiga] 
 Cfci/i in our mouths. Father forgive lU ^ voe have f:nned againfi Heaven, and againfi 
 thee. Is not this rare Courtefie ? If we will fubmit to your will in all things, you 
 will have no longer difference with us. So we might come to fhake a worfe Church 
 by the hand , than that which we were feparated from. 
 
 If you could be contented to wave your laft Four hundred years determinati- tl ^ ^^ 
 ons , or if you liked them for your felves , yet not to obtrude them upon other general A^ 
 Churches ■■, If you could red fatisfied with your old Patriarchal forcer , and your commodation. 
 Principium ttnitatis , or Primacy of Order , much good might be expefted from free 
 Councils, and Conferences, from moderate perfons i And wc might yet live in hope 
 to fee an Union, if not in all Opinions, yet in Charity , and all neceflary points of 
 faving Truth , between all Chriftians i to fee the Eajiem and Wejiern Churches joyn 
 hand in hand , and fing , Ecce quamhonum & quam jucundum eji hahitare fratres in 
 unum ; Behold horp good and pleafant a thing it is for Brethren to dtvell together in uni- 
 ty. But whilit you impofe upon us daily new Articles of Faith , and urge rigidly, 
 what you have unadvifedly determined \ we dare not facrifice Truth to Peace , nor 
 be feparated from the Gofpel , to be joyned to the Koman-Chuxch. Yet in the 
 point of our feparation , and in all things which concern either Dodrine or Difci- 
 pline , we profefs all due obedience and fubmiflion to the Judgment and Definiti- 
 ons of the truly Catholick Church s Lamenting with all our hearts the preftnt con- 
 dition of Chriftendom, which renders an Oecumenical Council, if not impolfible 
 ( mens judgements may be had , where their perfons cannot ) yet very difficult ,. 
 wifhing one , as general as might be , and ( until God fend fuch an Opportunity) 
 
 endea-
 
 48 
 
 The bjffjop of VerTy'sjhfiperto 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 pnHeivouring to conform our felves in all things, both mLredendts, & Agendis 
 whatfoc^fr is unitorm in the belief or pradice , in the Dodtrme or D.rcipline,of 
 \lc univcrfil Church ; And Laftly , holding an Adual Communion with all the 
 divided parts of the Chriftian world, in moft things, &mvm, according to 
 ourdefires, in all things. 
 
 FINIS.
 
 
 DISCOURSE 11. 
 
 A J UST 
 
 VINDICATION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Church of England 
 
 FROM 
 
 The VtJJHjl Afferfion of Criminal 
 
 SCHISM. 
 
 Wherein 
 The Nature of Criminal SCHISM, the divers forts oiSchifmatick* 
 
 the Liberties and Priviledges of National Churches, the Rights of Sovereign Ma* 
 giftrates , the Tyranny , Extortion , and Schifm of the Koman Court, with the 
 Grievances , Complaints, and Oppolition of all Princes and States of the Koman 
 Communion of Old, and at this very Day, are manifefled to the View of the 
 World. , 
 
 By the Right Reverend Father in God, John Bramhall 
 Dr. in Divinity , and Lord Bifliop of Deny, 
 
 Tacian. in Epijh ad Semp-o». My Name is Chriftian , my Sirname is Catholick. By 
 the one I am known from Jnjideh , by the other from Heretick^ soidScbif 
 matick{. 
 
 D V BL iNh 
 
 Printed in the Year, M- DC. LXX. IV.
 
 • r
 
 pwm% 
 
 
 ^|i 
 
 THE 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 Of the Parriculai 
 
 CHAPTERS. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 HE Scope aftdfumtfie of this Treatife. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 T 
 
 Page S3* 
 
 ihejlatifig of the ^efiion rvhat is Schifta , who are Scbifmafjc^s , a»J 
 Tphat isfignifedbj the Church of England in this ^efijott, p. 55, 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 ihat thefeparatiott from the Court of Rome was not madi bj Trotefiants 
 but ^ovaan-Catholifl^j thcttffehes. p^ 52! 
 
 C H A P. I V. 
 
 That ihi King and Kingdom ^/England , in their feparation from Rome, 
 did mah^ no mrs> tavi> j hut vindicate the ancient Law of the Land, 
 
 P. 69. 
 
 C H A P. V, 
 
 ihat the Britannick Churches votre ever exempted from all Forreignjurif- 
 di£iiottjor the frji Six hundred years , and Jo ought to continue. 
 
 P.79. 
 C H A P. V I. 
 
 ihat the King and Church of England had both fuftcient Authority^ and 
 fufficient Grounds, to vpithdraw their obedience J rom Rome. P.85. 
 
 CHAP. V I r. 
 
 That all Kingdoms and Republic^ ff the Komaa Communion , Germany , 
 
 France,
 
 «?2 
 
 The Contents of the C h a? t t R s. 
 
 France , Spain , Portugal , Sicily , Brabant , Venice , do the fame 
 thing in effeS , vhen they havt ecgafion i or at Uaji do plead for it, 
 
 P. 101. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 7hat the Fope and Court of Rome are many ways guilty of Schfm , and 
 the true canfe of the t>iJfentions of chrifiendom. P. I22, 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 An Apfwer to the ObjeSions of the RomaDifts. P. 127. 
 
 CHAP. X, 
 ihe Conchfton of the Trtatifi. P. 136.
 
 . $3 
 
 DISCOURSE II. 
 
 - - ■ -■■-■■■■ 
 
 A JUST 
 
 VINDICATION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Church of England. 
 
 c H ^ p. i. 
 
 The Scope and Sumwe of this Treatife, 
 
 Othing hath been hitherto , or can hereafter be objeded to 
 the Church of England , which, to Grangers unacquainted '^"^j^'?? "?'"* 
 with the ftate of our Affairs , or to fuch of our Natives as fefted to the 
 have onely looiied upon the cafe fuperficially , hath more church of 
 colour of Truth, at firft fight, than that of Schifm : that we England than 
 have withdrawn our obedience from the Vicar of Chrift , ^^^™' 
 or, at leaft, from our lawful Patriarch, and (eparated our 
 (elves from the Communion of the Catholick Church. A 
 grievous accufation I confefi , if it were true : for we ac- 
 knowledge that there is no Salvation to be expedied ordinarily without the pale of 
 the Church. >, ./i. :'.':j;v: 
 
 But when all things are judicioufly weighed in the Billance of right feafon , But nothing 
 when it (hall appear that we never had any fuch forreign Patriarch for the firft Six ^°^^ unjuftly. 
 hundred years and upwards > And that it was a grofs Violation of the Canons of 
 the Catholick Church , to attempt after that time to obtrude any (brreign Juri(Hi- 
 ftion upon us ; That before the Bi(hops of Kome ever exercifed any Jurifdidlion in 
 Britain , they had quitted their lawful Patriarchate wherewith they were inverted by 
 the Authority of the Church, for an unlawful Monarchy pretended to belong un- 
 to them by the Inftitution of Chrift ; That whatfoever the Popes of Kome gained 
 upon us in after-Ages, without our own free con(ent , was meer tyranny and u(ur- 
 pation i That our Kings with their Synods and Parliaments had power to receive , 
 retrad, and abrogate, Whatfoever they found by experience to become burthen(bm 
 and infupportable to their Subjedts i That they did ufe in all Ages , with the con- 
 fent of the Church and Kingdom of England , to limit and reftrain the Exercife of 
 Papal power , and to provide remedies againft the daily incroachment of the K"- 
 man Court, fo as Henry the Eighth, at the Reformation of the Englijh Church, did 
 but tread in the fteps of his mdft renowned Anceftors, who flourifhed whilft Po- 
 pery was in its Zenith , and purfued but that way which they had chalked out un- 
 to him , a way warranted by the pradice of the moft Chriiiian Emperors of old, 
 
 G 3 and
 
 54 
 
 A Juft Vindication TOME 11 
 
 and frequented at this day by the greanft, or rather by all the Prirxes cf the ■^cwan 
 Ccrr.miinion fo often as they find occafion i When it {hall be made evident , that 
 the Bifliops of Home never injoyed ary quiet or fettled" pLffellion of that power 
 which was after dcfervcdly caft out of Irtgland, (o as to beget a lawful prefcripti- 
 eii ; And Lallly , that we have not at all feparated our felves from the Ccmmunion 
 of the Catholick' Church , nor of any part thereof, Jioman or other , qua tales ^ as 
 they are fuch , but onely in their Innovations , wherein they have feparated them- 
 felves firft from their Common Mother, and from the fellowfhip of their ovi^n Si- 
 fters j I fay when all this ihall be cleared , and the Schifm is brought home and 
 laid at the right door ■■> then we may fafcly conclude, that by how much we fhould 
 turn more Homan than we are ( whilft things continue in the fame condition ) by 
 fo much we fhouJd render our feWes lefs Catholick , and plunge our ftlves deeper 
 into Schifm , whilft we feek to avoid it. 
 
 For the clearer and fuller difcuflion and demonftration whereof, I {hall ob- 
 fcrve this method in the Enfuing Difcourfe. . 
 Themetliod Firft , toliate the queffion, and {hew what is Schifm in the Abflrad? who are 
 *h^'*Df'* ' rfc Schifmaticks in the Concrete ? and what we underiland by the Church of England 
 '«w • in this Cueftion ? 
 
 Secondly, I will lay down Six Grounds or Propofitions , every one cf which 
 fingly isfufficient to wipe away the ftain and guilt of Schifm from the Church of 
 England; how much more when they are all joyned together ? My Six Grounds or 
 Propofitions are thefe : Firft , that Proteftants were not the Authors of the late 
 great Separation from Kome , but I?.cw««-Catholicks themfelves , fuch as in all other 
 points were chief Advocates and Pillars of the Kcman Church , and fo many , that 
 the names of all the known Diffenters might be written in a little ring. Secondly , 
 that in abandoning the Court of Kome , they did not make any new Law, but one- 
 ly declare and reftore the old Law of the Land to its former Vigor ■■, and vindicate 
 that Liberty left them as an inheritance by their Anceftors , from the incroachments 
 and ufurpations of the Court of Rome. Thirdly , that the ancient Brinjh and Sco- 
 ti(h , or Jrijh^ Churches were ever exempted from the Patriarchal Jurifdiftion of the 
 Rcmau Bi{hops , until Rome, thirftirg atter an uriverfal unlawful Monarchy , quit- 
 ted their lawful Ecclefiaftical power ; And fo ought to continue free and exempted 
 from all forreign Jurifdidion of any pretended Patriarch for evermore , according 
 tothefaijiousCauon ofthe General Council of Lphfitf , which Crz-grry the Great 
 levererced as ore ofthe Four Gofpels. Fourthly , that though the Authors of that 
 Separation had not themfelves been Tman-C^xhoYicks; and though the Ads or Sta- 
 tutes made for that end had not been meerly declarative , but alfo operative i and 
 although Britain had not been from the beginning, both dejtire , and de faCo , ex- 
 empted from Romtin Jurifdidion , yet the King ard Church of Englafid had both 
 fu{ficient Authority , and fufEcient grounds , to withdraw their obedieoce as they 
 did. Fifthly , that all the Sovereign Princes and Republicks in Europe of the Ko- 
 tnan Communion , whenfoever they have occafion to reduce the Pope to reafon, do 
 either pradife or plead for the fame right, or both. Sixthly , that the Papacy it felf 
 C qua talif ) as it is now maintained by many, with univerfality of Jurifdidion, 
 or rather fole Jurifdidion , Jure divino , with fnpexiority above General Councils, 
 with infallibility of judgment , and temporal power over Princes , is become by its 
 rigid cenfures , and new Creeds, ard exorbitant Decrees, in a great partadually, 
 and altogether caufally , guilty both of this and all the great Schifms in Chriften- 
 dom. 
 
 Laflly, 1 will give a fatisfaftcry anfwer to thofe objcdions, which thofe of 
 the Komm Communion do bring agaiiift us to prove us Schifmaticks. 
 
 CHAP. IL
 
 Discourse II. of ths Church of England 
 
 55 
 
 CHAP II. 
 
 7he fiating of the Quejiion , what is Schifm ? who are Schi- 
 fmatichj ? and what is fignified by the Church of England in 
 this Quejiion ? 
 
 Every fudden paflionate heat , or mifunderftanding , or fhaking of charity 
 amongit Chriftians , though it were even between the principal Paftors of the 
 Church , is not prefently Schifm ■■, As that between St. Paul and Barnabof in 
 the Ads of the Apoftles, who dare fay that either of them were Schifinaticks > or 
 that between St. Hierom and Rufitiut , who charged one another mutually with Ht* 
 refie : Or that between St. Chryjbjiome and Epiphanius , who refufed to joyn in Pray- 
 ers V St. Chryfojhme wi(hing that Epiphanius might never return home alive i And 
 Epiphanm wittnagthzt St. Chryfojiomemi§,ht not dye z Bi{hop: both which things 
 by the juft difpofition of Almighty God , fell out according to the paflionate and 
 uncharitable delires of thefe holy perfons , who had Chriftian Charity ftill radicated 
 in their hearts, though the violent torrent of fudden paffion did for the tim^ bear 
 down all other refpefts before it. Thefe were butperfonal heats, which refle(3:ed 
 not upon the publick Body of the Church , to which they were all ever ready to 
 fubmit, and in which none of them did ever attempt to make a party , by gather- 
 ing Difciples to himfelf. Such a paffionate heat is aptly ftiled by the Holy Ghoft , 
 n^t'"f^og^ zparoxyfme ^ or a (harp fit of a feaverifh diftemper, which a little time , 
 without any other application, will infallibly remedy. 
 
 Secondly , every premeditated claflung of Bifliops or Churches about points of 
 Doftrine or Difcipline long and refolutely maintained , is not prefently criminous 
 Schifm V fb long as they forbear tocenfure and condemn one another, and to ex- 
 pel one another from their Communion, and are ready to fubmit to the Determina- 
 tions of a General Council. Such were the contentions of the Koman and African 
 Bifhops about Rebaptiiation and Appeals. It were hard to fay , that thofe Two 
 blelTed Saints , Cyprian ind At^ine ^ and all thofe pious Prelates who joyned with 
 Aem , lived and dyed Schifmaticks. With this general truth agrees that of Dodlor 
 JJoldm fully , that rehen there is a mutual divifwn of two parts or members of the myfti- 
 cal body of the Church , one from the other , yet both retain Communion with the Vniver- 
 fal Church , which for the mojlpart flings from fame doubtful opinion , or lefs neceffary 
 fart of Divine Worfhip i ^tarmunque partem amplexus fuerU^ Schifmaticm mn audier , 
 tjuippe quod Vniverfa Ecclefia neutram damnarit i whatfoever part one takff, he is no Schif- 
 maticl^,^ becaufe the Vniverfal Church hath condemned neither part. Whether he hold 
 himfelf to this principle, or defcrt it , it is not my purpofe here to difcufs. 
 
 But this is much founder Dodrrine than that of Mr. Knott , that the parts of the 
 CliUTch cannot he divided one from another , except they be divided from the whole , be- 
 caufe thefe things which are united to one third , are united alfo between themfelves. 
 Which error he would feem to have fucked from Dodtor Totter , whom he either 
 would not , or at leaft did not, underftandv That whofoever profeffeih himfelf to for- 
 faki the Communion of any one member of the Body ofChrift , muft confefi himfelf confc 
 quently to forfak^ the whole. Of which he makes this ufe , That Proteflants forfake 
 the Communion of the Church of Rome : And yet do confefs it to be a member of 
 the Body of Chrift ■■> therefore they forfake the Communion of the whole Church. 
 The Anfwer is eaGe , that whofoever doth feparate himfelf from any part of the 
 Catholick Church , as it is a part of the Catholick Church, doth feparate himfelf 
 from every part of the Catholick Church , and confequently &om the Univerfal 
 Church, which hath no exiflence,but in its parts. 
 
 But if one part of the Univerfal Church do feparate it felf from another part , not 
 Abfolutely, or in Eflentials, but Refpedively, in Abufes and Innovations , not as it 
 is a part of the Univerfal Church , but onely fb far as it is corrupted and degene- 
 rated i it doth ftill retain a Communion , not onely with the Catholick Church , 
 
 and 
 
 Every paffio- 
 nate heat not 
 Schifai 
 
 Ecclefianical 
 quarrels of 
 long continu- 
 ance Dot al- 
 ways Schifm. 
 
 Nen, HoMin 
 Append, it 
 Schifm- An,f, 
 
 nt' 484- 
 
 Infidelity uB- 
 mssked, Seft. 
 175.pag.s9iJ 
 
 Hempag.Si^'
 
 -^^ "^ A Juji Vindication TOME 11. 
 
 and with all Orthodox Members of the Catholick Church , but even with that cor- 
 rupted Church from whicli it is feparated, except onely in corruptions. We may 
 well inlarge the former ground , that if Two particular Churches {hall feparate 
 themfclves one from another ■, And the one retain a communion with the Univerfal 
 Church, and be ready to fubmit to the Determination thereof i and the other re- 
 nounce the Communion of the Univerfal Church, and contumacioufly delpife the 
 Jurifdidlion and the Decrees thereof^ the former continues Catholick , and the later 
 becomes Schifmatical. To {hew that this is our prefent condition with the Church 
 of Kmw, is in part the Scope of this Treati{e. They have fubjedled Oecumenical 
 Councils , which are the Sovereign Tribunals of the Church , to the Jurifdidion of 
 the Papal Court. And we are mo{l: ready in all our Differences to ftand to the 
 judgment of the truly Catholick Church, and its lawful Reprefentative , a free Ge- 
 neral Council. 
 
 But we are not willing to have their virtual Church , that is , the Court of Rome, 
 obtruded upon us for the Catholick Church , nor a partial Synod of Italians for a 
 free General Council. 
 
 Thirdly , there may be an aftual and criminous feparation of Churches which 
 ters'may bT formerly did joyn in one and the fame Communions and yet the Separaters be in- 
 free from nocent , and the perfons from whom the feparation is made be nocent and guilty of 
 Schifm,and Schifm, becaufe they gave ]uti caufe of {eparation from them. It is not the fepara- 
 tiie ether par- ^j^^ ^ ^^^ ^1^^ ^^^^-^ ^ ^^^^^ makes the Schifm. St. Taitl himfelf made fuch a fepa- 
 Aft. 19. 9- ration among his Difciples; And limothy is expreily commanded, that if arty man 
 I Tim, 6. $. did teach othervPtfe , and confented not to whokfom words , even to the reords of our Lord 
 Jefuf Chriji , and to the Vodrine which is according to Codlineji , «»'c«ff» airi t«f to»to» ,' 
 JVithdraro thy felf, (land aloof, or feparate thy felf , from fuch perfons. It is true , 
 that they who firil defert and forfakc the Communion of their Chri{lian Brethren , 
 are Schifmaticks , but there is a moral defection as well as local : It is no Schifm to 
 • - . forfake them , who have fir{l themfelves forfaken the common Faith ; wherein we 
 
 j^cj_^^^^jjjjj. have the confeilion of our Adverfaries, "fhey who firft feparated themfelves from the 
 eil.Ch. 7.Seft. primitive pure Church, and brought in corruptions in Faith , Traitice , Liturgy , and uje 
 ua. pjg.jj4. of Sacraments , may truly be fiid to have been Hereticlq , ly departing from the pure 
 faith '■> and Schifmaticks , by dividing themfelves from the external Communion of the 
 true uncorrupted Church. It is no Schi{m to feparate from Hereticks and Schifma- 
 ticks in their Herefie and Schifm. This is all the crime which they can objed: to us. 
 The Court of Home would have obtruded upon us new articles of^ Faith , we have 
 rejeded them i They introduced unlawful rites into the Liturgies of the Church , 
 andufeofthe Sacraments, we have reformed them for our (elves i They went 
 about to violate the Jufi; Liberties and Priviledges of our Church , we have vindica- 
 ted them. And for (b doing, they have by their Cenfures and Bulls (eparatedus, 
 and chafed us from their Communion. Where lies the Schifm ? 
 To withdraw Fourthly, to withdraw obedience from a particular Church, or from a lawful 
 obedience IS Superior , is not alwayes criminous Schifm. Particular Churches may fometimes 
 crinunoi^^* err , and fometimes clafli with the Univerfal Church. Patriarchs and other -fobor- 
 Schifm. dinate Superiors may err , and fometimes abufe their Authority , fometii;ties forfeit 
 
 their Authority , fometimes difclaim their Authority , or ufurp more Authority than 
 ldempag.481. is due unto them by the Canons. They would perfwade us , that obedience is to be 
 yielded to a Church determining errors in points not fundamental. But they confound 
 obedience of acquiefcence with obedience of conformity'. They forget willingly 
 that we acknowledge not that they ever had any lawful Authority over us-, par in 
 parem not habet poteftatem. Equals have no Jurifdidion over their equals. The one- 
 ly difficulty is , that this feems to make Inferiors Judges of their Superiors, the 
 flock of their Pa{tor , the Clergy of their Bifhop , the Eifhop of his Metropoli- 
 tan , the Metropolitan of his Patriarch i whereas in truth it onely gives them a 
 Judgment of difcretion , and makes themnot to be Judges of their Superiors , but 
 onely to be their own Judges, yi/w moder amine inculpate tuteU , to preferve them- 
 felves from Sin or Herefie obtruded upon them under the fpecious pretences of Obe- 
 dience and Charity, This is not ^f/iwre , hat profiicere i not to renounce due obe- 
 dience to their lawful Superiors, but to provide for their own fafety. 
 
 Some
 
 Discourse 1 1. Of the Church of England. 
 
 ^7 
 
 Some things are fo evident, that the Judgment cf the Church or a Superior is 
 not needful. Some things have been already judged and defined by the Church and 
 need no new determination. ' 
 
 If a Superior prefumc to determine contrary to the determination of the Church 
 it is not Rebellion, but Loyalty ,to difobey him. ' 
 
 When Emomius the Arrian was made Biihop , not one of his Flock, rich or poor Tteod i 4 
 young or old, man or woman, would communicate with him in the publick Ser- '4- ' ' 
 vice of God , but left him to Officiate alone. When Nejioriuf did firft publifli his 
 Herefie in the Church in thefe words, If any man caU the Virgin Mary the Mother of 
 God , let him he accurfed ■■, the people made a noife , ran out of the Church and *v"''' '^' ^' 
 refufed ever after to communicate with him. Valentinian the Emperor (hunned the ^^''''fl""""- 
 communion of Sixm the Third. Many of the Koman Clergy withdrew themfelves ^"w- 2* ^' t. 
 from the communion of Analiafius their Bifhop , becaufe he had communicated ^""'' 
 with the Jcaclans. Knjiim znd Sebajiianuf ^ Two of the Pope's chiefeft Deacons Fti't^/'A 
 did not onely themfelves forbear the tommunion of Vtgilius , but drew with them a Lihd.^ad" 
 good part of the Church of 'Kome^ and other Occidental Churches. Maurit apud 
 
 It cannot be denied , but that among many examples of this kind , fome are re- ^'"^' "' ^'o""* 
 prehenfible , not becaufe they did arrogate to themfelves a Liberty which they *^°* "" 
 had not, but becaufe they abufed that Liberty which they had, either bv 
 iniltaking the matter of fi& , or by prefuming too much upon their own judge- 
 ments. 
 
 To prevent which inconveniencies , the Eighth Synod decreed , not by way of 
 cenfure , but of caution , as a prefervative from (iich abufes for the future , that no 
 Cler\^ before diligent examination and Synodical fentence , fiould feparate himfelf from the *• Sjn. c. to. 
 communion of his proper Bijhap , m Bijhop of his Metropolitan , no Metropolitan of his 
 Patriarch. 
 
 Then what is Schifm ? Schifin fignifies a criminous fciflure , rent , or divificn in 
 the Church , an Ecclefiaftical Sedition , like to a mutiny in an Army, or a fadtion c^hy" ''"^'^ 
 in a State. Therefore fuch ruptures are called by the ApolUe indifferently x'M^-m i Cor?i. lo 
 or fix'^^oit" SchifmSjOr feditious fegregations of an aggregate body into Two oppo- » Cor', g. 3.' 
 lite parties. And there feems to me to be the fame difference between Herefie pro- 
 perly fo called , and Schifm , which is between an inward ficknefs , and an out- 
 ward wound or ulcer. Herefie floweth from the corruption of Faith within i 
 Schifm is an exteriour breach , or a folution of continuity in the body Ecclefiaftick. 
 Confider then by what Nerves and Ligaments the Body of the Church is united 
 and knit together , and by fo many manner of ruptures it may be Schifmatically rent 
 or divided afunder. 
 
 The Communion of the Chriftian Catholick Church is partly Internal, partly Ex- wh ' r 
 ternal. The Internal Communion confifts principally in thefe things : To believe tcrnalCom-* 
 the fame intire fubftance of faving necelTary Truth revealed by the Apoftles , and to niunion doth 
 be ready implicitely in the preparation of the mind to embrace all other fupernatu- *^°°'''** 
 ral verities when they fhall be fufficiently propofed to them •, To judge charitably 
 one of another i To exclude none from the Catholick Communion and hope of 
 Salvation , either Eaflern , or Weftern , or Southern , or Northern Chriftians 
 which profefs the Ancient Faith of the Apoftles and Primitive Fathers , eftabliflied in 
 the firft General Councils, and comprehended in the Apojhlick^ Nicene and Atha- 
 ftafian Creeds ■■, To rejoyce at their well-doing , To forrow for their fins , To con- 
 dole with them in their fufFerings , To pray for their conftant perfeverance in the 
 true Chriftian Faith , For their redudion from all their refpedive errors, and their 
 re-union to the Church in cafe they be divided from it , that we may be all one 
 flieep-fold under that One Great Shepherd and Bifhop of our Souls ; And Laftly 
 to hold an adual External Communion with them in Votif , in our defires ' and to 
 endeavour it by all thofe means which are in our power. This Internal Communi- 
 on is of abfolute necelfity among all Catholicks. 
 
 External Communion confifts rirft in the fame Creeds , or Symbols, or Confe/li- t«-Dal^commuI 
 ons of Faith, which are the ancient badges or cogniiances of Chriftianity. Se- niondothcMl 
 condly, in the participation of the fame Sacraments. Thirdly , in the fame ex- f!"^- 
 ternal Worfhip and frequent ufe of the fame Divine Offices . or Liturgies . or Forms 
 
 of
 
 "^S 
 
 A Jnji Vindication 
 
 TOME 1 
 
 that is, a 
 the Head of the Uni- 
 
 of fervin^' God. fourthly , in the ute ot the fume pubhck Kites and CercmonKs. 
 Fifthly in giving communicatory Letters from one Church , or one, perfon to ano- 
 ther And Laftly, in admilHon of the fame Difcipline, and fubjedtion to the fame 
 Supream Ecclefiaftical Authority , that is , Epifcopacy , or a General Council : for 
 =,<: Lcle Bifhops are the Heads of particular Cliurches i fo Epifcopacy, 
 General Council , 
 verfal Church. _ . 
 
 Internal communion is due alwayesfrom all ChriftiJns to all Chnftians, even to 
 thofe with whom we cannot communicate externally in many things , whether cre- 
 ExterpalCom* ^^^^ ^ ^^ agenda , Opinions, or Pradices. But external adual communion may 
 miinton maT ^^^^^^j'^^gg ^^ fufpended more or lefs by the juft cenfures of the Church , cUve no>t 
 errante. As in the primitive times (bme were excluded a coetn farticipantium , onely 
 from the u(c of the Sacraments v others moreover, a rxtjt procumbemium ^ both 
 from Sacraments and Prayers v others alfo , a cxtu audientinm , from Sacraments , 
 Prayers, and Sermons i and LalUy, (bme, a ccetH fidelium, from the (bciety of 
 Chriltians. And as external Communion may be fufpended , fo likewife it may 
 Ibmetimes be waved or withdrawn by particular Churches or perfons from their 
 neighbour-Churches or Chriftians in their innovations and errors. Efpccially when 
 they go about to obtrude new fancies upon others for fundamental Truths and old 
 Articles of Faith. Chriftian Charity is not blind, fo as not to diftinguifli the integral 
 and dfential parts of the Body from fuperfluous wens and excrefcences. The Ca- 
 nons do not oblige Chriftlans to the arbitrary Didates of a Patriarch , or to fuck in 
 There is not all his errors , like thofe fervile flatterers of Vionyftus the 5?ci/i«« Tyrant , who lick- 
 the like nccef- ^j yp h|g ye^y fpettle , and protelkd it was more fweet than Nedar. 
 
 munion may 
 be fufpendcil 
 
 Ami with- 
 drawn. 
 
 fity of commu 
 nicacjng in all 
 Cxccrnalf. 
 
 Chriftian 
 Commuoion 
 implies not It 
 nity inallOpi. 
 niont. 
 
 Neither is there the like degree of obligation to an exadl Communion in all Ex- 
 ternals. There is not fo great conformity to be expedted in Ceremonies , as in the 
 EffentialS of Sacraments, ( the Queens Daughter was arrayed in a garment wrought 
 about with divers colours ) nor in all Sacraments improperly and largely fo called 
 by fome perfons at fome times , as in Baptifm and the Holy Eucharift , which by 
 the confent of all parties are more general , more neceffary , more principal Sacra- 
 ments. Neither is fo exadt an harmony and agreement ncceflary in all the explica- 
 tions of Articles of Faith , as in the Articles themfelves v nor in Superftrudions, 
 as in Fundamentals i nor in Scholaflical Opinions , as in Catechetical grounds. Nor 
 fo rtrid and perpetual an adherence required to a Particular Church , as to the llni- 
 verfal Church ■-, nor to an Ecclefialtical Conftitution , as to a Divine Ordinance, or 
 Apoftolical Tradition. Humane priviledges may be loft by difufe , or by abufe. 
 And that which was advifedly eftabliflied by Humane Authority , may by the fame 
 Authority upon fufficient grounds and mature deliberation be more adviledly abro- 
 gated. As the limits and diftindions of Provinces and Patriarchates were at firft 
 introduced to comply with the civil Government, according to the diftribution of 
 the Provinces of the Roman Empire , for the prelervation of Peace and Unity , and 
 for the eale and benefit of Chriftians , fo they have been often , and may now be, 
 changed by Sovereign and Synodical Authority , according to the change of the 
 Empire , for the peace and benefit of Chriftendom. 
 
 Neither the Rules of prudence , nor the Laws of Piety , do oblige particular 
 , Churches or Chriltians to communicate in all opinions and pradices with thole 
 particular Churches or Chriftians with whom they hold Catholick Communion. 
 The Komaii and African Churches held good communion one with another, whileft 
 they differed both in judgment and pradice about rebaptization. Cannot one 
 hold communion with the Fathers that were Chiliafts , except he turn Mille- 
 nary ? 
 
 The Britifli Churches were never judged Schifmatical , becaule they differed from 
 the reft of the Weft about the obfervation of Eafter. We fee that all the famous 
 and principal Churches of the Chriftian World , Grecian^ "Roman ^ Troujiant ^ Ar- 
 menian ^ Abijjene ^ have their peculiar differences one with another, and each of 
 them among themfelves. And though I am far from believing , that when Logo- 
 machies are taken away , their real dilTentions are half fo numerous , or their errors 
 half fo foul, as they are painted out by their Adverfaries i ( emulation was never 
 
 equal
 
 Discourse II. Of the Chmch of EnsJ^nd^ ^o 
 
 equal Judge , ) And though I hope Chrift will fay, Come ye hlejfed, to many, 
 whom fiery Zealots are ready to turn away with Go ye curfed^ yet to hold communi^ 
 on with them all in all things , is neither lawful, nor poiiible. 
 
 Yea, if any particular Patriarch , PreUte, Church, or Churches, how eminent 
 foever , {hall endeavour to obtrude their own fingularities upon others for Catho- 
 lick verities , or (hall enjoyn finful Duties to their Subjetfts, or (Tiall violate the un- 
 doubted priviledges of their Inferiors, contrary to the Canons of the Fathers--, It is 
 very lawful for their own Subjecits to difobey them , and for ftrangers to (eparatc 
 from them. And if either the one or the other have been drawn to partake of their 
 errors , upon pretence of Obedience, or of Catholick communion , they may with- 
 out the guilt of Schifm , nay they ought, to reform themfelves, fo as it be done by 
 lawful Authority , upon good grounds , with due moderation , without excefs, 
 or the violation of Charity : And fo as the feparation from them be not total but 
 onely in their errors and innovations i nor perpetual , but onely during their di- 
 ftempers. As a man might leave his Fathers , or his Brothers Houle being infeded 
 with the Plague , with a purpofe to return thither again fofoon as it was cleaned. 
 This is no more than what Gerfon hath taught us in limdry places : Tt is latvful by 
 the Lan> of Nature to refift the tnji^ry and violence of a Pope. And, If any onejhould 
 convert his Papal Dignity to be an injiriment of tvick^dneji to the deJiruCiion of any part of ^'^' 'J!?''' V^* 
 the Church in Temp'oralitief , or Spiritualities ; And if there appears no other remedy but ^[ibde '^tfer. 
 by n^ithdrarpin^ ones felf from the obedience of fuch a ragingporver, until the Church or- a Pa'p.Conf.i^'. 
 Council pall provide otherrvife ■■, it if latvful. He adds farther, Ihat it is lawful to Petnii. Eech 
 fight hisfentences , yea to tear them in pieces , and throne them at his head. Ccitsf. lo. 
 
 BeVarmine in effeQ: faith as much i As it is lawful to refiji the Pope^ if he JJjould in- Lib.i.ieR«m. 
 vade our bodies •■, So is it lawful to refji him invading nf fouls ^ or troubling the Com- Poft.ciyP'' 
 monwealth: And much more if he pould endeavour to defiroy the Church i IJ'ay it is law- ■ .. j .iv.V;:3' 
 ful to reffr him by not doing that which he commands , and by hindering him fr:im putting '^t •" •? •*•»'•> 
 his will in execution. We ask no more. The Pope invaded our fouls by exadfino- 
 new Oaths , and obtruding new Articles of Faith. He troubled the Common^ 
 wealth with his extortions and ufurpations : He deftroyed the Church by his Provi- 
 fions , Refervations , exemptions, &c. we did not judge him , or punilh him or 
 depofehim, or Exerciftany jurifdidionover himi but onely defended ourfelves 
 byguarding his blows, and repelling his injuries. 
 
 I may not here forget St. Jgnatiw the Patriarch o£ Confiantinopk , whom Pope 
 John the Eighth excommunicated for detaining the Jurisdiction of Bulgaria from 
 the See of Rome : But he difobeyed the Popes cenfures, as did alfo his Succeflbrs, 
 and yet was reputed a Saint after his death i whom Baronius excufeth in this man- 
 ner , Neque eji ut puis oh litem hanc^ &c, Ln no man thinks that for this controverfie Ig- Bar. Turn. fo. 
 natius wof either difafeS^d to the Roman See^ or ingrateful, feeing he did but defend the an. 878. n. 420 
 Rights of his own Church , to which he WM bound by Oath under pain of eternal damna- 
 tion. If it be not onely lawful but necefiary ( in the Judgment of Baronius ) yea 
 neceffary under the pain of damnation, for every Bifhop to defend the rights of his 
 particular See , againft the incroachments and ufurpations of the Reman Bifhop , 
 and to contemn his cenfures in that cafe as invalid ; How much more is it lawful , 
 yea neceflary, for all the Bifhopsin the world to maintain the right of their whole 
 Order, and of Epifcopacy it felf, againft the opprelfions of the Court of Row? , 
 which would fwallow up, or rather hath fwal lowed up, all original Jurifdidtion 
 and the whole power of the Keys. From this Dodrine Dr. Holden doth not dilTenf, AppenJ. tti 
 Non tamen is ergo fum , &c. Tet I am not he who dare affirm , that difeafes and bad Scbijmat, 
 manners and humours may not fometimes be mingled in any Society or Body tvbatfoever i ^"'^ ^'f' ^ *' 
 yea J confejl that fuch kjnds of faults are fometimes to be plucked up by the roots , and the 
 over-luxurious branches to be f rimed away with the hook^ It is true, he would not 
 have this Reformation in Eflential Articles , ( we offered not to touch them ) nor 
 without the confent of lawful Superiors: we had the free and deliberate confent of 
 all our Superiors both Civil and Ecclefiaflical. A little after he adds, J confef! alfo, 
 thit particular and Of it were private abufes ^ which have onely infe&ed fame certain per- 
 fons or Churchy whether Epifcopal or Archiepifcopal , or National., may he tah^n 
 away by the care and diligence of that particular Coagt-egation : we attempted no more. 
 
 We
 
 6o 
 
 A Juft Vjndicatwn 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 Thf fottsof 
 Schifin. 
 
 WlMt the Ca- 
 tholick 
 Church figni- 
 fies. 
 
 Ctllat. earth. 
 Ctl.i-n.too. 
 
 Each member 
 oftheCatho- 
 Ikk Church is 
 Catholickin* 
 clufivcly. 
 
 Schifm ii 
 changeable. 
 
 And for the 
 moft part 
 complicated 
 with Heretical 
 pravity. 
 
 We fee then what meer Schifm is : a culpable rupture or breach of the Catholick 
 communion , A loofing of the band of peace, a violation of Chriftian charity, a 
 diffolving of the Unity and Continuity of the Church i And how this crime may 
 be committed inwardly, by temerarious and uncharitable judgment i when a man 
 thinks thus with himfelf , Stand from me ^ for J am holier than thou : By lack of a 
 true Chriftian Sympathy or fellow-feeling of the wants and fuiferings of our Chri- 
 ftian Brethren; By not wifliing and defiring the peace of Chriftendom, and the re- 
 union of the Catholick Church : By not contributing our prayers and endeavours 
 for the fpeedy knitting together and confolidating ot that broken bone : And out- 
 wardly, by rejcding the true badges and cognifances of Chriftians, that is, the anci- 
 ent Creeds : By feparating a mans felf without fulficient ground from other Chrifti- 
 ans in the participation of the fame Sacraments , or in the ufe of the fame Divine 
 Offices and Liturgies of the Church , and publick Worfhip and Service of Al- 
 mighty God , or of the fame common Rights and Ceremonies : By refufing to give 
 communicatory Letters to Catholick Orthodox Chriftians : By not admitting the 
 fame Difcipline , and by denying and withdrawing our obedience unlawfully from 
 lawful Superiors , whether it be the Church Univerfal , or particular , elTential or 
 reprefentative , or any fingle Superior, either of Divine or Humane inftitution: 
 By feparating of themfelves from the communion of the Catholick Church , as the 
 Novatiarts'i or by reftraining the Catholick Church unto themfelves, zs the J)o»atiJls 
 of old, and the Komanijis at this day. 
 
 what the Catholick Church fignitics , was fufficiently debated between the Ca- 
 tholick Bifhops, and the Schilmatical Vonatip at the Colloquy oi CaTthage\ Nei- 
 ther the Church of Kome in Europe, nor the Church of Cartenna in Affrkk,^ with 
 the feveral Churches of their refpedive communions , but the whole Church of 
 Chrifl fpread abroad throughout the whole World. Afrorum Chridiamrum Catholi- 
 corum hxc vox eft , &c. Ihts is the voice . of the Affrican Catholick^ChriJiiam , we are 
 jnyned in communion with the ffhole Chriftian VTorld > Ihis is the Church vehich we have 
 chojen to be maintained, &c. 
 
 Now the Catholick Church being tntum homogeneum , every particular Church, 
 and every particular perfon of this CatholicK communion doth participate of the 
 fame name inclufively , fo as to be juAly called Catholick Churches , and Catholick 
 Chriftians V But not excluiively, to the prejudice or fhutting out of other Church- 
 es or other perfbns. As the King of Spain ftiles himfelf , and is ftiled by others 
 the Catholick King, not as if he were an Univerfal Monarch , or that there were 
 no other Sovereign Princes in the World but himfelf. So the Church of Rome is 
 called a Catholick Church i and the Bilhop of Kome , a Catholick Bifhop ; And yet 
 other Churches and other Bifhops maybe as Catholick,and moreCathohck than they. 
 I like the name of Catholick well,but the additionof Rowjwis in truth a diminution. 
 
 Schifm for the moft part is changeable , and varies its Symptoms as the Chama?- 
 leon colors. As it was faid of the Schifm of the Vonatifts , that the pafion cf a dif- 
 ordered woman brought it forth , ambition nourifhed it, and covetoufieft confirmed it. And 
 therefore it is as hard a task to fhape a Coat for Schifmaticks , as for the Moon , 
 which changeth its fhape every day. The reafon is , becaufe having once defcrted 
 the Catholick communion, they find no beaten path to walk in , but are like men 
 running down a fteep hill that cannot ftay themfelves, or like fick perfons that tofs 
 and turn themfelves continually from one fide of their bed to the other, fearching 
 for that rcpofe which they do not find. Hence it comes to pafs, that Schifm is ve- 
 ry rarely found for any long fpace of time without fome mixture of Heretical pra- 
 vity , it being the ufe of Schifmaticks to broach fome new Dodrine for the better 
 juftification of their feparatioii from the Church. Heretical errors in point of Faith 
 do eafily produce a Schifm and Separation of Chriftians one from another in the life 
 of the Sacraments , and in the pyblick Service, of God j As the Artan Herefie pro- 
 duced a different Doxology in the Church v T:he Orthodox Chriftian faying , Glory 
 be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghoft: And the Heretical Arian, 
 Glory be to the Father, by the Son , in the Spirit. So of later times , the opinions of 
 the lawfulnefs of detaining the cup from the Laity , and of the necelfity of adoring 
 the Sacrament , have by confequence excluded the Proteftants from the participa- 
 
 tjoo
 
 Discourse II. of the Church of Enghnd. 
 
 6i 
 
 Fourwavfsro 
 become Here- 
 tical. 
 
 tion of the Eucharift in the Koman Church; Thus Herefic doth naturally de- 
 ftroy Unity and Uniformity : That is one Symptome of Schifin. 
 
 But it delboyes Order alfo , and the due iubordination of a flock to their lawful 
 Pallor , nothing being more common with Hereticks , than to contemn their old 
 Guides, and to choole to themfelves new Teachers of their own fadions, and fo 
 ered an altar againft an altar in the Church : That is another principal branch of 
 Schifm. So a different faith commonly produceth a different difcipline , and diffe- 
 rent forms of worlhip. 
 
 A man may render himlelf guilty of Heretical piravity Four wayes. Firft, by 
 disbelieving any fundamental Article of Faith , or necelTary part of faving Truth 
 in that fenle in which it was evermore received ahd believed by the Univerlal 
 Church. Secondly , by believing any fuperllitious errors or additions which do 
 virtually by neceffary and evident confequence fubvert the Faith, and overthrow a 
 fundamental Truth. Thirdly , by maintaining lefTer errors obftinately , after fuffi- 
 cient convidion. Bift becaufe that confequence which feems clear and neceffary to 
 one man, may feem weak and obfcure to another i And becaufe we cannot pene- 
 trate into the hearts of men , to judge whether they be obflinate, or do implicitely, 
 and in the preparation of their minds, believe the Truth i it is good to be fparing 
 and referved in cenfuring Hereticks for obfHnacy. Fourthly, by maintaining lefTtr 
 errots with frowardnefs and oppoiltion to lawful determinations. Though it be 
 not in the power of any Council, or of all the Councils in the World , to make 
 that Truth fundamental which was not fundamentals or to make that propofition 
 Heretical in it felf, which was not Heretical ever from the dayes of the Apoftles •, or 
 to increafe the necefTary Articles of the Chriftian Faith, either in number or fub- 
 (tance v yet when inferior Queftions not fundamental are once defined by a lawful 
 General Council, All Chriftians,though they cannot afTent in their judgments, are obli- 
 ged to paffive obedience,to pofTefs their fouls in patience. And they who fhalloppofe 
 the Authority, & difturb the peace of the Church,deferve to be punifhed as Hereticks. 
 To fum up all that hath been faid i Whofoever doth preferve his obedience intire 
 to the Univerfal Church , and its reprefentative a General Council , and to all his 
 Superiors in their due order , fo far as by Law he is obliged i who holds an internal 
 communion with all Chriftians , and an external communion fo far as he can with 
 a good confcience i who approves no Reformation but that which is made by law- 
 ful Authority , upon fufficient grounds , with due moderation j who derives his 
 Chril^ianity by the uninterrupted Line of Apoftolical SucceHioni who contents him- 
 ftlf with his proper place in the Ecclefiaflical Body i who disbelieves nothing con- 
 tained in Holy Scripture , and if he hold any errors unwittingly and unwillingly 
 doth implicitely renounce them by his fuller and more firm adherence to that infalli- 
 ble Rule i who believeth and pradifeth all thofe credenda and agenda, which the Uni- 
 verfal Church fpread over the face of the Eartli doth unanimoufly believe and pra- 
 ftife as necefTary to Salvation, without condemning or cenfuring others of diffe- 
 rent Judgment from himfelf in inferior Queftions , without obtruding his own opi- 
 nions upon others as Articles of Faith ■■, who is implicitely prepared to believe and 
 do all other fpeculative and practical Truths , when they fhall be revealed to him : 
 And in fum , qui fententiam diverfe opinionU vinculo non p-£ponit unitatis , that pre- 
 fers not a fubtlety or an imaginary truth before the bond of peace i He may fecurely ^"^' 
 fay , My name is Chrijlian , my firmme is Catholick. 
 
 From hence it appeareth plainly, by the rule of contraries, who are Schifma- whoareSchi- 
 ticks i whofoever doth uncharitably make ruptures in the myftical Body of Chril^ , fmaticks. 
 or fets up altar againft altar in his Church, or withdraws his obedience from the 
 Catholick Church , or its reprefentative a General Council , or from any lawful 
 Superiors , without jult grounds-, whofoever doth limit the Catholick Church unto 
 hisownSed, excluding all the reft of the Chriftian World , by new Dodtrines , 
 or erroneous cenfures , or tyrannical impofiticns i whofoever holds not internal 
 communion with all Chriftians , and external alfo , fo far as they continue in a Ca- 
 tholick conftitution i whofoever not contenting himfelf with his due place in the 
 Church, doth attempt to ufurp an higher place , to the difordcr and difturbancc 
 of the whole body, whofoever takes upon him to reform without juft Authority ^ 
 
 H an4 
 
 who are Ca- 
 tholicks. 
 
 Aug. I. 2. COM.
 
 -^^ ""^ \ A Jufi Vindication TOME I. 
 
 and Eood grounds ■■, And Laftly , whofoever doth wilfully break the Line of Apo- 
 llolic^l SucccliJon , which is the very nerves and lincws of Ecclefial^icaJ unity and 
 communion , both with the prefent Church , and with the Catholick Symbolical 
 Churcli of a'll fucccllive Ages j He is a Schifimtick ( qua talis ^ ) whether he be 
 guilty of Heretical pravity, or not. 
 
 Now having fecn who are Schifmaticks , for clearing the ftate of the Queftion , 
 
 aJinood* "" whether the Church of E;/g/^W be Schifmatical or not, it remaineth to fliew in a 
 
 the Church of v;ot6. what we underfiand by the Church of England. 
 
 £HgUnd. pij.0. ^ ^yg underftand not the Englijh Nation alone , but the Englijh Dominion , 
 
 including the B«f# , znd Scotijh^ or Jrijh Chrirtians i for Ireland was the right 
 Scotia msjor : and that which is now called Scotland , was then inhabited by Britijh 
 and Irip , under the names of Ti&s and Scots. 
 
 Secondly, though I make not the leaft doubt in the world , but that the Church 
 of EitTland before the Reformation , and the Church of England after the Reforma- 
 tion ,^are as much the fame Church i as a Garden, before it is weeded , and after it 
 is weeded , is the fame Garden i or a Vine , before it be pruned , and after it be ' 
 pruned and freed from the Luxuriant Branches , is one and the fame Vine : yet be- 
 caufe the Kotnan-CathoVicks do not objed Schifm to the Popifti Church of England, 
 but to the Reformed Church i Therefore in this Queftion , by the Church of Eng- 
 land^ we underftand that Church which was derived by lineal fucceffion from the 
 Tiritifli ^ Englijh, and S'wri/^ Bifhops , by mixt ordination, as it was legally efla- 
 blifhed in the dayes of King Edward the Sixth , and fiourifhed in the Reigns of 
 Queen Elizabeth , King James , and King Charles of bleffed memory , and now 
 groans under the heavy yoke of perfecution i whether this Church be Schifinatical 
 by reafon of its feceflion and feparation from the Churcli of Kotne , and the fuppo- 
 fed withdrawing of its obedience from the Patriarchal Jurifdidtion of the Roman 
 Bifliop ? As for other afperfions of Schifm , of leffer moment , we fhall meet with 
 them in our Anfwcrs to their Objedions. • 
 
 G H A P. III. 
 
 That the feparation from Rome rvits not made by Proteftantf , 
 but by Komzn'Catholicl{s them f elves, 
 
 Roman Catlio. /-|-% ms being the flate of the Queftion , I proceed to examine the firfi 
 ihore d fhe JL S^ound or Propofition : that the Englifh Protejiants roere not the firft Au- 
 feparation ihors of the Separation , hut principal Roman-C^t^o/iciy , ffeat Advocates in 
 
 ftom Rme. their dayes , and Fillars of the KonAn-Church. Whether the Ad or Statute of Sepa- 
 ration were operative or declarative, creating new right , or manifefling, or refto- 
 ring old right i Whether the power of the Koman-Coutt in England was jufl or ufuf- 
 ped, abfolute and immutable, or conditional and changeable i Whether the pof^ 
 feilion thereof was certain and fetled, or controverted and unquiet, ( though no 
 man throughly verfed in our Laws and Hiftories caii reafonably doubt of thefe 
 things,) This is undeniably true, that the feceflion and fubftradion of obedience 
 was not made by our Reformers , or by any of their friends or favourers , but, by 
 their capital Enemies and Perfecutors , by Zealots of the Koman Religion. 
 
 And this was not done fecretly in a corner , but openly in the fight of the Sun , 
 An.dtid MoH. difputed publickly, and determined before-hand , in both our Univerfities , which 
 Iplh'v^i.Ox'- ^^^" ^ong deliberation , and much difputation, done with all diligence , 2eal, and 
 cn.ef.iio. confcicnce, made this final refelution and profeflion: Tandem in hanc fententiam 
 itnanimiter eonvenimiu , ac Concordes fuimm , videlicet Romanum Epifcopjim majorem 
 aliqiiam JurifdiCiionem mn habere fM a Veocollatam infacra Scriptura in hoc Regno An- 
 gliiC , qtciim alium qitemvis externum Epifcopttm: "that the Roman Rifhop had no great- 
 er JarifdiSion within the Kingdom of England conferred vp»n him by God in holy Scri- 
 pure^ than any other forreign Rifliop. After this the fame was voted apd decreed in 
 
 our 

 
 Discourse II. of the Chttrch of Eng,hnd. 5-, 
 
 our National Synods : AndLaftly, after all this, received and eftablifiied in full Sac. Sjn. an. 
 Parliament, by the free confent of all the Orders of the Kingdom, with the con- '5 30. et m.' 
 currence and approbation of Four and twenty Bifhops , and Nine and twenty Ab- '^*'* 
 bats, then and there prefent. _ To pafs many other Statutes, take the very words 
 of one of the main Ads it felf: 7/.«f England jf an Empire, and that the' King as a4HeB.8.ri2 
 Head of ihe body politick^, confijling of the Spirituality and temporality^ hath plenary Romanifts'fiift 
 poTver to render final Jujiice fir all matters, &c. Firft, England is, that is ori^^i- ^^"^ ^^^ ^'"? 
 nally , not (hall be by vertue of this A&. What is it ? an Empire. If it be an Em- ^\/'i ^h 
 pire, then the Sovereigns thereof have the fame Priviledges and Prerogatives with- church! ' *^ 
 in their own Dominions , which the old Emperors had in theirs. If the King be 
 Head of the body politick^ confijHng of the Spirituality and temporality , then in £«?- 
 land the King .is the political Head of the Clergy , as well as of the Laity. So he 
 ought to be, and not he onely, but all the Soveraign Princes throughout the 
 World , by the very Law of Nature. 
 
 What becomes now of that grand exception againft Proteftants, for making their 
 King the Head or Sovereign Governor C for thefe Two are convertible terms ) of 
 the Englijh Church or Clergy > A Title firfi introduced by RowjK-Catholicks , and 
 lince waved and laid afide by Proteftants , not Co much for any malignity that was 
 in it, as for the ill founds fakev becaufe it (eemed to intrench too much upon the '^ '^ -r- 
 juft right of our Saviour, and being fubjed to be mifunderftood , gave offence to 
 many well-affeded Chriftians. And what doth this Law fay more than a creat 
 Cardinal faid not long after > One that was as near the Papacy as any that ever^iill 
 it, and was thought to merit the Papacy as well as any that had it in his dayes. I 
 mean Cardinal Poolin his Book de Conalio : Hoc munns Jmperatoribm Chrijii fidem RffpaJ 
 pofejfu Veus iffe Pater aftgnavit , ut Chrijii filH Dei Vicarias partes gerant •, God the ^^A- ^^' 
 Father hath ajjigned this O^lce to ChrijUan Emperors , that they fhonld act the fart of 
 Chriji the Son of God , ( in General Councils.) And yet more fully in his Anfwer to 
 the next Queftion , Tontifex Kormnns m caput facerdotale Vicarias Cbrijii vert capitis r jf!) 
 partes gerit, at Ce far ut caput regale , dec. Ibe Pope as a Priefily Head doth execute ^^'^^'''^'^^'' 
 the Office of Chri{i the true Head \ but we may alfo truly fay , that the Emperor doth ex- 
 ecute the Office of Chriji as a Kingly Head. And fo he concludeth : Chrirt faid of 
 himfelf, M power is given me both in heaven and earth : In utraque ergo poteftate, e^Ci 
 therefore we cannot doubt but Chriji bath his Deputies for both thefe poolers , the Pope* 
 in the Cffurch , the Emperor in the Common wealth. Thus writes the Popes own 
 Legate to his Brother Legates in the tridentine Council , when he delired to fa- 
 vour his Mafter asmuch as he could. 
 
 But I proceed to our Statute: TSfce Khig of England hath, that is , already in 
 prefent,bythe fundamental conftitution of the Monarchy, not (hall have from hence- 
 forth , plenary power , without the Licence , or help, or concurrence of any for- 
 leign Prelate or Potentate i plenary, not folitary : To render final Jujiice, that is 
 to receive the laft appeals of his own Subjeds, without fear of any review from' 
 'Rome, 01 zt Rome, jor all matter sE-QcleCidSWczl and Temporah Ecclefiaflical by his 
 Bilhops, Temporal by his Judges. There is a great difference between a Kings ad- 
 miniftring Juftice in Ecclefiaftical cau(es by himfelf, and by his Bilhops. Liften to 
 the Canon of the Milevitan Council : It hath pleafed the Synod , that what Bijhnp fie- Cone Mil. 2. 
 ver paV requeji of the Emperor the cognifance of publicly judgmrnt ( in fome cafes) he ^''"' "' 
 be deprived of his honSur. But if he petition to the Emperor for Epifcopal judgment *''"'"^''"* '°'** 
 ( that is, to make Bilhops his Deputies or Commilfioners to hear it) itfhofdd mt 
 prejudice him. They forbid a Biihop of his own accord , in thefe dayes , and in 
 fome cafes,to make his firfl: addrefs for Jultice to a fecular Magiftrate : But' they do 
 not forbid him to appear before a fecular Magiftrate being cited •, And they allow 
 him in all cafes though of pure EccleGaltical cognifance , to (eek to a Sovereign 
 Prince for an equal indifferent Hearing by Bilhops delegated and authorifed by 
 him. 
 
 The Teftimony of this Statute is fo clear and authentick in it felf, that it need 
 not be corroborated with any other Ads of the fame kind. Yet Three things are 
 urged againft it. Firft , that Henry the Eighth at this time was a favourer of the 
 Proteftants. Secondly , that he cared not for Religion , but looked onely to the fa- 
 
 H 2 tisfadioB
 
 ^4 A Juji Vindication TO M E I. 
 
 tisfailion of his own humours and lufts. Thirdly , that to withhold due obedi- 
 ence is as Schifinatical , as to withdraw it i And that the Reformed Church of 
 England may be innocent of the one, and yet guilty and necefTary to the 
 
 He D. the 8th ^^ jj^^ ^^^ Exception I reply , That Henry the Eighth was fo far both then and 
 
 tTcProtenanw long after, from being a friend or favourer of the Proteftants , that he was a moft 
 
 bitter pcrfccutor of them. After this the Pope himfelf , ( though he was not well 
 
 pleafcd to lofe fo fweet a morfel as England was } (o well approved of Henry the 
 
 Eighth's rigorous proceedings againft the Proteftants , that he prppofed him to the 
 
 Nift.Conc. Emperor as a. pattern for his imitation. Infomuch , as fome ftrangers in thofe 
 
 's'^'j^' 6 8* ^^>'" <^oming into England, have admired to fee one (uffer for denying the Pope's 
 
 ' ' ^ ' Supremacy, and another for being a Proteftant at the fame time. So though they 
 
 looked divers wayes , yet like Sampfon's Foxes , each had his firebrand at his 
 
 tail. 
 
 But to clear this point home, there needs no more but to view the Order of the 
 Statutes made concerning Religion and Eccleliaftical JurifdiiSion in the Reign of 
 that King. 
 25. H. 8. The Ad for no perfon to be cited out of his own Diocefs , except in certain ca- 
 
 24. H. 8. fes, The A(ft prohibiting all Appeals out of England to the Court of Rome. The 
 
 25. H. 8. Ad for the fubmillion of the Clergy to the King. The Adt for payment of Firll 
 2^. H. 8. fruits to the Crown. An Adt for Exoneration from all exaftions of the Court of 
 
 Rome. The Ad declaring the King to be Supream Head of the Church of Eng- 
 28. H, 8- i^^j^ An Ad againft Popi(h Bulls, Faculties, and Difpenfations : And the Ad 
 
 for utterly extinguifhing the Ufurped Authority of the Roman Bifhop were all , or 
 t!ie moll of them, cnaded before the Eight and twentieth year o? Henry the 
 Eighth. And if my Notes fail me not i (for we are chafed from our books) they 
 were all received and eftablifhed in Ireland the very fame year , the Lord Gray being 
 then Lord Deputy of Ireland. All this while there were no thoughts of any Re- 
 formation i All this while the Proteftants found little grace from King Henry i nor 
 indeed throughout his whole Reign , ordinarily. 
 As for the fuppreffion of Monafteries in his time , I fhall deal clearly , and de- 
 ^^' • *"(■«" clare what I conceive to be the judgment of moderate Englijh Proteftants concern- 
 naftcdc!? °' ing that Ad. Firft , we fear that, covetoufnefs had a great oar in the boat , and 
 that fundry of the principal Adors had a greater aim at the Goods of thftiChurch , 
 than at the Good of the Church : Or otherwife , why did they not ( as they pre- 
 tended and gave out ) preferve the fpoils of the cloifters for publick and charitable 
 Ufes , as the foundation of Hofpitals , and freebg the Commonwealth from a part 
 cf beB"^ars°° °^ its'neceffary charges > Why did they not reftore the appropriated, ( or as we call 
 " ' them truly impropriated tythes ) to the Incumbents and lawful Owners , who hadi 
 adual cure of fouls, from whom they had been unjuftly withheld ? efpecially con- 
 fiderinc that in fome Pariftes the poor Vicar's ftipend was not fufficient to maintain 
 a good Plowman. The Monks pretended that they had able members to difcharge 
 the cure of fouls, and what difference whether the Incumbent were a fingle perfon, 
 or an aggregated body > But what meer Lay-men could pretend is beyond my un- 
 derftanding. 
 
 Secondly , we examine not whether the abufes which were then brought to 
 light were true or feigned', but this we believe, that Foundations which were good 
 in their original inftitution , ought not to be deftroyed for accefTory abufes j or fc«r 
 tlie faults of particular perfons. So we fhould neither leave a Sun in Heaven, for 
 that hath been adored by Pagans i nor a fpark of fire, or any eminent creature, 
 how beneficial foever upon earth , for they have all been abufed. Therefore Lycur- 
 gas is juftly condemned , becaufe out of an hatred to drunkennefs he cut down all 
 the Vines in Sparta ■■, whereas he fhould have brought the Fountains of wates 
 nearer. 
 
 Thirdly, when the Clergy in a Kingdom are really, (and not upon the feigned 
 pretences of 'Sacrilegious perfons ) grown to that exceiiive Grandeur, that they 
 quite overbalance the Laity , and leave the Commonwealth neither fufficient men , 
 nor fufficient means, to maintain itfelfi it is lawful by prudent Laws to'reftrain 
 
 thck 
 
 I
 
 Discourse IL Of the Church of Enghnd. 5t- 
 
 their farther growth , as our Anceftors and all tlie Nations of Europe have done by 
 prohibiting new Foundations of Religious Houfes , and the alienation of Lands to 
 the Church, without fpecial Licence ; as we (hall fee hereafter. And if the excefs 
 be fo exorbitant , that it is abfolutely and evidently deftruftive to the coniUtution of 
 the Commonwealth, it is lawful ( upon fome conditions and cautions not neceflary 
 to be here inferted ) to prune the fuperfluous branches, and to reduce them to a 
 right temper and equilibrium , for the prefervation and well-being of the whole bo- 
 dy Politick. It hath been alwayes held lawful in fome cafes to alienate fome things, 
 that had formerly been given to the Church, as for the redemption of Chriftian Ca- 
 ptives, for the fulknance of poor Chrittians , who are living Temples, in the dayes 
 of Famine, and for prefervation of the Church it felf from demolition i But era- 
 dication , to pluck up good inliitutions root and branch , is not reformation, which 
 weprofeft, but deibudtjon. 
 
 To conclude this digreliion. So as Monafteries were moderated in their number, 
 and in their revenues", So as the Monks were retrained from medling between the 
 Paflorand his flock, that is the Bark and the Tree, as it was of old , Monacbm in 
 cppido , Fifcif in arido , a Monk in a great Town was thought like a little tiOa upon 
 dry land v So as the abler fort , who are not taken up with higher tludies or weigh- 
 tier imployments , were inured to beftow their fpare hours from their devotions m 
 fome prohtable labour for the publick good , that idlenefs might be ftripped of the 
 cloak of contemplative devotion. So as the vow of perpetual ccelibate were redu- 
 ced to the form of our Ettglijh Univerfities , fo long a fellow , fo long unmarried , 
 or of the Canonefles and Biggins, on the other fide the Seas, which are no longer 
 reftrained ftom wedlock than they retain their places or habits-, So as their blind 
 obedience were more enlightened , and fecured by fome certain rules and bounds ; 
 So as their mock-poverty ( for what is it elfe to profefs want, and fwim in abun- 
 dance,) were changed into a competent maintenance -, AndLaftly, So as all opini- 
 on of (atisfadtion and flipererogation were removed ■■, I do not fee why Monafteries 
 might not agree well enough with reformed devotion. 
 
 So then , Henry the Eighth at the time of his fecellion from Rome , and long af- Hcary the 8rh 
 ter , even fo long as he lived , was neither friend nor favourer of the enfuing refor- ^° friend to 
 mation , nor ordinarily of Proteftants in their perfons. As may yet more manifelt- aj'u'-n T' 
 ly appear by that cruel Statute of the Six Articles i which he made after all this , in 
 the One and Thirtieth year of his Reign, as a Trap to catch the Lives of the poor 
 Proteftants. A Law both writ in blood, and executed in blood. 
 
 But fuppofe that HfMry the Eighth had been a friend to Proteftants, what fhall MuchFers 
 we fay to all the Orders of the Kingdom ? What fliall we fay to the Synods, to the f'^°'"^ ^'f"? 
 Univerfities , to the Four and twenty Bifhops, and Nine and twenty Abbats , who i,°^in the fc- 
 confented to this Ad > were all thefe Schifmaticks ? Was Heath , Bonner, 1'oHjijll ^ paTuhahom 
 Gardiner, Stoj^ey , Thurleby, 8cc. all Schifmaticks ? If they were, then Schifma- Rome. 
 ticks were the greatefl oppofers of the Reformation , the greatefl enemies of the 
 Proteftants, and the greateft pillars and upholders of the Rowjw Religion. Thefe AH. (fy Mtn: 
 were they that granted the Supremacy to King Henry the Eighth ■, Archbilhop War- «"•' 5?4-'5^8. 
 ham told him it was his right to have it before the Pope. Thefe were they that jj„^'t. ■^^l, 
 preached up the Supremacy of the King at St. Faul's Crofs , and defended his Supre- (^ LongUndu 
 macy in Printed Books. Thele contented to the Adls of Parliament for his Supre- ?• ??'• 
 macy , and the extinguiftiing of the power of the Roman Bifhop in Enghnd. Thefe 
 were they who helped to make the Oath of Supremacy , and took it themfelves , 
 and all others of any Note throughout England , except onely Fijher Bifliop of Ro- H'tfl. aliquot 
 chejler , and Sir Ihomx Moor , who were in Prifon before it was Enadled , for op- •^■"■'- ^^'t'-an: 
 pofing the King's Marriage, and the fuccellion of his Children to the Crown , af- 'JA/"fjc.^,,, 
 ter it was Ordained in Parliament. And wife men have thought that the former jro;«r.pi;7. 
 had taken it , if he had not been retarded by the expectation of a Cardinals Hat , >. ii5« 
 which was come as fer as Calice. 
 
 Or rather what fhall we fay to the whole Body of the Kingdom , if we may be- 
 lieve the Teftimony of Stephen Gardiner Bifho.p of IFinchejier , a Learned Perfon of pj^gus ]„ ^^ 
 very near relation to King Henry , and in all other things a great Zealot of the Ro- ft-ng out the 
 w^,': Catholick party , ia his Book of true Obedience, publifhed with a Preface to it Pope. 
 
 H 3 made
 
 -^ " Ajtiji Vindication T O M E t. 
 
 made by Biftiop Ba^w- Thus he, Nb/orre>ig« 'Bifljof hath authority atnong uf ■> AU 
 it veri OltJ. forts of People are agreed with m upon thU pint with mojijiedfajl confent, that m manner 
 of perfoit bred or brought up in England, hath ought to do in Rome. A full confellion 
 oF an able Adverfary, to which I fee not what can be excepted, unleG it be faid of 
 hiin, as it was of Jeneas Sylvius, Stephanus probavit, Wintonienfis negavit, Dodor 
 Gardiner approved it, but the Bifhop of Winchefter retradted it. Admit it were fo, 
 as it was indeed, what is that to the ftedfaft unanimous confent of the whole King- 
 dom ? which appears not onely from hence, but from To>/iWs Epiftle to Cardinal 
 Oted by K'Og ^^^^^ ^^^^ Bek^njhar(>\ Commentary of the Soveraign and Ahfolute power of Kings •-, 
 Tr'ifli'ci nodo As h'kewife of the difference between Kingly and Ecclefiajiical power y And Laftly and 
 triflex emeus, piincipally, by a book fet forth by the Engli(h Convocation, called, 7iE?e Jnjlitution of 
 print. Anro. ^ Qhriftian man. And to (hew yet further, that Ireland was unanimous herein with 
 ^mA Inland. England, we find in the Three and thirtieth year of Henry the eighth,which was be- 
 fore all thoughts of Reformation, not the Irifli onely, as the Neals, Relies, 
 Councel bock Birns, Carols,&c. But alfb the E»g///& Families, as the Vefmonds, Barries, Koches, 
 of Ireland ja. Bourkj, whofe pofterities do ftill continue Zealous Romanifts, did make their fub- 
 3?,34'"' millions by Indenture to Sir Anthony Sellenger, then chief Governour of that iCing- 
 * dom, wherein they ack^towledged King Henry to be their Soveraign Lord, and confejjed 
 
 the Kings Supremacy in allcaujes, and utterly renounced the JurifdiSinn of the Tope. So 
 the Eifliop of Ifinchefter might well fay, that there was an Univerfal and llcdfaft 
 confent in the (eparation from Rome. 
 The pretend- The Second Exception weighs fo little, that it fcarce deferveth an Anfwer. Ad- 
 ed Crimes of mitting, but not granting,that any,or all,the Calumnies of that party againft Henry 
 l^e'lfh'tothe ^^^ Eig'ith were true, whereof divers by their impollibility, and by the contradidli- 
 Refonnation. on of their Authours, do carry their own condemnation written in their fore-headsv 
 And although Henry the Eighth had been our Reformer, as he was not ■, yet all this 
 would lignihc nothing as to this prcfent queftion. God doth often good Works by 
 ill Agents. Jehu'j heart was not upright towards the Lord, yet God ufed him as an In- 
 llrument to reform his Church, and to punifli the Worfhippers of Baal. We have 
 heard of late of an aggregative Treafon,not known before in the World i But ne- 
 ver untill now of an aggregative Schifin. The addition of twenty fins of another 
 nature cannot make that to be Schifm which is not Schifhn in it (elf. We are forty 
 for his fins,under a condition, that is, in cafe they were true, which for part of them 
 we have no great Reafon to believe ■■> But we are abfolutely without condition glad 
 of our ownlibertie. The truth is, God Almighty did ferve himfelf of a mod: un- 
 lawful difpenfation granted by the Pope to King Henry the Eighth, to Marry his 
 j/olinf. in Brothers Wi(e, as an occafion of this great work. I fay unlawful, becaufe it was af- 
 jfen. 8. ;.92?. ter judged unlawful by the Univcr(itiesof England, France, Italy, after mature delibe- 
 //<!* 22. H. ration, and fome of them upon Oath, and by above an hundred fbrreign Dodors of 
 principal Reputation for Learning. The coals of the Kings fufpicion were kindled 
 in Spain, France,znd Flinders, no enemies to the Pope, and blown by Cardinal U^olfey 
 for fmifler ends i But it was Cranmer that (truck the nail home. And God di(pofed 
 all things to his own glory. 
 
 To their Third Exception, That to withhold obedience is Schifmatical as well as 
 to withdraw it ; 1 anfwer firft, that they cannot accufe us as acceffaries to Schifm, 
 until thty havefirft condemned their own great Patrons, Champions and ConfefTors 
 for the principal Schifmaticks. Did Kow<2«-Catholicks themfelves find right and 
 fufficient reafon to turn the Pope out of England at the fore-door, in fair day-light, 
 as an Intruder and Ufurper ? And do they expert that Prote(tants, who never had a- 
 ny relation to him, (hould let him in again by ftealth at the back-door ? 
 
 %trpii(sejicitur, quam non admittitur,ho^es. 
 
 It is true, Queen Mary afterwards gave him houfc-room again in Englandfor a 
 fliorttime.^ But he raged fo extreamly, and made fuch bonerires of poor innocent 
 Chriftians in every corner of the Kingdom, that it is no marvail if they defired his 
 room rather than his company. 
 
 I have often wondred how any rational man could fatisfie himfelf fo as to make 
 
 tht
 
 DiscoiiR^iE II. of the Church of En^hnd. ^j 
 
 the feverity of our Lavves, or the rigour of our Princes fince the Reformatioii, a 
 motive to his revolt from our Church. Surely thelnquifition was quite out of his oar Lavis are 
 mind i but I meddle not with forreign affairs. He might have confidered, that more "ud Jgjind 
 Proteliants luffered death in the fliort Raign of Queen Mary^ Men, Women, and ^.°^'^ Catho- 
 Children, than Ro»wjK-Catholicks in all the longer Raigns of all our Princes fince "■ 
 the Reformation put together. The former by fire and faggot, a cruel lingring tor- 
 ment, ut fentiremje mori^ that they might feel themlelves to dy by degrees : The 
 other by the gibbet, with feme opprobrious circumftances, to render theit futferings 
 more exemplary to others- The former meerly and immediately for Religion, bc- 
 caule they would not be ICow^«-Catholicks, without any the leaft pretext of the 
 violation of any political Law ; The latter not meerly and immediately for Rehgi- 
 on, becaule they were Row^;«-Catholicks, for many known Kowa«-Catholicks in 
 England have lived and dyed in greater plenty, and power, and Reputation in every 
 Princes Raign, fince the Reformation, than an E«g///&-Protertant could live among the 
 JriJh-Koman-CzthoYicks, fince their Infiirredion. If a fubje<fl was taken at Mafj it 
 (elf in England^ which was very rare, it was but a pecuniary muld:. No ftranger 
 was ever quefiioned about his Religion. I may not here omit King James his affir- ^^'^' ^'^^' 
 hiation. That no man in his Raign, or in the Raign of iiis Predeceffor Queen Elizia- 
 beth^A\A fuifer death for Conlcience fake or Religion. 
 
 But they fuffered for the violation of civil Laws, as either for not acknowledging 
 the political Supremacy of the King in F.cclefialHcal caufes over Ecclefiafiical per- 
 Ibns, which is all that we afiert i which the R.wM«-Catholicks themfelves in Henry 
 theEighth^'s dayes did maintain as much, or perhaps more than we. We' want not 
 the conlent of their own Schools, or the concurrent pradlife of Kings and Parlia- 
 ments of their own Communion, As SanUa Clara doth confefs, Vjlde niulti daUorei^ 
 &c. Verymatiy Vodors do hold.jbat for the publiik^benefitof the Commonrveahh^ Princes Ii^ Artie, it i 
 have JnrijdiCiionin many caufes, otherwife being cf Ecchfiajiical cogmfance^by pojitire f'4'9-4'o. 
 Virtue Law, and by the Law of Nature. And though himfelf feem rather to adhere ' 
 to others whoafcribe unto them meerly a Civil power i yet he acknowledgeth, with 
 the fiream of Schoolmen, that by their Soveraign Office by accident, and indiredtly, 
 for the defence of the Commonwealth, and theprefervation of publick Juftice and 
 peace, they have great power over Ecclefialtical perfons in Ecclefiaftical caufes, in ma- 
 ny cafes i As they may command Bifhops to difpvfe their fpiritual affairs to the peace of the 
 Cammimrvealth^lbeymay remove the frorvard from their offices, They may defend the op- 
 p-effed Clergy from the unjuji opprejjions of EcckfiaiHcal Judges, &c. which he confef- 
 feth to bea's much as our Article fetteth forth. What the pradtife of other Kings and 
 Princes is herein, we {hall (ee more fully wheni come to handle my fifth Propofitioni 
 Or elfe for returning into this Kh)gdomfo qualified with forbidden orders as the 
 Lawes of the Land do not allow ( The State of Venice doth not, the Kingdom of 
 France hath not abhorred from the like Laws) Or LaftIy,for attempting to (educe 
 fome of the Kings Subjeds from the Religion Eflablilhed in the Land. In all thefe 
 cafes befides Religion, there is fomething of Elecftion i He that loves Danger dotb rften 
 ferifhinit. The truth is this. An hard knot mufl have an heavy Mall i Dangerous 
 and bloudy pofitions and prad:ifes produce fevere Lawes. No Kingdom is deftitute 
 of neceflary remedies for its own Confervation. If all were of my mind, as I be- 
 lieve many are, I could wifli that^ll Seditious Opinions, and over rigorous Statutes, 
 ■with the memory of them, were buried together in perpetual oblivion. I hold him 
 fcarce a good Chriftian that would not caft on one fpade full of earth towards their 
 interment. Pardon this digrellion, if it be one ■■, Cruelty is a Symptome of Schifin. Though the 
 
 Secondly, I anfwer, that, though the Ko>w^wi/h could be contented to brand their firfi feparater* 
 ownfriends for the principal Schifmaticks: yet, they (hall never be able to prove us *y"« Schifma- 
 acceflaries, or fatten the fame Crime upon us, who found thclcparation made to our jj-ee.' 
 Iiandsi who never had any thing to do with Komes who never ought them any Ser- 
 vice but the reciprocal duty of lovei who never did any adV to oblige us to them i 
 or todifoblige usfrom them. Indeed it were fomething, if they could produce 4 
 Patent from Heaven of the Popes Vicariate General under Chrift over all Chriftians i 
 ( But that we know they can never do )Orbut fo much as an old Canon of ageneral 
 Council that did fubjedt us to their ]uri(di(flion ; So as the fame were neither lawful* 
 
 ly
 
 — To ^ A Jtiji Vindication TOME I. 
 
 Iv revoked nor their power forfeited by abufe, nor quitted by therafelves. Until then 
 they ma/ withdraw their charge of Schifm. _ 
 
 Nay yet more, though they could )ultihe their pretended title , yet we adting no- 
 thiu'' bat prefcrving all things in the fame condition we found them, are not cenfu- 
 rable"as formal Schifmaticks, whileft we err invincibly, or but probably, and are im- 
 plicitely prepared in our minds, to obey all our juft Superiors , fo far as by Law we 
 are bound, whcnfoever we (hall be able to underftand their right. 
 
 There have been many Schifms in the Roman Church it ftlf. Sometimes Two 
 Popes, fometimes Three Popes at a time. One Kingdom fubmitted to one, this 
 to ano'ther, that to a Third , every one believing him to whom he fubmitted to be 
 the right Pope , and every one ready to have fubmitted to the right Pope , if they 
 had known who he was. Tell me , were all thole that fubmitted to Antipopes 
 prefcndy Schifmaticks ? That were too hard a cenfure. The Antipopes themfelves 
 were the Schifmaticks, and the Cardinals that elected them, and all thefe who fup- 
 poitcd them fcr avaritious, or ambitious, or uncharitable , ends. 
 
 We may apply to this purpofe that which St. Atijiine faid concerning Hereticks , 
 ^i f'nteiniainfuam^ qitamvis falfam atque ■perverJam^nuVd pertinaci animofnate defendit, 
 Aug.Epifl. p-£j}rtim guam non dudacia Iriefumptmif fu£ pepererit , fed a feduBU & in errorem la- 
 ' '' '" ' pfis parentibm accepit v quxrit autem cauta fulicitudine verjtatem^ corrigi paratus cum in- 
 
 venerit , nequaquam ejl inter Hxreticos depittandm. He that defends not his falfe opinion 
 with pertinacious animofity^ having not invented it himfelf^ but learned it from his er- 
 ring parents ■■, Jf he inquire carefully after the truth , and be ready to embrace it, and to 
 correti his errors rehen he finds them^ he is not to be reputed an Heretic!^ 
 
 If this be true in the cafe of Hereiie , it holds much more Ikongly in the ca(e of 
 Schifm , and efpecially that Schifm which is grounded onely upon Humane conftitu- 
 tions. He that difobeys a Lawful Superior through invincible ignorance , whom 
 he deferted not himfelf , but found him cait off by his Parents , if he be careful to 
 underftand his duty , and ready to fubmit fo far as in juftice he is bound , he is not 
 to be reputed a Schifmatick. It men might not be faved by a general and implicite 
 Repentance, they were in a woful condition v for who can tell how oft he offendeth ? 
 PuHp. I?, cieanfe thou me from my fecret faults. And if by general and implicite repentance, 
 why not by general and implicite faith > why not by general and implicite obedi- 
 ence ? So as they do their uttermoft endeavours to learn their duties, and are ready 
 to conform themfelves when they know them. God looks upon his creatures with 
 all their prejudices, and expeds no more of them than according to the talents 
 which he hath given them. If I had Books for that purpofe , I might have cited 
 many Laws and many Authours to prove , that ^he final Reparation from Kome was 
 made long before the reformation of the Church of England. But it is a Truth fo 
 evident and fo undeniable by all thefe who underlland our affairs, that I feem to my 
 felf to have done overmuch in it already. 
 Protcftants no 1 do exped that it fhould be urged by fome , that there was a double feparation 
 Authors cf the of the Church of Eng/jW from Rome : The former from the Court oiKome'-, the 
 ftpararion fecond from the Church of Kome: The former in point of Difciplinei the later in 
 Church of point of Dodrine : The former made in the dayes of Hewry the Eighth, the other 
 Kome. in the dayes of Edward the Sixth ; That if the Proteftants were not guilty cf the 
 
 former , yet certainly they were guilty of the later. 
 
 To this I give Two Anfwers : Firft , that the fecond feparation in point of Do- 
 (flrine doth not concern this Queflion, IFhether the Church of England be Schifmati- 
 cal^ but another. Whether the Church of England be Heretical , or at leaft Heterodox , 
 C for every error doth not prefently make an Ha^refie ) which cannot be determined 
 without difculling the particular differences between the Church of P-ome and the 
 Mr Knoi inf. Church of England. It is an undeniable principle to which both parties do yield 
 tiMm.f. 534. firm aflent , that they who made the firji feparation from the Primitive pure Church , and 
 brought in corruptions in Faith , Liturgy^ or ufe of the Sacraments, are the guilty par- 
 ty. Yea though the feparation were not local, but onely moral , by introducing er- 
 rors and innovations , and making no other feceliion : This is the ilTue of our con- 
 troverfie. If they have innovated firft , then we are innocent , and have done no 
 more than our duties. It is not the feparation , but the caufe, that makes a Schif^ 
 matick. Secondly
 
 Discourse IL Of the Church of Enghnd. 5^ 
 
 Secondly, I anfwer, that as iloWi^^-Catholicks (not Proteftants) were the Au- 
 thors of the Separation of 'England from the Court oi'Kome ■■, Co the Court of KDme 
 it felf C not Proteftants ) made the Separation of England from the communion of 
 the Church of Ko>w , by their unjuft and tyrannical cenfures, excommunications, 
 and interdidions, which they thundred out againft the Realm,for denying their fpi- 
 ritual Sovereignty by Divine Right , before any reformation made by Proteftants. It 
 was not Proteftants that left the communion of the Church of Rome ^ but the Court 
 of Rome that thruft all the Englifh Nation both Proteftants and Kcw^«-CathoIicks 
 together out of their doors , and chafed them away from them", when Pope Paul 
 the Third excommunicated and interdided England , in the dayes of Henry the B«//<< Pduli 
 Eighth , before ever any reformation was attempted by the Proteftants. In that con- l' "''"' ^.f "" 
 dition the Proteftants found the Church and King,dom of England in the dayesof J.7.p!i3t. 
 Edreard the Sixth. So there was no need of any new Separation from the commu- 
 nion of the Church of Kome^ the Court of Kome had done that to their hands. So 
 to conclude my Firft Propofition, Whatfoever fome not knowing, or not weighing, 
 the ftate of our Affairs , and the Ads and Records of thofe times have raftily or ig- 
 norantly pronounced to the Contrary i it is evident that the Proteftants had no hand 
 either in the Separation of the Englijh Church from the Court of Kome , or in 
 their feparation from the Church of Kome : The former being made by profeffed 
 2lo/Mj«-Catholicks, the later by the Court of Rowf it {elf j both before the Refor- 
 mation following in the dayes of Edward the Sixth , both at a time -when the poor 
 Proteftants fuffered death daily for their confcience upon the Six bloody Articles. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 That the King and Kingdom of England, in the Separation 
 from Rome , did maJ^e no mn> Lavp , but 'vindicate their 
 ancient Liberties, 
 
 TH E Second Conclufion upon examination will prove as evident as the for- 
 mer , That Henry the Eighth^ and thofe Romzn-Catholicks ^ith him, who made 
 the great Separation from the Court of Rome , did no new thing , but what 
 iheir Tredeceffors in all ages had done before them , treading in the jle^s of their Chrijiian 
 Ancelhrs. 
 
 And Firft , it cannot be deny'd, but that any Perfon Or Society that hath an Eminent per^ 
 eminent reputation of learning, or prudence , or piety, or authority, or power, (°"* f'^'^c greic 
 hath ever had , and ever will have , a great influence upon his or their neighbours, out an^^^lo "^ 
 without any legal Jurifdidtion over them, or fubjedtion due from them. diftion. ' 
 
 Secondly, it is confefled , that in the primitive times great was the dignity and The dignity of 
 authority of the Apoftolical Churches, as Kome ^ Antioch^ Ephefm ^ Hierw/j/fw, ^Jl^^P?*^"''"' 
 Alexandria, which were founded by the Apoftles themfelves i And that thofe anci- °" ** 
 ent Chriftians in all their differences did look upon the Bilhops of thofe Sees as ho- 
 nourable Arbitrators , and faithful Depofitaries of the genuine Apoftolical Traditi- 
 ons , efpecially wherein they accorded one with another. Hence is that of Tertul- z, de Pro- 
 lian , Conjlat omnem dol3rinam qu£ cum illk Ecclefik Apojlolicis , matricibus , & origina- fc- advcrf. 
 libus , conjjiirat, &c. Whatfoever doHrine agrees with thofe Apojiolical, original, mother- ^"'1' 
 Churches^ is to be refuted true. And in this fenfe and no other, St. Cyfriany 
 a great admirer and imitater both of the matter and words of lertuUian , 
 whom he honoured with the Title of his Majier , doth call the Church of ^^ Epiji. ». 
 Kome a Matrix , and a root. But if the Tradition varied , as about the oblcr- 
 vation ofEajicr, between ViCior Biftiop of Kome, and Polycrates BiOiop ofEphefm, the 
 one prefcribing from S.Peter and S.Paul, the other from S. John : the refpedive Chur- 
 ches did conform themfelves to their Superiours i or if they were free, ( as 
 
 the
 
 _„ A jHfi Vindication T O M E 1. 
 
 /^ - 
 
 the Britamique Churches were; to their own judgment i or to the example of their 
 Neiahbour Churches i or kept them to the Tradition dehvercd unto them by their 
 fi itconvcrters. As in this very controverlle about E^ffr, and fome baptifmal Rites, 
 the £r///> and Scotijh Bifhops alwayes adhered to the Ealkrn Church. A ftrong 
 prcfumption that thence they received the Faith, and were not fubordinate to the 
 Patriarchal See of Koiue. But yet all this honourable refped proceeded from a free 
 prudential compliance, without any perpetual or neceflary fubjedion. Afterwards 
 fomeChurchesloft, fome gained, the place and dignity of Apollolical Churches, ei- 
 thcrbycullom, fo£/'/?e/«^Joft itiorbythe Canonsof the Fathers,, fo Conjianumple 
 Kovel.iii' «• jjj jj. .^ or Laftly, by Imperial priviledges, fo JujUmam and Carthage obtained 
 
 It ii no mar- * Thirdly, It is not to be doubted of, but that after the year fix hundred, after that 
 
 vel thar the -poric Boniface had quitted his Patriarchal dignity, by affuming a more lofty title of 
 
 Pope winded ^j^y^jfai Eifliop, The fuccceding Popes by the connivence, leave, or confent, of our 
 
 Eneland '"by Kings, did fometimes more, fometimes lefs, upon pretence of their univcrfal Jurif- 
 
 degrees. didion, by degrees thrult in their fickle into the Eeclefiaftical affairs of Ewg/^Ki/. 
 
 Whofoever fhall ponder duly with what a depth of prudence the Koman-Couit hath 
 
 mefiiaged all occafions and occurrences to the advantage and advancement of that 
 
 See and confequentlyto thcimp^overaentof their own authority i whofoever fhall 
 
 weigh (erioufly with what art and cunning the Papacy ( as it now is ) was tacked 
 
 into the Church contrary to wind and weather, and how their beginning of Unity 
 
 was (crued up to an Omnipotence, and Univerfality of power j whofoever fhall duly 
 
 confider what advantage they made to that See, and therein to themfelves, by the 
 
 onely countenancing of P/:'oc(»f his bafe and bloudy Murther, or of Charles Martel his 
 
 more glorious and fuccefsful revolt, will not wonder to obferve,how they did watch 
 
 their times when we had Princes of weak judgments, or neceflitous, or fuperflitiouSj 
 
 or of unjuft or Litigious Titles, to wind themfelves into Britain, Nay, rather he 
 
 will admire that they did not radicate themfelves more deeply and more firmly 
 
 therein i which without doubt they had effedled, but for . their exorbitant rapines, 
 
 whileft they thought that like Foxes they might prey mofl boldly farthefl from their 
 
 own Kennel '■> An<ilia verb hortus mjier. deliciarum , pttein inexhaufius </J, ubi multa 
 
 U41- f "I'osf " abundant, multa de multisextorqueri pofimt -^ 1 hat England indeed rvat his garden of de- 
 
 £(/.L»nrf.i64o. light, a Well that could not he draxvn dry. And where many things did abound, out of 
 
 much, much might be extorted. 
 
 But firfi this intrufion was manifeftufurpation and Tyranny s This was the Gan- 
 grene of the Church, which no fubfequent poffelhon or fubmiflion could warrant, 
 no Trad of time or Prefcription fufficiently confirm, ^tod ab initio futt invalidum 
 /cjfliOfw^'orij MOM co«r<j/f/c/t, That which is not onely unjufl, but invalid in its be- 
 ginning, can never be made valid by the empty pretenfe of a following cuflom os 
 No $«on, prefcription. Neither do I find in truth that any of the petite Saxon Kings, or their 
 b"''^'k"^ Subjedts, though fome of them indebted to St. Gregory for their firft Converfion, and 
 evel madiwy all of them much weakned by their Sevenfold divifion, ( for at firfl of Seven Kings 
 obliging fubr there was but onely one who was a Chril^ian, namely the King of Kent •■, Neither 
 miflion to the ^^^j j^ ^^^ of his ProgenyC who did afterwards unite the Heptarchy into a Monarchy) 
 ^^^' much lefs that any of the fucceeding Kings of 'England, or of Great Brittain united, 
 
 did ever make any Solemn, formal or obliging acknowledgment of their fubmifiion 
 to the Bifhop of B.ome. 
 Bed.L.t:c.t6. But on the contrary, when ^«/?i>f firfi: arrived in E;^/^M^i, he flaied in the I/le of 
 fhanet, until he knew the Kings pleafure, and offered not to Preach in Kent, until he 
 had the Kings Licenfe for him and his followers to Preach throughout his Domini- 
 Bed. 1. 1, c. ap. ^^^^ g^ ^^^ P^^jy jj^^jj. jurifdidion , but even the exercife of their pafloral fundi- 
 on within that Realm, was by the Kings leave and Authority. The donation or re . 
 Agnation of King John, whereby he went about to make a free Kingdom fervile and 
 feudatary to the Pope, did concern the Crown more than the Miter, and was foon 
 hifTed out of the World to the perpetual fhame and infamy of fuch mercenary Pa- 
 florsi yet to obtain this Ludibrious ad the power of the Keyes was abufed, and 
 the Kingdom of England flood interdided by the fpace of fix years and three 
 Moncths. 
 
 The
 
 7' 
 
 Discourse IJ. Of the Church of Enojund. 
 
 The Popes in later times had. fome power in En^land^ of courtefic, not of Duty, ~ 
 
 butnevcr that Omnipotence which they gaped after. Sometimes they fent their p^fv^M? 
 Nuncio's or Legates into E?ig/W. So they did of old into other Patriarchates. Englaad was 
 Sometimes they admitted Appeals from E>7g/;z««^ to Rome. So they did of old from of courteUc. 
 Africki Sometimes they Excommunicated the E;f^///&Subje<fls. So did Pope Fic7or 
 long fince excommunicate all the Afiatick^. But neither Afu nor Jfrick^ for all that 
 did acknowledge the Popes Jurifdidioo. On the other fide ,fometimes their Legates 
 were not permitted to enter into the Realm, or after their arrival thrull out of the 
 Realm, unlefs they would give caution by Oath for their good demefnour. Some- 
 times their Bullsand Excommunications were flighted or damned, and they who 
 procured them foundly punifhed for their labours. Sometimes all Appeals to Rome 
 were prohibited under molt (evere penalties, and their decrees rejeftcd. All this 
 while our Kings and Bifliops called Councils,' the one under civil punifliments , the 
 other under Ecclefiaftical, madeEccleliaftical Laws and Conliitutions in their Synods 
 and Parliaments, yeaexprefs Conftitutions againfl the Court of Kome'k felf, with as 
 much tartnefs and vehemency as King Hewry the Eighth. And with this onely 
 difference, that they endeavoured to draw the people out of the Popes clawes at 
 liome, and he thought it more expedient to throw the Pope over the Britijh Sea 
 once for altogether. The old and lawful Patriarchal power of the Roman Bifhops 
 within their own deftrifts, had been renotmced long iDefbre by themfclves. Their, 
 new univerfal Monarchy, ereded by themfelves, was not capable of piefcriptions > 
 or if it had, yet fuch a dubiousunquietpolTelfion as the Popes did hold in England zt 
 the mercy and diTcretionof the right owners, was not fiifficient to make a legal pre- 
 fcription, or to juftifie their pretended Title, or to render them bona fidei pojjejj'oref, 
 lawful and confcionable pofleflbrs. This is that which I am now to dcmonltrate in 
 this (econd ground. 
 
 The moft famous ( I had almoft faid the onely ) appellant from Enzland to Rome .. ., . 
 that we read of before the Conqueft was THlfride Arch-Bifhop'of T<vj^, who not- ^'(fgr^at '^p. 
 withftanding that he gained fcntence upon fentence at Romem his favour i And not- pellant. 
 withftanding that the Pope did (end exprefs Nuncio's into England^ on purpofe to fee 
 his lentence executed i yet he could not obtain his reftitution or the. benefit of his 
 fentence for fix years, during the Raigns of King Egbert and AJfrede his Son. Yea 
 King -<4//re«/e told the Popes Nuncio's exprefly, 77wf /;? /wm^rf^ t/?wj as hU Parents 
 fir their grave lives and honourable ajpelis, but he could not give any anient to, their Legati- '^'' "*' 
 »«i Becaufe it TVjf againji reafon, that a perpm tivice condemned by the rohole Council of" 
 the En^\i(h,fioKld be reftored upon the topes Letter. If they had believed the Pope to 
 be their competent Judge, either as univerfal Monarch, or fo much as Patriarch of 
 Brittain^ cr any more than aii honourable Arbitrator, ( which all the Patriarchs were 
 even without the bounds of their proper Jurifdidtions*) how comes it to pais that 
 two Kings fuccelfively, and the great Councils of the Kingdom, and the other Arch- 
 Biihop Tljeodore with all the prime EcclefialHcks , and the flower of the Enghjh 
 Clergy, did fo long and fb refolutely oppofe Co many fentences and Meflages from 
 Rome, and condemn him twice, whom the Pope had abfolved ? Conilderthat JFilfride 
 was an Arch-Bifhop, not an inferiour Clerk h And if an appeal from England to Rome 
 had been proper or lawful in any cafe, it had beenfb in his cafe. But it was other- 
 wife determined by thoie who were mofl: concerned. 
 
 Mij/wfji/^ryfuppofeth, either by Infpiration, or upon his own head, that the King 
 and the Arch-Bifhop Theodore were fmitten with remorfe before their deaths, for the 
 injury done to Wilfride and the flighting of the Popes Sentence, Letter and Legates. 
 Ettt the contrary is moft apparently true •, for firft, it was not King Alfrede alone, 
 but the main body of the Clergy, that oppofed the Popes Letter, and the reftitution 
 of ?F///ri^, in that manner as it was decreed at Rwzp. 
 
 Secondly, after Alfrede and Theodore were both dead, we find the Popes fentence 
 'and Wilfrides reftitution ftill oppofed by the furviving Bifhops, in the Raign of Alfre- 
 des Son. To clear the matter paft contradidtion, letusconfider the ground of this 
 long and bitter contention i Wilfride the Arch-Bifhop was become a great pluralift, 
 and had ingrofTed into hishandstoo many Ecclefiaftical Dignities. The King and 
 the Church of England thought fit to deprive him of fome of them, and to confer 
 
 thera
 
 72 
 
 A jHJi Vindication 
 
 TOME 1 
 
 Dc Eltfl. ro- 
 te/I. c 4.Sitni- 
 ficafli, iSC. 
 Bar. at.iioz* 
 m. 8, 
 
 Malm. 1. 1, dt 
 Oefl. Pontif. 
 Anilor. 
 
 Hived' i» 
 Nen.i. 
 
 Malm, itid. 
 
 Matth. Par. 
 411.1164. 
 
 Rog. Havei. 
 in Nen>2, 
 
 Lf gatioM iS 
 rare as Ap« 
 
 peals. 
 
 Spelm- Conct 
 an* 787. 
 
 then upon others, mifride appealed from their fentence unto Kome. The Pope gave 
 fcntcncc after (cntcncc in favour of Wtlfrtde. But tor all his fentences he was not, he 
 could riotbjrcltorecl,untilhshad quitted two of his Monafieries, which were inque- 
 IHon Henpejihiil dtJUy oc Jiifo//, which of all others he loved moft dearly, and wherche 
 was afterwards interred. This was not a conque(l,but a plain waving of his fentences 
 from Kcwt' and a yielding of the queftioni for thofe had been the chief caufes of the 
 controveriic. So the King and the Church after ^//rf^fj- death ftill made good his 
 conclulion That it was againftrea(bn, that a perfon twice condemned by the whole 
 Council of the Englip , Ihould be reftored upon^he Popes Bull. And as he did not, 
 (b neither did they, give any alTent to the Popes legation. 
 
 So unfortunate were appeals to Kome in thofe dayes : And as unfrequent as un- 
 fortunate •, for from that time until Anfelmes dayes after tlie Norman Conquefl: in the 
 Raign of Henry the firft, we do hardly meet with another appeal. Then Pope 
 Tafchalis the fccond had devifed a new Oath for Arch-Bifhops, when they received 
 their Pall i An Oath much wondered at in all places, as a ftrange innovation, Signifi- 
 ciifH reaes & Regnhnajores admiratione permotos., &c. Tou fignifieduntome that Kings and 
 Nuhks were moved rvith admiration., that the Tall vpm offered unto you by our Minijiers^ 
 upon condition that yoHJhoiMtakg an Oath rvhich they brou^t you written from us, &£. 
 
 This Oath was that which animated Anfelme to conteft fb hotly with the King. 
 The main controvcrfie was about this very qucftion of Appeals to Rome. The 
 King pleaded the fundamental Laws and Cuftoms of the Land, Confuetudo Kegfu 
 mei ejl a Patremeoinflttuta^ utnuliuf pr£ter licentiam Regis appeUetur Tapa. ^ui confu- 
 etadines regni to^it,poteflatem quoque & coronam Regis violat, &c. Jt is a cuftomof -my 
 Kingdom injiitutedby myfather^thatno Tope may be appealed unto without the Kings Li- 
 cenjt: Hethat tak^th away the Cujloms of the Kingdom, doth violence to the power and 
 Crown of the King. Itistobe noted, that the Laws Eftablifhed by his Father (that 
 was William die Conquerour ) were no other than the Lawes of Edward the Confef^ 
 for, that is to fay, the old Saxon Laws. So he might juftly fay, both that it was an 
 ancient immemorial Cuftom of the Kingdom, andalfo that it was inftituted or efta- 
 blifhed by his Father. So Hoveden ttWs us, that at lajl he yielded to the requefi of his 
 Barons &c. That was by his authority to confirm the Laws of King Edward. 
 But the befl was, that though y^«/f /we the Arch-Bifhop was obliged by Oath to the 
 Pope, yet theBifhops were notfb fcon brought into the fame bondage. And there- 
 fore the former Authour tells us, that Jn his exeqmndis omnes Epifcopi Anglic Trimati 
 fuofuffragiurn neghrttnt^ln the execution of thefe things, all the Bijhops of England did 
 deny their fuffrage to their Trimate. So unanimous were they in this point. 
 
 Which unanimity of the whole Realm both Clergy and Laity doth appear yet 
 more evidently by the Statute of Clarendon, made in the Raign of the grand-child of 
 this King, when all the Prelates and Peers of the Realm did confirm the former an- 
 cient Brittifh Englifh cuftom, not onely by their confents, but by their Oaths, whereof 
 wefhall haveoccafion to fpeak more hereafter. And upon this cuflom was that Law 
 grounded, which ourHiftoriesdo make mention of^5/ quU inventus fuerit literas vel 
 mandatumferens Domini Tap£, Scc.capiatur, et de eoficut de Regis traditore & regm,fine 
 dilatione fat JHJiitia. Jf any one be found bringing in the Topes Letter or Mandate, let him 
 he apprehended, and let juflice pa^ upon him without delay as a Traitor to the King and 
 Kingdom. And generaUy every man is interdiUed, or forbidden, to appeal to the Tope, 
 An^ the Legations from Rome were almofl as rare as Appeals to Rome, during the 
 Raignsof all the Brit//; and ^S'^^xom Kings, until ihn Norman conqueft. As Gregory 
 Bifhop of Ojfi«>« the Popes own Legate did confefs. That he was the firfl Roman 
 Triefi that wasfent into thofe parts of Brittain, from the time of St. Auftin. And thofe 
 Legates were no others than ordinary Meflengers or EmbafTadors, fent from one 
 Neighbour to another. Such a thing as a Legantine Court, or a Nuncio's Court, was 
 not known in the Bm//& World in thofe Ages, and long after. It is not enough to 
 fhew that one Roman Bifhop did once fend over one or two Doctors to help to pro- 
 pagate or confirm the Faith, or to lend their helpinghandsto Religion fainting. 
 
 This may well fet forth their Devotion , and our obligation. But further as to the 
 prefent queftion it fignifies juft nothing. 
 
 Favours ceafcto be favours, when they are done onpurpofe to deprive men of their 
 
 an-.
 
 Discourse I J. Of the Church of Enghnd. 72 
 
 ancient liberties, Tiie Brhijh Bifliops, zw^EngliJh al(b, have done as much for other 
 Nations, over v^?hom they did never challenge any Jurifdiftion. The French Church 
 fent over German and Lupuf to help and root up the relids of Telagianifm in Bri- 
 tain , yet did never pretend thereby to any Authority over the Britain^ 
 
 Add to this, that during all the time from St. Gregory to the Conquefi: , it was Saxon Kings 
 ufual for the Bnfz> , Saxon, and I>^«7> Kings , with their Clergy or great Coun- "i^-^^,?^'^'^''* 
 oil, to make Ecclefuftical Laws, and to regulate the external Difcipline of the ^ ''^^ '""' 
 Church within their Dominions : Witneft the Laws of Excombert , Jva , TFithred , 
 JIfrede ^ Edtvard, Atheljian, Edmond, Edgar, Athelred, Camttm, znd. Edtvard the 
 ConfefTor , among whole Laws one makes it the Office of a King to govern the Church Cap. 15. 
 Of the Vicar «/ God. Another implyes a power in the King and his Judges, to tak^ Cap. 5. 
 cogHifance of rvrong done in Ecclefufiical Courts. It was to this holy King Edward 
 the ConfelTcr , that Pope Nicholas the Second by his Bull for him and his Succef- 
 fors , granted thefe enfuing Priviledges to the Kings of England for ever i Namely, 
 the Advocation and proteHion of a\l the Churches of England , and forver in his Head 
 to mak^ juji Ecclef apical Conftitutions , rvith the advice of their Bijhops and Ahbats. ^P^^'"'^""'^' 
 This Grant is as full or fuller , than that which Vrban the Second made to Roger 
 Earl of Sicily, from whence the Kings of Spain at this day do not onely challenge, 
 but enjoy, in a manner all Ecclefiartical power in Sicily. If the Pope had ever had 
 any fuch right as he pretends , this onely Bull were fufficient to juftifie our Kings. 
 But they enjoyed this very power from the beginning , as an eflential flower of 
 their Crowns, without any thanks to the Pope. To makg juji Ecclefiajiical Conftitu- 
 tions in the Tope's ftead, {aith the Bull. To govern the Church as the Vicar of God, faith 
 the Law of the Land. 
 
 The Bifhops of Kome have ever been very kind , in granting thofe things which ficeofthe'^Ko" 
 were none of their own , and in making deputations and delegations to them who man Bifhc^s. 
 flood in need of their help, being lawfully inverted in that power and dignity, 
 which the Popes pretended out of their goodnefs to confer upon them, but in truth, 
 did it onely for the reputation of their See , and for maintaining the Opinion of 
 their own Grandeur. Whether the Deputation were accepted or not, they did not 
 much trouble themfelves. So they dealt with Hofm , Prefident in the Council of 
 Nice--, So they dealt with the Patriarch of J Hjiiniana prima ■■, So they icrved good 
 King E«/n?jr^, and many others. _ KormanKlngi 
 
 This Legiflative power in Ecclefiaftical caufes over Ecclefiaftical perfons, the Nor- enjoyed the 
 man Kings after the Conqueft did alfo exercife trom time to time , with the advice ^^"^ power, 
 and confent of their Lords Spiritual and Temporal. Hence all thofe Statutes con- 
 cerning Benefices, Tyths, Advowfbns, Lands given in Mortmain, Prohibitions, 
 Confliltations , Trxmunires, ^are impedits , Priviledge of Clergy, Extortions of 
 Ecclefiaftical Courts or Officers , and regulating their due Fees , Wages of Priefts , 
 Mortuaries, Sanduaries, Appropriations, and in fumme, all things which did 
 belong to the external fubfilknce, regiment, and regulating of the Church, 
 and this in the Reigns of our befl: Kings, long and long before the Reforma- 
 tion. Cap • qum. de 
 
 Othobone the Popes Legate, under Vrban the Fifth, would have endowed Vi- -Apprspr.is. 
 cars upon appropriated Redlories , but could not. But our Kings by Two ^^^- ffs/c 12.^' 
 tutes or A(5ts of Parliament, did eafdy effedt it. With us the Pope could not make 
 a Spiritual Corporation, but the King. The Pope could not exempt from the Ju- 2 N. ^-c. g. 
 rifdidtion of the Ordinary, but the King , who by his Charter could convert Secu- « -W- k'^- 4* 
 lars into Regulars. The Pope could not grant the Priviledge of the Ciftercians and 
 other Orders , to be free from the payment of Tyths v but the King. The Pope 
 could not appropriate Churches , but the King : We find Eight Churches appropri' 
 ated to the Abby of Cropland by the Saxon Kings , Three Churches appropriated 
 to the Abby of Battel! by the Conquerour , and Twenty by Henry the Firfl to the 
 Church oiSarUbury. The King in his great Council could make void the Certifi- 
 cates of Ordinaries in cafes of Ecclefiaftical cognizance, and command them to ab- 
 (blve thofe perfons who were judged by his Authority to be unjuftly excommunica- g jf g^ ,j. 
 ted. The Pope could not Tranflate an Arch-Bifhoprick, or a Bifhoprick , but the cooi^ Report; 
 King. The difpofition of Ecclefiaftical preferments upon lapfe , accrued not to the Cawdrieiciie* 
 
 I Pope,
 
 "Y^ A Jufi Vindication T O M K J. 
 
 Deacon to the Bipop , from the Bipop to the Archbijhop ; and if the Arcb-bifl)op failed to do 
 ittftjce, the laft complaint muft be to the King , to give order for redrefi, that is , by fit 
 Delegates. But there might be no farther or other Appeals without the conlent of 
 the King: whereby tlie Nunciatures, and Legantine Court, and the Court of 
 Rome it {elf are all at the King's mercy. Wherein did the Pope's great ftrength lie 
 in thofe dayes? when his hands were fait tied both at home and abroad , 
 
 Another Cuftom was , that no Ecclefiajlical ferfon might depart out of the Kingdom 
 without the Kings Licence ( no not tho.ugh they were fummoned by the Bifliop of 
 Roym. ) And if the King permitted them to go , yet if he required it , they muji give 
 caution or fecurity to a& nothing hurtful or prejudicial to the King or Kingdom, in their 
 going thither , abiding there, and returning home. You fee-our Anceftors were jealous 
 of Rome in thofe dayes. "Whether it was their providence or their experience that 
 Taught them this Leilbn, certainly their prudence to prevent dangers was very com- 
 mendable. 
 
 A Third Cuftom was , that the revenues of all Ecclefiaftical Dignities belonging to 
 the King's demeifne , during the vacancy, were to be received by the King, as free- 
 ly as the rents of his own demeifnes. Tell me, who was then the Patron and Politick 
 Head of the Church ? 
 
 A Fourth Cuftom was , that when an Archbifliopric\, Bipoprivk,, Abbacy or Friory 
 did fall void , the eledion was to be made byfuch of the Principal Dignitaries or Members 
 of that rejpeaive Church which was to he filled , as the ^ing fhould call together for that 
 pirpofe , with the Kings confent , in the King's own Chappel. And there the Tcrfon ele- 
 cted was to do his homage and fealty to the King, as to his Liege Lord. The later form 
 of, Dei & Apoftolic£ fedis gratia , had taken no root in England in thofe 
 dayes. . 
 
 The reft are of the fame nature, as that Controverfies concerning Advowfons 
 ought to be determined in the King's Courts Benefices belonging to the King's Pa- 
 tronage could not be appropriated without his Grant. 
 
 When a Clergy-man was accufed of any Delinquency , the King's Court ought 
 to determine what part of his accufation was of Civil , and what part of Ecclefia- 
 ftical cognifance. And the King's Juftice might (end to the Ecclefiaftical Court to 
 fee it ordered accordingly. None of the King's Servants or Tenants that held of him 
 in capite might be excommunicated,nor their Lands interdided, before the King was 
 made acquainted. 
 
 when it was queftioned whether a Tenement were of Ecclefiaftick or Lay-fee, 
 the King's Juftice was to determine it by the Oaths of Twelve men. All Ecclefia- 
 ftical perfons who held any poffellions from the King in capite , were to do fuit and 
 fervice for the fame as other Barons did , and to joyn with the King's Barons in the 
 King's Judgments , until it came to fentence of death , or diminution of Mem- 
 bers. 
 
 To this memorial all the Nobility and Clergy of the Englijh Nation did fwear 
 nrmly , in the word of Truth , to keep all the Cuftoms therein <;ontained, and ob- 
 ferve them faithfully to the King and his Heirs for ever. Among the reft, Thomas 
 Becl^et the iVrchbiftiop oi^ Canterbury himfelf , was carried along with the crowd to 
 take his Oath i though fhortly. after he fell from it, and admitted the Pope's abfblu- 
 tion. 
 
 By the Statute of Carlile , made in the dayes of Edward the Frrft, it was decla- 
 s e Vc r- •^'^^ ' ''^^^'^ '^■'^ ^"^y Church of England was founded in the eftate of Prelacy , mthin the 
 lile. Realm of England , by the Kings and Peers thereof ■-, And that the feveral Incroach- 
 
 ments of the Biftiop of Rome fJ3eciried in that Adt, did tend to the annullation of the 
 jiate of the Church , the difmheriting of the King and the Peers , and the deftruUion of 
 the Laws and Rights of the Realm ,( contra formam collationis ) contrary to the difiofition 
 and will of the firji Founders. Obferve [ in theftate of Prelacy "] not of Papacyi [with- 
 in the Realm ~\ not without itj \_ Ry the Kings ~\ not by the Popes v of whofe exor- 
 bitant and deftrudlive ufurpations as our Anceftors were moftfenfible, fo they want- 
 ,ed neither will nor power to remedy them. 
 
 \ To corroborate this Law Tiy former prefidents , and thereby to fhew that our 
 .Kings were ever accounted the right Patrons of the Englijh Church. V^m^Edel- 
 
 walk^
 
 \ 
 
 Discourse IJ. Of the Church of Er\p]2iv]d. -,,' 
 
 ^ . / S 
 
 wa/j^made iViljride Bifhop of* the South Saxons^ now Chichelier. King Alfrede 
 
 made Afkrtie BilTiop of Sherhurn, and Oeneneid^hm Bithop of mncbefier. Edivard ptm.i-^ '^'^' 
 
 the Confeflbr made Roifrf Archbifliop , whom before from a Monk he had made 2 57- ' ^"'' 
 
 Bifhop oi London. Thus the Saxon Kings in all Age; beftovvcd Bifhopricks with- ^^•'■^•P '■$• 
 
 out any contra diftion. The Narwjw .Kings followed their example. No fooner /j'/^* 
 
 was Stigand de^d , but William the Conquerour elecled Lanfrank^ Abbat of St. Ste~ •'•/•2°4. 
 
 fhens in Caen to be Archbifhop. William Kufm upon his Death-bed eletftcd Anfdme 
 
 to be Archbifhop of C««frWj. And until the dayes of Hfrft;)/ th; Firft , the Popes 
 
 never pretended any right, nor laid any claim,to the Patronage of the Englijh Chur- • 
 
 ches. 
 
 The Articles of the Clergy do prefcribe, that eleUhns be free ^ fo at the King's r.onrte ArticuUclerL 
 ct ejlire , or Licence to ekci be jirft obtained , and afterrpords the ekHion he made <^ood by 
 the Royal ajSent and confirmation. And the Statute of Provifors, Onr Sovereign Lord 
 the King and his Heirs , Jhalf have and enyiyfir the time, the collations to the Archbip- 
 oprickj and other Dignities ekUive which be of his Advowry, fuch as his Progenitors bad 
 before free ekiiion was panted. Sith the firji ekdioiis TCfere granted by the King's 2, o- 
 genitors upon a certain form and condition, as namely, to demand Licence of the King- to 
 chufe , and after choice made, to have his Koyal afient. iVinch condition being k^pt the 
 thing ought by reafon to return to its firfi Nature. 
 
 Further, by the fame Statute of Provifors it is declaratively Enadted, That it ?> p , 
 the Right of the Crown of England , and the Law of the Realm , that upon fuch mif- ^"^ ^ ^" 
 chiefs and damages happening to the Realm , ( by the incroachments and oporeiiions 
 of the Court of Rome , mentioned in the Body of that Law ) Ihe King ought , and 
 is bound hy his Oath , with the accord of his people in Tarliamettt , to mal^ remedy and 
 Law for the removing of fuch mifrhiefs. We find at leaft Seven or Eight fuch Sta- 
 tutes made in the Reigns of feveral Kings againfl: Papal Provifions , Refervations 
 and Collations ,. and the mifchiefs that flowed from thence. 
 
 Let us liften to another Law , The Crown of England hath been fo free at all times 
 that it hath been in no earthly fubjedion , but immediately fubjeVted to God in all things 
 touching its regality , and to no other , and ought not to be fubmitted to the Tope. Ob- l^ K.2.C.5, 
 ferve thefe exprelfions, free at all times, free in all things, in no earthly fubjedli- 
 on, immediately fubje<Sed to God , not to be fubmitted to the Pope. And all this 
 in Ecclefiiftical affairs , for of that nature were all the grievances complained of in 
 that Law, as appears by the view of the Statute it fslf Then if the Kings of 
 England and the reprefentative Body of the Englip Church do reform themfelves ac- 
 cording to the Word of God , and the purert Patterns of the primitive times , they 
 owe no account to any , as of duty , but to God alone. 
 
 By the fame Statute it is Enadted , That they who jhall procure or frofecute any To- 
 fiflf Bulb and Excommunications ( in certain cafes ) jhall incur the forfeiture of their 
 Efiates, or be banijhed , or put out of the Kin£s prote£iion. By other Statutes it is 
 
 Ena.Aed , Thzt whofoeverjhould draw any of the Kings SubjeHs out of the Realm, (to 2n.F C 
 Rome) in plea about any caufe , whereof the cognifance behngeth to the King's Court, or ' '^' 
 
 Should fue in any forreign Court to dfeat any Judgment given in the Kings Court , 
 (that is, hy appealing to Rome ) they jhould incur the pme Tenalties. The body of 
 the Kingdom would not fuffer Edward the Firft to be cited before the Pope. Henry 
 the Sixth, by the Counlel of Humphry Duke of Glocejier , the Protedor, protefted 
 againft Pope Martin and his Legate , That they would not admit him con- 
 trary to the Laws and Liberties of the Realm ■■, and diflented from whatfoever 
 he did. AS. and Aton, 
 
 So we fee plainly, that the King and Church of England ever enjoyed as great 
 or greater Liberties than the Gallicaa King and Church. And that King Henry the 
 Eighth did no more in effed , than his Progenitors from time to time had done be- 
 fore him. Onely they laboured to dam up the ftream , and he thought it more ex- 
 pedient to flop up the Fountain , of Papal Tyranny v not by limiting the habitual 
 Jurifdidlion of the Roman Bifliop , which was not in his power to do , but by (iib- 
 ftrading the matter ^ and reftraining the adlual exercife of it, within his own Do- 
 minions. And it is obfervable, that in thegreateft heat of thefe contentions, the 
 Prelates of the Realm being prefent in Parliament , difavowed the Pope's incroach- 
 
 I 2 ments.
 
 ^5 A jHJi Vindication T O M E 1- 
 
 mcnts and offered the King to Hand with him , in nhefe and all other cafes touching 
 his Crown and Kegality., as they n^ere bound by their Allegiance. That is, according 
 to the Law of Feuds , according to their homage done , and according to the Oath 
 which they had taken at their Inveftitures and other Bi(hopricks. 
 
 Indeed of later dayes during thofe bloody wars between the Houfes of TorJ[;_ 
 and Ljncjjier , the Popes {bmetimes invaded this undoubted Right of our Kings de 
 faao not de)nre , as was eafie for them to do , and tendered to the Bifhops at their 
 Invellitures another Oath of their own making, at lirft modert and innocent enough, 
 Pontif. vetm- tliat they (hould obferve regnloi Sandnrum Fatrtmt, the rules of the Holy Fathers-, But 
 PonnfMxum- ^f^^j. d^^^y altered thg Oath, and falfiricd their Pontirical as well as their Faith, chan- 
 cing reeuhis SmBorum Patrum , into 'Regalia Saudi Petri , that they fliould maintain 
 the Royalties of St. Teter. A (hamelefs forgery, and admitting them to be interpre- 
 ters of their own Forms, opening a gap to rob Kings of their faireft Jewels of their. 
 Crowns, and Bifhops not onely of their Jurifdiftions , but alfo of their loyalty 
 and allegiance to their lawful Sovereigns , unlefs they take the Oath with a Prote- 
 Ex Rfiilf- Itation , as our Archbifhop Cranmer did , That he would not bind himfelfto any thing 
 Cranm. p. 4- contrary to the Laves of God or tin: Realm, or the benefit thereof; Nor yet limit bimfelf 
 Hall in Her-S. jn ffje Reformation er Government of the Chioxh. Before which time. Two oppofitc 
 ^'^■^°^' and repugnant Oaths were adminilked to the Bifhops , as Henry the Eighth made it 
 
 appear plainly in Parliament. 
 
 Many thiogs in prudence might be done but for fear of fuch like alterations and 
 incroachments. Our Kings gave Peterpence to Rome as an Alms •, But in procefs 
 of time it was exadted as a Tribute. The Emperours for more fblemnity chofe to 
 be fworn by the Pope at Rome, as the Kings ot France at Rhemes, and the Kings of 
 England at }fefiminj}er. And this was millnterpreted as a doing homage to the 
 Pope. 
 
 Rex ven'it ante fores jurans priuf urb'n ho»ores , 
 Vojl homo fit ?ap£ , fumit quo dame coronam. 
 
 The King doth come before the gate, 
 Firfl fwearing to the Cities ftate. 
 The Pope's man then he doth become. 
 And of his gift doth take the Crown. 
 
 Poets might be bold by Authority : But it refled not there. Good Authours aP' 
 Occh. tart. a. fi^'" the challenge in good earneft. And Clement the Fifth in one of his Canons or 
 CIS. * Decrees doth conclude it , Veclaramw juramenta pr^diHa fidtlitatis exijiere & ce»feri 
 
 Vefent. ^ re debere-, JFe declare that the aforefaid Oaths are and ought to be ejleemed Oaths of Allegi- 
 ^•'hc'sovc- ^^"' ''^^y ^^^^^ particulars together , Our Kings from time to. time called Councils, 
 reigntyofour made Ecclefiaftical Laws, punifhed Ecclefiaftical perfons , and fee that they did 
 KingMnEc- their duties in their callings , prohibited Ecclefiaftical Judges to proceed, received 
 clefiafiical appeals from Ecclefiaftical Courts, rejeded the Laws of the Pope at their pleafurc, 
 defufl^ca[ '^' with a nolumm , we will not have the Laws of England to be changed , or gave Ic- 
 |)erfons. giflative interpretations of them as they thought good, made Ecclefiaflical corpo- 
 
 rations , appropriated Benefices , tranflated Epifcopal Sees , forbid appeals to RomCy 
 rejcd:ed the Pope's Bulls , protefled againft his Legates , queftioned both the Le- 
 gates thetnfclvcs, and all thofe who acknowledged them in the Kings Bench", I may 
 add , and made them pay at once an hundred and eighteen thoufand pounds, as a 
 compofition for their eftatcs , condemned the excommunications and other fentences 
 of the Roman Court, would not permit a Peer, or Baron of the Realm to be excom- 
 municated without their confents, enjoyed the Patronage of Bifhopricks, and the 
 inveRitures of Bifhopricks , inlarged or reftrained the Priviledge of Clergy, prefcri- 
 bed the indowmcnt of Vicars, fet down the wages of Priefts , and made Ads to re- 
 medy the oppreilions of the Court of Rome. 
 
 what did King Henry the Eighth in elfecfl more than this ? He forbad all fuits to 
 the Court oi Rome by Proclamation, which Sanders calls the beginning of tTie 
 Schifm •> divers Statutes did the fame. He excluded the Pope's Legatesi ^o did the 
 
 Law 
 
 I
 
 Discourse II. of the Church of EnQ,hnd. 
 
 Law of the Land , without the King's fpccial Licence. He forbad appeals to Rome Anuq». Brh 
 (b did his Predeceffors many ages betore him. He took away tlie Pope's difpenfaci- ^- ?^S- 
 onsi what did he in that but rel^orc the Englijh BiOiops to their ancient Right and ^"^ ffsiryi^ 
 the Laws of the Country with the Canons of the Fathers to their vigour ? He'chal- t1i^n"his"pro 
 . /enged and alTumed a political Supremacy over Ecclefiaftical perfons in Ecclefiaftical dcccflbrs. ^ 
 ^aufesi So did Edward the ConfefTor govern the Church as the Hear of God in bis own 
 Kingdom. So did his Predeceffors hold their Crowns as immediately ruhjeded to 
 Cod^ not fiibjeaed to the Pope. On the other fide, the Pope by our Englijh Laws 
 could neither reward freely , nor punifli freely , neither whom, nor where nor 
 when, he thought fit , but by the confent or connivance of the State. He could 
 neither do juftice in England by the Legates without controllment , nor call Eng~ 
 lip men to Kome without the King's Licence. Here is finall appearance of a good 
 legal prefcription , nor any pregnant figns of any Sovereign Power and Jurifdidi- 
 on, by undoubted right, and fo evident uncontroverted a Title as is pretended. 
 
 I might conclude this my fccond Propofition with the Teflimonies of the greateft 'r l^")^2f 
 Lawyers and Judges of our Land. Artilb ought to be credited in their own Art. Lauyers."^ 
 That the Laws made by King Henry on this behalf, wejre not operative,but declara- fitzhetb.Nat. 
 tive ■■, not made to create any new Law , but onely to vindicate and reftore the an- *''^*-44- 
 cient Law of Engjand , and its ancient Jurifdidion to the Crown. There had c"'^''/ "mf 
 needed no reftitution , if there had not been fbmc ufurpation. And who can won- ' *> 
 
 der that the Court of Kome fo potent , fo prudent , fo vigilant and intent to their 
 own advantage, fhould have made fome progrefe in their long delUned projed 
 during the Reigns of Six or Seven Kings immediately fuccecding one another, who 
 were all either of doubtful Title , ormeer Ufurpers without any Title, fuch as ca- 
 i-ed not much for the flowers of the Crown , fo they might but hold the Diadem it 
 (elf from their competitors ? 
 
 Therefore our Ecclefiaftical Law was called the King's Law, becau(e the edge and 
 validity of it did proceed from' Authority Royal , our Ecclefiaftical Courts were fti- 
 led the King's Courts , by his Judges. 
 
 It is true , the habitual Jurifdidion of Biftiops flows from their Ordination : But 
 the adual exercife thereof, in publick Courts, after a coercive manner, is from 
 the gracious concelGons of Sovereign Princes. In a word , the Law being meerly 
 intended as a remedy againft ufurpation, it cannot be a new Law , but onely a Le- 
 gillative Declaration of the Old Common Law oi' England. 
 
 I will conclude this Chapter with the words of Bilhop Bilfon : As for his Patri- 
 archate by Cod's Lan> he hath none j in this Kealm^ for Six htntdred years after Chri(l he 
 had none ', for the lajl Six hundred years^looh^ng after greater matter sjye would have none; The true dif- 
 above^ or againfi, the Prince's Sword , he can have none ■y to the Subverfion of the Faith '^'■• 
 or oppreffion of his Brethren he ought to have none \ you mu^ fee\ farther for SuhjeBionto ^^"'** 
 his Tribunal i This Land oweth him none. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 That the Britannick Chnrches n?ere ez^er exempted from Forreign 
 JurifdiSiion for the frji Six hundred years , andfo ought 
 to continue, 
 
 THirdly , fuppoling that the Reformed Church of England had feparated it 
 (elf from Kome , and fuppofing that the Municipal Laws of the Realm then 
 in force, had not warranted fuch a reparation, yet the Britip Churches, 
 that is , the Churches of the Britijh Illands , England , Scotland, and Ireland, &c. 
 by the conftitution of the Apoftles-, and by the iolemn fentence of the Catholick 
 Church , are exempted from all forreign Jurifdidion , and cannot be Schi- 
 ihiatical in the lawful Vindication of a juft Priviledgc Co well founded : 
 
 fo*
 
 78 
 
 A Juft Vindication 
 
 TOML I 
 
 Cone. Efh in 
 Epil} Smi.d, 
 ad Ntflar. 
 Amhr. fy alii. 
 Btl.di Pont. 
 L. 4- C. JJ. 
 The Suprema- 
 cy in the 
 whole Col- 
 ledge of the 
 Apoflles- 
 AH. I. 
 Ail. 6. 
 
 A!} 8 ^,1$. 
 AH It. 
 Ail. i5- 
 
 Thf Pthcr 
 Ap"(Hcsiiail 
 SucccAbi $ as 
 well as St. Pe- 
 ter. 
 
 Why the Ei- 
 {hopof Rome 
 Sr. Ftte/t 
 SuccelTor ra- 
 ther than of 
 Antioch. 
 Plat, in vita 
 Sanai Petri. 
 
 The highefl 
 conftitution of 
 the Apoftles 
 exceeded not 
 National Pii- 
 Tiiatcs. 
 
 Can, AfOft'ii* 
 
 How fomc Pri. 
 mates came to 
 
 for the clearer manifeltation whereof let us confider : 
 
 Fird That all the Twelve ApolHes were equal in milfion, equal in commiffion, 
 equal in'power, equal in honour, equal in all things, except priority of order , with. 
 out tvhich no Society can well fubfirt. 
 
 S.:> much Behrmine confefleth , that by thele words , Js my Father fint me ., fo 
 fold I you '., our Saviour endowed them with all the fulnefs of power that mortal 
 men were capable ofl And therefore no fingle Apoitle had Jurifdidion over the 
 reft, far in J>arem non habet fotejlatem -y but the whole Colledge of Apoflles, to 
 which the fupreme Mefnagery of Ecclefialtical affairs did belong in common: whe- 
 ther a new Apoflle was to be ordained i or the Office of Deaconfhip was to be ere- 
 d^edi or lit perfons were fo be delegated for the ordering of the Church, zs Peter 
 znd John., J ud^K znd Sylath cr informations of great moment were to be heard , 
 as againit Peter hinifelf > ( though Peter out of modefiy might condefcend, and fub- 
 mit to that to which he was net obliged in duty i yet it had not become the other 
 Apoftles to fit as Judges upon their Superiour, placed over them by Chrilf ) or 
 whether the weightier QiietHons , of the calling of the Gentiles , and circumcifion, 
 and the law of Mofes , were . to be determined , ftill we find Supremacy in the Col- 
 ledge. 
 
 Secondly, That drouCe dream, that the plenitude of Ecclefiafticall power and 
 Jurifdidion was given by Chrifl to St. Peter as to an ordinary "Paftour , to be deri- 
 ved from him to liis SuccefTours , but to the reft of the Apoftles as delegates for 
 fearm of life, to dy with themfelves , as it is lately and boldly afTerted, without 
 reafon , without Authority , either divine or humane i fo it is moft repugnant to 
 the Dodrine of the Fathers^ who make all Bilhops to be the Vicars and EmbafTa- 
 dors of Chrifl , (not of the Pope) and Succeffours of the Apoftles , indifferently, 
 ricaria ordinatione^ who make but one Epifcopacy in the world , whereof every 
 Eifhop hath an equal fhare. St. Peter was a Paftour , and the Paftaral Office is of 
 perpetual nccelUty in the Church. Truei but fo were all the reff of the Apoftles 
 Paliours as well as he. And if we examine the matter more narrowly,cKi bono / for 
 whole advantage this diftindlion was devifed ? it was not for St. Peter's own ad- 
 vantage, who fetting afide his principality of order', is confefTed to have had but 
 an equal fhare of power with his Fellow Apoftles , but for the Pope's advantage, 
 and the Koman Courts , whom they defire to inveff folely with the Key of all origi- 
 nal Jurifditflion. 
 
 And if we trace on this Argument a little farther, to fearch out how the Bifhop 
 of F^ome comes to be St. Peter's Heir, ex affe., to the exclufion of his Elder Brother 
 the Bifliop of -(^Mtiocfe, they produce no authority, that I have feen, but a blind 
 ill-grounded Legend , out of a counterfeit Hegefipfus , of St. Peter's being about to 
 leave Konte , and Chrift's meeting him upon the way, and admonifhing him to re- 
 turn to Kome , where he muft be crucified for his Name i which reafon halts on 
 both fides •> The foundation is Apocryphal , and the fuperflrudion is weak and un- 
 jointed without any necelTary connexion. 
 
 Thirdly, It appeareth not to us , that the Apoftles in their days did either fet up 
 any univcrfal Monarchy in the Church , or fo much dilate the borders or bounds of 
 any one man's fingle Jurifdidlion , as to fubjedt fo great a part of the Chriftian 
 World , as the W'eftern Patriarchate, to his obedience. The higheft that they 
 w-ent, if any of thofe Canons which bear their names be genuine, was to Natio- 
 nal or Provincial Primates or Patriarchs i for a Protarch or Primate and a Patri- 
 arch , in the language of the ancient Church fignificd one and the fame thing , in 
 vvliofc prcheminence there was more of order and care , than of fingle JurifHidtion 
 and power. Read their Three and thirtieth Canon. It behoves the iijhofi of every 
 dijiinU Nation to kttoro htm who is their firji , ( or Primate ) and to ejieem him of their 
 Head. And to do nothing that U of dijfficulty ., or great moment, contrary to his opinion. 
 But neither let him do any thing veithout the opinion of all them. This National Prima- 
 cy, or Protarchate, or F'atriarchate, under which the firitannick Churches flourifhed 
 for many ages, is the very fame which we contend for. 
 
 Fourthly, it is worthy of our inquiry, how in procefs of time fome Primates 
 did obtain a much more eminent degree of honour, and a larger (hare in the Go- 
 
 rcrn-
 
 Discourse II. OftheChnreJjofEnsitsLnd, yp 
 
 vernment of the Church than others. And of this their adventitious Grandeur^ we be more re* 
 hnd three principal fountains: Firlt, ancient cuftomesi Secondly, the Canons of the fpeftedin ihe 
 Fathers-, And Thirdly, the ediftsof Chriftian Princes. Church than 
 
 Firft, ancient cuftomes. Upon this ground the Hrft genera! Council of Nke fettled Either' by cn- 
 the authority and priviledges of the three Patriarchal Sees of Kome^ Alexandria^ and ftom. 
 Antioch^ Let ancient cujioms prevail. And thefe cuftoms commonly proceeded either <^'"'* ^'^^ ^' ^• 
 from the memory of the Apoftles, who had founded fuch Churches, from whence 
 as from Apoltolical fountains their neighbours did fetch found dodrinc, and reci- 
 procally paid to them due refped. SoHe/JJtf propofed in the Occidental Council 
 of 5Wi^, in favour of the See of Kome , Voth itfkafe you that we jhouU honour the or from the 
 memory cf St. Peter ? Or from the more powerful principality of the City, which is Grandeur of 
 • alledged by the Council of C/:7jWo« asa reafonofthe greatnefs both of the Sees of ''^^ City. 
 'Kome and Conjijntinople, becaufe they vrere the feats of the Emperourf. ^'""^' g 
 
 Secondly, the Canons of the Fathers, either without cultome, or againft cuftome. /,«*^3 ^a<nu</^ 
 Thus the Bilhop of Hierufalem, an Apoltolical See, was raifed above the Bifhop of «> , &c- 
 Cxfarea^ an Imperial City,notvvithftanding the contrary cuftome. Thus Conjlantino- ^'" '^y f^^crecs 
 fie, becaufe it was newly made the feat of the Empire, was equalled to an Apoltolical Councils. 
 See, that is Rowe, and preferred before all the reft, by the general Councils of Con- 
 ftantinofle andChalcedon, notwithftanding the oppoiition of the Bifhop of Kome by 
 his Legats, who grieved the more to fee Ihracia, which he conceived to belong to his 
 own Jurifdiftion, to be annexed to a rival See. 
 
 Lartly,the Edidsof Soveraign Princes, who out of favour, cither to the place of Or by Edifli 
 their Birth, or of their refldence, or of their own foundation , or for the Weal-pub- °^ Prices, 
 lick, and better accommodation of their Subjeds •, have enlarged or reflrained Patri- 
 archates within their own Territories, and railed up new Primats or Patriarchs as 
 they thought lit. But of this more in my next Conclufion. 
 
 Fifthly,notwithftanding the preheminence of the five great Patriarchs of Kome^ ^jny Primats 
 Conliantinopk^ Alexandria, Amioch Oind Hierufalem'-, and their great Power and Au- fubjefts to 
 thority in the Church, efpecially in general Councils i yet there were many other "°°^ of the 
 Protarchsor Patriarchs, who had no dependance upon them at all out of Council, ^^^ ^/^^^ ^^' 
 iior ought them any obedience, but onely a precedence and honourable refped. 
 
 Kkj^ww^ a Prieft of the Koman Church who lived not long after the Council of Ruff- hifl. 
 NicCi and one who underRood the ancient proper bounds of the Koman Patriar- ^"^- ^' '-f^* 
 chate as well as any man, doth limit it to the Suburbicary Churches, that is a part of 
 Italy, znd three I{l3.nds, Sicily,Sardinia,o.nd Corf ca. Africk^had a Primate of their 
 own at Carthage v the reft of Italy at Millain ■■, France at Aries or Lions •> Germany at 
 Vienna-, Britain was removed far enough out of this account. 
 
 But this appears moft clearly in the cafe between the Patriarch of Antioch and the xhe cafe be- 
 Cyprian Bilhops, fentenced in the general Council of Ephefus. The Patriarch of tween the Pa- 
 Antioch challenged the ordination of the Cyp-rian Bifhops, and confequently a P^frijr- tyiwch of An- 
 chal Jurifdidion over them ■-, for all other Rights do follow the right of ordination. 'I"-'' ^r^o^'s* 
 They denied both his right of ordination and jurifdidion. The difference was heard. " 
 The witneffes were examined for matter of fad. And a fentence was given, not one- 
 ly in favour of the Cyprian Bifhops, but of all others which were in the lame condi- 
 tion. Among which number were our Brittannique Churches, as fhall evidently ap- 
 pear in this eiifuing difcourfe. 
 
 But tirft let us liften to the words of the Council ; Since common difeafes do need Cone. Ephtf. 
 greater remedies, becaufe they bring greater damage-, If it be not the ancient ct^iom that fari.i.A8.7. 
 the Bijhop of Antioch ordain in Cyprus, as the Council 'u fufficiently fatisfed ; "Ihe Cy- 
 prian Pr£lates pall hold their rights untouched and unviolated, according to the Canons of 
 ■the holy Fathers, and the ancient cuftom, ordaining their oTvn Bifhops. And let the famt 
 be ohferved in other Viocejfes, and in all Provinces , Ihat no Bifljop occupy another Province, 
 which formerly and from the beginning was not under the power of him, or his predecef- 
 fors. If any do occupy another Province^ or fubjeCt it by force, let him refiore it, that the 
 Canons of the Fathers be not fighted,mr pridf creep into the Church under the pretext of 
 worldly power , leji by little and little that liberty be loji which Chrijl purchafedfor ut 
 with his blood. Iherefore it hath pleafed the Holy Synod, that every Province injoy its 
 rights and cujhms unviolated^ which ithad from the beginning. Thefe words from the 
 
 be-
 
 A Jnji Vindication TOME 1. 
 
 h <•■'' ininc' «.' »?^-"' *'"^" ■> ^""^ twice repeated. It is no marvel if fbme, addided 
 to die interest of Kw;e, have gone about by Slight of hand, but very unfuccefful- 
 Jv to Iliuffle this Canon out of the Ads ot the Council. If the Fathers in that 
 Holy and Oecumenical Council , were fo tender and fenfible o{ pride creeping into the 
 Church in thofe dayes , and of the danger to lofe their CWifiian liberty in the ca{e of 
 the Bifhop of Amioch , who neither pretended Divine Right , nor Univerfal Juril- 
 didion nor Superiority above Councils ', what would they not have faid or done 
 in this prefeut cafe of the Bilhop of Kome^ who challengeth not onely the right of 
 Ordaining but the grace of Ordination , and Sovereign JurifdidJion ■■> not over 
 Cyprttf onely , but over the whok Chriliian world ■-, not from Cuftom , or Canons, 
 or Edifts but from the inftitution of Chrilt ■■, who makes all the validity of the 
 Decrees of thofe Oecumenical Councils which his Prcdcceffors received and reve- • 
 renced as the Gofpcl, to depend upon his own confirmation? 
 Gteg. L.i.Ep. To apply this home to the Quellion. The General Council ofEphefuf declared, 
 34. That no Bifliop fhould occupy any Province, which before that Council, and from 
 
 Thecafccfjhe ff;,^ iggifi„j),^ ^ had not been under the Jurifdidion of him or his Predecelfours , 
 (hops'appb'cd. And that it any Patriarch ufurped any Jurifdidion over a free Province , he fhould 
 quit it ^ for jo it pleafed , not the Pope, but the Holy Synod, that every Province 
 (hould enjoy its ancient Kights pure and inviolate. Now if it {hall evidently appear , 
 that the Bifl-iops of 'Rome never exercifed any manner of Jurifdidion over the Bri- 
 tannick^ Churches from the beginning i no nor yet before the general Council of 
 Eplnfuf, nor for Six hundred years after Chrifti that is, until they themfelves had 
 difowned their Patriarchal right •, when Pope Boniface the Third , who entred into 
 the Koman See about Three years after the death of Gregory the Great , obtained 
 from PhociK an ufurping Emperor to be univerfal Bifhop , that is to fay , an ufurping 
 Monarch over the Church ■■> which fell out fo foon after the arrival of Jtijline in 
 England , that there wanted time to have fettled the Roman Patriarchate in Britain, 
 though the Britanr had been as willing to receive it, as they v^ere avcrfe from it : 
 and if no true general Council fince that time hath ever fubjeded Britain under the 
 Roman Court •, Then the cafe is clear , that Rome can pretend no right over Britain , 
 without their own confent, nor any farther , nor for any longer time than they are 
 pleafed to oblige themfelves ■■, Then the fubftquent and violent ufurpations of the 
 KwMiJM Biihops, cannot render them Bow^e^^fi poffefiores , lawful owners , but that 
 they are alwayes bound to quit their incroachments , and the Britannick^ Churches , 
 and thofe who derive by fuccellion from them , are alwayes free to vindicate and re- 
 affume their ancient rights and priviledges. 
 The proof in I" this controverfie by Law , the burthen of the proof ought to reft upon them, 
 thiscaufe who affirm a Right , and challenge a Jitrifdidion i not upon us who deny it. Men 
 
 ought to reft gj.^ ^q^ pyt (-q prove Negatives. Let them produce their Regifters , and fhew for 
 ver°far*i« ^^' ^^^ ^^^ ^'^ hundred years what Ecclefiaftical Courts the Roman Bifliops or their Le- 
 gates have held in Britain, what caufes they have removed from thence to Rome, up- 
 on appeals , what fentences given in Britain they have repealed there, what Britijh 
 fubjeds they have excommunicated , or fummoned to appear at Rome i let them 
 (hew what Biihopricks they have conferred in Britain in thofe dayes , what Britifh 
 Biftiops did then intitle themfelves to their Bifhopricks , by the Grace of God , a}td (f 
 the Jpoftolick^See ■■, let them declare to the world how many of our Britijh Primates 
 or Patriarchs of IVrJ^, London , or Caerleon, have conftantly, or at all, repaired to 
 Rome , to be ordained , or have received Licences , or Difpenfations thence for 
 their Ordination at home , or elfewhere v for Ordinationis jus cetera jura fequuntur , 
 He who is neceflarily by Law. obliged to have recourfe to a forreign Prelate for his 
 Ordination , is thereby implyed to be inferiour or fubjed to his Ordainer. If they 
 can fay nothing to any of thefe points , they may difclaim their Patriarchal right in 
 Britain, and hold their peace for ever. 
 
 The reafons why I fet Tor^ before London in the order of our Britifh Patriarchs , 
 or Primates, are thele •, Firft , becaufe I find their names fubfcribed in that order in 
 the Council of Arks , held in the year 3 14. confifting as fome fay of 200. as others 
 fay of 6qo. Bifliops, convocated by Conftantine the Great, before the firft Council of 
 A7cf , to hear and determine the appeal of the Donatijts , from the fentence of the 
 
 Impe-
 
 Discourse II. of the Church ofEw^dind. g-^ 
 
 Imperial Delegates , whereof the Biihop oiKome was one. It were a ftrange fidit 
 in thefe dayes , to fee a Pope turn Legate to the Emperors , in a caufe of Ecclefia- 
 fiical cognifance. Secondly , for the fame reafon that Konie and Confiantbwple in 
 thole dayes of the Koman puiflancc , were dignified above all other Churches be- 
 caufe they were then the Seats of the Emperors. Torl^ was then an Imperial City 
 the Metropolis of the chief Britannick^ Province , called at that time maxima C£fari- 
 tnfis , where Severiu the Emperor died , and had his funeral pile upon Severs kill 
 a place adjoyning to that City , where Conjiatnine the Great was born , in domo Re- 
 gali vocata Pertenna, in the Royal Palace , whereof fbme poor remainders are yet to 
 be (een, then called Pertenna, now a fmall part of it called vulgarly Bederna, a very 
 ealie miftake , if we confider that the Britip pronounce P for B, and Tlike d' fituate 
 near Cbrift-ChurchiwCKrirfRegij-, or in the King's Court, on the one hand , and 
 extending it felf near to St. helm's Church upon the Walls, now demoliflied on the 
 other hand. 
 
 Although their filence alone to my former demand, ( at leaft of fo many whom I 
 have feen that have written upon this fubjeftj) be a fufficient convidion of them , 
 and a fufficient vindication of us-, yet for farther manifelhtion of the Truth, let us 
 confider Firft, that if we compare the ages and originals of the Roman and Britan- 
 «ic^ Churches , we (hall find , that the Britamiick^ is the more ancient and elder Sifter "^P^ Brit an- 
 totheKowjwitfelfi The Brit(Z«//icjl^ Church being planted hy Jofeph o( Arimathea, "'''i^'^^rch 
 in the Reign of Tiberim Cifar , whereas it is confeffed that St. ?eter came not to fhe'SVn!^" 
 Rome, to lay the foundation of that Church, until the Second year oiClaudim , fe- Cil'y de exdd. 
 cundc Claudii anno in Italiam vemt. So it we look to the beginning, according to ^ ""?"• ?"'^* 
 the diredion of the Council oCEphefm, the Britannic!^ Church in its firft original was s'^Hnnlnf 
 free from the Jurifdidlion of the Biihop and Court of Rome , where there was nei- sir. L. 44.' 
 ther Biftiop, nor Court, nor Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidrion, at that day. 
 
 Secondly , that it continued free in enfuing ages appears evidently , by that op- The Briran- 
 pofition which the Church of Britain maintained againft the Church of Rome fi- "''k. Churches 
 ding with the E^i/ier-M Churches about the Queftion of thofe times, concerning' th e ^'^^'^ ^""i '.'^^ 
 Oblervation of Ej/Jfr , and Adminiftration of Baptifm, wherein ^///?iw about the the iicmS: 
 Six hundredth year laboured to conform them , but ui vain. Is it credible that the 
 whole Britijh and Scotijh Church fhould fo unanimoully have diflTented from Rome 
 for many hundred years together , if they had been fubjed to the Jurifdidion of the 
 Roman Bifhop , as of their lawful Patriarch, or that the BiChop of Rome in all that 
 time fliould never fo much as queftion them for it , if they had been his Subjeds > 
 Even then when Pope FzSo/- durrt attempt to deny or withdraw his communion 
 from all the Jfiatick^ Churches, about the fame bufinefs. Neither were the Britifh 
 Churches at lai^ conformed to Rome by any Patriarchal power , but by many confe- 
 rences , by the necelfity of their civil aifairs , and by long trad of time , fome foon- 
 er , fome later. Along trad of time indeed , when fbme in the moft Septentrio- 
 nal parts of thefe Provinces were not reduced until a little before the late Reforma- 
 tion. 
 
 Thirdly , among the principal priviledges of Patriarchal power , is the right of Briti/h Bi- 
 Ordination. That all Metropolitans at leaft (hould either be ordained by the Patri- ^°P* <""<iain- 
 arch, or by Licence from the Patriarch. ^^ '' home. 
 
 This appears clearly Jn the Difpute between the Patriarch of Amioch , and the 
 Cyprian Bilhops. But where the Bifhops were avv>-x.itt\iii , and aunnfut indepen- 
 dent upon , not fubjed unto , any forreign Prelate , there , they ordained at their 
 own pleafures , needed no Licence. Such were our Bm//& Primates, not ordained 
 alwayes, or ordinarily at Rome , but according to the Cyprian priviledges , creating 
 new Bifhopricks , ordaining new Bilhops at their own pleafures , without giving 
 any account to Rome. So we read of St. Telam , who had been driven out of his 
 own Country by an Epidemical ficknefs for a long time , that at his return he confe- 
 crated and ordained Bifhofs as he thought ft. 'that he made one Hifmael Bijhop ofS. Da- ^Y» •t""* 
 vids , and in lik^ manner advanced many other men of the fame order to the fame degree , "^".'^ Iffl). 
 fending them throughout the Country , and dividing the Parijhesfor the heji accommodaii- Br7t!», $4 
 on y the Clergy, and of the People. And if there were no other proof of our ex- 
 emption , but onely the fmall number of the Bilhops that were ordained by all the 
 
 flK>
 
 g^ ^J^fl Vindica tion TOME I. 
 
 fucceedin^ Popes for about the fir/l Three hundred years , until the death of MUr- 
 cellhm ■ h. were fufficient to (hew, that the Bi(hops ot Rome in thofe dayes had lit- 
 tle or nothing to do out of their own Province , and that their Jurifdidion extend- 
 ed nothin-^ near Co far as Britain. 
 
 Saint Peter Ordained but Three in his fuppofed Five and twenty years, that is Li- 
 tmaudCietus ( ut facerdotak Minifieritm Kom^no populo & advenif bene femiemibus 
 ^^'"' exhiberent ) and Clement , to whom he bcqueatlied his Epifcopal Chair. Limts but 
 
 Eleven , Clement but Fifteen , Jnacletus but Six , Emriftus but Five , Alexander but 
 Five 5ix/»f but Four , &c. Thefe were few enough for their own Province, and 
 none' to Ibarc for 'Britain. In the whole term of Three hundred years , there were 
 few above Two hundred Bifhops Ordained at Kome. Italy alone may brag well 
 near of as many Bifhops at onetime, as many fucceeding Popes did ordain in all 
 their ages. Let them not tell us of the fcarcity of Chriftians in thofe dayes. The 
 Writint's of Tfr*«iW , and St. C)'prwM, and the Councils held within the time li- 
 mited , do evince the contrary. No , the firfl badge of their Patriarchal Authority 
 in Britain, was (ending of the Pall , as the onely badge during the times of the Bri- 
 tains and Saxons i And the rtrft Pall that came into Britain , was after Six hundred 
 yeais. 
 Ti- AnfweroF But this doth yet appear much more clearly from the Anfwer of Viomthm the 
 Dionothus- Reverend and Learned Abbot of Bangor , which according to the manner of thofe 
 times., was an Univerfity or Seminary of Learning and piety among the Britons^ 
 and he the well-deferving Reftor of it , made in his own name , and in the name 
 of the Britons , when they prefTed him to fubmit to the Roman Bifhop as his Patri- 
 arch,this Profellion,that he knerv no obedience due to him whom they called the TopeJ^ut the 
 Spe!m> Conf, obedience of love , and that under God they were to he governed by the BiJJjop of Caerleon. 
 An:6oi' Obferve firll , what ftrangers the Bnwi«j- were to the PiJ/JiJcy , "That man rvhom yott 
 
 call the Fope. Secondly , that they acknowledged no fubjedlion or fubordination , 
 fto obedience whatfbever, due from them to Rome, but onely reciprocal duty of love, 
 that was juft the fame that Rome did owe to them. Thirdly , that under God , that 
 is , immediately without any Forreign Prelate or Patriarch intervening, they were ta 
 be governed by the Bifhop of Caerleon , as their onely Primate and Patriarch. Which 
 priviledge continued to the fucceeding Bifhops of that See for many Ages after- 
 wards, faving that the Archiepifcopal Chair was removed from Caerleon to St. Da- 
 vids , in the Reign of King Arthur. And Laflly, obferve the time when this An- 
 fwer was made , after the hrll Six hundred years were expired. So it is a full de- 
 monflrative convincing proof for the whole term prefixed. 
 Confirrred by But Icaft any man fliould cavil and fay , that Vionothus was but one man , and 
 Two Britifl) that the Body of the Briti(h Clergy might be of another mind , that which follows 
 Synods. ilrikes the Queftion dead: That Au^ine, St. Gregorie's Legate, propofing Three 
 
 things to the Britans : Firft, that they fhould fubmit to the Roman Bifhopv Second- 
 ly , that they fliould conform to the Cuftoms of the Roman Province about the ob- 
 fcrvation of Eaftcr , and the Adminiffration of Baptifm •, and Laftly , that they 
 Spel. Cone. fhould joyn with him in Preaching to the Saxons : all the Britijh Clergy affembled 
 an.6o\. themfelves together , Bifhops and Prieffs in Two feveral Synods , one after ano- 
 
 ci^ii!""" "'* ^'""sr , to deliberate hereupon, and after mature confideration , they rejedted all his 
 Bedtt tfy- om- propofitions Synodically , and refufed flatly and unanimoully to have any thing to 
 Ttrs alii- do with him upon thofe terms. Infomuch as St. Aufline was neceffitated to return 
 
 8^©'" ^"'^'"'^ over the Seas , to obtain his own confecration , and after his return , to confecrate 
 hedal 2.C. 2. ^^^ Saxon Bifliops alone, without the affiftance of any other Bifhops. They refufed 
 indeed to their own coft> Twelve hundred innocent Monies oi^ Bangor , fliortly after 
 lort their lives for it. Rome was ever builded in blood. Howfoever thefe words 
 [ quamuis Auguflino pritis mortiio ]] have fince been forged and inferted into Venera- 
 Ant. Brit. ble Bede , to palliate the matter, which are wanting in the Saxon Copy. The con- 
 ^- "^i' curring TelHrnonies of all our Hifloriographers witnctling the abfblute and unani- 
 
 mous refufal of the Britons to fubmit to Rome , and the matter of Fad it felf, do 
 confirm this for an undoubted truth beyond all exception. So clear a truth it is , 
 that the Britijh Churches for the firfl Three hundred years , neither ought nor paid 
 auy fubjedion to Rome. Whence might well proceed that Anfwer oiEkutheriw to 
 
 King
 
 Discourse II. of the Church of Enghnd. gj- 
 
 King Luciuf ( if that Epiftle be not counterfeit) when lie defired him to fend over 
 a Copy of the Koman Laws , That he jhotild chufe a Lan> [ Ecclefiaftical ] out of 
 Uoly Writ by the Council of his Kingdom ^ thzt is, principally of his Bifliopsi for 
 (faith he) you are the Vicar of Ch rift in your Kingdom. The fame in t^cdc 
 which is contained in the Laws of 'Edward the Confeffor. Hence it is that both Matm-'Prol. 
 our Hiftories and our Laws do ftile our Archbifhops Primates, which in the Lan- "J^'^'i' ^^^' 
 guagQ of the Primitive times , fignifies as much as Patriarchs. And fometimes call olTmr'uC'' 
 them cxprefly by the very name of Patriarchs it felf Hence Vrban the Second en- cu'res dift. 21: 
 tertained and welcomed Jnfelm , our Archbifhop of Canterbury , into the Council 
 of Barre , tanquam alterim orbk Papam , as the Pope of another world'-, Or as others 
 relate the paffage , as the Apojik of another rvorld , and a Patriarch rporthy to be re- 
 verenced. 
 
 C H A P. VI. 
 
 That the King and Church of England had both fufficient Au- 
 thor ity , and fnfficient Grounds^ to withdraw their Obedience 
 from Rome , and did it with due Moderation. 
 
 SO from the perfons who made the Separation , from the Laws and Statutes 
 of our Realm which warranted the Separation , and from the ancient Liber- 
 ties and Priviledges of the Briw««zcJ^ Churches , I proceed to my Fourth Sovereign 
 ground drawn from the Imperial Prerogatives of our Sovereign Princes i ^hat Princes have 
 though we Jhould wave aU the other advantages, yet they had power to alter in the exter- ''T'^^ '° ^'-^'^ 
 ttal VifcipUne and Kegiment of the Church, whatfoever was of humane injlitution, for the d-humanein- 
 benefit and advantage of the body politic}^ ftuution in 
 
 Dodlor Holden propofeth the cafe right by way of Objedlion , But peradventure E9<^'5''*f^''^al 
 the Protejlants will fay , Ihat the King or Supreme Senate of every Kingdom or Common- ^''^en'i"^' 
 wealth, have power to make Laws and Statutes, by which, eithtr dtreUly, or at leajl Schifm. Art.^ 
 indireUly , -Of well the Clergy as the Laity of that Kingdom or Commonwealth, are bound f- 5'^. 
 to rejeCf allforreign JurUdiUion, Superiority, and Vependance v And that this Legifa- 
 tive power is ejfentially annexed to every Kingdom and Commonwealth, feeing that other- 
 wife they cannot prevent thofe dangers which may fpring and ijfue from that fountain to 
 their defiruUionandruine. 
 
 The Proteftants do fay fo indeed without all peradventure , upon that very 
 ground which is alledged in the objedion. Neither do the Proteftants want the e t de 
 fufFrage of Koman-CzthoYizks therein. Becaufe humane nature ( faith one ) cannot be prim! fiimnii 
 dejlituteof neceffary remedies to its own prefervation. And another, To whom a Kingdom Pontificu cat' 
 is granted, of necefftty all things are efieemed to be granted without which a Kingdom can- '•"«'"•. 4- 
 not be governed. And a Kingdom cannot be governed, unlefl the King en'py this power even ^''^'' '" f'^l: 
 over Clerks, S<c. Neceffary remedies are no remedies, unlefs they be juft, but worfe clt'Itia Sarc, 
 than the difeafe. And being juft, the Subjed is obliged to adtive obedience. Clara in Art. 
 
 But let us fee what the Dodor pleads in anfwer to his own objedtion. Firft he '*'•' 
 pafleth by the native power of civil Soveraign Empire, which ought not to have sehij'm.f.Ul' 
 been omitted •, for therein confifts the main force of the argument. But as to the 
 Ecclefiaftical part, he faith he could demonftrate clearly, if it were needful, that the 
 dependence of Bijhops, and other Orthodox ChriJ}:ians,upon the Pope, being rightly conceived 
 as it is, and as it if really necejfary, accordingto the certain and true principles of Catho- 
 lick^Keligion, doth not bring any the leafifijadow of danger to the Commonwealth, though in 
 hoftility with the Pope, or of a different communion from the Pope. If we lived in Plato's 
 Commonwealth, where every one did his duty, this reafon were of more force. Far 
 be it from us to imagine, that the right exercife of any lawful power, grounded up- 
 on the certain and true principles of Catholick Religion, (hould be dangerous to 
 
 K any
 
 86 
 
 A Juji Vindication 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 Protcftants in 
 their Refor- 
 mation have 
 altered no 
 Articles of 
 Religion nor 
 facred Rites , 
 nor violated 
 Charity, 
 
 P. 528. 
 
 Nor fwerved 
 from the Law 
 ofNatuic, or 
 pofitivc Laws 
 efGod> 
 
 any Society. But this is not our cafe. What if the Bifhops and Court oi Rome 
 haveVwerved from thofe certain and true principles of Catholick Religion > or have 
 abufcd that power which was committed to their truft by Chrift,or by his Church ? 
 or have Ufurped fnore Authority than did belong unto them? or have Engrofied 
 all Epilcopal Jurifdicftion to themfelves, leaving the Bifliops of the Land but Cy- 
 phers in their own Diocefes ? or have hazarded the utter ruine and deftrucftion of 
 the Church by their Simony, Extortions,Provifions, Refervations, and Exempfions? 
 or have obtruded new unwarrantable Oaths upon the Subje(fts, inconfiftent with 
 their allegiance ? or have drained the Kingdom of its Treafure by pecuniary ava- 
 ricious arts ? or have challenged to themfelves a negative voice againft the right heir 
 of the Crown h or authority to depofe a crowned King , and abfolve his Subjects 
 from their oaths and allegiance to their Soveraigns ? And have {hewed themfelves 
 incorrigible in all thefe things. This is our cafe. In any one of thefe cafes, much 
 more in themallconjoyned, it is not onely lawful, but very neceffary for Chriftian 
 Princes to reform fuch grofleabufes, and to free themfelves and their Subjedts from 
 fuch a tyrannical yoke , if they can by the direction of a general Council, if not of 
 a Provincial. And it is not Schifm but Loyalty in their Subjeds to yield obedi- 
 
 ence. 
 
 The fame Author proceeds, That no civil fower^hove Soveraignfoever, can eorreU the 
 Fttftd^memal Articles of Chrijiian faith^mr fervert the order of facred rites received by uni- 
 verfal tradition as inflimted by Chriji^ norjujlifie any thing by their EdiOs which if againjl 
 Chrijlian Charity. To all this we do readily aflent, and never did prefume to arro- 
 gate to our (elves , or to exercife any fuch power. But ftill this is wide from our 
 cafe, what if the Bifhop of Kowehave prefumed to coyn and attempted to obtrude 
 upon us new Articles of Faith, as he hath in his new Creed, and to pervert the {acred 
 rites inlHtuted by Chrift, as in his with-holding the Cup from the Laity ? Then 
 without doubt not we, but he,is guilty of the Schifm. Then it is lawful to {epa- 
 rate from him in his innovations, without incurring the crime of Schifrn. This is 
 laid down by the Author him{elf asan evident conclu{ion, and we thank him for iti 
 That it is necejjary for every Chrijlian to ach^ovpledge no authority under Heaven^ either 
 Ecclefaftical or Civil^ that hath porver to abrogate thofe things that are revealed and in- 
 jlitutedhy Chriji,or to determine thofe things rfhich are oppnfite unto them, quod SchiC- 
 mztlsoTigo foTCt, which Jlfonld be the original of Schifm. But where that Author in- 
 fers as a Corollary from the former Propofition , That no Edi& of a Sovereign 
 Trince can Juliifie Schifm , becaufe all Schifm if dejinidive to Chrijlian Charity i I muft 
 crave leave with all duerefpedrto his perlbn, to his learning, to his moderation, and 
 to his Charity, to red:ifie that miftakc. If by5c/ji/?w he underftand criminal Schifhi, 
 that which he faith is moft truei That were not onely to juftifie the wicked, which 
 is an abomination to the Lord, but to juftifie wickednefsit felf But every feparation or 
 Schifm taken in a large (enie is not criminal, nor at all deftrudlive to Chri/lian Cha- 
 rity. Sometimes it is a necelTary, Chriftian, charitable, duty. In all the cafes that I 
 have fuppofed above, and fhall prove hereafter, they that make the Separation conti- 
 nue Catholicks, and they that give the caufc become the Schifmaticks. 
 
 But it may be urged. That this proceeds from the merit of the cau{c,not from the 
 authority of the Soveraign Prince. 
 
 I anfvvcr, it proceeds from both. Three things are nccelTary to make a publick 
 Reformation lawful : juft grounds, due moderation, and fufficient authority. There 
 may be juft grounds without fufficient authority, and fufficient authority without 
 juft grounds i and both fufficient authority and juft grounds without due moderati- 
 on. But where thefe three things concur, it juffifies the Reformation before God 
 and man, and renders that feparation lawful, which otherwife were Schifmatical. 
 
 Lallly,itis allcdged. That the power of the Soveraign Magijlrate U not fo abfolute that 
 he can command any thing at his pleafure, fo asto oblige his Subjects obedience, in things re~ 
 pMgnant tnthe Law of nature^or the pofnive Law of God. No Orthodox Chrifiian 
 can doubt of this truth. The authority of the Inferiour ceafeth, where the Superi- 
 our declareth his pleafure to the contrary. T>a veniam Imperator, tit carcerem, ilk 
 gehennam minatur i Tar don me Emperour, thou threatnefl me with imprifonment, hut 
 Qod Almighty with Hell-fire. But this is nothing to our cafe, neither the Law of 
 
 Na-
 
 Discourse II. of the Church of En^hnd. §7 
 
 Nature, nor the Law of God doth injoytiBri/i/fe Chriftians to buy pardons, and in- 
 dulgences, and difpenfations, and Bulls, and Palls, and privikdges at Rome, contrary -"vs«:--:- 
 to the fundamental Laws of the Realm. JSowi/Jce the eighth by his Bull exempted . • ■ .;. 
 the Univerfity of Oxford from the Jurifdidion of the Archbifliop of Cjjmrbnry^ Ex'Arehtvir 
 whereupon did grow a controverlle between Thomai Arundd Archbifliop, and the le^a'fci^a^lu- 
 Univerfityv And the faid Bull was decreed tobe void by two fucceeding Kings, the'* Aixtiqlh. 
 Richard thefecond, and Henry the fourth in Parliament, as being obtained in pr<ejudi- A'^'"^- Car.tab. 
 cium CoroH£ /«<f, & Legum & conjuetudinHtn Regni fmenervationem^ to the fre]udice of 
 hU Imperial Croven, and to the rveakniug of the Lams and Cuiiomes uf h'u Realm.,' ■'] ■ 
 
 But this difobedicnce to the decrees of Soveraign Princes muft be joynfd with in cafes doubt- 
 pallive obedience, it muft be onely when and where their commands are evidently •""' "'"^ "'^3' °°' 
 unjuft, fuch as P/jjrW^x commanding the Hebrew Midwives to liill all the Male k"''^^'^^ j'\ 
 Children, or ^j«/'s inioyning his guard to flay the Priefts of the Lord, or like Lawl^^Exorf. 
 Nf^Kc Wwsiizar's Idolatrous edid, charging all men to fall down and worfiiip his 1.17. i. Sam. 
 golden Image. For otherwi(e if the cafebe doubtful, it is a riile in cafe-Divinity, =**' •'* 
 Subditt tenenturin favorem Legii jitdicare, Suh')cd[s zxe bound to judge in favour of 
 the Law, Otherwife they run into a certain crime of difobedience, for fear of an 
 uncertain. A War may be unjuft in the Prince, and yet the Souldier be guiltlefs. 
 Nor is the Subjed obliged to fift the grounds of his Soveraign commands too nar- 
 rowly. It happens often, that rfww/acif Princi]>em iniquitas imperandi, inHocentem -^H/«/?.UnJufi 
 fubditumardo ferviendi. The Prince may be unjuft in his commands, and yet the Sub- mavhe"iu(lly 
 jedlinnocent in his obedience. Take the cafe at the worfl:, it muft be doubtful at obeyed, 
 theleaft , the Pope's Soveraignty and thejurifdidlion of the Roman Court being re- 
 jeded by three parts of the Chriftian world, and fo unanimouflyfliaken off by three 
 Kingdoms. And in fuch a cafe, who is fitteft to be judge? the Pope , the People, or 
 the King? Notthe Pope,heis the perfon accufed i and /r;/;fr^ expeSatur cnjuflibet 
 authoritas contra feipfum, ItU in vain to expe£l that one jhould imploy hU authority againji 
 himfelf. Not the people i would a Judge take it well, that a Gaoler fliould detain 
 thePrifonerfrom Execution, untill he were fatisfied of the juftice of his fentence ? 
 or a Pilot that he may not move his Rudder according to the alterable face of the 
 Heavens, but at the difcretion of the ordinary Mariners? No, whenfoever any Qug, 
 ftion hath been moved between any Kingdom or Republick of what Communion 
 fbever and the Court of ilowf, concerning the libertiesand priviledges of the one or 
 the extortions and incroachments of the other, they ha\'e evermore aflumed the laft 
 Judicature to themfelves, as of right it dothbelong unto them. Princes arc 
 
 The Rom^«i/f J- themfelves do acknowledge, that Sovereign Princes , by the Law cblig^to 
 of God and Nature, not onely may, but are in Juftice obliged to oppofc theTy- ^bjeftsfrom 
 ranny of Ecclefiaftical Judges, and to proted and free their Subjedtsfrom their vi- the Tyranny 
 olence and opprelGon. Parfons himfelf wondreth , that any man fliould deny this °^ Ecclefiafli- 
 power to Kings in their own Kingdoms. But we are fully fatisfied and affured , ^ ' jr^cl^',. 
 that that univerfal power which the Pope claims by Divine right over all Chrlfti- ^J.citati a 
 ans , and particularly over the Britannick^ Churches, without their confents ■■> and SanSa Clara 
 much more that Jurifdidion which defj£io he did , or at leaft would have exercifed '" ^"' ^'" '* 
 there, ( and Icfs than which he would not go ) to the deftrudion of their natural ^^^' ^ *^'* 
 and Chriftian Liberties and Priviledges, was, and is, a tyrannical and opprellive 
 yoak. And thus far all R(w^?-Catholicks not intereffed , nor prepoffefled with 
 prejudice , do accord fully with us , that by whomfoever Papal power was given 
 fwhethcrby Chrift, or his Apoftles, or the Fathers of the Church in fucceeding 
 ages) it was given for edification , not for deltrudion. And that the Roman Court 
 in later dayeshath fought to impofe grievous opprellive and intolerable burthens up- 
 on their Subjeds , which it is lawful for them to fliake off, without regarding thdr 
 cenfure, as we fliall fee in the next Propofition. But becaufe all are not fo well fa- 
 tisfied about the jult extent of Papal authority and power, we muft fear-ch a little 
 higher. 
 
 Secondly, we do both agree, that Sovereign Princes may be enabled, and au- c n ci 
 thorized, either by conceilion , or by prefcription for time immemorial, (perhaps p^^il^"'* 
 it were more properly faid by vertue of their Sovereign Authority over the whole 417-. 
 body politick , whereof the Clergy are a part ) to exercife all external Ads of Ec- 
 
 K 2 clefiaftical
 
 yy Ajttfl Vindication TO Mil I 
 
 c'efuftical rocrcive Jurifdidion ,- by themfelves , or at leaft by fit Delegates , pr^ici- 
 e, cife Txtcf' Vknio luU iMiiU Sacerdotibuf , ut excommmicent rebelles & contuwaces. And this is 
 nal aSscf Ec aftcrted in the cafe of Abbelfcs, which being women are lefs capable of any fpiritu- 
 clcfiartical Ju- gj lurjfdid-ion. The truth is , that all Ecclefiaftical Courts , and all EcclehafUcal 
 rifdiaion by ; ^J^^i^^ Jurifdidtion did flow at rirft , either from the bounty and goodnefs of So- 
 fit Delegates. ^'^-^^ Prirtces to the Church , or from their connivance , or from the voluntary 
 content anJ free fubmillion of Chriftians ; Volenti non fit injuria , confent takes 
 awayerrour, ( I except alwayes that Jurifdidion which is purely fpirifual, and 
 an clTential part of the power of the Keyes, whereof Emperors and Kings are not 
 capable.) So whenfoever the Weal-publick and the common fafety of their people 
 doth require it , for advancement of publick peace and tranquillity , and for the 
 ereat€r eafe and convenience of the fubjed in general , according to the Viciliitude 
 and convcrfion of humane affairs, and the change of Monarchies, they may,upon 
 well-grounded experience in a National Synod or Council , more advii^dly retradi 
 what their prcdecefTors had advifedly granted or permitted i and alter the face 
 and rules of the external Difcipline of the Church , in all fuch things as are but of 
 humane right, when they become hurtful or impeditive of a greater good : in which 
 cafes their fubjeds may with good confcience, and are bound in duty to conform 
 themfelves to their Laws. Otherwife Kingdoms and Societies fliould want necefla- 
 ry remedies for their own prefervation, which is granted by both parties to bean ab- 
 
 furdity. 
 
 Wei^h all the parts of Eccleiiaftical Difcipline , and confider what one there is 
 The Emperors which Chriftian Emperors of old did not either exercife by themfelves , or by their 
 of old did the Delegates, or did not regulate by their Laws , or both, concerning the priviledges 
 fame. ^j^j revenues of Holy Church, the calling of Councils, the prefiding in Councils, 
 
 the diffolving of Councils, the confirming of Councils, concerning Holy Orders, 
 concerning the patronage of, and nomination to, EcclefialHcal Benefices and Dig- 
 nities concerning the Jurifdidion , the fufpenfion, depofition, and ordering of 
 Bifhops , and Priefts , and Monks, and generally all Perfons in Holy Orders, con- 
 cerning Appeals, concerning Religion and the Rites and Ceremonies thereof, con- 
 cernin<* the Creeds or common Symbols of Faith, concerning Herefie, Schifin, Ju- 
 daifm° the fuppreffion of Seds, againft Swearing, Curfing , Blafpheming, Pro- 
 phaneft, and Idolatry, concerning Sacraments , Sandruaries , Simony, Marriages; 
 Divorces, and generally all things which are of Eccleiiaftical cognifance, wherein 
 lie that defires fatisfadion , and particularly to fee how the coercive power of Ex- 
 cleliaftical Courts and Judges did flow from the gracious concellions of Chriftian 
 Princes , may ( if he be- not too much polTefled with prejudice ) relblve himlelf , by 
 « reading the firft Book of the Code , the Authentich^ or Novels of Jn(iinian the Empe- 
 
 Woxif/. 8?. ror and the Capitulars of CW/ej- the Great , and his Succeflbrs Kings of Fr^izwf. 
 We have been requefted , did Juftinian^ hy Menna. the Archbijhop of this City, lelo- 
 ved of Cod, and univerfal Patriarch , to grant this priviledge to the tnoft reverend 
 Clerks , &c. in pecuniary caufes referring them firft to the Biffiop , and , if he could 
 not compofe or determine the difference , then to the fecular Judge : And, in cri- 
 minal caufes, if the crime were civil, to the civil Magiftrate i if Eccleiiaftical , to 
 _., . the Eifliop. By the Council of our Bijhops and Nobles ( faid Charles the Great ) tfe 
 
 have Ordained Bifljops throughout the Cities , ( that is , we have commanded and au- 
 thorized it to be done ) and do decree to affemble a Synod every year , that in our pre • 
 fere the Canonical Decrees , and Larvs of the Church may be reftored. I befeedi 
 you , what did our King Henry and the Church of England more at the Reforma- 
 tion? 
 
 It is true , Sovereign Princes are not faid properly to make Canons , becaufe they 
 do not prefcribe them under pain of Excommunication , or fufpenfion, or degra- 
 dation, or any fpiritual punilhment. But to affirm that they cannot make Ecclefi- 
 aftical Conftitutions , under a civil pain, or that they cannot Cefpecially with the 
 advice and concurrence of their Clergy aflembled in a National Synod ) reform er- 
 Tours and abufes, and remedy incroachments , and ufurpations , and innovations , 
 either in Faith or Difcipline, and regulate the New Canons , or Cuftoms of Intru- 
 ders and Upftarts, by the Old Canons of the Primitive Fathers, is contrary to the 
 
 fenfc
 
 Drs COURSE II. of the Church of Ensjsind. §p 
 
 ftnfe and pradice of all antiquity. King Solomon depoled Abiathar from the Hieh 
 
 Priefthood , and put SatL,c in his place. Nor want we Prefidents of Popes them- Popes conven. 
 
 (elves who have been convented before Emperors, as Sixm the Third before Vakn- ted,imprifo- 
 
 iinian , though Vlatina mince the matter a little too much , ( damnatm BaiTus calum- ^^^^ depcfed, 
 
 mator iniquus anmente Valcntiniano , &c. ) Leo the Third before Charles the Great : ^^ Emperors. 
 
 Th#t have been bani(hed by Emperors, as Liberm unjuftly banifhed by Conjiamim ' 
 
 and more unjulHy reftored ■-, Sylveriw juftly baniOied by Jicjijnian : That have been 
 
 imprifoned by Soveraign Princes , as Pope John the Firlt by Theedork: That have 
 
 been depofed by them, as John the Tweltth by 0//.'o the Great, and Grfewy the 
 
 Sixth by Henry the Second , Henricus Secunduf in Italiam cum magna exercitu vem- 
 
 ens^ habita Symdo, cxm Ecnedi&um nonum ^ Sylveltrum Tm/zw, Gregorium .^tx- Platin.in 
 
 turn, tanquam tria teterrima monftra abdkare fe magjjham coegijptt ^ occ. Henry the ^^'t- ^' 
 
 Second coming into ItzXy veith a great Army ^ having convocated a Synod ^ tchen he had 
 
 compelled Eenedid the Ninth , Sylveller the Third, and Gregory the Sixth as Thee 
 
 moji filthy Monjlers to quit their Government , he created Syndeger Bijhop of Bamberge , 
 
 afterxpards Clement the Second , Pope. Of old when any Schifin did infeft the Ko- 
 
 »M/« Church, (asltl^nk no See in the World hath been oftnerrent afunder by 
 
 pretenders to the Papacy) the Emperors, when they pleafed, did aiTume unto 
 
 themfelves the cognifance thereof, and determine the fucceilion either by themfelves 
 
 or by their Exarch , or Delegates: as Honorius between Boniface the Firll and Eula- 
 
 Um\ Theodork the King between Symmachiis znd Laimntius ^ the Exarch of Raven- Plat, in Bon. 
 
 na between Sergius the Firft and Pafchalis; Otho the Third between John the Seven- '• ^''"* " 
 
 teenth and Gregory the Fifth. But when thefc Imperi.^ adls are done in Synods ^^'"' 
 
 they are more authentick, and more conform to Antiquity. 
 
 Thirdly , our learned and ingenuous Country-man Davenport, under the name of 
 Francifcus a San£fa Clara, ( far be it from me to cenfure Chri^ian charity and mode- 
 ration for luke-warmnefs , or Athciftical neutrality, like thofe whofe chief Religi- 
 on confifts in crying up a Fadion , I rattier wi{h he had been more univerfally ac- 
 quainted with our Engli/h Dodrine ) in his Paraphraftical Expolition of our Enalijh 
 Articles, to this Qjertion , Hovp and rvhether it be lawful in points of Faith to appeal P. 425/ 
 fi-om the Fope , and decline his Judgment? cites the refolution of Gerfon in thefe words 
 following, H'c etiam praCficatum e{l per quofcunque Reges & Principe s , &c. This alfo 
 hath been praCtifed by all Kings and Princes , who have withdrawn themfelves fi-om the 
 obedience of thofe, whom fuch or fuch did judge to be Popes, which fubjiraCtions neverthe- 
 lejiwere approved by the facred Council o/Conftance, fome exprefly , fame implicitely. An. ij'o. _ 
 The moft Chriftian King Lewis the Twelfth , convocated a National Council of the Jfro»°r"a^ 
 French Church at Towers, wherein fundry Articles were propofed , deliberated of, lows ro withl 
 and concluded , touching thefe affairs. The Third Article was, that if the Pope drawobedi- 
 fhould invade another Prince in an hoftile manner , and excite other Princes to in- '"" ^^^^ ''^ 
 vade his Territories', whether that Prince might not lawfully withdraw himfelf u°ncaures' 
 from the obedience of fuch a Pope ? (where obferve, that though this cafe alone be 
 fpeciried, as being -fitted to that present Controverfie between the V^m'^ oi^ France 
 and the Pope , yet all other cafes of the fame nature or confequence are included) 
 And conclufum eji per Concilium,Principem poffe ab obedient ia Pap£ fe fubducere ac fub- Cmc. Turtn. 
 trahere ; non tamen in totum , & indifiintie , fed pro tuitione tanthm ac defenfonejuri- ^rfP- ad Art. 
 urn fuormn temporalium '-, It was concluded by the Council , that the Prince might with- ^' 
 draw himfelf from the obedience of the Pope i yet not totally, nor indiftinBly , but onelyfor 
 the defence of his temporal Rights. The Fourth Propofition was, when fucli a fub- 
 ftradlion was lawfully made , what the Prince and his fubjeds , more particularly 
 Prelates and other EcclefiafHcks , ought to do in fuch things, for which they had 
 formerly no recourfe to the Apoftolick See ? And conclufum eflper concilium fervan- 
 dum efieJHS commune , antiquum , & pragmaticam SanUienem regni , ex decretvs Sacro- Refp.adArt.i* 
 fanSi concilii Bafileenfis defumptam '■> It was concluded by the Council , that the ancient 
 common right wm to be preferved , and the pragmatical SanSion of the Kingdom , talt^n 
 out of tlx pecrees of the Sacred Council of Bafil. The Eighth Propofition was, if the 
 Pope proceeding unjuftly , and by force, fhould pronounce any cenfures againft fiich 
 a Prince, whether they ought to be obeyed ? And conclufum efl unanimiter per Conci- 
 lium, talem fefitentiam nullam ejfe, nee de jure ^ vel alio quocunque modo , ligarct It wat ^''f'^^^*'^' 
 
 K. 3 att-'
 
 po 
 
 A Jufi Vmdication 
 
 TOM£ I 
 
 com 
 
 In TraH. de 
 pated. Pat* 
 <fy Imperatt 
 
 Prinas may 
 reform new 
 Canons by old. 
 
 Part.i An.6. 
 
 C 7- 
 
 Ve rtfol fid. 
 
 I.f. c.S.Lta. 
 
 Parriarchal 
 power fubjeft! 
 to Imperial. 
 
 Lib. a. Ef.6v 
 
 ^.nJHdcdmanimoufy by the Council, that Jnch a Sentence iras of no force, not binding in 
 '^Latp or any other way i which opinion or refolution of theirs the above-mentioned 
 Author faith, he ought not to condemn whilcft the Church doth tolerate it. 
 
 Behold a principal caufe of the feparationof the Englilh Church from the Pope, 
 the iifurpation and incroachments of the Roman Court upon the Political rights of 
 the Crown, which they would not let go,untill they were quite fliaken off. 
 
 Jntoniits de HcfellU a zealous aflertour of rhe Papal authority concludes , that the 
 Pope being anheretick^, or an ApoJiate,though but infecret, it is lawful ( without anyfen- 
 tence or declaration preceding ) for any of his Subjeds that k>tow it, EfheciaVy for Kingt 
 and Trinces, to depart font him, and withdraw themfelves from tinder his power by that 
 natural right which they have to defend themfelves. 
 
 This may well be doubted of in the cafe of private perfons, before fentence, by 
 thofe who believe him to be conftituted by Chrift the Sovereign Monarch of the 
 Univtrfal Church i Butin the cafe of Sovereign Princes with Provincial Councils, 
 when General Councils cannot be had, and much more when General Councils have 
 given their fentence formerly in the cafe( as the Councils of Conftance znd Bafil have 
 done concerning the Papacy, ) and with us who are fuificieatiy refolved that St. 
 Feter had no preheminence above his fellowes,but onely principality of order and the 
 beginning of Unity i and that whatfbever poAver the Bifhop of Rome hath more 
 than any other Bifhop, it is mecrly from the cuftomes of the Catholick Church, or 
 from the Canons of the Fathers, or from the Edids of Prlnces,and may be taken a- 
 way,uponfufficientgrounds, by equal authority to that by which it was acquired*, 
 I fay in this our cafe there «an be no doubt at all. And yet it can much lefsbe 
 doubted whether a Sovereign Prince with a National Synod may remedy the in- 
 croachments and ufurpations of the Roman Court, within his own dominions, or 
 exclude new Creeds and new Articles of faith, lately devifedand obtruded, contrary 
 to the determination of the General Council of Ej'/'f/iw, of which let us hear what 
 is Docftor Holdens opinion, Notumeji inter d^holicos omnes tanquam axioma certijlimum^ 
 &c. It is k^own that all Catholickj do hold this as a moji certain axiome,that nothingottght 
 or maybe maintained for a Chriiiian revealed truth, but that which was received by our 
 Ancejiors, and delivered from one generation to another by continued fuccejjjon from the times 
 of the Apoftles. This is all that we have done, and done it with due fubmiffion to 
 the highefi Judge of Ecclcfiafticalcontroverfies uponEarth, that is a general Council. 
 If the Court of Kowe will be humorous, like little Children, who becaufe they can- 
 not have fome toy that they have a mind to, do caft away all that their Parents have 
 given them, we cannot help it. 
 
 Over and above all the former grounds, which the Romanifls themfelves do in 
 fomc fort acknowledge, I propofe this further, that Patriarchal power in external 
 things is fubjed and fubordinate to Imperial. When Maurititu the Emperour had 
 made a Law that no Souldier fhould turn Monk , untill his warfare were accom- 
 plifl^ed, St. Gregory Bifhop oi'Kome difliked the Law, and reprefented his fenfe of 
 it to the Emperour, but withall according to his duty publifhed it : Ego quidem mijji- 
 onifubjedits eandem legem per diverfts terrarum partes tranfmitto, & quia lex ipfa omnipo~ 
 tenti Veominime concordat, Ecce per fuggeftionis mea paginam dominit nunciavi ■> utrobique 
 ergo qua dehui exolvi, qui & Imperatori obedientiamprxbui, & pro Deo quid fenfi minime 
 tacui. J being fuhje£i to your command have tranfmitted yottr Law to be publijhed through 
 diverfe parts of the World. And becaufe the Law itfelfis not pleafwg to Almighty God , 
 J have reprejentedmy opinion thereof to my Lords i wherefore J have performed my duty ott 
 both fides, in yielding obedience to the Emperour, and not concealing what I thought for 
 God. A moO: rare and Chriftian prefident of that great Patriarch, and fit <j for our 
 obfervation and imitation in thefe dayes i He acknowledged the Emperour to be his 
 Lord, and himfelf to befubjedt to his commands. And though no humane invention 
 can warrant anadthatis morally evill in it lelfi yet, if it be onely impeditive of a 
 greater good, as that bleffed Saint did take this Law to be, the command of a Sove- 
 reign doth weigh down the fcale, and obligeth a Patriarch to obedience in a matter 
 that concerns Religion, How much more doth the cbmmand of the Englifh Mo- 
 narch and the Englifh Church difoblige an Englifh fubjed from a forreign Patriarch, 
 whofe Original right is but humane at the moft, and.inthe cafe in queftien between 
 Rome and England^nons at all. But
 
 Discourse II. Of the Church of Enghnd^ pi 
 
 But to come up yefcloferto the Queftion. The general Councils of Confiautino- -^^ 
 pie and Chalcedm, with the prefence, concurrence,and conhrmation, of Iheodofm the h^c changed 
 greatandMarto«theEmperours, notwithftandingtheoppofitionof the Roman Bi- Patriarchs, 
 (hop by his Legates, did advance the Bifhop of Conjiantimple from being a poor 
 Suifragan under the Metropolitan of HeracUa, to be the fecond Patriarch, and equal Conc.ConJt. 
 in dignLty,power,and all manner of priviIedges,to the iirft, and alligned unto him S""* V-a / 
 for his Patriarchate Po«/w, and ^j?j the lefs, and T/jr^icw, and fome other Countries Canii, 
 part of which Territories they fubflraded from the obedience of the Roman Bifhop 
 at leaft over which the Roman Bifhops challenged Jurifdidtion , and part from other 
 Patriarchs. And the reafon of this alteration was the fame for which Cxjarea of 
 old was a long time preferred before Hierufalem , and Alexandria before Jmioch^ and 
 Kome before all others, to conform the Ecclefiaftical Regiment to the Political, becaulc 
 Conftantinople was made of a mean City the feat of the Eaftern Empire, and had as 
 many Diocefes and Provinces fubjed unto it as old Rome it [df. 
 
 But left it may be conceived, that this was not done at all by Imperial power, but 
 by the authority of the Oecumenical Synods, we may obferve further, that Juftinian oy h • a 
 the Eftiperour by his fole Sovereign Legiflative power did new-found the Patriar- Xrify[ 
 chate of JujUniana prima, and allign a province unto it, and indow it with moft Ntvel.'u: 
 ample priviledges, freeing.it from all appeals, and all acknowledgment of fiiperiori- ^ 
 
 ty, giving the Bifhop thereof equal power with that which the Bifhop of Rome had ^'''"^' '3»' 
 in his Patriarchate. The fame priviledges and prerogatives were given by the fame 
 Emperour, by the fame Legillative authority, to the Bifhop of Carthage, notwith- 
 ftanding that the Bifhops of Rome did al wayes pretend that Carthage was under their 
 Jurifdidlion. I deny not that Vigilius and Gregory fucceeding Popes did make depu- 
 tations to the Bifhop of Jujliniana, to fupply their places. But this was but an old 
 Roman iinenefs. The BilTiops of Jnfli>jiana needed none of their Commiffions. 
 Jujiinian the Father and founder of the Imperial Law knew well enough how far 
 his Legiflative power did extend. And ^fcghthe Ad: was notorious to the whole 
 world, and inferted into the body of the^Tw, yet the Fathers of that age did not 
 complain of any Innovation, or Ufurpation, or breach of their priviledges, or viola- 
 tion of their rights. 
 
 King Henry the Eighth had the fame Imperial power, and was as much a Sove- p v/j^ «• 
 reign in his own Kingdoms, as Jujiinian the Emperour in his larger Dominions, ( as S'loUralgl* 
 William Rjtfus, Son and fuccelTor of the Conquerour faid moft truly, that the Kings of as the Empe- 
 England have all thofe liberties in their oa>n Kingdoms, rvhich the Emperours had in the ''°"" 
 Empire ) and had as much authority to exempt his own fubjedts from the Jurifdidi- ^'*"^' ^""J" 
 on of one Patriarch, and transfer them to another iefpecially with the advife, content 
 and concurrence of a National Synod. So King ^rf^iwr his predeceflbr removed the 
 Primacy from Caerleon to St. Davids, and another of them to Canterbury, for the ad- 
 vantage of their fubjeds according to the exigence of the times. 
 
 If the Pope had been the King of England's Subjedt , as former Popes were the 
 Emperors , he might have ferved him as they did fome of his predecelTors , called a 
 Council , regulated him , and reduced him to order and reafon i or, if he proved 
 incorrigible , have depofed him. But the Pope being a ftranger, all that he could 
 juftly do was what he did, rather than to fee his Royal prerogative daily trampled 
 upon , his Laws deftroyed , his Subjeds opprcffed i rather than to have new Arti- 
 cles of Faith daily obtruded upon the Englijh Church ■■, rather than to incur the pe- 
 ril of wilful Idolatry , againft Confcience , and therefore formal ■■, to cafhier the Ro' 
 man Court , with all their pardons and indulgences, and other Alchymiftical devi- 
 ces , out of his Kingdoms : until time fhould teach them to content themfelves 
 with moderate things, which endure long v or until either a free Oecumenical 
 Council, or an Ewropxan Synod, fhould fettle Controverfies, and tune the jarring 
 firings of the Chriftian world. In the mean time we pitty their errours, pray for their 
 amendment, and long for a re-union. 
 
 Now the juft grounds of fuch fubdudion or feparation are of Two forts, cither ^wo (brtiof 
 the perfonal faults of the Popes, or their Minifters , as in the cafe of Simony and grounds for 
 Schifm , which ought in juftice to refled upon none but the perfons who areguiltyi fubftraftion of 
 Or eUe they are faulty principles and rules , as well in point of Dodrine as of Dif- obc<li«>cc. 
 
 cipline.
 
 p2 
 
 A Jkft Vindication 
 
 TOME Tf. 
 
 Our Firft 
 
 greuDd. 
 
 Chtmnit Exa 
 Cone. Tritf. 
 
 cipline fuch as the obtruding of new Creeds, the preffing of unlawful Oaths, 
 and the' palpable ufurpation of the undoubted rights of others. And thcfe do jufti- 
 fie and warrant a more permanent feparation, that is, until .they be reformed, 
 wherefore having taken a view of the fufficiency of the Authority of our Princes to 
 reform v In the next place it is worthy of our ferious confideration what were the 
 true grounds of the feparation of the Kingdom and Church of England from the 
 Court of Rome : And Secondly , whether in the fubdudion or fubftradion of their 
 obedience or Communion they obferved due moderation. 
 
 The grounds of their feparation were many : Firft , the intolerable extortions 
 and excellive P\apine of the Court of Kome , committed in that P\.ealm, by their Le- 
 gates and Nuncio's, and Commiffioners, and Colledors , and other inferiour Of- 
 ficers and Harpies, enough to impoverifh the Kingdom , and to drain out of it all 
 the Treafure that was in it, and leave it as bare as a Grafhopper in Winter, by their 
 indulgences and pardons for all kind of fin at a certain rate, Regiftred in their Pe- 
 nitentiary Tax. Yea as Ticdius , the Pope's pardoner made his brag in Germany , 
 though a man had ravilhed the Mother of God , yet fo foon as the Money did but 
 chink in the bottom of the Bafon, prefently the foul flew out of Purgatory, To 
 thefc we may add their Difpenfations of all forts, and Commutations , and Abfblu- 
 and Contributions , and Refervations , and Tenths , and Firfl-fruits , and 
 
 tions . 
 
 M«nt. 
 
 Appeals, and Palls , and a thoufand other Artifices to get Money : as Provifions, 
 Collations, Exemptions, Canonizations, Divolutions , Revocations, Unions, 
 Commendams , Tolerations, Pilgrimages, Jubilees. Nulla hk arcana revelo , faith 
 Mantuan , 
 
 Venalia mhU 
 
 T^empb , Sacerdotes , altaria^ Sacra, coron£ , 
 JgnU , thura , peces , cxlum Hi vxnak , Ve-ufque. 
 
 Temples, Priefts, Altars, Miters ,tR)ly Orders, Prayers, Mafles , Heaven, 
 and God himfelf arc falable at 'Rome. It is no marvel , they that buy muft fell i 
 And whileft I am writing thefe things , comes frefh intelligence of a Book lately (et 
 forth , de Simonia ptefenm PoMtificis , ( they fay ) not penned , but didated, by fuch 
 as know right well the moft fecret Cabals , and Intrigues of the Conclave > Nam 
 prupiuifama eft hos tangere Vivos > which I can eafily impute more to the fault of the 
 place, than of the man. The oblation of the Body and Blood of Chrifi: is fold , 
 faftings and penitentiary works are fold , qui non pottft jejunare per fe , poteft jejunare 
 per alium , vel poteji dare mmmttm pro jejunio. The merits of the Saints being alive 
 are fold , their relids being dead are fold , Scapulars and Monaftick Garments are 
 fold. The Jerpes with their Oxen , Sheep , and Doves, were but petty Merchants 
 in comparifon of thefe great Bankers. Did any man defire a Pall > The Law it felf 
 Dijl- 100. 1 J a. did dired them what to do, FaVium non datur nift fortiter poftulanti i The Pall would 
 not be given but to thofe that knocked hard with a filver hammer. Was any man a 
 InHen.i.an. Suppliant to the Court of Rowf .? Matthew Farts puts him into a right way , Tunc 
 fedes clerrentiffima qu£ nuVi deejle confuevit, dummodo alhi aliquid vel rubei intercedat , 
 pr£fcriptos Fontifices & Ablates adpriftinas dignitates mifericorditer revocaviti Then the 
 moft piitifiil See, tchich is not accuftomed to he wanting to any Suppliants, fo they bring 
 white or yellow Advocates along with them , did mercifully rejiore the faid Bijhops and 
 Abbats to their former dignities. It is almoft incredible , what a mafs of Treafure 
 they colltded out of England in a ftiort time, onely from inveftitures , and feme 
 Bnf.ji/»r' other exadions from Bii^ops , in Four years, no lefs than an hundred and fixty 
 thoufand pounds fterling , as was found by Inquifition. Archbifliop Cranmer paid 
 for his Bulls that concerned his Confecration and Pall Nine hundred Ducats, to fuch 
 an highth were the extortions of the Rojm^m Court mounted. Ex ungue leonem. 
 Judge by this what the Pope's yearly income or revenue out of England mioht be, 
 by all thefe arts which we have formerly mentioned , and many more : Sometimes 
 under pretenfe of recovering the Holy Land : Sometimes to relieve the poverty of 
 the Roman Court: Sometimes in palfries ; Sometimes in forged Bills of Exchange : 
 Sometimes in extorted fubfidies : Sometimes to a certain fumme ; Sometimes to the 
 
 fifth 
 
 no;. 
 
 Ant 
 
 r^6.
 
 Discourse H. Of the Chtrcb of Ene^hnd. or. 
 
 fifth part of theirgoods : Sometimes to the third part of Refidents -, and the half of 
 non-Refidents : Sometimes in yearly revenues i as two Pr;beods of every Bifliop, 
 and the value of the maintenance of twoMonksfrom every Abbat : Sometimes out 
 of the goods of rich Clergy-men vi'hodied inteftate : Sometimes a years wages for 
 payment of Souldiers v fome Five, fome Ten, (bme Fifteen according to their Eftates: 
 Sometimes in Jewels, of all which he that delires to be more fully informed, needs 
 but to read Matthew Farif^who defcribes the abufes and extortions of the Roman 
 Bifhops Graphically throughout his Hiftory. And in one place he bemoans the con- 
 dition of England in thefe words: Erat tgitur videre dolorem frxcord'ukm getiM Janiio- Mutb. Parif. 
 rim irrigare, querelas entmperejirjfina multiplicare, dicentihus rmtllvs citmfmgultii cruen- An. U37. 
 tato^ melm eft nobif mori quam videre malagentU noftr£ & Sandorum, V<e Angltx qtt£ 
 quondam princeps frovinciarum^ domina gentittm^/peculum Ecclefix, Keligionis exemplum, 
 mmefada eftfub tribute. Conculcaverunt earn igmbiks^ &fjaa eft hi prxdam degeneribus^ 
 &c. 7herefore a man might fee forrow of heart rvater the eyelids of holy men^ complaints 
 breaf^put^and grones multiplyed, many faying rvith bloody fighs^ It is better for us to dy 
 than to fee the mifery of our Nation^ and of holy perfom. IVo be to England xvhich once 
 was the Princefiof Provinces, th Ltdy of Nations, the glafi of the Church, a -pattern of 
 Religion, but mtv is become tributary. Ignoble feUorves have trodenher underfoot, and Jhe is 
 made a prey to bafeperfons. 
 
 Neither was this the complaint of the vulgar onely : All eonfcientious men were 
 of the fame mind. Who hathnnt Iieardof the bitter complaints and free declama- 
 tions of Crofthead the Learned and Religious Bifliop of Lincoln, againft the Tyranny 
 and Rapine of the Roman Courts, both in the time of his health, and upon his 
 death-bed ; for which he was ftiled Romamrum mjUeiis, The hammer of the Romans ? Math. Par. i« 
 whereby he fo much irritated the Pope, that he would have depofed him, and ac- •^•5- ''"•"5J- 
 curfed him in his lifetime, if he had not been difTwaded by his Cardinals in refpetft 
 of the learning, and holinefs,and delerved reputation, of the Bifliop v and after his 
 death would have had his Corps difinterred and buried in a dunghill, but that the 
 Bifliop appeared to him the night before, and gave him, orfeemed to give him, fuch z ., 
 (hrewd remembrance, partly with words, and partly with his crofier-flaff, that the 1254. 
 Pope was much terrified and half dead, fo that he could neither eat nor drink the 
 day following. 
 
 The Pope excommunicated Sewalus the Archbifliop of Tori^with Bell Book and • 
 Candle, hutnon cttravit voluntati Papalirelirto Juris rigoremuliebriter obedire. ^a- ^'^^"' ^''*'' 
 propter quanta magis pr£cipiente Papa maledicebatur,tanto plus a populo benedicebatur,taci- **^'* 
 te tamen, propter metum Romamrum. He cared not tofubmit TPomaniJlAy to the Popes roill, 
 leaving the ftreight rule of the Larp. fVhere fore the more he rcas accnrfed by the Popes 
 command, the more hemasbleffedof the People, but fecretly for fear of the Romans. In his idem Anno 
 laft iicknefs he fummoned the Pope before the Tribunal of the high and incorrupti- 1258. 
 ble Judge, and called ilj|eaven and Earth to be his witnefTes how unjuftly the Pope 
 had opprefled him : Vixit Vominm Petro, &c. Ihe Lordfaid unto St. Peter, fed my 
 jheep,not clipthem,notfleal them, not unbowell them, not devoicr them. Tliey who defire 
 to know what opinion theE>igliJhha.d of the greedine{s and extortion of the Court Plo^rnans 
 of Rome, may find them drawn out to the life by Chaucer in fundry places. ' J^j!'*' ^°'^ ^"^* 
 
 Such thriving Alchymifts were never heard of in our dayes, nor in the dayes of 
 our fore-Fathers, that with fuch eafe and dexterity could change an ounce of lead 
 into a pound of gold. So they had great reafon to fay oi^ England thu it was a 
 Well that could not be drawn dry. And Englandhzd as much reafon to whip thefe 
 Buyers and Sellers out of the Temple. This complaint is neither new nor particu-" 
 lar as we fliall fee flirther in due place. 
 
 The fecond ground of our Anceftors Reparation of themfelves from the Court of Ourferond 
 Rome, were their moft unjuft ufurpations, and daily incroachments and intrench- Sround. 
 ments, and extream violations of all forts of rights. Civil and Eccleiiaflical, Sacred 
 and Prophane. They indeavoured to rob the King of the faireft flowers of his 
 Crown: as of his right to convocate Synods, and to confirm Synods within his own 
 Dominions, of hisLegiflative and Judiciary power in Ecclefiaflical caufes, of his 
 PoliticalJurifdi<3:ionoverEcclefiafticalperfons,of his Ecclefiaftical Feuds and Inve- 
 ftitures of Bi(hops,of his juft Patronages of Churches founded by Iiis Anccftors, and 
 
 of
 
 PS 
 
 A Jnfi Vindication 
 
 TOME T. 
 
 Epifc. Elien- 
 f.s. 
 
 Plat.iiiGrti' 
 7. 
 
 Ian. Ijcam. 
 f.i8. 
 
 Admom to the 
 Nobility by 
 Card. ABin, 
 1588. 
 
 Exam.Cathih 
 ^34. 
 
 Math. Paril'' 
 Anno I344> 
 
 Idem, Annt 
 1253. 
 
 AnnnL fol- 
 303. 
 
 Ep- Card. 
 Bill, ad G.- 
 Blackjf» 
 Anhpr. 
 
 of the hit appeals of hisfubjeds. And, as if all this had been too little, taking ad- 
 vantaee of King John's troubles, they attempted to make the Royal Scepter ot Eng- 
 land Feudataryand Tributary to the Crofier-ftaff of Kome at the annual rent of a 
 Thoufand marks. Neither is this the cafe of Englatid alone, feeing they make the 
 like prctenfions in matter of fad almoft to all Europe. To fay nothing now of that 
 Dominion which fomeof them have challenged indireftly, others dircdtly over So- 
 vereign Princes : Nos w!peria,regna,principatHf,& qukquid habere mortaks pojimt, aw 
 ferre & dare pnjje. IFe have pon>er to take away and to give Empires^ Kingdoms^ Prin- 
 cipaltties, and rehatfoever mortal men can have ; becaufe I confefs that it is not gene- 
 rally received by the "Roman Church. 
 
 Mr. B/rfc/^tvfZ/madeArchprieft of EMg/Wby C/mf«rthe Eighth, cites Cardinal 
 yii'fw,with much honour to his memory, but much fcandalized at his Dodrine, that 
 none'can be admitted King of England without the Pope's leave : His words are 
 thcfe. Without the appmhation of the See Jpniiotiqtte, none can he lawful King or §jueen 
 of England by reafin of the ancient accord made between Alexander the Third the year 
 1 1 7 1 . and Henry thefecond then King, when he was abfolvedfor the death of St. Thomas 
 of Canterbury, T/7<?t no marf might lawfully tak^ that Crown, nor be accounted as King, 
 till he were confirmed by the Sovireign Tafior of our fouls which for the timejhould be. 
 ^ins accord afterwards beingrenewed about the year 12 10. by King ]ohn, who confirmed 
 the fame by Oath toVzndu\phus the Tope's Legate, at the fpecial requeft and procurement of 
 iheLords'and Commons, as a thing mofl neceffary for prefrvation of the Kealm from unjuji 
 vfurpationof Tyrants, md avoiding other inconveniences which they had proved, and might 
 eafily fall again into,hy the diforder of feme wicked King.To which he adds with the like 
 difapprobation a like Teftimony of Stanifaw Chrijianovic, a Polonlan Author, who 
 infers upon the former ground that the Pope may depolethe King of England, as 
 being but a Tributary King, his words are thefe : lUudimpie Legifatores per jusjuran- 
 dumextorquenta Catholicis, 8cc. The Law-makers do jmpioufy by an Oath extort this from 
 Catholicks, to deny that the King may he depofed by the Pope, and his Kingdoms and Coun- 
 tries by him difpofed of. For if by an honourable and pious grant the Kingdom have he- 
 come Tributary to the Pope, why may he not difpofe of it ? UHiy may he not depnfe the 
 Prince being refradoryand difibedient? Thus a bold ftranger altogether ignorant of 
 our Hiftories and of our Lawes {hoots his bolt at all adventures upon the credit of a 
 fhameful fiftion. But from whom did they learn this Icffon ? Even from the Pope 
 himfelf Bifhop Croftheadhzd been a kttle bold with the Pope for his extorting cour- 
 les, calling him Antichrijl, and murtherer of Souls, and comparing the Court of Kome 
 to Behemoth, thatputteth hU meuthto the Kiver ]ordsLnthinkingto drink.it up, andftiling 
 the opprellionof the Englifii Narion an JEgypiian Bond<ige. He had good reafon » 
 for the Court of Kome in thofe dayes was grown paft (hame, ( rubore depofno _) and 
 confequently paft grace. The Pope irritated with this ufage breaks out into this 
 paflionate expreflion, Nonne Kex Anglorum nofter eft VafaUus, ^, ut plus dicam, manci- 
 pium ? Is not the King of England our VaJJal, or rather cur Slave ? Or rather are thefe 
 fit guefts to be entertained in a Kingdom that make no more of our Sovereign 
 Princes than their VafTals and Slaves, who can neither be admitted to the Crown 
 without their leave, nor hold it but by their grace > 
 
 This relation of Cardinal Jllen brings to my remembrance the queftion of Neo- 
 ptolemus to Vlyjfes, when he fhould have taught him the Art of lying,how it waspof- 
 fblefor one to tell a lye without blueing ? The Arch-Prieft is much more ingenuous, 
 affirming that the ajfertions touching both thefaid Kings for matter of fad were untruei 
 That Henry thefecond never made any fuch accord with Alexander the third, for ought 
 that he could ever read in any Chronicle of credit ■■> Then that the Oath which Heniy the fe- 
 cond did tak^for himfe If (not (or his heirs,^was this, that he vfould not depart from him 
 or hvs fucceffors^fo long as they fhould intreathim as a Catholiik.King\ That thefaS of King 
 John if of more probability, but of as little /rat/:), which he confirms by the Tefiimony 
 of Six Thomas Moor a Lord Chancellor of England,zrmT\ of Extraordinary learning, 
 of great parts, of ib good affedions to the Koman See, that he is fuppofed to have 
 dyed for the Pope's Supremacy, and is commended by CzxAiral BeVarmine to Mr. 
 Blackwell as a Martyr, and a guide of many others to Martyrdom, cum ingenti Anglic* 
 nationU gloria, ccxuiri\y one who had as much means to know the truth, both by view 
 
 of 
 
 I
 
 Discourse II. Of the Churcb of Ensjznd. p;- 
 
 of Records, andotherwife, as any man living: Thus writcth he. If he ( the An- 
 thourof the Beggars Supplication J Jay as indeed fame Writers fay ^ that King ]ohn Sopplic. of . 
 made flnglyid and Ireland tributary to the Tope and the See JpojUick^^ by the grant of a. ^°"'''P' "J*^* 
 Iboufattd Marks ■> we dare furely fay again ^ that it is itntrne , and that all Rome nei- 
 ther can fhew fuch a Grants n-jr ever could , And if they could , it were nothing worth. 
 For never cnuld any King of England give away the Realm to the Pope, or mak^ the Land 
 tributary, though he would. 
 
 As to that of Henry the Second , without doubt the -Archprieit had al! the rcafon 
 in the world for him. Cardinal Allen did not write by infpiration , and could ex- 
 ped no more credit than he brought authority. There is a vaft difference between 
 thefe Two , that no manfhaU be accounted King of England , ttntil he be confirmed by 
 the Pope: And this other, that the King in his own pe^fm would not defert the Pope , fo 
 long as he imreated him lik^ a Catholick^King. The former is moft diflionourable to 
 the Nation , and Diametrally oppofite to the fundamental Laws of the Land. The 
 later we might take our felves without offence to God or our own Confciences. But 
 to make our Kings their vaffals and their Oaves , to impoverifli their Realm, and 
 to commit all thofe exorbitant mifdemeanors againft them, which we have related 
 in part , and (hall yet defcribe more fully, was neither to intreat them like Catholick 
 Kings, nor like Chriftian Kings, nor yet like political Kings. 
 
 And (o: h\s St.7homas o( Canterbury , we do not believe that the Pope's Canoni- 
 zation , or to have his Name inferted into the Calendar in red letters,makcs a Saint. 
 We do abominate that murther as lawlefs and barbarous , to fprinkle not onely the 
 pavements of the Church , but the very Altar with the blood of a Prelate v and we 
 condemn all thofe who had an hand in it , But we do not believe that the caufe of 
 his fuffering was fuflEcient to make him a Martyr , namely , to help Forreigners to 
 pull the faireft flowers from his Prince's Diadem by violence , and to perjure him- 
 felf, and violate his Oath given for the obfervation of the Articles of Clarendon. Hoveden.in 
 All his own Suffragan Eifhops were againf^ him in the caufe, and juftified the ■^'""»'' f-*9*' 
 King's proceedings , as appeareth by Two of their Letters, one to himfelf , the 
 other to Pope Alexander tl>£ Third. The Barons of the Kingdom reputed him as 
 a Tray tor : ^o proff'ederis Prodi tor ? ExpeCta , & audi judicium tunm j Whither go- jji„, 
 eft thou , "Iraytur .? flay , and hear thy ]udinnent. This is certain , the firft time that 
 ever any Pope did challenge the right of Inveftitures in England, was in the dayes 
 of Henry the Firft i and Pafchal the Second was the firft Pope, that ever exafted an 
 Oath from any Forreign Biihop, above Eleven hundred years after Chrift. Before 
 that time they evermore fwore Fealty to their Prince, deHomigUs, de Feudis, de 
 Sacramentis Epifcoporum , Laicis antea exhihitis ■■> 'There was great confnltalion ah.mt the f /'*'' "* ^*' 
 Homage , and Fealty, and Oaths of Bijhops in firmer ages fworn to Lay-men. Thefe new **" 
 articles of Faith are too young to make Martyrs. 
 
 Concerning the Second inftance of King John , though I attribute much to the 
 Authority of Sir Ihomas Moor in that cafe, who would never have been £o confident, 
 unlefs he had fuppofed that he had {earched the matter to the bottom i yet his zeal 
 to the Papacy , and his unwillingneft to fee fuch an unworthy ad proceed from that 
 See, might perhaps miflead him : for I confefs fundry Authours do relate the cafe -^'"f*- P<trif- 
 otherwife. That there was a Prophefie or Prediftion made by one Peter an Hermite, ""■""• 
 that the next day to Afcenfion Sunday there fhould be no King in England ■■> That 
 Pope Innocent the Third being angry with King John , excommunicated him, inter- 
 dided the Kingdom, deprived him of his Crown , abfolved his Subjeds from their 
 Allegiance, animated his Barons and Bifhops againft him , gave away his Realm to 
 Philip King of France , fent Pandulplm as his Legate into England to fee all this exe- 
 cuted. The King of France provides an* Army accordingly. But the crafty Pope 
 underhand gives his Legate fecret inftrudions , to fpeak privately with King John^ 
 and if he could make a better bargain for him , and draw him to fubmit to the (en- 
 tence of the Pope , he fhould ad nothing againft him , but in his favour. They do 
 meet. King J^^wfubraits, the Pope orders him to refign his Crown and Kingdoms 
 to the See o( Rome. So ( they fay ) he did, and received them the next day of the 
 Pope's Grace as a feudatary at the yearly Rent of a Thoufand Marks , for the King- ^•"'^ PatiJ. 
 doms of England and Ireland , and did Homage and fwear Fealty to Pope Inno- ""• '*'J* 
 cent. Bat
 
 ~^ A Juft Vindicaticn TOME t . 
 
 But whereas the Cardinal adds upon his own head , that this was done at thefpe- 
 cial requeft and procurement of the Lords and Commons , it is an egregious forge- 
 ry and well deserves a whetrtone i for all the Three Orders of the Kin^om , Bi- 
 Harpf.adji- fliJps Earons , and Commons, did protdt againft it in Parliament, notwith- 
 cul. 14. c. 5- flandin'^ any private Contrad that might be made by Kiug John; and that they 
 Citat. Sana. ^^^^^^ defend themfdves by Arms from the Temporal Jurifdidion of the Pope. But 
 ^ the other Anfwer of Sir Ihomoi Moore is moft certain , and beyond all exception , 
 
 that if either Henry the Second , or King John had done any fuch thing , it was 
 rot worth a ru(h , nor ilgnified any thing , but the greedinefs and prophanenels of 
 thefe pretended Vicars of Chrift , who proftituted and abufed their Office , and the 
 power of the Keys , to ferve their bafe and avaritious ends , and lets the world fee 
 how well they deferved to be thruft out of doors. What > That no man might be 
 cforoned^ or accounted King of England, tmil he rcere confirmed by the Pope .?■ By the 
 Law of^ England, Kex non moritur , the King never dyes ; and doth all afts of So- 
 vcrei^'^nty before his Coronation as well as after. 
 
 They robbed the Nobility of their Patronages , thofe Churches which their An'- 
 certors had foimded and endowed, being by provifions from Kome frequently con- 
 ferred upon Strangers , which could not fpeak one word of Englijh , nor did ever 
 tread upon Englijh ground , Infomuch , that at one time there were fo many Italians 
 ^"h ^'^An. beneficed in England , that they received more Money yearly out of it , than all the 
 1245'. Ep. Vni- Revenues of the Crown, to the high diflervice of Almighty God, the great fcan- 
 on.Angi.'ad dal of Religion , the decay of Hofpitality , and the utter ruine of the Englijh 
 Innocent. church. 
 
 But the leaft (hare of their oppreffions did not light upon the Bifliops, who by 
 their Difpenfations , and Relervations of cafes, and of Penfions , and Exemptions, 
 and Inhibitions, and Vifitations, and Tenths, andFirft-fruits,- and Provifions, and 
 fubfidiary Helps , were impoverifhed and difabled to do the Duties of their Fundi- 
 on. They take their aim much amifs^who look upon Epifcopacy as a branch of 
 , Popery, or a device of the Biftop of Rome to advance his own greatnefs. Whereas 
 
 the contrary is moft certain, that the Pope is the greatell Impugner of Bifhops, and 
 the Papacy it felf fprung from the unjuft ufurpation of their juft rights. Let it 
 be once admitted, that Bilhops are by divine right, and inftantly all his difpenfations, 
 and refervations, and exemptions, and Indulgences, and his Conclave of Cardinals, 
 and the whole Court of Ko»«',fhrink to nothing. This was clearly perceived by 
 both parties in the ventilation of that famous queftion in the Council of Trent, con- 
 cerning the divine right of Bifhops, propofed by the Almains, Polonians and Hunga- 
 rM«/,feconded bravely by the Spaniards, profecuted home by the French, owned by 
 the Archbifhop of TarU as the dodrinc of Sorbone,2T\d onely crofTed by the Jtalian 
 tadrion, to preferve the glory of their own Country, and the advantages which that 
 nation doth reap from the Papacy. By whofe frowardnefs and prevarication ( in all 
 probability) the re-union of the Church, and the univerfal peace of this part of 
 Chriftendom in necefTary Truths, was hindredat that time. 
 
 I prefume the cafe was not fo very ill in forreign parts, but yet ill enough. Or 
 otherwifeSt. Bernard would not have made fo bold withEugeniuf, adding that, if the 
 dayes were not evil, he would fpeak many more things, Why do yon thriijiyour fickje 
 Bern. 1. 3. de into other mens harveji? &c. He complains of the confufion of appeals, how they were 
 Corfiderat, admitted contrary to Law and Right, befides Cuftom and Order, without anydi- 
 flindion, of place, or manner, or time, -or caufe,or perfon. He complains further of 
 the exemption of Abbats from their Bifhops, Bifhops from their Archbifhops, Arch- 
 bifliops from their Primates. And this he- ftiles Murmtir & commtmem querimomam 
 Ecckfiarum, The murmuring and common coifiplaint of the Churches. 
 
 Laftly,they cheated and impoveriflied the people by their difpenfations and com- 
 mutations, and pardons, and indulgences, and expeditions to recover the holy Land, 
 and Jubiles, and pilgrimages, and agnm Vei's, and a thoufand pecuniary Artifices. 
 So as no fort of men efcaped their lingers. 
 Tlie Third The third ground of their feparation from Rowe was, becaufe they found by ex- 
 
 ground, perience that fuch forreign Jurifdidion fo exercifed was deftrudive to the right ends 
 
 of Eccleilaftical difcipline, which is in part t,p preferve publick peace and tranquilli- 
 ty, ■
 
 Discourse II. of the Church of Enghnd,, gj 
 
 ty, to recein fubjeds intluc obedience, and to oblige people to do their duties more 
 confcientioully. Far be it from any Chriftian to imagine that policy is the Spring- 
 head of Religion. There never was yet anyone Nation fb unpolitick and brutifhly 
 barbarous, but they had fome Religion or other. They who obeyed no Governours 
 but their Parents, paid religious duties to fome God i they who wanted Clothes to 
 their backs, wanted not their facred Ceremonies ; they who were without municipal 
 Lawes, were fubjedof themlelves to the Law of Confcience. But where Religion 
 hath loft its influence and vigour by contempt, and much more where the influence 
 of Religion is malignant i where Policy and Religion do riot fupport one another 
 but interfere one with another •, Societies are like Caftles builded in the air, without 
 any firm foundation, and cannot long endure, like as that fingle Meteor Cajhr ap- 
 pearing without Follux portends an unfortunate voyage. Let lu flatter our [elves as 
 much as we pkafe ( faid "Tuty to the Komans ) we have not overcome the Spaniards in 
 Nr<niher, nor the Galls hi Force, nor the Carthaginians i» Craft, nor the Grecians in Art 
 nor the Italians inVnierfcanding^hut the advantage which -we have gained over them wat 
 by 'Religious piety. So great an influence hath Religion upon the body Politick. 
 
 Wherefore our Anceftors having fcen by long and coftly experience, that the Ty- 
 rannical Jurifdidion of the Roman Court, inftead of peace and tranquillity did pro- 
 duce dil-union in the Realm, fadions and animofities between the Crown and the 
 Miter, inteftinc difcord between the King and his Barons, bad intelligence with 
 Neighbour-Princes, and forreign Wars i Having feen a ftranger folicited by the 
 Pope, either to deftroy them by War, or to fubdue them to the obedience of the 
 Roman Court •, Having Ceen their native Country given awayas a prey to a forreign 
 Prince, Fhilipof France, and the Pope well near featedin the Royal Chair of Eftate, 
 for him and hisfucceflbrs for ever, to the endkfs diflionour of the 'Enalijh name and 
 Nation, by the cheating tricks of Pandulphus his Legate •, Having feen Engltjh Rebels 
 canonized at Rome, and .made Saints ■■, it was no marvel if they thought it high 
 time to free themfelves fromfuch a chargeable and dangerous gueft. 
 
 Fourthly, betides the former bad influence of forreign Jurifdidtion upon the body The Fourth 
 Politick, they found fundry other inconveniences that incited them to feparate from 6™"°'** 
 Rome : They muft have been daily fubjed to have had new Creeds and new Articles 
 of faith obtruded upon them: They muft have been daily expofed to manifold and 
 manifeft peril of Idolatry, and finning againft God and their own Conlciences: They 
 muft have forfaken the Communion of three parts of Chriftendom, which are not 
 Roman, to joyn with the fourth : They muft have approved the Pope's apparent 
 Rebellion againft the fupream Ecclefiaftical power, that is, a general Council: And 
 their Bifliops muft have fwom to maintain himinthele his Rebellious Ufurpations. 
 Whether they ftiould prefer their native and Chriftian liberty, or give them up for 
 nothing v whether they (hould preferve their Communion with the Catholick 
 Church, or with the Court of Rome ■■, whether they Ihould defert the Pope, or in- 
 volve themfelves in Rebellion, Schifm, Sacriledge, and Perjury, the choice was foon 
 made. 
 
 Laftly, they (ee that the Popes had difclaimed all that juft power which they had 
 by humane right, and challenged to themfelves a fpiritual Monarchy or Sovereignty 
 by divine right, whereby their fuflTerings, which in themfelves were unfupportable 
 were made alfo irremediable, from thence. Wherefore they fought out a fit expe- 
 dient for themlelves, being neither ignorant of the old Britannick^ exemption and 
 liberties of the Englijh Church, nor yet of the weaknefs of the Roman pretences. 
 Our progenitors knew well enough that their Authority extended not to take away 
 any the leaft particle of divine right, if there had been any fiich. Nor could they 
 juftly be accufed of violating that humane right, which had been quitted long be-* 
 fore V nor be blamed rightly for denying obedience to him from whole Jurifdidion 
 they were exempted by the Canon of an Oecumenical Council, and who had himfelf 
 implicitely renounced that Ecclefiaftical right which he held from the Church, 
 
 Perhaps fome may conceive a defed in the manner of proceeding of the King 
 and Church of England, that they did not firft make a Remonftrance of their grie- 
 vances, and feek redrels of the Pope himlelf. So the Council of Towers thought it 
 fit. Vifam eft tamen Concilio, ante omnia mittendos Legatos ad I>. Tapam Julium, &c* 
 
 L h
 
 pS 
 
 A Juji Vtndication 
 
 TOMli I 
 
 Core- TuTon. 
 fln. ijio. in 
 fine. 
 
 ExiraUidei 
 Annah (t A- 
 qxitAii't' 
 
 Baron »■!'• 
 
 Grei-9^^ 
 EkS-fyE-Ua. 
 
 fttejiate 
 
 Math. Parif. 
 «in. 124$. 
 
 U.An- 1246. 
 
 Id, An. 124$: 
 
 Itfemeth aood to the Council , that in the firji place Mejfengert be fern from the French 
 Church to the Pope, who may admnip him ivith brotherly love, and according to the 
 Evanaelii^al form of correction , to defji from his attempts , and to embrace peace and con- 
 cord with the Princes. But if he will not hear the MeJJengers, let him be de?nanded to 
 convocate a free Council , according to the Vecres of the Holy Council of Balilc. And 
 this being done, and his Jnftver received, farther provifion Jhall be made according to 
 
 *To this I Anfvver , Firll , That it had been reafonable and juft indeed, that we 
 had made our Firrt addrefs to the Pope , if we acknowledge the Roman Bifhop t-o 
 be our lawful Patriarch : but the fame refped is not due to an Ufurper. Secondly , 
 we have feen by frequent experience ,■ how vain and fruitlefs fuch addrefles have 
 proved from time to time. According to the former advice of the Council of 
 'lowers , the King of f ranee fcnt AmbalTadors to Rome v but the Pope refufcd to 
 hear them , or to convocate any Council , and before his death anathematized Ma- 
 ximilian King of the Romans , the Kings of f ranee and oi Navarre, -iwA divers other 
 Princes , Cardinals , and Bifhops \ deprived the Kings and Princes of their rcfpe- 
 dtive Realms and Principalities, the Bifhops of their Dignities and Benertces i and 
 gave their Kingdoms aud Principalities to the tirft that could take them-, from which 
 le'ntence they appealed to a future Council. 
 
 The moft ancient arbitrary impofition of the Popes upon the Britifij Churches, 
 was the Pall , an honourable ,and at firft innocent, Enfign of an Archbifliop, other- 
 wile of no great moment-, firft introduced in the Reigns of the Saxon Kings after 
 the Six hundredth year of Chrill. But in procef^ of time it became vendible , and 
 a great fumme was exad-ed for it , whereof Canutm long fince complained at Rome, 
 and had remedie promifed , as he well deferved of that See i but how well it was 
 obfervcd , the experience of after-ages doth manifeft, when both the price was 
 augmented, and withall an Oath of Allegiance to the Pope impofed ; Eledo in Ar- 
 chiepifcopum fedes Apuftolica Pallium non tradet , mfi priiis pr£jiet fidelitatif & obedient i<e 
 juramentum 't T^he See ApoftoUch^will not deliver the Pall to anEleU Archbifliop, unlefs 
 he frrji fwear fidelity and obedience to the Pope. What was become of their old Oath 
 of Allegiance to their King > 
 
 In the jear 1245. the King, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and the whole 
 Common- wealth of England , joyned together unanimoufly in a complaint , i and 
 exhibited their grievances to Rome , That the Pope extorted more than his Vcter-pence 
 out of the Kingdom , contrary to Law , that the Patrons of Churches, were defrauded of 
 their rights , Strangers preferred , fouls endangered , their bullion exported, the King- 
 dom impoverijhed , provifions made , penfions exaCied : That the Englilh were drawn 
 out of the Realm by the Authority of the Pope , contrary to the Cujloms of the Kingdom, 
 They complained o€the toming among them of the Pope's infamous Mef!enger , ( non ob- 
 ftante ) by which Oaths , Cujloms, Writings, Grants, Statutes, Rights, Priviledges, 
 were not onely weah^ed , but exinanited. They covcvpXzmtA oi Collections , without the 
 Kin£s leave , that hospitality wm not kgpt , the poor not fuflained, the Word not preached. 
 Churches not adorned , the cure of fouls negleHed , "Divine O^ces not performed, and 
 Churches ruined by the abufes of the Papal Court. I cannot omit one claufe in the Let- 
 ter of the Lords to the Pope, Nifi de gravaminibus Domino Regi & regno illatif Rex & 
 regniim citihs liber entur , oportebit nos ponere murjtm pro Domo Domini, & libertate fe- 
 gni. ^lod qtiidem, ob Apofrolic£ fedis reverentiam ,hucn[que faccre dijiulimm '■> Vnkfs 
 the King and Kingdom be quickly freed from thefe grievances , we muji makg a wall ( of 
 defence or partition ) for the Hoitfe of the Lord , and the liberty of the Kingdom, which 
 we have hitherto forborn to do out of our reverent rejpeH of the Apojiolick^ See, They 
 feem to allude to that wall which Severm made to fave the Kingdom from the in- 
 curfions of the Scots and Pi^s. Surely that was not more neceflary then, than that 
 wall of partition which Henry the Eighth made afterwards, to fave the Realm from 
 the affronts, and extortions, and injurics,of the Roman Court. 
 
 Neither did they make their addrefles to the Pope alone , but to the Council of 
 Lyons , by the Prodors of the whole Nobility and Commonalty of England , for re- 
 dress of the violent oppreffions, intolerable grievances , and impudent exa£lions which were 
 praCtifedin England , by means of that hateful claufe , non obftante , too often inferted
 
 Discourse JL Of the Cfmrcb of Ens}3ind. g<p 
 
 in the P^fe^s Letters. They reprcfented that there were fo many Italians^ for t!ie 
 inoft part ignorant and unlearned, that underftood not one Englilh word, nor did 
 ever tread upon EngliJIj ground, beneficed among them, that their yearly revenue 
 exceeded the revenue of the Crown. Neither did they complain onely,but threaten '*"'*'"• 
 and fwear that they would not permit fuch abufes for the future. But what cafe did 
 the poor Englijh find by complaining to the Pope either in Council or out of Coun- 
 cil ? Martine the Pope's Commillioner ( for he could not (end a Legate without the 7^. ^„. 1245^ 
 King's confent j extorts, excommunicates, interdids ■■, the Pope himfelf is angry, 
 becaufe likefturdy children tbey durii cry and rvhimfer when they rvere beaten^ and per- 
 fwades the King of France to invade England^ and either to depofe the King, or fub- 
 jed him to the Court of Kowf, which lolt the Pope the heart of the Englifh. The 
 King told them that their King began to kick^ againji him^ and play the Frederick. And 
 they threatened, that if he perfifted theyPmild be forced to do that which would make h'n 
 heart akg. After this Eia^jr^ the Third made his addreflfes likewife to Rowe for re- 
 medy of grievances, in the year 1343. How didhefpeed? No better than his Great ^'*^f"'t-P-^^^' 
 Grandfather Hewry the Third. The Pope was offended, and termed his modefl ex- 
 pofiulation Rebellion. But that wife and magnanimous Prince was not daunted 
 with words i to requite their invedives, he made the fbtutes of Provifoes and prx- 
 tnmire, diredly againfl the incroachments and ufurpations of the Court of Rome. 
 Wherebyhe fo abated theirpower in E^^^/.w^fbrfuudry Ages following, that a Dean 
 and Chapter were able to deal with them, not onely to hold them at the fwords 
 point, but to foil them. 
 
 Laftly, King Henry the Eighth himfelf had been long a fuiter unto Clement the 
 feventh, to have his PredecefTor Julius thefecond's difpenfationforhis Marriage with 
 his Brothers Wife, to be declared void. But though the Pope's own Dodtors and 
 Univerfities had declared thedifpenfation to be unlawful and invalid , and although 
 the Pope himfelf had once given forth a Bull privately to his Legate Cardinal Cam- ^f^^lP?,^^ 
 ffgiw for the revocation thereof, wherein he declared the Marriage to be null, and °J^,\Sande- 
 that the King could not continue in it without fin i yet the King found fo little tus. 
 refpedl either to the condition of hisper{bn,or to the juliice of his caufe, that after 
 long delayes, to try if he could be allured to the Pope's will, in the conclufion he 
 received a flat denial. This was no great incouragement to him to make any more 
 addrefTes to Kome. So what was threatned and effeded in part in the days- of 
 Henry the third, and Edtoard the third, was perfededin the reign of Henry the eighth, 
 when thejurifdidion of the Court of Rome in England w2s abolifhed, which makes 
 the great diftance between them and us. Different opinions are often devifed or de- 
 fended on purpofe to maintain fadion. If animofities were extinguifhed, and the 
 minds of Chriflians free from prejudice, other controverfies might quickly be recon- 
 ciled, and reduced to primitive general Truths. The power Paramount of the Court 
 of Rome hath ever been, and flill is, that infana laiirm, which caufeth brawling and 
 contention, not onely between us and them, but between them and the Eaflern 
 Churches, yea, even between them and thofe of their own Communion, as .we (hall 
 (ee in the next Chapter i Yea, the original (burce and true caufe of all the (iparati- 
 ons, and reformations made in the Church in thefe laft ages v As all the Effetes of Mmmalde 
 Cajiile did not forbear to tell the Pope himfelf not long fince in a printed Memorial, ^"^ ^^e^^- "'' 
 and the Kingdom of Portugal! likewife. To conclude this point, Thefe former ^sll.' ^"' 
 Kings whoreignedinE«g/Wabout the years 1200. and 1300. might properly be Luftt'.gemjtMs. 
 called the firft Reformers i and their La wes of Provifo's, and Pr£munire's, 01 more P'4J' 
 properly premoneres^thc beginning of the Reformation. They laid the foundation, 
 and Henry the Eighth builded upon it. 
 
 Now having feen the Authority of our Reformers,and the juflicc of their grounds : ^hc modera- 
 inthelart place let us obferve their due Moderation in the manner of their Separation, tionofthesi*. 
 Firft they did not, we do not, deny the being of any Church whatfoever, Roman or ilifl> Re^f- 
 other, nor pofiibility of Salvation in them, efpecially fuch as hold firmly the Apoftles "^'^*' 
 Creed, and the faith of the four firft General Council i though their Salvation be 
 rendred much more difficult by humane inventions, and obftrudions. And by this Conccank. 
 very fign did St. Cyprian purge himfelf and the African Bifhops from Schifm, Nemi- de Bapii^. 
 item jttditantes, am h jure commwiionU aliquem ^ fi diverfttm fenferit^ amoventes. Judg- ^*^''' 
 
 L 2 ing
 
 ,oo J Jufi Vindication TOMIil- 
 
 ina no mart^ removing no man^otn our Commtmionjor difference in opinion. We do in- 
 deed require fixbfcription to our Articles, but it is onely from them who are ourown, 
 not from ilrangers i nor yet of all our own, but onely of thofe who feek to be initia- 
 ted into Holy Orders, or are to be admitted to fome Ecclefiaftical preterment. So it 
 is in every mans Election whether he will put hunlclf upon a neceflity of fubfcripti- 
 on or noti neither are our Articles penned wkhJnatknias orcurfesagainftall thofe, 
 even of our own, who do not receive them •, but ufed onely as an help or rule of Uni- 
 ty among our felves. Si quU diver fum dixerit. If any of our own (hall fpeak,or 
 preach, or write againft them, we queftion him. Bixi ft quis diverfum fenferit^ if any 
 man fliall onely think othcrwife in his private opinion, and trouble not the peace of 
 the Church, we qucftion him not. We prefumc not to cenfurc others to be out of 
 the pale of the Churcli, but leave them to ftand or fall to their own Mafter. We 
 damn nonefor diflenting from us, wedo not feparate our felves from other Churches, 
 imlefstlieycliafc us away with their cenfures, but onelyfrom their Errors. For clear 
 Can. 30. manifeftation whereof, obfcrvethe Thirtieth Canon of our Church, It was fo far from 
 ihepiirpofe of the Church 0/ England toforfak^ and rejed the Churches of Italy, France, 
 Spain, Germany, or any fuch likg Churches in all things which they held and pradifed^ &c. 
 that it onely departedfrom them in thoje particular points wherein they were fallen both front 
 themfelves in their ancient integrity^ and from the Apafiolical Churches^ which were their 
 firjl founders. So moderate are we towards all Chriltians, whether forreigners or do- 
 inefticks, whether whole Churches or fingle perfons. 
 
 But because the Koman-CiithoVicks do lay hold upon this charitable AfTertlon of 
 ours, as tending mainly to their advantage: Behold ( fay they ) Proteftants do ac- 
 knowledge apolhbility of Salvation in the Kow^« ' Church ■, but RomjM-Catholicks 
 deny all pollibility of Salvation in the ProteftantChurches : Therefore the Religion 
 of Ro»iiJ«-Catholicks is much fafer , than that of Proteftants (Hence proceeded their 
 Treatife of Charity Mijiak^n , and fundry other Difcourfes of that nature , wherein 
 there arc Miftakes enough , but little Charity) For Anfwer, If this Objeftion were 
 true , I fhould love my Religion never the worfe. Where I find little Charity , I 
 look for as little Faith. But it is not true , for when the bufinefi is fcarched to the 
 bottom, they acknowledge the fame pollibility of Salvation to us , which we do to 
 them , that is, to fuch of either Church refpedlively , as do not erre wilfully , but 
 ufe their beft endeavours to find out the Truth. Take Two Tcftimonies of the Bi- 
 Proteft, plain {hop oi Chalcedon , If they ( that is, the Proteftants ) grant not falvation to fttch Fa- 
 confeffion, pii^ts OS they count vincihly ignorant of Roman Err ours , hut onely to fuch iK are invind- 
 C6. 13. p.is'i iiy ignorant of them, they have no more Charity than we •, for we grant Church , favinz 
 Fait[\ and Salvation, to fuch Froteflants of are invincibly ignorant of their errours, Ana 
 in his Book of the Diftindion of Fundamentals , and not-Fundamentals , he hath 
 Ch. ». f«6i/ the(e words , If Froteftants allow not faving Faith,Church, and Salvation , to fuch offm- 
 fully err in not-Fundamentals fufficiently propofed, theyfheWm more Charity to erring 
 Chrijiians than Catholicks do. For we allow all to have faving faith , to be in the Churchy 
 in way of falvation, ( for fo much of hehngeth to Faith ,) who hold the Fundamental 
 points, and invincibly err in not-Fundamentals, becaufe neither are thefe fufficiently propofed 
 to them, nor they in fault that they are not fo propofed. 
 
 Secondly , as our ftparation is from their Errours , not from their Churches ; (b 
 we do it with as much inward Charity and Moderation of our Affe6tions,as we can 
 pollibly •, willingly indeed in refped of their errours , and efpgcially their tyranni- 
 . cal exactions and ufurpations , but unwillingly and with reludiation in refpedt of 
 their perfbns , and much more in refped of our common Saviour. As if we were 
 to depart from our Fathers , or our Brothers Houfe ■-, or rather , from Come conta- 
 gious fickncfs wherewith it was infeded. Not forgetting to pray God daily to re- 
 l\ore them to their former purity, that they and we may once again enjoy the com- 
 fort and contentment of one anothers Chriftian Society. We pray for their conver- 
 fion publickly in our Litany, in general ; and exprefly and folemnly upon Good 
 Friday , though we know that they do as (blemnly curfe us the day before. If this 
 be to be Schifmaticks , it were no ill wi(h for Chriflendom that there were many 
 more fuch Schifmaticks. 
 
 Thirdly , we do not jurrogate to our felves either a new Church, or a new Reli- 
 gion >
 
 D IS couRs E 1 1. of the Church of England, , p i 
 
 gion, or new Holy Orders i for then we muft produce new Miracles , new Reve- 
 lations, and new cloven Tongues for our Juflification. Our Religion is the fame it 
 was, our Church the fame it was, our Holy Orders the fame they were in fub- 
 ftance , differing onely from what they were formerly , as a Garden weeded , from 
 a Garden unweeded ■, or a body purged from it felf, before it was purged. And 
 therefore as we prefume not to make new Articles of Faith , much lefs to obtrude 
 fuch innovations upon others -, fo wc are not willing to receive them from others, 
 or to mingle Scholaftical Opinions with Fundamental Truths. Which hath given 
 occafion to fome to call our Religion a negative Religion j not confidering that our 
 pofitive Articles are thole general Truths , about which there is no Controverfie, 
 Our Negation is onely ot humane controverted additions. 
 
 Laftly, wearejreadyin the preparation of our minds, to believe and pra<3:ife , 
 whatfoever the Catholick Church ( even of this prefent age ) doth univerfally and _. 
 unanimouHy believe and pradtile. ^tod apud niubos uniim invenitur^ non efi erratum, t^! 
 fed traditum. And though it be neither lawful nor poflible for us to hold adhial 
 communion with all forts of ChrilHans in all things , wherein they vary both from ' 
 the Truth , and one from another , yet even in thole things we hold a communion 
 with them in our defires , longing for their converfion and re-union with us in 
 Truth. 
 
 CHAP. V H. 
 
 That all Princes and RepHhlichj of the Roman ComtttMnion , 
 do in effeSl the fame thing when they ba've occafion , or at 
 leafl: do plead for it. 
 
 TertuU. tri' 
 
 s 
 
 O we are come to our Fifth Conclufion , that whatfoever the King and Church 
 of England did in thefeparation of ihemfelves from the Court of Rome it is no 
 more than all Soverei^t Frinces and Churches ( none of vpha.tfoever Communions ex- 
 cepted ) do praUife or pretend-of often of they have occafion. And Firft , for all Prote- 
 ftant Kings, Princes, and Republicks, it admits no denial or difpute. 
 
 Secondly,tor the Grecian and all other Eaftern Churches, it can be no more doubt- 
 ed of than of the Proteftants , fince they never acknowledged any obedience to be 
 due from them to the Bifliops of Kome , but onely an honourable refpedt as to the 
 prime Patriarch and beginning of Unity. Whole farewell or leparation is faid to 
 have been as fmart as ours, and upon the fame grounds in thefe words > fVeacknotv- Gerf.Vart. 4 
 ledge thy porver, we cannot fatisfie thy covetoufnefs^ live by yourfehes. Ser.Je face 
 
 But my aim extends higher to verifie this of the Roman-Czt\\olick Princes and ^ ""''• ^''^' 
 Republicks themfelves , as the Emperor, the moft Chriftian and Catholick Kings 
 the Republick of Venice, and others. To begin with the Emperors : I do not mean 
 thofe ancient Chriftian Primitive Emperors , who lived and flouriflied before the 
 days of^ Gregory the Great. Such a Court of Kowe as we made our fecellion from 
 was not then in being , nor the Colledge of Pari.Ti-Priefts at Rome turned then into 
 a Conclave of Cardinals , as Eccleiiaftical Princes of the Oecumenical Church. So 
 long there was no need of any leparation from them , or proteftation againfl them. 
 But I intend the later Emperors tmce Gregorie's time , after the Popes fought toufurp 
 an univerfal Sovereignty over the Catholick Church , and more particularly the Oc- 
 cidental, that is to fay, the French and German Emperors. 
 
 Yet the Reader may be pleafed to take notice, that the cafe of our Kings is much 
 different from theirs in Two refpeds. The cafe of 
 
 Firft , they believed the Roman Bifliop to be their lawful Patriarch ( whether ^f'^nf/no* 
 iuftlyornot, is not the fubjedt of this prefent Difcourfe, ) but we do utterly deny ^«^^^«"'* 
 his Patriarchal Authority over usv And to demonftrate our exemption , do produce """*"^* 
 for matter of right that famous Canon of the General Council of Ephefuf , made in 
 
 L 3 the
 
 loa 
 
 Ajnjl Vindication 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 Cap 9?. 
 
 Craiusin fca- 
 
 Coc linns in 
 
 Gofdiifl- Con- 
 ff;"f. Imper. 
 Imprest 
 Francofurti, 
 an. r 607. p. r. 
 Jag- 61. 
 
 Ibidem. 
 
 Dat. Avinjo- 
 ns, an. igaj. 
 ^piid Gold f, 
 t. f <»£• 98. 
 
 In comitiii 
 Remerfibui 
 ify' f'rancofur- 
 ttnfibut. 
 
 Gcldafl- pitri. 
 p6g. 141. 
 
 the cafe of the Cyprian Bifhopsi and for matter of fad, the unanimous Votes of Two 
 Britijh Synods , and the concurrent Teftimonies of all our Hilioriographcrs. Some 
 have been formerly cited : We might add to them the ancient Britijh Hirtory , called 
 by the Author thereof Bn<^'<!f , wherein he relates this Anfwer of the Britifi to Ju- 
 cufiine^ Se Caerleonenfi Jrchiepifcopo obedire vnluifle , Auguitino atttem Romano Le- 
 gato omnim nolui^e ^ nee AngVis inimicif & paulo ante TaganU ( a qtiibus fm fedibm 
 pulfierartt ) fnbejiefe^ quifemper ChrijUani fuerunt ^ voluijie: That they would obey the 
 Jrchbifhnp 0/ Caerlcon, ( that was their Bnfi> Primate, or Patriarch,) but they 
 would' not obey AuRine the Bijhop of Rome's Legate : Neither would the Britains , whs 
 had evermore been Chrilhans from the beginning, be under the Englifh , who were] their 
 eneti'ies and but newly converted from Paganijm, by whom they had been driven out 
 of their ancient habitations. The fame Hillory is related by fundry other very ancient 
 Authors. 
 
 A fecond difference between our Englifh Kings and the later German Empefors is 
 this, that our Kings by the fundamental conftitutions of the Kingdom are hereditary 
 Kings, and never dy. So there is an uninterrupted fuccelfion without any vacancy. 
 But the Emperors are eledive, and confequently not inverted in the adual pofTeffion 
 of their Sovereignty without (bme publick folemnitiesi whereof fome are eflential, 
 as the votes of the Eledrors i fbme others ceremonial, as the 1 aft Coronation of the 
 Emperor by theBifliop of Rome, which was really, and is yet titularly, his Imperial 
 City. But the Popes who had learned to make their own advantage of every 
 thing, (acred or civil, took occafion from hence to make the World believe that the 
 Imperial Crown was their gift, and the Emperors their Liegemen. So Adrian the 
 fourth doubted not to write to Frf^^mcfe^Bjr/^drojJIi the Emperor, Infigne corona bene- 
 ficium tibicontulimuc ■■, which was fo offenfively taken, that ("as the German Bifhops 
 in their letter to the fame Pope do affirm ) the whole 'Empire was moved at it, the ear cj 
 his Imperial Majefty could not hear it with patience, nor the Frinces endure it, nor they 
 themfelves either dur(i or could approve it. Whereupon the Pope was forced to ex- 
 pound himfelf^ that by benefrcium, he meant nothing but bonum fa&um, a good deed » 
 and by contulimm, r\oxKm^hu.t impofuimttf^ that he had put the Crown upon him. So 
 the Emperor complains in his letter to the Bifliops,^ pi&ura ccepit, a piSura ad Scri- 
 pturamprocejjit; a Scriptura in Author itatemprodire conatur, ccc. It began with p.vntiftg, 
 from painting it proceeded to writing, and at laji they fought to jujlifie it by Authority. 
 We will not ( (aid he )ftifftr it, we will not indure it, we will rather lay down our Imperial 
 Crown, than fuffer the Empire it felf to he depofed with our confent. Let the pidures he 
 defaced, let the writings be retraced, that perpetual monuments of enmity between tlye 
 Scepter and the Miter may not continue. 
 
 Thus Pope -(^c/rww failed of his defignj But his SuccefTor jfofc^ the 22. renewed 
 the Papal claim againft LudovicUf the fourth, in higher terms, as appearcth by his own 
 Bull, wherein he affirms, that after the translation of the Roman Empire from the Gre- 
 ciij«j-tothcCfrWii«j-by hispredeceffbrs the Popes, /«w»z;<f ille honor benefitium Pontifr- 
 cif Maximi ejje folet : the Empire ufed to be the Pope'' s gift y Adding, that the eledtions 
 of the German Princes were invalid, unlefs the l?opc(univerfiorb'is Chrilliani Pater at- 
 que Princeps, Dei Optimi Maximi Legatus , fuo numine faveat & afpiret, ) fhould ap- 
 prove it ; And rinally, commanding the Emperor to quit his Crown and Imperial Dig- 
 nity, and not toreajj'ume them but by his command, nift jujfu & mandato noftro. But the 
 Emperor appealed, the Eledtors and other Princes protefted againft the Pope's pre- 
 tended power ■■, And the Emperor and all the States of the Empire made a folemn 
 conftitution againft it. 
 
 This was the fccondrepulfe, yet the Popes were not foeafily (haken off. It fortu- 
 ned about the year 1400, that the Eledoral Colledge depoled ^f«cf/J»«/ from the 
 Empire, and chole Rupert Prince Palatine in his place, communicating the whole 
 bufinefs, whileft it was in agitation, to the Pope, to have his fpiritual advice, and the 
 countenance of the Apoftolick See i but yet referving the power entirely to them- 
 felves. Howfoever Pope Bc«(/ice the Ninth layes hold of this opportunity, and de- 
 clares by his Bull, that the Eledors did it by his Authority, author itate nojira fufulti i 
 and confirms the (aid deprivation as good and lawful. 
 
 This incertainty of fuccelfion, and this Papal pretention made fundry Emperors 
 
 more
 
 Discourse II. Of the Chttrch of Enghnd. lO^ 
 
 more fearful to grapple with the Popes, or to right themfilves from their grievous 
 exadions and ufurpations. Inthe year 1455. after the death of Mcfci)/^/ '/^^ P'fif', 
 the Germzni bervailed their cmditiontoTTederkk the 7hird,a>td fiiight to perfwade him . . p. 
 that he vcould no longer obey the Roman Bijhops^ itnlefithey would at leajl give rpay to a 2."* ' '" " 
 TragmaticalSanUion for the maintenance of the likrties of the Gem\2n Nation ■■> like that 
 of the French Kings for the priviledges of the Gallicane Church. They fhevved that 
 their condition wasmufih worfe than the French and Italians^ whofe (ervants ( efpeci- 
 ally the Italians ) without a change they were defervedly called. Kogabant, urgebant Carol. Molt- 
 Proceres, populique Germanise gravijjimif turn rationibm turn exempli! ^tum militatem turn "*'" "l.^'"''* 
 necejjttatevi Imperii, &c. "the Princes and People of Germany intreated and preyed both 
 the advantage andneci0ty of the Empire. 'They implored hit- fidelity, they prayed him pi^, ihidem 
 for his Oaths fake, and to prevent the infamy and dijhonour of their Nation, that they alone MoUb. ibidem, 
 might not want the fruit of their National decrees, that he had as much power, and was as 
 much obliged thereunto Of other Kings, &c. Nee certe froctil abfuit, &c. It wanted not 
 much, faith Platina. Mtf/w<€w goes further, Hw rationibiuvihus & permotus Imperator, 
 8cc. 'The Emperor being overcome and moved with thefe reafons, was about to mah^ as full 
 a SanUionfor hU Subie£is,asthe King of Ytznct hath done for his. What hindred him? 
 Onely the advice of JEneas Sylvius, who perfwaded him rather to comply with the 
 Pope, than with his people, upon this ground, that Princes dif agreeing might be recon- 
 ciled, but between a Prince attdhii people, the enmity was immortal. Motus hac ratione 
 Imperator,fpreta populorum pojlulatione, JEneam Oratorem deligit, qui ad CdViftum mittere- .... 
 
 tur. The Emperor being moved with this reaj'on,defpifing the requeji of his people, fends " ' ' ' 
 the fame jEneas as his Ambaffador to Calliltus. The truth is this. The Emperor fea- 
 red the Pope, and durlt not truft his own Subjefts. Whence it proceeded, that fe- 
 ven years before his death he not onely procured his fon Maximilian to be Crowned 
 King of the Romans, but alfb took him to be his companion in the Empire, ne pofl obi- 
 iumfutim ( utfa£iumfui]Jet ) transferretur imperium in altam familiam : leji the Empire 
 after his death ( as without doubt it had come to pafl ) Jhould have been transferred tnto Molin, 
 another family. Yet not withftanding thefe barrs or remora's, the uncertainty offuc- 
 ceffion, and Papal pretenfions, the Emperors have done as much in relation to the 
 Court of Kome, as the Kings of England. 
 
 Firft, Henry the eighth within his own Dominions did exercife a power of con- 
 vocating Ecclefiaftical Synods, confirming Synods, reforming the Church by Synods, 
 and fupprellingupff art innovations by ancient Canons.- The Emperors have done £(j,pjj.or5 c^g^ 
 the fame. Charles the Great called the Council of Frjwci^ffir^, confifting of 300. vocatedand 
 Bifhops : witnefs his own letter to Elipandus. Juffimus SanCiorum Patrum Synodak confirmed Sy- 
 ex omnibus undique nofirx ditionisEcclefiis congregari Concilium. We have commanded Ij"^*' ^P** ^"^ 
 a Synodical Council to be congregated out of all the Churches within our Dominions, ed the Church 
 Neither did he onely convocate it, but confirm it alfo. Ecce ego vejiris petitionibus Ap»d Golda- 
 fatisfaciens, congregationiS acerdotum auditor & arbiter adfedi. Vecernimuf & Deo da-fl'"'*-^*^*'*' 
 nante decrevimm quideffetde hac inquifitiane firmiter tenendum. Behold Ifatisfying your ^''^' ^' 
 requefts( thitis,of xhcElipandianszndFoelicians who m'ide Chrill but an adoptive 
 (on of God, ) did Jit in the Council both as an hearer, and as a Judge, We determine 
 and by the gift of God have decreed what is to be held in this inquiry. And it is very 
 obfervable how he difpofed the refolutions of this Council into four Books; The .,.. 
 firft book contained the fenfeof the Koman Bifhop and his Suffragans i The fecond ' 
 of the Archbifhop of MiKiiw and the Patriarch of Aquileta, with the reft of the 
 Jfii/i;z« Bithops •, The third, the votes of the German, French, and Britijh Bifhopsi 
 The laft, his own content. ThcRomans had no more part therein than others, to 
 fetdown their own faith, and to reprefent what, they had received from theApo- 
 ftles. 
 
 Neither did they onely convocate Councils, and confirm them, but in them and by ■£«'*• S« Ca}t- 
 themreformed innovations, and reftored ancient truths and Orders. So did the fame "^ 
 Emperor , By the Council of our Bijhops and Nobles we have ordained Bifhops throughout 
 the Cities, and do decree to ajfemhle a Synod every year, that in our prefence the Canonical 
 decrees and laws of the Church may be reflored. Ludovicus Pirn convocated a Council 
 ztAquifgrane to reform the abufes of the Clergy, and confirmed the fame, and com- 
 manded the Conftitutions thereof to be put in Execution, as appeareth by his own 
 
 Epiftlc
 
 [04 A J HJi Vindication TOMEL 
 
 Epiftle to ^r«o Archbilhop of ^a/siwrge. Othotht rirft called a Council at Rome, 
 
 G«li»fl. p. I. and caufed John the Twelfth to be depolcd, and Leo the Eighth to be chofen in his 
 
 f*e- 12. place. The fentence of the Council was, FetiniM ma^itudittem Imperii veflri, Sec. 
 
 JFe befeechyoMT Imperial Majejiie^ that fitch a Monjler may he thrujl out of the Roman 
 
 »f "'24. '" Church. And the Emperor confirmed it with a placet, we are phased. ' 
 
 ' Henry the Fourth called a German Synod at Wormes , and another of Germans and 
 
 Italians at Brixia , wherein fentence of deprivation was given againd Gregory the Se- 
 venth , and confirmed by the Emperor, ^orum fentemix quodjujla &prohabilis co- 
 IJmf.Ai- ram Veo hominibufque videbatur , &c. ego quoque ajkntiens omne tibi Papains jus quod 
 ^ 50. habere vifitf es ahrenuncio, &c. Ego Henricus Kex, Dei gratia, cum omnibus Epifcopis 
 
 nofirU tibi dicimus , Vefcende , defcende. To whofe fentence , becaufe it fecmed juft 
 and reafonable before God and men , I alfo aflenting , do declare thee to have no 
 right in the Papacy , as thou feemeft to have. I Henry , by the Grace of God , 
 King of the Romans, with all our Bifhops do fay unto thee, Defcend from thy Seat , 
 defcend. 
 
 So Frf^ric/^ the Firft called a Council ztTapia, to fettle the right fucceffion of the 
 CoUalf. Part> P-ipacyjWherein Koland the Cardinal was rejeded,and'F/f?or declared lawful Bifliop of 
 I- fag- 70" Kome. And all this was done with due fubmillion to the Emperor. ChriJliaHijJimuf 
 Imperator , 6^c. "the mnji Chrijlian Emperor in the laji place after all the Bijhops and Cler- 
 gy, by the advice and upon the Petition of the Council, received and approved the eleHion 
 vf Vidor. 
 
 I will conclude this Firft part of the parallel with the words of the fame Empe- 
 ror, in the fame Council, ^amvis noverim officio acdignitate Imperii penes nos ejje po^ 
 . , teflatem congregandorum Conciliorum , &c. Although I kitoxp , that by vertue of our Of- 
 Geliis"FreJ. I . fi'^^ '""^ Imperial Dignity , the power of calling Councils refis in w , efpeciaVy in fo great 
 lib. z. t. $6, dangers of the Chttrd) : For both Conftantine , and Thcodofius , and JulUnian , and 
 of frejher memory Charles the Great , and Otho , Emperors , are recorded to have done 
 thU i Tet I do commit the Authority of determining this great and high bufinefs to your 
 ipifedom andporver, that is, to the Bifhops there aflembled. 
 The Eniiijfj ^.ixx. it may be objedted , That the Emperors with their Synods never made any 
 
 no °Sch!fmaci- ^""^^ Schifinatical Reformation , as that which was made by the Proteftants in Eng- 
 mI, land. I Anfwer, Firft, that the Schifiii between the ilo/wa« Court and the Engl^ 
 
 Church , C other Schifm I know none on our parts) was begun long before that Re- 
 formation , in the dayes of Henry the Eighth , and the breach fufficiently proclaim- 
 ed to the World , both by Komijh Bulls , and Englijh Statutes. Wc could not be 
 the firft feparators of our felves from them , who had formerly thruft us out of their 
 doors. It is not Schilmatical to fubftradl obedience from them to whom it is not 
 due, who had extruded us out of their Society ; but it is Schifmatical to give jufl 
 caufe of fubftradtion. 
 
 Secondly , I Anfwer, That there was a great nccefGty of Reformation both in 
 Germany and England. For proof whereof , I produce Two WitnefTes beyond ex- 
 ception , the one a Pope , the other a Cardinal. The former is Adrian the Sixth , 
 in his Inftrudtions to his Legate , in the year 1522. which the Princes of the Em- 
 ColdaO. Purt. pire take notice of in their Anfwer. His words are thefe i Scimus in hac SanU^ fede 
 ■a. Fag. zf.& aliquot jam ann'vs multa abominanda fiti^ , &c. Ife ktiorp that for fame hy-paji years, ma- 
 ''• )iy things to be abominated have been in this holy See , abufes in Spiritual matters, excef- 
 
 fes in commands ■■> and to conclude , all things out of order , &c. wherein for fo much at 
 concern us , thoujhalt promife that rve will ufe aV eur endeavour , that firft this Court from 
 whence per adventure { (mt tno\i^ ) all the evU did ffring , may be reformed -y that at 
 lorruption did flow from thense to the inferiour parts ( of the Church, ) fo may health 
 and Kefvrmation. To procure which , we do hold our felves fo much morejlri&ly obliged^ 
 by how much we do fee the whole world greedily defne fuch a Reformation, Adriane, 
 ft nunc viveres! 
 
 The other Witnefs is Cardinal Pool, who makes Two main ends of the Council 
 
 of Trent : The one, the reconciling of the Lutherans; The other, ^0 paQoipfut 
 
 - . p, Eccleft£pr£cipua, vel potins omnia fere membra , ad veterem difciplinam & inflituta , a 
 
 fe'concilio'" «?«'^«^ tionparnm declimrunt, revocentur \ To confider how the principal members of the 
 
 t«g. 8^. ' Church , or rather almojl a]} the members , might be reduced to their ancient Vifcipline and 
 
 Ordi-.
 
 Discourse IJ. • Of the Church of Enojsind. lo^ 
 
 Ordinancef , from tvhich they had ftverved much. Yet uhcn himfelf was fent after- 
 wards by Panl the Fourth , to reform the Church of England, it feemeth that he ^ '/"''"'>'''! 
 had forgotten thofe great deviations of the principal members , and thofe very re- Veallfise'/' 
 prefentations , which he himfelf, with Eight other feleded Cardinals and Prelates, 
 had made upon Oath to Pj«/ the Third. Then he faw , that this lying flatterino^ 
 principle , that the Pope is the L-ird of all Benefrcss , and therefore cannot be a Simmiach^ 
 was the Fountain, Ex quo tancjuam ex equo Trojano irrupere in Ecclefiam Dei tot abn- f^^^fi^: J'le!! 
 ftu , & tamgraviftmimorbi , &c. From which as from the Trojan horfe , fo many abu- Lutef'!? '^''"* 
 fes and fo grievous difeafes had broken into the Church of God, and brought it to a de^e- i<Si7,"b.'i5i 
 rate condition, to the derifwn of Chrijlian Txeligion, and bla^hemin^ of the Name ofChrijh «5rc. 
 And that the cure mtiji begin there , from whence the difeafe did firing , by taking away 
 all abufes in Difpenfations of all kinds , and Ordinations, and Collations, and 
 Provifions , and Penfions , and Permutations , and Refervations , and Coadjutor- 
 fliips, and expecllative Graces, and Unions, and Non-refidence , and Exempti- 
 ons, and Abfolutions , and all fuch pecuniary artifices : becaufe it it not lawful by 
 any means to reap any gain from the exercife of the power of the Keys. ToUantitr. ( fay pj-.. , .g^ 
 they ) h£ macuU , &c. Let thefe fiots betaken away , to which if any entrance be gi- 
 ven in any Commonwealth or Kingdom wbatfoever , it muji needs fall headlong injiantly or Ahm i4r$. 
 veryjhortly to ruine. 
 
 Thirdly, I anfwer, that the Emperors and the German Church , did not onely Goldafl. part. 
 defire a Reformation, as appeareth by the Letter of Sigifmond the Emperor to the ■• f«'4*» 
 King of France, Maxima defderio jamdudum tenebamur, &c. IFe have long deji- 
 red greatly to fee the onely Spoufe of Chriji the Catholick^ Church happily reformed in our 
 dayes , but after we were ajfumed to the Impei-ial Government , our defxre pajfed into 
 command , &c. And the adviles of Conftance conceived by the Deputies of the Ger- 
 man Nation in that Council, againft fome fpecial abufes of the Pope and his Cardi- 
 nals : And by the ad vifes of Mt?«t/ made and concluded in that City by the States jdemp.iig, 
 of the Empire, in the time of the Council of £j/i/e,for preferving the Authority of 
 General Councils i for relief from grievances i for procuring of conditions from 
 the Pope ■■, forprefervation of their jurt liberties -, and for prevention of the abufes,' Idem p. us, 
 and excefles, and extortions of the Row^« Court : Andhy the hundred Grievances of ^'^^"' ?• ^> '^ 
 the German Nationpropokdto the Pope's Legate by the Princes and Lords of the ^'^^* 
 J{.WK<a«Empire,againit the injuries, extortions, and ufurpations of the See oi^ Rome 
 and the incroachmentsandopprefhons of Ecclefiaftical Courts, and perfons: And 
 Laftly, by the gracious promife of C/;jr/f J- the fifth to hold a Dyct within half a iJemp.i.p. 
 year, wherein it fhould be refolved, what way the differences in Religion fhould be '77. 
 fettled and quieted, whether by a General, or National Council, or Imperial Dyet. 
 
 Neither did theEmperour and the German Nation onely indeavour to reform, but 
 they did in fome meafureadually reform the excelTes of the Koman Court, and o-^'^'l-hhh 
 ther Ecclefiaftical abules and innovatioiis > as it hath already been verified of Charles *°'' 
 the Great, and Ludovicuf Pius. This appeareth yet more plainly by the Concordates 
 ( as they are ftiled) of the Germzn Nation with Gregory the 13 th And the agreements 
 of Frf <ifrjc^the third and the Princes of the Empire with Pope Nicholof the fifth, iJen p. til* 
 whereby the excefles and abufes of the RowjK Court are fomething abated, and re- 
 duced : And by the Ghoftlyor Ecclefiaflical Reformation made by Sigifmond thcEm- Uemp^ 170,' 
 peror,in the year I43<S, containing 37 Chapters or Articles, for regulating the Pope 
 and his Court, Cardinals, Archbifhops,Bi(hops, Suffragans, Abbats, Monks, Friars, 
 Nunnes, and all fortsof Ecclefiaftical or Religious perfons. 
 
 I cannot here omit a witty anfwer of this Emperor, as he was deliberating with 
 fome Ecclefiaftical perfons about a Reformation, and one faid it muft begin with the 
 Minimes. No, {aid he, non a Minoritis, fed a Major itis, not with the Minimes, but with Catal. tefiium 
 the Maximes, or great ones, that is, the Pope and the Cardinals, and the Court of *"'''*'•'* 
 Kome. 
 
 This appears alfo by the Interim, or declaration of Religion made by Charles the 
 fifth, attefted with his Imperial feal, and accepted and approved by the States of the 
 Empire, aflembled in a Dyet at Aufburg, May 15. in the year, 1548, where the whole Gold. part. >. 
 exercife of Religion is eftabli(hed,untill the definition of a Council ( I produce it p. 109, 
 notto(hew whatit was, but what power the^Emperor did aflumein point of Religi- 
 on )
 
 ,o5 A Jiiji Vindication TOME I" 
 
 on) wherein thefe words are contained: ^<W aiitem in jupradi^ia. decUratione fitb 
 Ktibrica de ceremomU & iifu SMramentorum inter alia dtciuir , \_ in quas tamen ii quid 
 irrcpfit quod caufam dare poilit Superftitioni, tollatur] 'Kej'ervat fibi pli Casfarca 
 Mtieliof , &c. And rvhereas in the aforefaid Declaration , wider the Kubrick^ of Ceremo- 
 nies , and the ufe of the Sacrament!^ among other things it j* faid , \_ into the which ne- 
 verthelefs, ij any thing have creft that may adminifter occafwn of Siiperjiition, let it be 
 tai^n away. 3 Wvs Imperial Majejiy doth referve unto himjelf alone in this and the /% 
 Articles K>here ^ and of often of it JhaV be needful ^ now and hereafter ^ the right to car- 
 rel ^ to add , to detract , rff it Jhall feem juji and equal to himfelf^ according to the prefent 
 exigence of a^airs. 
 Gs)U.PaTt.2i Laftly, this appeareth by the Declaration of Ffr^i^W the Emperour , made 
 P-^91' in the year 1555. in favour of the Jugujiane Confeliion, and the ProfefTours 
 
 thereof. 
 
 Secondly, the Kings of England, in their Great Councils, did make themfelves 
 
 the laft Judges of the Liberties , and Grievances, and Neccllities of their people , 
 
 even in cafes Ecclefiaftical , not the Pope. They had reafon. In vain is the Court 
 
 of Rome's determination expeded againlt it felK The Emperors did the fame. So 
 
 edd.P.i.f. Lodovic the Yovnh , in his Apology againft Pope John the 22th. declareth. That 
 
 '°^* the Pope ought not , cannot be a competent Judge in his own caufe. The Pope 
 
 challengeth (ixch a confirmation of the Emperor, without which his Election was 
 
 invalid. The Emperor determined the contrary, in the Dyet oi^ Frankford , An. 
 
 Jditn p. 59. 1358. Veclaramus quod Imperialif Vignitof eji immediate a folo Deo, &c, JFe declare ^ 
 
 The Ernpe- ^/,_jf ^j^^ Imperial Dignity is immediately from God alone •, And that 'Election gives afuffi- 
 
 themkUes the "^"* ^' ^^^ ' ^'''^ '^'^^ ''■'^ Papers approbation or difapprobation ({gnifies nothing. The 
 
 Jaftjuagesof Pope attempted to divide Italy ixom the German Empire , by his fulnefs ot power. 
 
 their Liberties The Emperor declares the Ad" to be invalid, and of no moment. 
 
 and neceffi- When the Princes and States of the Empire had prefented the hundred grievances 
 
 Goidaff. Pdrt> ^^ ^^^ German Nation to the Pope's Legate , they add this Conclufion : ^"odfi enu- 
 
 2.^.58, merata onera atque gravamina, &c. But if the abovefaid burthens and grievances be not 
 
 ■removed reithin the time limited , nrjooner , from the eyes of men , and abolijhed andab- 
 
 rogjted , C TPhich the Liy-States of the Empire do not expeti , ) then they would not have 
 
 hk Holinefs to be ignorant , that they neither can nor ■will bear , or indure the aforefaid 
 
 moji prejjing and intolerable burthens any longer , but find out other means of eafe , and 
 
 vindicate their former Liberties and Immunities. As the fenfe of their fufferings 
 
 was their own, fo they would have the remedy to be their own , and not leave the 
 
 cure to a Tyrannical Court. 
 
 To this add the Proteftation and the Oath of the Eledoral Colledge , and the 
 other Princes of the Empire , mentioned in their Letter to Benedill the 12th. i^od 
 Idem p. I. p. jura, honores, bona, liber tates, & confuetudines Imperii , &c. That they rvould main- 
 '°°' tain, defend, and prejerve inviolated , with all their power and might , the rights, ho- 
 
 nours, goods, liberties and cujioms of the Empire , and their own Ekrioral right belong- 
 ing to them by Law or Cujiom , againfi all men, of what preheminence , dignity , or ftate 
 foever, ( that is to fay in plaintearms, againft the Pope and his Court , ) notwitb- 
 Jianding any perils , or mandates, or procejjes, whatfoever , that is, notwithftanding 
 any Citations, or Bulls, or Excommunications, or Interdidions from Kome. 
 
 T^ke but one Inftancemore: Ferdinand the prefent Emperor, out of an una- 
 voidable neceiiityi to extinguifii the flame of a bloody inteftine War, and to favc 
 the Empire from utter ruine , contrads a Peace with the King of France , the 
 Swedes, and their Adherents, whereby fundry Bifhopricks , and other Ecclefiafti- 
 cal Dignities , were conferred upon Proteftants , Lands , and other Hereditaments 
 of great value, were alienated from the Church in perpetuity, free exercife of their 
 Religion was granted to thofe of the Augujiane Confeliion , Annates , Confirmati- 
 ons , and other pretended Papal rights were abolifhed. The Pope's extraordinary 
 Nuncio protefted againft it. And Pope Innocent himfelf, by his Bull bearing date 
 tiilm't"'Ro"ma ■^<'^^"*^' 2<5. in the year 165 1, declared the contrail to be void , annulled it , andcon- 
 Anm 165 1, demned it as injurious and prejudicial to the Orthodox Religion, to the See of Rome , and 
 to the rights of Holy Church , notwithftanding the municipal Laws, and immemorial Cu- 
 jioms of the Empire , and »otwithlianding any Oaths taken for the ohfervation thereof. 
 
 Yet
 
 Discourse II. Of the Church, of Enghnd, 107 
 
 Yet the Emperor and the Princes oi'Cermany ihnd to their contrads, affert the mu- 
 nicipal Laws and Cuftoms of the Empire, and afTume unto themfelves to be the 
 onely Judges of their own priviledges and neceflities. 
 
 Thirdly , H^my the Eighth challenged to himfelf the Patronage of Eifhopricks 
 and Inveftitures of Bi(hops, within his own Dominions. The Emperors did more : Gold. part. i. 
 Adrian the Fourth taxed Fredcrkl{,the Firft , for requiring homage and fealty ofBi- Pa^-'si- Em- 
 fhops , Et mamtf eortm facratJS manibui tuis inmdii^ and that be held their conficrated P^^fors injoyed 
 hands in his hands. The Emperor denied it not , but juftitied it , Ah hU qui reTaha ^°'*^"""** 
 noftra tenent., curhomagium & regalia Sacramenta non exiganm ? Why ma^ tee mt re- 
 quire homage and Oaths of Allegiance from them , who hold their Lands of our Jmpn-ial 
 Cromt ? The Ecclefiaftical Lords, in their Letter to Innocent the Third, do ac- 
 knowledge, thzt the Fees rehich they held from the Empire., they had received at the Idem p. it. 
 hands of Otho the Fourth.) and had done himhvmage^ and frvorn fealty to him. And 
 this before his Imperial Coronation at Rome. 
 
 H?«ry the Fifth goes yet farther, and accufeth Pope Pafchal, that without any 
 hearing, he fought to take away from the Empire the Inveftitures of Bifliops, 
 which the Emperors his predeceflnrs had enjoyed from the time of Charlemain , by the 
 fiace of ^00. years, and uprfards : A fair prefcription. But this is not all. The Em- ^'^"'P- *3» 
 perors did long enjoy the patronage of the Papacy it felf , and the difpofition of 
 the Ro»M;??t Bilhoprick. Adrian the Firft, with the whole Clergy and people oi Idemp.i. 
 Rome, quitted all their claim , right , and intereft , to Charles the Great , as well 
 in the Eledions of the Popes , as Inveftitures of Bidiops. And Leo the Eighth did **• 34» 
 the like to Otho the Firft, which is a truth in Hiftory Co apparent, that no man can 
 deny it with his credit, nor queftion it with reafon. 
 
 Fourthly, the Kings oC England Cufkrcd no appeals to Rome out of their King- 
 doms, nor Ro>wi« Legates to enter into their Dominions, without their Licence. 
 No more did the Emperors, though they acknowledg the Roman Bilhop to be their 
 Patriarch, which we do not. Hadrian the fourth complained of Frederick^ the rirft ^""P^S- $*• 
 That hejhut both the Churches and the Cities of his Kingdom againji the Pope's Legates Emperors 
 a latere. And more fully in his letter to the German Bifhops, that/;f had made an ediU, have cxdudsd 
 that no man out of his Kingdom Jhould have recourfe to the Apojhlick^ See. To the for- ^^S^^** &ct 
 mer part of the charge the Emperor anfwers, Cardmalibuf veftris claufji funt Ecclefrx 
 & nonpatent civitates, quia non videmus eos prxdicatoresj'ed pr£datores ; non pacis corro- 
 boratores,fed pecuni£ raptores i non orbU reparatores,fed auri infatiahiles corrafores : Our p 
 Churches and Cities are /hut to your Cardinals, becaufe vee do not fee them Preachers hut "' * 
 robbers i not cenfirmers of peace, but extorting catchers of mony v not repairers of the 
 ■world, but infatiabk fir apers together of Gold, Thus much he writ to the Pope him- 
 felf To the fecond part of the charge he znCwtxs,1hat he had not/hut up the entrance 
 into Italy, or the pajjageout of Italy by ediCi, nor would Jhut it up to iraveHers orfuch as 
 had necejfary occafwns, and the teflimony nf their Bijhops for their voyage to the See of 
 Kome\ but he intended toremedy thofe abufes, by which all the Churches of his Kingdom *"•'?•' 
 were hurthened and impoverijhed. That the whole body of the Empire were of the 
 famemind, it appears by the Ad vifes of Ments; And by the hundred grievances of ^' *' ^' '^^ ** 
 the German Nation, which the Princes and Peers of the Empire protefted that they 
 neither could,nor would, indure any longer. 
 
 Fifthly,the Kings of E;/g/jW(i declared the Pope's Bulls to be void. They had Andneglc- 
 good reafon, for they were not under his Jurifdidion, nor within the fphere of his fted the Pop* 
 adivity. The Emperors did not fo generally, but yet they took upon them to be ^^''> ^'* 
 Judges whether the Pope's key did err or not. PiKf the fecond by his Bull condemned 
 all appeals from the Pope to a General Conndl, as erroneous, deteftable,void and pejiilent, ^""'' ''**'' 
 and fubjeded all thofe who (hould ufe them after two raoneths to execration ipfo 
 faHo, of what condition foever they were. Emperors, Kings or Bifhops. Yet 'long ^X///. e<,r, 
 after this Charles the Fifth appealed from Clement the Seventh to a General Council i $; <»i Crimi- ' 
 Adfacri Generalis Coneilii & tonus Chrijiianitatis cogtitionem & judicium remittenda cen- ""'• ^' Clem, 
 fuimus; lUiqne nos& omnia qu£ cum S. vfjhra habere pojfumiis, am deinceps habiturifimiu '* 
 omninofubjicimuf. Wherein he did but infift in the fteps of his prcdecelTors. Lewis 
 the Fourth did the fame to Johnthe 22thv And in the Dyetof Frankford decreed them ^f^'J^^L '* 
 eSi thatjhauld affent to the Pope's Bull to be gnilty of treafon,andto have forfeited all their 104. ^ 
 
 fiii
 
 io8 A Juji Vindication T O M E X. 
 
 fees n>hkh they held of the Empire ; becaufe the femence <f a Fupe contrary tn Cod, or to 
 holy Scripti^re, or to th.H due obedience which a SuhjeU owes to his Frince, k of jto moment 
 cr validity. And fuch the Princes and Peers of the Empire did unanimouily de- 
 clare the Pope's Bull to be, contra Veum, & jujiitiam, & jttr'n ordinem i contrary to God, 
 contrary to holy Scripture, and contrary to due order of Law. 
 
 Sixthly, jy^ry the Eighth deprived the Pope of his Annates , Tenths, and Fi^ft- 
 '''d'r' d fruit; in E«g/W, of his Pall-money , and other extorted revenues. What did the 
 upon Papil Emp;ror and Germans lefs than he > In the Advices of Ments it is concluded , that 
 pretended the Fope pall receive nothing, either before or after, for Confirmations, Ekcflions, Ad- 
 rights, millions, Collations, Provifions, Prefentations, holy Orders, Palls , Benedidions, 
 Chap. lo. ^■"'^- "Pf'" P^i" ^^^^ ^^^ TranlgreiTor thereof, either in exading, or giving, or pro- 
 Jn c'onclufme miling , jhould incur the pmiijhment due to a Simoniacal perfon. And though thefe 
 St£. 21. were but Advices, yet the King of the Romans and Eledrors did covenant mutual- 
 ly to alh'ft and defend one another in the maintenance ot them againft all meni And 
 yet farther , procured them to be confirmed and enlarged in the Council of Bafle , 
 by the addition of Inveflitures , Bulls, Annates, Firft-fruits, &c. This was too 
 fweet a morftl for the Pope to lofe willingly , when the Archbifhop of Ments paid 
 for his Pall ( worth about Six pence ) Thirty thoufand Florens. 
 
 By the Concordates or Accord , made between the Emperor , and Princes of Gfr- 
 iM^;/^ , -and McW^ the Fifth , the Annates are in part remitted, or taken away. 
 The Eftates of the Empire afTtmbled at Nurenberg reprefented to Adrian the Sixth, 
 Gold. Fart. 2. that Annates were given for maintenance of the War againft the Turks, and how comely 
 pul. 74- ify a thing it were that theyjljould be rejhred to the fame ufe. The Princes added farther, 
 3** That they were but granted for a certain term , which was efBuxed. The hundred 
 
 Grievances reft not here, but fay moreover , that they were butdepofited at Rome, to 
 be preftrvedfaithfuVyfor that ufe. And Laitly, Charles the Fifth, in his Refcript^ 
 Cap. 1 9. ''^'^5 'he Pope, That other Ki^gs do Mot fuffer the ^nils of the Churches attd Annates to 
 
 RcPc.Num. be traujfiorted out of their Kif'gdoms to Rome, fo imv erf ally , atid fo abundantly. 
 44- Seventhly, to draw to a Conclufion , Henry the Eighth impofed an Oath of Fi- 
 
 delity or Allegiance upon his Subjed:s, Ecclefiaftical as well as Temporal, So did 
 Frfi/cncJ^ the Firft Emperor of that name: I fwear , that from henceforth J will be 
 l)okd03thio{f'^'^^f"^*''^y Liege-Lord, Frederick the Emperor of the Romans; againji all men 
 Allegiance. C the Pope is included , or rather intended principally > of by Law J am bound > 
 ^ . . n -^"d J will help him to retain his Imperial Crown , and all his Honour in Ita- 
 
 Hwry the Eighth toofe away Popifh Pardoiis, and Indulgences , and Dilpenfari- 
 
 ons j The German Nation likewife groaned under the burthen of them. Among 
 
 their Hundred grievances , that of Dilpenfations was the firft , and that of Papal 
 
 The Germans Indulgences the third i eithef for lins paft , or fo come, modbtinniat -dextra , (it is 
 
 againft Far* jj^^jj. ^^^ phrafe. .) They call thefe artifices meer impoflures , by which the very mar- 
 
 gcoccs, fye. *■""' "/ Germany wof fucked up , their ancient liberty was enervated ^ and thejmerit of 
 
 Chrift'sFaffion became flighted, 
 tl""",""' *' LzRIy, Henry the Eighth aboliflied the ufurped jurifdidion of the Biftiop ofRome, 
 
 ^' within his Dominions. The Emperors did notfo, whether they thought it not 
 
 fit to leave an old Patriarch j or becaufe they did not fufficiently confider the right 
 bounds of Imperial power , efpecially being feconded with the Authority of an 
 Emperors Occidental Council i or becaufe they did not fo clearly diftinguifh between a begin- 
 havedepofed ning of Unity and an Uiiiverfality of ]urifdidion i or becaufe they had other re- 
 pealed from'*" "^^^J'^s wherewith to help themfelvesi I cannot determine. But this we have feen, 
 them, ^c. That the Emperors have depofed Popes, and have appealed from Popes to General 
 Councils, and have maintained their Imperial Prerogatives againft Popes, and 
 made themfelves the laft Judges of the liberties and neceffities of the whole Body 
 Politick. 
 
 Frederick^ the Third , in the Dyet of Nurenburg , fequeftred all the Moneys that 
 
 Gold. Part.i. fliould be raifed in Three years from Indulgences and Abfolutions , whether Papa! 
 
 Xkm.'9.' ^^ Conciliary , towards the raifing of Twenty thoufand men for the defence of the 
 
 Empire againft the Turk. The refblution of the Elecfl Archbiftiop of trevers againft 
 
 Gregory the Seventh , was this , Hb pins per hunc SanSi^ , qu£ modb extremum trahit 
 
 &iri'
 
 Discourse]!. Of the Church of Ens^hnd. loo 
 
 fiintim, per/clitetur Ecckfu^ ex me dico, (jityd mihm ei pojihac ohedientiam jervabo occ. 
 Le^l the holy Church which ii nnvc brought to the mz.JJP incttrr more danger by Im means 
 Jjleakj^f myjelf,thjt hereafter I rvillferforrmno obedience to him,( that is, Pope Hilde- 
 hrand ) Neither was this his refolution alone. All the German Bifhops were of ^'*^- 47. 
 the fame mind : Becaiffe thy entrance into the Papacy vp,;s begun mthfi great periuriey ; 
 and the Church of God U brought intofuch a grievoiu fiorm through the abufe of thy In- 
 novations^ and thy life and converfation is foikdwith fo manifold infamy : As rve promi- 
 fed thee no obedience^fo rre let thee kt^nn^that for the future we rvill perform none unto thee. '^^ 
 Et quia nemo n(^irkm( tit publico declamas ) tibihacleniisfuit Epifcopus^ it a nuUi noflrkm 
 a. modo eris Jpoftolicm : And of thou haji reputed none of lu forBijhops hither ij j So here- 
 after none of m wiU ejleem thee for the Succejfor of St. Peter. Which fcntence was con- 
 firmed by the Emperour : EgoHenricus Kexcum omnibus Epifcojjis meis tibi dico^ Vef- 
 cende, defcende. 
 
 The tir ft Council of Pif^ did not onely fubftrad: their obedience from Tcter de 
 L?<>?^, calling himfelf BenediCl the Thirteentli , and Angelm de Corario callin» him- 
 (elfGi-fgor)! the Twelfth i But they decreed that it was lawful for all Chriftisns, and 
 accordingly did command them tOfubllrad their obedience from them. Of which ^'^' ^' ^ ^' 
 Council the Council of Conflance was a continuation. The fecond Council of Tifa ^ JT- "''^^"'^ 
 fufpended Julius the fecond from the Papacy, and commanded all Chriftians to with- cliTiiatii 
 draw their obedience from him. The fofmcr had the confent of the Emperour :p<*r' 52!^ 
 the later, his alfiftance and protedtion i as appeareth both by the folemn promife of'** 
 the Emperour's Ambafladors made in Council , and the acknowledgment of the 
 Council it (elf. 
 
 I will conclude this firft part of my paralkll concerning the Empire with two 
 anfwers of Gfm<2«'Bifliops. The firft of the Gfrm.w and French to Anaftafus t\\Q 
 Second, wherein they tell him plainly, that they did not underjiand that veto companion., 
 which the ItilunPhyficians jifed to cure the infirmities of France. They tax them for 
 fcekingto reftrain the abfolutionof fouls to Kome. 
 
 They require that Italian Biftiop that is without iln to caft the firft ftone at them i 
 They a'dvifc them not to ufe their pretended Authority againft their Bifhops, left the 
 blowfliould recoil upon themfelves, for that theirs had not learned to fear above that 
 which was needful i They tell them that furely they in Italy, think that the Galls had 
 loft all thefe three, Verbum., Ferrum, & Ingeniitm, their Tongues, their Wits, and their 
 Weapons. - ■ " . ' 
 
 And fo they conclude, Efi<;jw^ imlinata effet area Teliamenti nofiri noflrorum ^^f^^'/" 
 Epifcporum effet^&mn illnrum,inclinatam relevare. Althougli'the ark^of\heir Cove- 7*'?""" j Jl'*.' 
 mnt was falling^yet it belonged to their own Bipops, and not ti) :them,toJift it up a- 'SM^a^l'- 
 gain, . nalip.^i. 
 
 The other anfwer was of the Archbifhops of Cologn and Triers, with the Synod 
 of Cologn to Nicholas the Firft. Wherein, after many bitter expreflions,they have thefe 
 words: Hisde cai/fis ms cum fratribus mjiris & coVegis, neque- ediCtU tuif fiamus neque 
 vocem tuam agmfdrnus, neque tuas Bullas tonitruaqiie tua timemus.- For thefe reafons we 
 ■with our brethren and coVegufs^do neither give place to thy edids^ nor ackitowledg thy voyce 
 nor fear thy tlmndring BuUs. 
 
 I expe^ that fome will be ready to objed, that thefe fubftradtions were but per- ''^' '°* 
 fonal, from the prefent Pope, not from the See of Row?, which is true in part. But the 
 fame Equity and rule of Juftice, whichi warrants a feparation from the perfon of the 
 Pope , for perfonal faults , doth alfo juftifie a more durable feparation from the 
 SeeofRo?Me, that is, from him and his Succeflbrs, for faulty Rules and Principles 
 dther in Dotflririe or Difcipline, until they be reformed. 
 
 From Germany out pafs is open into France, wh.ere the cafe is as clear as the Sun, The French 
 how their Kings, fthough acknowledged by the Popes themfelves to be moft Chri- novaffils of 
 ftian, the eldeft Sons of the Church , and otherwife the great Patrons and Prote- ^'^^ ■'^'"""' 
 ftors of the Koman Sec, ) with their Princes of the blood , their Peers their Par- ^°*^^' - 
 liaments, their Embafladors, their Schools and Univerfities , have all of them in 
 all ages, affronted and curbed theKoman Court, and reduced them to a ri^ht tem- 
 per and conftitution, as often as they deviated from the Canons of the ^Fathers, 
 and incroached upon the Liberties of the GaUicane Church. Whereby tlie Popes 
 
 M juiif.
 
 I , o A Juji Vindication TOME J. 
 
 Jurildidion in France , came to be mecrly difcretionary , at the pleaturc of the 
 Hincmare had been condemned by Three Trench Synods for a turbulent perfon. 
 
 anc 
 
 _.id deposed. Pope Adrian the Second takes Cognifance of the caufe at Konte^ and 
 
 requires Carolns Calvus the King of france , to (end Hincmare thither with his Ac- 
 
 cufers, to receive Juftice. The King's Apologetick Anfwer will (hew how he re- 
 
 Goldiiii. Con- ^^q^^j^ j^^ y^iJ^ mirati fumiis uhi hoc diCiator EpijioU Jcripmm invenerit , e^e ApoftoU- 
 
 t.'t'.p^'u!' cii Authoritate pr£cipiendnm , ut Kex correUor iniqimum & diJiriSor reorum , atcjueje- 
 
 cmdiim Leges EcclefiajhcM at que mundanx ultor crimintim, reum legaliter ac regulariter 
 
 pro excejfibus fitU danmatum^ fua fretum potentia Romam dirigat i We wondered much 
 
 where he who dictated the Pope's Letter hath found it written^ of commanded by Apojloli- 
 
 cal Authority^ that a King , who is the correUor of the tinjujl , the puni(her of guilty per- 
 
 fms^ and according to all Laws Ecckftaftical and Civil, the revenger of crimes , Jhould 
 
 fend a guilty perfon , legaU'^ and regularly condemned for his excejfes , to Rome. He tells 
 
 ' him, that the Kings of France were reputed terrarum Domini , not Epifcoporum Vice- 
 
 Vomirii, or Villici i Lords Varamount within their Dominions , not Lieutenants or Bay' 
 
 liffsofBifliops. ^U igitur hanc inverfam Legem infernus evomuit ? ^is Tartarus de 
 
 ftivs abditvi & tenebrofis cuniculvs eruUavit ? W\-)at Hell hath difaprged thu diforderly Law? 
 
 What bottomlefs depth hath belched it up out of its hidden andobfcure holes ? 
 
 The Kings of France have convented the Popes before them. So Charles the 
 Great dealt with Leo the Third \ and Lotharius with Leo the Fourth. 
 
 Tiie Kings of France have appealed from Popes to Councils : So Philip the Fourth 
 with the advice of all the Orders of France , and the whole Gallicat'e Church , ap- 
 pealed from Boniface the Eighth , and commanded his appeal to be publi(hed in the 
 great Church at Paris. So Henry the Great appealed from Gregory the Fourteenth, 
 and caufed his appeal to be affixed to the Gates of St. Peter's, Church in Kome. So 
 the School of Sorbone appealed from Boniface the Eighth , Be»ediU the Eleventh, Pi- 
 tts the Second , and Leo the Tenth. 
 
 The Kings of France have protefted againlt the Popes Decrees , and flighted 
 them i yea, in the very face of the Council of Trettt. Witnefs that proteftation of 
 the Emba(rador of France , made in the Council , in the name of the King his 
 C^liafl. Tom. ivi3(^ej.^ '<■ vve refufe to be fubjed to the commands and difpofition of Pius the 
 3- ?'57'. c; pQyj.j.j^ ^ ^e rejedt , refufe and contemn all the Judgments, Cenfures, and De- 
 " crees of the faid Pius. And although ( molt Holy Fathers ) your Religion, Life, 
 " and Learning was ever , and ever (hall be, of great efteem with usv Yet feeing 
 " indeed you do nothing , but all things are done at B.ome rather than at Trent , 
 " and the things that are here publifhed are rather the Decrees oiPius the Fourth, than 
 " of the Council of Trent , we denounce and proteft here before you all , that 
 " whatfoever things are decreed and publilhed in this A(rembly , by the meer will 
 " and pleafure of Pius , neither the molt Chriftian King will ever approve, nor the 
 " French Church ever acknowledge to be Decrees of a General Council. Befides 
 " this , the King our Mafter commandeth all his Archbilhops , and Bifhops , and 
 " Abbats , to leave this AlTembly , and prefently to depart hence , then to return 
 " again , when there (hall be hope of better and more orderly proceedings. This 
 was high and fmart , for the King and Callican Church, fo publickly to rejed , re- 
 fufe, and contemn, all Papal Decrees, and to challenge fuch an intereft in , and 
 power over, the French Archbilhops and Bi(hops, as not onely to Licenfe them, but 
 to command them to depart and leave the Council , whither they were (iimmoned 
 by the Pope. 
 
 The French Kings have made Laws and Conftitutions from time to time , to re- 
 
 prefs the infolencies and exorbitances of the Papal Court , fo often as they began to 
 
 prejudice the Liberties of the Gallicane Church , with the unanimous confent of 
 
 An.ii6T. their Princes, Nobles, Clergy, Lawyers, and Commons. As againfl their be- 
 
 ftowing of Ecclefiaftical Dignities and Benefices in France , and their grofs Simo- 
 
 i<n. i4od. ny and extortion in that way, againlt the payment of Annates and Tenths to 
 
 Ak. ut8 ^"'"^ ' ^"'^ generally for all the Liberties of the Church of France. Againlt refer- 
 
 An,i\ii. vations, and Apoftolical graces, and all other exactions of the Court oC Rome, 
 
 Charles the Seventh made the pragmatical Sandion, to confirm all the Ads of the 
 
 Coun-
 
 Discourse II. Of the Church of Ens^hnd. m 
 
 Councils oi Conjunce and £<{/?/ , againft the tyranny and ufurpation of the Pope. It 
 
 is true that LercU the Eleventh , by the flattering perfwafion of JEmoi Sylvius^ then 
 
 Pius the Second , did revoke this Sandion. But the King's Prodtor , and the Re- 
 
 d-or of the Univerfity of Pjw, did oppofe rhemfelves formally to the Regiftring 
 
 and Authorizing of this Revocation. Whereupon the King defired the advice of , 
 
 his Parliament in Writing , which they gave to this effedl. That the Revocation of 
 
 that SanUion tended to the conftifwn of the whole Ecclefiajlical Order , the depopulation of p^^ that of 
 
 France , the exhaujiing and impoverijhment of the Kingdom^ and the total mine of the Augufl. i6.an. 
 
 French Church. Hereupon the King changed his mmd, and made divers Declara- '473. 
 
 tions and Edids conformable to , and in purfuance of, the Pragmatical Sandion. ^„. j^g^^- 
 
 After this, the Three Eftates aflcmbled at Towfrx , made it their Hrft and inftant ^n. 1517. ' 
 
 requeft to Charles the Eighth , that he would preferve inviolable the Pragmatical 
 
 Sandion, which they reputed as the Tahdium of France, And in the National 
 
 Council aflembled by Lems the Twelfth, in the fame City, it was again con- 
 
 rirmed. 
 
 But the Pope ftormed , and thundered , and excommunicated, and interdidted 
 Lervis the Twelfth , Francis the Firll: , and the whole Realm , and expofed it as a 
 prey to the Firft that could take it 1, and gave plenary Indulgence to every one that 
 (hould kill a French-man. King Francis fainted under fuch fulminations, and came 
 to a compofition or accommodation with Lfo the Tenth, which was called con- 
 venta , or the concordate. On the one fide , the Pope's friends think he wronged 
 himlelf 5 and his Title to a Spiritual Sovereignty , very much , by defcending to 
 fuch an accommodation i and exclude Prance out of the number of thofe Coun- 
 tries which they term pay'^s de obedience, as if the French were not loyal obedient: 
 Subjeds , but Rebels to the Court of Kome. On the other fide , the Prelates, the 
 Univerfities , the Parliaments of Fw^ce, were as ill contented that the King {hould Fafcicuhs 
 yield one inch , and oppofed the accord : Infomuch , as the Univerfity of Paris ap- rtrum cxpt- 
 pealed from it to a future Council , and expedited Letters Patents , fealed with tend. <&• fuii- 
 the Univerfities Seal , containing at large their grievances , and the reafons of the ""'• ''"?'■#* 
 Appeal , which after were publiihed to the world in Print. '*"' 
 
 1 cannot here omit the free and jult Speech of a French BiOiop. When Henry the 
 Fourth had , in a manner , ended the civil Wars of France, by changing from the 
 Proteftant to the Ro/wj«-Catholick Communion ; Yet the Pope , who favoured the 
 contrary party ,upon pretence of his dillimulation,and great dangers that might en- 
 fue thereupon , for a long time deferred his reconciliation , until the French Prelates, 
 by their own authority, did firft admit him into the bofom of the Church. At 
 which.time oge of them ufed this Difcourfe , JVat France all on fire ^ and had they not 
 rivers enough at home ^ but they muji run *tf far ai Rome, to Tyber , to fetch tvater to 
 quench it ? 
 
 Since that in Cardinal Richliett's days , It is well known what Books were freely 
 printed, and publickly fold upon /'o«f«f«/, of the lawfulnefs of ereding a new, ^ 
 
 or rather reftoring an oId,proper Patriarchate in France, as one of the Liberties of 
 the Gallicane Church. It was well for the Roman Court , that they became more 
 propitious to the French affairs. 
 
 Take one inftance more which happened very lately. The Pope refufed to ad- 
 mit any new Bi(hops in Portugal , upon the nomination of the prefent King, be- 
 caufehe would not thereby (eem to acknowledge or approve his Title to the Crown, 
 in prejudice of the King of Spain , whereby the Epiicopal Order in Portugal , and 
 the other Dominions belonging to that Crown , was well near extinguifhed , and 
 (carcely fb many Bifliops were left alive , or could not be drawn together, as to 
 make a Canonical Oi'dination. The Three Orders of Portugal did reprefcnt to the Bahtus ovi' 
 Pope, that in the Kingdoms of Portugal and the Algarbians , wherein ought to ""'P*^* ^3* 
 have been Three Metropolitans , and Ten Suffragans, there was but One left, and 
 he by the Pope's difpenfation non-Refident. And in all the Aftatich^Vtovmcd^ but 
 One other , and he both fickly and decrepit. And in all the African and Ameri- ^p/;,_j„;^ „. 
 can Provinces , and the IQands, not One furviving. But the Pope continued inex- mir«x, p, ao. 
 orable v whereupon they prefent their requeft to their Neighbours and Friends, 
 the French Prelates, befeeching them to mediate for them , with his Holinefs. And 
 
 Ma if
 
 1,2 A Juft Vindlration T O M E K 
 
 if he continue (Hll obltinatdy deaf to their juft Petition, to fupply his defedthem- 
 felves and to Ordain them Biihops in cafe of neceliity. The French did the Of- 
 fice of Neighbours and ChriiHans. The Synod of the French Clergy did write to 
 ra ri • the Popeon their behalf, in y^/ri/, 1(551. But that way not fucceedmg, they fent 
 Gan'cHiatl. One of their Bi(hops , as an exprefs Envoy to his Holinefs , to let him know , that 
 Jnntc. Faf. if he ftill rcfufed, they cannot nor will be wanting to themfclves , to their neigh- 
 10. hours, but would fupply his defedl. What the ilTue of it is fince, I have not yet 
 
 heard. 
 
 But to leave matter of Faft, and to come to the Fundamental Laws and Cu- 
 ftoms of France. Every one hath heard of the Liberties of the French Church , but 
 .f, , every one underftands not what thofe Liberties are, as being better known by their 
 "droits^ Li- pradice at home , than by Books abroad. I will onely feled fome of them out of 
 beriiei de their own authentick Authorities. And when the Reader hath confidered well of 
 tEiUft Gain- them , let iiim judge what Authority the Pope hath in France , more than difcreti- 
 ^p^o'lbertate onary at the good pleafure of the King, or more than he might have had in other 
 EetlefitGat places, if he could have contented himfelf with reafou. Proteftants are not fo un- 
 lic. adverjiis difcreet, or uncharitable, as to violate the peace of Chriftendom, for a Primacy 
 Rman. Au- q^ Headlliip of Order, without fuperiority of Power ■■> or for the name of his Ho- 
 
 ^Paif/tnu'cti- ^'"^^^ ' °^ ^'^^ ^ ^^^^■> '^^^^ P"^^ ^^^^^ "°^ ^°° ^^^^ ' ^"^ ^""^ ^ ^^^ innocent forma- 
 
 r;<e. lities. 
 
 I. The Vo^e cannot command or ordain any thing, direUly or indirectly ^ concerning any 
 
 The liberties temporal affairs, within the 'Dominions of the King of France. 
 
 'ch^^h^"*'^ 2. the Spiritual authority and power of the Fope, U not abfolute in France, hut limi- 
 ted and retrained by the Canons and Rules of the ancient Councils of the Church , recei- 
 ved in that Kingdom. Where obftrvc firlt , That the Pope can do nothing in France 
 as a Soveraign Spiritual Prince, with his waj ci?/i^«?e'j , either againfi: the Canons, 
 or befides the Canons : Secondly , That the Canons are no Canons in France , ex- 
 cept they be received. This fame priviledge was anciently radicated in the Funda- 
 mental Laws of England. This priviledge the Popes endeavoured to pluck up by 
 the roots. And the contentions about this priviledge , were one principal occafion of 
 the feparation. 
 
 5. No command whatfoever of the Tope , can free the French Clergy from their obliga- 
 tion, to obey the commands of their Sovereign. 
 
 4. The moft ChrilHan King hath had power at all times, according to the oc- 
 currence and exigence of affairs, to affemble or caufe to be ajfembkd Synods, Provincial 
 or National,^r\d therein to treat not onely of fuch things asconcern the confervation 
 of the Civil Eftate, butalfi of fuch things as concern Ecckfia^ical order and difcipline in 
 his own Dominions. And therein to make Rules, Chapters, Lawei, Ordinances, 
 and Pragmatick SandVionsi^ his own name, and by hU awn Authority. Many of which 
 have been received among the decrees of the Catholick Church, and fome cf them 
 approved by General Councils. 
 
 5. "the Pope cannot fend a Legate a Latere into FTznce,with power to reform, 'judge,col- 
 late, dijpenfe, or do fuch other things accuftomedto be fpecified in the Authoritative 
 Bull of his Legation, except it be upon the defire, or with the approbation of the moft 
 Chriftian King. Neither can the faid Legate execute his charge untill he hath pro- 
 mifedthe King in writing, under his oath upon his Holy Orders, not to make ufe of 
 his Legantine power in the Kings Dominions longer than it {hall pleafe the King: 
 And that fo foon as he fliall be admoniihed of the Kings pleafure to forbid it, he will 
 give it over : And that whileft he doth ufc it, it (hall be exercifed conformably to the 
 Kings will, without attempting anything to the prejudice of the decrees of General 
 Councilor the Liberties and Priviledges oi'the Gallicane Church, and the Univerfities 
 of France, 
 
 6. 'the Commi^ons and Bulls of the Pope's Legates are to he feen, examined, andap- 
 provedbythe Courtof Parliament > and to be regiftred and publifiied with fuch Cau- 
 tions, and modiHcations as that Court fhall judge expedient for the good of the 
 Kingdomv and to be executed according to the faid Cautions,andnot otherwife, 
 
 7. The Prelates of the French Church, ( although commanded by the Pope, ) for 
 what caufe foeveritbe, may not depart out of the Kingdom, without the King's Com- 
 mandment or Licence. 8. The
 
 Discourse 11. of the Church of EnQ}sind. ,j5 
 
 8. The Pope can neither by himfelf, nor by his Delegates, judge of any thing 
 which concerneth the lUte, prcheminence, or priviledges, of the Crown of Frjwr 
 nor of any thing pertaining to it : Nor can there be any queftion or procefs about 
 theftate or pretention of the King, but in his own Courts. 
 
 p. Papal Bulls, Citations, Sentences, Excommunications, and the like, are not to 
 be executed in Frj«cf without the King's Command, or permillion : And after per- 
 miilion, onely by authority of the King,and not by authority of the Pope, to ftiun 
 confullon and mixture of Jurifdidrions. 
 
 10. Neither the King,nor his Px.ealm, nor his Officers, can be excommunicated or 
 intcrdided by the Pope, nor his Subjcds abfolved from their Oath of Allegiance. 
 
 11. The Pope cannot impofePenilons in Fnwcf upon any benerices having cure of 
 fouls, nor upon any others, but according to the Canons, according to the exprefe 
 condition of the refignation, or iz^i redimendam vexa:io-,iem. 
 
 12. All Bulls and Miliives which come from Rome to Fra^ice ztc to be ftenand 
 vifited, to try if there be nothing in them prejudicial in any manner to the Eftate and 
 Liberties of the Church of Fm^w, or to the Royal authority. 
 
 13. It is lawful to appeal from the Pope to a future Council. 
 
 14. Ecclefiaftical perfbns maybe convented, judged, and (cntenced before a fecu- 
 lar Judge f)r the firft grievous orenormious crime, or for lefler offences after arelapfe, 
 which renders them incorrigible in the eye of the Law. 
 
 1 5. All the Prelates of France are obliged to fwear fealty to the King, and to re- 
 ceive from him their inveftitures for their fees and manours. 
 
 16. The Courts of Parliament, in cafe of appeals as from abufe, have right and 
 power to declare null, void, and to revoke, the Pope's Bulls and Excommunications, 
 and to forbid the execution of them, when they are found contrary to facred de- 
 crees, the liberties of the French Church, or the prerogative Royal. 
 
 17. General Councils are above the Pope, and may depofe him, and put another 
 in his place, and take cognizance of appeals from the Pope. 
 
 18. AllBiJhops have their porver immediately from Chriji^ not from the Pope, and are 
 eqtuVyfttccejJ'ors of St. Peter and the other Apofiles, and Vicars of ChrijL 
 
 ip. Provifions, Refervatious,Expe(ffative Graces,drc.have no place in France. - 
 
 20. The Pope cannot exempt any Church, Monaftery, or Ecclefiaftical body from 
 the Jurifdidion of their Ordinary, nor ered Bifhopricks into Archbifliopricks, nor 
 unite them, nor divide them,without the King's Licence. 
 
 21. All thofe are not Hereticks, excommunicated, or damned, who differ in fome 
 things from the dodrine of the Pope, who appeal from his decrees, and hinder the 
 execution of the ordinances of him or his Legates. 
 
 Thefe are part of the liberties of the CaUcane Church. The ancient Britip 
 Church needed no fjch particular priviledges, fince they never knew any fbrreifTX 
 Jurifdidion : The E«^/{/^ Britifli Church which fucceededthemin time, in place, and 
 partly in their members and Holy Orders, ought to have injoyed the fame freedom 
 and exemption. But in the days of the Saxon, Vanijh, and Norman Kings, the Popes 
 did by degrees infinuate themfelves into the mefnagcry of Ecclefiaftical affairs in 
 EnglanJ. Yet for many ages the Ettglijh Church injoyed all thefe Gj:///m7/(? privi- 
 ledges, without any remarkable interruption from the Koman Court. As in truth 
 they do of right by the Law of nature belong to allSovereign Princes, in their own 
 Dominions. Otherwife Kingdoms fhould be dellitute of neceffary remediesfor their 
 ownconfervation. And in later ages, when the Popes, having thruff in their heads^ 
 did ftrive to draw in their whole bodies after ■, the whole Kingdom cppofed them, 
 and made Laws againff their feveral grofsintrufions, as we have forrncvly feen in this 
 difcourfc, and never quitted thefe Englijh ( as well asGallicane ) LiLcrties, untill the 
 Reformation. 
 
 But perhaps we may find more loyalty and obedience to the C^rrt of Ko>w in the TheKinRof 
 CatholickKing. Not at all. Whatfoever power King Ffewry or any of his Succef^ spafr-aHeni 
 fors did ever affume to themfelves in England as the Political Heads of the* Church , ih^L'^nles of 
 tlie fame,and much more,doth the Catholick King not onely pretend urto, b :r cxer- chcsT" ^^^^' 
 cife, and put in pradice,in his Kingdom of Sicily, both by himfelf and by his De- 
 legates, whom he liibftitutes with the fame Authority, to judge and punifhall Ecclefi- 
 
 M 3 atfical
 
 114 
 
 Edi3. 
 
 i 
 Car.^. ] 
 
 Decemb. 
 
 •J.An. , 
 
 I $26. 
 
 1 
 
 Baron. 
 
 Tom. ' 
 
 11. An. 
 
 1097. - 
 
 itMm.19 
 
 . edit, i 
 
 M*gunt- 
 
 I 
 
 A Jnfi Vindication TOME I. 
 
 aftical crimes, to excommunicate and abfolve all Ecclefiartical pcrfons, Lay-men, 
 Monks, Clerks, Abbats, Bilhops , Archbidiops , yea, and even the Cardinals 
 themfelves which inhabit in Sicily. He fuffers no appeals to 'R.ome ■■> He admits no 
 Nuncio's from Rome , /Itqiie dermtnt , reJ^eUu Ecckfiajiica JurifdicmnU , neque ipfam 
 Jpojiolicam fidem recogmfcere , & habere faperiorem , nifi in cafu prxvemionis ■-, And t9 
 conclude , he ach^owkdgeth not any fHperionty of the See of Rome it felf^ but onely in 
 cafe of prevention. 
 
 What faith Baronius to this ? He complains bitterly , that pr£tensa Jpojiolica Att~ 
 ibid. num.aS. fhoyi[ate contra Apnjhlicam ipfam fedem grande piaculum perpetratur, &c. Vpon pre- 
 tence of Apojiolick^ Authority^ a grievous offence is committed againji the Apofiolicl^See , 
 the Power whereof is weak^ed in the Kingdom of Sicily, the Authority thereof abrogate d, 
 the Jurifdidion wronged , the Ecclefiajiical Laws violated , and the Rights of the Church 
 Ibid. num. 39i dijfipated. And a little after he declaims yet higher : ^id tu ad ijia dixeris^ LeUor? 
 IVhat wilt thou fay to this , Reader? but that under the name of Monarchy , befdes that 
 one Monarch , which all the Faithful have ever acknowledged of the onely vifible Bead in' 
 the Church , another Head is rifen up , and brought into the Kingdom of Sicily , for a 
 Monjier and a Prodigy^ occ. But for this liberty which he took , the King of Spain. 
 fairly and quietly, without taking any notice of his Cardinalitian Dignity , cauled 
 his Books to be burned publickly. 
 
 It will be objeded , That the King of Spain challengeth this Power in Sicily^ 
 not by his Regal Authority as a Sovereign Prince, but by the Bull of Vrbanm the 
 Second , who conftituted Roger Earl of Sicily , and his Heirs , his Legates a latere 
 in that Kingdom , whereby all fucceeding Princes do challenge to be Le- 
 gati nati , with power to fubftitute others , and qualifie them with the fame Autho- 
 rity. 
 
 But Firft , if the Papacy be by Divine right , what power hath any particular 
 Pope to transfer Co great a part of his Office and Authority from his Succeffbrs for 
 ever , unto a Lay-man and his heirs, by way of inheritance ? If every Pope fhould 
 do as much for another Kingdom, as Vrbanm did for Sicily , the Court of Rome 
 would quickly want imployment. 
 
 Secondly , if the Bull of Vrbanuf the Second was fo available to the fucceed- 
 ing Kings of Sicily, which yet is difputed , whether it be authentick or noti whe- 
 ther it be full , ordefedive, and mutilated i why (hould not the Bull oC Nicholas 
 the Second, his Predeceflbr , granted to ovit Edward the Confeflbr , and his Suc- 
 ceflbrs , be as advantagious to the fucceeding Kings of England? Why not much 
 rather ? feeing that they are thereby conftituted or declared , not Legates , but Go- 
 vernours of the Englijh Church , in the Pope's place , or rather in Chrift's place * 
 feeing that without all doubt Sicily was a part of the Pope's ancient Patriarchate , 
 but Britain was not ; And Laftly , feeing the fituation of Sicily, fo much nearer to 
 Rome , renders the Sicilians more capable of receiving Juftice from thence , than 
 the Englijh. 
 
 Thirdly , the King of Spain when he pleafeth , and when he fees his own time , 
 doth not onely pretend unto, but affume , in his other Dominions , that felf-fame 
 Power or effential Right of Sovereignty , which I plead for in this Treatifc. It is 
 not unknown to the world , how indulgent a Father Vrban the Eighth was fome- 
 times to the King and Kingdom of France, and how paliionately he afTedled the ■ 
 intereft of that Crown ; and by confequence , that his ears were deaf to the re- 
 quefts and Relnonfirances of the King of Spain. The Catholick King refents this 
 partiality very highly , and threatens the Pope, if he perfift , to provide a remedy 
 for the grievances of his Subjeds, by his own Power. Accordingly to make good 
 his word , he called a General Affembly of all the Eftates of the Kingdom of 
 Cajlile, toconfider of the exorbitancies of the Court of Rome , in relation to his 
 Majefties Subjeds, and to confult of the proper remedies thereof. They did meet 
 and draw up a Memorial , confifting of Ten Articles, containing the chiefeft abu- 
 ics , and innovations , and extortions of the Court of Rome , in the Kingdom of 
 Cafiile. His Majefty fends it to the Pope, by Friar Domingo Pimentell , as his Em- 
 bafladour i The Pope returned a (mart Anfwer by Seignior Maraldo his Secretary. 
 The King replied as (harply. All which was afterwards printed by the fpecial com- 
 mand of his Catholick Majefty. The 
 
 1 
 
 1
 
 1 / < 
 
 Discourse II. Of the Church of Eneland. 
 
 The fumme of their complaint was , Firft , concerning the Pope's impofing of 
 penfions upon Dignities, and other Benefices Ecclefiaftical , even thofe which had Memrid de 
 cure of fouls, in favour of ftrangers , in an exceliive proportion, to the Third /^ ""»«</'<"' 
 part of the full value : That although Benefices were decayed, in many places of ^'*"''''^''- 
 S^ain, Two third parts of the true value i yet the Court of Kome kept up the pen- '' '' '* 
 fions at the full heighth : That it was contrived fo, that the Penfions did begin long 
 before the Beneficiaries entred upon their Profits , infomuch , as they were indebted 
 fometimes Two years Penfions , before they thcmfelves could tafte of the fruits of 
 their Benefices i and then the charge of Cenfures , and other proceedings in the 
 Court of Kome , fell fo heavy upon them , that they could never recover themfelves: 
 And further, that whereas all Trade is driven in current filver , onely the Court of 
 Kome , which neither toils , nor fweats , nor hazards any thing , will be paid one- 
 ly in Duckats of Gold , not after the current rates, but according to the old value: 
 That to feek for a remedy of thefe abufes at Kome, was fuch an infupportable chargej 
 by reafon of Three inftances , and Three fentences , neceflary to be obtained, that 
 it was in vain to attempt any fuch thing. This they cried out upon as a moft grie- 
 vous yoke. 
 
 They complained likewife of the Pope's .granting of Coadjutorlhips with future cap 4. 
 fuccelfion, whereby Ecclefiaftical Preferments were made hereditary, Perfbns of parts 
 and worth were excluded from all hopes, and a large gap was opened to moft grofs 
 Simony. 
 
 They complained of the Pope's admitting of Refignations , with Refervation of Cap. 5^ 
 the greateft part of the Profits of the Benefice, infomuch , that he left not above an 
 hundred Duckats yearly to the Incumbent out of a great Benefice. 
 
 They complained moft bitterly of the Extortions of the Koman Court, in the cafe 
 of Difpenfations : That whereas no Difpenfation ought to be granted without juft ^^'^' . - 
 caufev now there was no caufe at all inquired after in the Court of Kome^ but one- 
 Jy the price : That a great Price fupplied the want of a good caufe: That the gate 
 was fhut to no man that brought Money : That their Difpenfations had no limits 
 but the Pope's will : That for a Matrimonial DifpenfatioUjUnder the Second Degree' 
 they took of great Perfons 8000. or 12000. or 14000. Duckats. 
 
 They complained that the Pope , being but the Churches Steward and Difpenfer, cap. 7. 
 did take upon him as Lord and Mafter, to difpofe of all the Rights of all Ecclefia- 
 ftical Perfons ; That he withheld from Bifliops, being the true Owners the fole 
 difpofing of all Ecclefiaftical Preferments , for Eight months in the year:' That he 
 ought not to provide for his own profit , and the neceffities of his Court , with fo 
 great prejudice to the Right of Ordinaries , and Confufion of the Ecclefiaftical Or- 
 der , whileft he fuffers not Bifhops to enjoy thbir own Patronages and Turifdidions. 
 They cite St. 'Bernard, where he tells Pope Eugenim, that the Roman Church ( where- ^^^' ^^' ^'"'* 
 of he was made Governour by God) wai the Mother of other Churches , hut not the Lady ^'^' *^^''^' 
 or Mijirefs : And that he himfelf woi not the Lord or Majier of other Bifhops hut one of 
 them. 
 
 Thfy complained , that the Pope did challenge and ufurp to himfelf; as his own, cap. 8. 
 at their deaths, all Clergy-mens Eftates , that were gained or raifed out of the re- 
 venue of the Church : That a rich Clergy-man could no fooner fall fick, but the 
 Pope's Colledors were gaping about him for his Goods , and Guards (et 'prefently 
 about his Houfe : That by this means, Bifhops have been deferted upon their death- 
 beds, and famifhed for want of meat to eat: That they have not had, before they 
 were dead, a Cup left to drink in , nor fo much as a Candleftick of all' their goods: 
 ( it is their own expreffion) That by this means Creditors were defrauded, Procef^ 
 fes in Law were multiplied, and great Eftates wafted to nothing. 
 
 They complained , that the Popes did ufurp as their own , all the revenues of r , 
 Bifhopricks , during their Vacancies, fometimes for divers years together, all which ***'' 
 time the Churches were unrepaired , the poor unrelieved , not fo much a's one alms 
 given, and the wealth of Spain exported into a forreigu Land , which was richer 
 than it felf. They wifli the Pope to tak^ it as an argument of their rejpeSl to the See of 
 ■ Rome, that they do not go about forthwith to reform thefe abufes by their own Authority^ 
 in imitation of other Provincer. So it was not the unwartantablenefs of the <i£t in it 
 
 fclf,
 
 ii6 
 
 A Juji Vindication 
 
 TOME 1. 
 
 Cap. 10. 
 
 Ibidem Cap.^ 
 
 10. 
 
 ^iitm. 
 
 fcif, but meerly their refped that did withhold them. 
 
 They coitiplained of the great inconveniencics and abufes in the exercift of the 
 Nuncio's OlUce : That it is reckoned as a curfe in Holy Scripture, to be governed 
 by perfons of a different Language: That for Ten Crowns, a man might purchafe 
 any thing of them: That the Fees of their Office were fo great, that they alone 
 were a fufficicnt punifliiment for a grievous crime. They added , that feU-intercft 
 was the root of all thefe evils : Thztfuch abufes as thefe , gave occafwn to all the Re- 
 formations and Schifins of the Church. They added. That thefe things did much 
 trouble the mind of his Catholick Majefty , and ought to be ferioufly pondered by 
 all Sovereign Princes , qui intra Ecckfiam potejlatU adepts culmina tenent •, ut per ean- 
 dtm potejlattm dijdplinam Ecclefiafticam muniant. Behold our Political Supremacy. 
 Tiiey proceeded, that often the Heavenly Kingdom U advantaged by the Earthly. Ihat 
 Chttrch-nien aUingagainfi faith and right difcipline ^ may be reformed by the rigour cf 
 Frinces. Let the Princes of thu vcorld k^oxp ( fay they ) that they owe an account to 
 Cod of the Church , tvhich they have received from him into their protedioti. For whether 
 peace and right Ecclefiajiical Vifcipliue be iftcreafed or decayed hyChrifiian Frinces^ God 
 rriH require an account from them ^ who hath trujied his Church unto their Forver: They 
 tell his Holinefs , it was a work worthy of him , to turn all fuch Courtiers out of 
 his Court, who did much hurt by their perfons, and no good by their examples: 
 Adding this DilHch i 
 
 Vivere qui fanVic cupitvs , difcedite Romsi, 
 Omnia cum liceanty non licet ej[e bonum. 
 
 And for remedy of thefe abufes , they propofcd, that the Pope's Nuncio's Ihould 
 not meddle with the exercife of Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidtion , but be meerly in the 
 nature of Embafladors : That all Ecclefiaftical caufesfhould be determined at home, 
 according to the Canons : That the Pope fliould delegate the difpenfation of mat- 
 ters of grace to fbme fit Commillioners within the Kingdom : That Ecclefiaftical 
 Courts or Kota^s ftiould be eredcd within the Realm , wherein all caufes fhould be 
 finally determined without recourfe to Kome^ except in fuch cafes as are allowed by 
 the ancient Canons of the Church. 
 
 Laftly , they reprefented that his Majefiy was juftly prefled by the continual cla- 
 inours, and reiterated inftances of his SubjeiSs , to whofe alliftance and protedtion 
 he was obliged to contribute whatfoeverhe was able, as their Natural Lord and 
 King, to procure their Weal with all his might, by all juft means, according to 
 the didates of natural reafon i and to remedy the grievances which they fuffered 
 in their perfons , and in their goods, by occafion of liach like abufes , not pra^ftifed 
 in other Kingdoms. Efpecially this propofition being fo conformable to the Apo- 
 ftolical precepts , and to the facred Canons of Councils. 
 
 They tell the Pope , that their Firft addrefs is to him , to whom, as Univerfal 
 Paftour , the Reformation thereof doth moft properly belong , that there might be 
 no need to proceed to other remedies prefcribed by the Votiors of the Church. And in the 
 Margin they cite more than Twenty (everal Authours, to ftiew what the Magiftrate 
 might do , in cafe the Pope fhould refufe or negledl to reform thefe abufes. So you 
 feethey confefTed plainly , that there were other lawful remedies i and intimated 
 fufficiently , that they muft proceed to the ufe of them , in cafe the Pope refufed or 
 negle<3:ed to do his duty. That was for the Sovereign Prince , with his Biftiops and 
 ElTates, to eafe his Subjedts, and reform the abufes of the Roman Court within his 
 own Dominions- Arid this by direftion of the Law of Nature » upon our for- 
 mer ground , that no Kingdom is deftitute of necefTary remedies for its own pre- 
 (ervation. But they chofe rather to tell the Pope this unwelcome MefTage in the 
 names and words of a whole cloud of Kowa^-Catholick Dodlours, than in their 
 own. 
 
 In fine , the Pope continued obftinate , and the King proceeded from words to 
 deeds •, and by his Sovereign power , ftopped all proceedings in the Nuncio's 
 Court. And for the fpace of Eight weeks , did take away all intercourfe and cor- 
 refpondence with Rome , ( This was the Firft Ad of Henry the Eighth , which San- 
 
 dert
 
 Discourse IF. Of the Church of En^hnd. ii? 
 
 ders calls the beginning of the Schifm, ) until! the Pope being taught by the comy 
 experience ot his Predeceflbrs, fearing julily wliat the confequents of thefc things 
 might be in a little time, was contented to bow, and condefcend to the Kings defirS. 
 
 To (hew yet further, that the Kings of Spain, when they judge it expedient do 
 make themfelvcs no Grangers to Eccleiuftical atiairs, we read that Charles the Fifth ■^''■'543-' 
 renewed an edid of his predecefTors at iVWri^, That B^Us and Mijftves fern from l£VaI\ol 
 B.omt jhould be vijited, tojee that they contained nothitfg in them prejudicial to the Crojvn ^'^ ^ 
 or Church of Spain i which was Aridiy obfcrved within the Spanijh Dominions. 
 
 1 might add upon the credit of thi^Portuguefes, how Alexander Cafiracan was'dif- Lufuanu 
 graced and expelled out of Spain, for publiihing the Pope's Bulls, and that the Papal gemitus. fag. 
 cenfures were declared void : And how the Pope's Delegates or Apoftolical Judges ^^' 
 have been baniflicd out of that Kingdom, for maintaining the priviledces of the '"*^* ^'* 
 Jioman Court. 
 
 And when the King of Spain objededtothe Pope the Penfions which he and his 
 Court received yearly out of Spain, from Eccleliaftical Benefices and Dignities i the 
 Pope's Secretary replyed, that all the Papal penfions put together , did fcarcely a- 
 mountto fo much as one onely penfion impofed by the King upon 'the Archbifhop- 
 rick of Sevil. Neither did the King deny the thing, but jultiHe it, as done in favour 
 of an Infante of Ca^ifc : And did further acknowledge that it was not unufual for Memotialde 
 the Kings of Spain to impofe penlions upon Ecclefialtical preferments, to the fourth ^^ '""l^/'"'' . 
 part of the value, excepf in the Kingdom of Callicia. This was more' than ever any ^^"''"''' 
 King of E>;/;/<i«^ attempted, either before, or after, the Reformation. 
 
 Before we leave the Dominions of this great Prince, let us cart our eyes a little 
 upon Brabant and Flanders. Who hath not heard of a Book compofed by Janfeniuf 
 Bifhop of rpres, called Auguliinus ; and of thofe great animolTties and contentions 
 that have rifen about it inmoft Koman-dtholkk Countries? I meddle not with the 
 meritof the caufe, whether JanfeniiuibWowedSt. Jujiine, or St. Jnfline his Ancients 
 or whether he bereconciliable tohimfelf in this queftion. I do willingly omit all 
 circumftances, but onely thofe which conduce to my prefent purpofe. So it was that 
 Vrbane the Eighth by his Bull cenfured the faid Book, as maintaining divers temera- 
 rious and dangerous pofitions, under the name of St. Aujiine, forbidding all Catho- 
 licks to print it,fell it,or keepit,for the future. This Bull was fent to the Arch- 
 bifliop of Mechline, and the Bilhopof Gant to fee it publiOied and obeyed in their 
 Provinces. But they bqth refufed, and, for refufing, were cited to appear at Kome : "' 
 
 and not appearing by themfelves,or their Pro Aors, were fufpended and interdided 
 by the Pope, and the copy of the fentence affixed to the door of the great Church in 
 BruSels. Although in truth tliey durft not publilh the fentence of condemnation 
 -without the Kings Licence i and were exprefly forbidden by the Council o{ Brabant 
 to appear at Rome under great penalties, as appeareth manifeftly by the Proclamation 
 ovFlacaet of the Council themfelves dated at BrufJelr^May 12. 16'^^. 
 
 Wherein they do further declare, that it was Sennelicls enOg notofj,&c. tvet! k^oron W n • 
 
 and mtorioitfly true that the Snb]e£ls of thofe Provinces, nf -what flute or condition foever, eifJter MtT. 
 could not be cited nnr convented out rf the Land, neither in perfon, nor by their Pro&or VelpiumTypO' 
 (fllbW OOClinfet boot t>et bOff ban JKOOmcn) «« not by the Court o/Rome it fell trafh.Reo- 
 And further thzt the Frovifwns,SpiritualCenfnres,Excommunications,Sujj)enfions and Jn- *"" "^*** ^ 
 ierdiBians of that Cotirt, might not be publijhed or put in execHtion,mthont the Kin/r^s ap- 
 probation, after the Councils deliberation. And yet further, they do ordain that t'he faid 
 defamatory writing ( fo they call the Copy of the Pope's fentence) Jhould be torn in 
 pieces in the great Hall of theCottrt at BruiTels by the door-keeper, condemning and abolijh' 
 ingthe memory thereof for ever. Thus all Chrirtendom do joyn unanimoufly in this 
 truth, that not the Court of Rome, but their own Sovereigns in their Councils arc 
 the laft Judges of their National Liberties and Priviledges. ' 
 
 I pafs from Spain to Por/«g^/, where the King and Kingdom either are at this pre- 
 fent time, or very lately were, very much unfatisfied with the Popei and all about The King of 
 their ancient cuftoms and eflential rights of the Crown: As the nomination ot their ^^""£"1^°* 
 ownBi(hops,without which condition they tell the Pope plainly, that they neither ' 
 
 can nor ought to receive them : That if others than the Sovereign Prince have the name- 
 
 ingof them-, then fu^eUedperfons may be intruded, and the Realm can have no fecuri- -^l^^'""/* ^" 
 
 mtat,pag.iQt 
 ty ■• Pat. ii.
 
 11^ 
 
 A Jnji Vindication T O M li I 
 
 Pag> 40- 
 
 ty : That it is the opinion of all good men, and the judgment of moft Learned 
 
 Vat 5»' men, that herein the Tope doth moji grievrnfy derogate from the right of the Cromi : 
 
 That it is done in favour of the King of Cajiile^ldi he Ihould either revolt from his 
 
 FagiA- obedience to the Pope, or make War againll: him: And that if provifion be made 
 
 contrary to juiikc, for the private interefri of the B.oman Court fihrift's right is betray- 
 
 Fh- yi' fj^ They advife the Pope to let the World know that he hathcare of fouls, andkaves 
 
 temporal things to Trinces : That if he perfift to change the cuftom of the Church to 
 
 ^"t- 3'' fi^e prejudice of Portugal,Portugal mzy sind ought to preferve its right •, and that if 
 
 he love Caftile more than Portugal, Portugal w not obliged to obey him more than 
 
 Callile. 
 
 There are other differences like wife, as namely about the imprifoning of fome Pre- 
 lates for Treafon, to which they make this plea, that f/;e Laro doth re arrant it: 7hat 
 Ecckfiajiical immunities are not oppofte to natttral defence : 'That it is he that hurts his 
 Countrey, rvho hurts his oven immunity. 
 
 A third difference was about the Kings intermedling in the controverfies of Reli- 
 gious perfonsv to which they anfwer,That the protection of the Trince is not a violation^ 
 hut a dtfence^of the rights of the Church : That it is the duty of Catholick^ Trincei to fee 
 Pat iz regular difcipline he obferved. The Fourth difference is about Taxes impofed upon Ec- 
 
 clefiaftical perfons, and the taking up the revenues of Bifhopricks in the vacancy i to 
 which they give this fatisfadion that all orders of men are obliged in ptflice to contribute 
 to the common defence of the Kingdom^and their orvn tieceffary protedion'-, and that the re- 
 venues of the vacant Bifliopricks could not be better depofited and conferved, than when 
 they are imployed by the Trince for thepublichjfenefrt, cum onere reftituendi. 
 
 In fumme they wifh the Pope over and over again to confider ferioufly the danger 
 of thefe courfes, now when Herefie (hews it fejf with fuch confidence throughout 
 Europe : That the minds of men are inclined tofufpeded Opinions ; That St.Tetert 
 Ship which hath often been in danger in a calm Sea, ought not to be oppofed to the violent 
 courfe of jufl complainers, who think themfelves forlaken: That the Church of Rome 
 hath lofi many Kingdoms, rchich have tpithdraivn their obedience and reverential rejpeS 
 from it, for much lejfer reafons : That they had learned with grief, by tbeir lafl repulfe, 
 that their fubmiflions and iterated fupplications had prejudiced their right ; That 
 the Kings Ambajjador, the Clergies Meffenger,the Agenffrom the tfjree Orders of theKing- 
 dom,had found nothing at Rome from trvo Topes but negleUs, affronts,a7id repulfes: And 
 Laltly, for a farewell, that Portugal and all the Provinces that belong unto it in Eu- 
 rope, Afia, Africa and America, is more than one fwgle Jheep. which is as much as if 
 they fhould tell him in plain down right terms, that if he lofe it by his own fault, 
 helofeth one of the faireft flowers in his Garland. What the iffue of this will be, 
 God onely kpowes, and time murt difcover. 
 
 I will conclude this point with the Anfwer of the Univerfity of Lifbone to certain 
 Jmpeff- Obr Queftions or demands, moved unto them by the States or Orders of Tortugal. 
 itflo*'""' The firft Queftion was, whether in cafe there were no recourfe to the Pope, the 
 King of Tortugal might permit the confecration of Bifhops without the Pope in his 
 Kingdom ? To which their Anfwer was Affirmative, that he might do it, becaufe 
 Epifcopacy was of divine right, but the refervation of the Topes approbation was of httmane 
 right, which doth not bind in extreme,nor in very great,necefny. 
 
 The Second Queflion, Whether there was extreme neceflity of confecrating new 
 Bifhops in Tortugal ? Their Anfwer was Affirmative , That there was, becaufe there 
 was but One Bifhop left in Tortugal , and Six and twenty wanting in the tell of the 
 King's Dominions. 
 
 The Third Queftion was,Whether Tortugal had then been obliged to have recourfe 
 to the Pope for his approbation? The Anfwer was Negative,That they had noti Firfl, 
 Becaufe the Caftilians had attempted to flay their Embaffadors before the eyes of Vr^ 
 ban the Eighth, and Innocent the Tenth,(b there was no fafe recourfe: And Secondly, 
 Becaufe their Embaffadors could not prevail with the Pope in Nine years,by all their 
 folicitations : So there was no hope to obtain. 
 
 The Fourth Queftion was , Whether the permiffion of this were Scandalous ? 
 The Anfwer was Negative , That it was not: Firft , Becaufe it was a greater fcan- 
 dal to want Bilhops; Secondly, Becaufe the King had ufed all due means to 
 
 obtain 
 
 ¥aiti%- 
 
 Pafil- 
 
 Pog-Ai' 
 
 Pag. 44. 
 
 Pag. AS-
 
 Discourse II. Of the Clmrch of England. i ,p 
 
 obtain the Pope's approbation: Thirdly, Becaufe it was done out of extreme ne- 
 cellity. 
 
 The Fifth and Laft Queftion was , How Bifhops were to be provided > They 
 anfwered. That it was to be done according to Law, by the eledion of the refpedtive 
 Chapters, and by the prcfentation of the King , as it was of old in Spain and Tortit- 
 gal, and was ftill obferved in Germany and elle where. 
 
 From Spain and Portugal , it is now high time to pafs over into Italy : where we 
 meet with the Republick of Venice , obhged in fome fort to the Papacy for that ho- 
 nour, and grandeur, and profit, and advantage , which the Italian Nation doth 
 reap from it. Yet have not they wanted their difcontents, and differences , and dif- 
 putes with the Court of Kome. 
 
 The Republick of Venice had made feveral Laws : As Firft, that no Ecclefiafti- Maii *?. An. 
 cal perfon Ihould make any claim or pretence to any bona Emphytentica , ( as the 1 601. J an. to. 
 Lawyers call them ) that is, waft lands, that had been planted and improved by ^"^ '*P?- 
 the great charge , and induftry , and good culture , of the Fee-farmers, which were An?"6ol^' 
 pofTeffed by the Laity : Secondly, that no perfon whatfoever, within their Domi- Buha Pauli 
 nions, (hould found any Church , Monaftery , Hofpital , or other Religious houfe gn'nti dat. 
 without the fpecial Licenfe of the State, upon pain of imprifonment , and banifli- ^^"1' ^^' ''* 
 ment, and confifcation of the foil and buildings ; Thirdly, that none of their fub- Veminn 
 jeds fhould alienate any Lands to the Church, or in favour of any Ecclefiaftical per- Lawi. 
 fons, fecular or regular , without the fpecial Licence of the Senate , upon pain that 
 the Lands Co alienated fhould be fold , and the Money divided between the Com- 
 monwealth, the Magiftrate executing the Law, and the party profecuting the Pro- 
 cefs : Fourthly, the Duke and the Senate had imprifoned an Abbat and a Canon, for 
 certain crimes whereof they itood convidted. 
 
 Pj«/ the Fifth refented thefe things very highly, and commanded the Duke and 
 Senate of Venice to abrogate thefe Laws , fo prejudicial to the Authority of the Bulla eadem 
 Pope , to the Rights of Holy Church, and to the Priviledges of Ecclefiaftical per- ThcPopt/i 
 fons , and to fet their prifoners forthwith at liberty: Or otherwife,in cafe of difobe- ^""' 
 dience , he excommunicated the Duke and Senate, and all their partakers i and 
 fubjeded the City of Venice, and all the Dominions thereunto belonging to an In- 
 terdidti and moreover, declared all the Lands and Goods, which either the City 
 of Venice , or any of the perfons excommunicated , did hold of the Church to be 
 forfeited: And Laftly, commanded all Ecclefiaftical perfons , high and low, upon 
 their obedience , to publifh that Bull, and to forbear to celebrate all Divine Offices 
 according to the Interdid , upon pains contained therein , as alfo of Sufpenfion 
 Sequeftration, Deprivation, and incapacity to hold any Ecclefiaftical Preferments for 
 the future. 
 
 But what did the Venetians , whileft Paul the Fifth thundered againft them in Slighted by 
 this manner > They maintained their Lawsi They detained their Prifoners ■■, They 'he Venetiam. 
 protefted publickly before God and the world, againft the Pope's Bull, as unjuft and ^'■»ffr<eZ.fon<ir- 
 void , made without reafon, againft the Scriptures , and the Dodtrine of the Holy Ve^e"'Fa'!l'* 
 Fathers, and the Canons of the Church, to the high prejudice of the fecular pow- Muii6.\6Qi. 
 cr , with grievous and univerfal fcandal i They commanded all the Clergy within 
 their Dominions to celebrate Divine Offices duly , notwithftanding the Pope's In- 
 terdid. And at the fame time , they publifhed and licenfed fundry other Writings 
 tending to the lefTening of the Papal greatnefs , and Jurifdidtion of the Koman 
 Court. Sundry of which Books were condemned by the Inquifition , as containing 
 in them many things temerarious, calumniou{,fcandalou(jeditioiisjchifm.7tic'3l^ heretical, 
 and the reading and keeping of them was prohibited, under pain of excommunici- ffJoriatar' 
 
 *'0"- . , ■ tic.l.4.p.i4i' 
 
 Durmg this conteftation , the Duke of Venice died i and the Pope prohibited 
 the Venetians to proceed to the Elcdlion of a new Duke. The Senate notwith- ■'''"" '• '' ^ 
 ftanding the Pope's injundtion or inhibition , proceed to the Eledtion. The people ''*" 
 are unanimous , and refolute to defend their juft Liberties. The Clergy celebrate 
 Divine Offices duly, notwithftanding the Pope's Interdidl. Onely One Order, 
 with fome few others , adhered to the Pope, and for their labour, were baniftied 
 «Out of the Venetian City and Territories. The Pope called home his Legate from 
 
 Venice.
 
 I20 
 
 A Juji Vindication 
 
 TO M E I. 
 
 VenettAn Do- 
 diines. 
 
 Pud. Pad. 
 Jftft. part. 1. 4 
 h >45- 
 
 Nicomaco 
 Philal. aver' 
 timent vert, 
 pal. 2?. 
 
 Venice. The Venetians revoked their Embaffadors ordinary and extraordinary troni 
 Kome. The Pope ineitcd the King of Spain to make war againlt the Pvcpublick , to 
 reduce them to the obedience of the Church. And the Venetians being aided by their 
 Koman-Catholick^ AWks^ armed themfelves for their own defence. _ 
 
 It is not unworthy of our obfervation, what was the Dodiine of the Venetian 
 Preachers and Writers in thofe days ,^as it is fummcd up by an Eyc-witnefs , and a 
 great A(Sor in thofe affairs : That God had conjlituted Two Govermnents in the jvorld ; 
 i the one fiiritual , the other temporal ., either of them Snvereinn in their kind., and inde- 
 pendent the one upon the other: That the care of thefiiritual vcm committed to the Apo- 
 jUes and their Succeffors. Not to St. Peter as a fingle Apoftle, and his SucceiTors 
 alone, cither at y^OTwc^, or at Rome, as if all the reft were but Delegates for term 
 of life, wherein they agreed juftly with us •, that as each particular Bifliop is there- 
 fpedive Head of his proper Church ", fo Epifcopacy, or St. Cyprian's nnm Epifcopa- 
 tui , the conjoynt body of Biftiops, is the Ecclefiaftical Head of the militant Church : 
 That the care of the temporal Government i^ committed to Sovereign Princes : That theje 
 Ttro cannot intrude the one into the office of the other : That the Pope hath no power to 
 annuU the Laves of Princes in temporal things ^ tior to deprive them of their Ejlates, nor 
 to free their Stib]eUsf-om their Allegiance: That the attempt to depofe Kings tvm but '^20 
 years old , contrary to Scriptures , contrary to the examples of Chriji and of the Saints : 
 That to teach , that in cafe of controverfie hetrveen the Pope and a Prince , it ii lairftd to 
 perfeaite him by treachery or force i Or that his rebellious Stibjeiis may purchafe by it remif- 
 ftonoffins^ ifafeditiousandfacrilegioufVo&rine: That the exemption of Ecclefiajiical 
 perfons and their goods from the fecular power , is not from the Late of God , but from 
 the piety of Princes , fometimes more , fometimes lefs , according to the exigence of af- 
 fairs : That Papal exemptions of the Clergy are injome places not received at all, in other 
 places but received in part '■> And that they have no efficacy or validity farther than they are 
 received: Th^t nottvithfianding any exemption , Sovereigns have porvcr over their perfons 
 and goods., vohenfoever the neceffity of the Commonrfealth recjttires it : That if any exem- 
 ption vphatfoever he abufed to the dijlurbance of the pitblick^ tranqttillity , the Prince is obli- 
 ged to provide remedy for it : That the Pope ought not to hold himfelf Infallible , nor pro- 
 mife himfelf fitch Divine Affifl:ance : That the Authority to Bind and Loofe if to be tmder- 
 ftood , clave non errante : That ivhen the Pope hath cenfured or excommunicated a 
 Prince , the Doctors may lan^fully examine rehether his k^y have erred or not ■■, And rchen 
 the Prince is certified that the Cenfure againfr him or his Stibje&s is invalid., he may and 
 ought , for the prefervation of publick^peace., to hinder the execution thereof, prcfirviurr his 
 Keligion and convenient reverence to the Church : That the excommunication of a inulti- 
 tude, or a Prince that commands much people , is pernicious and facrilegioiis : That the 
 nerv name of blind Obedience lately invented , rvas unknown to the ancient Church , and 
 to all good Theologians •, deftroyes the efience of virtue, which is to tvnrk^ by certain k>!orf- 
 ledge andeleCiion ■■> expofeth to danger of offending God, excufeth not the errors of ajpirt- 
 tual Prince, and rvas apt to raije fedition , as the experience of the lajl Forty years 
 had manifelied. What Conclufion would have followed from thcfe PremifTes, if 
 they had been throughly purfued , it were no difficult matter to determine. 
 
 It may perhaps be objedred. That the Venetian State had thefe priviledges grant- 
 ed to them by the Popes , and Court oi'Kome. And it is thus far true. That they 
 had Five Bulls , Two of Sixtus the Fourth , One of Innocent the Eighth , One of 
 Alexander the Sixth , and the laft of Paul the Third. But it is as true , that none • 
 of thefe Bulls concerned any of the matters in debate , but onely the punifhment of 
 delinquent Ckrgy-men. It hath been an old fubtlety of the Popes, that when the 
 Emperors fer Councils had granted any Ecclefiaftical priviledges or honour to any 
 perlbn or Society which it was not in their power to crols ■■, yet ftraightway their 
 Bulls did fly abroad , either of Conceflion , or Confirmation , or Delegation , to 
 make the world believe that nothing could be done without them. 
 
 But how or by what right did the Venetians claim thefe priviledges^ By virtue 
 of any Papal Bulls ? No fuch thing. But by the Law of Nature, as an efTential 
 right of Sovereignty , and by a moft ancient Cuftom of 1200. years, that is, a 
 thoufand years before the Firft Bull was dated, as appeareth by a Letter of the 
 Senate of Venice to the Venetian Commons their Subje<fts. 
 
 Secondly ,
 
 Discourse If. Of the Chnrch of Eng]a.nd. 
 
 121 
 
 Secondly , it may be urged further , that the Venetians did not make a 7otal 
 and perpetual/eperation trora Home. No more did England^ iiby Kome we under- 
 Itand the Clmrch of Kome. Firft not Total, but onely tn particular points wherein they 
 were fallen , both from themfehes in their ancient integrity , and from the Apoftolical Can. 30. 
 Churches rvhich were their Firfi Founders , which are the very words of our Canon: 
 Secondly , not perpetual , but onely temporary, until their errors be amended , and* 
 abufes reformed. 
 
 But if by Kome be underftood the Koman Court , the cafe of Venice and Enabnd 
 is much diiferent. They acknowledge themfclves to be juftly fubjed: to the Roman 
 Patriarch i we do altogether deny his Jurifdidiion over us : The vicinity of Venice 
 renders them capable of receiving Juftice from Kome--, which the diftance of Ena- 
 land^hcing fo far divided by Seas and Mountains, doth hinder us of: Their interef} 
 invited them to a conjundion with Rome^ ours is againft it. But yet they take care 
 for their own fecurity and indemnity , that the Papacy , which they fubmitted 
 unto , {hould be toothlcfs , not able to bite them or injure them. If that Papacy 
 which they fought to have obtruded upon us, had been fuch an one, in probability 
 they had not fo quickly been turned out of doors. 
 
 LalHy, it may be objeded, that the Points in difference between Kome and us, 
 be many more,than thofe which were in difference between Kome and Venice. This 
 indeed is molt true i but not much material. More or le/s do not vary the kind or 
 nature of any thing. Whether their Liberties or ours be of greater or lelfer extent, is 
 impertinent to our Qucftion. If Venice ought to enjoy their ancient Liberties and 
 Cultoms , then fo ought England alfo. If the Venetians ought to be the lafl Judges 
 of their own pretenfions , what their ancient Cuftoms and Liberties were i thenfo 
 ought we to be likewife. Not the Pope and his Conclave of Cardinals ; which if 
 Venice would not endure, we have much left reafon to endure it. What Canons 
 have been received with us, and how far, and where our Ihoe did wring us , none 
 knew (b well as our felves. 
 
 The chiefeft difference between our cafe , and that of Venice , feems to me to be 
 this: That we were put to an after-game , fo were not they : They preferved their 
 rights and priviledges , then in Quefiion , intire from the ufurpations of the Ro- 
 man Court i we were neceih'tated in part to retrive and vindicate ours : Theirs was 
 properly a Confervationi ours a Reformation : They might thank the unanimity of 
 their Subjeds , the loyalty of their Ckrgy , and their nearer acquaintance with 
 Kome, for their advantages we might blame the Barons Wars, and the contenti- 
 ons between the Houfes of Tor^ and Lancajier , and a kind of fuperftitious venerati- 
 on of that See, occafioned by our diftance and want of experimental knowledge, 
 for our difadvantage. 
 
 But to come to the Cataflrophe of this bufinefs , both fides grew weary of the 
 difference. Chriftian Princes mediated a Peace , efpecially the molt Chriftian King. Jn'iJ'h"P^^' 
 The Venetians were contented to (hake hands and be friends with the Court of netitn trou-' 
 Rome : But without any reparation, or fubmiffion , or confeflion , or fo much as •»'«. 
 a'requefl to be made on their parts. They refufed to abrogate any one of the Laws 
 complained of They refijfed( though the Pope did prefs it molt inftantly, and the 
 Cardinal Joyeufe did affure them that it would be more acceptable to his Holinefs than 
 the conquefl of a Kingdom, ) to readmit the banifhed perfons into their City. They 
 lefufed to take an Abfolution CromKome ; Yea, they were fo far from it, that when 
 the Ambaffadour intreatedthat the Duke might receive a benediction from him pub- 
 lickly in the Church, both the Duke and the Senate did refolutely oppofe it, becaufe it 
 had fome appearance of an Abfolution. 
 
 A man would have thought that this might have fufficed to have taught the Popes 
 more wit, than to have hazarded their reputation again, fo near home, where they arc 
 fo well known. But it did not. They adventured after this to make their fpiritual 
 weapons fubfervientto their temporal ends, by Excommunicating and Interdicting 
 the Duke of Parma and his Subjeds, with little better fuccefs. 
 
 I expedt that it fhouldbe alledged. That all theProjeds of France for a new Pa- 
 triarchate, and the Memorials of Caflile^^nd the bleatingsof Portugal, dec. were but 
 pcrfonated fliews , to terrifie Popes into their duties, Andin part I do believe it to 
 
 N be
 
 122 A Jufi Vindication TOME I. 
 
 be true. But withal they mult yield thus much unto me, that it is tor children to be 
 terrified with grimaces, or painted vizards, which fignifie nothing. To work upon 
 wife men there muft beprobableand juft grounds, that fuch things as are pretended 
 may be, and will be,effcded. Wehavefaid enough tofliew that all ChrilHan Na- 
 tions do challenge this right to themfelves, to be thelall Judges of their own Liberties 
 and Priviledges. 
 
 I 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 That the Pope and the Court of Rome are vioji gnilty of the 
 Schifm. 
 
 Am come now to my Sixth and laft Propolition, which brings the Schifm home 
 to their own doors. Wherein I endeavour to demonftrate, that the Church of 
 The Church, "" Rome, or rather the Pope and the Court 0/ Rome, are caufaVy guilty both of this 
 r"[h/S*'' Schifm,and almo\l all other Schifms in the Church. Firft,by feeking to ufurp an higher 
 cfRtmehfoMT place and power in the body Ecdefiaftical, than of right is due unto them. Se- 
 ways guilty of condly, by feparating, both by their Doftrines and cenfures, three parts of the 
 Schifm. Chriftian World from tlieir Communion, and, as much as in them lyes, from the 
 
 Communion of Chrirt. Thirdly, by rebelling againft Geiieral Councils. Laftly, 
 by breaking or taking away all the lines of Apoftolical Succelliou except their own. 
 Firft, they make the Church of Kome to be not onely the Sifter of all other Patri- 
 archal Churches, and the Mother of many Churches, but to be the Lady and Miftrefs 
 of all Churches ■■, to be not onely a prime jlone in the building, but the vei^ foundati- 
 on ■■> to be not onely a rf/pfd?iw foundation, in relation to this or that time and place, 
 ( as all the Apoftlesand all Apoftolical Churches were, and all good Paftours and all 
 Orthodox Churches are, )but to beanabfolute foundation for all pcrfons, in all pla- 
 I Cor. 3. II. ces, at all times, which is proper to Chrilt alone : Other foundation can noman lay than 
 that which U laid, even Jepis Chrifl. They hold it not enough for the Roman Church 
 to be a top- branch, unlels it may be the root of Chriftian Religion, or at leaft of all 
 that ]urifdi(ftion which Chrift left as a Legacy to his Church. In all which claim 
 by the Church of Kome, they underftand not the eflential Church, nor yet the re- 
 preientative Church, a Roman Synod, butthe Virtual Church which is inverted with 
 Ecclefiaflical power, that is, the Pope with his Cardinals and Minifters. When any 
 member how eminent foever fcorns its proper place in the body, whether natural, or 
 Political, or Ecclefiaflical, and feeks to ufurp the Office of the head \ it muft of ne- 
 cellity produce a diforder, and difturbance, and confufion, and Schilrn of the re- 
 rpe<flive members. This is one degree of Schifmatical pravity. 
 
 But in the (ccond place, we prefs the crime of Schifin more home againft the 
 Court of Kome, than againft the Church of Kome. It is the Court of Kcme which 
 partly by obtruding new Creeds, and new Articles of faith •> and efpecially this do- 
 (ftrine, That it is neceflary for every Chriftian under pain of damnation to be fubjedl 
 to the Biftiop of Kome, as the Vicar of Chrift, by divine Ordination upon earth, 
 ( that is, ineffed, to be fubjed to themfelves who are his Council and Officers, 3 
 yea, even thofe who by reafon of their remoteneft never heard of the name of Kcme, 
 •without which it will profit them nothing to have holden the Catholick Faith intire- 
 ly : And partly by their Tyrannical and Uncharitable cendires have {eparated all 
 the Afiatick^, Afrrican, Grecian, Kufpan, and Protefiant Churches from their Commu- 
 nion, not onely negatively,in the way of Chrijiian difcretion, by withdrawing of them- 
 felves for fear of infcdion i But privatively and j4uthoritatively,bY way' of Jurifdidi- 
 e», excluding them C fo much as in them lyeth)from the Communion of C/;ri/f i 
 though thole Churches fo chafed awayby them contain three times more Chriftian 
 fouls than the Church of Kome it felf, with all its dependents and adherents imany 
 of which do fuffer more preffures for the Teftimony of Chrift , than the Romanijh 
 do gain advantages , and are ready to (bed the laft drop of their blood for the leaft 
 
 known
 
 Discourse If. Of the Cfmrch of Eno^hnd. j^;? 
 
 known particle of faving Truths onely becaufe they will not ftrike topfail to the 
 Pope's Crofs -keys, nor buy Indulgences and fudi hke trinkets at Rome. It is not 
 pafton , but a^iion , that makes a Schifm.ttickj, to defert the Communion of ChrijU^ 
 ans voluntarily , not to be thruft away from it unwillingly. For divers years in the 
 beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign , there was no Kecufant known in Engbnd •■, 
 But even they who were moft addided to Komtn Opinions, yet frequented our 
 Churches and publick AfTemblies, and did joyn with us in the ufe of the fame Pray- 
 ers and Divine Offices , without any fcruple, until they were prohibited by a Papal 
 Bull-, meerly for the intereft of the Koman Court. This was the true beginning of 
 the Schifm between us and them. I never yet heard any of that party charge our 
 Liturgy with any error , except of omillion, that it wanted fomething which thev 
 ■would have infertcd-, I wifli theirs as free from exception, to try whether we would 
 (hun their Communion in the publick Service of God. Charity would rather chuft 
 to want fomething that was lawful , than willingly to give occafion of offence. 
 But to lay the axe to the root of Schifm in the Third place ■■, the Papacy it felf 
 (qua talli^y as it is now maintained by many, with fuperiority above General 
 Councils, and a Sovereign Power paramount to confirm or rejed their Sandtions 
 isthecaufe either procreant , or confervant, or both, of all or the mofi part of 
 the Schifms in Chrillendom. To rebel againft the Catholick Church , and its re- 
 prefentative , a General Council , which is the lafl vifible Judge of Controverfies 
 and the fupreme Ecclefiaftical Court, either is grofs Schifm, or there is no fuch thin^^ 
 as Schifmatical pravity in the world. 
 
 I fay, the Bifliops of Kome have exempted themfelves and their Court , from the 
 Jurifdiftion of an Ofc«mrazWCo««ci/, and made themfelves Sovereign Monarchs, 
 and Univerfal Bifhops, in tonus Eccleji^ injuriam & dijfcijjjonem ■■, to the xvrang of the Gregorl 
 
 ons of Sovereign Princes and Synods-, contrary to their own Laws which allow Ap- 
 peals from them , To often as they tranfgrefs the Canons, and fubjedt them to the 
 Judgment of the Church, not onely in cafe of Herefie, which the moft of them- 
 felves do acknowledge , and Schifm and Simony , which many of them do not de- ^' '^ Capitu* 
 ny : but alfo of Scandal •, contrary to fb many Appellations from them by Chriffian '^'^' ^°' 
 Princes, Prelates, and Univerfities i contrary to the judgment ofalmofl all the c. n r • 
 Cifjlpine Frehtcs , Spanip , French, Dutch, aifemhled zt Trent ; contrary to the ccmpe7enrer."' 
 Decrees of fb many Councils both General and Provincial, which have limited ^£^.7-Glqff: 
 their Jurifdidtion , fet down the true reafon of their greatnefs , refcinded their fen- '^ fij"?" <^'fl' 
 fences , forbidden appeals to them, condemned their pragmatical intrufionof them- m'^qu'i^'' 
 fclves into the affairs of other Churches , as being contrary to the Decrees of the 
 Fathers which have judged them , and condemned them of Herefie , Schifm , Si- Hifl. Cone. 
 mony, and other mifdemeanors , which have depofed them by Two or Three at a ''"'^•^- 7. lo. 
 time, whereof one was undoubtedly the true Pope. Thefe things are fo obvions 
 in the Hiftory of the Church , that it were vanity and loft labour to prove them. 
 But efpecially contrary to the Councils of Conlhnce and Baftl , which have decreed r r n 
 cxprefiy , that the Top Ufubjed to a General Council, oi well in matter of Faith, as of Seff.\, 
 manners : So M he may not onely be correUed i but if he be incorrigible , he depofed. 
 This is determined in the Council of Conjlance , and confirmed in the Council of Con. BafiL 
 Bafil, with this addition, that rvhofoever oppfeth this truth pertinacioujly, U to he reputed ^'^•^' 
 an Heretick- 
 
 This Decree of the Council wounds deep , becaufe it is fo evident and clear in 
 the point , and becaufe the Decrees thereof were confirmed by Martine the Fifth. But 
 the Komanifts have found out a falve for it. That Tope Martine confirmed onely thofe 
 "Decrees rehich vcere conciliarly made, that is, with the influence and concurrence of 
 the Pope, as the condemnation of JVickJiff znd Hufs : but not thole Decrees which 
 ■were not conciliarly made, that is, which wanted the influence of the Pope ; as the 
 Decree of the Superiority of the Council above the Pope. Which ouglu to be under* 
 flood (fay they) onely of dubious Popes. 
 
 For clearing of which doubt , I propofe feveral Coniiderations : 
 
 N 2 Firft, 
 
 c
 
 134 
 
 A Jttft Vindication 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 The Popes 
 confirmation 
 of Councils 
 of no value. 
 
 The decree of 
 
 the Councils 
 
 Superiority 
 
 above the 
 
 Popcmoft 
 
 conciliarly 
 
 made. 
 
 Firft that it is not material, whether the Decree were conrirmcd by the Pope, 
 or not.' There are Two forts of ConHrmation, Ap^rubative ^ and Jjiihoritative. " 
 Approbative ConHrmation is by way of Teftimony , or Suffrage , or Reception. 
 And fo an Inferiour may confirm the Ads of his Superiour i as it is faid , that the 
 Saintfjhall judge the TPor Id, that is , by their Dodrine , by their example, and by 
 their approbative fuffrage i Jjifi art thou, Lord , a}id right are thy judgments. Au- 
 thoritative Confirmation impUes either a fole Legiflative power , or at leaft a nega- 
 tive voice : Whereas it is as clear as the light , that the Popes anciently never had 
 either the one or the other in the Catholick Church. We meet with no Confirma- 
 tions of General Councils of old , but onely by the Emperors , whereby Ecclefia- 
 ftical Sandtions became Civil Laws , and obliged all the Subjeds of the Empire un- 
 der a civil pain. Wherefore it is no matter , whether the Pope confirmed the De- 
 cree or not whether it was confirmed or unconfirmed ■■> it lets us fee what was 
 the Catholick Tradition , and the fenfc of the Chrifiian world in thofe days , and 
 
 we abide in it. 
 
 Secondly , I reply , that this Decree was moft conciliarly made , and confe- 
 quently confirmed i made after due examination and difculiion, without any under- 
 hand packing or labouring for voicesi made in the publick Sellion, not privately,be- 
 fore the Deputies of the Nations. For clearing whereof take this Dilemma.Either this 
 decree and the fubfequent Ads done by virtue and in execution thereof, were concili- 
 arly made and confirmed,and confequently valid in the judgment of the Komaniftt 
 themfelves,or unconciliarly made,& confequently according to their rules,notconfirmed 
 but invalid. If they grant,that this Decree was conciliarly made and confirmed, then 
 they grant the Queftion. If they fay it was not conciliarly made nor confirmed, then 
 Afor««e the Fifth was no true Pope, but an intruder and anufurper,& confequently his 
 Confirmation was of no valuer for inpurfuance of this very Decree,& by virtue of that 
 Dodrine therein delivered, the other Popes were depofed, and he was created Pope. 
 But to clear that paffage from all ambiguity. There were in the Council of Co«- 
 ftance the Deputies of the Nations, as a feleded Committee , to examine matters, 
 and profecute them , and prepare them for the Council. What was done apart by 
 thefe Deputies , by this Committee , was not conciliarly done. But what was 
 done in the publick Seilion of the Council , upon their report, that was conciliarly 
 done. Now fo it was, that one Falk^nherch had publifhed a dangerous and fcditi- 
 ous Book , which had been complained of to the Deputies of the Nations, and con- 
 demned by them : But the conjoint Body of the Council , in their publick Sellion , 
 had not condemned it conciliarly. Yet after the Council was ended, and after the 
 Cardinal had given the Fathers their Conge , or leave to depart , and difinifled 
 them with I>w««i , iteinpace; Fathers, depart in peace ■> and the Fathers had an- 
 fwered , Amen \ When there was nothiug left to do, but to hear a Sermon , and 
 begone, the Embaffadors of Po/o«i^ and LJ/«a»w , very unfeafonably prefTed the 
 Pope to condemn that Book , alledging, that it had been condemned by the De- 
 puties of the Nations. To which the Pope anfwered, that he confirmed onely thoft, 
 ASs of the Council which tcere Conciliarly made. That is to fay , Not the Ads of 
 the Deputies of the Nations apart , but the publick Ads of the whole Sellion. This 
 is the genuine (enfe of that paflage , which bears its own evidence along witfi it, 
 to every one that doth not wilfully Ihut his eyes. This was an accidental emergent, 
 after the Synod was ended, and not the fblemn purpoftd Confirmation. 
 
 And concerning that Glofs, that the Decree is to be underftood onely of dubious 
 Popes , or Popes whofe title is litigious , as it contradids the Text it felf, which 
 includes all Dignitaries whofoever, of whatfoever title , peaceable or litigious , 
 Popes or others i So it is fufficiently confuted by the very execution of the Decree. 
 An Inferiour may declare the law fill right of his Superiour, and where there are 
 divers pretenders , eftablifli the pofleffion in him that hath the beft title. But to 
 make right to be no right, to turn all pretenders right or wrong out of pofTellion, 
 onely by the laft Law of Salus populi, hcc.for the tranquillity of the people , This is a 
 Prerogative of Sovereign Princes , and a badge of Legiilative Authority. This 
 was the very cafe of the Council of Conjiance ■■> They turned out all pretenders to 
 the Papacy , the right Pope and the Antipopes all together. Some of them indeed I 
 
 by
 
 Discourse II. Of the Church of Er]s}a.n6. 12c; 
 
 by perfvvafion,but fuch pcrfwafion as might not be refilkd i and one whole title 
 feemed cleareft, which rendered their perlwafions as unto him ineffedual, by plain 
 power. For fo the Council with the conlent and concurrence of Chrillian Princes 
 did rind it expedient for Chriftendom. 
 
 Lallly, though the Popes do not aboliflithe order of Bifliops, or Epifcopacy in the 
 abftrad, yet they limit the power of Bifhopsin the concrete at their pleafure,by Ex- 
 emptions and Refervations,ho!dingthem{elvcs to be the Bifliops of every particular 
 See in the world, during the vacancy of it ", and making all Epifcopal Jurifdidion 
 to fiowfrom them, and to be founded in the Pope's Laws ■■, Becaufc it was but. de- 
 legated to the reft of theApoftles for term of life , but relided foly in St. Feterzs an 
 Ordinary, to delcend from him to his SucceflTors Bitliops of Row?, and to be im- 
 parted by them to other Bifhops as their Vicars or Coadjutors, aflumed by them in- 
 to dime part of their charge. By this account the Pope muft be the univerfal or 
 oncly Bidiop of the world. The Keys muft be his gift , not Chrifts , and all the 
 Apoftles except St. Peter^ muft want their SuccelTors in Epifcopal J urifdidion. What 
 is this but to trample upon Epifcopacy, and to make them equivocal Bifhops, to dif^ 
 folve the primitive bonds of brotherly Unity, to overthrow the Difcipline inftituted 
 by Chrift, and to take away the line of Apoftolical Succellion ? 
 
 The name of Oecumenical or Univerfal Bifhop is taken in three fenfes, one with- 
 out controverfie lawful, one controverted whether lawful or unlawful, and one un- 
 doubtedly unlawful and Schifmatical. In the firft feofe an Univerfal Bifhop fignifies 
 no more than an eminent Bifhop of the Univerfal Church, implying an Univerfality 
 of care and vigilance, but not of Jurifdidlion. And in this fenfe all the five Proto- 
 Patriarchs ufed more Emphatically to be called Univerfal Bifhops : Either by reafon 
 of .their reputation and influence upon the univerfal Church, or their prefldence in 
 General Councils. 
 
 In another fenfe, an univerfal Bifhop fignifies fuch a Bifhop who belides an uni- 
 verfal care, doth alfo challenge an univerfal Jurifdidfion. This was that title which 
 John Bifhop of Conftantinopk affedted, omnibus prxejfe^ nuHtfubeJfe : And again, Cuniia Greg. Ep. 1. 4'. 
 Chrijii membrafibimet fuppotiere VniverjaUtatU appeVatione. This was that title which ^^' 34)6" 38. 
 Gregory the Great and his predeceffors refufed, ( if they did refufe any fuch title. ) 
 For it were evident madnefs to fancy, that ever any General Council did offer any 
 particular Bifhop the title of the onely Bifhop of the World. This title in this fenfe 
 was that which Gregory himfelf did condemn, as a vain, profane, wich^d, bla^hemonf, 
 AntichrijVian name. 
 
 Laftly, the name of Univerfal Bifhop may betaken exclufively,for the onely Bifhop 
 of the world. Which fenfe was far enough from the intention eitlier of Gregory the 
 Great, or John of Cnnjlantinopk, who had both of them fo many true Arcnbifhops 
 and Bifhops under them. But this fenfe agrees well enough with the extravagant 
 ambition of the later Popes, and of the Koman Court, who do appropriate all ori- 
 ginal J urifdidion to themfelves. So many ways is the Court o( Kome guilty of 
 Schifmatical pravity. 
 
 Befides thefe branches of Schifm, there are yet two other novelties challenged by 
 the Popes, and their Parafitical Courtiers (but neither thefe nor the other yet defi- 
 ned by^ their Church) both deftrudive to Chriftian Unity, both apt to breed and nou- 
 rifh, to' procreate and conferve, Schifm : An infallibility of judgment, and a tempo- ccnc. SinneJ^ 
 ral power over Princes either diredfly or indiredlly. General and Provincial Coun- & Plat' in 
 cils are the proper remedies of Schifm. But this challenge of Infallibility diminifh- ^i^^^^'t""-^ 
 eth their Authority,difcrediteth their definitions, and maketh them to be fuperfluous £pif,_ ^jfoijt/ 
 things. What needs fb much expence ? fb many confultations ? fo much travel of vitam a^en- . 
 fo many poor old fallible Bifhops from all the quarters of the world ? when there '"• 
 is an infallible Judge atl?.owf,that can determine all Queftions in his own conclave, c'hf'".'JrCa- 
 without danger of error. Was MarceVinus fuch an infallible Judge when he burned f </. Ecclef. 
 incenfe to Idols ? or Liberim when he confented to the Arians, and gave his fuffrage Script. 
 to the condemnation of blefTed Athanafm} otHonorim when he was condemned ^"^'^J^"**' 
 and accurfed in the fixth General Council for a Monothelite ? or John the 22th. when Qgjf^„'scr- 
 he was condemned by the Theologues of Parij, before the King, with found of men onEarter 
 Trumpets , for teaching that the fouls of the juft fhall not fee God until the general Day. 
 
 N 3 Refur-
 
 126 A Juji Vindication TOME I. 
 
 Refurredion ? Were tho(e fiicceeding Popes, John^ and Martine, and Formojiu, and 
 Stephen and Ronutfim^andlheoJoritf^ and jfo/j«,and BenedidHs^and Sergiitf, who clafh- 
 ed one with another, and abrogated the decrees one of another over and over again, 
 fuch infallible Judges? Neither is it a meer matter of Fad to decree the Ordinati- 
 ons of a lawful Bifliop to be void. To omit many others. 
 ^ But ho-wCnevcrthiy tell us^Thzt the firii See canmt be judge J. I will not trouble 
 Cenc. Sinufff. j^j^- ^bout the credit of the Authorities, whether they be true or counterfeit i Nor 
 "'"' vvhether the firft See fignifie Rowe alone, or any other of the Prato-pjfmrcfcj;fj-. Thus 
 much is certain, that by judgment of difcretion any private man may judge the Pope, 
 and withdraw fromhim inhis Errors, and refill him if he invade either the bodies 
 or the fouls of men, as Bellarmvte confefTeth : That in the Court of Confcience eve- 
 ry ordinary Partourmay judge him, and bind him, and loofe him, as an ordinary 
 man : And, by their leaves, in the external Court, by coercive power, if he commit 
 civil crimes, the Emperor i if Ecclefiartical, a Council, or the Emperor with x 
 Counci' may judge him, and in fbme cafes declare him to be fallen from his Papal 
 dignity by the fentence of the Law •, in other cafes if he be incorrigible, dcpoie him 
 by the (entence of the Judge. But there is a great difference between the judg- 
 ment of Subjcdts ("as thofe Ecclefiafticks were) and the judgment of a Sovereign 
 Princes between the judgment of a General Council, and the judgment of anAP- 
 fembly of Suffragans and inferiors. And yet the Rowj« Clergy are known to have 
 depofed Liberius their own Bifliop, and iuftly. Or otherwife Fcelix their Martyr had 
 been aSchifmatick. 
 
 Their other challenge of Temporal power, whether diredly or indiredly, and in 
 ordhte ad ffiritualia ^ cznnot chuk but render all Chrirtians, efpecialJy Sovereign 
 Princes jealous and fufpiciousot their power, and averfe from the Communion of 
 thole perlbns, who maintain fo dangerous pofitions fo deRrudive to their propriety. 
 Tiie power of the keys doth not extend it felf to any fecular rights, neither can Ec- 
 clefiaftical cenfures alter or invalidate the Laws of God and Nature, or the munici- 
 pal Laws of a Land , all which doinjoynthe obedience of children to their Pa- 
 rents, and of Sub jedtsto their Sovereigns. Grf/rorj the Seventh began this pradice 
 againlif-feMry the Fourth. But what Gregory did bind upon Earth, God AJmighty 
 did not bind in Heaven. His Papal bleliing turned to a curfe i and, inftead of an 
 ' Imperial Crown, Kodolph found the juft reward of his Treafon. 
 
 The beft is, that they who give thefe exorbitant priviledges to Popes, do it with 
 fo many cautions and refervations, that they fignifie nothing, and maybe taken a- 
 way with as mucheafe as they are given. _ 
 
 The Pope ffay they ) is infallible, not in his Chamber, but in his Chair •, not in 
 the Premiffcs, but in the Conclufioni not in Conclufions of matter of Fad:,but in Con- 
 clufions of matter of Faith-, not alwayes in all Conclufions of matter of Faith , but 
 onely when he ufeththe right means and due diligence. And who knoweth when 
 he doth that ? So every Chriftian is infallible, if he would and could keep himfelf 
 to the infallible rule which God hath given him. Tah^ notbhig^ and hold it fall. 
 
 So likewife for his temporal power over Princes, they fay the Pope, not as Pope, 
 but as afpiritual Prince, hath a certain kind of power, temporal, but not meerly tem- 
 poral •, not direftly, but indircdtly, and in order to (piritual things, ^o teneam 
 vultm nmtamem Protea nodo ? 
 
 C H A P.
 
 DiscQuasE If. Of the Church of Enghnd. 
 
 127 
 
 C H A P. I X. 
 
 Art Anfwer to the ObjeSiioti brought by the Romanics to 
 pro've the Englifh Frotefiants to be Schifmatkks. 
 
 BUT it is not enough to charge the Court of Rome , unlefs vvc can difcharge 
 our felves, and acquit our own Church of the guilt of Schidn, which they feck 
 to caft upon us. Firft , they objed , that we have feparated our felves Schi- 
 fmatically from the Communion of the Catholick Church. God forbid. Then we 
 will acknowledge , without any more to do , that we have feparated our felves 
 from Chrift , and all his Holy Ordinances , and from the benefit of his Pallion 
 and all hope of Salvation. 
 
 But the truth is , we have no otherwife feparated our felves from the Communi- 
 on of the Catholick Church, than all the primitive Orthodox Fathers and Dodors ^^ ^^''^ ""* 
 and Churches did long before us , that, is , in the Opinion of the Donatifts , as fcfv«Tom"hc 
 we do now in the Opinion of the Komanijis ■■, becaufe the Romanijis limit the Catho- Catholick 
 lick Church now to Rome in Italy , and thole Churches that are fubordinate to it Church, 
 as the Donatirts did then to Cauenna in Affric\^ and thofe Churches that adhered 
 to it. Wc are fo far from (eparating our felves tirom the Communion of the Catho* 
 lick Church , that we make the Communion of the ChrilHan Church to be Thrice 
 more Catholick than the Romanics themfelves do make it , and maintain Commu- 
 nion with Thrice fo many Chrirtians, as they do. By how much our Church 
 fhould make it felf , as the cafe ftands, more Roman than it is, by fo much it fhould 
 thereby become lefs Catholick^ than it is. 
 
 I have fhewed before, out of the Canons and Conftitutions of our Church, that 
 we have not feparated our felves limply and abfolutely from the Communion of 
 any particular Church whatfoever , even the Roman it felf, fb far forth as it is 
 Catholick , but onely from their errors wherein they had firft feparated themfelves 
 from their predecefTorSi 
 
 To this I add, that it Was not we, but the Court of Rome it felf, that firft fe- 
 parated EngUndi^xom the Communion of the Church oiRome , by their unjuft cen- 
 fures. Excommunications , and Interdidlions , which they thundred out againft the ^'''' ■'''"''' 3- 
 Realm, for denying their Spiritual Sovereignty by Divine Right, before the Reforma- "schifmf'/' 
 tion made by Proteftanrs. . ;• Jep^' ' 
 
 Secondly , we are charged with Schifmatical contumacy and difobedience to the Th* Council 
 Decrees and Determinations of the General Council of 7rent. But we believe that p ^''*"' "°' 
 Convent of Trent to have been no General , nor yet Patriarchal i no free , no Laiv- "'"^• 
 /«/, Council. How was that General, where there was not any one Eifhop out of 
 all the other Patriarchates, or any Prodtors or Commillioners from them , either 
 prefent, orfumraonedto be prcfent, except perad venture fome titular European 
 Mock-Prelates without cures , fuch as Olaus Magtm , intituled Archbifhop of Vp~ 
 Jala-', Or, Sir Rofcfrt the 5(;o»i/^-»w« , intituled Archbifhop of ^rw^gj[; .? How was 
 that General , or fo much as Patriarchal , where fo great a part of the Weft was ab- 
 fcnt , wherein there were Twice fo many Epfcopelles out of Italy, ( the Pope's pro- 
 fefTed VafTals , and many of them his hungry Parafitical peniioners , ) as there 
 were out of all other Chriflian Kingdoms and Nations put together ? How was 
 that General, wherein there were not fo many Bifhops prefent , at the determinati- 
 on of the weightiefl controverfrcs, concerning the rule of Faith , and the expofiti- 
 on thereof, as the King of England could have called together in his own Domini- 
 ons , at any one time upon a moneths warnining ? How was that General , which 
 was not generally received by all Churches? even fome of the Roman Communion 
 pot admitting it. 
 We have feen heretofore , how the French EmbafTador, in the name of the King, 
 
 and
 
 I^ 
 
 8 
 
 A Jujl Vindication 
 
 T O M K [ 
 
 Nor free. 
 Skid. I. H' 
 
 Jlift. Con. 
 Trid. 
 
 Nor lawful. 
 
 SUid.l- 23, 
 
 We have not 
 fu 60 rafted 
 our obedience 
 from our law- 
 ful Faciiarch. 
 
 The Ktmdn 
 B'fhops quit- 
 ted their Pa" 
 triarchate. 
 
 and Church of France, protefted againft it. And until this day , though they do 
 not oppbfe it, but acquiefce , to avoid fuch difadvantages as murt infue thereupon i 
 yet they did never admit it. Let no man fay , that they rejcded the determinati- 
 ons thereof onely in point of Difcipline, not ot Dodrine v for the fame Canonical 
 obedience is equally due to an acknowledged General Council in point of Difci- 
 pline, as in point of Dodrine. 
 
 And as it was not General , fo neither was it free, nor lawful. Notjffe, where: 
 the place could afford no fecurity to the one party, where the accufer was to be the 
 Judge , where any one that fpake a free word had his mouth flopped , or was tur- 
 ned out of the Council , where the few Proteftants that adventured to come thi- 
 ther , were not admitted todifpute, where the Legates gave auricular Votes » 
 where the Fathers were noted to be guided by the Spirit , fent from Rome in a 
 Male, where divers not onely new Bifhops, but new Bifliopricks, were created , 
 during the fitting of the Convent , to make the Ta^alins able to over-vote the Tra- 
 montains. 
 
 Nor yet lawful in regard of the place , which ought to have been in Germany. 
 Acior debet rei forum feqiti. A guilty perfon is to be judged in his Province. And 
 the caufc to be pleaded where the crime was committed. And likewife in regard 
 of the Judge. In every Judgment there ought to be Four diftind perfons •, The ac • 
 cufer, the witnefs , the guilty perfon , and the Judge. But in the Council of Tre«f, 
 the Pope by himfelf, or his Minifters , aded all thefe parts himfelt. He was the 
 right guilty perfon , and yet withall the accufer of the Protejiants , the witnefs 
 againft them , and tlieir Judge. Laftly , no man can be lawfully condemned be- 
 fore he be heard. But in this Council the Proteftants were not allowed to propolc 
 their cafe, much lefsto defend it by lawful difputation. 
 
 Thirdly , it is objeded , and here they think they have us fure locked up , that 
 we cannot deny but that the Bifliop of Kome was our Patriarch , and that we 
 have rebelled againft him, andcaftoflf our Canonical obedience in our Reforma- 
 tion. 
 
 To this fuppofed killing Argument I give Three clear Solutions. 
 
 Firft, That the Britifh Iflands neither were , nor ought to be , fubjed to the Ju- 
 rifdidion of the Kctnan Patriarch , as hath been fufticiently demonftrated in my 
 Third Conclufion. For all Patriarchal Jurifdidion being of humane inftitution , 
 muft proceed either from fome Canon or Decree of a General Council , or of fuch 
 a Provincial Council as had power to oblige the Britons to obedience i or from the 
 Grant or Concellion of fome of their Sovereign Princes ■■, or from the voluntary 
 fubmiffion of a free people ■■, Or Laftly, from cuftom and prefcription. If they had 
 any fuch Canon, or Grant , or Submiffion , they would quickly produce it i but 
 we know they cannot. If they plead cuftom and prefcription immemorial , the 
 burthen muft reft upon them to prove it. But when they have fearched all the Au- 
 thors over and over who have written of Britip affairs in thofe days , and all their 
 Records and Regifters, they (hall not be able to find any one Ad , or fo much as 
 any one footftep , or the leaft fign of any "Roman Patriarchal Jurifdidion in Britain, 
 or over the Britain!^ for the firft doo. years. And for after-ages , the Roman Bifhops 
 neither held their old Patriarchate, nor gained any quiet fettled poffeffion of their 
 new Monarchy. 
 
 Secondly , I anfwer , That Patriarchal power is not of Divine Right, but Hu- 
 mane Inftitution i and therefore may either be quitted, or forfeited, or transfer- 
 red. And if ever the Bifhopsof Rome had any Patriarchal Jurifdidion in Britaign i 
 yet they had both quitted it, and forfeited it over and over again, and it was lawfully 
 transferred. To feparate from an Ecclefiaftical Authority which is difclaimed and 
 difavowed by the pretenders to it, and forfeited by abufe and rebellion, and lawfully 
 transferred, is no Schifrn. 
 
 Firft,Ifay they ^«mf^ their pretended PiJtrMrcW right, when they affumed and 
 ufurped to themfelves the name and thing of Univerfal Bifhops, Spiritual Sovereigns, 
 and fole Monarchsof the Church, and Matters of all Chriftians. To be a Patriarchy 
 and to bean Vniverfal Bijhop, in that fenfe are inconfiftent, and imply a contradidion 
 in adje&o ■■> The one profeffeth Humane, the other challengeth Divine Inftitution. The 
 
 one
 
 Discourse 1 1, Of the Church of England. 
 
 i -. 
 
 ■? 
 
 one hath a limited Jurifdidion over a certain Province, the other pretended! to 
 limited Jurifdidion over the whole World. The one is fubjedl to the Canons ol ^'" 
 Fathers, and ameer executor of them, and can do nothing either a^ainit rhcm or 
 befidesthem ■■, The other challengeth an abfokite Sovereignty above tae Canons be- 
 fides the Canons, againlUhe Canons, to make them, to abrogate them, to iuipend 
 theirinfluencehy aHo«-oijM;«fe, to difpence with them in fuch cafes wherein the Ca- 
 nongivesno difpenfative power, at his own pleafure, when he will, where he will 
 to whom he will. Therefore to claim a power paramount and Sovereign Monar- 
 chical Royalty over the Church, is implicitely and m ejfed to difclaim a Patriarchal 
 : Arillocratical dignity'. 
 
 ' So, Non teUm cymbuTn^teutremcymbareliqnit: It was not we that deferted our pre- 
 
 tended Patriarch, buf our pretended Patriarch deferted his Patriarchal OiHce. So 
 long as the Popes contented themfel ves with Patriarchal rights, they foared no higher 
 than to be the executors of the Canons. When Acacius complained that he was 
 condem.ned by the fole Authority of the Koman Bilhop, without a Synodal fentence 
 Cehfm the Pope then pleaded for himfelf, that Acacius was not the beginner of a new Qele t. 84. 
 etror^ hut the follower of an old i And therefore it was not neceffary that a new Synodal qu. t.' ' 
 fentence fhoidd be given ajainjlhim^but that the oldf^jjuld be executed. Therefore ( imh 
 he j JhaveonelypHtanoldfentenceinexecution^notfromulgedanew. 
 
 And as they had quitted their Title, fo likewife they had forfeited it, both fay their 
 Rebellion, and by their exorbitant abufes. FirlJ, by their notorious Kebellion zzainiX ^l^l°u'"\^^ 
 General Councils. The Authority of an Inferiour ceafeth when he renounceth his " ^*^^''^^"°°' 
 loyalty to his Superior, from whom he derives his power. A General Council is the 
 Supreme Ecclefu(tical power, to which Patriarchal power was always fubordinate 
 and fubjedt.General Councils with the confent of Sovereign Princes have exempted uTnt'T"' 
 Cities and Provinces from Patriarchal Jurifdiftion i with the confent of Sovereign cZ' Nic^m. s,. 
 Princes they have ereded new Patriarchates, as at Hierufakm and Cofijiantinopk', '• 
 and made the Patriarch of Co«ii<j«n«op/e equal in all priviledges to the Patriarch of ^'"g^^"^'' 
 old Rome. *■ "^ 
 
 Againlt this Supream Ecclefiaftical power the Popes have not onely rebelled them- 
 felves, but have compelled all Bifliops under their Jurifdidion to take an Oath to 
 maintain their rebellious ufurpations. When a Prefident of a Province (hall rebell 
 againrthis Sovereign Prince, and feek to ufurp the whole Empire to himfelf and im- 
 pofe new Oaths of Allegiance upon his fellow-fubjeds, it is not Treafon, but Loyal- 
 ty in them to thruft him by the head and fhoulders out of the gates of their City. 
 When a Steward not impofed upon the family by the Malkr, but chofen in truft by 
 hisfellow-fervants, during their Maftcrs abfence,fhallfo far violate his truft that he 
 will by forcQ make himfelf theMafterof theFamily,andufurpa Dominion, not onelr 
 over his fellows, but over his Mafters Wife and Children, and oblige his fellow fer- 
 vants to acknowledge ah independent Sovereign power in him v it is not want of 
 duty, but fidelity, to fubftrad their obedience- from him. 
 
 This is our cafe with the Korr.an Bifhops. They have fought to ufurp a Domini- 
 on over the Catholick Church, the fpoufe of Chrift, and all their fellow- fervant?. 
 Then ought not all good Chriftians to adhere to the Catholick Church, and deferta 
 Schifmatical Patriarch ? They have rebelled againft the reprefentative Church a Ge- 
 neral Council. Should we involve our felves in their Rebellion, and Perjury by 
 fwearing to maintain and make good their Ufurpationsi I confefs, Infcriours are not 
 competent Judges of their Superiors. But in this cafe of a fubordinate Superiour 
 andin amatterof Herefie or Schifm already defined by the Church, the fentence of 
 the Judge is not neceffary, the fentence of the Law, and the notoreity of the fad arc 
 fuiScient. It is not we that judge hinx, but the Councils of Conjiance and Baftle. 
 
 Neither could our Anceftors hope to have a General Council fuddenly, whileft Co 
 great a part of Chriftendom was under the Turk^; nor a free Occidental Council, 
 whileft the ufurper had all Ecclefiaftical power in his hands. What remained then, 
 but to reform themfelvesi' According to the fage advice of Cfr/3«, J y?^ that the Re- ^"f-i-f'»- 
 formation of the Church will never be effeUed by a Council^ without the prefidence of a Cifa/;^'/. *'**** 
 well affeded, wife and conjiantfiuide. Let the Members therefore frovide for themfelves 
 throughout the Kingdoms and Vrovinces^wbenthcy fhaU be abk^ and kjtotv kotp to emtpafl 
 thh worki More-
 
 i:^o 
 
 A Jujl Vvidication 
 
 TOMET 
 
 And by abufe. 
 
 Atatth) Pat. 
 #«i. 1103. 
 
 Ideman.iicj. 
 j4n. 1113. 
 
 jijich. Clem, 
 de corrupio 
 Eccltfi^ ftatu, 
 
 Matth. Pari/, 
 an. u6i. 
 
 Briton, to. II. 
 An. 1027. 
 
 Patriarchal 
 power wai 
 lawfully tranf- 
 feired. 
 
 The power 
 which we re« 
 jefted was not 
 Patriarchal 
 norCanonical. 
 
 Moreover, as they have forfeited their power by their Pxebellion, ib they have moft 
 juftly alfo by their rapine, extortions, and terrible and exorbitant abufcs, the moft 
 {hameful abufes that ever were committed by perfons trufted. To pafs by the hun- 
 dred grievances of Germany^ the complaints and Proteftations, and Pragmatical San- 
 dionsof France^ the Memorials of Caftile , the fobbsof Fortiigal, and to conhnc my* 
 difcourfe to the fulTerings of our own Nation, which have been more particularly 
 related already in this Treatife, when I fet down the grounds of our Reformation i 
 
 Theyrobbed the King of hisinveilitures of Bilhops, which Ber,ry the Firfl pro- 
 tedred to the Pope himfclf by his Prodlor, that he would not lofe for his Kingdom, 
 and added threatnings to his Proteftations. Yet to gratihe A»[elm^ who f though 
 otherwife iTioft deferving ) was the firll violater of the ancient cuftoms of our King- 
 dom in that kind, he waved his right. But foon after refumed it, made Jxodolph 
 Bifhop of London Archbifliop of Canterbury, and invefted him by a CrOfiCr and a 
 Ring. The like he did to many others. 
 
 They robbed the King of his Patronages, by their Collations, and Provifions, and 
 expedative Graces. Two or three or ten Benefices were not accounted fufficient 
 for a Roman Courtier in thole dayes, but an hundred, or two hundred, or more. 
 They robbed him of the laft Appeals of his Subjeds, contrary to the ancient Laws 
 of England. They fomented the rebellion of his own Subjeds at home, fomctimes 
 of his Barons, foraetimes of his Bifhops, playing faft andloofeonboth fides for ad- 
 vantage. They dif-inherited him of his Crown. They gave away his Kingdom 
 for a prey to a forreign Prince. They incited ftrangers to make war againlt him. 
 And they themfelves by meer collufion and tricks had well near thrufthim out of his 
 Throne. 
 
 They robbed the Clergy in a manner of their whole4uHrdi<^ion by their Exemp- 
 tions, and Refervations,aud Vifitations, and Sufpenfions, and Appeals, and Legan- 
 tine Courts, and Nunciatures, thrufting their fickles into every mans harveft. They 
 robb:d them of their eliates and livelyhoods, by their Provifions, and Penfions, by 
 their Co-adjutorfhips, and Firft-fruits, and Tenths, by the vaft charge of their In- 
 veftitures, and Palls, and I know not how many other forts of Exaftions, and ar- 
 bitrary Impofitions. The moft ancient of thefe was the Pall, whereof our King 
 Canutus complained long finceat Kotne, and had remedy promifed. 
 
 They robbed the Nobility and Commonalty many wayes, as hath been formerly 
 related. If all thefe werenota fufficient caule of forfeiture, certainly abufe did ne- 
 ver forfeit Office. 
 
 And though they had fbmetimes had a juft Patriarchal power , and had neither 
 forfeited it by rebellion nor abufe i Yet the King and the whole body of the King- 
 domby their Legiflative power fubftradting their obedience from them, and eredting 
 a new Patriarchate within their own Dominions, it is a fufficient warrant for all 
 Englijh-mcn^to fufpend their obedience to the one,and apply themfelves to the other, 
 for the welfareand tranquillity of the whole body politick, as hath before been de- 
 clared. 
 
 Thirdly, I anfwer, that obedience to a juft Patriarch, is of no larger extent than 
 the Canons of the Fathers do injoyn it. And fince the divifion o£ Britaign from 
 the Empire, no Canons arc, or ever were, of force with us, further than they were 
 received, and by their incorpor:^tion became Britannique Lawes. Which as they can- 
 not, nor ever could, be impofed upon the King and Kingdom by a forreign Patriarch 
 by conftrainti ib when they are found by experience prejudicial to the publickgood, 
 they may as freely, by the fame King and Kingdom, be rejefted. 
 
 But I ftiall wind up this firing a little higher ■, Suppofe that the whole body of 
 the Canon Law were in force in England, ( which it never was ) yet neither the 
 Papal power which we have caftiiered, nor any part of it was ever given to any 
 Patriarch by the ancient Canons, and by confequence the feparation is not Schifma- 
 tical,nor any withdrawing of Canonical obedience. What power a Metropolitan 
 had over the Bifiiops of his own Province by the Canon-Law, the fame and no o- 
 ther had a Patriarch over the Metropolitans and Biftiops of fundry Provinces with- 
 in his own Patriarchate. But a Metropolitan anciently could do nothing out of 
 his own Diocefs, without the concurrence of the Major part of the Bifhops of his 
 
 Pro-
 
 Discourse If. Of the Church of En^hrtd. Y21 ' 
 
 Province. Nor the P^friarch in like manner without the advice and coiifent of his 
 Metropolitans and Bitliops. 
 
 Wherein thenconfilted Patriarchal Authority? In ordaining their Metropolitans 
 ( for withinferiour Bifliops they might not meddle,) or confirming them, or impo- 
 fing of hands, in giving the Pall ■■, Inconvocating Patriarchal Synods, and prelldine 
 in them : In pronouncing fentence according to the plurality of voices : ( That 
 was when Metropolitical Synods did not fuffice to determine fome emergent diffi- 
 culties or differences } And Laftly, in fbme few honorary priviledges, as the accla- 
 mation of the Bifhops to them at the latter end of a General Council', and the like 
 which iignifie nor much. In ail this there is nothing that we dillike or would feek 
 to have abrogated. Never any Patriarch was guilty of thofe exadtions, extortions, 
 incroachments upon the civil rights of Princes and their Subjeds, or upon the Ec- 
 clefiaftical rights of Biaiops,or of thofc Provilions, and Penfions, and Exemptions, 
 and Refcrvations, and Difpenfations, and Inhibitions, and Pardons, and Indulgences' 
 and ufurped Sovereignty, which our Reformers banilhed out o'f England. And' 
 therefore their feparation was not any wayes from Patriarchal Autharity. 
 
 I confefs,that by reafon of the great difficulty and charge of convocating fo ma- 
 ny Bifliops, and keeping them fo long together untill all caufes were heard and de- 
 termined •, and by reafon of thofe inconveniencies which did fall upon their 
 Churches in their abfencei Provincial Councils were firft reduced from twice to once 
 in the year, and afterwards to once in Three years. And in procefs of time the 
 hearing of Appearand fuch like caufes, and the execution cf the Canons in that be- 
 half, were referred to Metropolitans, untill the Papacy fwallowcd up all. the Au- 
 thority of Patriarchs, and Metropolitans, and Bifhops. Serpens ferpemem mfi ederet 
 non fieret draco, 
 
 Perad venture it may be urged in the Fourth place, That Gregory the Great, who 
 by his Minifters was the firli converter of the Englifh -Nation, about the Six hun- 
 dredth year of our Lord did thereby acquire to himfelf and his Succeflbrs a Patriar- 
 chal Authority' and power over England for the future. We do with all due thank- 
 fulnefs to God, and honourable refped to his memory, acknowledge, that that blefTcd 
 Saint was the chief inftrument under God, to hold forth the tirft light of faving truth 
 to the Englifh Nation, who did formerly fit in darknefi and in the (hadow of death 
 whereby he did more truly merit the name of Great, than by poflelling the chair of 
 St.Feter. And therefore whilell the fometimes flourifliing, now poor perfecuted. 
 Church of England, (hall have any being. 
 
 Semper boms nomenque fuum laudefqtte manebiint. 
 
 But whether this benefit did intitle St. Ofgory and his SuccefTors to the Patriar- ^'''fgor^the 
 chate of all or any part of the Britijh Iflands, deferves a further confidcration. ^d no'patri- 
 
 Firft,confider, that at that time, and untill this day, half of Britain it ik% and archal right in 
 two third parts of the BriwKwic^Illandsdid remain in the pofleliion of the Britans £ngl'>"<i^y 
 OT Scottijh and Irifi, who iHll continued Chriftians, and had their Bilhops and Pro- ''15.™"*'^''°'* 
 tarchs, or Patriarchs of their own, from whom we do derive in part our Chriftiani- * ' 
 ty, and Holy Orders, and Priviledges. Without all controverfie the converfion of 
 the Saxons by St. Gregory could not prejudice the juft liberties of them or their Sue- 
 ceflbrs. 
 
 Secondly, confider, that the half of Britain which was conquered and pofTefled 
 by the Saxonf^ was not folely and altogether peopled by Saxons. A world of Britijh 
 Chriftians did remain and inhabit among the Conquerours. For we do not rind 
 cither that the Saxons did go about to extirpate the Britijh Nation, or compell them 
 to turn Renegadoes from their Religion, or fo much as demoliffi their Churches i 
 But contented themfelves to chafe away perfons of eminency, and parts, and power, 
 whom they had reafon to fufped and fears and made ufe of vulgar 'perfons and 
 fpirits,for their own advantage. This is certain, that Britainhdng, an Ifland, 'whi- 
 ther there is no accefs by land, all thofe who were tranfported, or could have' been 
 tranfported by Sea on fuch a fuddain, could not of themfelves alone in probability of 
 reafon, have planted or peopled the fixth part of fo much land as was really poffef- 
 fed by the Saxons. ^^^
 
 132 A Jiifi Vindication TOME I- 
 
 And therefore we need not wonder if Queen 'Bertha a Culnife and a ClirilHan, did 
 •find a Congregation of Chriftians atCafiterhiry tojoyn with her in her Religion, and 
 BclL.i.c.3S. a OiurchcalledSr.MjrfwJ buildcd to her hands and Hood in need of Letbar(>tts a 
 Eidiop to order the affairs of Chriftian Religion, before ever St. y4tiflin fet foot upon 
 Eitgliflj ground. Neither did the Britijh want their Churches in other places aIfo,as 
 Bfi. I.I. c,26. appears by that Commillion which the King did give to Jujiitt, ( among other 
 things ) to repair the Churches that were decayed. Thefc poor fubdued perfons had 
 as much right to their ancient privilcdges,as the reft of the unconqucred Britons. 
 
 Thirdly, confider,that all thatpart of Britain which was both conquered and in- 
 habited by the 5i?xo«x, was not one intire Monarchy, but divided into feven diliind: 
 Kingdoms, which were not fo fuddenly converted to the Chriftian Faith, all at once, 
 but in long tradl of time, long after St. Gregory flept with his Fathers, upon fcvcral 
 occafions, by (everal perfons. It was Kent and fome few adjacent Counties that was 
 converted by Aufline. It is true, that 'EthelbertKmg of Kent after his own converfi- 
 on, did indeavour to have planted the ChrilHan Faith both in the Kingdoms of Nor. 
 //^«>wifr/<iW and the Ej/f-/4»g/fj-, with fair hopes of good fuccefs for a feafon. But 
 alas, it wanted root. Within a fhort time both Kings and Kingdoms apoftated 
 from Chrill:, andforfook their Religion. The Kingdoms of the TFefi Saxons and of 
 Speed in the the South Saxons wider Kingils their King, who did unite the Heptarchy into a Mo- 
 Ir"/? V'^*^^ narchy, were converted by the preaching of Berinus an Italian^ by the pcrfwafions of 
 jtn.eitT"' Ofreald K\x\^o^ Northumberland. Ofivald Kins, oi^ Northumberland was baptized in 
 Bed. L. ?. c. Scotland^ and Religion luckily planted in that Kingdom by Aidan a Scottijh Bifliop. 
 4, 6" 5- ?f«i/a King of Mf»"«:« was converted and Chriftened by Fi«a««^ SuccelTor oi Aidan 
 
 ^"'•^■^■'^■"' by the means of a marriage with a ChriftianPrincefs of the Royal Family of Nor- 
 St edinrht i^^uf^berland. SigibertKmgoithc'EaiiAngks^invihok days, and by whofe means, 
 Kmgsofthc Religion took root among the Eii/J 5ii:)C(?«j-, was converted and Chriftened in Fr^?Kf. 
 Eafi-Anifet, All thefe Saxons which were converted by Britains or Scots^ may as juftly plead for 
 An, 614. thgjr oy immunities as the Britains themfelves. We acknowledge St. Gregory to 
 
 have been thefirft that did break the ice. And yet we fee how fmall a proportion of 
 the Inhabitants of the Britip Iflands do owe their converfion to Kome, in probability 
 not a tenth part. 
 
 Fourthly, confider, that the converfion of a Nation to the Chriftian Faith, is a 
 good ground in equity ( all other circumftances concurring, ) why they fliould rather 
 f Libmit themfelves , era General Council affign them, to that See that converted 
 them, than to any other Patriarchate, as was juftly pleaded in the cafe between the 
 Bifliopsof Kome and Conftantinopk^ about the right of Jurifdidion over the Bulgari- 
 ans. But the converfion of a Nation is no ground at all to invert their converter 
 prefently with Patriarchal Authority over them, or any Ecclefiartical Superiority > 
 efpecially where too great a diftance of place doth render fuch Jurifdidion ufelefs 
 and burthenfome v and moft efpecially where it cannot be done without prejudice 
 to a former owner, thruft out of his juft right meerly by the power of the fword, 
 ( as the Britijh Primates were, ) Or to the fubjedting of a free Nation to a forreign 
 Prelate, without or beyond their own con(ent. In probability of reafon the Britans 
 ought their firft converfion to the E^yffm Church, as appeareth by their accord with 
 them in Baptifmal rites, and the observation of Earter-, Yet never were fubjed to 
 any Eaftem Patriarch. Sundry of our Brm}^ and Englijh Bifliops have converted 
 forreign Nations, yet never pretended to any Jurifdidlion over them. 
 
 Fifthly and Laftly, confider. That whatfoever title or right St. Gregory did ac- 
 quirc,or might have acquired by his piety and deferts towards the Englifli Nation, 
 it wasperfonal, and could notdefcend from him to fuch Succeflbrs, who both for- 
 feited it many wayes, and quickly ( within four or five years ) after his death quitted 
 their Patriarchate, and (et an higher title to a (jairitual Monarchy on foot, whileft the 
 moft part of England remained yet Tagan^ when Pope Boniface did obtain of Thocof 
 the Ufurper, ( an Ufurping Pope f/om an llfurping Emperour) to be Univerfal 
 Biftiop. 
 
 Their Canon-ftiot is part, that which remains is but a fmall volly of Muskets. 
 
 ^ They add, that we have Schifiiiatically feparated our (elves from the Communion of 
 
 our Anceftors, whom we believe to be damned ; That we have feparated our felves 
 
 from
 
 12 
 
 3 
 
 Discourse II. Of the Church of Ensjuid. 
 
 from our Ecclefiaftical PredecefTours , by breaking in funder the line of Apoftolical 
 Succeiiion , whileil our Presbyters did take upon them to Ordain Bifhops , and to 
 propagate to their SuccelTors more than they received from their PredeceflTors: That 
 our Presbyters are but equivocal Presbyters , wanting both the right matter and 
 form of Presbyterial Ordination ( to extingui(b the Order is more Schifmatical , 
 than to decline their Authority. ) And Lartly , that we derive our Epifcopal Jurif- 
 di(ftion from the Crown. 
 
 Firft , for our natural Fathers , the Anfwer is eafic. We do not condemn 
 them , nor feparate our felves from them. Charity requires us both to think well , 
 and fpeak well,of them i but Prudence commands us like wife to look well to our 
 felves. We believe our Fathers might partake of fome Errours of the Roman 
 Church i we do not believe that they were guilty of any Heretical pravity, but ^^ condemn 
 held always the Truth implicitely in the preparation of their minds , and were al- "°'°"''f'- 
 ways ready to receive it when God (hould be pleafed to reveal it. Upon thele 
 grounds we are fo far from damning them , that we are confident they were faved 
 by a General Repentance. He that (earcheth carefully into his own heart , to find 
 out his errors, and repenteth truly of all his known fins , and beggeth pardon for 
 his unknown errours, proceeding out of invincible, or but probable, ignorance , in 
 God's acceptation repenteth of all. Otherwile the very bcft of Chriltians were in 
 a miferable condition. For ivho can tell horv pft he offendeth ? 
 
 The fecond Accufation of Priefts confecrating Bifhops, is grounded upon a fenfe- Our Bi/hops 
 left fabulous fidion , made by a man of a leaden heart and a brazen forehead , of I not Ordained 
 know not what AlTembly of fome of our Reformers at the fign of the Nags-head in t>y Presbyters. 
 Cheap-fide^ or rather deviled by their malicious enemies at the fign of the Whetjhne 
 in Tofes-head-AVey. Againft which lying groundlefs drowfie dream , we produce 
 in the very point the Authentick Records of our Church , of things not afted in a 
 corner, but pubUckly and folemnly, recorded by publick Notaries, prelerved in '*lj''°1 <'^^'" 
 publick Regifters , whither every one that defired to fee them might have accefs, HcMo'%t.c,^' 
 and publifhed to the world in Print whileft there were thoufands of Eye-witnefles 
 living , that could have contradidcd them if they had been feigned. There is no 
 mofe certainty of the Coronation of Henry the Eighth , or Edrvard the Sixth, than 
 there is of that Ordination, which alone they have been pleafed to Queftion, done 
 not by one ( as Attfline conlecrated the firft Saxon Prelates, ) but by Five confecra- 
 ted Bilhops. Let them name the perlbn or perfons, and, if they were Bilhops of 
 the Church of England , we will ihew them the day , the place , the perfons, when, 
 and where, and by whom, and before what publick Notaries or fworn Officers, 
 they were ordained v and this not by uncertain rumours, but by the Ada and In- 
 ftruments themfelves. Let the Reader chufe whether he will give credit to a fwt)rn 
 Officer, or a profefTed Adverfary i to Eye-witnefles, or to malicious reporters upon 
 hear-fay i to that which is done publickly in the face of the Church, or to that 
 which is faid to be done privately in the corner of a Tavern. 
 
 Thefe Authentick evidences being upon occafion produced out of our Ecclefiafti- 
 cal Courts , and deliberately perufed and viewed by Father Oldcorn the Jefitite , he 
 both profefled himlelf clearly convinced of that whereof he had fo long doubted , 
 ( that was the legitimate fugcellion of Bifhops and Priefts in our Church , ) and 
 wifhed heartily towards the reparation of the breach of Chrifiendome , that all the 
 world were fo abundantly fatished as he himfelf was : blaming us as partly guilty 
 of the grofs miftake of many , for not having publickly and timely made known to 
 the world the notorious falfhood of that empty , but far fpread , afperfion againft 
 our fuccelfion. As for our parts , we believe Epifoopacy to be at leaft an Apoftoli- 
 cal Inftitution , approved by Chrift himfelf in the Kevelation , ordained in the In- 
 fancy of Chriftianity as a remedy againft Schifin •, and we blefs God that we have a 
 clear fuccelfion of it. 
 
 Our matter and form in the Ordination of Presbyters islmpofition of hands ; Our matter 
 And thele words , Keceive the Holy Ghojl; Whoje fins thou d<>ji forgive , they are forgi- Presbmrial 
 ven , and rvhofe fins thou doji retain , they are retained ■■, Be thou a faithful Dijpenfer of OrdinatioD 
 the iVord and Sacraments. The Form moft agreeable to the Gofpel , pradifed juftified. 
 throughout the Occidental Church for a Thoufand years , approved by the Fathers, 
 
 O and ■
 
 154 
 
 A Jtift Vindication 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 An.tiif 
 
 We derive no 
 Jurifdiftion 
 from the 
 Ctonn. 
 
 BlmJel- Aft- 
 tat. p. 3«8. 
 &c 
 
 Kftiops not 
 fubjeft to, nor 
 Ordained by, 
 presbyters of 
 elitn Biitain. 
 P. 370. 
 
 d bv the mo/i found and learned Koman-C:Ltho\kks thenilelvcs. The Form of 
 O d' ation in the Grefk Church is no more but this, Impolition of hands, and the(e 
 words The Vivine Grace rehkh always citreth that which U infirm , doth treate [ or 
 promote ] J.B. a venerable Sub-Veacon to be a Deacon , or a venerable Deacon to be a 
 prieji , or a Prieji beloved of God to be a Bijhop. And yet no man ever doubted of the 
 validity of their Ordination , but they did always , and do at this day execute their 
 Fundions in the Roman Cliurch , and difcharge all Duties belonging to their rcfpe- 
 dive Orders , as freely as in the Greeks Church it felf We have the fame Matter 
 that they have , we have the Form more fully than they have , the Romanifis them • 
 felves being Judges. Then what madnefs is it to allow of their Ordination, and 
 difpute of ours i and upon a pretended defed in Matter or Form , to drive men 
 to be re-ordained. Is not this te have the Faith of our Lord Jefus Chrijl inreJpeClof 
 
 ferfons ? 
 
 Thefe grounds are over-weighty to be counterbalanced by the Tradition of the 
 Patine and of the Chalice, an upftart cuftom or innovation, conHrrned but the other 
 Day by the Decree of Ettgeniiis the Fourth i a time too late in Confcience for intro- 
 ducing either a double Matter and Form , or a new Matter and Form of that, which 
 is acknowledged by them , and not denied by us in a larger fenfe , to be a Sacra- 
 ment. All we fay is this , That it is not a Sacrament generally neceifary to Salva- 
 tion , as Baptifm and the Holy Eucharift are. 
 
 Neither do we draw or derive any Spiritual JurifdiUion from the Crown: But 
 cither Liberty and Torper to exercife ASuaUy and Laafully upon the SubjeAs of the 
 Crown , that habitual Jurifdidlion which we received at our Ordination i Or the 
 inlargement and dilatation of our Jurifdidion Objedively , by the Princes referring 
 more caufes to the cognifance of the Church than formerly it had i Or Laflly , the 
 increafe of it Subjectively, by their giving to Eccleliaftical Judges an external coer- 
 cive power , which formerly they had not. To go yet one ftep higher. In cafes that 
 arc indeed Spiritual, or meerly Ecclefiaftical, fiich as concern the Doftrine of 
 Faith, or Adminiftration of the Sacraments, or the Ordaining or Degrading of 
 Ecclefiaftical perfons , Sovereign Princes have ( and have onely ) an ArchiteSonical 
 power, to fee that Clergy-men do their Duties in their proper places. But this 
 power is always moft properly exercifed by the Advice and Miniftery of Ecclefiafti- 
 cal perfons i And fometimes neceflarily , as in the degradation of one in Holy Or- 
 ders by Ecclefiaftical Delegates. 
 
 Thereforeour Law provides, that nothing (hall be judged Herefie with us de 
 novo , but by the High Court of Parliament, wherein our Bilhops did always bear 
 a part , with the aflent C that is more than advice) of the Clergy in thtir Convo- 
 cation* In fumme, we hold our Benefices from the King , but our Offices from 
 Chrift. The King doth nominate us. But Biftiops do Ordain us. I touch thefe 
 things, more briefly now , becaute I have handled them more at large in a full An- 
 fwer to all the Objedions brought by S. N. Dodour of Theology , in the Twenti- 
 eth Chapter of the Guide of Faith , or the Third Part of his Antidote againft our 
 Hdly Orders, our Jurifdidion , and Power, to expound Scripture , which if God 
 fend opportunity, may, if it be thought convenient, perhaps one day fee the light. 
 The confounding of thofe Two diftind Adts, intimated by me in this Paragraph , 
 that is. Nomination ox FleQion , with Ordination or Confecration, hath begotten ma- 
 ny miftakes in the World on feveral fides , among which, the refped I owe to the 
 Britijh Churches will not permit me to pafs by one untouched. 
 
 I have read related, but confufedly , out of Venerable Bede , fundry Hiftories . 
 by very learned Authours, of Aidan a Scottijh Bifhop , fend to Ofwald King »/ Nor- 
 thumberland , /or the converfwn of his people from the Ifand of Hy , wherein root one of 
 the principal Monajieriei of the Northern or Ulfter-Scots, &c. Sicque eum ordinantes ad 
 prddicandiim miferunt , So the Colledge ordaining him Bijhop fent him to preach; as like- 
 wife of Columbanus his coming into Britaign , where he had alfigned unto him the 
 Ifland Hy or l>na , for the building of a Monaftery. Habere autem folet ipfa Jnfula 
 ReCtorem femper Abbatem Presbyterum , cujus juri & omnis Provincia, & ipfi etiam Epi- 
 fcopi ordine inufitato debeant ejfe j'ubjedi : That Ifland ufed to have a Governottr an Abbat 
 m Presbyter^ to rfhofe Jwisdiiiitn htb the whole Prtvince, and th Bijhopt themfehes, hy 
 
 «0
 
 Discourse If. Of the Chttrrh of Eng]a.nd. 
 
 n"? 
 
 an ttnufml order ouglnto be jttbjed. Thefe Teftimonies they account fo clear as to ^"£.26^. 
 be able to inlightcn the dulleft eye. Arid hence they conclude, not onely that PrcT- 
 byters may ordain Bifhops, and be their Spiritual Governours , but that it was i'-Ji- 371. 
 communis qmdammodo Anglorum ommimi regttla , A common rule of all the Eni/lilh 
 in a manner , that BilTiops being Monks , lliould be fubjed: to their Abbats. * 
 
 I honour Bede as the light of his Age , who jufily gained to himfelf the" name of 
 Venerable throughout the Occidental Church. And I doubt not but he writ what 
 he heard. But certainly he could not have fuch clear diftind knowledge of particu- 
 lar circumftances , as they who have been upon the place , and feen the Records 
 thereof. 
 
 f irlt, there is a great miftake in the perfon i Columba and Columbanw lived botli 
 in the fame Age, but CoJumbanus was much the younger , who propagated Chrifti- 
 an Religion much, but it was in other parts of the World. It was not Columbanus, 
 but Columba , that converted the Britijh Scots , and Founded both the Bifhoprick of 
 PtTi^ by another name , and the Abby of Pftyy. And likewife the Bifhoprick of 
 the llles in Scotland , and the Abby of Jona , he whom the Irijh call to this day Co- 
 limklU , quia m}tltarum ceVarum Fater , ( as his own Scholar gives the reafon in the 
 defcription of his life, ( becaufe he was the Father or Founder of many Churches or 
 Cells. 
 
 Secondly , they confound the places, the Abby oCVerry or Verrimagh^ quod lin- 
 gua Scotorum figmficat campum roborum , ( faith Bede, ) which in Iri(h ( that was 
 the ancient Scottifi ) fignifies a field or plain of Oak/ , which was indeed fituated in 
 the Territories of the Northern Vliter Scots , with the Abby of lona fituated in Bri- 
 taign. 
 
 Thirdly, they confound the Adions, Miflion, which is no more than Nomina- 
 tion or EJedion , with Ordination or Confecration. Who (b proper to chute a 
 Eilhop as the Chapter ? So was that Convent until the Reformation. Who (o pro- 
 per to Ordain as the Bi(hop? For neither'Perry, nor the llles, did ever want a Bi- 
 Ihop from their Firft Converfion. So , referenda fingula fingulis , the words of Bede 
 are plain, the Chapter named, and the Bilhcp Ordained. 
 
 Fourthly, they miftake the fubiedion. The Abbat was the Lord of the Mannor 
 and fo the Bifhop was fubjed to the Abbat in temporalibus. But the Abbat was eve- 
 ry where fubjed to the Eifhop in Spiritualibw ^ who did annually vifit both the Ab- 
 by and the Abbat, as by the Vifitation-Rolls and Records, ( if thefe inteftine wars 
 have net made an end of them) may appear. You fee upon what conjedrural 
 grounds Criticks many times build new Paradoxes , which one latent circumftance 
 being known, is able to difperfeand dilEpate , with all their probable prefumpti- 
 ons. If it had nut been thus, it is no new thing for an Abbat to challenge Epifco- 
 pal Jurifdidion, or to contend with his Bifhop about it. What is this to meer Pref- 
 byters, qua tales ? 
 
 Laftly , they contradid Venerable Bede. He faith it was ordine inufitato , by an 
 unufual order. They fay it was in a manner the common rule of aV the Englifh. And 
 this they fay upon pretence of a Decree of the Council of Hereford , thaty«c/; Bi- 
 Jhops as had voluntarily profeffed Monkery , Jljould perform their promifed obedience, which 
 is altogether impertinent to their purpofe. Doch any man doubt , whether Bifhops 
 might freely of their own accord , enter into a Religious Order ? or that they 
 were not as well obliged to perform their Vow as others ? Some Emperors have 
 done the fame. Yet no man will conclude from thence , that Emperors are inferiour 
 to Abbats. 
 
 Such miliakes are all their iiilhnces , except they light by chance upon an unfor- 
 med Church . before it were well fettled. As if a manfhould argue thus ; There "nfonrieJ 
 have been no Biihops in Virginia , during the Reigns of King James and King fit'^pr'^e^c'edcw. 
 Charles., therefore the Clergy there were Ordained by Presbyters. We knowthe con- 
 trary , that they had their Ordination in England, So had the Clergy, in unformed 
 Churches, forreign Ordination. 
 
 This is part of that which we have to fay for a proper Patriarchate , and for our 
 exemption from the Jurifdidion of the Koman Court, from which our feparation is 
 much wider than from the Koman Church, Other differences may make particular 
 
 O 2 breaches ,
 
 I g5 A Jnft Vindication T O M E I. 
 
 breaches, but the Koman Court makes the univerfal Schifm between them and all the 
 reft of the Chriftian World , and hath been much complained of, and in part fha- 
 ken off by feme of their own Communion. I could wi(h with all my heart , that 
 they were as ready to quit their pretended Prerogatives, which not we alone , but 
 all the World except themfelves, and a great part of themfelves privately , fo con- 
 demn, as we {hould be to wave our juft Priviledges, and, if need were, to facrifice 
 them to the common peace of Chriftendom. 
 
 This were a more noble and a more fpecdy way to a re-union, than a Pharifaical 
 compaflingof Sea and Land to make particular Profelytes of all thofc whom ei- 
 ther a natural levity , or want of judgment , or difcontent , or defpair , to (ee the 
 Church of E«g/iJ«^re-eftabli(hed, or extream poverty , and expedation of fome 
 fupply, have prepared for their baits j whom they do not court more until they have 
 gained them, than they negled after they think they have them fure , as daily expe- 
 rience doth teach us. 
 
 C H A P. X. 
 
 The Conclnfion of thn Trcatife. 
 
 THis is the Treatife of Schifm intimated in my Anfwer to Monfmtr de la Mili- 
 tiere , but not promifed by me , who knew nothing of the Imprellion, not 
 jn tni5 r,mi. fhould have judged it proper to give an Englip Anfwer to ^.French Authour. 
 
 rai.2'}. 3 ' Howfoever being publiflied I own it, except the errours of the Prefs. Among which 
 Pat aa. /. la. ^ defire the ChrilHan Reader to take notice elpecially of one, becaufe it perverts the 
 for {Neither fenfe. It is noted in the Margin. 
 
 doyoM ) read They who have com poled minds free from diftrading cares, and means to main- 
 C '"*'"*.'" J, -J tain them , and friends to affifl them , and their Books and Notes by them , do lit- 
 amended in ' ^'^ imagine with what difficulties poor Exiles ftruggle, whofe minds are more in- 
 this Edition tent on what they (hould eat to morrow , than what they (hould write , being cha- 
 by as light a fed as Vagabonds into the mefcilefs World to beg relief of ftrangers. An hard con- 
 change as vvas jjfjQj^ ^ jj^gj when the meaneft Creatures are fecured from that fear of wanting ne- 
 a note of In- ceflary fuftenance , by the bounty of God and Nature : that onely men , the beft of 
 terrogation. Creatures, (hould bedibjedted to it by unde(erved cruelty. Perufe all the Hiftories 
 For as then I of the hteft Wars , among Dutch , French , Srredes , Danes , Spaniards , Poles , 
 ^'etnberthis '^^''*''^^ ^"^ Turk^ , and you (hall not meet with the like hard meafure. Did the 
 corrcaion of King of Spain conquer a Town from the Hollanders ? He acquired a new Domini- 
 thc Author on , but the property of private men continued the fame. Did the Hollanders take 
 himfelf. jn a Town from the Spaniard ? They made provifion for the very Cloifterers , du- 
 
 ring their lives. So did our Henry the Eighth al(b at the diflblution of the Abbies. 
 Violent things 1 aft not long. 
 
 Or if Exiles can fubfift without begging , yet they are neceffitated to do or fuP- 
 fer things otherwife not fo agreeable to them. Wherein they dcferve the pity of 
 all good men. When Alexander had conquered Darius , and found many Grecians 
 PialaJch' *" ^^^ Army , he commanded to detain the Athenians prifoners , becaufe having 
 means to live at home, they chofe rather to ferve a B^rtarMM i and the Tbejfali- 
 ans , becaufe they had a fruitful Country of their own to till : But ( faid he ) fulfer 
 the T^hehans to go free, for we have left them neither a City to live in, nor fields to 
 till. This is our condition. 
 
 When the free exercife of the Koman Religion was prohibited in England , and 
 they wanted Seminaries at home for the education of their youth , and means of 
 Ordination i yet by the bounty of forreign Princes , and much more by the free 
 contribution of our own Country-men of that Communion , they had Golledges 
 founded abroad for their (ubfiftance. So careful were they to propagate and per- 
 petuate their Religion in their native Country. The laft Age before thefc unhap- 
 
 py
 
 Discourse II. Of the Chnrch of En^hud. \ xy 
 
 py troubles was as fruitful in Works ot Piety and Charity done by Proteltants, as 
 any one preceding Age fince the converfion of Britain. And although we cannot 
 hope for that forreign allillance which they found , yet might we have expevfttc'. a 
 larger fupply from home , by as much as our Profeflburs are much more numerous 
 than theirs were. Hath the fword devoured up all the charitable Obadiahs in our 
 Land ? Or is there no man that lays the afflid-ion of Jnfefh to heart > Yet God that 
 maintained his People in the Wildernefs without the ordinary fupply of food or 
 rayment, will not defert us, until />£■ turn our capivity as the riven in the South. Where 
 Humane help faileth, Divine begins. 
 
 But to draw to a Conclufion. We have feen in this (hort Treatife how the 
 Court o^Kome hath been the caufe of all the differences and broils between the Em- 
 perors with other Chriftian Princes and States, and the Popes. We have (een that 
 from the excefles , abufcs , innovations and extortions of that Court, have fprung 
 all the Schifms of the Eaftern and Weftern Church , and of the Occidental Church 
 ■within it felf. We have heard the Confelfion of Pope Adrian^ thzt for fnme years by' 
 paj} many things to be abominated had been in that holy See , abujes in Jfiritual matters 
 excejies in commands , and all things out of order. We have heard his promife to en- 
 deavour the Reformation of his own Court , from whence peradventure all f!)e evil did 
 ffrtng , that as corruption didflovo from thence to the inferiour parts , Jo might health and 
 Reformation. 1o tvhich he accounted himfelffo much more obliged^ by how much he did fee 
 the whole World greedily defire a Reformation. 
 
 We have viewed the reprefentation which Nine feleded Cardinals and Prelates 
 did make upon their Oaths to Paul the Third : That this lying flattering principle , 
 that the Pope is the Lord of all Benefices , and therefore could not be Simoniacaf was the 
 fountain , from whence , as from the Trojan Horfe , fo many abufes, and fa grievous dif- 
 eafes had broken into the Church , and brought it to a dejperate condition , to the derifwn of 
 Chrtjiian Religion^ and blalpbeming of the Name cfChrift , and that the cure muji benn 
 there , from whence the difeafe didjpring. 
 
 We may remember the Memorial of the King oC Spain, and the whole King- 
 dom of Cafiile ; That the abufes of the Court of Rome , gave occafwn to all the Refor- 
 mations and Schifms of the Church. And the complaint of the King and Kingdom 
 oi Portugal, That for thefe reafons many Kingdoms bad withdrawn their obedience and 
 reverential refped from the Church of Rome. Thefe were no Proteftants. The iirft ftep 
 to health, is to know the true caufe of our difeafe. 
 
 It hath been long debated , whether the Proteftant and Roman Churches be rc- 
 concileable or not. Far be it from me to make my felf a Judge of that Contro- 
 verfie. Thus much I have obferved , that they who underftand the fewefl Con- 
 troverfies make the molt , and the greateft. If Queftions were truly itated by mo- 
 derate perfons , both the number and the heighth would be much abated. Many 
 differences are grounded upon miflakes of one anothers fence. Many are 
 meer Logomachies or contentions about words. Many are meerly Scholaiiical 
 above the capacity and apprehenfion of ordinary brains. And many doubtlefs are 
 real both in credendis and agenda , both in Dodtrine and Difcipline. But whether 
 the diftance be fb great , or how far any of thefe are neceffary to Salvation or do 
 intrench upon the Fundamentals of Religion, requires a ferious , judicious and 
 impartial confideration. There is great difference between the reconciliation of the 
 perfons , and the reconciliation of the opinions. Men may vary in their judgments 
 and yet preferve ChriHian Unity and Charity in their Affedions one towards ano- 
 ther, fo as the errours be not deltrudlive to Fundamental Articles. 
 
 I determine nothing , but oncly crave leave to propofe a queftion to all mode- 
 rate Chriftians , who love the peace of the Church , and long for the re-union 
 thereof. In the firft place , if the Bifliop of Rome were reduced from his univerfa- 
 lity of Soveraign Jurifdidtion , jure Vivino , to his principium unitatis aud his 
 Court regulated by the Canons of the Fathers , which was the fcnfe ofthe'ccuncils 
 ofConftance and Bafile , and is dciired by many Roman-dtholkks as well as we. 
 
 Secondly , if the Creed or neceffary points of faith were reduced to what they 
 were in the time of the four tirlt Oecumenical Councils , accordint^ to the de- 
 cree of the third General Council Con. Eph. Part. 2. A^t.S.cj. (Who dare fay 
 
 that
 
 V 
 
 A Jnji Vindtcatim TOME U 
 
 that the faith ot the primitive Fathers was infufficicnt> ) Admitting no additio- 
 nal Articles, but ondy rcceflary cxplicationsi And thoie to be made by the 
 avthority ot a General Ccuncil,or one fo general as can be convocated : And 
 lallly , fuppijf rg , that Icme things Irom whence oPercts either given or takeft, 
 ( which whether right or wrong, do not weigh hall fo much as the unity of 
 Chriftians, ) were put out ot divine offices , which would rot be refuftd ifani- 
 mofities were taken away , and charity rellored s I fay , in cafe thefe three things 
 were accorded , which feem very rcalonable demands , whether Chriftians might 
 not live in an holy communion , and joyn in the (ame publick woifhip of God, 
 free from all Schifmatical feparation of themfelves one from another, notwith- 
 ftanding diveriities of opinions , which prevail even among the metribers of the 
 lame particular Chiurches , both with them and us.
 
 DISCOURSE III. 
 
 A 
 
 REPLICATION 
 
 To the B I S H O P of 
 
 CHALCEDONs 
 
 Survey of the 
 
 VINDICATION 
 
 Church"'E.gla„d 
 
 From Criminous 
 
 SCHISM. 
 
 Clearing the E N G L I S H from the afperfion of Cruelty. 
 
 With an Appendix in Anfwer to the 
 Exceptions of 5'. JV. 
 
 By the right Reverend John Bramhall D.D. 
 and Lord Bifliop of Deny, 
 
 D V B L I N, 
 
 Printed in the Year M. DC. LXXIV.
 
 140 
 
 ^' 
 
 
 THE 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 CHAPTERS. 
 
 A 
 
 N ANSWER, to Ri C. tbt lijhof of ChalcedonV Trefgee 
 
 Page 143, 
 C H A P. I. 
 
 A Replj to the Firji Chapter of the Survey 
 
 G H A P. IF. 
 
 Concerning the fitting of the ^efthn 
 
 CHAP; III. 
 
 Page 15 V 
 
 Page iC6, 
 
 whether Protejiants were Authours of the Sefdrdtien from Kome 
 
 Page 176. 
 CHAP. IV. Page 189. 
 
 CHAP. V^ 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Pageaoo. 
 
 Soveraign Princes in fame ctfet have f over to tbange the txterint tUgh 
 went of the Church Page a i a. 
 
 C H A P. VII. 
 
 That aU Ptincef 4nd RepMbUckj of the Roman Communion , do in effeSi 
 the fame things vcbicb King Henry did Page 228. 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 ihdt the Pefe and Court of Rome are moji guilty of the Schifm P. J 37* 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 A Defence of our Anftoers to the ObjtSiens of the Romanifts P* 245. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 A Reply to S. W'/, Refutation of the fijhop of Deny'/ Juji Vindication of 
 the church of England - Page 260.
 
 141- 
 
 ^g^^a^^p^ 
 
 '•^ ^ -^ -^ --isr %y -^ 
 
 To the Clnifiian R. e a b e r. 
 
 r^^^'^I^^J" Brijiiaf} Reader^ of vchat Commumonfoever thou heeit, fo 
 ^^^^(0Mi. ^^^" ^^^fi vcubin the Commumon of the Oecumenical 
 
 M '-i^ Church:, either in a& or in dejire, I offer this fecond Jrea^ 
 
 C ^r. Ufe of Schifm to thyferjoui view and unpartial judgment. 
 /«^^>^v^.*^»*^ ihefortMet teas aVmdicMtion of the Church <?/ England, 
 ^^^^^e^^P^ this later is a Vindication of my felf^ or rather both are 
 iun^ >S%*'^ Vindications oj both. In vindicating the Church then, 
 I did vindicate my Jelf. And in vindicating my felf nort>, I do vindicate 
 the church. What I have performed I do not fay ^ I dare^not judge , the 
 wofi moderate men are fear cely competent judges of their orcn VPorks. 
 
 No man canjufilj blame me for honouring my Jpiritual A/other the Church 
 of England, tn vehoje IVomb I was conceived.^ atwhofe Brejis Iwas nourifh- 
 edj and in whofe Eofom I hope to dy. J^ees, by the injiinii of nature^ ds 
 love their hives, and Birds their nefis. But Cod it my witnefs ihatj accord- 
 ing to myuttermoji talent and poor nnderfianding, I have endeavoured to fet 
 doTvn the nailed truth impartially^ without either favour or prejudice-^the two 
 capital enemies of right judgwtnt. fhe one of %vhicb like a falfe mirror 
 (loth reprefent things fairer andjiraighter than they are '-, the other like the 
 tergue infe&edwith choler makes tbefweetefi meats totaji bitter. My de- 
 fire bath been to have truth for my chiefeji Friend, and no Enemy but Error. 
 If I have had any byafsj it hath been defre of Veace^ which our common 
 Saviour left as a Legacy to hisChurch^ihat 1 might live to fee the re'union 
 of Chrijiendom^for which ifiall alwayes bow the knees of my heart to the 
 Father of our Lord Jefud Chrijl. It is notimpojfible but that this defire of 
 Vaity may have produced fome unwilling error of Love^ but certainly I *m 
 mo (i ji-ee from the wilful love of Error. In ^e^ions ef an inferior nature 
 Chn^ regards a charitable Intention much more than aright Opinion. 
 
 Bowfoever it be, ifubmit my felf and my poor indeavours, FirB, to the 
 judgment of the Qatholick.Oecumcnical effcntial Church j which if fome of 
 latedayes have indeavoured to hifsoutof the Schools a; a fancy, I cannot 
 help it. From the beginning it w.fs not fo. And if I fiould mistake the 
 right Catholick.Church out of humane frailty or ignorance.^ which for mj 
 part I have no reafon in the tVorld tofujpeSl i yet it is not impojfibte, when 
 the Romanics themfelves are divided into five or frxfeveral opinions, what 
 this Catholic k^Church, or what their Infallible "judge is') I do implicitly and 
 i»the preparation of my mindfubmit mj felf to the true Catholick^Chureh, 
 theSpoufe of Chrifi, the Mother of the Saints^ the Fillar of Truth. And 
 feeing my adherence is firmer to the Infallible Rule of Faith, that is, the 
 Holy Scriptures, interpreted by the Catholick.Churchthan to mine own pri- 
 vate ludgmeni or Opinions^ although I frould unwittingly fall into an Error, 
 yet this cordial fubmijjion is an implicite Retractation thereof, and lam 
 confident will be fo accepted by the Fathir of mercies, both from me and all 
 
 others
 
 142 
 
 To theChriftian Reader: 
 
 others roho ferioufy and fiucerely dofeeh^ajter Teace and truth. 
 
 Lik^wife I fubmit my felf to the Keprejentative Church, that is a pee 
 General Council, or fo Central as can he prccfired j and untill then to the 
 Church of England ivherein I vpat baptized, or to a National EngliJIo Synod. 
 1o the determination of allwhich^ and each of themref^t&ively^ according 
 to the diUw^ degrees of their Authority, I yield a c^^nioxnnty and com- 
 pliance, or at the leaji^ and to the hvpeji of them, an acquiefcence. 
 
 finally I crave this favour f-om the courteous Reader^ that becaufe tie 
 Surveyer hath overfeen almojt all the principal proofs of the Cauft in <ga«* 
 Jiion ( K>hicb I conceive not to be fo clearly and candidly done, ) he veiU take 
 the pains to pcrufe the Vindication it felf. And then in the name of Cod 
 ttt hint folloTP the di&ate of right reafon. For as thatfcale maji needs fet' 
 ikdovpn rehereitito mojl neight isput^fo the mind cannot chufe but yield to 
 the rrc'ght of ^erfficuom Demonjiration.
 
 '43 
 
 
 DISCOURSE III. 
 
 A N S^W E R 
 
 To K.C,tbeBijho{of Chalcedon's 
 
 P R iE F A C E. 
 
 ^Examine not the impediments of R. C. his undertaking this seH t] i 
 furvey. Onely I cannot but obferve his complaint of extreme 
 want of wcf/JiryBffo^f, having all his own Notes by him, and 
 fuch ftore of excellent Libraries in Tarts at his command', than 
 which no City in the World affords more, few fo good\ cer- 
 tainly the main difad vantage in this behalf lies on my fide. 
 
 Neither will I meddle with his motives to undertake it. I 
 have known him bng to have been aPerfon of great eminence 
 among our Engliflj Roman-Catholkk^r^ and do elleem his undertaking to be an ho- 
 nour to the Treatiie. Bos laffus fortius pedemjigit, ( faid a great Father) The weary 
 Oxetreadeth deeper. Yet there is one thing which I cannot reconcile, namely a fear 
 leajl, if theJnftver were longer deferred, thefoyfon of the faid treat ife might Jpread fur- 
 ther^and become more incurable. Yet with the fame breath he tells us, that J bring' no- 
 thing new worth anfrvering. And inhisAnfwer to the firft Chapter, that no other 
 Englijh Minijier ( for ought l>e kiiows ) hath hitherto dared to defend the Church of Eng- 
 land jfrow Schifm in any efpecial treatife. Yes diverfe ■■, he may be pleafed to inform 
 himfelf better at his leifure. What, is the Treatife fo dangerous and infedious > 
 Is the way fo unbeaten ? And yet nothing in it but what is trivial? Nothing new 
 that deferves an anfwer > 1 hope to let him fee the contrary. He who difparageth 
 the work which he intends to confute, woundeth his own credit through his Adver- 
 faries fides. But it feemcth that by fjrveying over haftily, he did quite ovcrfte all 
 our principal evidence, and the chiefeft firmaments of ourcaufe. I am fure he hath 
 quite omitted them,- 1 fiiall make bold now and then to put him in mind of it. 
 
 Hence he proceedeth to Five obfervable points, which he efteemeth fo highly, that 
 hchclkveth they alone may ferve for a full refutation of my Eoo)^ Then he muft have 
 very favourable Judges. HisFirft point to be noted is this, that Schifm isafitbjianti- 
 .il divifwn^or a divijwninfnme fubjlantialpart of the Church: and that the fubftantial 
 farts of the Church are thefe three^ Frofe^on of Faith, Communion in Sacraments and 
 LiwfulMinijlery. I confefs I am not acquainted with this language, to make Pro- 
 telfion of Faith, Communion in Sacraments and lawful Miniftery, which are no fub- 
 {\2nces, to he fubjiantial parts,oi^ zny thing^dtherThyfical 01 Metaphyfical. He defi- 
 neth the Church to be a Society. Can thefe be fubftantial parts of a Society > As 
 much as rationability being but a Faculty or Specifical Quality is a Subftantial part of 
 a man, becauR: it is a part of his Definition, or his ElTential Difference, 
 
 But I fuppofe thzthy fubftantial parts he means ejfentials, as we ufe to fay the Three Enenti- 
 fame Church in fuhftance, or the fame Religion in fubflance, that is in efence. And if ah of a true 
 fo, then he might havefpared the labour of proving it, and prelling it over and over. Church. 
 For we maintain that an entire profelfion of favjng truth, a right ufe of the Word 
 apd Sacraments, and an union under lawful Paftors, being taken joyatly, do diftin- 
 guifh the ChuichcfTentially from all other Societies in the World. We have been 
 
 tola
 
 144 
 
 A Jnji Vindication 
 
 TOMEL 
 
 and a perfeS 
 Church' 
 
 told heretofore of other Notes of the Church which did not pleafeus fo well, as An- 
 tiquity, and Univerfality, and Splendour, d^c. which may be prtfent OK abfent, with 
 the Church or without the Church. As if a man Oiould defcribe money by the 
 weight and colour and found, or defcribe a King by his Crown and Scepter, or 
 defcribe a man as Tlato did, to be a living Creature with two kggs without feathers^ 
 which Diogenes eafily confuted by putting a naked Cock into his School, faying he- 
 hold Flato's man. Such feparable commutiicable Accidents are not N'otes «.£i' «^t!, .^ aV, 
 abfolutelyand at all times,but vl' >«€?'>& <«•'", accidentally and at fometimes', whereas 
 thefe thtee do belong unto the Catholick Church,and to all true particular Churches, 
 infcparably, incommunicably, and reciprocally, and are proper to the Church quarto 
 modo, toeverytrue'Church,onely to a true Church, and alwayes to a true Church. 
 Yetl foretell him, that this liberal concellion will not promote his caufe one hairs 
 breadth : As will appear in the fequel of this Difcourfe. 
 Great diffe- But yet this ejfentiality muft not be prefled too farr, for fear leaft we draw out 
 
 rcncebetvveeu blood in the place of milk. I like Stapktons diftindion well, of the «^/«rf and 
 iirue Church ^jj-^^^g ^^f ^ Church , from the integrity and ferfeSion thereof. Thefe three e^entials 
 do conftitute both the one and the other, both the thence and the perfeaion of a 
 Church. Being perfea they confummate the integrity of a Church, being impetfeU 
 they do yet contribute a being to a Church. It doth not follow that, becaufe Faith 
 is eflential, therefore every point of true Faith is eiTential i or becaufe difcipline 
 iseffentialjthereforeeverypartof rightdifciplineiseffentiali or becaufe die Sacra- 
 ments are effcntiai, therefore every lawful rite is effential. Many things may be law- 
 ful, many things may be laudable, yea many things may be neceflary necejfitate prxcepti^ 
 commanded by God, of divine Inftitution, that are not eflential,nor neceflary, Mfccjp- 
 tate medii. The want of them may be a great ^e/(?d?,itmay be a great Jj«, and yet if 
 it proceed from invincible neceliity or invincible ignorance, it doth not abfolutely 
 exclude from Heaven. The eflences of things are unalterable, and therefore the 
 loweft degree of faving Faith, of Ecclefiaftical Difcipline, of Sacramental Commu- 
 nion that ever was in the Catholick Church, is fufEcient to preferve the true being 
 of a Church. A reafonable Soul and an humane Body are the eflential parts of a 
 man. Yet this body may be greater or leffer, weaker or ftronger', yea it may lofe a 
 legg or an arm, which before they were loft, were fubordinate parts of an eflential 
 part, and yet continue a true Humane Body though imperfedt and maimed, without 
 dcftroyingthe ejience of that Individual man. Senfibility and a loco-motive faculty 
 are eflential to every living Creature. Yet (bme living Creatures do want one 
 lenfe, (bme another, as fight, or hearing. Some fly, fome run, fome fwim, fbmc 
 creep, fome fcarcely creep : and yet flill the cflence is preferved. Naturalifts do 
 write of the Serpent,that if there be but two inches of the body left with the head, 
 the Serpent will live, a true Serpent, but much maimed and very imperfed. 
 
 Much lefs may we conclude from hence that the want of true effentials in cafes 
 n'otTonciufiye of invincible neceliity doth utterly exclude from Heaven, or hinder the extraordi- 
 toCod. 
 
 Aftual want 
 of Efftntiali 
 
 nary influence of divine Grace: No more than the adual want of Circumcifion in 
 
 the Wilderne(s did prejudice the Jews. God ads with means, without means, 
 
 againft means. And where the ordinary means are defired, and cannot be had, he 
 
 fupplies that defed by extraordinary Grace. So he fed the Ifraelites in a barren 
 
 Wildernefs,where they could neither (bw nor plant, with Manna from Heaven. 
 
 True Faith is an eflential ; yet Infants want adual Faith. Baptifm the laver of 
 
 "Regeneration is an elfentiaU yetthere maybe the Baptiftn of the Spirit, orthe Baptifm 
 
 of Blood, where thereis not the Baptifm of water. He that defires Baptifm and 
 
 cannot have it, doth not therefore want it. So likewife Eccleiiaftical Difcipline is 
 
 an eflential of a true Churchi yet R. C. himfelf will not conclude from thence that 
 
 adualfubordinationtoevery link in the chain of the Hierarchy is (b eflentially ne- 
 
 cefTary, that without it there can be no falvation. Thus he faith, We profcfi that it it 
 
 C6.8. SeS,.i' ftecejjary to falvation to be under the Pope as Vicar of Chrift.But we fay not that it u necefa- 
 
 ry neceliitate tnedii, fo as none can befaved tpho do not aCiuaVy believe it,unkj!it be fugici- 
 
 ently propofed to them. What he confeflTeth, we lay hold on, that fubjedion to the 
 
 Pope, is not ff/frnM/Zy neceflary. .What he affirmeth further, that it is preceptively 
 
 oeceffary or commanded by Chrift, we do altogether deny. I urge this onely for 
 
 this
 
 Dtscoukse I II. Of the Church of Eughnd. i ^.t: _ 
 
 this purpofe, that though Ecckllaftical Difcipline be an elTential of the Church •, yet 
 ( by his own confeiiion ) every particular branch of it may not be eflential , though 
 othcrwife lawful and necelTary by the commandment of God. 
 
 But if by pofelpon of Faith he underRands particular forms of Confeiiion, often p • i ^ 
 diifering in points of aninferiour iiature, not comprehended either adually or virtu- Riahts,Fo'nw 
 ally in the Apoftles Creed, or perhaps erroneous Opinions : If by Coww?«i3« 7« Sacra- Opinio'rj,no * 
 »;f«t/ he underltand the neceffary ufe of the fame Rites, and the. fame forms of ^^°"^''' 
 Adminiftration, whereof fome may be lawful, but not neceflary to be ufed ■■> others 
 unlawful, and neceflary to be refufed : Laftly, if by lavsfiil Miniftery he underftand 
 thofe links of the Hierarchy, which have either been lawfully eftablifhed by the 
 Church, as Patriarchal Authority ; or unlavi^fully ulurped, as Monarchical power : 
 •we are fo far from thinking that thefe are eflential to the Church, that we believe 
 that fome of them are intolerable in the Church. 
 
 The other Branch of this firft note, that Schijm is a divifwn in fame fuhflanfial parts 
 cf the Church of Cod, is true, but not in his fenfe. All Schifrn is either between Patri- 
 archal Churches, or Provincial Churches, or Diocefan Churches, or fome ofthele 
 reipedively, orfome of their refpedive parts. But his fenfe is, that all Schifm is 
 about the Eflence of Religion. A ftrange paradox! Many Schifms have arifen in Schifm is not 
 the Church about Rites and Ceremonies, about Precedency, about Jurifdidion, about Effcntials?"' 
 the Rites and Liberties of particular Churches, about matter of FacfV. Obftinacy 
 in a fmall error is enough to make a Schifm. St. Paul tel's us of Divifions and 
 Factions and Schifms that were in the Church of Corinth i yet thefe were not about 
 the Eflentialsof Religion, but about a right-handed error, even too much admirati- 
 on of their Paftors. The Schifm between the Ro>wj« and ^jz^«c^ Churches, about 
 the oblervation of Eajier, was far enough from the heart of Religion. How many 
 bitter Schifms have been in the Church of Kme it (elf, when two or three Popes at 
 a time have challenged St. Tetirs Chair, and involved all Europe'm their Schifmatical 
 contentions ? Yet was there no manner ot difpute about Faith or Sacraments, or 
 HoIyOrdcrs, or the Hierarchy of the Churchi but meerly about matter of Fad:, 
 whole eledion to the Papacy was right. 
 
 From the former ground, K. C. makes two colledions , Firft that Schifnt U a moji 
 pievous crime, and a greater Sin than Idolatry, becaufe it tendeth to the dejirtidion cf the 
 whole Church, Tvhnfe ejience confjieth in the union of all her fuhfiantial parts, and her 
 deihudion in the divifwn of them. What doth this Note concern the Church of 
 England, which is altogether guiltlefs both of Schifm and Idolatry > I with the 
 Church and Court of Kome maybe as able to clear themfelves. I am no Advocate 
 for Schifrn. Yet this feemeth flrange paradoxical dodirine to Chriftian ears. What 
 is all Schifm a more grievous Sin than formal Idolatry > Who can believe it > Schifm Schifm is not a 
 is a defed of Charity, Idolatry is the height of impiety, and a publick affront put greater fin 
 upon Almighty God. Schifm is immediately againft men, Idolatry is diredly againft ''^'° Wolatry. 
 God. And the Fathers hold that Judas finned more in defpairing and hanging him- 
 felf, than in betraying his Mailer, becaufe the later was againft the humanity, the 
 former againft the Divinity of Chrift. Idolatry is a fpiritual Adultery, and fo ftiled 
 every where in holy Scriptures. A fcolding contentious Wife is not fo ill as an Adul- 
 terefsi neither is thatSouldier who ftraggles from his Camp, or deferts his General 
 out of pallion, fo ill as a profelTed Rebel, who attempts to thruft fome bafe Groom i Cor. io.s», 
 into his Sovereigns Throne. St. Pi?x</ calls Idols Peri//, and their Altars the Tables of ai* 
 Devils. Can any fin be more grievous than to give divine honour to the Devil > 
 
 It is true that fome Schifm in refped of fome circumftance is worfe than fome 
 Idolatry, as when the Schifm is againft the light of a mans knowledge, and the Ido- 
 latry proceeds out of ignorance : But the learned Surveyor knoweth very well, that 
 it is a grofs fallacy to argue a diCfo fecunditm quid ad didum fimpliciter, to apply that 
 which is fpoken rcfpedively, tofomeone circumftance, as if it were fpokcn abfolutc- 
 ly,to all intents and purpofes : as if one Ihould fay that many men were worfe than 
 Beafts, becaufe each kind of Beafts hath but one peculiar fault, and that by natural 
 neceffitation, as the Lyon cruelty, the Fox fubtilty, the Swine obfcenity, the Wolf 
 robbery, the Ape flattery, whereas one may find an Epitome of all thefe in one man, 
 and that by free Eledioni yet he were a bad difputant who fhould argue from 
 
 P hence
 
 , ^6 A Juft Vindication T O M E I- 
 
 hence, that the nature of Man isabfolutely worfe than the nature of brute Bcafis. 
 AHKfl.li'ie Saint At^Hn (Jith indeed that Schifmaticks haptifing Idolaters do cure them of the 
 Bapt. c. 8. tpound of their Idolatry and infidelity^ but rvound them more grievoufy Tvith the wound of 
 Schifm. The deepeft wound is not always the molt deadly, for the Sword IqVed the 
 Opt. 1. 1' Idoljters,hut the Earth ftvallomd up the Schifmatickr. And Optatus aMs^ that Schifm 
 
 Ufummum malum, the greateji evil. That is, not abfolutely, but refpcdively, in fome 
 pcrfons, at fome times. No man can be fo ftupid as to imagine that Schifm is a 
 greater evil than the fin againft the Holy Ghoft,or Atheifm, or Idolatry. The reafbn 
 of Optatus his affcrtionfolloweth, the fame in effcd with St. Ai'fiines, for the IdoU- 
 tro;«- Nine vites upon their Fafting and Prayer obtained pardon, but the earth freaUovced up 
 Korah and hit company. AH that can becollcded from St. Aufiin or Optatm, is this, 
 that God doth fomctimes puni(h wilful Schifmaticks more grievoufly and exempla- 
 rily in this life, than ignorant Idolaters '■> which provcth not that Schifm is a greater 
 fin than Idolatry. Jeroboam made God's people Schifmaticks, but his hand was 
 dryed up then when he ftretched it out againft the Prophet, yet the former was 
 the greater fin. The judgments of God in this life are more exemplary for the a- 
 raendment of others, than vindidive to the delinquents themfelves. And for the 
 moft part in the whole Hiftory of the Bible, God feemeth to be more fenfible of the 
 injuries done unto his Church and to his fervants, than of the difhonour done unto 
 himfelf. In the Ifle of Man it is death to fteal an Hen, not to fteal an Horfe, becaufc 
 there is more danger of the one than of the other, in refped of the fituation of 
 the Country. Penal Laws are impofcd, and punifhments inflidted, according to 
 the exigence of places, the difpofitions of perfons, and necelHties of times. 
 
 But becaufe he hath appealed to St. ^«/?i», to St. Aujiin kt him go: Idefire no 
 better Expofitor of St. Aujiin than St. Aujiin himfelf. Exceptis illis duntaxat quicun- 
 quein vohisfmit fcientes quidverumft, & pro animofitate ju£perverfitatis contra veritatem 
 Ait£iifl.Ep.i9, etiam fihi notijjimam dimicantes. Horum qnippe impietM etiam Idololatriam forfuan fti- 
 perat. Excepting onely thofe [^Donatifts "] vchofoever among you kiiorv rfhat is true, and 
 out of aperverfe animoftty do contend againji the truth, beingmoji evidently kiJon>n to them- 
 felves : For thefe mens impiety doth peradventure exceed even Idolatry it felf. The cafe 
 is clear, St. Aujiin and Optatus did onely underftand wilful! perverfe Schifinaticks, 
 who upheld a feparation againft the evident light of their own Confcience, compa- 
 ring thefe with poor ignorant Idolaters i and even then it was but a peradventure, 
 peradventure they are veorfe than Idolaters. But 1 wifli R. C. and his party would 
 attend diligently to what follows in St. Aujiin, to make them leave their uncharitable 
 Ibidem. cenfuring of others : Sed quia non facile convinci pojjhnt, inanimo namque latet hoc ma- 
 
 lum, omnes tanquam a nobis minus alieni leviori feveritate coerceminj. But becaufe thefe 
 can not be eafily conviUed,for this ei/i/C obftinacy ) lies hid in the heart, vpe do ufe more 
 gentle coercion to you all, as being not jo much alienated firom us. I wi(h all men wer£ 
 as moderate as St. Atijiin was, even where heprofeffeth that he had learned by Ex- 
 perience the advantage of feverity. St. Attjiin and the primitive Church C in the 
 perfon of which he fpeaks) fpared the whole {edtof the Vonatijis, and looked upon 
 them as no fach great ftrangers to them, becaufe they did not know who were obfti- 
 nate, and who were not, who erred for want of light, and who erred contrary to the 
 light of their own Consciences. The like Spirit did poflefs Optatus , who in the 
 treatife cited by K. C. doth continually call the Donatiils Bref^rew, not by chance or 
 inanimadvertence, but upon premeditation i he juftifieth the title, and profeffeth 
 himfelf to be obliged to ufe it •, he would not have done fo to Idolaters. And a little 
 before in the fame Book, he wonders why his Brother Tarmenian ( being onely a 
 Schifmatick ) would rank himfelf with Hereticks, who were falfifers of the Creed, 
 that iSjthe old primitive Creed which the Council of 7rent it felf placed in the front 
 of their Ads, as their North-ftar to dired them. I wi(h they had fleered their 
 courfe according to their Compafs. 
 
 To cutoff a limb from a man, or a branch from aTrff C faith he )is to delhoy them. Moft 
 true. But the cafe may be fuch that it is neceffary to cut off a limb to (ave the 
 aTim. J.17. whole body, as in a Gangreen.The wordof crroris a Canker orGangreen acyayt^euta. 
 not Cancer a Crab-fifli, becaufe it is retrograde, which was Anfelm's milUke. So 
 when fuperfluous branches are lopped away, it makes the Tree thrive and profper 
 Jhe better. Hk
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of Enejsind. j^j 
 
 His Second Conclufion from hence is,That there can be mjujl orfufficient caufe given There may be 
 for Schifm^ becaufe there can be no juji caufe of committing fa great a Sin-, And be- jufl caufe of 
 caufe there ii no falvation out of the Churchy which he proveth out of St. CypriaH and S^pararion, no 
 St. ^Mftin, to little purpofe, whileft no man doubts of it or denies it. And hence schifm^*^"^ 
 he inferrs this Corollary, that I fay untruly that the Church of Rome is the caufe of 
 this Schifm and all other Schifms in the Churchy becaufe there can he no juji caufe oj C*. i. F4.<4. 
 Schifm. My words were thefe, that [ffce Church of Rome, or rather tht Pope and '^'^* 
 Court of Rome, are caufally guilty both of this Schifm and almoji all other Schifms in the 
 Church. ] There is a great difference between thefe two. But to difpel umbrages, 
 and to clear the Truth from thefe mifts of words : We muft diftinguilh between the 
 Catholick Oecumenical Church, and particular Churches, how eminent foever > as 
 likewife between criminous Schifm and lawful feparation. Firft, I did never (ay 
 that the Catholick or Univerfal Church either did give,or could give, any juii caufe 
 of feparation from it i yea I ever faid the contrary exprefly. And therefore he might 
 well have fjaared his labour of citing St. Auftin^ and St. Cyprian^ who never under- 
 ftoodthe Catholick Church in his fenfe. His Catholick Church was but a particu- 
 lar Church with them. And their Catholick Church is a Majl of Monflers and an 
 Hydra of many Heads with him. 
 
 But I did (ay, and I do fay v that any particular Church without exception o' *■' ^" ^' 
 whatfoever, may give juft caufe of feparation from it by Herefie, or Schifm, or abufe churches may 
 of their Authority, in obtruding Errors. And to fave my felf the labour of proving give juft catJe 
 this by evidence of Reafon, and by Authentick Teftimonies, I produce K. C. him- °^ reparation, 
 felf in the point,in this very Survey. Neither can there be any fubjlantial divifion from 
 any particular Churchy unlejlfhe be really Hfretical or Schifmatical^ J fay really^ becaufe fhe ^' ^' *' 
 
 may be really Heretical or Schifmatical^ and yet morally a true particular Churchy becaufe 
 (he is invincibly ignorant cf her Herefie or Schifm^ and fo may require profe^on of her 
 Herefie, Oi a condition of communicating with her. In which cafe divifion from her U no 
 Schifm or Sin, but virtue, and neceffary. And when I urge that a man may leave the 
 Communion of an erronenui Church, as he may leave his Fathers houje when it is infeUed 
 jvith fame contagious fickfiefi, with a purpofe to return to it again when it iscleanfed-yhe Ch.tt.F.iy, 
 anfwers,that this may be true of a particular Church, but cannot be true of the Vniverfal 
 Church. Such a particular Church is the Church of 'Rome. Prefip, Jo. 
 
 Secondly, I never faid that a particular Church did give, or could give, fufEcient 
 caufe to another Church of criminous Schifm. The moft wicked fociety in the 
 World cannot give juft caufe or provocation to fin', 'their damnation U'jufi, who fay, 
 let uf do evil that good may come of it. Whenfoever any Church fhall give fufEcient ^"''•3«8' 
 caufe to another Church to feparate from her i the guilt of the Schifm lyes not up- 
 on that Church which makes the feparation, but upon that Church from which the 
 {eparation is made. This is a truth undenyable, and is confeffed plainly by Mr. 
 Knott,'They who firft feparatedthemf elves from the primitive pure Church, and brought in /n/iunmalk. 
 corruptions in Faith, PraSife, Liturgy, and ufe of Sacraments, may truly be faid to have '*-7-/fS' ua. 
 been Heretick^,by departingfrom the pure Faith ■, and Schifmatickj,by dividing themfelves 
 from, the external Communion of the true uncorrupted Church. We maintain that the 
 Church of Rome brought in thefe corruptions in Faith, Pradife, Liturgy, and ufe of 
 the Sacraments i and which is more, did require the profeilion of her Errors, as a 
 condition of communicating with her. And if fo, then, by the judgment of her 
 own Doctors, the Schifm is juftly laid at her own door, and it was no fin in us, but 
 virtue and neceffary, to feparate from her. I acknowledge that St. Jujiin faith pr£- Lib. a.' cent, 
 fcindend£ unitatis nulla eft jufta neceffitas^'There is no fu^cient caufe of dividing the unity *f- •'''"'»»«»• 
 of the Church. But he fpeaks not of falfe dodtrines or finful abufes in the place *'"* 
 alledged, as if thefe were not a futficient caufe of feparation. He proves the exprefs 
 contrary out of the words of the Apoftle Gal. 1.8. and i.T'im. i. 3. He fpeaks of 
 bad manners and vitious humours and fmifler arfe<flions, efpecially in the Preachers, 
 as Envy, Contention, Contumacy, Incontinency. This was his cafe then with the 
 Donatifts, and is now the cafe of the Anabaptifts. That thefe are no fufficient caufe 
 of dividing Unity, he proveth out of Phil, i.v. 15. id. 17. 18. He faith that in 
 thefe cafes there is no fufficient caufe, cwm difciplinx feveritatem conftderatio culiodiendit 
 facis refrxnat aut divert ■■, When the confideration of preferving peace doth reftrjin or delay 
 
 P 2 the
 
 148 
 
 A Juji Vindication 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 Sen. 9. 
 Pioteftants 
 have forfaken 
 no ancient 
 Churches. 
 
 thefererityofEcclefi(^iicalT>iJ'ciplme. He faith not that in othercafes there can be 
 no fufficient caufe. What doth this concern us who believe the fame > 
 
 His Second note is this, that Protejlants have forfaken the Pope^ the Papacy, the Vni- 
 wrfat Komzn Church, and aV the ancient Chrijiian ChHTches, Grxchn, Armenian, 
 iEthiopian, in their Communion of Sacraments ; and to clear themfelves from Scbifm, 
 mu(i bring juji caufe ef feparation from every one of thefe. I anfwer that we are fepa- 
 rated indeed from the Pope and Papacy, that is, from his Primacy of power, from 
 his Univerfality of Jurifdidtion by divine right, which two are already Elhblilhed 
 from his Superiority above General Councils and Infallibility of Judgment, which 
 are the moft received Opinions and near Eftablifhing in the Roman Church, We 
 have renounced their Patriarchal power over us, becaufe they never exercifed it in 
 Britain for the Firft lix hundred years, nor could cxercife it in after Ages Without 
 manifeft Ufurpation,by reafon of the Canon of the Oecumenical Council of Ephe- 
 fiK. Yea becaufe they themfelves waved it, and implicitely quitted it, prefently af- 
 ter the Six hundredth year. Difufe in Law forfeits an Office as well as Abufc. 
 But we have not feparated from the Pope or Papacy, as they were regulated by the 
 Canons of the Fathers. We look upon their Univerfal Koman Church as an up- 
 ftart Innovation, and a contradiction in adjedo. We find no fbotfleps of any fuch 
 thing throughout the Primitive times. Indeed the BiOiops of Komehzve fometimes 
 been called Oecumenical Bifhops i fohave the other Patriarchs, for their Univerfal 
 care and Prefidency in General Councils, who never pretended to any fuch Univer- 
 fality of power. But for all ancient Churches, Cr£cian, Armenian, JEthiopian, &c. 
 none excluded, not the Koman it felfi we are fb far from forfaking them, that we 
 make the Scriptures,interpreted by their joynt belief and pradile, to be the rule of 
 our Reformation. And wherein their SuccefTors have not fwerved from the exam- 
 ples of their PredecefTors, we maintain aftridt Communion with them. Onely in 
 Rites and Ceremonies, and fuch indifferent things, we ufe the liberty of a free 
 Church, to chufe out fuch as are moff proper for ourfelves, and mofl conducible to 
 thofc ends for which they were firft Inffituted, that is, to be advancements of Order, 
 Modcff y, Decency, Gravity, in the fervice of God, to be adjumcnts to Attention and 
 Devotion, furtherances of Edification, helps of Memory, exercifes of Faith, the 
 leaves that preferve the fruit, the fhell that preferves the kerncll of Religion from 
 contempt. And all this with due moderation, fo as neither to render Religion 
 fordid and fluttifh, nor yet light and garifh, but comely and venerable. 
 
 Laffly, for Communion in Sacraments, we have forfaken no Sacraments cither 
 Inflituted by Chriff, or received by the primitive Chriff ians. We refufe no Commu- 
 nion with any Catholick Chriffians at this day, and particularly with thofc ancient 
 Churches which he mentions, though we may be, and have been mif^reprefented one 
 unto another ; yea though the Sacraments may be adminiffred in fome of them not 
 without manifeft imperfedfion, whilff finful duties are not obtruded upon us as con- , 
 ditions of Communion. Under this caution we ffill retain Communion in Sacra- 
 ments with 2lowij«-Catholicks. If any perfon be Baptized or admitted into Holy 
 Orders in their Church, we Baptize them not, we Ordain them not again. Where- 
 in then have we forfaken the Communion of the Koman Church in Sacraments ? 
 Not in their ancient Communion of genuine Sacraments,but in their feptenary num- 
 ber, and fuppofititious Sacraments ', which yet we retain for the moff part as ulcful 
 and religious Rites, but not under the notion of Sacraments •, not in their Sacra- 
 ments, but in their abufes and finful injundions in the ufe of the Sacrament : As 
 their Adminiftration of them in a tongue unknown, where the people cannot fay 
 Amen to the Prayers and Thankfgivings of the Church, contrary to St. Paul : As 
 their detaining the Cup from the Laity, contrary to the Inff itution of Chrift, drinh^ 
 ye all of this, that is, not all the Apoff les onely i for the Apoffles did not Confecrate 
 in the prefence of Chrifl, and ( according to the dodrine of their Schools, and 
 pradlife of their Church ) as to the participation of the Sacrament at that time, 
 were but in the condition of Laymen : As their injundion to all Communicants to 
 adore, not onely Chrift in the ufe of the Sacrament, to which we do readily alTenf, 
 but to adore the Sacrament it felf: And Laffly, as their double matter and form in the 
 Ordination of a Prielt, never known in the Church for above a Thoufand years after 
 
 Chrill. 
 
 InSacramcntt, 
 
 I Cor. 14. 
 Mattb. 26.zi>
 
 Discourse III. Of the Chmcb of Ens,hi\d. 1^9 
 
 Chriil. Thefe and fuch like abufes were the onely things which we did forfal<e : 
 fb as I may truly fay, non uUm Cymbam^ teVitrem Cymba^ reliquh : It was not we that 
 did forfake them in the Communion of their Sacraments , but it was their Sacra- 
 ments that did forfake us. And yet we do not ccnfure them for thefe Innovations in 
 the ufe of the Sacraments or the like, nor thruft them out of the Communion of 
 the Catholick Church, but provide for our felves, advife them as Brethren, and fo 
 leave them to ftand or fall to their own Mafter. So on our parts there is a Refor- 
 mation, but no Separation. 
 
 His third point is, that Proteftanti vary in giving the pretended jufi caufe, of their Sell. 3. 
 feparation from the Roman Church. For at the firji their onely caufe wm the abufe of 
 fame that preached Indulgences. Since fame others give the adoration of the bkjfed Sacra- 
 ment, or Communion in one kjnd; others give the Oath made by Pius tibe Fourth^ vcbicb 
 tbey call a nerv Creed i others other caufes. Which variety it a certain fign of their un- 
 certainty of any truejuji caufe of their feparation. That the Pardoners and Preachers of 
 Indulgences, and the envy of other Orders,and the palfionate heat of the Court of 
 Kome^ ( tange montes &fumtgabunt, touch the high mountains and they will fmoak,) 
 did contribute much to the breach of this part of Chriftendom, is confefledly 
 true. 
 
 But it is not onely the abufe of fome Preachers of Indulgences, but much more The truecaufe 
 the abufe of Indulgences themfelves which we complain oft that a Treafury fiiould oJi of fome"'' 
 be compofed of the blood of Chrift, and the fufferings and fupererogatory works ProteftantJ. 
 of the Saints, to be difpofed by the Pope for money. What is this, but to mingle 
 Heaven and Earth together; the imperfed: works of man, with the Sacrificed blood 
 of Chrift? Neither was it the Dodtrine and abufe of Indulgences alone, but the In- 
 jundlion to adore the Sacrament alfo and Communion in one kind, and the new 
 Creed of Pius the Fourth, or the new Articles fince comprised in that Creed, and 
 the Monarchy of the Pope by divine right, and fundry other abufes and Innovati- 
 ons all put together, which gave juft caufe to fome Proteftants to (eparate them- 
 ftlves, fo far as they were aftive in the feparation. But we in England were iirft 
 chafed away by the Pope's Bulls. • If thefe abufes were perhaps not difcovered, or 
 at leaft not pleaded all at once, what wonder is it. Vies diei eruSat verbum, & nox pr j^ , *, 
 mUi tndicat fcientiam^ Azy unto day uttereth fpeech, and night unto night fheweth 
 knowledge. 
 
 His fourth point, which he faith is much to be noted, is reduced by himfelf to a 
 Syllogifm, Whofoever feparate themfelves infubjiance( that U in effentials ) from the fub- 
 jiance of a Catholick.and true Church infubjiance, are true Schifmatickj. But Protejiants 
 have feparated themfelves in fubftance from the Roman Churchy rvhieh U a Catholick^ and 
 true Church in fubftance: therefore Protejiants are true Schifmatickj, His Propofition is 
 proved by him, becaufe the fubfiances of things do coniill in indivifbili and the 
 changing of them either by Addition or by Subtradtion is not a Reformation, but a 
 Deftruftion, of them. And therefore it is a contradiction to fay that a Church 
 which hath the fubftance or the effence of a Church, can give juft caufe to depart 
 from her in her effentialsi and not onely a contra didion, but plain Blafphemy, to 
 fay that the true Church of Chrift in elfence, his myftical body, his Kingdom, can 
 give juft caufe to forfake it in effentials. The Affumption is proved by him, becaufe 
 we confcfs that the Roman Church is a true Church in fubftance, and yet have for- 
 faken it in the effentials of a true Church, namely the Sacraments, and the publick 
 worfhip of God. 
 
 His Propofition admits little difpute. I do acknowledge that no Church true or 
 falfe,no fociety of Men or Angels, good or bad, can give juft or fufficient caufe, to 
 forftke the effentials of Chriftian Religion, or any of them, and that whofoever do 
 (b, are either Hereticks, or Schifmaticks,or both, or, which is worfe than both, down 
 right Infidels and Apoftates. For in forfaking any effential of Chriftian Religion ElTcncM of _ 
 they forfake Chrift and their hopes of Salvation in an ordinary way. But here is ^^^u, "^ ""T 
 one thing which it behooveth R. C. himfelf to take notice ofj That if the effences deftroyed by 
 of all things be indivifible, and are deftroycd as well by the Addition as by the Addition a» 
 Subftadtion of any effential parti how will the 2lo»j^« Church or Court make an-^^«'l a'Sub- 
 fwer to Chrift for their Addition of fo many (not explications of old Articles,but) """""'• 
 
 Pj ncvi
 
 150 A Jufi y indication T O M E J. 
 
 new pretended neceflary eflential Articles of Faith , under pain of damnation, 
 ( which by his own Rule is to dellroy the Chrillian Faith, ) who have coined new 
 Sacramentsi and added new matter and tbrm, that is, eflentials to old Sacraments-, 
 who have multiplyed facred Orders, and added new lincks to the chain of the Hie- 
 rarchy. This will concern liiin and his Church more nearly, than all his notes and 
 points do concern us. 
 
 Concerning his AfTumption, two Queftions come to be debated : Firft , whether 
 
 the Church of Kome be a True Church, or not? Secondly, whether we have dcpait- 
 
 Hovv the ^d from it in Elfentialsi' Touching the former point, a Church may be faid to be a 
 
 Church of true Church two wayes: Metaphyfically, and Morally. Every Church which hath 
 
 ilomeitanilis j^g Eflentials of a Church, how tainted or corrupted foever it be in other things, 
 
 Chu'rch"' isMetaphyficallya true Church, for e«J- e^yfr«wco«i'm««f«r. So we fay a Thief 
 
 is a true Man, that is a reafonable creature, confilHng of an humane body and rea- 
 
 fonable foul. But fpeaking Morally he is a faulty niching vitious perfon, and fo no 
 
 true man. So the Church of Ko/we is Metaphylically a true Church, that is to (ay, 
 
 hath all the eflentials of a ChrilHan Church; but morally it is no true Church, be- 
 
 caufe erroneous. Contraries,as Truth and Error may be predicated of the fame fub- 
 
 jcd-, fo it be not ad idem/fecmdum idem, & eodtm tanpore. Truth in Fundamentals 
 
 I Cor. !?• !»• and Error in Superftrudrures may confil^ together. The Foundation is right but they 
 
 have bitilded much Hay and Stubble upon it And in refped of this Foundation (he may, 
 
 and doubtlefs doth, bring forth many true Members of Chrift, Children of God, 
 
 and Inheritors of the Kingdom of Heaven. The Church of the Jews was mod: 
 
 erroneous and corrupted in the days of our Saviour i yet he doubted not to fay, 
 
 fpM.'al' Salvation U of the Jews. I know it is faid , that Chriji hath given himfelf fur his 
 
 Church tofanCiifie it, and ckanfe it, andprcfent it to himfelf a glorious Church, without 
 
 fiot or Tvrinkle. But that is to be undcrftood inchoatively in this life i tlie pcrfcdion 
 
 and confumraation thereof is to be expcded in the life to come. 
 
 To the fccond Queflion, whether the Church of England in the 'Reformation 
 have forfaken the Eflentials of the Roman Church ? I anfwer Negatively, we have 
 not. If weeds be of the ElTence of a Garden, or corrupt Humors, or Botches, or 
 Wchave not -yYenns, and Excrefcences,be of the Eflence of man : If Errors, and Innovations, 
 Church^n'Er- and Superftitions, and fuperfluous Rites, and pecuniary Arts, be of the E(rence of a 
 fcntials. Church-, then indeed we have forfaken the Roman Church in its E(rentials : other- 
 
 wife not. We retain the fame Creed to a word, and in the fame fenfe by which 
 all the primitive Fathers were faved -, which they held to be fo fufficient, that in a 
 General Council they did forbid all perfons (under pain of depolition, to Bifliops 
 c^J-^/'*-''-'' and Clerks, and Anathematifation to Lay-men) to compofe or obtrude any other 
 AB.6.f.7. upon any Perfons converted from Paganifm or J udaifm. We retain the fame Sa- 
 craments and Difcipline which they retained •, we derive our Holy Orders by 
 lineal Succeflion from them, we make their Dodlrine and their Pradice ( under the 
 Holy Scriptures, and as beft Expofitors thereof _) a Standard and Seal of Truth be- 
 tween the Romanics and us. It is not we who have forfaken the E(rence of the 
 modern Roman Church by Subftradion', but they who have forfaken the Effence of 
 the ancient Roman Church by Addition. Can we not forfake their new Creed 
 unlefs we forfake their old Faith ? Can we not reduce the Liturgy into a known 
 tongue, but prefently we forfake the publick wor(hip of God ? Can we not take 
 away their Tradition of the Patine and Chalice, and reform their new matter and 
 form in Presbyterian Ordination (which Antiquity did never know, which no 
 Church in the World befides themfelves did ever ule) but prefently we forfake Ho- 
 ly Orders? The truth is, their Errors are in the excefs, and thefe ExceflTes they 
 themfelves have determined to be Eflentials of true Religion. And fo upon pretence 
 of interpreting, they intrude into the Legiflatlve Office of Chrift , and being but a 
 Patriarchal Church, do ufurp a power which the Univerfal Church did never own, 
 that is, to Conrtitute new elTentials of Chriftian Religion. Before the determinati- 
 on their excefTes might have paft for probable Opinions or indiflTcrcnt Pradifes, but 
 after the determination of them as Articles of Yz\t\\,extraquam non eft. fahts, rvith- 
 out Tvhich there U nofalvation( they are the words of the Bull ) they became inexcu- 
 fable errors. So both the pretended Contradi^ion and the pretended BL'^hemy are 
 
 vanifh-
 
 Discourse 1 1 1. Of the Chnrch of England. i q i 
 
 vaniftied in an Inftanr. It is no contradidion to fay, that a true humane body in 
 
 fubftance may require Purgation i nor Blafphcmy to fay, that a particular Church 
 
 ( as the Cliurch ot Kvme is ) may err, and ( which is more than we charge them 
 
 withall ) may Apolbte from Chrift. In the mean time we preferve all due refpe<9: 
 
 to the Umverfal Church, and doubt not to fay with Sc. Jujiin, that to dijj-itte againji Auiufl-ep. n8i 
 
 the fenfe thereof^ is moji vjfoknt mad»ef!. 
 
 His Fifth point to be noted hath little new worth noting in it, but Tautologies Nor differ in 
 and Repetitions of the fame things over and over. Some ^Protejiants ( faith he j do fubftance 
 impudently dtny that they are fuh[iamiMy jefarated from the Komzn Church. If this ^''°"i,'?' ^^ 
 be Impudence, what is Ingenuity^ If this be fuch a grofs Error for man to be '""" ^'""'''^ ' 
 afliamed of, what is evident Truth > We expeded thanks for our moderation, and 
 behold reviling for our good will. He might have been pleafed to remember what 
 himfelf hath cited fo often out of my Vindication, That our Church fince the Re- 
 formation is the fame in fubjlance that it ivas before. If the fame in Subftance then 
 not fubftantially feparated. Our comfort is that Cakb and Jofhua alone were ad- 
 mitted into the Land of promife, becaufe they had been Peace-makers in a feditious 
 time, and indeavoured not to enlarge but to make up the breach. He adds that 
 the chiefeji Frotejiants do confeji that they are fubjlantially feparated from the Roman 
 Church. Who thefechicft/lProteftantsare, he tel's us not,nor what they fay, but 
 refers us to another of his Treatifes, which I neither know here hovv to compaft, 
 nor, if I could, deem it worth the labour. When thefe principal Proteftants come 
 to be viewed throughly and (erioufly with indifferent eyes, it will appear that cither 
 by [_fubliamially'] they mean really^ that is to fay that the differences between us 
 are not meer Logomachies, or contentions about words and different forms of ex- 
 preiiion onely, but that there are fome real Controverfies between us both in creden- 
 dU and ajptdis^ and more, and more real,iM agendis, than in credendis. Or Secondly 
 that by [fubftance ] they undcriland, notthe old Effentials or Articles of Chriftian 
 Religion, wherein we both.agree, but, the new Effentials or new Articles of Faith 
 lately made by the Komanijls, and comprehended in the Creed of Piiis the Fourth 
 about which we do truly differ. So we differ fubilantially, in the language of the 
 prefent Komanijif : But we differ not fubfiantially, in the fenfe of the primitive 
 Fathers. The Generation of thefe nevv Articles is the corruption of the old Creed. 
 Or Lafily, if one or two Protellant Authors either bred up in hofHlity againfl new 
 Kome^ as Hannibal was againfi old KomcyOt in the heat of contention, or without 
 due coniideration, or out of prejudice or patlion, or a diftempered zeal, have over- 
 fliot themfelvesj what is that to us ? Or what dpth that concern the Church of 
 England? 
 
 He faith , St. ^«/?/« told the Po«jifi/?x, that though they were with him in many 
 thing! ^ yet if theyrveremt with him in few things^ the many things wherein they were 
 with him would not frojit them. But what were thefe few things wherein St. Auflin 
 required their Communion ? Were they Abufes, or Innovations, or new Articles of 
 Faith? No, no, the truthis,St. ^«/?i« profefled to the Pw^fi/fx , that many things 
 and great things would profit them nothing ( not onely if a few things, but ) if one 
 thing were wanting : videant quam multa & qukm magna nihil pnfint, ft unum quidem 
 defuerit^ & videant quid ft ipfum unum. And let them fee what this one thing is. What de'^att. t 'i. 
 was it } Charity. For the Vonatifis moft uncharitably did limit the Catholich;C\mi<:h 
 to their own party, excluding all others from hope of Salvation, jufl as the Koma- 
 •Ki/?j do now, whoare theright Succe0brsof the Donatifis in thofe few things or 
 rather in that one thing. So often as he produceth St. Aufiin againll the Vonatijis^ 
 he brings a rod for himfelf. Furthermore he proveth out of the Creed and the 
 Fathers that the Communion of the Church is neceffary to Salvation, to what pur- 
 pofe I do not underftand, ( unlefs it be to reprove the unchriftian and uncharitable 
 cenfures of the Koman Court. ) For neither is the Roman Church the Catholickc 
 Church, nor a Communion of Saints a Communion in Errors. 
 
 Hisfixth and lafl point, which he propofeth to judicious Proteftants, is this,That 
 though it were not evident, that the Proteftant Church is Schifmatical, but onely 
 doubtful V Yet it being evident, that the Roman Church is not Schifmatical, becaufe 
 ( xDoAoi Sutclif QoakScih) they never went out of any k^wwn Chrijiian Society^ 
 
 nor
 
 15^ 
 
 A Jhji Vindication 
 
 TOMlil. 
 
 It is not lawful 
 or prudent to 
 leave the Ent- 
 lijh Church 
 and adhere to 
 the Roman 
 for fear of 
 Schifm. 
 
 The prcfent 
 Church of 
 Rome depart- 
 ed out of the 
 ancient 
 Church of 
 Rome, 
 
 nor can any Proteftant prove that they did>it is the mort prudent way for a man to 
 do for his Soul, as he would do for his Lands, Liberty, Honour or Life, that is, to 
 chufe the fafcftway, namely to live and dy free from Schilin in the Communion 
 of the Roman Church. 
 
 lanfwer, Firft, thathc changeth the fubjed of the Queftion. My Propofition 
 was that the Church of England is frce,from Schifm : he ever and anon cnlargeth 
 it to.all Proteftant Churchesv and what or how many Churches he intendeth un- 
 der that name and notion I know not. Not that I cenfure any forreign Churches, 
 (with whofeLaws and Liberties lam not fo well acquainted as with our own; 
 but becaufe I conceive the cafe of the Church of England to be as clear as the Sun 
 at noon-day, and am not willing for the prefent to have it perplexed witli Hetero- 
 geneous difputes. Sooftenasheftumblethupon this miftake I muft make bold to 
 tell him that he concludes not the contradidory. 
 
 Secondly, I anfwer,thathe difputes fx non conce^s^ laying that for a foundation 
 granted to him, which is altogether denyed him, namely that it is a doubtful cafe, 
 whether the Church of England be Schifmatical or not. Whereas no Church un- 
 der Heaven is really more free from juft fufpicion of Schifm than the Church of 
 England^ as not cenfuring nor excluding uncharitably from her Communion any 
 true Church which retains the eflentials of Chriftian Religion. 
 
 Thirdly, I anfwer, that it is fo far from being evident that the Roman Church is 
 guiltlefs of Schifm, that I widi it were not evident that the Roman Court is guilty 
 of formal Schifin, and all that adhere unto it, and maintain its cenfures of material 
 Schifm. If it be Schifm to defert altogether the Communion of any one true par- 
 ticular Church, what is it not onely to defert,butcaft out of the Chureh,by the bann 
 of Excommunication, fo many Chriftian Churches, over which they have no jurif- 
 didWon , three times more numerous than themfelvesi and notwithftanding fome 
 few ( perhaps ) improper exprellions of fome of them, as good or better Chriftians 
 and Catholicks as themfelves, who fuffer daily, and are ready to fuffer to the laft 
 drop of their blood for the name of Chrift. 
 
 If contumacy againft one lawful fingle Superior be Schifmatical', what is Rebel- 
 lion aginft the Sovereign Ecclefiaftical Tribunal, that is a General Council > But I 
 am far from concluding all indiftinftly. I know there are many in that Church, 
 who continue firm in the dcdtrine of the Councils of Conftance and Bafile^ attri- 
 buting no more to the Pope than his frincipium VnitatU^ and fubjeding both him, 
 and his Court , to the iurifdidion of an Oecumenical Council. 
 
 Fourthly, I anfwer that fuppofing, but not granting, that it was doubtful, whe- 
 ther the Church of England were Schifmatical or nor, and fuppofing in like man- 
 ner that it were evident that the Church of Rome was not Schifmaticah yet it was 
 not lawful for a Son of the Church of England to quit his fpiritual Mother. May 
 a man renounce his due Obedience to a lawful Superior upon uncertain fufpicions > 
 No. In doubtful cafes it is always prefumed fro Rege & Lege^ for the King and for 
 the Law. Neither is it lawful ( as a Father faid of fome Virgins, who caft them- 
 felves defperately into a River, for fear of being defloured ) to commit a certain crime 
 for fear of an uncertain. Yea to rife yet one ftep higher, though it were lawful, 
 yet it were not prudence, but folly,for a manto thruft himfelf into more, more ap- 
 parent, more real danger, for fear of one lefler, lefs apparent, and remoter dangers 
 or for fear of Charybdis to run headlong into ScyVa. He who forfakcs the Englijf* 
 Church for fear of Schifm, to joyn in a ftrider Communion with Koww, plungetli 
 himfelf in greater and more real dangers, both of Schifm,and Idolatry, and Herefic. 
 A man may live in a Schifmatical Church, and yet be no Schifinatick, if he err in- 
 vincibly, and be ready in the preparation of his mind to receive the truth whenfoe- 
 ver God fliall reveal it to him, nor want ( R. C. himfelf being Judge ) either 
 Faith, or Church, or Salvation. 
 
 And to his reafon, whereby he thinks to free the Church of Rome from Schifin, 
 
 ■ becaufe they never went out of any Chriftian Societyi I anfwer two ways, Firft, It 
 
 is more Schifmatical to caft true Churches of Chrift out of the Communion of the 
 
 Catholick Church, either without the Keys, or clave errante , with an erring Key, 
 
 than mecrly and fimply to go out of a particular Church. This the RomanHis 
 
 have
 
 Discourse III. Of the Chnrch of EnsiUnd, ii^o 
 
 have done, although they had not done the other. But they have done the other 
 alfo. And therefore I add my Second Anfwer by naming that Chriftian Society, 
 out of which the prefent Church of Rome departed, even the ancient primitive Ko- 
 nian Church, not locally, but morally, which is worfe, by introducing corruptions 
 in Faith, Liturgy, and u(e of the Sacraments, whereby they did both divide them- 
 felves Schifmatically from the External Communion of the true, primitive, uncor- 
 rupted Church of Chrili, and became the caufe of all following feparation. So 
 both ways they are guilty of Schifm, and a much greater Schifm than they objcd to 
 us. 
 
 All that follows in his Preface,or the moft part of it, is but a reiteration of the 
 fame things, without adding one more grain of reafon to enforce it. Jf I did con- ^' 
 fider that to divide any thing in any of itsfubjiantialparts^ is not to reform, but to dejhroy 
 the effence thereof &c. Jf I did confider, thjt tkre are three fuhjlamial parts of a true 
 Church in fuhjiance^occ. Jf I did confder, that any divifion of a true Church in any 
 fubjlantial part thereof is impious, becaufe it is a de\\riSion of ChrijVs myfiical hody^ Scc. 
 If I did confider aUthefe things. Sec. IJhould clearly fee that the Englifli Proteltant 
 Church, in dividing her felffrom the fuhfiance of the PvOman Church in all her formal 
 fubjiantial parts,committed damnable fin, and that I in defending her therein commit dam- 
 nable fin. I haveferioully and impartially weighed and confidered all that he faith. 
 
 I have given him a full account of it, that we' have neither leparated our felves 
 from the myftical body of Chrift, nor from any eflential or integral part or member 
 thereof, I have {hewed him the Original of his mifiake, in not diftinguiihing be- 
 tween Sacred Inltitutions,and fubiequent Abufes i between the genuine parts of the 
 body, and Wenns or Excreicences. And in conclufion ( waving all our other ad- 
 vantages, I do not for the preftnt, find on our parts the leaft fhadow of criminous 
 Schifm. He prayes God to open my eyes that J may fee this Truth. I thank him for 
 his Charity in wiihing no worfe to me than to himfelf. But Errors go commonly 
 masked under the cloak of Truth. 
 
 FaJlit enitn vitium Jpecie virtutis & umbri. , 
 
 I pray God open both our eyes, and teach us to deny our felves, that wc may (ec 
 his Truth, and prefer it before the ftudy of advancing our own party ( For here 
 the beft of us k>tort> but in part, and fee as through a Glafi darkly) that we may not have i Cor. i]. p. 
 the faith of Cbriji in refpeU of perfons. la. 
 
 That which follows is new indeed, "to Communicate with Schifmatick^ U tohe ^*'"'^'^' 
 guilty of Schifm. But the Englifli Church joyns in Communion of Sacraments and pub- 
 lick^Prayers with Schifmaiickj, namely Puritans, and Independents. This is inculcated 
 over and over again in his book. But becaufe this is the firfl: time that I meet with 
 it, and becaufe I had rather be before hand with him than behind hand, I will give 
 it a full anfwer here. And if I meet with any new weight added to it in any o- 
 thcr place, I fhall endeavour to clear that there, without wearying the Reader with To Commu* 
 Tautologies and Superfluous Repetitions. And firft I deny his Propofition. To "''^*'« "'fh 
 Communicate with Hereticks or Schifmaticks in the fame publick Affemblies, and to fj'^no^/i^vavi 
 be prefent with them at the fame Divine Offices, is not always Herefy or Schifm, Schifin. 
 unlefs one Communicate with them in their Heretical or Schifmatical errors. In 
 the primitive Church at Antioch when Leontius was Bilhop, the Orthodox Chriftians 
 and the ^rrwwj repaired to the fame AlTemblies, but they ufed different forms of 
 Doxologies, the Orthodox Chriftians faying, G/ffrji^ew j/^e Father, and to the Son^ 
 4nd to the holy Ghoji, And the Arrians faying. Glory be to the Father, by the Son, in the 
 Spirit. At which time it was obferved, that no man could- difcern what form the 
 Bilhop ufed, becaufe he would not alienate either party. So they Communicated 
 withJ^rrij«/, butnot in Arrianifm, with Hereticks, but not in Herefie. Take a- 
 nother inflance, the Catholick^ and Novatians did Communicate and meet together 
 in the fame Affemblies. JUo atttem tempore parum aherat quin Novatiani & CathoUci ^ , 
 fenit'HS cottjpirajient. Nam eadtm de J)eo fentientes, communiter ab ArrianU agitati, in ly. 
 fimilibns calamitatibw corjiitmi,fe mutua compleCii benevolentia, in unum conveuire, pari- 
 ter erare, eipertmt. And further, decmerunt deinceps inter fe Commmicare. At that 
 
 timt
 
 »'^4 
 
 A Juji Vindication 
 
 TOMEI. 
 
 nicate with 
 Schifmacick: 
 
 time it wanted little that the Novatians and Catholick^s did not altogether conjfire in one ; 
 for having both the fame Faith concerning God, fuff'ering the fame perfecution from the 
 Atxhns^and being both involved in the fame calamities, they began to love one another, to 
 affembUtogethtr, and to fray together ■■, And they decreed from that time forward to com- 
 municate one with another. The primitive Catholicks thought it no Schilhi to com- 
 munkatc with Novatians, thzt is with Schtfmatickj, Co long :is they did not com- 
 municate with them in their*Nbr<j(wHi/w, that is, in their Scfcifw. Have the Eng- 
 lifh Proteftants matriculated themfelves into their Congregational Affemblies? Have 
 they juftified the unwarrantable intrufion of themfelves into facred Fundlions, with- 
 out a lawful calling from Chrift or his Church > Or their difpenfing the greateft 
 myfteries of Religion with unwafhen, or it may be, with bloody hands ? As for 
 communicating with them in a Schifmatical Liturgy, it is impollible ; they have no 
 Liturgy at all, but account it a ftinting of the Spirit. And for the Sacrament of 
 the blefled body and blood of Chrill, it is hard to fay whether the ufe of it among 
 them be rarer in moft places, or the Congregations thinner. But where the Mini- 
 fters are unqualified, or the form of Adminiftration is erroneous in eflentials, or fni- 
 ful duties are obtruded as necefiary parts of Gods fervice, the Enghjh Protelbnts 
 know how to abftain from their Communion. Let the Roman Catholicks look to 
 themfel\fes i for many fay ( let the Faith be with the Authors ) that fundry of the 
 Sons of their own Church, have been greater ticklers in their private Conventicles 
 and publick Aflemblies, than many Proteftants. 
 
 Secondly, I deny his Aflumption (that the Church of England doth joyn in 
 Communion of Sacraments and publick Prayers with any Schifmaticks. What my 
 TheChnrchof thoughts are ofthofe whom he terms Puritans & IndependentSjthey will not much re- 
 nofcoiimu^ gard,nor doth it concern the caufe in queftion. Many Mufhrome-Seds may be fprung 
 up lately in the World which I know not , and pofterity will know them much 
 lefs, like thofe mifliapen creatures which were produced out of the flime of Nilus 
 by the heat of the Sun,which perifhed foon after they were generated for want of fit 
 organs. Therefore I pafs by them, to that which is more material. If the Church of 
 England have joyned in Sacraments and publick Prayers with Schifmaticks, Jet him 
 {hew it out of her Liturgy,or out of her Articles, or out of her Cations & Conltituti- 
 ons,for by thefe (he fpeaks unto us. Or let him fhew that any genuine Son of hers by 
 her injundion, ordiredion, or approbation, did ever communicate with Schifma- 
 ticks : or that her principles are fuch as do jultifie or warrant SchiGn, or lead men 
 into a Communion with Schifmaticks : other wife than thus a National Church can- 
 not Communicate with Schifmaticks. If to make Canons and Conflltutions againft 
 Schifmaticks be to cherifh them : If to punifh their Conventicles and clandeftine 
 meetings be to frequent them : If to oblige all her Sons who enter into Holy Or- 
 ders, or are admitted to care of Souls, to have no Communion with them, be to 
 Communicate with them : then the Church of England is guilty of Communicating 
 with Schifmaticks ; or otherwife not. 
 
 But I conceive that by the Englijh Church he intends particular perfons of our 
 Communion. If fo, then by his favour he deferts the caufe, and alters the ftate of 
 the Queftion. Let himfelf be Judge, whether this confequence be good or not. 
 Sundry Englijh Proteilants are lately turned Komijh Profelytes > therefore the Church 
 of England is turned Roman Catholick. A Church may be Orthodox and Catho- 
 lick,and yet fundry within its Communion be Hereticks or Schifmaticks or both. 
 The Church of Corinth was a true Church of God, yet there wanted not Schifma- 
 ticks and Hereticks among them. The Churches of Calatia had many among 
 them, who mixed Circumcifion and the works of the Law with the Faith of 
 Chrili. The Church of Fergamus was a true Church, yet they had Nicholaitans 
 among them, and thofe that held the Dodrine of Balaam. The Church o( Ihya- 
 tira had a Preaching Jefabel that (educed the fervants of God. 
 
 But who are thefe Englijh Proteflants that Communicate fo freely with Schifma- 
 ticks ? Nay he names none. We muft take it upon his word. Are they peradven- 
 ture the greater and the founder part of the Englijh Church? Neither the one nor 
 the other. Let him look into our Church, and fee how many of our principal 
 Divineshavelofl their Dignities and Benefices, onely becaufe they would not take 
 
 I Cor. f.2.11 
 
 C.I$.I2. 
 
 Rev.i-l4'-ii- 
 
 30.
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of EnohuS ,-- 
 
 i ^ . / S5_ 
 
 a Schifmatical Covenant, without any other relation to the Wars. Let him take a 
 view of our llniverfities, and fee how tew of our old Profcifors, or Redtors and Fel- 
 lows of Colledges, he finds left therein. God faid of the Church of IJrael, that he 
 had referved to him(elf Seven thoufand that had not bowed their knees unto BjjL 
 I hope I may fay of the Church of England, that there are not onely Seven thoufand,' 
 but Seventy times feven thoufand that mourn in lecret, and widi their heads were 
 waters and their eyes fountain of Tears, that they might weep day and night for 
 tiie Devaftation and Defolation of the City of their God. 
 
 And if that hard weapon Neceffity have enforced any ( pethaps with an intenti- 
 on fo do good or prevent evil ) to comply further than was meet, I do not doubt 
 but they pray with Namjn,7he Lord be merciful to me in this thing. Suppofe that 
 Ibmc Perfons of the Englijh Communion do go fometimes to their meetings, it 
 may be out of Confcience to hear a Sermon i it may be out of curiofity as men go 
 to iee May-games, or Monfters at Fairs ; it may be that they may be the better able 
 to confute them i as St. P^w/ went into their heathenith Temples at Athens, and 
 viewed their Altars, and read their In(criptions, yet without any approbation of 
 their Idolatrous Devotions. Is this to Communicate with Schifmaticks ? or what 
 doth this concern the Church of England ? 
 
 C H A P. I. 
 
 A Reply to the Firji Chapter of the Snr'vey. 
 
 HOw this Chapter comes to be called a Survey of the firft Chapter of my Vindi- Seft. r. 
 wiMW, Ido notunderftand,unlefsitbeby an Antiphrafis, the contrary way, 
 becaufe he doth not Survey it. If it had not been for the Title, and one paffage 
 therein,! fiiould not have known whither to have referred it. In the Firft place 
 he taxeth m: for an omiliion , that J teV not IVhy the ohjeUion of Schifmjeem- 
 eth more forcible again^ the Englilh Church than tlx ohjeUion of Herefie. And to fup- 
 ply my fuppofed defed: he is favourably pleafed to fet it down himfelf The trjte 
 reafon rvhereof ( /aitla he ) ii becaufe Herefie is a matter of Vo&rine, rfhich if 7iot fo evi- 
 dent as the matter of Schiftn, rehich is a vifble matter of FaU, namely a vifible feparation 
 in Communion of Sacraments and piblick^rvorjhip of God. I corifefs I did not think of 
 producing reafons before the Queftion was ftated •, but if he needs have it to be 
 thusi before we inquire why it is fb, we ought firft to inquire whether it be Co. For 
 my part I do not believe that either their Objedions, in point of Herefie,or in point Objeftions a- 
 of Schifm, are fo forcible againft the Church of England. So he would have me to ch"'ch'''f 
 give a reafon of a non-entity, which hath neither reafon nor being. All that I faid England ia 
 was this, that there is nothing more colourably objected to the Church of England, point of 
 at firft fight, to ftrangers unacquainted with our Affairs, or to fuch Natives,as have Schifm arc co« 
 looked but Superficially upon the cafe, than Schifm. Here are three Reftridions, fordble!' °°' 
 colourably, at firji fight, to grangers. Colourably, that is, iwt forcibly, nor yet fo much 
 as truly. He who doubteth of it, may do well to try if he can warm his hands at 
 a Glow-worm. At firfi fight, thzti'i, not hj force, hut rzther by deception of the 
 fight. So frefii-water Seamen at firfi fight think the (hore leaves them, temque ur- 
 bcfque recedunf-, but ftraightways they find their error, that it is they who leave the 
 fhore. To Strangers, &c. that is, to unskilful Judges. A true Diamond and a 
 counterfeit do feem both alike to an unexperienced perfbn. Strangers did believe 
 ■ cafily the Athenian Fables of Bulls and Minotaurs in Creet. But the Graciani 
 knew better that they were but fidtitious devifes. The (eemiiig ftrength lyeth not 
 in the Objedions themfelves, but in the incapacity of the Judges. 
 
 But to his reafon , the more things are remote from the matter , and devefted 
 of all circumftances of time , and place, and perfons , the more demonftrable they 
 are; that is the reafon why Mathematicians do boaft that their Principles are fo evi- 
 dent , that they do not pcrfwade but compel men to believe. Yet in the matter of 
 Fad , and in the application of thefe evident Rules , where every particular cir- 
 
 cunH
 
 1^6 A Juji l^indication TOME x. 
 
 cumlhnce doth require a new conliaeration , how ealily do they err > infomuch as 
 let Twenty Geometricians meafure over the fame plot of ground , hardly Two of 
 them (hall agree exadtly. So it fcemeth than an errour ui pomt of Dodrine , may 
 be more ealily and more evidently convinced , than an errour in matter of Fad. He 
 faith,t/;e fefaration is visible. True \ but "whether the feparation be criminous? whe- 
 ther party made the Hrft feparation? whether there was jult caufe of feparation > 
 whether fide gave the caufe? whether the Keys did err in feparating? whether 
 there was not a former feparation of the one party from the pure primitive Church, 
 which produced the fecond feparation? whether they who feparated themfelves or 
 others without juft caufe, do err invincibly , or not? whether they be ready to fub- 
 mit themfelves to the fentence of the Catholick Church > is not fo cafie to be difcer- 
 r.ed. How many reparations have fprung about Eledions , or Jurifdidion , or 
 Precedency , all which Rights are molt intricate, and yet the knowledge of the 
 Schifm depends altogether upon them. This Surveyor himfelf confefleth , That a 
 Church may he really lleretical or Scbifmatical , and yet morally a true Church, becaufejhe 
 is invincibly ignorant of her Berefie or Schifm , in which cafe it is no Schifm , but a necef- 
 fary duty to ^e^arate from her. In this very cafe propofed by himfelf, I defire to 
 know how it is fo eafic by the onely view of the feparation , to judge or conclude 
 of the Schilm. 
 
 But the true ground why Schifm is more probably objeded to the Church of 
 E«g/<j«fl! than Herefie , is a falfe but prejudicate opinion, That the Bifliop o(Rome 
 is the right Patriarch of Britain h That we dcferted him, and that the differences be- 
 tween us are about Patriarchal Rights^all which with fundry other fuch like miftaken 
 grounds , are evidently cleared to be otherwife in the Vindication. This is all that 
 concerns my Firft Chapter. The reft is voluntary. 
 
 The next thing obfervable in his Survey is. That Trotefiants confefs that they have 
 feparated themfelves not onely from the Roman Church , but alfo from all other Chijiiatt 
 Churches, in the communion of the Sacraments and fublic\, JForJhip of God: And that 
 m caufe hut necefpty of Salvation can yijHfe fuch a feparation fram the crime of Schifm, 
 And it mujl needs feem hard to prove that it was neciffary for the Salvation of Tro- 
 tefiants , to maks fttch a feparation from all Churches in the World : as if there had 
 heen no Chrijiian Church , in vehofe communion in Sacraments they could find Salvation^ 
 rvhevce it will foVon> , that at that time there was no true Church of God upon earth. For 
 proof of the Firft point. That Proteftants have feparated from all Chriftian Churches, 
 he produceth Calvin, ChiUingworth, and a Treatife of his own. 
 
 It were to be wifhed , that Profeflbrs of Theology would not cite their Teftimo- 
 nies upon truft , where the Authors themfelves may eafily be had , ( onely impoffihi- 
 lity is lironger than neceljity, as the Spartan Boy once anfwered the old Senator after 
 ^ueht*to*be ^^e Laconical manner, ) and that they would cite their Authors fally and faithfully , 
 dwd fully and not by halves, without adding to , or new molding , their Authorities according 
 fiiithfully. to their own fancies or interell. It may feem ludicrous , but it was a fad truth of 
 a Noble Enghjh Gentleman, fent Embaflador into forreign parts, and with him an 
 Honourable Efpy under the notion of a Companion , by whom he was accufed at 
 his return to have fpoken fuch and fuch things, at fuch and fuch times. The Gentle- 
 man pleaded ingenuoufly for himfelf, that it might be he had fpoken fome of thofc 
 things, or it might be all thofe thiags, but never any one of them in that order , 
 nor in that fenfe. 1 have, faidhe, feveral Suits of Apparel , of purple cloath , 
 of green Velvet, of white and black Sattin. If one fhould put my Two purple 
 Sleeves to my green velvet Dublet , and make my Ho{e , the one of white Sattin , 
 the other of black , and then fwear that it was my Apparel i they who did not 
 know me , might judge me a ftrange man. To difbrder Authorities , to contraft 
 or enlarge them , to mifapply them befides the fcope , contrary to the fenfe , of the 
 Authour, is not more difcommendable than common. I have (een large Volumes 
 containing fome Hundreds of Controverfies ( as was pretended ) between Prote- 
 ftants and Papifts , and among them all not above Five or Six that I could own i 
 as if they defired that the whole woven Coat of Chrift fhould be torn more infun- 
 der than it is , or that they might have the Honour to conquer fo many fiditious 
 Monfters of their own making. I have fecn Authorities mangled and imfapplied , 
 
 juft
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of En^hnd, ^^j 
 
 juft like the Embafiadors Cloaths , fo as the right Authours would hardly have been 
 able to know them. So much prejudice,and partiality' , and an habit of alteration, 
 is able to do , like a tongue infeded with Choler, which makes thefweeteft meats 
 to tafte bitter i or like coloured glafs , which makes every objedt, we fee through it 
 to appear of the fame colour. 
 
 •- Wherefore I do intreat R. C. to fave himfelf , and me , and the Reader, fbmuch 
 labour and trouble for the future , by forbearing to charge the private Errours or 
 Opinions of particular perfons ( it skilleth not much whether ) upon the Church of 
 England , the moft of which were meer Grangers to our affairs, and many of them 
 died before Controverfies were rightly ftated, or truly underftood , for none of 
 which the Church oi England is any way obliged to be refponfable : And likcwifc 
 by forbearing to make fo many empty references , to what he believes or pretends 
 to have proved in fome of his other Booiis. See the Authour of the Frotejiant Reli- 
 gion: See the dijiinUion of Fundamentals and not Fundamentals: See the firfficient pro- 
 pofer of Faith : See the Pmejiants plain Conffivn : See the Flowers of the Englifh 
 Church: See the Epijlle to King James : See the prudential BaHance: See the collation of 
 Scripture. To what end can this ferve , but either to divert us from the Queftion 
 we have in hand ? or to amufe the Reader , and put him into a belief of fome 
 great atchievements which he hath made elfewhere ? or to excufe his prefent de- 
 feds , upon pretenfe of large fupplies and recruits , which he hath ready in ano- 
 ther place , but where the Reader cannot come to fee them ? And what if the 
 Reader have them not to fee , as it is my condition in prefent ? What am I or he 
 the worfe ? If he fee no more in fome of them, than I have feen heretofore, he 
 will fee a great many of miftated and miftaken Queftions , a great many of Logo- 
 machies or contentions about words, a great many of private Errours produced as 
 common Principles of Proteftants , a great many of Authours cited contrary to 
 their genuine fenfe and meaning, and very little that is material towards the dif- 
 culHon of this or any other Qiicflion. 
 
 Jult as Mr. Chillingworth is cited here to prove , that Froteftants have feparated protef?jint» 
 themfelves in communion of Sacraments^ and piblich^ Service of God , mt onely front the coDfefsnofc- 
 Roman-C/;z<rc/j , but alfo from all other Chrijljan Churches in the World , which is not paration from 
 onely contrary to his fenfe , but alfb contrary to his very words in the place alledg- ^^'^ 'Jni^erfal ^ 
 ed. It is not all one ( faith he ) though you perpetually confound them , toforfaks the er- ^chl^' 
 vottf of the Church , and toforfahg the Church't or to forfal^e the Church in her errours, and p. I'j'z? 
 fmply to forfak^ the Church, Sec. "the former then tvas done by Frotejlants , the later Tpas 
 not done. Nay, not onely not from tJje Catholick^ Church , but not fo much as from the 
 Roman , did they feparate Tpei omnia, but onely in thofe praUices ivhich they conceived 
 fufer^itioiu or impious. If ot onely from the Roman Church , but alfo from all other 
 Chriftian Churches in the world , faith R. C. Not onely not from the Catholick ^- ^' *• '» 
 Church, but not fo much as from the Roman Church, faith Mt. ChiHingrvorth. In 
 Communion of Sacraments and publick Worfhip of God , faith R. C. Onely in 
 thofe pradlices which they conceived fuperftitious or impious , faith Mr. Chilling- 
 worth. 
 
 But becaufe there is no Queflion wherein they ftudy more to blunde'r and trouble 
 the water , and to involve themfelves in dark Clouds of obfcure generalitiesj I will 
 do my endeavour to diftinguifh that which is deceitful and confufed , and reprefent ^ f . 
 the naked Truth to the eyes of the Reader. Firfl I acknowledge , That the ^°L]n° but 
 Ghuirch of Rome is a true Chriftian Church in that fenfe that I have declared, that is, onely in her 
 Metaphylically , becaufe it ftill retains all the ElTentials of a true Church. To have Efo"* 
 feparated from it in any of thefe, had been either formal Herefie , or formal Schifm, 
 or both. But we have retained all thefe as much as themfelves , and much more 
 purely than themfelves : For it may feem doubtfial whether fome of their Superfliti- 
 ous Additions, do nor virtually overthrow fome of the Fundamentals of Religion. 
 But with us there is no fuch danger. 
 
 Secondly, I acknowledge that , befides the EfTentials of Chrifiian Religion ^ the 
 Church of Rome retains many other Truths of an inferiour nature , in Dodtrine, in 
 Difcipline ,. in Sacraments, and many lawful and laudable Pradtices and Obferva- 
 tions. To have feparated from thefe , had been at leaft material Schifm, unlefs the 
 
 Q, Church
 
 I SH A Jttji Vindication TOME I. 
 
 Church of Kowe Ihould obtrude them upon other Churches , as neceflary and fun- 
 damental Articles of Chriilian Religion , and fo prefume to change the ancient 
 Creed, which was depofited with the Church by the Apofl!es,as the common Badge 
 and Cognifance of all Chrillians for all fuccecding Generations. 
 
 Thirdly , It is agreed that one may not , one muft not,feparate himfelf from the 
 communion of a True Chrillian Church , for the vices or faults of particular Per- ' 
 fons in point of manners. We may not leave the Lord's Field becaufe there arc 
 Tares, nor his Floar becaufe there is Chaff, nor his Houfe becaufe there are Veflels of 
 diflionour, nor his Colledge becaufe there was a Judas. 
 
 Fourthly, Some Errors and Abufes arc not limply finful in themfelvcs i but to 
 thofc that did firft introduce them, to thofe who maintain and pradtife them for 
 ambitious or avaritious ends , they are finful. Thefe are preflures and grievances to 
 the Chrirtian Flock, rather than fins. They fuffer under the burthen of them , buf 
 they are innocent from the guilt of them. And fo reumfacit Superiorem miquitas 
 imperandi, innocentem fubditum ordo ferviendi ■-, A Superior may fin in his Commands, 
 and yet his Subjedl be innocent in his Obedience. Thefc are no juft caufc of fepara- 
 I Ff».4- 8. tion to a private Chriflian , Charity covers a multitude of fins. But they are juft caufe 
 of Reformation to a National Church or a Synod. 
 
 Fifthly, There are fome Errors in difputable points, and fomc Abufes arc meer 
 Exceflcs without guilt , rather blemifhes than fins: And for thefe alone no man 
 ought to (eparate himfelf from a Chriftian Society •, or abandon a True Church for 
 trivial diffcntions. Our Duty in fuch a cafe is to pray and perfwade, without 
 troubling the Peace of the Church , and to leave the reft to God. Let m therefore as 
 Phil. 3. 15! ^'^^y '^^ ^^ ferfed, be thus minded: and if in any thing ye be othertpife minded, Godjhall 
 reveal even th'n untn you. 
 
 Laftly, We affirm, that in the Superftruftions of Chriftian Religion, the Church 
 of Kowe hath added and mixed fundry Errors and Abu(es of greater confequence, 
 and finful Innovations , in point of Dodrine, and Difcipline , and Adminiftration 
 of the Sacraments, and Feafts, and FaftSj^'^'c. This we are ready to maintain. 
 Neither doth (lie onely profefs and pradife thefe Errors and Abufes, which perhaps 
 by fome perfons at fome times might bp feparated without a feparation i but (he 
 obtrudes them upon all others as effential Truths and neceflary Articles. She in- 
 joyns fundry of them as a condition of her Communion. She commands all Chri- 
 ftians to believe and pradtife them under pain of damnation i and whofoevcr refu- 
 feth , fiie cafteth them out of her Society. Such is their new Creed in point of 
 Faith, diredfly contrary to the Canon of the General Council cf Efhejm. Such is 
 the Pope's Supremacy of Power in point of Difcipline , expredy contrary to the 
 Determinations of the Councils of Conftance and Bafile. Such is the adoration of 
 the Species of Bread and Wine, the detention of the Cup from the People , their 
 unknown language, &c, in the Adminiftration of the Sacraments , and in the pub- 
 lick fervice of God. From thefe finful duties thus inioyned as ncccfTary, all men 
 ought to feparate. Lawful Authority of man may oblige one to fuifer, but no 
 Authority of man can warrant or oblige one to do, finful duties. Such a caufc 
 juftifies a feparation, until the abufe be reformed for which the feparation was made. 
 And being thus feparated from finful Innovations,it may bclawful or convenient to 
 reform lelTer errors , which were not of fuch dangerous confequence, nor had 
 been a fufficicnt caufe of feparation of themfelves. 
 
 But here I muft advertife the Reader of a double manner of exprcfUon, ufed by 
 Efjglijh Proteftants concerning this feparation. They agree that the Koman Church 
 retaineth the Effentials of a true Church. They agree that fhe hath introduced 
 Errors and Abufes into Chriftian Religion. They agree that fhe obtrudes finful 
 Innovations as necefTary conditions of her Communion. They agree that the fe- 
 paration is onely from thefe Errors and Abufes, and are ready to return to a Com- 
 munion, when thefe Errors and Abufes are removed. So in efFed they fay the very 
 fame thing, neither more nor lefs. But becaufe thefe Errors and Abufes are inhe- 
 rent in their Confellions, Liturgy, and forms of Adminiftration of holy Sacramentsi 
 Therefore fome fay that they are feparated from the External Communion of the 
 Roman Church. And becaufe thefc Errors and Abufes arc but Adventitious and 
 
 Ac-
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of Ensi^hnd. it-p 
 
 accidentally inherent, and may be, and ought to be, removed ; Therefore others fay 
 that their feparation is not from the Communion of the Roman Church, as it was, 
 and may be, and ought to be, but onely from the Errors and Abufei. The one' 
 fpeaks fimply and abfblutely from the Errors and Abufes : The others fpeak refpe- 
 Siivdy^znd fecuridum quid^ from the external Communion of the Roman Church, that is, 
 fo far as it is corrupted by thefe Errors and Abufes, and not further, arid fo in fenfe 
 they fay the very fame thing. 
 
 And therefore it is meer Sophiftry and a groundlefs cavil to argue from their fe- 
 paration from Errors, to their feparation from Truthsi and from their feparation in 
 Abufes, to their feparation in the Sacraments themfelves. Suppofe one who is ap- 
 pointed to minifter dyet to another, will give him nothing but poyfonous meats, 
 and he knowing it, will not receive it ■■, tell me who is the refuferi he that will not 
 eat poyfon, or he that will not give him healthful food ? The Rowi^iK-Catholicks 
 do protefs themfelves to be as loyal to their Sovereign, as any of his belt Subjedsi 
 and that they are as ready as any others to give aflurance of it by Oath. Yet they 
 fay there are fome claufes inlerted in the form prefcribed, which they may not, they 
 dare not, take. If any man (hould accufe them hereupon, to have deferted the 
 Communion of the EngUJh Monarchy in point of Loyalty, they would be angry, 
 and they had good reafon for it. Upon the Ckme equity let them forbear to 
 accufe us of leaving the Communion of their Church in Sacraments, when wc 
 onely left their Abufes. Diltinguifli between old InAitutions and new Errors, and 
 the cafe is clear. 
 
 Likewife fuppofing, but not granting, that we were not chafed away by tlie cen- * « ^. 
 fares of the Court of Rowe, but had out of Confcience feparated our (elves from Notthc'fepj- 
 their errors in fuch manner as I have declared^ yet the crime or guilt of the SchiGn ration, butrhe 
 Hicks clofe to them. A confciencious Chriftian is as much chafed away by impofing ""''"^ °1^" 
 upon him the performance of finful dutie?, as by the thunderbolt of Excommuni- '''^Schifm, 
 cation. Schifm is a voluntary feparation, but our feparation was no more volunta- 
 ry on our parts, than the three Children were willing to be caft into the fiery, 
 Furnacei that is, they did chufe rather to dy Innocents than to live Nocents, to fuffer 
 burning rather than to commit Idolatry. To be fep3rated,might be,our Confequent 
 will, becaufe we could not help it. But it was far enough from our Antecedent 
 will, or that wedid defireit. If we fhould fee one pudied and thruft out of an 
 houfe with Swords and Whips and Clubs, would any man in his right wits, call 
 this man a Fugitive and a Runaway, or accufe him to have forfaken the Houfe ? 
 Sin is a more dangerous Edge-tool than a Sword, and the wrath of God heavier 
 than the weight of Clubs, and the fecret lafhes of a guilty Confcience fharper than 
 Whips. _ If they did impofe upon us a neceffity of doing finful duties and offend- 
 ing God, and wounding our own Confciences, whileft we Itayed among themi then 
 we did not leave them, but they did drive us from them. Jofefh came into his 
 Makers houfe to do his duty, his Miftrcfs tempts him to Sin. Jofefb flies away. 
 What ? From his duty ? No. But from the offence of God, and fhe, that thought 
 to hold him, was the perfbn that did drive him away. 
 
 He urgcth that nothing i«t Henejjity of Salvation can jujiifie fuch a feparation ( as he . . ^^ 
 hath fancied to himfelf) J^ow t^e cr«»e of Schifm. Let it be fo. He might have to Salvation kj 
 fpared his Authors in the margent to prove it. His defcd lies on the other fide, forfake known 
 Doth not he think it neceffary to Salvation for every man fo far as he can to efchew Errour$. , 
 deadly Sin ? Or thinks he that a man may live fecurely in known Errors, contrary 
 to the dictate of his Confcience, without any prejudice to Salvation? This was 
 our condition. But yet there wot Salvation to he had in the Church of Rome. So it 
 mas not neceffary to Salvation to make fuch a feparation. A ftrange confequence, jufi 
 like this other: God hath mercy in ftore for finner«, therefore it is not neceffary to 
 Salvation to forfake fin. Gods extraordinary mercy is one thing, our duty ano « 
 ther. Becaufe his compalfion is great, towards his poor Creatures that offend out 
 of invincible ignorance, is it therefore not neceffary to Salvation for thofe who are 
 convinced of their Errors, to follow the commandment of God, and the light ci'f « 
 
 their own Confcience ^ This is fo evident that it admits no doubt. 
 
 He id<is^Th3.z we Jeparjted our felves not onely front the Roman Churcb^ but from
 
 i6o A J ufi Vindication TOME I. 
 
 allChrijiian Churches in the JForld^ as if there had been no Chrijlian Church in the World, 
 in Tphvje Communion TPe could find Salvation^ whence it will follow that at that time in 
 their conceits^ there reai no true Church upon Earth. This he inculcates over and over 
 in {cveral places, according to his manner. And in his Ninth Chapter and Fifth 
 CpSeH.s. Ceta^ion^ he Triumpheth in it, where he endeavors to prove out of Cahme, and 
 Chiliingworth, and Dodor Fatter, that Proteftants feparated thcmfelves from the 
 whole World. Tliat is, as he exprefleth himfelfin other places, from all Chrifiian 
 Churches. And particularly, /row (/;f Roman, Grscian, Armenian, <j?;^ iEthiopian 
 Church, and all other ancient Churches vehatfoever. If it be fo, then he may truely call 
 us penitiis toto divifos orhe Britannos. Of the Koman Church in particular, and hovf 
 that pollibility of Salvation in any Church is not in true reafon impeditive of its 
 juft Reformation, we have already fpoken fufficiently. It remaineth to give an An- 
 fwer concerning our feparation from thefc Eaftcrn Churches. Our particular Rc- 
 OiirRcforma- formation cannot be faid to be any feparation from them. For they do neither prc- 
 tion noSepara- ^^^^ ^^ j^^ ^^^ Catholick or Univerfal Church, as the Koman dothi nor challenge any 
 "°"* Jurifdidion over the BritannickJZhutchcs, as the Court of Kome dothv neither do wc 
 
 Ca!.i.9. deny them the right of Chriftian Churches, or the right hand of fellowfliip. In 
 Co-ordinate Churches, whereof one is not fubordinate to another, fome Churches 
 reforming themfelves, and not cenfuring or condemning others which are unrc- 
 formed, whileft they preferve their duty entire to the Oecumenical Church, and its 
 reprefentative, a General Council, do not feparate from other Churches, but from 
 their own Errors. In a large Garden fuppofe there ihould be many quarters, fomc 
 weeded, fome unwcededi there is indeed a feparation of the Plants from the Weeds 
 in the fame quarters, but no feparation of one quarter from another. Or if a man 
 (hall purge out of himfelf corrupted humours, he doth not thereby feparate him- 
 felf from other perfons, whofe bodies are unpurged. It is true, that fuch weeding 
 and purging doth produce a diftindion, between the quarters weeded, and the 
 quarters unweeded, and between Bodies purged and Bodies unpurged. But either 
 they ftand in no fuch need of weeding or purging, or it is their own fault who do 
 not weed or purge when they have occafion. If they will needs mifconftruc our 
 lawful Reformation, to be an unlawful and uncharitable feparation, how can we 
 help it ? We have feparated from no Eaflern, Southern, Northern, or Western Church. 
 Art. 30. Our Article tells them the fame. Either let them produce fomc Ad of ours, which 
 
 makes or implies fuch a feparation, or let them hold their peace for ever. 
 
 But all this noife proceeds trom hence, that' K. C. conceives that we will no 
 more joyn with thofe Eaftern Churches, or any of them, in their Creeds, in their 
 Liturgies or publick forms of ftrving God, nor Communicate with them in their 
 Sacraments, than we do with the Church of Kome. If we Communicate not with 
 nunicateSt^-eKom<?K Church in fome things, it is not our faults. It is not their ferving of 
 the Eaftern God, nor their Sacraments that we diflikci but their diflervice of God, and corrupt- 
 Churches, ing of the Holy Sacraments. But for thefe Cracian , KuJJtan , Armenian , and 
 Jbiftne Churches, I find grofs Superftitions objedcd to (bme of them , but not 
 proved. I find fome inufitate expreflions about fome myfteries which are fcarcely 
 intelligible of explicable, as the proceffion of the Holy Ghoft, and the Union of 
 the two natures in Chrift, which are not frequently ufed among us, but I believe 
 their fenfe to be the fame with ours. The Grecians do acknowledge the Holy Ghoft 
 to be the Spirit of the Son. And all the other Churches are ready to accurfe the 
 Errors both of Nefiorius and Eutyches. 
 
 But that which fatisfies me is this, that they exad of no man, nor obtrude upon 
 him, any other Creed, or new Articles of Faith than the Apoftolical, Ntcene, and 
 ^r/M«<?/?i?«Creeds, with the explications, of the General Councils of Efhfftu, Con- 
 ftantinople, and Chalcedon, all which we readily admit, and ufe daily in our Liturgy. 
 If the Church of Kome would reft where they do, we might well have difputablc 
 Quefiions between us, but no breach of Unity in point of Faith. Like wife in point 
 of Difcipline, all thefe Churches afcribe no more to the Pope than a Primacy of 
 Order, no Supremacy of Power or Univerfal Jurifdidion. They make a General 
 . Council , with or without the Pope's fuffiragc, to be the higheft Eccleiiaftical Tribu- 
 nal. Let the Komanijii reft where they do reft, and all our Controverlics concern- 
 ing
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of Enghud, i5l 
 
 ing Ecclefiaftical Difcipline will fall to the ground. Thirdly, they have their Litur- 
 gy in a language underRoodi they adminilkr the Sacrament in both kinds to all 
 Chriftians. They do not themfelves adore, much lefi compel others to adore, the 
 fpecies of Bread and Wine. Howfoever they have a kind of elevation. They 
 have no new matter and form,no Tradition of the Paten and Chalice in Presbyte- 
 rian Ordination,but onely Impofition of hands. They know no new Sacrifice, but 
 the Commemoration, Reprefentation,and Application of the Sacrifice of the Crofs. 
 Juft as we believe. Let the Komaniih but imitate their moderation, and we (hall 
 fttait come to joyn in Communion, in Sacraments, and SacramentalsaKb. Yet thefe 
 are the three effentials of Chriftian Religion, Faith, Sacraments, and Difcipline. So 
 little ground had R. C. to tell us, that we had feparated our felves from all Chrilti- 
 an Churches in the World. 
 
 But Calvin faith, tve have been forced to make a feparation from all the World. Admit ^■^l^' 
 he did fay fo. What will he conclude from hence that the Church of England did ^elanlhlhot. 
 the fame > This confequence will never be made good without a Tranfubitantiation p. 244. Edit.' 
 of Mr. Calvin into the Englijh Church. Hehimlelf knowcth better that we honour Laufan. 157?' 
 Calvin for his Excellent parts,but wedo not pin our Religion either in Dodrine, or 
 Difcipline, or Liturgy, to Calvin's fleeve. Whether Calvin (aid fo or not, for my 
 part I cannot think otherwife but that he did fo in point of Difcipline, until fome 
 body will be favourably pleafed to (hew me one formed National, or Provincial 
 Church throughout the World, before Gf«ez/^, that wanted Bifliops, or one lay-El- 
 der that exercifed Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidion in Chriftendom. I confefs the Fratret 
 Bohemi had not the name of Bifhops,but they wanted not the Order of Bifhops un- 
 der the name of Seniores or Elders, who had both Epilcopal Ordination ( after 
 their Presbyterian ) and Epilcopal Jurifdidtion, and Epifcopal Succellion from the 
 Bifhops of the Waldenfes^ who had continued in the Church under other names, 
 time immemorial, and gave them charge at their Reformation ( long before Luthers 
 time ) to preferve that Order. All which themfelves have publifhed to the World 
 in print. I confefs like wife that they had their Lay-Elders under the name of ■R""'? /"'^/"fc 
 Fresbyteri, from whence Mr. Calvin borrowed his. But theirs in Bohemia pretended ^ difciflinA 
 not to be Ecclefiaftical Commilfioners, nor did, nor durft,ever prefnme to meddle hemomm. 
 with the power of the Keys, or exercife any Jurifdidlion in the Church. They 
 were onely inferior Officers, neither more nor lefs than our Church-Wardens and ibid. 
 Sydemen in England. This was far enough from ruling Elders. Howfoever what 
 doth this concern the Church of England, which never made, nor maintained, nor 
 approved,any fuch feparation ? 
 
 No more did Calvin himfelf out of judgment, but out of neceflity fo comply ^"l^'" i" 
 with the prefent eftate of Geneva, after the expulfion of their Bifhop. As might be pjfc^acy? 
 made appear, if it were needful, by his publick profelfion of their readinefs to re- 
 ceive fuch Bilhops as the primitive Bifhops were, or otherwife that they were to be EpiS. ad 
 reputed nulla nan anathemate digni \ By his fubfcription to the Aitgujtane ConfeJJi- Mart. 
 o«, which is for Epifcopacy, c«i /^ri^(?m w/f«/ ac libens fubfcripfi ■■, By his Confellion ^'"'l'"^' 
 to the King of Polonia. "The ancient Church injiituted Fatriarchates, and afftgned pri- ^j,^, p'oloni£. 
 macy to fingle Provinces, that Bifhops might be better k^it together in the Bond of Vnity. 
 By his defcription of the charge of a Bilhop that (hould joyn himfelf to the reform- Cah.Ep. lin- 
 ed Church, to do hit indeavour, that all the Churches within his Bi(hoprickJbe purged from pff Gen. an. 
 Errors and Idolatry-', to go before the Curates ( or Pafiors ) of his Viocefr by hit example, '*7°' '''• '^°* 
 and to induce them to admit the Keformation ; And Laftly by his Letters to Archbiihop 
 Cranmer, the Bifhop of London, and a Bifliop of Folonii. 
 
 I have fearched the Hundred one and fortieth Epiifle,and for fear of failing, the Jhe^'faced'hc 
 Hundred and one and fortieth page alfoin my Edition, but I do neither find any out of the 
 fuch Confellion, nor remember any fuch, nor lind any thing like it in the place cited. Edition of 
 except peradventure he mean this, that CabiH,juftifying Epifcopacy and condemn- ^""^^'"'J' 
 ing the Papacy, hath thefe v/oids,h U one thing to receive moderate honour, fuch as man fhops Edit'ioa 
 is capable of, and another thing to rule the whole World, t\\dX'K,zs the Pope would do. waithatof 
 Calvin (peaks of the Pope's ambitious, affedtation of an Univerfal Empire, not of Cfufv/i.which 
 his juft right or polTelfion. I hope he doth not prefently feparate from all Chrift ian o"a^°ned hi» 
 Churches , who feparates from the Pope, becaufe the Pope pretends an Univerfal £p_ ad. K, 
 
 0,3 ]u- i'c/on. ip«. 
 
 II
 
 1 62 A Juft Vindication TOME I. 
 
 Jurifdidioii. Thus it is, when men make their own Colledtions to be other mens 
 Confeilions. But fuppofing that Calvin had faid any Cuch thing, it mult be under- 
 ftood Synecdochically of the Weftern Churches, the whole, tor a part, as they fay at 
 fan!, le Mond de Parity the JVorld of TarU^ or as a Father faid, 7he World mourned and 
 4rrtfl.c. 18. rcondredto fee it felf turned knm. But Calvin (aid further, That the Jdolatrous 
 Sea. i3. j^^j^ 1^^^ ^^'jj-^^ ^11 j^-^^^ ^^j^ ■2^g^ig ^o„i fijg yjrjj fg ffj^ lafi. This confirms the former 
 
 Expofltion, aV Kings and People., that is in thefe Occidental parts of Chriftendom. 
 Certainly Calvin did not dream of the Duke of Mufcovia^ or Prejier John, much lefs 
 of the great Ttirk^^ or Sophy of Perfia, within whofe Territories moft of thefe 
 Churches are. They have maifes indeed, but no adoration of the Elements, and 
 confcquently no Idolatrous Ma(!es, which Cj/ri« difliked. 
 Perhaps he will fpeed better with Dr.Po«f r's Teltimony.To let K.Cfee plainly what 
 Doftor Potter credit is to be given to fuch Citations,! will reduce his argument out of Dr. Potter to 
 cleared. ^ Syllogifm.All tcparation from the Univerfal Church is Schifmatical : but Protcftants 
 
 confefs that their feparation is from the Univerfal Church.His Propofition is proved 
 out of Dr. Potter Sect. ^.p. 74. This is true. Dr. Power's words are thefc,7'/jfrtf neither 
 Ch.9. SeU. J. w''^-'' «'"' ^''^ ^<" ^^y i^l^ '^'*"fi f" depart from the Church of Chrift^no more than from Chriji 
 himfelf. His AfTumption is proved out of Dr. Potter SeH. 2.f. 48. Some Jeparatiott 
 , C voluntary ) /row all vifble Churches doth not exclude from heaven. If Proteltants 
 
 ' ' ly open to the lath, and have no better memories, it is an eafie matter to confute 
 
 them out of their own Confeilions, or rather let the Reader judge what credit is to 
 be given to fuch Citations. Dr. Potter''s words are thete, Jf feparation, fuch as hath 
 Sell, 2. p. 49- been Jaid, from all_vifble Churches, do not exclude from Heaven. Firtt, K. C. omits thefe 
 viox6iS,jttch M hath been faid, which words quite deftroy his proof. The feparation 
 whereof he fpeaks there, is onely External, not Internal •, from all particular vifiblc 
 Churches, not from the Univerfal Church. His words are thefe, A man may be a true 
 vijible Member of the holy Catholick-Ctwrc/? who U not aduaVy ( otherrctfe than in vow) 
 a Member of any true vifible Church. The inltances or cafes which he prnduceth arc 
 two, the one of a man unjultly Excommunicated clave, errante, who is not in the 
 adtual External Communion of any particular Church, yet if he Communicate in 
 F^'/' A/7 ' dcfire,/wj^cit ei adfalutem, it is fufficient to favc him, which he proves out of BeVar- 
 iS^Au'^ujUe'' mine and St. Atfftin 2nd others. Neither will K. C. himfelf deny it. The other 
 Ver. Rel. c. 6. inltance is of lertullian, who in his later days did fall off from the Catholicks, out 
 of an indiferete piety ? Wljy may we not hope that Cod pardoned the Errors of his honefi 
 zeal? And herein alfo he hath the confent, and concurrence of R. C. himfelf: That 
 they who err invincibly, and hold the Truth implicitely do want neither Church, nor 
 Faith, nor Salvation. Wliat do thefe cafes concern the prefent controverfie ? Not 
 at all. 
 
 And as R. C. fubltrads , fo he adds the word voluntary upon his own head , 
 which is not in Dr. Potter. He who is excommunicated unjultly , is not excom- 
 municated with his good will. TertuVian did not wilfully run into Errour. Igno- 
 rance deltroyes liberty in many cafes , as well as force. Dr. Pp«fr (peaks onely of 
 ., fuch who are in voto , in their deftres , or willingly withJn the Conjmunion of the 
 
 ' ' Church, and declares the contrary expredy , that voluntary and ungrounded fepanp- 
 
 t ion from the Catholick^Communion, is without doubt a damnable Schifm. 
 
 Laltly , Dr. Potter fpeaks not of the ordinary way of Salvation, but of God's ex- 
 traordinary mercy : Why may we not hope that Cod pardoned the errour s of his honeji 
 zeal ? Cannot God pardon formal , much more material Schilm , and convert a 
 Schilmatick at the lalt gafp , if it pleafe him > The Primitive Church refufed to re- 
 ceive fome forts of Offenders to their adual Communion , and yet left them to the 
 mercy of God for their Salvation. 
 *v;/^*'*" . But his chiefelt Teltimonies are taken out of Mr. ChilUngworth, c. 5. p. 273. That 
 CbiUingmrtb p^„^fjj^„,j. ^^^ /or/i% the external Communion of the vifible Church. And p. 274. 
 Mr. Knott objecting , that (eeing there was no vifible Church but corrupted , Lu- 
 ther forfaking the external Communion of the corrupted Church , could not but 
 torfake the external Communion of the Catholick Church : Mr. ChilUngworth an- 
 fwers , Let this he granted. And p. 291. Jt is not improbable that it may be lawful and 
 noble jor one man to ofpofe ( in Faith ) the World. I Anfwerv Firlt , that by external 
 
 Com-
 
 ro2 
 
 Discourse III. Of the Ctmrcb of England 
 
 Communion , Mr. Chillingwortb meant nothing but Errours in the external Com- 
 munion i and by the vifible Church , a conliderable part of the vifibic Church. P. 245. 
 Hear himfelf. Indeed that Luther and hUfolhtvers left off the pradice of thofe corrupti- 
 ons, tvherein the whole vifible Church did communicate formerly , ( rphich I meant 
 rrhen I acknowledged above that they forfiok, the external Communion of the vifible 
 Church) or that they left that fart of the vifible Church in her corruption , which w'o/ild 
 mt be reformed ; Thefe things if you defire^ J Jhall be willing to grant , and that by a 
 j SyntcAodxc of the whole for the fart , he might be faid to forfak^ the vifible Church , 
 ' that is , a fart of it , and the greater part. But that properly Jfeaking, he forfwk^ the 
 whole vifible Church , I hope you will excufe me if I grant mt this. And he gives this 
 reafon , becaufc a great part of the Church )oyne"d with Luther. He might have 
 added a ftronger reafon as I think , that Luther's hrlt Quarrel with the Pope was 
 about Indulgences , and the Supremacy, &c. wherein Luther did not defert, but joyn 
 in Communion with, the much greater part of the vifible Church. If afterwards 
 Luther fell upon other Queiiions , not Co agreeable to the Eaftern Church , yet they 
 were no Articles of the Creed , nor neceffary points of Chriftian Religion. The 
 fame Interpretation he gives elfewhere , Jhe firji Reformers as well as the F. su. 
 Donatirts, &c. oppofed the commands of the vifible Church , that is ^ of a great part 
 of it. 
 
 Secondly , I anfwer , That what is faid of the unlverfal corruption of the vifible 
 Church, is not delivered pofitively, but doubtfully, and upon fuppofition, not 
 grounded upon any matter of Fad : Jt is not improbable , and if we were put to our ^' '^'' 
 Oaths, wejhould furely tejlifie no fuch thing for you ■■, which words do follow imme- 
 diately in the place formerly cited. And in another place , Neither tofuppofe a vifible 
 Church , before Luther , which did not err, is to comrade this ground of Dr. Potters , 
 that the Church may err, unlefs you will have its believe that may be and muft be is all 
 one , and that all which may be true, is true. Neither Dr. Totter , nor Mr. Chilling- 
 worth, did ever maintain a feparation from the whole Chriftian World in any one C. $.P. »73' 
 thing , but from fome Churches in one thing , from fome in another , not necefia- 
 ry to Salvation , wherein they difTented one from another. That which is one and the Tert. 
 fame in all places, is no err our , but delivered by Cbriji and his Apoflles. St. Auftine 
 gives nor much more latitude, Ihat which the whole Church holds , and was not injii- 
 tuted by Councils , but alwayes retained , is rightly elleemed to have been delivered by ^ a.c 
 Apolhlical Authority. Let Mr. Chillingworth be his own Interpreter, It is one thing Don. c. a j. 
 to feparate from the Communion of the whole World, another to feparate from all the «• *• P- io2. 
 Communions in the f For Id : One thing to divide from them who are ttnited amona them- 
 felves , another to divide from them , who are divided among themfelves. The Donatifts 
 feparated from the whole Chrijlian World united , but Luther and his followers did notfo. 
 In all this , here is not a word againft the Church of England , nor any thing mate- 
 rial againft any particular Proteftant. A perfed: harmony and unanimity were to be 
 wiflied in the Univerfal Church, but fcarcely to be hoped for ( until this mortal rtncewSg 
 hath put on immortality ) in all difputable Queftions. The Romanijis have no fuch the RomaiijU 
 perfedt Unity in their own Church , perhaps as many real Differences , as there are ^^ between 
 between us and the GrfcM^J- , or between us and themfelves i but onely they arc j!'^™ '""'^ '^^^ 
 pleafed to nickname the one Herefies , and to honour the other with the Title of churches or 
 Scholaftical Queftions. Our communicating with Schifmaticks hath been already an- "S- 
 fwered. C i.S. i?. 
 
 In the later part of this Chapter, he chargeth me with Four faults at a time, able ^^q , 
 to break a back of Stech Firft , That I endeavour to clear the Englifh Froteftant 
 Church from Schifm , but not other Troteftant Churches. I do not underftand exadlly 
 the Hiftory of their Reformation , nor the Laws and Priviledges of Forreign par- 
 ticular Churches. ^«i pauca confider at facile pronuntiat i He that confidereth few cir- 
 cumftances , giveth the Sentence cafily, but feldom juftly. He addeth , That ei- 
 ther it argues little Charity in me, or little skjll to defend them. And elfewhere he in' 
 ftanceth in the Scottifli and French Huguenots , and layeth down the reafon of my - - . 
 fiknce , hecaufe J condemn them as Schifmaticks , for wanting that Epifcopacy , which I "'* ' 
 require as efientially necejfary to a Catholick^Church. In the mean time let him remem- 
 ber, what it is to raife difcord and make variance, Prov. 6. 16. If the want of 
 
 Epi-
 
 164- 
 
 A Juji Vtndtcation 
 
 T O M b: I. 
 
 Whether all 
 thofe be Schif- 
 maticks "ho 
 want EiftiopS' 
 
 IhtRimatiillt 
 no fit perfons 
 to objeft 
 Schifra to Pre- 
 teAaat!. 
 
 Epifcopacy were my onely reafon , why do I not defend the Bohemian Brethren , 
 the Vanijh , Srvedijh , and feme German Proteftants , all which have Bifhops ? But 
 becaufe he preffeth me fo much , I will give him a farther account of my felf in this 
 particular than I intended, or am obliged. 
 
 I confefs I do not approve tumultuary Reformations , made by a giddy ignorant 
 multitude , according to the Didates of a feditious Oratour. But withall I mud 
 tell him , that God would not permit evil , but that he knows how to extraft 
 good out of evil \ and that he often ufeth ill Agents to do his own works, yea, 
 even to reform his Church. Jehu was none of the beft men , yet God ufed him to 
 purge his Church, and to take away the Priefts of Baal. The treafon of Judas 
 became fubfervient to the fecret Councels of God, for the Redemption of the world 
 by the Crofs and'Paflion of Chrift. I do alfo acknowledge , That Epifcopacy was 
 comprehended in the Apoftolick Office , tanquam trigontK in teiragom , and that the 
 diftindtion was made by the Apoftles with the approbation of Chrift ■, That the 
 Angels of the Seven Churches in the Kevelation , were Seven Bifhops ', That it is the 
 moTt filly ridiculous thing in the World, to calumniate that for a Papal Innovation, 
 which was eftabliflied in the Church before there was a Pope at Kome ■■, which hath 
 been received and approved in all Ages fince the very Cradle of Chriftianity , by all 
 forts ofChnRians, Europeans, Affricans ^Afiatick^ , Indians, many of which never had 
 any intercourse with Kome , nor fcarcely ever heard of the name of Rome, 
 If femper, ubique, & ab omnibm, be not a fufficient plea , I know not what is. 
 
 Butbecaule I elkem them Churches not compkatly formed, do I therefore ex- 
 clude them from all hope of Salvation ? or efteem them Aliens and Strangers from 
 the Commonwealth of Jfiael ? or account them formal Schifmaticks ? No flich 
 thing. Firft , I know there are many learned Perfons among them , who do paf- 
 fionately affedt Epifcopacy ■■, feme of which have acknowledged to my fcif , that 
 their Church would never be rightly fettled until it was new moulded. Baptifin 
 is a Sacrament, the door of Chriftianity, a matriculation into the Church of Chrift: 
 Yet the very defire of it in cafe of necellity , is fufficient to excufe from the want 
 of adual Baptifm. And is not the defire of Epifcopacy fufficient to excufe from the 
 adtual want of Epifcopacy in like cafe of necellity ? Or (hould I cenfure thefe as 
 Schifmaticks ? 
 
 Secondly, There are others , who though they do not long Co much for Epifco- 
 pacy , yet they approve it , and want it onely out of invincible neceffity. In fome 
 places the Sovereign Prince is of another Communions the Epifcopal Chairs are fil- 
 led with Rowi/& Bifhops. If they fhould petition for Bifhops of their own , it 
 would not be granted. In other places , the Magiftrates have taken away Bifhops, 
 whether out of policy , becaufe they thought that Regiment not fo proper for their 
 Republicks, or becaufe they were afhamed to take away the Revenues, and pre- 
 ferve the Order , or out of a blind Zeal, they have given an account to God : they 
 owe none to me. Should I condemn all thefe as Schifmaticks for want of Epifcopa- 
 cy, who want it out of invincible necellity > 
 
 Thirdly , There are others who have neither the fame defires i nor the fame 
 efteem of Epifcopacy , but condemn it as an AntichrifHan Innovation, and a rag 
 of Popery. I conceive this to be mofl grofs Schifm materially. It is Ten times 
 more Schifmatical to defert , nay , to take away ( fo much as lies in them) the 
 whole Order of Bifhops , than to fubflradl obedience from one lawful Bifhop. AH 
 that can be faid to mitigate this fault is , that they do it ignorantly , as they have 
 been miffaught and mifinformed. And I hope that many of them are free from ob- 
 ftinacy , and hold the Truth implicitely in the preparation of their minds , being 
 ready to receive it , when God fhall reveal it to them. How far this may excufe 
 ( not the crime, but ) their perfons from formal Schifm, either a mo or a tantn, I de- 
 termine not, but leave them to ftand or fall before their own Mafler. 
 
 But though thefe Proteffants were worthy of this contumely, yet furely the Ko- 
 manifis are no fit perfons to objcdt it , whofe opiniajhety did hinder an Uniform Re- 
 formation of the Welfern Church. Who did firft inveit Presbyters with Epifcopal 
 Jurifdidion, and the power of Ordaining and Confirming , but the Court of Rome, 
 by their Commillions and Delegations , for avaritious ends ? And could they think 
 
 that
 
 Discourse III. Of the Chnrcb of Eughnd. i5t- 
 
 that the World would believe, that neceliity is not as ftrong and eifedtual a dif- 
 penfation as their mercenary Bulls ? It is not at all material , whether Epifcopacy 
 and Priefthood be Two diltinct Orders , or diftin(fl Degrees of the fame Orders 
 the one fubordinate to the others whether Epifcopal Ordination do introduce a 
 new Charader , or extend the old. For it is generally confeiTed by both Parties 
 Protcftants and Rom<i«-Catholicks , that the fame power and authority is necelTarv 
 to the extenfion of a Charafter , or grace given by Ordination , which is required 
 to the Inrtitution of a Sacrament , that is not Humane, but Divine. Thefe avari- 
 cious pradices of that Court , ( though it be not commonly obferved ) were the 
 Firft fource of thefe prefent controverfies about Epifcopacy and Ecclefiaftical Difci- 
 pline, which do now fo much difturb the peace of the Church. 
 
 The Second fault which he imputeth to mo is , That I endeavour to clear the Eng- 
 ]i(h Church from Schifm onely in relation to the Church of Rome , not to all other Chur- 
 ches. It was altogether needlefs to have troubled his own head , or his Readers 
 with this. For Firft , He efteems none of all thofe Churches to be true Churches , 
 hux a Maji of Mongers , an Hydra of many heads, or fo many Packs of Hereticks' C.2.S.6. 
 and Schifmaticks, making the Koman Church and the Catholick Church to be 
 Convertibles. Secondly , It had not onely been vain , but a fign of guilt , to make 
 a defence before we were accufed. None of thofe Churches , nor any body elfe 
 that ever I heard of, hath accufed us for deferting them', before K. C. and he hath 
 received his Aufwer. If if had been needful, the Church of Kome had faved us that ^' *^''* ^'■^' 
 labour by ejccommunicating them before-hand. I onely wifh more intelligence be- 
 tween us and them. 
 
 My Third fault is , Th^t J endeavour principally to jufiife our feparation from the theChurchof 
 Romzn Church, for the perfonal faults of Tapes. And my Fourth fault is. That I EnUndhai 
 jujiifie our feparation from the Court of fs.omt for their evil manners. That this is not better groundt 
 lawful to do , he proves by fundry Authorities and Arguments , I think the rather ^^^^ perfonal 
 becaufe no man denies it , or doubts of it, or becaufe he would infinuate to his ^^^^^^^^^^ 
 Fveader that we do deny it. If he had pleafed , he might have contradled thefe 
 Two faults into one. 'The Pope and his Court make but One Confiftory , and per- 
 fonal faults , and evil manners are the fame thing. It had been needful to have 
 joyned thern together , to give them a little more weight : for being twifted they 
 weigh not half a grain. Firft , I deny that we hold perfonal faults or evil' man- 
 ners a fufficient caufe of feparation. Secondly , That feparation \yhich was made 
 was made by themfelves , not by us. Thirdly, I deny that the Pope , or Court of 
 ^ome ever had right to any Jurifdidion over us: and if they ever had any pretence 
 of right , we had other manner of grounds for feparation than evil manners : As 
 new Articles of Faith i obtruding of idolatrous , fuperftitious , and finful Duties. 
 groG Ufurpation of the Rights of the Sovereign Prince, and all Orders and degrees 
 of Subjeds, the overthrow or endangering of the publick peace and tranquillity of 
 the Kingdom : unlawful Oaths contrary to our Allegiance to our King, contrary to ' 
 
 that Duty which all Chriltians do owe to General Councils ; And Laftly,the Pope's 
 quitting of his Patriarchal Power. Yet by his leave. Tyranny, Opprelfion, and 
 Rapine, are fbmewhat more than perfonal faults, and may be jull grounds to Prin- 
 ces and Commonwealths to fubftrad obedience , until there be a Reformation of 
 exorbitant Abufes. Some perfonal faults , as Simony and Schifm, may give juft 
 occafion to Chriltians to feparate from pretended Popes. But there are other faults 
 inherent in the Office of the Pope , not his Epifcopal Office , which was inflituted 
 ty Chrift or his Apoftles i nor his Patriarchal Office , which was inftituted by the 
 Church i but his pretended Monarchical Office , whereby he hath ufljrped a Power 
 paramount over the higheft Tribunal of the Church , that is, a General Council, 
 whereof more (hall be faid in due place. Thefe faults give juft caufe to a General '»/• <• 7- ft 
 Council to feparate the Popes themfelves , and to take away their domineering 
 Courts i or to a Sovereign Prince with a National Council , to ftiake off their Ty- 
 rannical Yoke. 
 
 € H A P.
 
 r^5 A Juft Vindication T O M E I- 
 
 C H A P. II. 
 
 Concerning the jiating of the Qnefiion, 
 
 Sea u T ^ ftating the Queftion I obferved this Method i Firft, To fliew what Ecckfia- 
 
 I ftical Separations were not Schifmatical. As Firft , Thofe Separations which 
 proceed out of a fudden paflionate heat, without attempting to make any par- 
 ties , as thofe between St. Taul and 'Barnabas •, St. Uierome and Kuffinuf i St. Chry- 
 fojiome and Epphanius. Secondly , Premeditated cla(hings of Bifhops or Churches 
 long maintained ( if they forbear to cenfure one another, and be ready to fubmit to 
 the Determination of a General Council ) are not Schifmatical ; as thofe between 
 the Koman and African Bifliops about Appeals and Rebapti^ation. Thirdly, Where 
 juft caufe of Separation is given j for there the Separaters are innocent , and they 
 who give the caufe are Schifmaticks. Fourthly , Separation , from an erroneous 
 Church, or Paftor , in their Errors. Ofallthefe, and their Proofs , K. C. takes 
 no notice at all, butpafleth filentlyby them, without either granting, denying , or 
 diftinguifliing. 
 
 The Firft Exception that he takes , is againft my Two fuppofed Definitions of 
 F. $7. P. 8. Schifm : The former is , Schifm U a crimimuf fcijlitre , rent , or division in the Church, 
 an Ecclefiaftical Sedition , likf to a mutiny in an Army , or a faUion in a State. The 
 P. 60. P. 13. Second , Meet Schifm is a culpable rupture or breach of the Catholic\_ Communion. And 
 P -^ to fupply my dcfcdl , he promileth a better Definition of his own. "True Schifm 
 
 ' ' a voluntary divifmt in fame fubfiantial part of the true Church. Really , I do not won- 
 
 der if my Definitions be not comp!ear. I do not take my felf to have fo happy a 
 vein , that all that I utter fhould be a Definition. I did not hold it needful , nor 
 had any purpofe to define Schifhi, but onely to explain it, which my very words 
 might have taught him. Schifm fgnifes a criminous figure , not is , but fignifies. 
 And thofe Two fimilitudes added to the foot of my pretended Definition, lil^e a 
 mutiny in an Army , orfaUion in a State. Similitudes are apt to illuftrate , but not 
 to define. The Definition and the thing defined are ever the farpe. Thofe thing/ 
 which are like one another, are never the fame. But let us view h^s grand Exce- 
 ptions to my fuppofed Definitions. 
 All Schifm Is My Firft great fault is. That I do not exprefsit thus: in feme fuhtlaniiat part nr parts 
 notinElTcn- of the Church. For aV Schifmisinefentials, otherrvife divifion in Ecckfiajlical Ceremo- 
 *"'*• niet, or Scholafiical Opinions Jhould be Schifm. Here is nothing new but his reafon, 
 
 to which I Anfwer, that all differences in Rites and Ceremonies are.not Schifmati- 
 cal i but if unlawful or finful Rites be obtruded by any Church, as a condition of 
 their Communion, and a feparation enfue thereupon ■■, the Obtrudcrs of finful Rites, 
 and they who break the Unity of the Church, for difference in indifferent:" Rites, are 
 guilty of Schifm. So likewife Scholaftical Opinions are free, and may be defended 
 both ways Scholaftically i but if they be obtruded Magifterially upon Chriftians as 
 neceffary Articles of Faith, they render the obtruders truly Schifmatical. This is 
 the cafe of the Church of Rome in both thefe particular inftances : and therefore it 
 is not true, that all Schifm is a Divifion in the effentials of Religion, or. its fuhfian- 
 tial parts. When Pope ViSor Excommunicated the Eaftern Churches about the ob- 
 fervation of Eafter, the difference was but about Rite, aut Kitus potius tempore ( faith 
 a Roman Catholick ) or rather the time of a Rite. Yet it occafioned a Schifm, for 
 cither ViSfor's Key did err, znd then he was the Schifmaticki or it did not err, and 
 then they were the Schifmaticks. What the opinion of Iren£us and the Fathers of 
 that age was, Eujebius tells us, that their Letters were extant, whf rein they chid 
 Vi&or fharply about it. There was much and long contention between the Sees of 
 Rome and Conjiantinopk, concerning the Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidion of Bulgaria , a 
 weer humane Rite, nothing to the fubftance of the Church. And John the Eighth 
 
 Ex-
 
 Discourse 1 1 1. Of the Church of England. 
 
 167 
 
 Bjr. AnnaU 
 an. 8781 
 
 Excommunicated Ignatius the Patriarch about it. Here was a Schifin, but no ciTcnti- 
 al of Religion concerned. How many grofs Schifms have been in the Church of 
 Jlow^ meerly about the due eled:ion of their Popes, a matter of humane right, 
 which was fometimes in the Emperors, (bmetimcs in the People, fometimes in the 
 whole Roman Clergy, and now in the Colledge of Cardinals!" EfTcntials of Religi- 
 on ufe not to be Co mutable. 
 
 Nay, 1 believe that if we fearch narrowly into the firft fource and Original of all 
 the famous Schifhris that have been in the Church, as Novatianij'm , and Vonjtifm^ 
 &c. we fliall find that it was about the Canons of the Church, no fubftantials of 
 Religion. Novatians hrft reparation from Cornelius, was upon pretence that he him- 
 felf was more diiely eleded Bifliop of Kome, not about any efTential of Religion. I 
 
 The firtl Original of the Schifm of the Vonatilh, was becaufe the Catholick Church 
 would not Excommunicate them who were accufed to have been trjditores. On 
 the other fide, feliajftmui raifcd a SchiGn in the Church of Carthage, and fet up Altar 
 againft Altar, becaufe the laffi,or thofe who had fallen in time of perrccution,might 
 not prefently be reftored,upon the mediation of the Confeffbrs, or,as they then ftiled 
 them. Martyrs. What Schifms have been railed in the Church of England about 
 round or fquare, white or black, about a Cap, or a Surpleft , or the fign of the 
 Crofs, or kneeling at the receiving of the blelfed Sacrament, or the ufe of the Ring 
 in Marriage? What bitter contentions have been among the Francifians in former 
 times about their Habits, what colour they fhould be, white, or black, or gray v and 
 what fafhion, long or fliort, to make them more conformable to the rule of St. 
 Francis > W ith that violence have thele petty quarrels been profecuted, in fo much Antimachh' 
 as two fucceeding Popes, upon two folemn hearings,durftnot determine them. And vel. h Epifi. 
 nothing was wanting to a complete Schifm but a (entence. ^^ ^f^* 
 
 He might have fpared his Second proofs of his three fubftantial parts, he meaneth 
 efTential properties, of the Church, until it had been once denyed. Yet I cannot 
 but obferve how he makes Herelle now worfe than Schifm, becaufe Herefy denyetb 
 the truth of God, which fitnfle Schifm doth not , whereas formerly he made Schifin 
 worfe than Idolatry. 
 
 The Second fauU whichhe imputeth to me is, That Jco«/o««J nteer Schijm with 
 Schifm mixed tcith Herefy, and bring in matters of faith to juiiifie our Vivifion from the 
 Roman Church. The fecond fault is like the former, both begotten in his own 
 , brain. Let him read my fuppofed definition over and over again, and he fhall not 
 find the leaft trace of any fuch confufion in it. To bring in their Errors in matter Errors in 
 of Faith, to juftifie us, not onely from Herefie, but from meer Schifm, is very pro- '^^ j,' '' •°ftfi'' « 
 per. He himfelf hath already confefTed it : I hope he will ftand to his word, for it fcparation, 
 is too evident a Truth to be denyed i that fuppofing they hold Errors in matters of 
 Faith, and make thefe their Errors a condition of their Communion ; it is not one- 
 ly lawfttl, hut necejjary, and a virtue to fe^arate from them. Their very Errors in mat- 
 ters of Faith, and their impofing them upon us as neceflary Articles, do juftifie a 
 feparation from them, and acquit us before God and man from all criminous Schifm 
 ■whether meer or mixed. The fin of Korah, Vathan, and Abiram was not mccr 
 Schifm, but Ambition, Treafon, and Rebellion. Korafc would have had the High- 
 Priefthood from Aaron\ and Vathan and Abiram would have been (bvereign Princes 
 in the place of Mofes, by right of the Primogeniture of Kuben. 
 
 So he proceeds to my other Definition. Meer Schifm is a culpable Rupture or breach 
 of the Catholick^Communion,to which he faith I add in the next page, rvithout fuffici- 
 ent ground, and (hould have added alfo, in Sacraments or lawful Minijiry, and Laftly 
 have (hewed,what is ay«j^cie«* ^o«W. But he miftakes throughout : for Firft to 
 ^ave added without fufficient grounds, had been a needlefs Tautology, which is 
 not tolerable in a Definition. To fay that it is culpable, implies that it wants fuffi- 
 cient grounds. For if it had fufficient grounds, it were not culpable. Secondly, 
 to have added in Sacraments or lawful Miniftry,had been to fpoil the Definition, or 
 De(criptionrather,and to make it not convertible with the thing Defined or Def- 
 cribed. I have (hewed that there are many meer Schifms, that are neither in Sacra- 
 ments nor lawful Miniftry. . Laftly, I have (hewed what are fufficient grounds, and 
 that the Church of Rome gave fufficient caufe of feparation, if he pleaic to take It 
 into conlideration. He
 
 68 
 
 A Juji Vindication 
 
 TOME 1. 
 
 StH. s. 
 Mcnral Schifm. 
 
 I John 3. i5> 
 Rom 5.99. 
 
 Sea. %• 
 
 Communion 
 in all points 
 of Faith not 
 neceffary al- 
 ways. 
 
 Sacraments 
 purely and 
 corruptly Ad- 
 miniftred the 
 fame Sacra- 
 ments. 
 
 He faith, internal Comnimion if not necejjary to mak^ a matt a Member of a vijible 
 Churchy or t» maks him a Catholickj, neither is it put into the definiiion of the Church. 
 Let it be ^o, I am tar from fuppoling that none but Saints are within the Commu- 
 nion of a true vifible Church : But I am fure it is a good caution both for tliem 
 and us. There is a mental Schifm as well as a mental Murther. IVJ.'ojoever hateth 
 hii Brother U a Murtherer. What will it avail a man to be a Catholick in the eye of 
 the World, and a Schifmatick in the eye of God ? to be a Member of the vifible 
 Church, and to be caftinto utter darknefs ? He is not ajen> who is one outwardly^ 
 neither is that Circumcision which is outward in the flejh. But he is a Jew who is one 
 inwardly ^ani Circumcifwn is that of the heart. ( So he is not a Catholick who is one 
 outwardly, but he who is a Catholick inwardly ; whofc praife is not of men, but of 
 Cod. 
 
 Then I fet down wherein the external Communion of Catholicks doth confill , 
 in the fame Creeds or Confelfions of Faith, in the participation of the fame Sacra- 
 ments, in the fame Liturgies or divine Offices, in the ufe of the fame publick Rites 
 and Ceremonies, in the Communicatory Letters, and admiffion of the fame Dif. 
 cipline. Thefc Obfervations about the parts of the Catholick Communion, are Co 
 innocent, fo indifferent, and fo unfubfervient to either party, that I hoped they might 
 pafs without any cenfure. But behold there is not one of them can efcape an ex- 
 ception. To the Firft part of Catholick Communion in the fame Creeds, he takes 
 Two exceptions i tiri\Th:xt Communion in Faith is pretended afufficient excufe from 
 true Schifm. Fear it not i no man dreameth that Communion with the Church in 
 her Creed doth acquit from Schifm i but not Communicating with the Church in 
 her Creed, doth make both Schifm and Herefie. The having of Faith doth not 
 fupply the want of Charity i but the want of one necefTary requifite, renders the 
 having of another infufficient. Bonum ex fingulis circumflantiis^ malum ex quolibet 
 defeBu. 
 
 His Second Exception is. That triiefaving faith requireth not onely a Communion 
 in the Creed, but in all Gods words cleerly revealed to him, and fufficiently propofed. I 
 Anfwer, What is necefTary for this man, at this time, in this place, is one thing > 
 what is neceflary for all Chriltians, at all times, in all places, is another thing. 
 Though all revealed truths be alike neceffary to be believed, when they are known, 
 yet all revealed truths are not alike neceffary to be known. And they who know 
 them net, are not obliged to Communicate in the belief of them, until they know 
 them. So to believe them when they are revealed to us, is a neceffary duty of all 
 Chriftians ; And yet the explicite belief of them is no neceffary part of Chriftian 
 Communion. He that holds faft the old Creed of the Church, hath all things that 
 are abfblutely neceffary in point of Faith. Perhaps he thinks that the determinati- 
 on of the Koman Church is a fufficient propofal : we know no fuch thing. Let 
 him Firft win the privilege and then enjoy it. 
 
 To the Second and Third parts of Catholick Communion he objeds. That it is 
 not fu^cient to participate in Catholic)^ Sacraments, unlefi it be done with Catholickj, 
 This is true. How can they be parts of Catholick Communion, if no Catholicks 
 do participate of them ? But here are Two advertifements necefTary : the One, 
 that Sacraments purely Adminiftred, and Sacraments corruptly Adminiftred, fo long 
 as the Abufes do not deflroy the EfTence, are the fame Sacraments. As Baptifm 
 Adminiftrcd in pure water, and Baptifm Adminiflred with Salt and Spittle alfb, is 
 the fame BaptiCn. The other, that it is not any Church of one denomination what- 
 foever, either Koman or other, that either is the Catholick Church, or is to Judge 
 under Chrift who are true Catholicks. There are many more Catholicks without 
 the Roman Communion, than within it. Our Separatifls in England having Firfl: 
 laid their own drowfie conceits for infallible grounds, that their Difcipline is the 
 Scepter of Chrift, that they alone are Zion, and all other Societies Babylon ; then 
 they apply all the power, and priviledges, and prerogatives of the Church unto 
 themf^lves. So the Church of Kome having flattered it felf into an Opinion, that 
 fhe alone is the Catholick Church, and all other Churches divided from her. Hereti- 
 cal or Schifmatical Conventicles, though they be Three or Four times larger than 
 her felfi prefently lays hold on the Keys of the Church, opens and fhuts, lets in and 
 thrufls out, makes Catholicks and unmakes Catholicks, at her pleafure. He
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of England. " ^ — J^ — ' 
 
 He tels us That the Cmmmion of the Church doth not neceffarily imply the fame Ritet 
 and Ceremonies. I know it right well. The Queens Daughter was arraied in a 
 Garment wrought about with clivers colours. No men have been fo much to 
 blame as the Church of Rome, in obtruding indifferent Rites as neceffary duties 
 upon other Churches. But yet the more Harmony and Uniformity that there is in 
 Rites, the greater is the Communion. The Church is compared to an Army with 
 Banners. What a diforderly Army would it be, if every Souldier was left free to 
 wear his ownColours, and to give his own Words? 
 
 I know the Communion of the Church did not conlift in Communicatory Let- 
 ters, but they were both exprellions, and excellent helps and adjuments, of Unity, 
 and Antidotes againrt Schifm. What he faith now the Third time of our Com- 
 municating with Schifmaticks, hath been anfwercd already. 
 
 Wherefore ( faith hc)fince I. D. hath failed fo many ways in defining Schifm let tw Setl 4' 
 define it better. And then he brings in his Definition Triumphantly : Irue Schifm is ' 
 a voluntary divifion in fame fubfiantial part of the true Church, that is, in fome effential 
 of Chriflian Religion. Where lyes the difference > I call it a feparation, and he 
 calls it a divifion-, I fay culpable, and he faith voluntarily i omnis culpa eft vohmta- 
 ria. My exprellions are more fignificant and Emphatical. All the difference lyes 
 in theCe words, in fome fublianiial part of the true Church. Which fot the form of 
 exprelh'onis improper, to make Effential Properties to be fubllantial parts •, and for 
 the matter is molt untrue : for there have been, are, and may be, many Schifms 
 •which do not concern any Effentials of Chrillian Religion. I would borrow one 
 word more with him, why he calls it rather <? divifion of the true Church, than a di- fo'lSSo f'ill 
 vifion from the true Church. I know fome Kmj«-Catholicks have doubted and remain in the 
 fufpended their judgments, whether Schifmaticks be ftill Members of the Catholick Catholick 
 Church, others have determined that they are : And we are of the fame mind, that ^'^"■"<^''- 
 in part they do remain ftill coupled and mortifed to the Church, that is in'thofe 
 things wherein they have made no feparation, ex ea parte in textura compage detinen- 
 tur, in c£tera fcifi funt. And that in this rcfpedt, the Catholick Church by their j «/» f . i 
 Baptifm doth beget Sons and Daughters to God. And we think we have St. Au- deslft. c«»I. 
 fiin for us in this alfo. Vna efi Ecclefm qu£ fola Catholica mminatur, & quicquid fuum DtHaiiJiat, 
 hahet in Communionibuf diverforum hfich unitate feparatis, per hoc quod fuum in iii habet 
 itfa utique general, non ilU. This perhaps is contrary to R. C. his Opinions how- ^^"" '• '"• 
 ioever we thank him for it : But we do not think Schifmaticks to be equally' in the 
 Church with Catholicks, nor to be capable of Salvation, without Repentance par- 
 ticular or general. 
 
 He faith. That Vniverfal Schtfm or a divifion from the rohole Church U altfays xviclt- 
 td, becaufe the Vniverfal Church, can give no jujl caufe of divifion from her. And he 
 proves it out of St. Jufiin: His words are thek,fi pofunt, quod fieri non potefl, aliqui Autufl. Ep.i9; 
 babereiullameaufain,quaCommunionemfuamfeparent a Communione orbii terrarum. If 
 any could have ajuficaufe to feparate their Communion fi'om the whole Communion nf 
 the rehole IForld, which cannot be. Let him always bring fuch proofs which concern 
 not us, but make diredtly againft himfelf. Itisthey whohavefeparated them- 
 (elvcs from the Convmunion of the whole World, Grecian, Ruffian, Armenian 
 Abifjtne, Ptoteftant, by their cenfures. We have made no abfolute (eparation even 
 from the R3»M« Church it Celt'. I fay more, that all Schifm whether Univerlal or 
 particular is wicked. But ftill he confounds Schifm, which is always unlawful 
 Vvith fepcration which is many times lawful, ( I take the word accordin"^ to its ufe* 
 riot according to its derivation. ) Hear R. C. his ingenuous ConfeUion in this 
 place, which overthrowes and calls flat to die ground, all that he hath endeavou- 
 rfed to build in this Survey. Neither indeed, can there be any fubjiantial divifion fi-om ^j <-. hhcoa^ 
 sny particular Church, nnkfl fhe be really Hefeticalor Schifmatical. I fay really, becaufe felfioo. 
 Jhe maybe really Heretical or Sehifmatical,and yet morally a true particular Church be- 
 caufe fhe U invincibly ignorant of Betefy or Schifm, and fo may require prpfejjion of her 
 Herefy,as a condition of Communicating with her, in which cafe divifion from her if nit 
 Schifm or Sin, but virtue and neceffary. Apply but this to the Roman and Englijh 
 Churches, and the controverfie is ended. The Roman Church is fuch a particular 
 Church as he hath here deferibed. The EngUfh Church hath been feparatcd, (but 
 
 R we
 
 170 A Jiift Vindication TOME T 
 
 we will luppofe cliat it had leparated it felf J from the Roman. In this cafe, by his 
 own confcilion, the Scliifm lyes at the door of the Roman Churcli, from which the 
 feparation was made, if they feparated Firft,from the pure primitive Church which 
 was before them, not locally, but morally. Yer, faith he, this Erroneous Church is 
 ftill moraVy a true particular Church. Either this Church hath not all effentials of a 
 Chriftian Church, and then how doth it ftill continue a. true Church > Or it hath 
 all the effentials, and then a true Church in (ubftancc may give juft ground to 
 fcparate from her in material Herefie and Schifm. I will be as free v^ith him con- 
 cerning the Univerfal Church. If any man or Society of Chriftians fcparate them- 
 felves from the United Communion of the whole Catholick Church , difperfcd 
 throughout the World, I cannot excufe him from Schifm. For whether the Ca- 
 tholick Church of this prefent Age may err or not, this is certain (he cannot err Uni- 
 verfally in any thing that is neceffary to Salvation, nor with obftinacy. And other 
 inferiour errors (if there be any fuch ) are not of weight enough to yield fufficient 
 ground of feparation, from the Communion of the Catholick Church United. 
 But for the divided parts of the Catholick Church, a man may differ from all of 
 them in inferior points, forrie in one thing, fome in another, wherein they differ one 
 from another, and fcparate* from fome of them in their errors without criminous 
 Schifm i And yet maintain a perfect Union with the Catholick Church United. 
 
 I muft not here forget to put R. C. in mind, of fundry Propofitions laid down 
 
 by me in this place, tending much to the clearing of this prefent Controverfic, all 
 
 which he paffeth by untouched : as this. That external Communion may fome- 
 
 timesbclawfuUyfufpcnded, or withdrawn : That there is not the like neceliity of 
 
 Communicating in all externals : That Catholick Communion implies not Unity 
 
 in all Opinions : That inferiors in fome cafes may lawfully fublirad: Communion 
 
 '• from their Superiors, and in fpecial the Bifhop of Rome: That in tradt of time, 
 
 abules will creep into Chriftian Churches, and ought to be reformed. 
 
 Se8. 5. Onely whereas I faid in the Vindication, that the ancient 'BritannkkS-hmch.ts were 
 
 never judged,(' that is cenfured by a judgment of Jurifdidion ) to be Schifmaticks 
 
 for their different obfervation of Eafier^ ( he faith ) they rvere judged Schifmatkkf^ 
 
 both hy Catholick^ of that time, and ftnce, and Froteflants, and that he hath proved it in 
 
 one of his Treatifes. I never faw hisTrcatife,but I know his manner of proof well 
 
 ''^■'1 elf ""h (Enough. I fay it over again, that I do not believe that they were ever judged 
 
 D«vcr judged" Schifmaticks for it, either by the Church, or by a Council, or by any lawful or fup- 
 
 Schifinaticks: pofed Superior, which ftiews plainly that they were not under the Jurifdidionof 
 
 the Bifhop of Rome. For it is not credible that he fhould Excommunicate the 
 
 ^Ji^/icfcBifhopsfor that obfervation, and fuffer his own Subjects to differ from him 
 
 under his Nofe, which is the onely reafon why I urged it. And I exped the proof 
 
 .of the contrary at the Greeks Calends. My Affertion is Negative, that they were 
 
 not fentenced as Schifmaticksi this is Affirmative, that they were cenfured. The 
 
 burthen of the proof lyes upon him. Let him (hew who judged them, when, and 
 
 where, or that they were cenfured at all. 
 
 Se8,6. I (hewed clearly in the Vindication, out of the Colloquy between the Catho- 
 
 licks , and Vonatijh at Carthage , that the Catholick Church is no Church of one 
 
 denomination, but the whole Chriftian World. True, faith he, Neither the 
 
 Whanuhe^^ Chttrch of the City of Rome , Kor of Affrick , is the Catholic^ Church, but the xphok 
 
 ^j.^^ ' Church ofChrijl. By the Church of Rome , I underftand not either the Church of 
 
 the City of Rome , or the Diocefs of Rome , or the Patriarchate of Rome , but all 
 
 ,Churches of the Roman Communion , which altogether do not make the Fourth 
 
 part of the Chriftian World. Yea, (aith he, but the whole Church is not fuch a muU 
 
 titude^ or multitudes , of Chriftians who agreed onely in Fundamentals , but difaff-ee in 
 other foints of Faith , and differ tphoVy in Communion of Sacraments. All thefe great 
 multitudes of Chriftians, he feareth not to call a mafs of Monfters , and an Hydra of 
 many Heads, becaufe they are not xpholly one inprofe0on of Faith, Communion of Sa- 
 craments , and lawful Miniftery, as that Catholick Primitive Church was. 1 won- 
 (der he fhould forget their own diftindtion of the Virtual, Reprefentative, and EfTen- 
 tial Church , that is , the(e multitudes of difper(ed Chriftians. I hope there be 
 others that will not fleight them (b much. I confefs, that the Primitive Catholick 
 
 Church
 
 Discourse III, Of the Church of Enghnd. 171 
 
 Church had an exadl Communion in all EfTentials , or Fundamentals , and in ma- 
 ny other things. But that they had differences alfb of kfTer moment in points of 
 Dodrine and Difcipline , and forms of Adminiftration of the Holy Sacraments , 
 and Liturgies , no man-can doubt that hath his eyes in his head. Vet theie lefler 
 inconfiderable differences could produce no Schifm , whileft one Church did not 
 condemn another , and all did fubmit themfelves to the determination of a General 
 Council, as the higheft Judge of controverfies upon Earth. The reafbn of their 
 Agreement was plainly this , becaufe all Churches received the Primitive Creed , 
 and no Church exacted more in point of Faith than the Primitive Creed. It would 
 better become the Church of Rome, to repent of their rafh temerarious cenfure, in 
 excluding above Three parts of the Chriftian World from the Communion of 
 Saints , out of Paffion and Self intereft , becaufe they will not acknowledge the Su- 
 premacy of the Roman Biihop, no more than their Predeceflbrs did before them , Interefl makes 
 from the beginning. If thefe difperfed and defpifed multitudes of Chrijiians would Catholicks 
 but fubmit to the Roman Yoke, their Religion would be found Orthodox enough, ""aom^"*"^' 
 and they would no longer be held a mafs of Mongers , and an Hydra of many Heads , 
 butpafsmufter for good Catholicks. Take an Inftance or Two. Ot' all thefe j-j^^^_ 3 j^^j^ , 
 multitudes of Chrijiians , the ASyriayts , or the Nejiorians^ have not the beft repute, cited "by Da- 
 Yet when Eliof , a petty Patriarch of Muzal , fubmitted to the Bi(hop of Rome , ftor Field L 
 and fent the confellion of his Faith , it was found to be Orthodox. Of later days, 3- «• i» 
 about the year 15575. when part of the RuJJians , fubjcd to the Crown of Poland^ 
 fubmitted themfelves to the Papacy , becaufe they could not have free accefs to the 
 Patriarch of Conjiantinople i in their fiibmiiiion they articled for the free exercife of j^^^ j^j^. 
 the Greeks Religion. To come nearer home. This is certain, that Pius the Fourth 
 fent Vincentio Parpilia with Letters of Credence to Queen Elizabeth , with 
 fecret Inftrudionsi for he intreated her in his Letter, to give the jame credit to his 
 Agent , which Jhe vcould do to himfelf. If thefe Inftruftions were not written , we 
 need not wonder. Such Inftrudtions are not to be feen publickly , unlefs they 
 take eifed. But fome of our Authours of great note , in thefe days write pofitive- 
 ly , others probably , upon common report , that he offered the Pope's Confirma- Babing. upoa 
 tion of the Englijh Liturgy , and the free ufe of the Sacrament in both kinds , &c. ^'*""'"' f • 7' 
 {b the would joyn vvith the Romijh Church , and acknowledge the Primacy of the ^ m An I 
 Chair of Rome. It is Intereft , not Religion, that rfiakes Catholicks , and Here- Elif.An.isioi 
 ticks , or Schifmaticks , with the Court of Rome. Laftly , All thefe famous Chur- 
 ches , or the mofl of them , which he calls ( multitudes of Chriftians ) have a 
 perfcdt concord both among themfelves , and with the Primitive Church , in all 
 Effentials. How fhould it be otherwife , whileft they hold the fame Creed with- 
 out Addition or Subftradion? They agree in moft lefTer Truths. They hold their 
 old Liturgies , and forms of Adminiftration of the Sacraments , with lefs variati- 
 on than the Church of Rome. If there be fome differences among them, the Ro~ 
 manijls have as great among themfelves. One of thefe Churches alone , the Church 
 o( ConjiantinopleJ:\ath as many dependents and adherents, as all the Churches of the 
 Roman Communion put together. And I believe , a greater harmony within it felf 
 in Dodrine, Sacraments, and Difcipline. Whereas he chargethme, that J /ro- 
 fefs to communicate voith the Catholicks Church onely in fundamentals, not in any other 
 thing , he wrongs me much , but himfelf more. For I profefs my felf ready to ad- 
 here to the united Communion of the true Catholick Church in all things, whether 
 they be Fundamentals or no Fundamentals v whether they be credenda or agenda , 
 things to be believed or to be pradiced. 
 
 He faith , T^he Church of Rome is not homogeneal rvith the Proteflant Church. This SeS- ?• 
 is true , qua tales as they are Roman and Proteftant. The Roman Church is not a 
 Proteftant Church , nor the Proteftant Church a Roman Church. Yet both the 
 one and the other may be homogeneous Members of the Catholick Church. Their . . _ 
 
 difference in Effentials B but imaginary. Yet he goes about to prove it by Three J^^^;"|„'aj^ 
 Arguments. Firft , An Idolatrous Church differs efftntiaHy from a irue Church. But ^ jjHy ^q],, 
 he faith , J charge the Church of Rome rvith Idolatry , in the Adoration of the Sacra- trous. 
 ment. Judge , Reader , if this be not like the envious man in the Fable, who was 
 contented to have one of his ovifl Eyes put out , that his Fellow might lofe both 
 
 R 2 his
 
 72 A Juji Vindication TOME I. 
 
 his Eyes He had rather his own Church (hould be queftioned of Idolatry , than 
 
 that the'Proteltant Church (hould be a coheir with her of Salvation. Becaufe the 
 
 I ctr. 12.16. £ar is not the Eye, it it tkrefore nut of the Body ? In the places alledged by him, I 
 
 do not charge the Church of Kome with Idolatry. In the one place I fpeak of the 
 
 Adoration of the Sacrament as an abufe, but not one word of Idolatry. In the 
 
 other place, I fpeak of the peril of Idolatry, but not a word of the Adoration of 
 
 the Sacrament. If he cite his Authpurs after this manner , he may prove what he 
 
 f"''Eucb c lilt. Again, the Sacrament if to be adored, faid the Council oi Trent ^ That is, 
 
 9jY' ' ' formally the Body and Blood of Chriji , fay fome of your Authours, we fay the fame. 
 
 The Sacrament , that is , the flecks of Bread and IFine , fay others. That we deny, 
 
 and elkem it to be Idolatrous. Should we charge the whole Church with Ido- 
 
 ■ latry,for the error of a party? LalUy I Anfwer,that a true Church out of invincible 
 
 ignorance may fall into material Idolatry. He himfelf confeiTeth that it may fall 
 
 in material Herefie and Schifmi And Schifm with him is worfe than Idolatry. 
 
 Though the Church of Kome do give divine Worlhip to the Creature, ( or at lealt 
 
 a party among them ) yet lam fo charitable as to hope, that they intend it to the 
 
 Creator. 
 
 From the Adoration of the Sacrament,he pafleth to J unification by fecial Faith onely^ 
 and from thence to thf^roptiatary Sacrifice in the Mafs. As if Two Churches could 
 not differ about any Quellicns,nay not in the forms of expreffion,but prefently the 
 one of them muft eeafe to be a true Church. I dare fay, that when I have decla- 
 Spcdal Faith red my Faith inthefe Two particulars, he dare not ftep one ftep beyond me. Or if 
 is no Article he do, he fteps into a manifeft Error. I do acknowledge true inherent righteouf- 
 »f our Creed. ^^^^ -^^ ^^^^ y^f^^ though imperfed, by which a Chriftian is rendred truly juil,a^ Gold 
 is true Gold, though it be mixed with fome drofs. But if Juftification be oppofcd 
 to condemnation, and figniHe a legal acquittal from guilt formerly contraded, as 
 Rm. 8. 33. jj ^ Qgj^ that JHJiifietb, who is he that condemneth ? Then it is the free Grace of God 
 that jultiheth us for the merits of Chrift, by the new Evangelical Covenant of be- 
 lieving. But where doth the Church of England teach, that man is juftified by (pe- 
 M rki6-i6. cial Faith? Nowhere. He that believeth and if Baptized pall be faved, that is a part 
 of the Catholick Faith : But I believe and am Baptized,thzt is juftifying Faith : There- 
 fore I JhaV be faved, thzt is fpecial Faith. There may be Catholick Faith without 
 juftifying Faith, and juftifying Faith without fpecial Faith, becaufe a man may truly 
 believe and yet not know Co alTuredly tliat he doth believe, and that he (hall perfe- 
 vere in his belief, as to be able to infer the Conclufion. Special Faith is a rare Jewel, 
 not to be acquired but by long experience, by being deeply radicated in holinefs, and 
 by the extraordinary grace of God. So far he errs from Truth,when he faith. That 
 JujiificatioH by fpecial Faith is prora & puppis, the Life and Soul and definition of a. 
 Trotejiant. But fuppofing it were true, what a ftrange arguing were this ? All 
 Proteftants believe juftification by fpecial Faith;But the Church of Rowe condemneth 
 fpecial Faith : Therefore the Proteftant and the Roman Church are not both true 
 Churches. As if it were impoftible for one true Church, to condemn the Opinions 
 of another. But we (hall meet with this fubjedl of fpecial Faith again. 
 Papids can And for his power to offer Sacrifice, Protejhntf have as much power as Komanijlt. 
 
 P^f^«"<* f° "° The holy Eucharift is a Commemoration, a Reprefentation, an Application of the 
 tlunl^Prore.'^^ all-fufficient propitiatory Sacrifice of the Crofs. If his Sacrifice of the Ma(s have 
 flantt. * any other propitiatory power or virtue in it, than to Commemorate, Reprefent, and 
 Apply, the merit of the Sacrifice of the Crofs, let him fpeak plainly what it is, 
 BeS. 1. 1. Je Beltarmine knew no more of this Sacrifice than we.Sacrificiumcrucis,8cc. The Sacrifice 
 Mi]t. e. 8$. f}jg Crofiremitteth aVfini pafl^prefent, and to come > feeing it acquired a moji fuffcient price 
 for the fins of the vohole World. And therefore that Sacrifice being finked, and fins 
 being remitted ■, there remains not any Oblation for fin lih^ to that, that is, for acqui- 
 ring a price or value for the remijfion of fins. To what ufe then (erves the Sacrifice of 
 the Mafs ? Hear him out. ASmcfunt^ Sec. There are yet, and will be unto the end of 
 the World, thofe to whom this price of deliverance is to be applyed. If this be all, as 
 clearly it is, to apply that price of deliverance, which Chrift paid for usi then what 
 noife have they raifed in the World to no purpofe? Then our Sacrifice is as good as 
 theirs. Of our not Communicating with them in Sacracients, he hath received an 
 
 ac-
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of En^hnd. 17:^ 
 
 account formerly v and of our Miniders wanting power to offer Sacrifice , he (hall 
 receive a juft account in due place. 
 
 I faid, that a man might render himfelf guilty of Heretical pravity four waysi ^'8 8 
 Firft, by disbelieving any fundamental Article of Faith, or neceflary part of faving Four wayj ro 
 Truth. For though Fundamentals onely be fimply neceflary to be known of all incur Hcietical 
 Chril^ians,yet there are many other Truths revealed by God, which being known, P"*''^* 
 are as neceflary to be believed as the Fundamentals themfelves, And to difcredit any 
 oneofthefelefler Truths, after it is known that God hath • revealed it, is as much 
 as' to deny the truth of God, or to deny all the Fundamentals put together. A- 
 gainft this he urgeth, that Herefie is incurred by disbelieving any point of Faith rohjt- 
 foever, if it be fufficiently propofed. Right, if it be fo propoled that a man knows 
 it to be a revealed truth, or might know it, if he did not obftinately (hut his eyes 
 againft evident liglir. But the Church of Kome is no fuch fufficient or infalHble 
 propofer, that every man is bound to receive its determinations as Oracles. But 
 R. C. leaves thefe words out of my difcourfe, [ or necejfary part of favin" truths 1 
 that is neceffary to fome pcrfons, in fome places, at fometimes, to whom they are 
 fufficiently revealed. Is this fair dealing ? 
 
 Secondly, I faid that the Hercfre was incurred, by believing fuperf^itious Errors 
 or Additions, which do virtually and by evident confequcnce, overthrow a funda- 
 mental truth. This is denied by R. C. becaufe Faith is an aflent to divine Revelations 
 upon the Authority of the Revealer, and therefore is neither gotten nor loH^ nor tJereJy in- 
 curred, by confequence. Doth he not know that whofoevcr believeth a revealed 
 truth, doth of neceifity believe all the evident con(equences of it > As he that be- 
 lieves that Chrift is God, doth of neceifity believe that he is eternal. And if he 
 maintain that erat quando non erat, There reus a time rvhen he rvof not, he doth impli- 
 citly deny his Deity, and incur the crime of Here(ie. Hath he forgotten what their 
 own Dodorsdo teach, that a ConcUtfion of Faith may be grounded upon one Fropofition Bell-de Eccie. 
 inevident (that is revealed ) and anotJjer Fropnfition evident, ( th:it is not revealed) mi7i». /.j.ciS- 
 but evident initfelf ? The Hypoftatical Union of the Two natures divine and hu- 
 mane in Chrift, is a fundamental truth, that the bleifed Virgin is the Mother of 
 God, that Chrilt had both a divine and humane will, are evident con(equences of 
 this truth, not exprefly revealed. Yet for denying the former Nejiorius, for denying 
 the later, the Monothelites were condemned as Hereticks. 
 
 Thirdly, Herefie may be incurred by obftinate perfifting in lefTer Errors, after a 
 man is convidled in his Con(cience, that they are Errors, either out of animofity, be- 
 caufe he (corns to yield, or out of Covetous, Ambitious, or other finifter ends. 
 And La(tly,Here(ie is incurred by a troward and peevi(h oppolition, to the. Decrees 
 of a General Council, to the diliurbing of the peace and tranquillity of the Church. 
 Againft thefe Two lafl ways of incurring Herefie, R. C. faith nothing direftly, but 
 upon the by, he taxeth me of- Two errors. Firft, that 1 fay. No Council can mjk^ The power of 
 that a point of Faith, TPhich tpof not ever fuch. We agree in this. That no Council *^.^""^'^°'"'* 
 can make that a Fundamental, which was not a Fundamental, nor make, that a revea- °^'" 
 led truth, which was not a revealed truth. I acknowledge further that a General 
 Council, may make that revealed truth neceffary to be believed, by a Chriftian as a 
 point of Faith, which formerly was not neceffary to be believed, that is whenfoevcr 
 the reafons and grounds produced by, the Council, or the Authority of the Council 
 ( which is, and always ought to be very great, with all fober, difcreet Chriftians, ) 
 do convince a man in his Confcience of the truth of the Councils definition. In 
 doubtful Queftions, if there be no mifcarriage, no packing of Votes, no fraud u(ed 
 in the Council, like that in the Council of Ariminum for receiving Chrift and rC' 
 jefting hotnooufios, and if the determination be not contrary to the tradition of the 
 Church, who would not rather fufped his own judgment, than a General Councils? 
 I confefs yet further, that when a General Council hath determined any Controver- 
 fie,no man may oppofe its determination, but every one is bound to acquiefce, and 
 poflelshis Soul in patience, though he be not convidled in his Confcience of the 
 truth of their fentcnce. And if any man out of peevilhnefs, or ftubbornnefs (hall op- 
 pofe their definition, to the difturbance of the Peace and Tranquillity of the 
 Church, he deferves to be punifhed as an Hcretick, 
 
 R 3 Then
 
 74- 
 
 A Juji Vindication 
 
 TOM EI- 
 
 The Pope's 
 confirmafion 
 adds nothing 
 to General 
 Councils. 
 
 Platina. 
 
 Acquiefcencc 
 to the decrees 
 of a General 
 Council is nc- 
 ceiTary'j 
 
 ( Ctr.9, 16. 
 
 Then wherein lyes the difference ? Firrt, in R. C. his mifreciting my words ac- 
 cording to his ordinary cuftom. I faid onely this, that a Council could not make 
 that Propofition Heretical in it felf, which was not ever Heretical, nor incicafe xhc 
 ncceffary Articles of the Chriliian Faith, either in number or fublhnce. What I 
 faid is undeniably true. Firfi, [ in it felf ^ That is in its own nature, without any 
 reference to the Authority of a Council. And Q vecejjary Articles of the Chr/flioH 
 faith ] that is, abfolutely and fimply necelfary for all Chriftian?. If the Propofiti- 
 on were Heretical in it felt, then they that held it before the Council were Hereticks, 
 as well as they who hold it after the Council. And that is a ncceffary Article of 
 the Chrirtian Faith, without the adual belief whereof Chriftians could never be 
 (aved. 
 
 This is fufticient to anfwer his Oljjedion. But for the Readers fatisfacflion I add 
 moreover, that the Komaaijls believe a General Council, not onely to be fallible 
 without the concurrence and conrirmation of the Pope, ( whofe priviledge and 
 Prerogative the moft of them do make the fole ground of the Chur-ches Infallibili- 
 ty, ) but alfo without his concurrence to have often erred a(5lually. But with the 
 concurrence and confirmation of the Pope, they make the determination of a Ge- 
 neral Council to be infallible. On the other fide we know no fuch infallibility of 
 the Pope, but the contrary. After Stephen had taken up the body of Formofus his 
 predecefTor out of his grave, fpoiled him of his pontifical Attire, cut off' his two 
 Fingers, and caft his body into "lyher^ it became an ufual thing with the following 
 Popes, either to infringe or abrogate the Ads of their Prcdcceffbrs. Neither was 
 this Ad: of Stephen an error mcerly in matter of Fadt, but -principally in matter oi" 
 Faith, that the Epifcopal Charader is deleble. We know no fuch confirmation 
 needful, nor of any more force than the fmgle Vote of a prime Bifhop of an Apo- 
 ffolical Church. And therefore we give the fame priviledges to a Council uncon- 
 firmed ( which they acknowledge to be fallible )and to a Council confirmed by the 
 Pope. We have no affurance that all General Councils were , and ever (hall be fo 
 prudently Wi-pj^^fi^, and their proceedings always fo orderly and upright , that we 
 dare make all their fentences a fufficient conviction of all Chriftians, which they are 
 bound to believe under pain of Damnation. IfK.C, be not of my mind , others 
 of his own Church have been, and arc at this day. Whom I forbear to cite, becauft 
 I prefume it will not be denied. In fumme, I know no fuch virtual Church as 
 they fancy. Antiquity never knew it. I owe obedience ( at leaft of acquiefcence ) 
 to the reprefentative Church ■■, and I refolve for ever to adhere C to the bell of my 
 underftanding ) to the United Communion of the whole EfTential Church , which 
 I believe to be (b far infallible , as is neceflary for attaining that end , for which 
 Chrift beRowed this Priviledge, that is. Salvation. 
 
 Neither let him think that I ufe this as an artifice , or fubterfugc , to decline the 
 Authority of General Councils. I know none we need to fear. And I do freely 
 promife to rejed the Authority of none that was truly General , which he (hall 
 produce in this Queftion. As for the Occidental Councils , they are far from being 
 Gcneia'. 
 
 My other ruppo(ed Error is that I fay. That though a Chriftian cannot alTent in 
 his judgment, to every Decree of a General Council , yet he ought to be (ilent , 
 and pofTefs his foul in patience. That is, until God give another opportunity, 
 and another Council fit , wherein he may lawfully , with modefty and fubmiflion, 
 propofe his reaR^ns to the contrary. Ih'u ( he faith ) is to hind men to be Hypo- 
 crites and Vijiembters in matter of Eeligion , and by their plettce to fupprefs and bury 
 Divine truths and brings them within the compafs of St.VsiuVs Woe h Woe be unto me^ 
 if J Eva>fgelize not. Excellent Dodrine, and may well ferve for a part of the 
 Rebels Catechifm. Becaufe my Superior is not Infallible , If I cannot aflent un- 
 to him, muft I needs oppofe him publickly, or other wife be guilty ofHypocrifie 
 and Dillimulation? If he (hall think fit in difcretion , to filence all difpute about 
 fome dangerous Queftions , am I obliged to tell the World , that this is to fup- 
 prefs or bury Divine Truth > If he (hall by his Authority fufperid a particular Pa- 
 ftor , from the exercife of his Paf^oral Office , muft he needs preach in defiance of 
 him , or el(e be guilty of St. Paul's Woe , }Foe be unto me , becaufe I preach not the 
 
 Go^el ?
 
 Discourse HI. Of the Church of EnQ,hiid. lyt- 
 
 Gojpel ? I dellre him to confulc with Bellarmine. Jit Catholickj do agree , tbut if 
 
 the Pope alone , or the Pope vpith a particular Council, do determine any controverfie in 
 
 Religion i whether he can err , or whether he cannot err , he ought to be heard obediently p'"' ''' ■'^"''• 
 
 of all ChriiUans. May not I obferve that duty to a General Council, which all Ko- ^'^' ''^' 
 
 »H4«-Catholicks do pay to the Pope? or i» there a lefs degree of obedience than paf- 
 
 five obedience? Certainly thefe things were not well weighed. 
 
 Where I fay , that by the Church of England in this Queftion , I underftand that SeH. 9. 
 Church which was derived by lineal SucceUion , from Britijh , Englijh , and Scotijh 
 Eiihops , by mixt Ordination , as it was legally elhbliflicd in the days of Edivard Mixt Ordln*. 
 the Sixth , and flourilTied in the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth, King James , and ''°''' 
 King Charles; and now groans under the heavy yoke of perfecution , to let us fee 
 what an habit of alteration is ■, he excepts againlT: every word of this. Firft , 
 againft the lineal fuccejpon , becaufe none . of tbefi ancient Bijhops taught jtijiification by 
 Faith alone. This is an Argument from the Staff to the Corner. I Ipeak of a fuc- 
 cellion of Holy Orders , and he of a fuccellion of Opinions. And when the mat- 
 ters come to be fearched to the bottom, he will be found at a default here alio. 
 Thofe ancient Bilhops held the fame jurtitication by Faith that we do. 
 
 In the next place , he excepts againft mixt Ordination , as partly Papijhcal, part- 
 ly Protejiantical. He errs the whole Heavens breadth from my meaning. Before 
 Aujline preached to the 5:JXo«j-, there were in Bn'fwz ancient Britifh Bilhops, and 
 ancient Scotijh BifRops , who had their fevcral lines of fuccelfion , to which Ah- 
 ftine added Englijh Biihops , and fo made a Third fuccellion. Thefe Three were 
 diftind: at firll, but afterwards in trad of time , they came to be mixed and uni- 
 ted into One fuccellion. So as every Englijh Bifhop now derives his fuccclh'on 
 from Britijh^ Scotijh , and Englijh Biihops. This is the great Bug-bear of mixt Or- ' 
 
 dination. 
 
 He tells us, Thzt King Ed wzrd. the Sixth n^as a Child. Hemillakes. Kings are-.. _ ,.- 
 never Children nor Minors whikft they have good Tutors, and good Councel- churchlaw- 
 Jors. Was he more a Child than King Jehoajh ? and yet the Church was reformed fully eftablifti- 
 during his minority. This was no Childilh Ad, thanks to Jehoiada, a good Uncle '^• 
 and Protedor. 
 
 He demands, Horv that Church was legally ejiablijhed in King Edward'x days, 
 which was efiahlifhed contrary to the likjng of the moji and beji of the Bipops , whereof 
 divers were caji in Prifon , for not ajlenting to the ereBing of it ? And I ask how it was 
 not legally eftablifhed , which was eflablifhed by Sovereign Authority , according 
 to the diredion of the Convocation , with the Confirmation of the Parliament ? 
 What other legal Eftablilhment can there be in England ? By the Laws of England, 
 a Bifhop had but his fingle Vote , either in Parliament or Convocation. Some Bi- 
 (hops were imprilbned indeed, but neither the moft nor the beft of the Englijh Bi- 
 (hops , whether for not affenting , or for other reafbns , will require farther proof 
 than.his bare Afiertion. This is certain, that every one of them had freely renounced 
 the Pope and Papacy, in the Reign oi^ Henry the Eighth. 
 
 He faith , I (hould have added that Church which was fupprejled by the laji Parlia- Not lawfully 
 tnent , under King Charles. Why fhould I add a notorious untruth , as contrary to fuppreffed. 
 my Confcience as to my Affcdions ? 1 might have faid opprelTcd , I could not fay 
 fupprelTed. The external fplendor was abated , when the Baronies of the Bi- 
 ihops , and their Votes in Parliament were taken away , but the Order was not 
 extinguifhed. So far &om it , that King Charles himfelf fuffered as a Martyr for 
 the Ew^/i/fe Church. If his meaning be, that it was fuppreflcd by an Ordinance of 
 one or both Houfes without Authority Royal , he cannot be fo great a ftranger in 
 England, as not to know that it is without the Sphere of their adivity. 
 
 Yet he is pleafed to ftile it a dead Church , and me the Advocate of a dead Church i The Enl'/fi 
 even as the Trees ar6 dead in Winter when they want their leavesi or, as the Sun is ^^j"{7 ""' 
 fct when it is behind a Cloud i or , as the Gold is deftroyed when it is melting in 
 the Furnace. When I fee a feed caft into the ground , I do not ask where is the 
 greennefs of the leaves? where is the beauty of the flowers ? where is the fweetnels 
 of the fruit 'i but I expcd all thefe in their due fcafon : Stay a while , and behold 
 the Cataftrophe. The rain is fallen , the wind hath blown, and the floods have 
 
 beaten
 
 1 76 A Juft Vindication T O M E I. 
 
 beaten upon tlicir Church i but it is not tallen, tor it is founded upon a Rock. The 
 light is under a Buihtl , but it is not extinguiflied. And if God in juftice (hould 
 think fit to remove our Candleftick, yet the Church of England is not dead , whileft 
 the Catholick Churcli furvives. 
 
 But under per- LafiJy^ He denies that t^e Englifii Chufch it under perfecution : And though fome 
 ccuuon, ^^ ^^^ Church dujujfer^ yet it U not for 'Religion , but matters of State. What can a 
 
 man expeft in knotty Queftions from them , who are fo much tranfported with pre- 
 judice , as to deny thofe things which are obvious to every eye. If it be but fome 
 that have fuifered , it is fuch a fome as their Church could never fhew , wherein he 
 tliat dellres to be more particularly informed , may read the Martyrology oi London^ 
 or the Lirt of the Univerlifies , and from that paw , guefs at the proportion of the 
 Lion. But perhaps all this was for matters of State. No , our Churches were 
 not demolifhed upon pretence of matters of State, nor our Ecclefiaftical Reve- 
 nues expofed to fale for matters of State. The refufal of a Schifmatical Covenant 
 is no matter of State. How many of the Orthodox Clergy , without pretence of 
 any other Delinquency , have been beggered ? How many neceflitated to turn Me- 
 chanicks or Day-labourers ? How many ftarved ? How many have had their hearts 
 broken ? How many have been imprifoned > How many baniflied from their Na- 
 tive Soil, and driven as Vagabonds into the mercilefs World ? No man is fo blind , 
 as he that will not fee. 
 
 Sil}. 10. His Tenth Seftion is a Summary or Repetition of what he hath already faid , 
 
 wherein I find nothing of weight that is new, but onely one Authority out of 
 St. Auftine , That Catholicks are every vchere , and Heretickj every where ■■, hut Catho- 
 lickf are the fame every rrhere , and Heretickj different every where. If by Catholick^ 
 he underftand Koman-Catholick^ , they are not every where , not in KuJJia , nor in 
 JF.thiopia; and excepting fome hand-fulls , for the moft part upon toleration, not in 
 
 L.4. ctnt.cre- ^ny of the Eaftern Churches. The words of St. Aufiine are thcfe. Vbicunque funt 
 
 kon. c. tfi. ijii , illic Catholica , ficut in Africa ubi & vos > non autem ubicunque Catholica efi, aut 
 vos ejiis , aut Uxrefis quxUhet earum ; Wherefoever they are , there i4 the Catholicl{_ 
 Church , as in Africa where you are i but wherefoever the Catholic}^ Church is , you are 
 mtj nor any of thofe Herefies. St. Aujiine''s fcope is to (hew , that the Catholick 
 Church is more diffufed, or rather Univerfel , than any Se<S, or all SccSls put to- 
 gether. If you pleafe , let this be the Touchftone between you and us. But you 
 will fay , that you are united every where , and we are different every where. No- 
 thing left. You arc united in one pretended Head , which fome of you acknow- 
 ledge more , fome lefs. We are united in the fame Creed , the fame Sacraments, 
 and for the moft part the fame Difcipline. Befides , of whom doth St. Aufiine 
 {peak in that place ? Oit\\Q Novatians^ Arians , Fatripajjtans , Valentinians , Tatrici- 
 ans ^ Apellites, Marcionites^ Ophites ■■, all which condemned all others but thcm- 
 fclves , and thereby did feparate themfelves Schifmatically from the Catholick 
 Church , as it is to be feared , that you do. Our cafe is quite contrary. We re- 
 form our felves, but condemn no others. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Whether Protejiants were Authonrs of the Separathn fram 
 Rome ? 
 
 Prweft'ints \?l 7 ^ ^^^ "°^ ^°"^^ ^^^^ ''^^^'"^ *^ QuefUon- to proofs , where we (hall 
 not Authors of V V ^°°" ^^ ^^'^ ^- ^- ^^^^ ^^^^^i"^ himfelf of the Province which he hath un- 
 the Schito. dertaken. To (hew , that Proteftants were not the Authours of the Sepa- 
 
 ration from Rowe, b\xt Koman-Catholick^ ^ I produced i Firft, The folemn unani- 
 mous refolution of our Univerfitics in the point , that the BUhop of Kome had no 
 greater Jurifdidlion , within England conferred upon him by God in the Scripture , 
 
 than
 
 Discourse III. Of the Chnrch of Enghnd. lyj 
 
 than any other Forreign Bifliop ■■> Secondly, The Decrees of Two of our National 
 Synods i Thirdly, Six or Seven Statutes or Ads of Parliament i Fourthly, The 
 Atteftation of the prime Koman-Catholtck^ Bifliops and Clergy , in their printed 
 Books, in their EpilHes , in their Sermons, in their Speeches, in their Infiitutions 
 Fifthly , The unanimous confcnt of the whole Kingdom of England , teftified byv 
 Billiop Gardiner ■■, and of the Kingdom of Ireland , proved out of the Council- 
 Book i Laftly, The Pope's own Book , wherein hs interdided and excommunica- 
 ted the whole Church of Er«g/rf«^ , before the Reformation made by Proteftants : 
 So as apparently we were chafed away from them. Hear the judgment of a Stran- 
 ger. This year the Po^e brake the vcife patience , or rather difftmulation , which for Tottr ^'fj, J",'' 
 years together he had ufed towards England : And fent againji the King a terrible thun- 1538*. 
 dring BhU , fnch as never was tifed by hif Predecejiors , nor imitated by his Suceefors. It 
 will coll him fome tugging to break fuch a Six-fold cord as this is. What doth he 
 Anfwer to all this ? Not one word. And fo 1 take my firft ground pro confe^o , 
 That Proteftants were not Authours of the Separation of the Englijh Church from 
 Knme. 
 
 Yet fomething he faith upon the by , which is to be examined: Firft, That they SeS. *. 
 who made the King Head of the Churchy veere fo far from being Zealots of the Roman 
 Religion^ that they were not then of the Roman Religion , but Schifmatickj and Here- 
 tick; outwardly , wbatfoever they were inwardly. What a change is here ? Even now 
 when they oppofed the Reformation, they were the beft Bifhops : and now, when 
 they oppofe the Pope's Supremacy , they arc Schifmaticks and Hereticks. Let them 
 be what they were, or whatfoever he would have them to be, certainly they were 
 no Prouliants, And if they were not KorHan-CathoUckj , they were of no Chriftian 
 Communion, They profefled to live Koman-Catholickj , and they dyed Roman- 
 Catholickf. The Six bloody Articles contrived by them , and executed by them in 
 the Reign of King Henry ; and the Bonetires which they made of poor Proteftants 
 in the days of Queen Mary , do demonftrate both that they were no Proteftants, and 
 that they were Zealots of the Roman P>.cligion. 
 
 But C faith he) the Ejfence of the Roman Religion doth conjift in the Primacy of the 
 Pope. If it be fo , then whereas the Chriftian Religion hath Twelve Articles , the 
 Roman Religion hath but One Article, and that none of the Twelve, namely, the 
 Supremacy of the Pope. But this needs make no difference between us: For they 
 denied not the Pope's Priwjcy, that is , of Order, but his Supremacy of Power. 
 Neither is his Supremacy either the EfTence, or fo EfTential a part, of the Roman- 
 Catholick,Bdlcf , but that many of the Roman-Catholicity Communion have denied 
 it of old, as the Councils of Crnftance and Bafile, and many do deny it , and more 
 doubt of it , at this day. But let that be as it will. In all other Controverfies 
 they were pure Romanifts , and the denomination is from the greater part. Cer- 
 tainly they were no Proteftants, which is enough for mypurpofe. 
 
 He tells us from Bifhop Gardiner , That the Parliament was with much crtielty The parlia* 
 conftrained to aholijh the Primacy ( he means Supremacy ) of the Bifhop of Rome. A mentnotcoiH'. 
 likely thing indeed , that a whole Parliament , and among them above Fifty Bi- ?«"«<*• 
 fhops and Abbots , fliould be forced , without any noife, againft their Confcience , 
 to forfwear themfelves , to deny the Effence of their Faith , and ( to ule his own 
 words ) to turn Schifmaticks and Hereticks. How many of them loft their lives 
 firft > Not one , Not one changed his Soil > not one fuffered imprilbnment about 
 it. For howfoever the matter hath been mifconftrued by (bme of our Hiftoriogra- 
 phers , Bifliop Piper and Sir Thomas Moor were imprifbned before this A<ft of the 
 Supremacy was made , for denying the King's Marriage , and oppofing a former 
 Ad of Parliament, touching the Succeffion of his Children to the Crown. Thus 
 much is confeffed by Sanders in his Book de Schifmate, p. 73. b. concerning Fijlier , 
 and ^.81. concerning Sir Thomas Moor, ^u Lex poft Mori apprehenfwnem conftitnta 
 erat i The Lirv ( of Supremacy } veas made after the apprehenfton of Sir Thomas 
 Moor. Of this much cruelty , I do not find fo much as a threatning word , or a 
 fbotftcp, except the fear of a Prew««irf. And is it credible, that the whole repre- 
 fentative of the Church and Kingdom, fhould value their Goods above their Souls> 
 Or that Two fuccelEve Synods, and both our Univerfities ( ttemine dijientiente ) 
 
 (hould
 
 -g A Juft Vindication T O M E L 
 
 Ihould be fo eafily conftrained ? But who conftramed the moft learned of the Bi- 
 {hoD!? and the grcateft Divines in the Kingdom , to tell the King that it was hu 
 Kieln, to publilh Catechifms, or Inftitutions , and other Books-, and to preach 
 Sermons at St. Pjwi's Crofs, and elfewhere , for maintenance of the King's Supre- 
 macy ? Thefc Ads were unconftrained. Hear the Teftimony of Queen 'Elizabeth, 
 iiven in their life-time , to their faces , before the moft Eminent Embaffadors of 
 the grcatcft Perfons in the World , when Bifhop Gardiner might have contradid- 
 ed it if he could. When the Emperor , and other Koman-CathoHck^ Princes, in- 
 terceded with her for the difplaced Bifliops, (he returned this Anfwer , That they 
 did norv obflinately rejed that VoUrine , which moji part of themfelves , under Henry the 
 ^1-"'^Af"i59 E#?/^ , ^»d Edward the Sixth , had of their own accord , with heart and hand , fub- .. 
 '^ ' lic% in their Sermons and Writings taught unto others , when they themfelves were 
 
 not private Terfons , but publick, Mag^lrates. The Charge is fo particular, that it 
 leaves no place for any Anfwer. Firft, of their own accord •, Secondly, not onely 
 under Hoiry the Eighth , but Edward the Sixth i Thirdly , when they themfelves 
 were publick Magiftrates i Fourthly, with heart and hand , not onely in their Ser- 
 mons , but alfo in their printed Writings. Againft Subfcriptions and printed Wri- 
 tings there can be no defence. But upon whofe credit is this conftraint charged 
 upon King Henry s' Upon Bifhop Gardiner^s ? In good time , he produceth a Wit- 
 nefs in his own caufe. He had an hard .heart of his own , if he would not have 
 favoured himfclf, and helped to conceal his own {hame, after King Henry was 
 B n-.op Gardi- ^^^j^ Mortui non mordent. Is not this that Stephen Gardiner , that writ the Book 
 ^^^' de Vera Obedientiii^io juftihe the King's Supremacy ? Is not this that Stephen Gar- 
 
 diner that tells us , T.hat no Forreign Bijhop hath Authority among us , that all forts of 
 people are agreed with us upon this pint with mofi fledfaji confent , that no manner ofper- 
 fon bred or brought up in England , hath ought to do with Rome ? Is not this he that 
 had fo great an hand in framing the Oath of Supremacy , and in all the great 
 Tranfadrions in the later days of King Henry ? Was not he one of them who tick- 
 speed in Hen. u^l the Kings ears with Sermons againji the Tope's Supremacy , who was a Contriver 
 8.c.ai-n-i05. of the Six bloody Articles againft the Proteftants , and was able by his power with 
 the King, to bring the great Favourite of thofe times to the Scaffold for Herefie 
 and Treafon. To conclude, if any thing did conftrain him , it was either the Bi- 
 fhoprick o{ London or IVinchefier i qr, which I do the rather believe out of Chari- 
 ty , the very power of Confcience. So much himfelf confeffeth in the Concluhon 
 of his Book de Vera Obedientia, where he propofeth this Objedlion againft himfeh^ 
 De Vera O^e- that oi a Bijhop he had fwom to maintain the Supremacy of the Tope. To which he An- 
 dientia,infinc. fwers , Thit what was hohly fworn is 7nore holily omitted, than to mak^ an Oath the 
 Bond of Iniquity. He confeffeth himfelf to have been married to the Church of Rome 
 bona fide , as to hif Second Wife , but after the return of hU Firjl Wife ( that is the 
 Truth ) to which he was ej^onjed in h'n Baptijm , being conviUed with undeniable evi- 
 dence , he was nece0tated out of Confcience , to forfake *he Church of Rome in this par- 
 ticular ^tejiion of Supremacy , and to adhere to his Firji Wife the Truth , and after her 
 to hU Trince , the Supream Head of the Englilh Church upon Earth. 
 
 His next attempt is, to prove that the Trotejiants were the Authours of the Sepa- 
 ration from Rowe. And he names Three , Cranmer , Cromwell, and Barnes. He « 
 might even as well fay , That two or three common Souldiers of the Carthaginian I 
 ^ Army, ( and perhaps not one of them at the Fight ) were the Authours of the Ko- I 
 
 ma>! overthrow at Cann£. It was the Univerlities that approved the Separation ' 
 unanimoufly. It was the Synods that diredled the Separation. It was the King 
 that eftabliflied the Separation. It was the Parliament that confirmed the Separati- 
 on. How could two or three Privadoes,* without Ncgromancy , have fuch an 
 efficacious influence upon the llniverfities , and Synods , and Parliaments , and the 
 King himfelf ? Yet they might have an hand in it. No , nor fo much as a little 
 .finger. As much as the Fly that fate upon the Cart-wheel , had in raifing of the 
 duft.' The two Houfes of Parliament alone did confift of above <5oo of the moft 
 able and eminent Perfons in the Kingdom. What had thefe three been able to do 
 among them, fuppofing they had been then Proteftants , and of the Houfe? Even 
 as much as three drops of hony in a great vefTel of Vinegar, or three drops of Vine- 
 gar in a great veffel of hony. But
 
 Discourse I II. Of the Church of Enghnd. lyg 
 
 But let us fee what it is, which he obTcdts againft Cranmer and the reft , That Ardibiihop 
 Cranmer , whom J will not deny to have been a friend and favourer of Protejlants advi- Crtnmer. 
 fed, Ihat the Kingjhoitld fee\, no more to the Court nf Romei and that, bidding adieu 
 to the Court of Rome , hejhould confult with the mojl Learned in the Vniverfities ofEa* 
 rope, at home and abroad. There was no hurt in all this. There could be no fuf- 
 picion , that the moft Learned in all the Univerlities of Europe , (hould be enemies 
 to the juft Rights of the Roman Court. But upon th'u ( faith he ) it was by Com~ 
 mi^on difj'uted by the Divines in both Vniverfities. And fo he concludes triumphant- 
 ly. Behold Cranmer the fr^t Authour of fecelhon from the Pope. I Anfwer That 
 this fecelfion was no feceihon of the Church of E«^/j«</i nor this Difputation any 
 Difputation concerning the Jurifdidion ot the jLoman Court over the Englijh 
 Church , but onely concerning a particular Procefs, there depending , between ' 
 
 King Henry and Queen Catherine, about the validity or invalidity of their Marri- 
 age, and the Pope's difpenfation , which Cranmer maintained to be determinable 
 by Divine Law, not by Canon Law. The truth is this, Dr. Stephens, and Dr. Fox, 
 two great Miniftcrs of King Henry , and Dr. Cranmer, chanced to meet without 
 any defign at Waltham , where, Difcourfe being oflered concerning this Procels 
 Cranmer freely declared his judgment, that the Marriage of a Brother with his Bro- 
 thers Wife , was unlavvflil by the Law of God , and that the Pope could not di- 
 fpenfe with it. And that it was more expedient and more proper , to feek to have 
 this caufc determined by the beft Divines and llniverfities of Europe , than by the 
 dilatory proceeding of the Roman Court. This was related to the King. The 
 King fent for Cranmer. He offered freely to juliitie it before the Pope. And to ^.^^j g^^„ 
 demonftrate both that this was no feparation from Rome, and that Cranmer himfelf &c, in Hen. 8*. 
 was no Proteftant at thattime , it is acknowledged by all our Hifloriographers ■, 
 that after this , Cranmer , with others , was fent as an Embaffador or Envoy to 
 Rome , and returned home in the Pope's good Grace , not without a mark of his 
 favour , being made his Penitentiary. Likewife , faith another , Cranmer that un- 
 rporthy Archbijhop of Cznteibury , was his ( the Ezr\ o( Hartfords ) right hand, ^«^ c™?ch«^fe* 
 chief aftftant in the wor\_, althottgh but a few moneths before he was of King Harrie'x cond Edition 
 Religion i yea , a great Patron and Profecutor of the Six Articles. That is as much as pag- 4' ?• 
 to fay , no friend , no favourer, of Proteftants. So this vidtorious Argument fails •S-*'"'-''^ ^"^W- 
 on both fides. Some other places he citeth concerning Cranmer, That he freed the ^s"''''^c'^»Jii^f- 
 King sconfcience from the yok^ nf Papal Dominion, that is to (ay, in that Procefe. //w/er/KJt 
 That by his counfel, defiruCfion was provided divinely to the Court of Rome , that is , qwtidiedum 
 occafionally , and by the juft difpoiition of Almighty God, That the King was ^'.i"'*'"*' ^^^' 
 brought by Cxanmet^s fingular virtue, to defend the caufe of the Co^el , that is, in ^"'"** 
 that particular cafe, that the Pope cannot difpenfe contrary to the Law of God. 
 And Laltly , That the Papal power being difcovered by King Henry'j Authority , and 
 Cranmer' J- , did eafily fall dotvn. I much doubt if I had the Book , whether I 
 fhould find thefe Teftimonies fuch as they are cited. Howfoevcr it may be true , 
 difringuendo temper a, and referenda fmgttlafmgulU. They could not be fpoken of the 
 firfl Separation, when Cranmer had no more Authority than a private Dodtor, but 
 of the following times. King Henry fupprefTed the Papal Tyranny in England by his 
 Legiflative Power, and Cranmer by his difcovery of their ufurpations , and care to 
 fee the Laws executed. 
 
 Againft Crowjpf/ he produceth but one Teftimony, That it was generally concei- 
 ved, and truly ( as never thought,) That the politick^ ways for taking away the Popes Crommtf. 
 Authority in Enghnd , and the fupprefjion of Religions Houfes, were principally devifed 
 iy Cromwell. Firfl, this is but an Argument from vulgar Opinion. Secondly, 
 •when Archbifhop Warham, and the Synod , did rirft give to King Henry the Supre- 
 macy , and the Title of Head of the Englijh Church , Cromwell was no Proteftant. 
 He had lately been Cardinal Wolfe's Sollicitor, and was then Maffer of the Jewel- 
 Houfe, of no fuch power to do any great good or hurt to the Proteftants. And 
 at his death he profefTed, that he was no Sacramentary , and that he died in the 
 Catholick Faith. Lord Cherbwy in H 8. anno 1540. Holl. an. 32. H. 8. fol. 
 242. 
 
 But for the fupprellion of Religious Houfes, it is not improbable. He might 
 
 well
 
 1 80 A Juft Vindication T O M E 1. 
 
 •well have learned that way under Cardinal Jf^olj'ty , when he procured the fuppref- 
 fion of Forty Mcnaftcries of good note, for the foundmg of his Two Colledges at 
 Oxford and Jfftvkh. In which bufinefs our Hiftorians fay , the Pope licked his own 
 Fingers, to the value of Twelve Barrels full of Gold and Silver. 
 Barntt. Laftly , For Dr. Barnes poor man , he was neither Courtier nor Councellor, nor 
 
 Convocation man, nor Parliament man. All the grace which ever he received from 
 King Henry , was an honourable death for his Religion. He faid , That he , and 
 fiich other wretches as he , had made the King a whole King , by their Sermons. If they 
 did (b it was well done. The meaning of a whole King , is an Head of the Churchy 
 faith R. C. It may be fo , but the confequence is naught. Perhaps he meant a So- 
 vereign Independent King , not feudatory to the Pope , which he that is , is but 
 half a King. Not onely of old , but in later times , the Popes did challenge a pow- 
 er Paramount over the Kings of England within their own Dominions , as appear- 
 eth by the Pope's Bull , fent to James ihtYikhYAn^oi Scotland ^ wherein he de- 
 clareth, Th^t he had deprived KingYlcm'^ of hU Kingdom ^ as an Heretick.y a Schif- 
 mutick^y an Adulterer , a Mitrtherer , a Sacrilegioitt ferfon \ And Lazily , a Kehel and 
 SpenH9c.2i> convid of Isfse Majeftatis , for that he had rifen againji him ( the Pope ) who was his 
 Lord. 
 
 But now fuppofmg all R. C. his Suggeftions had been true , That Cranmer and 
 Cromwell had been Proteftants at that time , and had been in as much grace , and 
 had had the like opportunity of addrefs to the King, as they had after wardsi that 
 Cranmer had perfwaded the King as a Divine, and Cromwell as a Politician, to (e- 
 parate from the Court of Rome j and that Barnes had preached againft the Pope's 
 Supremacy : Yet this is far from the Authoritative Separation of the whole Church, 
 and Kingdom, from the Court oiKome. Moral perfwalions may incline, but cannot 
 nccellitate the will. 
 
 Therefore not confiding to thefe broken Reeds, at length he admits, that Roman 
 Catholicks were the Authors of the Separation , Be itfo that Romzn-Catholick^ were 
 the Authors of the Divifion ■■, that is worfe for Proteftants , becaufe then Frotefiants centi- 
 nue a rvick^d Schifm^ wickedly begun, againji Confcience , again}} k^own Truth ; and con- 
 fequently , a fm againji the Holy Ghoji, And to make his Affertion good , he produ- 
 l..icon. Farm, ^^.j.]^ j^j^g Authority of Optatuf, It appearetb evidently that you are the Heirs of Schif- 
 maticks. He who reads this would believe , that Optatus fpake pofitively of Prote- 
 Pfpi*^' '^' ''^ iiants, when he (peaks onely of Donatifts, Cnm h£c ita gefia tfie manifejiijftine con- 
 [hc Donat^ifls, ft^* ■> & vos H^redes ejfe Traditorum & Schifmaticorum eviaenter appareaft Seeing it is 
 notProte- moji evident, that thefe things did fall out thus, that is, that Majorinus ( whofe 
 ftantj. Ch:iit Tarmenianus did now foffcis ) did divide himftlf from the Communion of 
 
 Ctecilianus , and (et up a Chair againft a Chair in the fame Church , or a new Chair, 
 ^£ ante ipfum Majorinum originem non habebat i and feeing Majorinus was a Tradi- 
 tor and a Schifmatick , it appears evidently that Parmenian was the heir of a Schifma- 
 tickg Now what doth this concern us ? The Donatifts fet up a new Chair againft 
 an old Chair in the ftme Church", we have done no fuch thing. God make us able 
 to keep up the old. Secondly, the Donatifts (eparated themfelves from all other 
 Churches, we feparate our felves from no Churches, neither from the Chair of C*- 
 cilian , nor of Peter , nor of Cyprian. But if we would know , not onely who 
 are the Heirs qf the Donatifts , but who are their Heirs in their Schifin , we may 
 find them eafily. It is the Rowa»-Catholicks themfelves > Firft, In theirunchari- 
 tablenefs, in breaking the Bond of Brotherly Unity. The Catholicks owned the 
 Donatifts for their Brethren , but the Donatifts refufed to own the Catholicks for 
 Opt. 1. 1, conf • their Brethren , ^uamvis &■ jlli non negem, & omnibus notum fit, &c. Although they de' 
 If tit. in initiS' ny it not, and it is kyioren to aVmen , that they hate us, and accurfe us , and will not be 
 called our Brethren , yet &c. without doubt they are our Brethren. And a little after ,^ 
 And becaufe they will not have the Epifcopal Colledge common with us , let them not be 
 our Fellow-Collegians, if they will not •, yet, as J faid before , they are our Brethren, 
 This is juft the cafe between them and us , we offer them the right hand of Bro- 
 therhood , as the Catholicks did to the Donatifts , but they refufe it , as the Dona- 
 tifts did to the Catholicks. Secondly , The Donatifts feparated the whole Catho- 
 lick Church from their Communion , and fubftitutcd themfelves , being but a final! 
 
 part
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of Ene,hnd iHc 
 
 part of the Chriftian World in the place of the Catholick Church. Juft as the 
 KomaHijh do at this day. Opatus fpeaks home unto them both, the old and new , 
 Vonatijif. Si fro voluntate vejira in angujhon coarSatis Ecclefiam, Sec. If ye fir your ^J" ' ^l^'"J^, 
 pleafure do thruji the Church into a jlraight^if ye jubflraU all Natiom.rvhere it ti.m which tin!"" 
 the Son of Cod hath merited? tphere is that which the Fathir hath given him ? IrviV give I'fal. z. 
 ■ thee the Heathen fur thine inheritance,and the uttermnji parts of the Earth for thy pojjejji- 
 on, IFhy do yoH infringe this promife ? or impnfin this Vniverfal Kingdom? &cc. Suf- 
 fer the Son to poffeji his Fathers gift. Suffer the Father to fulfill his promife. JVhydo 
 you fet bounds and limits ? Andjiillye endeavour to perfjvade men that the Church is 
 onely with you. Let the Reader judge who are the right heirs of the Vonatijis. . 
 
 The reft of his difcourfe is a groundlefs asking of the Queftion. Firft,thofe Ko- j^°iJf"nS 
 wa«-Catholicks did make no feparation from the Roman Church, but from the Ko- notagainfl 
 man Court. Secondly, they (eparated from the Koman Court onely in its Innovations confciencein 
 without criminous Schifm. Thirdly, we cannot, we dare not,be fo uncharitable as *^''' f^P*"^*"* 
 to judge that the whole Kingdom, and all the Paftors of the Church, did fih a- °"' 
 gainft their Confciencei but" we believe firmly that it was the clear light and evidence 
 of truth, that made them fo unanimous in their feparation. Fourthly, though they 
 had finned againft the known truth, not being done of malice, it was not the fin 
 againft the Holy Ghoft. St. Teter did not fin againft the Holy Ghoft when he denied 
 Chrift. Fifthly, though they had finned againft Confcience in feparating, yet the 
 fault being not in the thing done, but in the Confcience of the doer, we being better 
 informed may with a good Conlcience hold, what they with a bad Confcience. did 
 take away. Laftly, though they had finned, not onely in feparating againft Con- 
 fcience, but alfo in the very adt of feparation \ yet we who found the feparation 
 made to our hands, who never did any aft either to oblige us to Kome^ or to diC- 
 oblige us from Kome., holding what we received from our Anceftors, and endeavou- 
 ring to find out the truth, and ready to receive it whenfoever God fhall reveal it 
 unto us, are not cenfurable zi Schifmiticks, as I proved out of St. Auftine^ though 
 K. C. be pleafed to take no notice of it. 
 
 Here he makes a (hort double and will needs have Henry the Eight to have been jfcnrfiht 
 a fubjiantial Proteflant. If he was a Proteftant, doubtlels he was a fiibftantial Pro- Eighth no Pro- 
 teftant. But why a Proteftant <• Doftor Barnes and many more who were burned teftanc. 
 by him for Proteftants, would hasdly have believed it. But he faith, Henry the 
 Eight was an Antipapift, and that is fufficient to make a Proteftant. If that be 
 (ufficientto make a Proteftant it is well, other wife one of his friends tells us, iVehad 
 a King who by hii Laxos abolished the Authority of the Pope, although in all other things Agi^f-I' j, 
 he would follow the Faith of his Anceftors. Lately he told us, that the Elfence and 59.' 
 Life and Soul and Definition of a Proteftant, was to hold Juftification by Faith 
 alone ■■, then Henry the Eighth was no Proteftant, for he did not hold juftification by 
 Faith alone. Now he makes the Effence of a Proteftant, to be impugning the Popes 
 Supremacy. I had not thought ElTences or Definitions had been fo mutable: but for 
 my part I am glad of the change. If all Antipapifts be Proteftants, then all the 
 Grecian, Armenian, Abyfen, Kujjian, Chriftians are Proteftants -■> then we fhall not 
 want Proteftants to bear us company in the Church of Rome it felf^ fo long as there 
 are any followers of the Councils of Conjlance and Baftl. 
 
 But fome Proteftants have confefTed, That he was a Member of the Catholickfihurch. schifm.p. 103 
 why not ? There are many Members of the Catholich^Chuxch befides Proteftants. b. Tteniqne 
 Others call him a true "Defender of the true Faith, a Defender of the Gofpel, an Embra- nulla in re a 
 cer of the pure Gofpel of Chri^, reje&ing devices of men contrary thereunto. All this may fi.^' 9f'^?j*''* 
 be true, and yet they neither fay nor intend this abfolutely, but comparatively j not illfJJl'i^^J^ 
 Univerfally,but refpe(3:iveIy,tofome particular controverted points, and principally luxuri^ caufa 
 .this of the Supremacy. 
 
 I charged fome for making the cruelty of the Proteftants,. and the rigour of their f^P.f^ njc 
 Lawsthe motives of their falling away from the Englijh Chutch ■■, and fliewed ^.jjiQQ-^J'f ^uj- 
 that more Proteftants fuffered not cnely death, but extreme torments in death, for peaal Laws. 
 Religion, in the (hort Reign of Queen Mary, than Roman-dtholkks in all the much 
 longer Reigns of all the ProtelVant Princes fince the Reformation i and tliat the 
 Kingdom of France and the Commonwealth of Venice had made the like Laws to 
 
 S ours.
 
 i8:t 
 
 A Jnji Vindication T O M E i- 
 
 ours. Whatlbcver I fay in our defence he takes no notice of, but declaims againa 
 the iniullicc of our Laws and Judges, not without a fpecious (hew of reafon 
 Wherefore becaufe it intrencheth upon the honour of our Church and Nation,! 
 will take the liberty tofearch this fore to the bottom. . , ^ ,. 
 
 I confefs that no man,or Society of men,can be )ulHy punilhed ( notwithftandmg 
 the brutilTi Opinions of fome perfons ) becaufe they are noxious, unlefs they be 
 noxious in the eye of the Law. No not by a Legiflative Authority. Where a 
 man cannot give fentence innocently, he cannot vote mnocently. The reafon is 
 plain, lyi^ere there if no Law, there is no TraHJgrefton ■■> and where there is no Tranf- 
 ereifion, there is no guilt, nor juftpunilhment. 
 
 • Secondly,! confefs that a Law made Uke a Cafting-net, to throw over iTien? 
 ^' '* lives is '5>-f «»e/.»'wTx.t ,a molt lawlefs Law. In the Twelve TablesCwhicli Lhy calls 
 
 L I rf<or<.ror. the fountains of publick and private right i which alone faid My, do excel! all 
 theLibrariesof all the Philofophers in the World )it is thus Enaded, accordmg 
 11,^.12, f«*. jQ fhe excellent concife fimplicity of their ftile, Privilegia ne imogam. Let no pri- 
 Mn Gar in ■vite Laws be made to any mans hurt or prejudice. Likewife it was the Law of Solon^ 
 The'^pbra- That w Lawjhotild be made of particular men, '.*V f-J ^3' -«"' y' ««»" *;>"«".. vh. 
 fl>""- unlefs it were impofed upon all the ^t^f«w«/ indifferently ( faid JJemojihenes.) For 
 
 cont. Ariflo- ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ thebans had a mind to banilh Heraclitut, they durft not 
 malm. name him, but pointed him out in general, JT there was any man in this City that ne- 
 ver lauaht and hated all Mankind, let him depart before Sun-jet y Thmkmg vamly to 
 hide the' nakednefs of their Law with a few figg-leaves of general cxprellions. 
 So Univerfally was this received throughout the World, that Laws (hould not be 
 made for the ruine of particular Subjecfts. 
 
 Thirdly, W^e muft take notice that many things are lawful inpublick Juftice, that 
 is,in Warr, or Legillation, or the like, which are not lawful in particular jufticc 
 between SubjcdV and Subjed. As it is lawful to pull down any Citizens houfc, to 
 fave the whole City from fire. It is lawful to make uFe of any mans land, to make 
 a bank to fave the whole Country from inundation i in which cafes neverthelels 
 the publick is obliged to repair the Subjeds damage. Suppofe the greater part of 
 a City Ihould force the honeficr part to fubmit to their pleafurc, and contribute td 
 their Rebellious courfes , or force them to it, the party forced is Innocent. Yet 
 in the recovery of the Town, the honeft Citizens areas fubjedt to be flain, their 
 houfes to be burned, their goods to be plundered, as the moft -difloyal : And juftiy. 
 For it being lawful to reduce the City to Obedience by Warr, this juftifies all ne- 
 ceflary means of redudrion. And the honeft party who fuffer without fault, can- 
 not blame the Magiftrates for their (li/ferings, nor the Souldiers who do their corr^ 
 mands, but their fellow Citizens. But when this neceffity is over, and the City is 
 reduced, and diftindlion can be raade,particular Juftice muft take place again,& then 
 none ought to fuffer but Delinquents, according to the degree of their Delinquency. 
 Fourthly, To proceed one ftep nearer to the cafe in Queftion. The fame necefli- 
 ty doth juftifie thofeLaws which are Enadcd for the common fafety and Tranquil- 
 lity of the whole body politick, under whatfoever penalties they are pleaftd to im- 
 pofe, as banifhment, confifcation of goods, imprifbfiment, or death it felf^ fb they 
 be proportioned to the exigence of the dangers greater or lefler, though there 
 Laws prove burthenfome to particular Citizens, or reftrain Subjecfts from the excr- 
 cife of thofe things which otherwife were beneficial, lawful, and laudable to them 
 in particular. Suppofe a General ftiould make an Edift, That no Souldier, under 
 pain of death, ftiould leave the Camp : Yet one goes to vifit his Father being fick, 
 and fuffcrs for it. This is not for doing his filial duty, but for violating of his 
 General's Edid. In Ireland it was forbidden by Statute, under pain of moft levere 
 punifhmcnt, to u(c the words Crumabo and Butlerabo, becaufe they were Badges of 
 Fadion, and incentives to Sedition. The Philiftims did not fuffer a Smith in 
 Ifiael, leaft the Hebrews fliould make themfelves Swords and Spears. The King of 
 Spain, weighing the danger that might arife from the numerous multitudes of 
 Moors within his Dominions, fent them all packing away by an Edid. The Athe- 
 »MKJ thought it no injufticeto banifli their chicfeft and moft loyal Citizens, if they 
 feared a Tyranny, or ncceliify of State did require it. All Nations have their Im- 
 
 bargucs
 
 Discourse I II. Of the Church of EnghnA. i8^ 
 
 bargues, and prohibited goods, and forbid all Commerce and Converfation with 
 thole that are in open holHlity againlt them. If a Ship arrive from any places in- 
 ferred with (bme contagious diieafe, tlicy keep the palTengers from mixing with 
 their Subjefts, until they have given lufHcient proof that they arc found. If they 
 find caufe to banifli a Citizen, either for a prefixed term, or for ever, under pain of 
 death, or forfeiture of all their goods,if there be a necellityin it tofecure the Com- 
 monwealth, they may do it. And if the perfons fo banifhcd will return on their 
 own heads, upon pretence that they love their Country fo well that they cannot 
 live out of it i or if any of them being a Clergy-man fliould pretend that he re- 
 turns out of Confcience to do the Offices of his Function among his Countrymen", 
 it is not the Law, but they who pull the penalty of the Law upon themfelves. In 
 fum, it is clear that whenfoever a Prince or a Republick, out of jurt neceliity, and 
 for the prefervation of the Commonwealth, (hall retrain their fubjcdrs from any 
 thing that threatens the fame with imminent dangers, upon whatfoever penalty it 
 be,fo jt be proportionable to the danger, it is juft. And if the Subjedl will not 
 obey, his blood is upon his own head. The onely Queliion is, whether there was 
 at that time not onely a pretended, but a real, necedity to make thofe Laws, which 
 they call fanguinary or bloody, for the prefervation of the Commonwealth. This 
 is the cafe between the Ko?KJ»i/b and us, upon thcfe Two hinges this controverfic 
 is moved. 
 
 Then to leave the Thefis, and come unto the Hypothdis, and to (licw that at 
 that time there was a real neceilfty for the making of thole Laws. Firft, let it be 
 obferved, that after the feceffion of the Englijh Church from the Court of Kome, . ■ 
 
 the fucceeding Popes have, for the moft part, looked upon England with a very ill 
 eye- Witnefs that terrible and unparallelled Excomn!unication and I nterdidlion of 
 England^ a Deprivation of Henry the Eighth, formerly mentioned, publifhed at Vtin- Sditd.de Scbif 
 kjrh^^^ bccaufe they durft bring it no nearer. Witnels the Bull of Anathematizati- L.t. 
 on and Deprivation, by Fius the Fifth, againft Queen Elizabeth and all her adhe- C<»(/. Aimal. 
 rents, abfolving all her Subjcds from their Oaths of Allegiance, without fo much ^''^•^•'•f-^' 
 as an admonition preceding. Witnefs the Popes Negotiations with the Engli(h, 
 Spanijh^ French, and Portughefes, to have Queen Elizabeth taken away by murthcr, 
 and the Frame of the Government altered, publifhed at Kome by Hieronymo Catena 
 Secretary to Cardinal ^/exWm/o, in the time, and with the priviledge of, Sixtus jtieml.2,t,^\. 
 the Fifth. Witnefs the Legantine Authority given to Sanders, and the hallowed 
 Banner fent with him and A]len Two Romip Priefts, to countenance the Earl of 
 Df/wflW in his Rebellion : and the Phsnix plume fent to Teroxpen, to incourage W?m/-2.p.98. 
 him likewife in his Rebellion, & a plenary Indulgence for him and all his adherents ^'^^'"J- ^-P- 
 and allillants, from C/mra* the Eighth. Laftly , witnefs the Two Briefs fent by ^p![fj'^^°' 
 the fame Pope to exclude King James from the inheritance of the Crown of Eng- 
 land, unlels he would take an Oath to promote the Koman-CathoVick intereft. 
 
 This is not all. In the lecond place the Popes, to have the greater influence upon 
 England^did themfelves found Ofconferve (evcral Colleges or Seminaries of Englijh 
 Priefts at Kome, at Khemes, at Votvay ■■, where the Englijh youth were trained up 
 more for the advantage of the Pope, than of their Prince and Native Country, 
 what thole Principles were which were then infufed into them, I have neither 
 means at prefent, nor in truth defire,to inquire, becaulc I hope that at this day they 
 are dilclaimed by all or the moft learned and moderate perfons of thole Societies : 
 Onely for the juftification of my Native Country, give me leave to fet down fome 
 of them in the words of the former learned Hiftoriographer. Sujpicions alfo n-ere caml AnnaJ. 
 daily raifed by the great }tumber of Priefis creeping more and more into England, rrho /. g. p. ii. 
 frivily felt mens minds, jf read abroad^'that Princes Excommunicate rvere to be depofed : 
 and rvhijpered in corners, Thatfuch Princes as profejfed not the Roman Religion, had for- 
 feited their Title and Regal Authority : That thofe men which had entered into holy Or- 
 ders, tvere, by a certain Ecclefiaflical freedom, exempted from all JurifdiViion of Princes, 
 and not bound by their Laws, nor ought to reverence their Ma]ej}y : And that the Rifliop 
 0/ Rome hath fitpreme Authority and mol} full porver over the whole World, yea even in 
 Temporal matters : And that the Magijhates of England were no lawful Magifirates i 
 tnd therefore not to be accounted for i/Iagijirates : Tea, that all things whatfoever done by 
 
 S 3 the
 
 ""TsT ~ A Juji Vindication T O M E 1. 
 
 the 'Queens Autimity, from the time that the Bull declatory oj Pius Quintus vcm ftiblijh- 
 (d «vrf hy the Ljsps of God and Man altogether vuid^ and to he tjleemed nothing. And 
 fome of them difkmbkd not that they voere returned into England Jfith no other intent, 
 than by reconciling in confelftim, to alfolve every one in particular from all Oaths of AUe- 
 ciatice' and Obedience to the ^een. Judge how fuch EmifTaries dclerved to be wel- 
 comed into a Kingdom. More might be added, but this it felf is enough or too 
 
 much. 
 
 Laftly, View all the Tieafons and Rebellioas that were in Queen Elizabeth''^ time, 
 and fee from what fourcc they did fpring. farfons propofcd to Papills the depofing 
 of the Queen, (b far forth that fome of them thought to have delivered him into 
 the Magillratcs hands i and wrote a Book under the name of Vokman, to intitlc 
 the Infanta of Spain to the Crown of England. Of Sanders 1 have fpoken formerly. 
 Onely let mc add this. That when he was found dead, they found in his pouch Ora- 
 tions and Epiftlcs to confirm the Rebels, with promife of aflifiance from the Bi- 
 nu. li.pM' ^OP of ^"'"^ ^"'^ others. P^wconfefled, That that which finally fettled him in 
 /. ?-V 7'4-* ' his treafonable purpofe, to kill the Queen, was the reading of AVetis Book, that Prin- 
 ces Excommunicated for Herefie were to be deprived of life. Ballard was himfelf 
 a pricft of the Seminary of Khemes. Sec his confpiracy. I pafs by the commoti- 
 ons raifed in Scotland by Britce^ Creighton, znd Hates. Squire zccaCed J f^alpookfot 
 fT'p-^i"^^ putting him upon it to poyfon the Queen. I fpeak not of the conftllion of John 
 Nicholas, nor the Tefiimony of Eliot mentioned in their own Apology, becaufe they 
 Apol. M*Tt. are not of undoubted Faith. This is moft certain. That when Campian was inter- 
 p. 339. rogated before his dcath,whcther Queen Elizabeth were a lawful and rightful Queen, 
 
 herefufed toanfwer : And being asked. If the Popefliould fend forces againft the 
 Queen, whether he would take* part with the Queen or the Pope, he openly profefled 
 and teftified under his hand, that he would ftand for the Pope. The fame Author 
 f J p 11."' addeth, That his fellows being examined in like manner, either refufed to anfwer, 
 or gave fuch ambiguous and prevaricatory anfwers, that fome ingenuous Catho- 
 licks began to fufpedl that they foftered fome Treachery. 
 
 Lay all thefe together, their dilloyal anfwers, their feditious tenets, fo many 
 Treacherous attempts, fo many open Rebellions, fo many Dcpofitions and Depri- 
 vations and Exclulions, fomany Books brim-Pall of prodigious Treafoni at liich 
 a time when the ieditious Opinions of that party were in their Zenith v when fedi- 
 tious pcrfons crowded over daily in fuch numbers i when the Heir apparent of 
 the Crown of England was a Row^M-Catholick: And let any reafonable man judge, 
 whether the Kingdom of England had not juft caufe of fear > whether they were 
 not neceffitated to provide nequid detrimenti caferei Ke^ublica, that the Common- 
 fpealthjhouldf^jiaitt no lofl\ whether our Statefmen who did then fit at the ftern, 
 were not obliged to their Prince and to their Country, to provide by all means 
 poflible for the fecurity of their Prince and tranquillity of their Country, which 
 could not be done at that time, without the exclufion of fuch Bigots and Bowtifeus 
 from among them, nor they be poffibly excluded but by fuch fevere Laws, 
 a*''' ''^» V' Thefe are the very reafons given in the Edid it felf , That it did plainly appear to 
 jitdTt. ' ^^^ Majejiy and her Council , by many examinations , hy their ovon Letters and confefsi- 
 ens , andhy the aSual con^iracies of the lih^ perfons fent into Ireland hy the Fope, that 
 the end and fcope offending them into her Mdjefties Dominions , rvas Jo prepare the Sub' 
 jeUs to afsifr forreign Invaders, to excite thep>eofle to Kebellion, and to deprive her Majefty 
 of her Crown, and Dignity, and life it felf. 
 
 Yet may we not accufe all for the faults of fome. Though many of them who 
 were bred in thofe Seminaries , were Peidioners of the Pope , the King of Spain ^ 
 or the Duke of Cuife , all which at that time were in open Hoftility with the 
 Crown of England, f Is it not lawful to forbid Subjedts to be bred in an Enemies 
 Country, or to turn their Penfioners ? or if they do go out of themfelves , to ex- 
 clude them from their Native Soil > ) Yet in other places , and it may be in thofe 
 Colledges alfo , many others preferved their Principles of Loyalty. At the fame 
 time Dr. Bifhop , ■ one of the Koman Communion , writ * Book to prove , That 
 the Conftitution obtruded upon the World , under the name of the Lateran Coun- 
 cil , upon which the Pope's Authority of depofing Princes , and abfolving Subject 
 
 from
 
 Discourse 111. Of the Church of En^hnd. igi- 
 
 from their Allegiance is founded , was not decreed by the Fathers , nor ever ad- 
 mitted in England , but was a private Decree of Pope Innocent the Third. If all 
 his Fellows had held the fame moderation , there had been no need of fuch Laws. 
 But it is a remedilefs mifery of Societies, that when dirtind:ion cannot be made be- 
 tween the guilty and the innocent, publick Juftice ( which feeks to prevent the 
 common danger) looks upon the whole Society with one eye. And if any innocent 
 perfons fuffer, they mult not blame the Law, but their own Fellows, who gave juft 
 occafion for the making of fuch fevere Laws, 
 
 So we fee how many things here were of their own Eledion. Firft, They were 
 warned by an Edidl not to Irudy in thofe Seminaries , which were founded and 
 maintained by fuch as were at that time in publick Hoftility with the Crown of 
 England. Ncverthelefs they would do it. They were commanded to return 
 home by a prefixed time. They would not do it. This alone had been fufficient 
 to punifti them as Traytors by the ancient Laws of the Land. Yet farther , they 
 wer.e commanded upon pain of death, not to return mzo England, nor to exer- 
 cife their Prieftly Fundions there. Yet they did it. And one of them writ a Let- EJm. Camf. 
 ter to the Lords of the Council , That be n>as come over, and would not defiji until he epfl- *i 
 had either turned them to be F\Om3Ln-Catholickj, or dyed ufon their Lances, Ckic, A. 
 
 To conclude , if we view the particular Laws, we fhall find that they looked ^''^' 
 more upon the Court of Rowf, than the Church of Rome. The Adt and Oath of 
 Supremacy were framed in the days of Henry the Eighth , by Rc»jj«-Catholicks 
 themfelves. The Firft penal Laws of this nature, that I find made by Queen Eliza- 
 beth , were in the Sixth year of her Reign , againft thofe who (hould maintain 
 the Authority of the Pope Thrice by Word or Writing , or refufc the Oath of Su- 
 premacy Twice. The Second, in the Fourteenth year of her Reign , againft thofe 
 who (hould pronounce the Queen to be an Heretick, Schifmatick , or Infidel. And 
 like wife thofe who brought over Bulls from the Bifliop of Rome , to reconcile any 
 of the Queens Subjefe , or Indulgences, or Agnus Dei , or the like. Yet was this 
 never put in execution for Six years , until the execution of it was extorted. All 
 this either concerned the Court of Rome , or fuch Ads as were not neceflary to a 
 Roman-CzthoVick for the enjoyment of his Confcience. A man might believe free- 
 ly what his Confcience didiated to him , or pradtife his own Religion , fb he pra- 
 ted not too much , nor medled with others. Afterwards in the Twenty third year 
 of her Reign , ilTued out the Proclamation againft the Englijh Seminaries, wherein 
 her Subjedts were bred Penfioners to the Enemies of her Crown. The laft Laws of 
 this kind were made in the Twenty fourth year of her Reign, againft thofe who 
 Ihould difTwade Englijh Subjedts from their obedience to their Prince , or 
 from the Religion eftablifhed , or {hould reconcile them to the Church of 
 Rome. 
 
 In all thefe Laws , though extorted from the Queen by fo many Rebellions, and 
 Treafons , and Deprivations , and extremeft neceffity, there was nothing that did 
 refledt upon an old quiet Queen Mary's Prieft , or any that were Ordained within 
 the Land by the Romijh Biftiops then furviving , fo they were not over-bufie, and 
 medled with others. Thefe might have fufficed for officiating to Roman-Ca.tho~ 
 licks , if the Pope had pleafed : But he preferred his own ends before their fafety , 
 Non his inventus orta parentibus infecit £qunr fanguine. Thefe were not principled for 
 his purpofe , nor of that temper that his affairs required. And therefore he eredl- 
 ed new Seminaries , and placed new Readers according to his own mind i and in 
 conclufion , forced the Queen to ufe necelfary remediesto fave her felf and the 
 Kingdom. Thefe things being premifed , it will not be difficult to Anfwer to all 
 which R. C. faith. 
 
 Firft , he faith. That in all the pretended cafes of Treafon , there is m eledion but 
 of matters of Religion, and that they fuffer meerly for matters of Religion , without 
 anyfherv of true 'treafon. I confefs that Treafe)n is complicated with Religion in it. 
 But I deny that they fuffer meerly for Religion , any more than he that poyfoncd an 
 Emperor or a Prior in the Sacrament , could have been faid to fuffer for admini- 
 flring the Sacrament , and not rather for mixing poyfon with the Sacrament \ or 
 than he who, out of blind obedience to his Superior , kills a man , can be faid to 
 
 S 3 fuifet
 
 , g^ A Jufi y indication T O M t I. 
 
 fuffer death for liis Confcience ■, or he , who being infcdlcd with the Plague , and 
 lecking to infedt others, if he be (hot dead in the attempt , can [ic be faid to ("urfer 
 for his ficknefs. In fo many dellgns to take away the Queens Hfe , in fo many Re- 
 bellions, in fo many feditious tenets , info many traytorous Books', and Laftly, 
 in adhering unto , and turning Tenfioner to a pubiick profcfild Enemy of their 
 Prince and Native Country , can he fee no Treafon ? nothing but matters of Reli- 
 gion? If he cannot, or will notj yet they who were more nearly concerned in it, had 
 reafon to look better about them. 
 
 He asks hon> Jean iearm that political Supremacy, which U Supremacy in all caufss , 
 to wit^ Ecclefiaftical or 'Religioiu ? I Anfwer , Very well ; As the King is the Keep- 
 er of both Tables, to fee that every one of his Subjcdis do his duty in his place, 
 whether Clergy-man or Lay-man , and to inflidt political punifliment upon them 
 who are delinquent. And where he faith that ^een Elizabeth challenged more^ he 
 doth her wrong. She challenged no more. And moreover in her Firft Parlia- 
 ment took order to have tht Bead of the Englifh Church left out of her Ti- 
 tle. 
 
 He demands farther. Whether Nero by the fame right might not have condemned 
 St. Peter and St. Paul of treafon , fur coming to Rome rvith forbidden Orders, andfeekc 
 ing tofeduce hU Subjeds from the jkeligion eflablifhed .? No , for no Orders were for- 
 bidden in Kowe by Law, trueorfalfe. Neither did thofe blefled Aportles feducc 
 Subje(fls, when they converted them from vanities to ferve the Living God. Let 
 him (hew that St. Peter by his declaratory Bull did deprive Nero of his Empire, and 
 abfblvc his Subjedls from their Allegiance , or had his Emiffaries to incite them to 
 Rebellion, or fent hallowed Banners , and Phoenix-plumes , and plenary Indul- 
 gences , to thofe who were in Arms againft him , or plotted hl^w to take away his 
 life , or that Chriftians in thofe days did publifh any fjch feditious Books , or 
 broach Opinions fo pernicious to all civil Government. And then his Queftion will 
 defcrve a farther Anfwer. Until then it may fuffice to tell him the cafe is not the 
 fame. Still he confounds political Supremacy with Ecclefiaftical , and the accidental 
 abufcs of Holy Orders with Holy Orders themfelves. f 
 
 Upon this miftake , he urgcth an Enthymeme againft us , Fopijh Friefthood and 
 Troteftant Mimftry are the fame infubjiance : Therefore if the one be Ireafonabk, the other 
 is Treafonable alfo. His coniequence is jult fuch another as this i Thomas and Nicho- 
 las arc both the fame creatures infubftance, that is, menv Therefore if Thomas be a 
 Traytor , Nicholas is another. How often mull he be told , that their Treafon did 
 not lie in the fubftance of their Holy Orders , but in the abules , and in the Treafo- 
 nable crimes of the perfons conftituted in Holy Orders, in tiieir difobedience to the 
 Laws, in being Peniioncrs to pubiick enemies of the Kingdom, &c. 
 
 But he preffeth this Argument yet farther. Jf Popijff Priefts can be larpfully 'forbid-' 
 den by Protefiants to return into England , contrary to the Larvs under pain of Treafon > 
 then Proteftant Minifiers may be alfo forbidden by Puritans and Independents to return in- 
 to England, contrary to their Laws, upon painvf Treafon. 
 
 Hoc Ithacus velit, & magna mercentur Achivi. 
 
 This is that which many of them defirc. They doubt not at long running to 
 deal well enough with the reft , but the Englifh Protellants are a beam in their eye. 
 To his Argument I Anfwer by denying his Confequence, which halts downright 
 opon all Four. Firft , Let him (hew that thofe, whom he tearms Puritans and In- 
 dependents , have the fame juft power. Secondly , That there is fuch a Law in 
 f()rce. Thirdly, That there are as juft grounds now for fuch a Law as there were 
 then, That the Proteftant Clergy on this fide the Seas are fo formidable, either for 
 their number , or for their dependency upon the Pope or Forreign Princes. Let him 
 fhcw that they left the Kingdom contrary to Law , and have been bred here in fuch 
 Seminaries contrary to Law , and are fo principled with feditious Opinions, which 
 threaten fuch imminent and unavoidable danger and ruine to the Kingdom. If he 
 fail in any one of thefe, as he will do in every one of them, his Confequence falls flat 
 to the ground. 
 
 In
 
 Discourse III. Of the Chmch of Eng^hud. ig^ 
 
 In the clofe of this Chapter , he produceth Two Tcftimonies beyond exception, 
 to prove that Popijh Priefts in England died for Religion. The one of King James 
 in his Apology for the Oath of Allegiance. I do mijiantly maintain^ that n>htch I have ^''^' "'' 
 faid in my Apology ^ that no man either in tny time ^ or in the late ^eem ^ ever dyed 
 here for his Confcience^ Priejh and Popiflj Church-men onely excepted , that receive Orders 
 beyond Seas. The other of Queen Elizabeth , That Jhe did thinks that moji of the- Crnr.b.. Amcl 
 foorPrtejis^ rvhumjl^e executed, pcere not guilty pf Treafon , and yet Jhe executed them Eli^.an,ii5i.- 
 for "Treafon. What fatisfadion he will make to the Ghofts of theft Two great Prin- 
 ces , I know not. This is apparent , that he hath done them both extreme 
 wrong. Firft , to King James , by coupling together Two divided and disjoint- 
 ed fentenccs , and likevvile by cutting off his fentencc in the middcft. For evident 
 pfoof .whereof , I will here lay down the fentence word for word , as rhey are in 
 the French Edition , for I have neither the LatiiK nor the Englijh by me. I main- 
 tain conjiantly, and it U mojl true tphich I faid in my Apology , that never, neither in 
 the time of tlx late ^een , nor in my time , any man whatfoever hath been executed fim- 
 flyfor Keligion. Here is a full truth without any exception in the World. Then 
 follows immediately •, For let a man be tK much a Papifi as he will, let him publijh it 
 abroad tvith as much conjiancy and zeal m hepleajeth, hn life never was , nor U in dan- 
 ger for it. Provided that he attempt not fome fad , exprejiy contrary to the Laivs, nor 
 have an hand infome dangeroiu and unlanful enterprize. Then follows the Excepti- 
 on , Priefls and Popiflj Church-men excepted, rphich receive'their Orders beyond the Seas, 
 Which Exception is not referred to the former claufe , never hath been executed fitn- 
 flyfor Religion , but to the later claufe, his life never teas , nor U, in danger for it. 
 Their lives were in danger indeed , being forfeited to the Law , but they were ne- 
 ver executed , by the grace and favour of the Prince. The words following, which 
 he hath altogether clipped off , do make the fraud mod apparent: IVho Q which 
 Priefts ] for many and many Treajbns and Attempts which they have kindled and devifed 
 againji thU ejlate, being once departed out of the Kingdom , are prohibited to return , under 
 pain of being reputed , attainted, and convided of the crime of Treafon. Andneverthe- 
 lefs , if there were mtfbme other crime befides their fimple return into England , never 
 any of them were executed. Wc fee plainly that thefe penal Laws were not made in 
 Order to Religion , but out of neceflary reafon of Eftate to prevent Treafon. Nor 
 was any man executed for difbbedience to thofe penal Laws , unlefs it was compli- 
 cated with (bme other crime. 
 
 To come to Queen Elizabeth, If that which he faith here be true, then that flow-* 
 er of Queens was a Tyrant worle than Nero, to thirft not onely after humane blood, 
 but after innocent blood ; yea , after the blood of thofe who were defigned to the 
 Service of God. Shall we never have one Teftimony ingenuoully cited ? Reader , 
 I befeech thee, take the pains to perufe the place, and thou fhalt rind that nothing 
 was more merciful than that Royal Queen , and nothing more cruel than the Pope 
 and their Superiors , who ficririced thofe poor Priejis to the ambition of the Roman 
 Court , having firft blindfolded them with their Vow of Obedience , and expofed 
 them to flaughter, astheTwrJly do their common Souldiers, onely to rill up Ditch- 
 es with their Carcafes, over which thcmfclves may mount the Walls. 
 
 Firft , the Author alledged , doth teftiric , That the ^teen never thought mens Camb, Annal, 
 Confciences were to be forced , no fign of purpofed cruelty i §u£que dolet quoties cogi- £/i^.4».i58i, 
 tur ejfeferox. Secondly, that (he complained many times, Thit fhe was driven of 
 ueceffity to tak^ thefe courfes , unlefsflie would fee the de(lru£iion »f her felf and her Siib- 
 jeCts , under colour of Confcience and the Catholick^Religion. Tell me, who are the 
 fupream Judges of the publick dangers and neceiiities of England^ Is not the Prince? 
 At leaft with his Council and the Reprefentative Body of the whole Kingdom. 
 When all thefe unanimoully have declared that there is a nccelfity, and have pre- 
 ftribed the beft means that poifibly they could devife to prevent the danger* fiiall a 
 Forreign Prelate , and he not onely interefled , but the very fource of all the dan- 
 ger, have power to contradidl it , and to fend his fufpefted EmifTaries more fre- 
 quently than ever into the Kingdom? A Pit is digged, true, but the Authors of 
 thefe fediti.ous Opinions and Pradifes are they who digged it. The Queen did 
 what flie.could to cover it , by her Proclamations and Ads of Parliament, to prc- 
 
 moni(h
 
 ■^ " J Juji Vindication TOMEl. 
 
 monilh every one of the danger. If the Pope and their Superiors would be fo cruel 
 to thruft out their EmiiTaries upon defperate attennpts, upon their Vow of blind 
 Obedience and a promife of Celeftial rewards , their blood is upon the ir heads. 
 The Queen faid farther, That/yr the mofi part of thejefiVy Priejis , Jhe did not believe 
 them to be guilty of pradifing the depuSion of their Country., but their Superiors »•«•<• 
 fbey whom Jhe held to be the injiruments of this foul crime , forafmuch ai they trho were 
 Cem\ committed the full and free dipfition ofthemfelves to their Superiors. So Firft , 
 K. C. inftrts thefe words into the Queens fpcech [ rphom Jhe executed ] (he execu- 
 ted none, (he condemned none. Thofe who were executed in her long Reign of 
 above Fourty four years, were not fo many. This exprellion would have fitted the 
 (hort Reign of Queen Mary much better. Secondly , He adds thefe words, [ veere 
 oftilty oflreafon 1 whereas the Queen faid no fuch thing , but [ were guilty ofpra- 
 Bifing the dejirudion of their Country. '] Can none have an hand in the deftruftion of 
 their Country , but oncly they who are pradicers , and plotters , and contrivers of 
 it ? Are none guilty of Treafon , but onely they who pradifed the deftrudion of 
 their Country ? There are In(truments in Treafon as well as Engineers , who are 
 not privy to the intrigues of the Confpiracy,& yet fuifer juftly for ading their parts in 
 it.Yea,without pradiling or ading,the very concealment of Trea(bnaIone,is fufficient 
 by the Law of England,8chy the Law of Nations,to condemn a perfon for not difco- 
 vering it. La(tly, He leaves out thefe words which are a clear Expofition of the 
 whole fentence. But their Superiors were they xvhom fhe held to he the Injlruments of 
 this foul crime , forafmuch as the Emifaries did commit the whole dijpofure ofthemfelves to 
 their Superiors. So (he makes the Superiors and fome others , who were molt bu- 
 fie , moft (ubtil , and moft affeded among them , to be the Contrivers and grand 
 Traytors. But for the molt part of the filly Priefts , (he took them to be but Exe- 
 cutors of the defigns of their Superiors , to (hoot tho(e Bolts which they had made, 
 and to pull the Chefnuts out of the fire with their naked fingers for their Superiors 
 to eat. What dealing may others exped from them in Citations, who are not af- 
 fraid to caft undeferved dirt upon Majelty, and prevaricate with their natural Prin- 
 , cefs , under the gracious protedion of whofe jult Government ,. they firft beheld 
 the light? It may ferve as one infiance of his undue citing Teftimonics , and Au- 
 thorities , that whereas 1 fay j that dangerous and bloody pofitions and pradices , 
 produce fevere Laws i and that I wi(h all feditious Opinions and over-rigorous Sta- 
 tutes , with the memory of them buried in perpetual oblivion : he inferreth that I 
 feem to confefs , Thsit the Laws made agairj^i CathoUck^ , were cruel and unjufl. Hc 
 did well to fay [_ it feemeth ^ for I neither fay the one nor the other , though my 
 wi(hes be the fame they were. On the contrary , I ju(tifie them upon this undeni- 
 able ground, that no Kingdom is deftitute of necelTary remedies for its own conlcr- 
 vation. That which I faid , I fpake indifferently both of their Laws and ours. 
 That Law which was juflly Enaded , may be over-rigoroufly executed , when 
 that neceffity which was the onely ground of the Law is abated. I wilh the neceP 
 fity had not been then fo great as to require Laws written in blood , and that a \cC- 
 fer coercion would have fufficed then for a remedy. The necelGty being abated 
 I wi(h the rigor may be likewife abated. To divide their Laws and our Laws, or 
 the necedity and the remedy is a fallacy, and contrary to what I faid, when I wi(h- 
 cd all feditious Opinions and over-rigorous Statutes were buried in Oblivion. 
 
 He zditth,Thzt perhaps mine own perfecution hath taught me this lenity. At laft 
 he confelfcth that we fuifer perlecution, which even now he denyed. The Earl of 
 Strafford than Lieutenant of Ireland., did commit much to my hands the political 
 Regiment of that Church, for the fpace of Eight years. In all that time let him 
 name one Reman-CzthoVick, that fuffered either death or imprifonment, or fo much 
 as a pecuniary muld of Twelve pence for his Religion upon any penal Statute. 
 If he cannot, as I am fure hc cannot, then it is not my prefent perfccutlon that 
 taught me that lenity. I remember not one Ko»2<?M-Catholick that fuffered in all 
 that time, but onely the titular Archbi(hop of Cajhels, who was indeed imprifoned 
 for Three or Four days, not onely upon fufpicion, but upon information out of 
 Spain, that he was a Penfioner of rhe Catholick Kings, and being found 19 be no 
 fuch dangerous perfon, upon ray reprefentation was difmiffed, 
 > Let
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of En^hnd. i8p 
 
 Let no man hence imagine that we ncgleded our duties. We did out work by 
 more noble and more fuccefsful means than penal Laws, by building of Churches 
 and manfion-Houfes for Minifters, by introducing a learned Clergy, by injoyning 
 them relldence, by affording them countenance and protedlion and means of ho- 
 fpitality, by planting and ordering Schools for the education of youth, and by look- 
 ing carefully, to the Education and Marriages of the King's .Wards. To look to 
 the Ecclefiaitical Regiment was the care of particular Biihops. To look to the 
 jlublick fafetyof the Kingdom, and to free it from Sedition marked under the Vifard 
 of Religion, was the care of the Sovereign MagiHrate. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 IN the Fourth Chapter of the Vindication I fet forth the dignity of Apoftolical Stli.i. 
 Churches, and the great influence they had upon their Neighbour Churches, ThcKingj of 
 yet without any legal Jurifdidion over them,.efpecially the Koman Church in vfm Political 
 the Well. I (hewed how they endeavoured to convert this honourable Prefidcncy Heads of the, 
 into Monarchical power i But that the power which they endeavoured to Ufurp, fnrW/* 
 was in it felf uncapable of Prefcription i and if it had been capable, yet they had *'*^"'^'*' 
 no Prefcription for it : That the Bntifh^ Saxon^ Vamjh, and Norman Kings, fuc- 
 ceffively were the onely Patrons and Protestors of the Church within their Domi- 
 nions, anddifpofed of all things concerning the external Regiment thereof^ by the 
 advifc of their Prclats, called Ecclefiaftical Synods, made Ecclefiaftical Laws, puniih- 
 ed Ecclefiaitical perfons, prohibited Eccletiaftical Judges, received Appeals from Ec- 
 clefiaftical Courts, rejeded the Ecclefiaftical Laws ot the Popes at their pleafures, 
 gave Legiflative interpretations of other of their Ecclefiaftical Laws, as they thought 
 good, in order to their own Dominions i made Ecclefiaftical Corporations, appro- 
 priated Ecclefiaftical Benefices, rranflated Epifcopal Sees, forbid Appeals to Rome 
 rejeded the Pope's Bulls, protefted againft his Legats, Queftioned both the Legates 
 and all thofe who acknowledged them in the Kings Bench, condemned the Ex- 
 communications and other fentences ol rhe Roman Court, enlarged or 'reftyained 
 the priviledges of the Clergy, prcfcribed the endowment of Vicars, fet down the 
 •wages of Priefts, and made Ads to remedy the opprclfions of the Roman Court. 
 And all this was ftiewed evidently, not out of the finglc Teftimonies of fome ob- 
 fcure Authors, but out of the Cuftoms and Common-Law of the Realm, out of the 
 Reports of our Judges and greateft Lawyers, out of the Laws of Edrvard the Con- 
 feflbr, the Statutes of Clarendon and Carlile, the Articles of the Clergy, the Statutes 
 of Provifors, and many other Statutes made with the general conlent of the whole 
 Kingdom. It is not poflible in any caulc to produce more Authentical proc6 than 
 thefe are : To all which in particular R. C. anfwers not one word. So as once 
 more I take it for granted, that Henry the Eighth did nothing in his (eparation from 
 the Court of Rome, but what his moft Renowned AiKeftors had chalked forth unto 
 him. 
 
 All that he faith, with any (hew of oppofition to this, is Firft, That nihatfoever 
 Kings do is not btpful; Whereas I (peak not of any fingle Kings, but of the whole 
 fuccellion of Britijh, t:.nglip^ Vanip^ and Norman Kingsi nor of Kings alone, but of 
 them with theconfent and concurrence of the whole Kingdom, Clergy and Laity, 
 which proves irrefiragably, that what they did, was the Cuftom and common funda- 
 mental Law of the Kingdom i and that there is no Prefcription, nor can be, againft 
 it. That they did it defaSo, is enough to make good my alTertion, that Henry the 
 Eight did no new thing, but what his Prcdecelfors in all ages had done before 
 him. Notohd^idtS 
 
 Secondly, he faith, That Kings may refifl the Exercife or ASts of Papal prver fome- ofP^P*' pow- , 
 times, and yet ackiion>ledge the power. Whereas the Laws and Teftimonies which I "'^j^Yt felf i 
 produced, do not onely fpeak againft fome ads of Papal power, but againft the contrary to ' 
 power it felf^ againft the Pope's power to make Laws, to fcnd Legats, or Bulls, or our Laws. 
 
 Ex-
 
 i5?o 
 
 A Jufi Vindication TO M E 1, 
 
 Excommunications without liccnfc, the power to receive Appeals, the power to 
 make Ecclefiaftical Corporations, the power to difpofe of Ecclefianical Benefices, 
 &c. W'liat lawful power had the Pope in the eye of the Law of E;tglj»J, who by 
 the' Law of England could neither fend a Legate thither to do Jufticc there, nor call 
 the Delinquents or Litigants to Rome to do Juftice there, without licenfe ? Our 
 Laws fpeak not onely againft Pattdulplm, or this or that Legate, but againft all Le- 
 gates, that come without licenfe i nor againft the Bull or Excommunication of 
 Puul the Third alone, but againft all Bulls and Excommunications which were 
 brought from Kume into the Kingdom, without licenfe. Fruftranea eft ea potentis 
 qu4c imtqitam deduct pteft in aUum^ In vain is an abfolute power given to a fingle per- 
 fon to execute that which he cannot execute without another mans licenfe. Laftly, 
 our Laws do afcribe this very power to the King which the Pope doth challenge. 
 The Patronage of the Church, the power to make Ecclefiaftical Laws, the power 
 to call Ecclefiaftical Synods, the power to difpofe of all things which concern the 
 external Regiment of the Church, by the advife of his Clergy and Council, within 
 his own Dominions. In vain doth he diftinguifli between the ads or cxercife of 
 Papal power and the power it felf, feeing our ancient Lav^ doth not onely forbid 
 the Exercife of Papal power, but deny the power it felf. 
 
 He faith, Jf J rvould indeed prove thatWtm^ -the Eight did but vindicate hU ancient 
 Liberty^ I (l}ouId prove that Englifh Kings before him did challenge to be Heads of the 
 Church immediatly under Chrift^ by which tleadjhip, as it was expreffed in King Ed- 
 ward'/ time, all JurifdiUion both in Spiritual and "temporal caufes defcended from the 
 Crown. To prove that Henry the Eighth did but vindicate his ancient Liberty, it 
 is not neceffary that 1 ftiould juftirie all the extravagant expreilions, or oyiie infmu- 
 ations of Parafitical flatterers. Our Kings neither do challenge, nor ever did chal- 
 lenge, all Jurifdidion in fpiritual caufes, nor any part of the power of the Keys, 
 either to their own ufe, or to derive it to others. Great. Palaces (eldom want their 
 Moths, or Great Princes their Flatterers, who are ready to blow the Coals of Am- 
 bition,& adorn their Mafters with ftollen Plumes,fuch as the Canonifts were of old to 
 the Popes. It is not much to be wondered at, if fome Proteftants did overfhpot 
 themlelves in fbme expreilions upon this fubjeft, having learned that language from 
 a Ro>w<j«-Catholick before them. Eifhop Bonner^ being the Kings Embaffador with 
 Clemeiit the Seventh, did fo boldly and highly fet forth his Mafters Supremacy in the 
 AlTcmbly of the Cardinals, that they thought of burning him, or calling him into 
 a vefiel of Icalding Lead, if he had not provided for his own fafety by flight. 
 Actvorth contra Monarch. Sandcri^ I. 2. p. 195. It would better become him and 
 me, if any (iich thing had been , to give unto C£far that which is Cafars^ and unto 
 God that which is Gods. It is enough to my purpofe to have (hewed that all King 
 HcwnV's Predcceflbrs did both challenge and enjoy this Political Headfhip of the 
 Church, as I have (hewed throughout all the parts and branches thereof, if he could 
 fee Wood for Trees. Thefe very flowers and jewels of the Crown enumerated by 
 me in this Chapter, and demonftrated out of our Laws in my Vindication, do make 
 up that Politick Headfhip, that is, a power Paramount, to (ee that all pcrfbns do 
 their duties in their callings, and that aJl things be adted by fit Agents, which are 
 recelTary to that great and Architedlonical end, that is, the fafety and tranquillity of 
 the Commonwealth. This is that Title which Edward xht ConfefTor did enjoy be- 
 fore the Conqueft, namely, Ihe Vicar of Cod to govern the Church within hif own Do- 
 mim»ns^ which is neither more nor lefs than the Political Head of the Church. In a 
 great Family there are fevcral Offices, as a Divine, a Phyfician, a School-mafter, and 
 every one of thefe is fuprcme in his own way i yet the Mafter of the Family hath 
 an Oeconomical power over them all, to (ee that none of them do abufe their truft 
 to the dilturbancc of the Family. Our Parliament Rolls, our Ecclefiaftical Regi- 
 fiers, the Records of the Kings Bench and Common Pleas, do all prove, that it is 
 no Innovation for our Kings to interpofe in Ecclefiaftical affairs. I do confefs 
 that fome of thefe flowers which were peculiar to the King, as the Patronage and 
 Inveliiturfs of Bifliops,in later days were fnatched from the Crown by the violence 
 of Popes i but for many of the reft, and efpecially for that which did virtually in- 
 clude them all, that is, the Lcgiflativc power in Eccleiiaftical caufts, wherein the 
 
 whole
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of Enghnd, ipt 
 
 whole body of the Kingdom did claim a nearer intereft, in refpedt of that receptive 
 power which they have ever injoyed, to admit or not admit fuch new Laws where- 
 by they vsrere to be governed, it had been folly and madnefs iu. the Popes to have 
 attempted upon it. 
 
 One doubt fiill remains, How Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidtion could be faid to be derived 
 from the Crewn. ( For they might be apt enough in thole days to" ufe fuch impro- Jurifdiftion k 
 per exprelfions. ) Firll, with the RowwMi/fj themlelves I diftinguilh between habi- fromOrdina- 
 tual and adual Jurifdidion. Habitual Jurifdidion is derived onely by Ordination. "°"' ^^^ , 
 Adual Jurifdidion , is a right to exercile that Habit, arifing from the lawful appli- the'ffatter!'^ ' 
 cation of the matter or fubjed. In this later the Lay Patron, and much more the 
 Sovereign Prince, have their refpedive Interefts and concurrence. DiocefTes and 
 Parifhes were not of Divine but Humane Inftitution. And the fame perfbns were 
 born Subjeds before they were made Chriftians. The Ordinary gives a School- 
 maftera licenfe or habitual power to teach, but it is the Parents of the Children 
 •who apply or fubftrad the matter, and furnifh him with Scholars, or afford him a lit 
 fubjed whereupon to exercife this hjbitual power. 
 
 Secondly, we muft alfo diftinguifh between the interior and exterior Court, be- 
 tween the Court of Confcience and the Court of the Church. For in both thefe 
 Courts the power of the Keys hath place, but not in both after -the (ame manner. 
 That power which is exercifedin the Court of Confcience, for binding and loofing jarifdiaion 
 of fins, is foiely from Ordination. But that power which is exercifed in the Court enlarged and 
 of the Church, is partly from the Sovereign Magiftrate, efpecially in England where forrifiei ""h 
 Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidion is enlarged and fortified with a coercive power, and the bv^FrincMr^^ 
 bounds thereof have been much dilated by the favour and piety of Chriftian Prin- 
 ces, by whom many caufes have been made of Ecclefiaftical cognizance which for- " 
 merly were not, and from whom the coercive or compulfory power of fummoning 
 the Kings Subjeds by Proceffes and Citations was derived. It is not then the pow- 
 er of the Keys, or any part or branch thereof in the exercife of Ecclefiaftical Jurif^ 
 didion, even in the exterior Court of the Church, which is derived from the 
 Crown : But it is coercive and compulfory and coroboratory power, it is the ap- 
 plication of the matter, it is the regulating of the exercife of adual Ecclefiaftical 
 Jurifdidion in the Court of the Church, to prevent the oppreffions of their Subjeds, 
 and to provide for the tranquillity of the Commonwealth, which belongs to Sove- 
 reign Princes. 
 
 As to his Corollary that never any King of England^hcfore Henry the Eighth, did , 
 
 challenge an exemption from all JwifdtQion under Chriii, it is as grofs a miftake as all Eighdh'not cx- 
 the reft. For neither did Henry the Eighth challenge any fuch exemption in the cmptfrom the 
 Court of Confcience.' Among the Six bloody Articles eftabliftied by himfelf,that PO"er of the 
 of Auricular Confelfion was one. Nor in the Court of the Church, feeing the di- y* 
 red contrary is exprefly provided for in the Statute it felf. The Archhijhop of Can- 
 terhuT^ for the time beings and his Succejfors^fhaU have potper and Authority from time to ^"xy, ' * 
 time, by their difcretions to give^grant^ and dij^ofe^by an injlrument under the Seal of the 
 faid Archbijhop, unto your Majejly and to your Heirs and SuccejJors^Kingi of this Realm ^ 
 Of rveU all manner of fuch Licences , Vij^enfations^ Compofttions, Faculties, Grants, Kef~ 
 cripts,'Delegacies,hJhruments, and all other tpritings, for caufes not being contrary or re- 
 pugnant to holy Scriptures and Laws of God, as heretofore hath been ufed and accufromed 
 to he had and obtained by your Highnefs, or any of your mnjl noble Progenitors, or any of 
 yours or their Subjeds at the See of Rome. So vain a fuggeftion it is, That King 
 Henry the Eighth did free himfelf not onely from Papal Authority, but alfo and Of well 
 from Epijcopal, Archiepifcopal, and ail Spiritual,Authority either abroad or in England. 
 
 And his Argument which he prefferh fb ferioufly to prove it is as vain, That the *' 
 
 Head of a Company is under none of that Company. The Pope himfelf is under his 
 ConfeiTor, who hath power to bind him or loofe him in the Court of Confcience. 
 The Mafter of a Family is under his own Chaplain for the Regiment of his Soul, 
 and under his Phyfician for the government of his body. What fhould hinder it, 
 that a Political Head may not be under an Ecclefiaftical Paftor > The Kings of 
 England are not onely under the fbrreign Jurifdidion of a General Council, but alfo 
 under their Ecclefiaftical Paftors,though their own Subjeds. Onely they are ex- 
 empted from all coercive and compulfory power. Let
 
 '~T^ A Jtiji Vindication TOME 1. 
 
 Let us try whether he be more fortunate in oppoling, than he hath been in an- 
 fwering. "the Kings of England ( laith he ) permitted Appeals to Rome in Ecclrfiajii- 
 cal caujes, as U evident in St. Wilfrides cafe , rvho tp,is never reproved mr difif^d far 
 
 Saint Wilfrid, appealing trvice to Rome. Not fo, but the clear contrary appeareth evidently in St. 
 
 Wilfrides cafe, though he was an Archbifhop, and it an Appeal had been proper 
 
 Sptl.Cm<An. in any cafe, it had been in that cafe.- This pretended Appeal was not onely much 
 
 705. difliked,but rejeded, by Two Kings fuccellivcly, by the other Archbifhop, and by 
 
 the body of the Englijff Clergy, as appeareth by the event. For Wilfride had no 
 benefit of the Pope's fentences, but was forced after all his ftruggling, to quit the 
 Two Monafteries which were in Queftion, whether he would or not, and to fit 
 down with his Archbifhoprick, which he might always have held peaceably if he 
 would. This agrees with his fuppofed Vifion in France^ that,at his return in,to his 
 Country, he fhould receive the greateft part of his poffellions that had been taken 
 
 Bed.l.i. Ec, from him, that is^pr£fi{latumEcclef £ fu£, his Archhi{hopudi,hut not his Two Mo- 
 
 bifl.c.^o. ' nalteries. But this is much more plain by the very words of King ^4/^/^^, cited 
 by me in the Vindication, to which Jl. C. hath offered no Anfwer, That he honoured 
 the Tope's Nuncios for their grave lives and honoufable lookj. Here is not a word of 
 their credential Letters : O how would a Nuncio ftorm at this, and take it as an 
 affront ! The King told them further. That he could not give any affent to their Lega- 
 tion. So that which K. C. calls permitting, was in truth down-right diffenting and 
 rejeding. The reafon follows, becauje it wtH againfi reafon, that a perfon trvice con- 
 demned by the whole Cottncil,of ifce Englifh, fhottld he restored upon the Tope's Letter, 
 Is not this difliking ? "What could the King fay more in civility, than to tell the 
 Pope's Nuncios that their Marters demands were unrcafonable ? or what could be 
 ■ more to the purpofe, and to the utter ruine of R, C. his caufe,than that the Decrees 
 of the Pope were impugned, not once but twice, not by a few faftious perfons, but 
 by Two or Three Kings fuccellively, and by Iheodore the Archbifliop of Cinterbury^ 
 a Roman, with the flower of the Clergy, and the whole Council of the Englijh > 
 
 St. AKflin and ^^ procecdeth, "They never difik^d that Frofejfton of St. Auftin'j FeUorcs, that the See 
 
 hi» Fellows. Apoftolickjjad fent them to preach in Britany , as Jhe is accujiomed to do in all the IForlS. 
 
 Bed. 1. 2. c. 4. Firft ^ why fliould they diflike it ? they had no reafon for it. No good Chriftiau. 
 can diflike the Husbandman's fowing of Wheat, but every good Chrif^ian doth dif- 
 like the envious man's fupcrfemination , or fowing of Tares above the Wheat : or if 
 there had been reafon , how could they diflike that which in probability they did 
 not know ? The Letter, out of which thefe words are cited, was not written to 
 the Englijh Kings , but to the Scottijh Bifliops , by Laurentiits , Succeffor to Juftin , 
 indic Sec of Canterbury, zndMelituf o{ London , and Jufius oi Rochefter , which 
 Three were all the Bifhops of the Roman Communion, that were at that day in Bri- 
 tain. 
 
 But if perchance he imagine that the Pope's, fending Preachers into Britain , doth 
 either argue an ancient , or acquire a fubfequent, Jurifdidion over Britain , he errs 
 doubly: Firft, They did nothing without the King's Licence for matter of Fad, 
 they produced no Papal Mandates , which had been in vain to a Pagan King. At 
 their firft Arrival the King commanded them to abide in the Ifle of Thanet , until 
 his farther pleafure was known. They did fo. Afterwards they were called in by 
 
 Bti.1. irf;8$/ his command , he gave them an exprefs Licence to preach to his Subjeds , and af- 
 ter his own Converlion , majorem prxdicandi licmtiam , a farther and larger Licence. 
 So the Converfion of Kwt was by the Pope's endeavours, and the King's Autho- 
 
 SctStetdie.^^^y' ^^'^^"'^'y ■> Formatter of Right, Converfion gives no juft Title to Jurif3i- 
 
 c.9.iiU2i, ' <^jon. How many Countries have been converted to the Chriflian Faith by the Bri- 
 tains and Englijh, over which they never pretended any Authority? 
 
 It foUoweth, they never difliked that 5f. Gregory Jhduld fubjeCf all the Triefts of 
 "Bntzm undtr St. Aullin, and give him power to ereH two Archiepifcopal Sees, and 
 
 Bed. I. i.c.29, twelve Epifcopal Sees under each of them. Whom could Ethelbert , being himfelf a 
 Novice in Chrif\ianity , better truft with the difpofing of Ecclefiaftical affairs in his 
 Kingdom , than thofe who had been his Converters ? But either St. Gregory in his 
 projeds, or rather Juftin in his Informations , did mightily over-fhoot themfelves i 
 for the Twentieth part of JSn><;i« was not in EtheHert's power. And all the other 
 
 Saxon .
 
 Discof^FSE f n Of the Church of England. ip;, 
 
 Saxon Kings were Pagans at that time. We have leen that, after the death of^u- 
 fiin and Gregory , there were ftill but one ArchbiHiop , and two Bifliops, of theii^-- 
 miitt Communion throughout the Brifawwici^lllands. The Britifl} and Scotijh Bifhops 
 were many , but they renounced all Communion wiih Kome. The Britip Bifliops 
 profefled plainly to Auflin himfelf in their Synod, that they would not acknowledge 
 him for their Archbifiiop. And the Scotijh Bilhops did Co much abhor from the 
 Communion of the Bifliops of the Knman Communion , that ( as themfclves com- ' '' '' ^' 
 plained) PiZg^ww one of the 5cof7/& Bifliops refufcd to eat with them, or to lodge ged- 1.2 c a 
 with them in the fame Inn: And yet he tells us in great earnefl, that they never dif- ' ' • • 
 
 liked it. 
 
 He addcth , They never dijlik^d that St. Melit fljould bring the Decrees of the Roman St. Kelits. ' 
 Synod ^ to he obferved of the Church of England. It may be (o. But whether it was 
 Co or not , whether they liked them or dilliked them , whether they received them 
 or rejeded them , FfWfrj^/eBf^ who is his Author fpeaketh not a word. This is ^' ^- "^^ 4' 
 not proving , but prefuming. And why might they not receive them , if they 
 found them to be equal and beneficial , non propter authoritatem Legiflatoris ^ fed pro- 
 pter £quitatem Legu ■■, not for the Authority of the Roman Synod , but for the equity .,., t 
 of their Decrees^ And what were their Decrees ? Ordinationes de vita & quiete Mo- ' 
 ttachorum •■, Orders for the good converfation and quiet of Monks , a matter of no 
 great importance "> but great or fmall , the Decrees of the Koman Synod were of no 
 force in England , unlefs they were received by the King and Kingdomi and if they 
 were received by the King and Kingdom, then they were naturalized and made the 
 Laws o£ England, not of Pope Boniface an ufurping, and (if we may trufi: St. Gregory 
 his PredeceiTor) an Antichriftian Prelate. » 7 / 
 
 they tvillingly admitted a Bif-iop of CantCThmy fent to them and chofen by the Pope, jo, * 
 why fliould they not admit him ? feeing it was their own defire and requeft to the An Arch- 
 Bifliop of Kowe, in refpeft of the great fcarcity of Scholars then in England , to bifhop fenr 
 {end them one , as appeareth by the very Letter of Vitalianuf , Hominem denique do- ^"^"^ ^'""'' 
 cibilem , & in omnibus ornatum Antijlitem , fecttndnm velirorum Scriptorum tenorem , 
 minime valuimtts nunc reperire i We could notfind.for the prefent , fuch a compleat Tre- L. 4. c, i, 
 lat Of your Letters require; and by the reception of the King, ^od cnm Nuncii certo 
 varrfijfent Regi Egberto adejje Epifcopum quern petierant a Romano Antifiite i JVhen 
 Kwg Egbert had certain notice that the Bijhop ( Theodore ) vcof come , vohom they had 
 defired of the Roman Prelate. So he was not obtruded upon them againft their wills, 
 which was the cafoof Patronage between us and them. 
 
 They ack^oreledged that St. Peter tvx the fecial Porter of Heaven^ tvhom they would 
 obey in all things. I underftand not why he urgeth this, except it be to expofo the 3^. st' Peter 
 llmplicity of thole times to derifion. The cafe was this , There was a Difputation Forter of 
 between Coleman and Wilfrid about the obf;rvation of Eafler. Coleman pleaded a Heaven. 
 Tradition from St. John , upon whofo bofom Chrifl: leaned, delivered to them by 
 Columba their firfl: Converter. Wilfrid pleaded a different Tradition from St. Peter^ 
 to whom Chrifl'gave the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven. The King demanded 
 whether that which was faid of St. Pfwr was true ? They acknowledged it was i 
 And whether any thing of like nature was faid to St. Columb? They laid no. There- 
 upon the King conluded , hie eji Ojiiarius iVe cut ego contradicere nolo^ &c. nc forte me 
 adveniente ad fores Kegni Caelorum , non fit qui referet , averfo iJlo qui Claves tenere pro- 
 batur ; This is the Porter vehom JvoiU not contradiB , lejl peradventure when I come to the 
 Gates of Heaven, there be none to open unto me , having made him averfe to me , tvho is 
 proved to k^ep the Ke^x.No man can be fo fimple as to believe that there are Gates, & 
 Keys , and Porters in Heaven. It were but a poor Office for St. Peter to fit Porter 
 at the Gate, whileft the reft were feafting within at the Supper of the Lamb, The 
 Keys were given to St. John as much as to St. Peter. 
 
 They publickjy engraved in the Front of their Churches, that St. Vctct wm higher in Cdmd- Brit, 
 de^ee than St. Paul. Let them place St. Peter as high as they pleafe, fo they place ^ '**'o^b'. 
 him not fo high as Chrift , nor make him Superior to the whole conjoint Collcdgc rior'to St. 
 of Apoftles. The truth is. this. King Ina builded a magnificent Temple at Cla- PavtU 
 ftenbury to the honour of Chrift , and memory of St. Peter and St. Paul i and upon 
 the fame caufed fome Verfes to be engraven, wherein St. Peter am\ St.Paulwae 
 
 T com-
 
 A Jufi Vtndtcation TOM E J" 
 
 compared together, VoGior hie momtU , celfwr il'e gfadn v Or , St. Paul rvai tnort 
 karned hut St Peier higher in degree : St. Paul opened the hearts , St. Peter the ears : 
 St. Paul opened Heaven by hit VoBrint^ St. Peter by hit Keys : St. Paul was the rs>ay, 
 St. Peter the gate : St. Peter was the roek^, St. Paul the Architect. Theological truths 
 ought not to be founded upon Poetical Licence. He knows right Well that their 
 own Dodtors do make St. Paxl equal hi all things to St. Peter, except in primacy of 
 Order. We acknowledge that St. Feter was the beginning cf Unity i why then 
 might he not have the rirft place , according to his primacy of Order > But tlv 
 Qucftion between them and us is of another nature , concerning a Supremacy of 
 power, when St. Peter's Nets were full , he did but beckon and his tcllows came 
 to partake : But the Court of Kome ufe him more hardly. For whatfoevtr was 
 ever faid or done to his honour or advantage, relb not upon his perfon , who was 
 ftill no more but a Fellow of the Apoftolical Colledge , but devolves wliolly 
 upon his SuccefTors , to make them Monarchs of the Church and Marters of all 
 Chriftians. 
 L. 7.fhr. They differed their Bifhops to teach , That St. Peter had a Monarchy ■■, Wns next 
 
 <• «'■ after Ckijl, the Foundation of the Church •, And that neither true Faith mr good Ltfg 
 
 MoMTc" ' reouldfave out of the Vnity of the Roman Church. As if our Ancefiors had ever un- 
 _ derftood the Koman Church in that fenfe which they do now , for the Univerfal 
 Church, or heard of their new-coined diftindion of a mediate and immediate foun- 
 dations as if St. Peter was laid immediately upon Chrili , and all the relt of the 
 , Apoftles upon St. Peter : Or, as if the Court oiKome were St. Peter's fok Heir. If 
 ' their Bi(hops had taught any fuch Dodtrine in the Councils of Conjiance and BafiU 
 they would have gone near to have been cenfured for Hereticks, unlefs they had ex- 
 plained themfelves better than he doth. Though it is true, that after the Popes 
 by violence and fubtilty had gained fo much upon the World, as to be able to im- 
 pofe new uprtart-Oaths , Firft , Upon Archbi(hops , and then upon Bifhops , in- 
 conliftent with their Oaths of Allegiance, and had falfirted the very forms of their 
 own Oaths from Kegulas SanUorum Patritm , the Rules of the Holy Fathers , to 
 Kegalia SanUi Petri, the Royalties of St. P^ffi then they had the Bifhops bound 
 hand and foot to their devotion; But who were thefe Bifliops? What were their 
 names? What were their words > Who were the Kings that fuffered them? Nay 
 he telleth us not, but leaveth us in the dark: Firft, to divine what was his dream, 
 and then to (hew hiin the interpretation of it. Onely he referreth us to a T reatife 
 of his own, czlkd the flovcers ojf the 'EngViih Chttrch , which I never fee nor heard 
 of but from himftlf. if there be any thing that is pertinent and deferveth an An- 
 fwer , had it not been as eafie f o have cited his Authors , as himfelf , in the mar- 
 gent ? When his latent Teftimonies come to be viewed and examined , it will be 
 found that his Monarchy is nothing but 2 primacy or principality of Orders his foun- 
 dation a refpedtive ,not an abfolute, foundation i and his Roman Church the Catho- 
 lick Church i Or elfe it will appear , that inftead of gathering flowers, he hath been 
 weeding -the Dodfors of the Church. 
 Bti. l-A'tc-ii. j^ify admitted Legates of the Pope, whom hefenf to examine the Faith of the Englift 
 J»hn the pre- c;,^^^^ -j-j^^ intended Pope was Pope Agatho : The pretended Legate was JohH 
 the Precentor, whom the Pope fent into England at fuch time as the Herefie of £«- 
 tyches was frequent in the Oriental parts , nt ctijw efiet fidei Anglorum Ecclefa dili- 
 genter edifcerety that he jhmld learn out diligently v^hat was the Faith of the Englifl\ 
 Church : He faith not to examine juridically , but to learn out diligently. This Jolnf, 
 .his (uppofed Legate , had no more power than an ordinary Meflenger. Well, a 
 Synod was called : by whom ? by the fuppofed Legate ? No, but by the Effglifh. 
 who prefided in it? the pretended Legate? No, but Theodore the Archbiftiop of 
 Canterbury. There is not the leaft footftep of any forreign Jurifdidtion or Auth(> 
 rity in the whole bufinefs. 
 M4I, 1 1. "^^^y C""*/^^ divers Bijhopricks to be ereded at the commandment of the Pop^. If Jt 
 
 Rtt-e.f. had been proper for the Pope, or if he had had power to have ercdled them himfclfj 
 B'flTopricks .why did he put it upon others ? To command them to credt new Biflioprieks had 
 /f!ni by ^hc ^^'^^ ^ power paramount indeed.This was more than to execute the Canons. The 
 i'opc anfwcr- Hiftory is recited not in the Ninth Chapter . but in the Fifth Chapter of the Si' 
 cd. cond
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of Enghnd. jot- 
 
 cond Book of iVilliam o^ Malmesbwy , Ve Gejivs Regum Anglorum , not as his own 
 relation , but tranfcribcd out of a namelefs Writer, Verbis eifdem qttihui invent fcri- 
 pa interferam. In the days of Edtvard the Elder , the Region of the We{t-Saxons 
 had wanted Bifliops C ^'pon what ground doth not appear; per feptem annos ^knos^ 
 fcven whole years. And it may be that fbme of the Bifhopricks had been longer 
 vacant , perhaps ingrofled by the Bifliops of Winchejier and Slmebome ^ which Two 
 I find to have been always of great note in the Court of the Weji-Saxon Kings. The 
 ground of my conjedure is the words of the Author, ^od olim duo habuerunt in 
 quinque divtjerum ■■, What tm^o for fame Jpace nf time had pnfejjed , they divided into five. 
 Tormofm the then Pope refented this i K. C. remembers what Tragical ftirs he made 
 at Kome \ but as to this particular , a better man might have done a worfe deed. 
 Hejent hU Letters into England , mifit in Angliam Epijiolas, and it feemeth that they 
 were very high, ^ida Papa TormoCo pr^ceptum fit ■■, but pr£ceptum fignifies a Lef- 
 fon or Inftrudtion , as well as a Commandment. And again, t>abat excommunica- 
 tionem& maledidionem Regi Edwardo, & omnibus SubjeCiis ejus; He befioTved an Ex- 
 communication and a ciirfe upon King Edward , and all hii fubjeCir. Why , what had 
 the poor Subjedts offended ? or King Edward , for any thing that appeareth ? This 
 was fharp work indeed , the lirtt Summons an Excommunication with a Curie : 
 A man of Eormofus'Kis temper, who was indeed a Bifhop of an Apoftolical Church, 
 though he violated his Oath to obtain it i and who fuppofed himfelf to be not one- 
 ly the Patriarch of Britain , but a Malier ( of mifrule, ; in the Church , might ad- 
 ■ venture far : But to do him right, I do not believe that this was any formal fen- 
 tencei that had been too palpably unjufl before a citation. I remember not that any 
 other Author mentions it, which they would have done, if it had been a (blemn In- 
 terdid,in thofe days. And this namelefs Author calls it but an Epiflle. Moreover 
 he tells us of honourable prefents fent to the Pope, but not a word of any Abfolu- 
 tion, which had been more to his purpofe, if this had been an Excommunication. 
 It could be nothing but a threatning, That unlefs this abufe were reformed he » 
 
 would hold no Communion with them: As Vi^or a much better Pope, and in much 
 better times, de^lt with the Jfaticl^, over whom he had no Jurifdidtion. There is 
 a vaft difference between formal Excommunication,and withholding of Communi- 
 on ■, as alfb between impofing Ecclefiaftical punifhment , and onely reprefenting 
 what is incurred by the Canons. 
 
 where Obferve with me Two things, Firfl, R. C. his great miflake, that here was 
 •a command to ereft new Bilhopricks, to which the Canons of the Fathers oblige 
 not, and therefore it muft proceed from Soveraign Authority, whereas here was 
 onely a filling or fupplying of the empty Sees. The Authors words zve^de renovan- 
 dis Epifcopatibus, of renewing, not ered:ing,Biihopricks ■■> znd per fep tern annos deftitu- 
 ta Epijcopis, they had wanted Bifhops for feven years. Laftly, the names of the 
 Sees fupplyed, which were all ancient Epifcopal Sees from the Firft Converfion of 
 the Weji-Saxons^ do evince this. IVinchefier, Schireborne or Salesbury^JPIlls, Crediyiton Wil M^lmef. 
 now Exceter^ and the Bifhoprick of Cormcall, called anciently St. Germans. Sf^cond- I- i-Ree- «• ^• 
 ly, Obferve that whatfoever was done in this bufinefs, was done by the Kings Au- 
 thority, congregavit Kex Edwardus Symdum^ King Edward ajjembkd a Synod, faith 
 the fame Author in the place cited : And he calls the fentence of the Synod Vecre- 
 tjm RfgM, the Kings Decree.- This is more to prove the King's Political Headfhip 
 in convocating Synods, and confirming Synods, than all his conjeiftures and furmi- 
 fes to the contrary. 
 
 "They with all humility admitted Legates of the Pope in the time 0/ Kenulphus tf«^ £. j2. Jf/s.-. 
 Ofh^and admitted the ereSinn of a nen> Archbijhoprick^in England. Why fhould they c. is. 
 not admit Legates ? What are Legates but Meffengers and Ambaffadors ? The 
 Office of an AmbafTador is Sacred, though from the Great Turk. But did they 
 admit them to hold Legantine Courts, and fwallow up the whole Ecclefiafiical Ju- 
 rifdidtion of the Kingdom ? King Offa defired to have a new Archbifhoprick eifa- 
 blifhed at Lichfield within his own Dominions i and before he had the concurrence 
 of Pope Adrian, had excluded the Archbifhop of Canterbury out of the Mercian 
 Kingdom, by Royal Authority. On the other fide Kenulphm defired to have the 
 Archbifhoprick fettled, as it was formerly at Csnterbwy. This is nothing to enfor- 
 
 T 2 ced
 
 ig6 
 
 A Juji Vindication 
 
 TOME !. 
 
 Ediat. tfnd 
 Ealrtdin Ora- 
 If. ad Efijdf 
 p»i. Wllhttd. 4 
 fni Sftlm. 
 
 c-d Uirifdidion. England always admitted the Pope's Legates and his Bulls with 
 confcnt of the King, but not otherwife. Here again he cites no Authority but his 
 own. 
 
 Clergymen 
 not excmored 
 from fccular 
 Judge*. 
 
 Plat, in 
 Poliiics. 
 
 7'l'ey profefed that it belonged to Bijhop to ptnip Pnefis and Keligiom men^ and not 
 to Kings. Nomandoubtsof it in their fenfe, but they who leave nothing certain 
 in the World. Here is nothing but a heap of confufed generalities. In Ibme ca- 
 fes the punifhment of Clergymen doth not belong to Kings, but Archbifhops, that 
 is cafes of Ecclefiaftical cognizance, tryablc by the Canon-Law , in the Firll in- 
 flancc. In other cafes it belongs not to Archbifhops, but to Kings, to be their 
 Tudge's, as in cafes of civil cognizance, or upon the laft appeal : Not that the King 
 IS bound to determine them in his own perfon, but by rit Deputies or Delegates. 
 Tlato makes all Regiment to confilt of thcfe Three parts, knowing, commanding, 
 and executing : The Firft belongs to the King and his Council, The Si^cond to the 
 King in his perfon , The Third to the King by his Deputies. So the King governs 
 in the Church, but not as a Church-man i in the Army, but not as a Souidier i In 
 the City, but not as a Merchant i in the Country, but not as an Husbandman. 
 Our Kings did never ufe to determine Spiritual orEcclefiaftical caufes in their own 
 perfonSjbut by meet feleded Delegates. Perfons of great maturity of Judgment, 
 of known Dexterity in the Canon Laws, of approved Integrity : And Laftly fuch 
 ( at leaft (bme of the number ) as were qualified by their callings to cxcrcife the 
 power of the Keys, and ro adt by Excommunication or Abfolution, according to 
 the exigence of the caufev and who more proper to be fuch Delegates in Quel^ions 
 of moment than Archbifhops and Bifhops ? This is fo evident in our Laws and 
 Hiftories, that it is not onely loft labour, but ihame-to oppofe it. KingE^/^ar's 
 words in the place alledged were thefe. Med folicimdinis eji^ Sec. It belongs to my 
 cjre to provide tiecejfaries for the Miniiiers of Churches^ Sec. and to tak^ order for their 
 peace and (juiet^ the Examination of whofe manners belongs to yon, whether they live con- 
 tinently^ and behave themfelves honejily to them that are without^ whether they be folici- 
 touf in performing divine Offices, diligent to inftrtii} the People, fiber in their Converfations^ 
 mode}} in their Habits, difcreet in their Judgments. No man doubts of this. But 
 for all this Edgar did not forget his Kingly Office and Duty. See the conclufion of 
 the fame Oration to the Clergy, contempa funt verba, veniendum efi ad verbera, Sec. 
 Tvords are dejpifed, it mufi come to blows, "thou hafi with thee there the venerable Father 
 Edelwald Bijhop of Winchefter, and Ofwald the 7noft reverend Bijhop of Worcefler. I 
 commit that hufineji to you, that perfons of bad Conversation may be cajl out of the 
 Churches, and perfons of good life brought in by your Epijcopal cenfitre, and my Koyal Au- 
 thority. So Edgar did not forget his Political Headfhip. 
 
 What King Withred f3.id was fpokenin the Council of Becancelde, where he him- 
 felf fate as a civil Prelident, and where the Decrees of the Council ifTued in his 
 name and by his Authority, /frwi/er decernimm, &c. His words are thcfe, Jt belongs 
 to him ( the King ) to mak£ Earls, Vuk^s, Noblemen, Princes, Pre f dents, and fecular 
 Judges, but It belongs to the Metropolitan or Archbijhop to govern the Churches, to choofe 
 Bifhops, Abbats, and other Prelates, Sec. If King tTithred had faid. It belongs to the 
 Pope to govern the Churches, it had made for his purpofe indeed •, But faying as 
 he doth, it belongs to the Metropolitan, it cuts the throat of his caufe, and fhews 
 clearly what we fay, that our Metropolitans are not fubordinate to any fingle Eccle- 
 fialtical Superior. As for the bounds between the King and the Archbifhop, we 
 know them well enough : he needed not trouble his head about it. 
 
 They fuffered their Subjedts to profefs,That qui non communicat Ecclefjt Romans 
 
 tUreticus eft ; quicquid ipfaftatuerit, fufcipio ■■, & quod damnaverit, damno : He U an 
 
 neretiik^that holds not Communion with the Church 0/ Rome i what pe determines, I 
 
 Xonrthath no '^""''' ' f hat (he condemns, J condemn. Suppofing thefe to be the very words of 
 
 ccrtiintyofln j?"''"'"''? ^^ough 1 have rw reafbnto truft his citations further than I fee them-, and 
 
 allibilitie. fuppofing them to have been fpoken in R. C. his fenfe i yet Ealred was but one 
 
 Dodtor, whofe Authority is not fit to counterbalance the pnblick Laws and Cu- 
 
 ftoms and Records of a whole Kingdom. Neither doth it appear that they who 
 
 fate at the Stern in thofe days did either fuffer if, or fo much as know of it. Books 
 
 were not publifhed then fo foou as they were written, but lay moft commonly 
 
 dor- 
 
 B>idm> 
 
 Eatrtd 
 Str. 3$. rn 
 
 I4.c.//4i<-
 
 Discourse IIJ. Of the Churdh ofEn^diwd. jgy 
 
 dormient many years, or perhaps many ages, before they fee the Sun. But Eakcd 
 
 his fenfe was not the fame, it could not be the fame with K. C. his. No man in 
 
 thofe days did take the Church of Kome for tfie Kom^iM-Catholick or Univerfal 
 
 Church, but for the Diocefs of Kome^ which their beft Prodlors do make to be 
 
 no otherwife infallible than upon fuppofition of the infeparability of the Papacy 
 
 from it, which BfJ/^^rw/w himfelf confelTeth to be but a probable Opinion, Nif^wf Bett.de Rom, 
 
 Serif tma neque Traditio habet^fedem Apnjiolicam itafixam ejfe Romje, ut itide auferri non Pont. 1. 4. c.<. 
 
 foUit; Ibere U neither Scripture nor Iraditim to prove that the Apofiolick See is fo fixed to 
 
 Rome that it cannot be removed front it. Therefore thefe words of Ealred cannot be 
 
 applyed to this prefent Queftion, becaufe the fubjedt of the Queftion is changed. 
 
 And if they be underltood fimply and abfolutely of an Univerfal Communion with 
 
 the Church of Kome both prefent and future, they are unfound in the judgment of 
 
 BeVarmine himlclf. It remains therefore that they are either to be underltood of 
 
 Communicating in eflentials i and fo we Communicate with the Church of Rome 
 
 at this day : Or that by the Church of Rome EaJreddid underftand the Church of 
 
 Kome of that age, whereas all thofc exceptions which We have againft them for 
 
 our not Communicating with them adtually in all things, are either fpriing up fincc 
 
 Ealred's time, or at leaft, ilnce that time, made or declared neceflary conditions of 
 
 their Communion. Laftly, I defire the Reader to take notice, that thefc words of 
 
 Ealred do contain nothing againft the political Supremacy of Kings, nor againft the 
 
 Liberties of the Englijh Church, nor for the Jurifdidion of the Court of Kome over 
 
 England, and fb might have been pafTed by as impertinent. 
 
 Tihey endited their Letters to the Pope in thefe roords, Summo & Vniverfali Eccl^ti Adreiii i/itk 
 Fajiori Nicolao Edwardus Dei gratia Anglis Kex dehitam fuhjeUionem & omnimo- ^j^'lf^'r 
 dttmfervitium. It (eemeth that the Copies differ, (bme have not Pi^ori but Patri, gupcrfcripti- 
 nor Vniverfali but Vnivcrfal'n Ecclefue, and no more but Obedientiam for omnimodum ons to J'op««. 
 fervitium. But let him read it as he lift, it fignifies nothing. There cannot be imagi- 
 ned a weaker or a poorer argument than that which is drawn from theSuperfcription 
 or Subscription of a Letter. He that enrolls every man in the Catalogue of his friends 
 and fervants,who fubicribe themfelves his loving or obliged friends^ or hit faithful and 
 obedient fervants, will find his friends and fetvants (boner at a Feaft than at a Fray. 
 Titles are given in Letters more out of Cuftorti and Formality than out of Judg- 
 ment and Truth. The Pope will not ftick to endite his Letter to the King of the 
 Romans, and yet fufFerhimto have nothing to do in Rome. Every one, who endited 
 their Letters to the high and mighty Lords the States General, did not prefently 
 believe that was their juft Title before the King of Spain's Refignation. Titles are 
 given fometimes out of courtefie, {bmetimes out of necclfity, becaufe men will not 
 lofe their bufmefs for want of a complement. He that will write to the great 
 Duke of Mufcovia muft ftile him Emperor of Ru^a. How many have loft their 
 Letters and their labours for want of a mon Frere or mon Coufme^ my Brother or my 
 Coufin? 
 
 It were beft for him to quit his argument from Superfcriptlons, otherwife he will 
 be flie wed Popes calling Princes their Lords, and themfelves their Subjeds and Ser- 
 vants, yea Princes moft glorious and moft excellent Lords, and themfelves Servants 
 of Servants, that is. Servants in the fuperlative degree; They will find Cyprian ta 
 his Brother Cornelius health^and Juftinian to John the mofl holy Archbifljop of the , City 
 of Rome, and Patriarch. Did St. Cyprian believe Cornelim to be his Mafter, and ftilc 
 him Brother? or owe obedience,and fervice and fend but health ? Had it been come- 
 ly to ftile an Ecclefiaftical Monarch plain Archbifhop and Patriarch, and for the 
 Chriftian World to fet down onely the City of Rome ? 
 
 But what doth he take hold on in this Superfcription to their advantage ? Is it 
 the -jvordfummo ? That cannot be, it is confefTcd generally that the Bifhop of Kome 
 had priority of Order among the Patriarchs. Or is it the word Vniverfali? Nei- 
 ther can that bev all the Patriarchs were ftiled Oecumenical or Univerfal, not in ref^ 
 pe<fl of an Univerfal power, but their Univerfal care, as St. Paul faith, "The care rf 
 aV the Churches did lye upon him, and thch pitCidenct in Gencxil Councils. It can- tcor.tuilii 
 not be the word Pafiori; All Bifliops were anciently called Paftorsi Where then lyes 
 theftrength of this Argument ? In the words duejiibje^ion? No. There i$ fub« 
 
 T 3 jeai-
 
 ,p8 A J lift Vindication TOMEl. 
 
 jedion to good advife, as well as to juft commands. The principal Patriarchs bore 
 the ercatcfl fway in a General Council-, in that rcfped there was fubjcdion due unto 
 them. The la(t words all forts of fervice, are not in fome Copies, and if they were, 
 vtrboTumut mtnmorum, as they are commonly ufed,as well trom Superiors to their 
 Inferiors, as from Inferiors to their Superiors, they fignifie nothing. 
 
 I wonder he was not afraid to cite this Superfcription, coniideringthe claufc in 
 Pope Nicholof his letter to King Edrvard^ VobU verb &pojieris veflrvs Kegibm commini- 
 AiUtd-wd- ^^ Advocationem & luitionem ejufdem loci^ & omnium totius Anglia Ecckfiarum^ ut 
 vice ttojird^ cum confilio Epifcoj>orum & Abbatum^ conftituas ubique qux ytjlaftim. King 
 Edtvard by the fundamental Law of the Land, was the Vicar of God to govern the 
 Church of God mthin hU Dominions. But if he had not, here is a better Title from 
 the See of Kome it ftlf^ than that whereby the King of Spain holds all the Ecclefia- 
 llical Jurifdidtion of Sicily to him and his lieirs at this day. 
 Wilfmt- Anno They profejfed that it was Herefte to deny that the Tepe omni prefidet creatura^ is ahotie 
 i%%6. every creature. That is no more than to fay, that the Bifhop of Kome, as fuccefTor 
 
 ^°7Ahr^^ to Sr. P«fr, is />«»«/>/«»« 'Z/'«itatif,the beginning of Unity, or hath a principality dt 
 bove all crea/ Ordcr( not of Power }above all Chriftians. It will be hard for him to gain any 
 turts. thing at the hands of that wife and vidorious Prince Edward the Third, who diC- 
 
 pofed of Ecclefiaftical dignities, received homage and fealty from his Prelats, who 
 writ that fo much admired Letter to the Pope for the Liberties of the Englijh 
 Church, cui pro tunc Fapa aut Cardinales rationabiliter rejpondere nefciebant, to which the 
 Walfint.Annii pgpg ^jjj Q^yjifj^js (j^ jtgfj^ow at that time how to give a reafonable anfwer. Where- 
 in he pleads, that his Anceltors had granted free Ele<flions,adirogiJf«»z & injlantiam 
 didx fedif^pon the earnefi entreaty of the See of Rome, which now 'they endeavoured 
 to Ufurp and Seize upon, who made himfelf in Parliament the Judge of all the 
 grievances which the Kingdom fultained from the Pope, who made exprefs Laws 
 a 5. £.3. againft the opprellions of the Koman ^Court, declaring publickly. That it was his 
 duty^and that he was bound by his Oath to maks ^fmedies againji them. This was more 
 than Twenty fuch complements as this, which is moft true in a right fenle. That 
 it was but a complement appeareth evidently by this. The Queftion was about 
 Edward the Third's right to the Crown of France, and his confederation with 
 Lewis of Bavaria; thefe were no Ecclefiafiical matters, the King ftnt his AmbafTa- 
 dors to the Pope, to treat with him about his right to the Crown of France. But 
 rotwithftanding his fupercminent judgment, he gave them in charge to treat with 
 WMnti Ann* ^^^ Pope, not as a Judge, but as a private per/on, and a common friend not inform nor in 
 134}: , fg^'f^i of judgment. He attributeth no more to the Pope, than to another man, ac- 
 
 cording to tne reafbns which he fhall produce. His own words are theft, parati 
 femper nedum a vejiro fando cundis prefidente judicio, imo a qmlibet alio de veritate con- 
 irarii (fi quit earn noverit ) humiliter injormari, &quijponte rationi fubjicimur aliam 
 datam nobis inteVigi veritatem cum plena & humili gratitudine compleaemur. Bei»z f^^ 
 dy always humbly to be informed of the truth of the contrary(if any man k^ow it) not 
 onely from your holy judgment beingplaced in dignity before all, (01 as it is in another 
 place before every Creature } hut from any other. And we,who are fubjeU to reafm »f 
 our own accord,wi\l embrace the truth, with humility and thankjulnef!, when it if made 
 iinovcn unto us. This was Edward the Third's Refolution to fubmit to reafon, and 
 the evidence of the truth, from whomfoever it proceeded. Yet though the cafe 
 was meerly Civil, and not at all of Ecclefiaftical cognizance, and though Edward 
 the Third did not, would not,truft the Pope with it as a Judge, but as an indiffe- 
 rent Friend, yet he gives him good words. That his 'judgment was placed in dignity a- 
 hove all Creatures, which to deny was to allaw of Herefte. 
 
 Why do we hear words, when we fee Deeds ? The former Popes had Excom- 
 municated Leivis of Bavaria, and all who fhould acknowledge him to be Emperor. 
 Wdi/Irr Ibid' Nevcrthelefs Edward the Third contracted a firm league with him, and moreover 
 became his Lieutenant in the Empire. Pope Be«f«/i5 takes notice of it, writes to 
 King FJward about it, intimates the decrees of his predecefTors againft Lewis of 
 Bavaria and his adherents, flgnifying that the Emperor was deprived, and could not 
 make a Lieutenant. The King gives fair words in general, but notwithftanding all 
 that the Pope could do to the contrary proceeds, renews liis league with the Empe-
 
 DiscouBsE I/I. Of f/jeChMtc/j of En^hnd. ^ ipp 
 
 ror, and his Commillion for the Lieutenancy, and trailed more to his own judg- 
 ment than totiiefnperemi?tfnt judgment of the Pope. 
 
 So he draws to a Conclufion of this Chapter,and though he have proved nothing 
 in the World, yet he asks, JFhat greater power did ever Tope challenge than here if pro- 
 fefed/' Even all the povvcr that is in controveriic between us and them. He chal- 
 lenged the Political Headfhip of the Engliflj Church, under pretence of an Ecclefia- 
 ftical Monarchy. He challenged a Legillative power in Ecclefiaftical caufes. He 
 challenged a Difpenfative power above the Laws, againft the Laws of the Church, 
 whenfoever, wherefocver, over whomfoever. He challenged liberty to fend Legates, 
 and hold Lcgantine Courts in England without licence. He challenged the ri»ht of 
 receiving the laft Appeals of the King's Subjedls. He challenged the Patronage of 
 the Englijh Church, and Invcftitures of Bilhops, with power to impofe a new Oath 
 upon them, contrary to their Oath of Allegiance. He challenged the Firft Fruits 
 and Tenths of Ecclefiaftical livings, and a power to impole upon them what Pen- 
 fions or other burthens he plea(ed. He challenged the goods of Clergymen dying 
 intelhte, &c. All which arc exprefly contrary to the fundamental Laws and Cu- 
 ■ ftoms of England. 
 
 He confelfeth, That it is lawful to refiji the Pope, invadinf^ either th Bodiei onthe 
 SohIi of men, or trottbling the Commonvpeahh , or indeavouring to dejlroy the Church, 
 I ask no moicYezforfnoth, faith he. If J may be Judge, what doth invade the Soul. 
 No I confefs I am no rit Judge. No more is he. The main Quelnon is who (hall 
 be Judge, what are the Liberties and Immunities of a National Church,and what arc 
 the grievances which they fuftain from the Court of Rome. Is it equal that the 
 Court of Kowethemlelves (hould be the Judges, who are the perfbns that do the 
 wrong ? Nothing can be more abfurd. In vain is any mans fentence expedted a- 
 gainft himfelf The moft proper and the higheft judicature upon Earth in this cafe, 
 is a General Council, as it was in the ca{e of the Cyprian Bifhops and their pretend- 
 ed Patriarch. And until that remedy can be had, it is lawful and behooveth every 
 Kingdom or National Church, who know beft their own rights, and have the rnoic 
 feeling where their Shoe wrings them, to be their own Judges^ I mean onely by a 
 Judgment of Difcretion,toprcferve their own rights inviolated, ahd their perfons 
 free from wrong,/«t mnderamine inculpate tutels. And efpecially Sovereign Princes, 
 are bound both by their Office,and by their Oiths,to provide for the fecurity and 
 indemnity of their Subjeds, as all Kowj^f-Catholick Princes do when they have 
 occafion. 
 
 And here he falls the Third time upon his former Theme , that, in things in- 
 ftituted by God, the abufe doth not tak^ away the ufe. Which we do willingly acknow- 
 ledge,and fay with St. Aujiine,Neque enimfi peccavit Cscilianus, idea hdreditatem fu- ' 
 
 amperdidit Chriftuf,& fceleratd impudemie eft propter crimina hominif qux orbi terra- •^"/"/'•^f' $*• 
 rum non poffis ojlendere, Commitnionem orbis terrarum veVe damnare. Neither if Ceci- 
 lian offended, did Chrift therefore lofe his inheritance. And it is wicked impudence for 
 the crimes of a man, which thou canft notfhew to the World, to he tpilling to condemn tht 
 Communion of the world. But neither was that Authority of the Bifhop of Rome, 
 ■which we have rejedted,either of Divine or Apoftolical Inftitution ; Nor have wc 
 rejedted it for the perfonal faults of fome Popes, but becaufe it was faulty in it fdf: 
 Nor have we feparated our felves, from the conjoyned Communion of the Chriftian 
 World in any thing. I wifh the Kemanifts were no more guilty thereof than 
 we. 
 
 Of King Henrie*s exemption of himfclf from all Spiritual Jurifdi(Sion we have f(ff • «• 
 fpoken formerly in this very Chapter. 
 
 CHAP. V.
 
 100 
 
 A Jnji Vindication TOME L 
 
 T 
 
 C H A P. V. 
 
 *Hc fcope of my Fiftli Chapter, was to fiiew that the Britamk\ Cliurches 
 were free from all forreign Jurifdi<Sion for the Firft Six hundred ycars,and 
 
 Co ought to continue. For the clearing of which point, I (hewed that 
 
 there was a parity of power among the Apoftles •, And that the Sovereignty did 
 not reft in any fingle Apoftle, but in the Apoftolical Colledge. 1 (hewed that in 
 the age of the Apoftles, and the age next fiKceeding, the higheft Order in the 
 Church, under the Apoftles, were National Protarchs or Patriarchs ■, And by what 
 means, and upon what grounds, in after ages fome of thefe Patriarchs came to be 
 "archsin- exalted above the reft, and to obfcure their fellows. But each of thefe within their 
 depencknt iip- own Patriarchates,did challenge a Jurifdiftion independent upon any fingle Superi- 
 on a fingle Su- or, as might be made clear by many inftances. When Athanafius and Fauluf pro- 
 perior. cured the Letters of Pope y^*''"^ for their reftitution ( 1 meddle not with the me- 
 
 Stcrat. ■ •c. ,^.^_ ^j. ^j^^ ^^^^^ ^ ^j^^ Bi(hops of the Eaji took the reprehenfion ot^ Julius as a con- 
 tumely, they called a Council at ^jitiw/;, they accufed Julius (harply, and (hewed 
 that he had nothing to do to contradict them, more than they did contradict him 
 when he thruft Novam out of the Church. Neitl^er did the great Proto-Patriarchs 
 challenge this independency onely, but other \ciki Patriarchs alfo, as St. Cyprian. 
 When Fortmatus FdhcijUimus and others, being fentencedand Excommunicated in 
 ^/ric^^addreffed their complaint to the Bifhop of Kome, let us hear what St. Cy- 
 cnr. tp. 1 1, f^^'*^ ^^'"^ ^f i^' What caufe had they to come and relate the making of a falfe Bipop a- 
 Ep. 3*. gainji true hijhops ? Either that rvhich they have done pleafeth them, and they ferfevere in 
 
 their n-ickcdnefi, or if it dijpleafe them; and they faV from it, they knotv rfhether to return : 
 for rohereas it is decreed by us all, and it is equal andjujl, that every ones caufe fhould he 
 heard there where the crime veas committed, and a certain portion of the Lords flock^ii 
 ajfigmd to each Tajior, which he is to govern, and to give an account of his anions to the 
 Lord : Therefore it behooveth thofe whom we are over not to run up and down, nor to 
 break^the frrm concord of Bijhops by their fubtle and deceitful rapnej!. But to plead their 
 caufe there where they may have both accufers and witneffes of their crimes, unlefi the 
 Authority of the African Bifhops, who havefentenced them already, feem to'aferv defter ate 
 cafl-aways to be inferior,&c. To (ay, with BeVarmine, that St. Cyprian (peaks onely of 
 the Firft inftancc,is to contradid St. C>i|^m« himlelf, who faith expre(sly that the 
 I caufe had been fentenced already in Africk^ 
 
 Then 1 (hewed the bounds of the ancient Koman Patriarchate out oi" Kuffinus, 
 The reft of the Chapter may be reduced to a Syllogifm. Whatfoever Church or 
 Churches were free and exempted from the forreign Jurifdidtion of the Koman 
 Court, from the beginning, until the General Council o( Ephefus , ar\6i after until 
 the Six hundredth year of Chrift, ought to continue free and exempted for ever, not- 
 withftanding the fubfequent Ufurpation of any forreign Prelate or Patriarch. This 
 was clearly and irrefragably proved out of the words of the Council it felf^ And 
 Cone. Epiiefin. if the Bifhop of Kome did intrude himfelf after that time he is a Robber and an 
 Part-i. AH.'!, ufu^pg^^ ^^^ ^^^ never prefcribe to a legal pofTeflion, according to the famous rule 
 
 of the Lawi Adversits furem aterna Authoritas e(to. 
 Britain enjoy- ' ^^^ ^^^ Britannick^ Churches were free and exempted from the forreign Jurifdi- 
 ed the Cyfri- <^ion of the Roman Court from the beginning , until the General Council of Ephe- 
 «n privilcdge. fits, and after, until the Six hundredth year of Chrift. This AfTumption was pro- 
 ved Firft by their filence, upon whom the proof in Law doth reft, being ■* not able 
 to produce one in(tance of the exercife of their Jurifdidion in Britain, or any of the 
 Maiib. Par'i ^'"'.'•^""''^k.^Hands , for the firft Six hundred years, and in fome parts of them fcarce- 
 »" ff- ?. 4iino' ^y ^^^ '200. years. When the Pope's Legate would have entred into Scotland to vi- 
 i2}8. fit the Churches there about the year 1238; Alexander the Second, then King of the 
 
 Scots, forbad him to do (b, alledging, That none of his Predecejfors had ever admit- 
 ted anyfiich , neither would befuffer it ■■, and therefore willed him at his own peril to 
 
 for-
 
 ^' ^ : -^ _ _^__ 
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church <7f Ensiland 
 
 3CI 
 
 forbear. Secondly, By priority of Foundation , the Bmannkh^Chnxch. being the el- 
 der Siller , and ancienter than the Roman, and therefore could not be fubjed to the 
 Roman Church from the beginning i that was, before there was a Roman Church. 
 Thirdly , It was proved by the Right of Ordination and Eledion of all our Pri- 
 mates: For all other Right of Jurifdidion doth follow or purfue the Right of Ordi- 
 nation. But it is moft evident , that all our Bntijh Primates, or Archbilliops, were 
 nominated and eleded by our Princes with Synods, and ordained by their own Suf- 
 fragans at home , as Vubricius , St. David , Samfon , &c. not onely in the Reigns 
 oi Atirelms Ambrefius, and King Arthur, but even until the time oi Henry the Firlt, 
 after the Eleven hundredth year of Chrift , as Giraldiis Cambrenfis witnefleth. Sem- irtnernr. 
 fertamen, &c. Tet altvays until the fuVConqueJi nf Wzks hy the King 0/ England C^mi. /.2.c.r. 
 Henry the Firji, the Bi/hopr 0/ Wales TPere confecrated by the Archbifhop of St .Divides: 
 and he liketvife was confecrated by other Bifljops as hU Suffragans^ rvithoui profeffing any 
 manner offubjeSion to any other Church. But principally "it was proved by the An- 
 fwer oiVionothfUS , the Reverend and Learned Abbat and Redor of the Monaftery 
 and Univerfity of Bangor , and from the folemn Sentence or Decree of Two Britijh 
 Synods in the point, recorded by all our Hiftoriographers , who write the PiGts of 
 thofe times. 
 
 I confefs he nibbles hare and there at fome odd ends of this Difcourfc , buttaketh 
 no manner of notice of the main grounds, efpecially the Two Britifh Synods which 
 are exprels in the point, and the Anfwer of Vionothxs , that they refufed abfolutely 
 to fubmit to the Jurifdidion of the Pope , or to receive Aujiin for their Archbifhop, 
 That as for that man rvhom they called the Pope, they ought him no obedience, but the obe- 
 dience of Love, That they were immediately under Cod, 'fuhjeS to the Bijhop ofCaer- ' 
 Leon : But let us take a view of his Exceptions. 
 
 Firft, he faith , That Bel'armine hath not thefe words : T^hat Chrifi,in faying thefe BtlUrmine 
 voordf. As my Father fent me fo fend I you , did endue hif Apajiles with aU fulnefs of ^^^i^\i\ 
 fower , that mortal men were capable of. Neither did I cite his words , but his fenfe, quaj jn^owerl 
 as he might (ee by the Character i but that Bellarmine (aid as much or more than 
 this , I will now make it good. Let him fpeak for himfelf. therefore that the Apo- 
 files received their JurifdiBion immediately from Chrijl , Firji , the words of our Lord du ^' ^ ^' *"* 
 tejiifie , John 20. As my Father fent me, fo fend I you, which place the Fathers Chry- •^""'•'•'J* 
 fodome and Tn£ophyhi\ do fo e>cpound , that they fay plainly that the Apoflles were 
 made hy thefe words the Vicars ofChrifi: Tea , that they received the very Office and Au- 
 thority ofChriji. He addeth out of St. Cyril, That by thefe words the Apojiles were 
 created Apojiles and Do&ors of the whole world i and that we might underjiand , that all 
 Ecclefiajiical power ii contained in Apoftolical Authority; therefore Chrijl added. As my 
 Father fent me , fquidem Fater mifit Filium fumma potejlate praditttm. Further he pro • 
 veth out of^ St. Cyprian, That whatfoever power Chriji didpromife or give to St. Peter, 
 when he faid , To thee wilt I give the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, and feed my Sheep, 
 he did give parem poteftatem , an equal power ta the rejl of the Apojiles in thefe words. 
 And afterwards he calleth it JurifdiSionem plenifimam, a moji full JurifdiHion. Lay 
 all this together , that by thefe words he made them the Vicars of Chrift , and con- 
 ferred upon them the very OfEce and Authority of Chrift , made them Apoftles and 
 Dodors of the whole World , gave them all Ecclefiaftical power, an equal power 
 to St. Peter^ '. And L'aftly, a moft full Jurifdiftion i and compare them with that 
 which I faid , that by thefe words Chrift gave them all the plenitude of Ecclefiafti- 
 cal power that mortal men were capable ot". And if he fay not more than I did, I 
 am fure he faith no lefs. Is mortal man capable of more than the Vicariate of th« 
 Son of God, yea , of his Office and Authority ? Can any thing be more high than 
 that which is higheft, more full than that which is fulleft , or more univerfal than 
 that which comprehends all Ecclefiaftical power within it? It had been fufficient to my 
 purpofe if he had faid no more , but onely that it was equal to St. Peer's. If it £. 4 y, jj,, 
 were needful, I might cite other places out of Bf^arwwe to make my words good. Pont.c.ii, 
 Therefore the Lord left unto hU Apojiles (by thefe words) hh own place , and would that 
 theyjhould enjoy hU Authority in governing the Kingdom. 
 
 '&ut Bellarmine tdltth MS, 'T\^^tth'vf if meant not in re^etl of themfelves , hut in re- . 
 fed ofali other men. I know Behrmim faith fo , not in this place but elfcwhere. j»/„, *^*, 
 
 But *
 
 102 
 
 A Juft Viudicjtton 
 
 TOM E I 
 
 O^r. it unU> 
 Ecclepi. 
 
 Cirti Jtvin. 
 /.'I.e. 14. 
 How Peter 
 head of the 
 reft. 
 
 A fopeiioTity 
 of Order i«^ 
 fufficient to 
 prevent 
 Schilin. 
 
 But Fwlt he faith Tt upon his own head without any Authority None ot the Fa- 
 Sers ever tauRht, that St. P^^r had a bupremacy o Power and Jurifdidion over 
 the rert of the Apollles. All that they fay is, that he was the beginning ot Unity, 
 
 d the Head of the Apo/lolical Colledge-, that is , in order and eminence, Tnmp 
 ^Ap(ihloTuni, as Virgil is called the Prince of Poets , or St. Vaul the Head of Nations, 
 or St. 7^»vx the Bifliop of Bifliops. _ ^, ^ „. . 
 
 Secondly ,This Anfwer is altogether impertinent. The Queltion is not between 
 lis what the Apoftles were in refped: of their perfonal adions among themfelves 
 one towards another, though even this were abfurd enough to fay, that St. Petfr 
 had power to fufpend his Fellow-Apoftles , either in their Offices , or in their Per- 
 fons : But the Queftion between us is, what the Apoftles were in refped of the Go- 
 vernment of the Chrilhan World,wherein by this dirtindion he granteth them all to 
 
 be equal. 
 
 Thirdly, By his leave he contradids himfelfv for if St. Pf tf r had any Power and 
 Jurifdidion over the reft of the Apoftles , and they had none mutually over him-, 
 then if was r\oipr potejlas, an equal power , for par in parent non habct potejiatem. If 
 his power was fuller than theirs ■■, then theirs was i\ot flenijjima fonjias : If his pow- 
 er was higher than theirs, then theirs was not fumma potejias : If there was fonjc 
 Ecckfiaftical pdwer which they had not i then all Ecclefiafiical power was not com- 
 prehended in Apoftolical Authority, then the power ot opening and (hutting is lar- 
 ger than the power of binding and loofing , and to feed ChriiVs Sheep is more than 
 to befent as his Father fent him\ all which is contrary both to the Truth, and to what 
 himlelf hath taught us. 
 
 Laftly, if St. Veter had not onely a primacy of Order, but alio a Supremacy of 
 Power and Jurifdidion over the reft of the Apoftles ■■, then his Succeffors Limis^ and 
 Ckius , and Clemens , were Superiors to St. John , and he was their Subjedt , and 
 lived under their Jurifdi<5tion , which no realbnable Chriftian will eafily believei 
 Uncerant utique & cxtcri Apofioli quodfmt & Petrus pari confnrtio pradtti , & honoris^ 
 & potejlatis ■■, fed exordium ab Vnitate profcifcitur^&fprimatus Petro datur , «t Ecckfia 
 una movjhetur. If they were equal in honour and power , then the Primacy muft 
 be of Order. That thefe words \_ to thee vpHI I give the Keys "^ and \_fefd my Sheep~\ 
 do include Power and Authority, I grant: but that they include a Supremacy of 
 power over the reft of the Apoftles i or that they include more power than thefc 
 other words Q as my Father fent me, fo fend I you ^ I do altogether deny. 
 
 I acknowledge the Words of St. Hierofme, That one was chofen , that an Head be- 
 ittg cotifiituted the occafion ofSchijm might be tak^n away. But this Head was onely an 
 Head of Order : And truly what St. Hierofme faith in this place leemeth to me to 
 have reference to the perfons of the Apoftles, and by Schifm to be underftood con- 
 tention and altercation among the Apoftles themfelves, which of them (hould be the 
 greatcft , as Markup. 34. To this I am induced to inclines Firft , by the Word occa- 
 fio, he faith, not as ellewhere for a remedy of Schifm^ but to take away occafion of 
 Schifin or Contention. Secondly , By the Words following in St. Hierofme , Magi- 
 fier bonus qui occafwnem jurgii debuerat auferre Vifcipulps v To takg arc ay occafion of chi- 
 ding from hv! Vifciples'', and in adolefcentem quern dilexerat caufam prmbere videretur in~ 
 vidiA ■, becaufe Teter was the Eldeft, and John the Youngeft , our Saviour would 
 notfeem to give caufe of envy againft him whom he loved.To take away occafion of chi- 
 ding from his Dilciples , and not to give caufe of envy againft his beloved Difciple, 
 do feem properly to refped the Apoftolical Colledge. But let this be as it will, I urge 
 no man to quit his own fenfe. 
 
 He preflethhis former Argument yet farther, Thzt a fuperiority of Order is not fuf- 
 ficient to tak^ arvay Schifm , without a fuperiority of power and Authority. I Anfwer, 
 That in all Societies an Head of Order is neceflary to prevent and remedy Schifm , 
 that there may be one to convocatc the Society, to propofe Doubts, to receive 
 Votes , to pronounce Sentence. And if there be a judiciary Power and Authority 
 in the body of the Society , it is a fufficient remedy againft Schifm. As in a Col- 
 ledge , Schifm is as well prevented by placing the power jointly in the Provoft and 
 Fellows, as by giving the Provoft a Monarchical power over the Fellows. And in 
 »he Catholick Church by placing the Supremacy of Ecclefiaitical power in a Coun- 
 cil,
 
 JDiscouRSE III. Of the Church of Enghnd. 
 
 ao3 
 
 cil , or by placing it in a iingk perfon. And thas the Sovereign power over the 
 Univerfal Church was ever in an Oecumenical Council, utoil of later days , that the 
 Popes having gotten into their hands the bcltowing of the moft and bell Eeclelia- 
 ilical preferments in Europe , did find out their own advantage in that behalf above a 
 general Council, which hath neither Dignities nor Eenehccs to befiow. When, or 
 where, or by whom, the primacy of Order was conferred upon St. Feter, it concerns 
 R. C. to enquire more than me. 
 
 They have yet another evailon, that the higheft Ecclefiamcal power was given The reft fa 
 not onely to St. Peter ^ but to all the relt ot the Apoftlcs v but to St. Peter as an or- ^°" « well as 
 dinary Paftor to defcend prom him to his SticceJJ'ors , becaufi they rvere appointed Heads of ^'^"''' " 
 the Vtiiverfal Church , rchkb th(y coitld not govetii tvithout Vniverfal pojvir •, and to 
 the reft of the Apoftles as Delegates or Commilfioiicrs onety fir term of their lives 
 not to defcend to their Snccefjors. This diflincftion I called a drowfie dream hatched 
 lately without either reafon dr aiithority Divine or Humane. Againft this he takes 
 exception. And I am ready to mamtain my AlTertion: That if he can produce 
 but one Text of Holy Scripture expounded in this feni'c by any one ancient Inter- 
 preter, or but one Sentence' of any one Council, oi^ finglc Father, for a Thouftnd 
 years after Chrift , who taught any fuch Dodrine , or made any fuch diftin(Sion as 
 this i.s, direftly without far-fetched confequenccs , and I will retradt: but I arts' 
 confident he cannot produce one Author or Authority in the point. All his reafon 
 is , becaufe St. Peter was the ordinary J>aftor of the Church, and the reft of the Apo- 
 ftles but Delegates, which is a meer begging of the Queftron. Neither was St. Pe- 
 ter fole Paftor of the Church, nor his Univerfal Authority neceflary to a true Paftori 
 neither were the Apoftles meer Duiegates , for then they could have had no Succef- 
 fors, which yet he acknowkdgeth that they had. Sometimes Beliarmine will admit f' ^^'/'i*u 
 no proper Succeifors of the Apoftles , no , hot of St. Peter , as an Apoftle. At o- i.^.'' 
 ther times he makes the Pope an Apoftolical Bifliop , his See an Apoftolical See, and 
 his Office to be an Apoftlefhip. It is ftrange the Spirit of God fhould be fo filent in 
 a piece of Dodrine which they afTert to be fo neceifary, and that the blefTed Apo- 
 ftles , and the Nicene Fathers, and holy Athdftafms fliould be fo forgetful, as not to 
 infert it into their Creeds. But that the whole Church fhould be ignorant of fuch it 
 Myftery for Fifteen hundred years, is not credible. 
 
 I pafs by their comparifon of a Bifhop, whois Paftor and Ordinary of htS tj^6'- 
 ceTs, wh6fe Office defcends to his SuccelTors , and a Friei' licenfed by the Pope to 
 preach throughout the lame Diocefs , whofe Office determineth with his Life. So 
 what they cannot prove they endeavour to illuftrate. Before they told us that the 
 Apoftles were the Vicars of Chrift, are they now become the Vicars of St. Pfter and 
 his Coadjutors ^Before they taught us that the Apoftolical power was fumma &-ple- 
 «i//iWi?/'otf(Jiij-, a moft high,a mofttull power, and comprehended all Eccleliaftical 
 power. And is it now changed to a Licence to preach •• No , the Apoftles had 
 more than Licences to preach , even as ample power to goveVn as St. Peter him- 
 felf The Pope having inftituted one man into a Bifhoprick cannot, during his in- 
 cumbency, give the joint-government of his Church to another. This were to re- 
 voke his former grant. Sea. s. 
 
 I confefs , that which R. C. faith , is in part a truth , That the rcH: of the Apo- ""•''"^'■'^''Jn^. 
 Ales did not leave an tTniverfal and Apoftolical Authority and Juififdidtion to their nicablc aualr- 
 Succcflbrs. But it is riot the whole Truth , for no more did St. Peter himfclf. The fication of rhd 
 Apoftles had diverfe things peculiar to their perfons , and proper" for the firft Plan- Apoftla. 
 ters of the Gofpel , which were not communicated to any of t'htrr SuccelTors: As 
 ITniverfality of yurifdi<ffiori ,fof which their SuccelTors have Aflignatron to particu- 
 lar charges •> Immediate Or c'xffaordinary vocation, for which theii' SuccelTors have 
 Epifcopal Ordination i The gift of ftrange Tongues, and infallibility of Judg- 
 ment , for which we have Chriftian School* and Univerfifi'es i The grace of doing 
 miracles, and giving the Holy Ghoft by Impofition of Hands. If the Bifliops 6f 
 Rome will' take upon them to be St. Pffer's Heirs ex ajje , and pi'etend that their Of- 
 fice is an ApoftlelTiip, arid that they therrifelvcs are truly ApoiMidi , adudmg 3i\\ 
 others from that priviledgfi-, let us fee theni do fome' Miracles, or l^ieak ftrarig,c 
 Languages, which were Apoftolical Qualificatloris-. tf they cannot, certainly thify 
 
 arc
 
 A Juft Vindication TOME 1, 
 
 ~~— r. u, ■„ ,v ade and though their See be Apoftolical , yet their Of- 
 
 T 'IZImI Norway they challenge more than they (hew good cvi- 
 
 hcc IS no AH^'^''^'P^ ^,^^^.,, i^ ^lealed to confer upon them. Tlie Bilhops oi' 
 t"'' 'rr'tcnd to none of thefe priviledges , but onely this of Univerfal Jurifdidioni 
 r'rhoush they challenge btlidcs this an Infallibility of Judgment, yet it is not an 
 ADoftolical Infallibility, becaull- they challenge no Infallibility by immediate revela- 
 f TiGod but from the diligent ufe of the means i neither do they challenge 
 ^'"'l fallibJity in their Sermons and Writings as the Apoftles did , but onely in the 
 Conclufions of matters of Faith. And why do they pretend to this Apoftolical qua- 
 lification more than any of the reft ? Either becaufe that,it they fliould pretend to 
 of the reft the deceit would prcfently be difcovered , for all men know that 
 thcv can work no Miracles , nor (peak ftrange Languages , nor have their Calling 
 immediately from Heaven , but are elcded by their Conclave of Cardinals , many 
 times not without good tugging for it. Or elle becaufe this claim of Univerial 
 ' power and authority doth bring more moliture to their Mill, and more advantage 
 to the Court oiKome. 
 
 This is certain , that when the Pope is firft eleded Eifliop , it may be of fome 
 other See, before he be cledVed Pope, he is ordained after the ordinary form of all 
 other Bifliops v he receives no other , no larger Character , no more authority and 
 power, cither of Order or of Jurifdidion, than other ordinary Bifliops do. Well, 
 after this he is eledlcd Pope , but he is ordained no more. Then feeing the power 
 of the Keys, and all habitual Jurifdidion is derived by Ordination , and every Bi- 
 {hop receiveth as much habitual Jurifdidion at his Ordination as the Pope himfelfv 
 tell me Firfl , how the Pope comes to be the root of all Spiritual Jurifdidlion? 
 which though it be not the general Tenet of the Roman Church, as K.C. faith 
 truly > yet it is the common Dodrine of the Konian Court. Secondly, tell me, 
 
 C.S.Jt' howcomes this dilatation of his power, and this Apoftolical Univerfality ? Since 
 all men do confefs that the fame power and authority isncceffary to the exteniion of 
 a Charader or Grace given by Ordination , which is required to the inftitution of 
 a Sacrament , that is , not Humane but Divine. But the eleftion of the Cardinals 
 is a meer Humane policy, without all manner of Sacramental virtue, and there- 
 fore can neither render his Judgment infallible, nor his Jurifdidion Univerfal. 
 Whatcanthe newelediondo ? Onely apply the new matter, that is , make him 
 Bifliop of that See whereunto he is eleded. They who eled him are the Bilhops cf 
 the Komatt Province , and the Presbyters and Deacons of the Church of Rome. Fit 
 pcrfons indeed , to chufe a Bifhop of Rome y but no fit perfbns to chule an Univer- 
 fal Bifliop for the whole Church. It were too much honour for one Nation to have 
 the perpetual Regiment of Chrift's Church throughout all ages. And whom do 
 the Conclave chufe ? An Univerfal Paftor ? No , but exprefly a Bilhop of 
 
 Rome. 
 
 They have a Third Novelty as ill as either of thefe which I touched even now, 
 
 that the Regiment of the Church being Monarchical , as in a Kingdom, all Civil 
 
 Authority is derived from the King , fo in the Church all ordinary juriWidion of Bi- 
 
 BtilA. de {\^o^s defcends immediately from the Pope. If all Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidion be de- 
 
 R*. Ftat. «♦ ^j^^^ £-j.pj^ ^^ p^pg ^ jjg ^jl (^jyji Authority is from the Kingi then as Civil Magi- 
 
 ''*' ftrates do exercife their Civil Authority in the Name of the King, fo Bifliops ought 
 
 AH Epifcopall to exercife their Spiritual Jurifdidion in the name of the Pope. But this they do not, 
 
 JurUdifiJon •* this they never did. 
 
 *°* ^90^* Again , If Spiritual Jurifdidion be derived to Bilhops from the Pope , by what 
 
 trom l?wp • ^^y ^ j^y ^j^^^ means , by what channel, doth it defend ? Either it mult be by 
 Commilfion , or by Ordination. But it is not by Commiffion. No Bifliops did 
 ever need or cxped any Commiffion from Rome , for the exercife of Ecclefiaflical 
 Juriflidion within his Diocefs. Neither is it by Ordination , they are very few 
 indeed, that receive Ordination from the Pope, How many thoufand Bifliops have 
 . been and are flill in the World , that never received any Ordination from any Pope, 
 
 •> eithermediately or immediately, but derive the line of their Succellion from the 
 
 other Apoflles? If Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidion be conveyed by Ordination , then it if? 
 
 \ a part of the Charader or Grace conferred , which is Divine and Sacramental. 1 
 
 hope
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of England^ ' ^^T 
 
 hope the Pope will be wifer than to challenge to himfelf the conferring of Sacra- 
 mental Grace. 
 
 I made a Queftion how the Bifhcp of Kome came to be St. Peter's Heir ex ajje 
 to the exclufion of hjs eldelt Brother the Bifhop of yiHtioch, where St. Peter was The Chair of 
 Firii Bifhop, where Chriftians had their Firft denomination. I had reafon, fori St. i»««r not 
 never read that the Church was governed by the Law of Gavelkind, that the young- ^^^^ '? ■'^"'"e 
 eft murt inherite. I faid moreover that they produced nothing that I had feen but r^ ^'""^ 
 a blind Legend out of a counterfeit Hegefippus. I fpake not this to the difparage- '^ ^' 
 ment of that venerable Saint, but to dilcredit that fuppofititious Treatifc. He 
 faith, If I had read Bellarmine, Iponld have found the fame tejiifed by St. Marcellus 
 the Pope, by St. AmhroCe^ and St. Athanafius. I have read Betlarmine, and I find no ^-a- <ii Pontt 
 fuch thing tertihed by Marcdlm^ more than this, That Peter came to Rome by the com- ^'""- '• '*• 
 tnandement of the Lord ■■> Nor by Jthanafm more than this. That when Peter heard 
 that he muji undergo Martyrdom at Rome, he did not lay afide hit voyage, hut came to 
 Rome reith jny. What Conclufion can any man make from thefe Premiiles ? St. 
 Amhrofe indeed faith more, but as little to his purpofe, Tiiat St. Peter being about 
 tngo without the iVah in the night did fee Chriji meet him in the gate, and enter into the 
 City, to whom Peter faid, L-rd rvhether goeji thou ? Chriji anfrvered, I come to Rome to 
 be critcified again i And that Peter nnderjiood that the anfvcer of Chriji had relation to 
 hii orvn Martyrdom. I have likewife read what Bellarmine citeth out of St. Gregory 
 elfewhere, that Chrift faid to St. Peter J come to Rome to be crucified again. For he Btl.de Pont, 
 who had been crucified long before in his oron perfonjaid that he ivas to be crucified again ^om.l.i.cai' 
 in theperfon of St, Peter. Though thefe things be altogether impertinent, yet I re- 
 hearfe them the more willingly, to let the Reader fee upon what lilly grounds they 
 build Conclufions of great weight. We receive the Fathers as competent WitnelTes 
 of the Faith, and Praftife, and Tradition of the Church in their refpedive ages i 
 we attribute much to their expofitions of the Holy Text : but in thofe things 
 which they had upon the credit of a fuppofititious Author, the Conclufion always 
 follows the weaker part. How common a thing hath it been for credulous piety 
 to believe , and to record rumors anA uncertain relations , if they fee no hurt in 
 them, and if they tended to piety? But in a cafe of this moment to give an infalli- 
 ble Judge to the Church, and a fpiritual Prince to the Chriliian World, to whom all 
 are bound to fubmit under pain of Damnation, we ought to have had better Au- 
 thority than fuch a blind Hiflory. Yet this is all the plea they have in the World 
 for the divine right of their fuccellion. How came St. Amhrofe, or St. Gregory to 
 know a matter of Fadt, done fome centuries of years before they were born ? 
 They had it not by Revelation, nor other Authority for it than this of a counter- 
 feit HegefippHf, in the judgment both of Baronim and Bellarmine, except onely the 
 borrowed name, not much ancienter than themfelves. 
 
 Suppofing that St. Peter had had fuch a fpiritual Monarchy as they fancy, and 
 fuppofing that this Apocryphal Relation was as true as the Gofpel, yet it makes no- 
 . thing in the World for the Pope's fuccellion to St. Pwr therein, but rather the 
 contrary. That St. Peter fub finem vita, jufl upon the point of his death was lea- 
 ving of Rowze,{heweth probably that he had no intention to dye there, or to fix his 
 See there. That Chrift did premonifh him of his Martyrdom in Kome, and that he 
 affented to it with joy, hath nothing in it to prove, or fb much as to infinuate ei- 
 ther the Adt of Chrift, or the Ad of St. Peter, to invert the Bifhop of Kome with 
 the Sovereignty of Ecclefiaftical power. Had they urged this Hifiory onely to 
 fhew how Chrifl fore-arms his fervants againft impendent dangers, or how he re- 
 putes their fufferings for his fake to be his own, it had been to the purpofe: But 
 they might even as well prove the Pope's Supremacy our of our Saviour's words in 
 the Gofpel to St. Peter, When thou art old thou (halt fir etch forth thy hands, and another - , 
 fhallgird thee, and carry thee tvhither thou rvouldeji not: For our Saviour did fignifie by "*''' * 
 thcfe words by rvhat death St. Vetei Jhould glorifie God. Thefe words have Authori- 
 ty, though they be nothing to the purpofe i but thofe they cite have neither Autho- 
 rity,nor any thing that comes near the purpofe. 
 
 They fee this well enough themfelves, what a weak unjoynted and unncceflary 
 eonfequencc this is, wherefore they fuppofe that Chrifl faid fomething to St. Peter 
 
 U which
 
 ' ' A Juft Vindication T O M E I. 
 
 a 06 J ■' . — — 
 
 Bel. d. urn. ^ui,h is not recorded, to command him to fix his Chair ^t Rome Non eji mproba- 
 
 ti £pS''^''^>'«''- ">"'^^^"' ^'""^' fome Fathers fay that Feter did fuffer 
 Martyrdom at Kcweby the commandment, or at Icaft accordmg to the premoniti- 
 of Chrift // if ttot improbable that the Lord did Uk^tfife openly command him that he 
 fimildfo fix his Chair, or See, at Kome^thatthe Romm Bijhoppotild abfoluiely JHCwd 
 I'ini JLitlge Reader freely, it" thou didft ever meet with a poorer foundation of 
 a'divlric right, hc^:al\(e it jeemeth not improbable zltogethei to a profefTed fworn Valfal 
 and partial Advocate, well fed by the party. 
 
 It is no marvel if they build but faintly upon fuch a groundlefs prefumption, 
 JtiMm. Ji;^t forte non fit dejnre divino, although per adventure it is not by divine right. He 
 
 rnieht well have omitted his peradventure. 
 
 Wherefore doubting that this fuppolition will not hold water , he addcth, That 
 ihoHoh it fvere not true, it rvoitld not prove that the Tope U not Succefor to St. Peter ex 
 afTe, but onely that he is notfo jure divino. 
 
 It is an old artifice of the Rom,/«i/fj-,when any Papal priviledge is controverted, 
 to Queftion vs;hether the Pope hold it by divine right or humane right, when in 
 truth he holds it by neither-, fo diverting them from fearching into the right Que- 
 ftion, whether he have any right at all, taking that for granted which is denyed. 
 N bv hu- B"^ fo'^ humane right they think they have it cockfure, Ihe reafon w manifefi, be- 
 
 manerighti caufe St. Peter himfelf left the Bilhnprick^of Antioch, but continued Bifhop of Rome un- 
 til his death. This will afford them no more help than the other. When the Apo- 
 ffles did defcend and deign to take upon them the charge of a particular Church, as 
 the Church of Kome or Antiocb i they did not take it by inff itution as we do. 
 They had a General inffitution from Chrifl for all the Churches of the World. 
 When they did leave the charge of a particular Church to another, they did not 
 quit it bya formal rcfignatior,as wedo. This had been to limit their Apolfolical 
 power, which Chrift had not limited. But all they did was to depute a Eifhop to 
 the ai^al cure of Souls during their abfence, retaining ffill an habitual cure to 
 themfelves. And if they returned to the fat^e City after fuch a deputation, they 
 were as much Bifliops as formerly. T'hus a Bifhop of a Diocefs fo difpofeth the 
 a<fiual cure of Souls of a particular Parifh to a Redor,that he himfelf remains the 
 principal Redor when he is prefent. St. Veter left Kome as much as he left Antioch^ 
 and dyed Bifhop of ^«mc&, as much as he dyed Bifhop oi Rome. He left Antioch. 
 and went to Rome^ and returned to Antioch again, and governed that Church as 
 formerly he had done. He left Rome after he Firft (ate as Bifhop there, and went to 
 Antioch, and returned to Rome again, and ftill continued the principal Redorof that 
 Church. Linus and Clemens or the one of them were as much the Bifhop or Bi- 
 fhops of Rome during the life of St. Veter and St. Vaul, as Evodifu and Jgnatim or 
 the one of them were the Bifhop or Bifhops of Antioch. Suppofe a Redor having 
 Two Benefices dyes upon the one of them, yet he dyes the Redor of the other as 
 much as that. I confefs an Apoftle was not capable of pluralities, bccaufe his 
 Commiflion was illimited, otherwife than as a Bifhop is Redor of all the Churches 
 whhin his Diocefs. And though he can dye but in one Parifh, yet he dyes Gover- 
 nour of all the reff as much as that. If we may believe their Hiftory, St. Veter at 
 his death was leaving Roiwe, in probability to weather out that ftorm C which did 
 hang then over his head ) in Antioch, as he had done in a former perfccution. If 
 thispurpofehad taken effed, then by their Dodrine St. Veter had left the Bijhoprick^ 
 of Rome, and dyed Bifhop of Antioch. Thus much for matter of Fad. 
 
 Secondly, For matter of Right, I do abfolutely deny that St.Veters death at Rome 
 doth entitle the Biihop of Rome as his Succelibrto all or any of thofe priviledges 
 and prerogatives which he held in another capa'city, and not as he was Biihop of 
 Rome. Suppofe a Bifhop of Canterbury dyes Chancellor of England,znot\\cx Bifliop 
 . ayes Chancellor of the Univerlity oi Cambridge or Oxford-, muft their refpedtive 
 SuccelTors therefore of neceflity be Chancellors of England or of that Univcrfity? 
 No, the right of Donation devolves either to the Patron or to the Society. So 
 tuppofing, but not granting, that one who was by fpecial priviledge the Redor of 
 the Catholick Church dyed Bifhop of Rome, it belongs cither to Chrift or his Vice- 
 gerent
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of En^Und 207 
 
 gerent or Vicegerents, invefted with Imperial power, to name, or to the Church it 
 (elf, to choofe, a Succeflbr. If they could (hew out of Scripture that Chrift ap- 
 pointed the Bifliops of Kome to fucceed St. Veter in a fpiritual Monarchy, it would 
 ftrike the Queftion dead : Or that St. ?eter did defign the Bifliop of Kome to be 
 his Succeflbr in his Apoftolical power: Or Lal^ly, that the Catholick Church did 
 ever eled the Koman Bifliops to be their Ecckfiafhcal Sovereigns, it were fomethingi 
 But they do not fo much as pretend to any fuch thing. The truth is this, that after 
 the death of St. ?eur that preheminence ( I do not fay Sovereignty ) which he had 
 by the connivence or cuftom of the Church, devolved to his Succeflbrsin his Chair, 
 the Patriarchs of Rorwe, Alexandria ( for I look upon St. Mar\ as St. Teter^s Difci- 
 ple ) and Antioch, among whom the Bilhop of Rome had priority of Order, not of • 
 Power •, to which very primacy of Order great priviledges were due. Yet not fo 
 but that the Church did afterwards add Two new Protopatriarchs to them, of 
 Conjiantpwple and Hkrujakm^znd equalled the Patriarch of Conjianmople in all pri-, 
 viledges to the Patriarch of Kome : which they would never have done, nor have 
 propofed the honour which they gave to Kome with a placet ? T>oth it pleafe you 
 that we hoHojir the memory of St. Peter ? if they had believed that St» Peter's death 
 at Kome had already fettled a fpiritual Monarchy of that See, which had been alto- 
 gether as ridiculous, as if the Speaker of the Houfeof Commons fliould have mo- 
 ved the Houfe in favour of the King, Voth it pkafe you that we honour the King 
 rvitb a ptdiciary porver throughout his oren Kingdom } 
 
 Hitherto K. C. hath not faid much to the purpofe, now he fells on a point that 5ffl.4' 
 is material indeed ( as to this ground ) if he be able to make it good. That the Bi- 
 Jhops of Rome exercifed Ecclrfiajhcal JurifdiVtion over t/^f Britannick Churches before 
 the General Council of Ephefus,or at leaft before the Six hundredth year of Chrift. Firft 
 he complaineth that few or no Records of Britijh matters for the Firft fix hundred years 
 do remain. If fb few do remain that he is not able to produce fb much as one in- 
 ftance, his cau(e is defperatc. Howfoever he proveth his intention out of Gildof, 
 who confefleth that he compofed his Hiftory, mntam ex fcriptvs Patria^&cc.mt fo GUd> in P rol* 
 much from Britifh writings or Monuments ( which had been either burned by their ene- 
 mies with jire^ or carried beyond Sea by their baniped Citizens ) as from tranfmarine Re- 
 lations. Though it were fuppofed that all the Britijh Records were utterly perifh- 
 cd, this is no Anfwer at all to my demand, fo long as all the Roman Regiftcrs are 
 extant : Yea fo extant that Platina the Pope's Library keeper is able out of them 
 to fet down every Ordination made by the primitive Bifliops of Rome^ and the 
 perfons ordained. It was of the(e Regiflers that I fpake, [ let them produce their 
 Regifters. ] Let them fliew what Britifh Bifliops they have ordained, or what Bri- 
 tifh Appeals they have received for the Firft fix hundred years. Though he be 
 pleafed to omit it, I fliewed plainly out of the Lift of the Bifliops ordained, Three 
 by St. Pfffr, Eleven by Linus^ Fifteen by Clement, Six by Anacktus, Five by Evari- 
 ftus. Five by Alexander, and Four by Sixtus, &c. that there were few enough for 
 the Roman Province, none to {pare for Britain. 
 
 He faith St. Peter came into Britain, Converted many, made Bifliops, Priefts, and 
 Deacons : That Saint Eleutherius lent hither his Legates Fugatius and Vamianuf^ 
 who Baptized the King, Queen, and moft of his People : That St. Vi£{or fent Le- 
 gates into Scotland, ( it feemeth they had no names ) who Baptized the King, 
 Queen, and his Nobility : That St. Ninian was Cent from Rome to Convert the ' 
 
 Southern Pidrs : That Pope Cxleftine conlccrated Pahdiui and fent him into Scot- 
 land, where as yet was no Bifliop i and St. P^fricj^ into Ireland, and St. Germane 
 and Lttpiis into Britain, to confute the Pelagian Herefie ■■> And in the year 59^ St. 
 Gregory lent over St. Auftin and his Companions, to Convert the Saxons, and gave ' 
 
 him power over all the Bifliops in Britain, and gave him power to eredt Two Ar- '"' 
 
 chiepifcopal Sees , and Twenty four Epifcopal : And moreover that Vuhritiiw, 
 Primate of Britannie, was Legate to the See Apoftolick : And Laftly, That St. 
 Samfm had a Pall from Rome. I confefs here are ftore of inftances for Preaching, 
 and Baptizing, and Ordaining, and Converting : but if every word he faith was 
 true, it is not at all material to the Queftion. Our Queftion is concerning exterior 
 Jurifdidion in foro Ecclefu. But the Ads mentioned by him are all Ads of the 
 
 U2 Key -
 
 2o8 
 
 A Jhft Vindication 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 whether St. 
 Ffjff conver 
 ledBtitaJD? 
 
 nuph.] 
 
 Key of Order not of the Key of Jurifdidion. If he do thus miftakc one Key for 
 another he will never be able to open the right door. He accuficmcth himfeif to 
 call every ordinary MefTenger a Legate. But let him {hew me that they ever excr- 
 cifcd Lcgantine Authority m Britain. That he doth not, bccaufe he cannot. The 
 Britannick^nd EngUJh Churches.have not been wanting to fend out devout perfons 
 to Preach to forreign Nations, to Convert them, to Baptize them, to Ordain them 
 Pallors-, yet without challenging any Jurifdid-ion over them. 
 
 Now to his particular inftances. We ftiould be glad that he could prove Sr. 
 Teter was the Firft Converter of Britain, and take it as an honour to the Britan»ick^ 
 Church : But Metaphrajies is too young a witnefs, his authority over finall, and his 
 pcrfon too great a ftranger to cur affairs. If it could be made appear out of Eufe- 
 bius it would Hnd more credit with us. If St. Peter did ever tread upon Britijh 
 ground, in probability it was before he came Firft to Kome, which will not be Co 
 pleafing' to the Romaiiifli. For being banifhed by Claudim, he went to HierufaUm, 
 and fb to /^«wc/', and there governed that Church the Second time. Whether St. 
 Feter or St. Faul, or St. James, or Simon Zelotes, or Ariftobuluf, or Jnfeph of Arima- 
 thea, was the Firft Converter of Britain, it makes nothing to the point of Jurildidi- 
 on, or our fubjedtion to the Eifhop of Kome. But for Jnfepb of Arimathxa wc 
 have the concurrent Teftimonies of our own Writers and others, the Tradition of 
 the 'Eiigl'Sh Church, the reverent refpedt borne to Glafletihtiry, the place where he 
 lived and dyed, the ancient Charaders of that Church, wherein it is ftiled, the be- 
 ginning of Keligion in thU Ifland, the burial place of the Saints, huilded by the Vifciples 
 of the Lord. The very name of the Chappel called St. Jofephs, the Arms of King 
 Arthitr upon the walls, and his Monument found there in the Reign of Henry the 
 Second, do all proclaim this truth aloud. 
 
 His Second inftance hath more certainty in it. That Pope Elcutberiuf fent Fugati- 
 Of Elen'heriKt ^ ^j^j Damianuf, Two learned Divines, into Britain, to Baptize King Luciuf. But 
 '^"fWn^!"" '^ '^ ^ ^^^^ *^^^ Lucius was Covertcd before, either in whole or in part, and (cnt 
 Two eminent Divines of his own Subjeds Eluanus Avalonius, Eluan of Clafienbury, 
 the Seminary of Chriftian Religion in Britain, and Medx ir.tu of Belga, that is, of 
 iVth, a place near adjoyning to Glajienbury, to Home, to intreat this favour from 
 Pope Ekutherius, So whatfoever was done in this cafe, as it was no Ad of Jurif- 
 didion, fo it was not done by Eletttkeriw by his own Authority, but by Licence 
 and upon requeft of King Limuf. And not to diminifli the deferts of Fugatius and 
 Vamianw^vihoiw all probability wereftrangers and underftood not the Language, 
 certainly Eluan and Medrvin and many more Britifh Natives had much more oppor- 
 tunity to contribute to the Converfion of their Native Country than Forreigners, 
 who were necelfitatcd to fpeak by an Interpreter, at leaft to the vulgar Britans. 
 And V'lHort Concerning Pope ViSor's fending of Legates into Scotland to Baptize the King, 
 into Smtand. Queen, and Nobles, when he tells us who was the King, who were the Legates, and 
 who is his Author, he may exped a particular anfwer. But if there be nothing hi 
 it but Baptizing, he may as well fave his labour, unlcfs he think that Baptizing is an 
 Ad of Jurifdidion, which his own Schools make not to be fo much as an Ad of 
 the Key of Order. Ireland was the ancient Scotland. The Irijh Scots were conver- 
 ted by St. Patrick^, the Britip Scots by St. Columha. 
 
 Next for St. Ninian, he was a Britan, not a Koman. Neither doth I'cnerable Bede 
 
 Sinun- fay that he was taught the Chriftian Faith at Kome iimply, but that he was taught it 
 
 there regularly, that is, in refped of the Obfervatron ot Eafier, the Adminiftration of 
 
 Baptifm, and fundry other Rites, wherein the Britijf} Church differed from the Ko- 
 
 man. Nor yet doth Bede fay that he was fent from Kome to Convert the Pids : 
 
 His words are thefe, Ihe Southern ?iUs ( as men fay } longbefore this had left the error 
 
 Bed. I. J. c. 4. of their Idolatry, and received the true Faith by the preaching of Ninias a Bifl^op, a mofl 
 
 Keverend and Hily man of the Britifti Nation, who was taught the Faith and myfteries 
 
 of truth regularly at Rome. Capgrave finds as much Credit with us as he brings 
 
 Authority. And in this cafe faith nothing at all to the purpofCjbecaufe nothing of 
 
 Jurifdidion. 
 
 P*Oadii,i mA From St. JUinian he proceeds to TaVadiuf and St. Patrick; Pope Ca^leftine Confecra- 
 
 SuPMirick' ted Palladius and fent him into Scotland: And not forgetful of lTddii\d,fent thither St. 
 
 Patrick
 
 Discourse 111. Of the Church of Engiarid ^^^ — 
 
 fatrik^ In all the inftances, which he hath brought hitherto, we rind nothing but 
 Preaching, and Converting and Chnltening, not one fyllable of any Jurifdidion. 
 Will the Britifl} Records afford us fo many initances of this kind, and not fo much 
 as One of any Legillative or Judiciary Ad> Then certainly there were none in thofe 
 days. Whether FallaMus was fent to the Britijh or Injh Scots, is difputable : But 
 this is certain, that whitherfoever he was fent, he was rejected, and ibortly' after 
 dyed. In whofe place fucceeded St. Yatrkk^ Iherefore hit Vifciplei hearing of the g y • -, « 
 ^ath of V3.]hdMS the Archdeacon, 8cc. came to St. Vztvkk and declared it, jt>ho,havina Fa'trit!'Li. ' 
 received the Epjcopal degree from a Prelate called A.va.tOTjiraightn>ay tookjhlp, &c. Here 
 is nothing of Cxleflinus but of Arator, nor of a Mandate but St, Fatrich!s free De- 
 votion. 
 
 He faith, the fame Tope fent thither St. German and Lupus to confute the Pelagian 
 Herefie : and both Erkzns, Scots, Vids,andh[{h,P!>il'ingly accepted thefe Legates of the ^"'"■*'"*'*^^ 
 Topes, nor denyed that they had any Authority over them. \ am weary of fo many im- ^''^'*'' 
 pertinencies. Still here is not one word of any Jurifdidion of the Kofnan BifliopS 
 over the Brit'^ Church, but of their Charity and Devotion, which we wilh their 
 Succeffors would imitate. I confefs that Troj^er faith that Talladim was fent by Cae- Prcjp. in 
 leflinuf. If it were fo, it concerns not this caufe. But Conjiantim and Venerable ^brtn. ■ ■ 
 BedeznA ahtioil all other Authors do affirm pofitively that they were both fent by 9"'^'""*'* • 
 a French Synod, to allift the Britans their Neighbours agaihft the Telagians. And T'. ^"""' 
 it is molt probable i for they were both French Bilhops, St. German of Auxerre,Lupuf Bed. /. i. c. j;. 
 of Troyes. Baronius labours to reconcile thefe Two different Relations thus. It may Baron, m. 
 be the Tope did approve the choice of the Synod, or it may be that Cccleffine left it to the "**'* 
 election of the Synod, to fend whom they pleafed. Admit cither of thefe fuppofitions 
 was true, it will bring no advantage to his caufe, but much difadvantage. If the 
 Bilhop of B-pme had been reputed to be Patriarch of Britain, and much more if he 
 had been acknowledged to be a fpiritual Monarch, it is not credible that the Britan- 
 ntci^ Church fhould haVe applyed it felf for allif^ance altogether to their Neigh- 
 bours, and not at all to their Superiot. He addeth that they tviHingly accepted thefe 
 Legates of the Tapes. He is fiill dreaming of Legates : If they were Legates, they 
 were the Synods Legates, not the Popes. As much Legates ajid no more than the 
 Meffengers of the Bntip Church, which they fent to help them, vvere Legates •> Conlfant.l.c. 
 eodem tempore ex Britannia direda Legatio Callican'n EpifcopU nunciavit,&c<:. at the fame ^^' 
 time the Britijh Legates Chewed their condition to the French Bifhops, what need 
 the Catholick Faith did ftand of their prefent affiftance. Had they not reafon to 
 •welcome them whom themfelves had invited, who were come onely upon their oc- 
 calion ? Or what occaiion had they to deny their Authority, who neither did ufurp 
 any Authority , nor pretend to any Authority ^ They came to difpute, not to 
 judge. Aderat popului SpeSator futurw ac Judex. I know Co«,*a«f/«f and Venerable Wfm.ir. a j,' ' 
 Bede do call them Apojiolicos Sacerdotes, Apojlolical Bifhops, not from their million 
 but moft plainly for their Apoflolical Endowments,fwj in iVU Apoftohntm injiar gloria 
 & Authoritas, &c. 
 
 That St. Gregory did fend Auliin into England to Convert the Saxons is moft ^'ft'"*- 
 true ■■, that the Britijh Churches did fuffcr him to exercife any Authority or Jurifdi- 
 dion over them, is moll untrue. Touching the precife time of his coming, Hiflo- 
 riographers do not agree exadly. All accord that it was about the Sixth hundredth 
 year of Chrifi:, a little more or lefs. Before this tim'e, Cyprtis could not be more free 
 firom forreign Jurifdidion than Britain was. After this time we confefs that the 
 Bifhops of Kome, by the confent or connivence of the Saxon Kings, as they came 
 to be Converted by degrees, did pretend to fome formalities of right or Authority 
 over the E«g///fe Church, at rirfUn matters of no great eonfequence, as beftowing 
 the Pall or the like. But without the confent, or againft the good pleafure, of thi 
 King, they had no more power at all. 
 
 Jcotfry of Monmouth faith that Dubritius, Primate uf Firitain, v^as Legate of the D«tmr4// 
 See Apojiolicki I fhould fooner have believed it if he had proved it out of Gildjf, 
 who lived in or about the age of I)ubritiuf,thin upon the credit of Jeoffry of Mon- 
 mouth, who lived fb many hundred years after his death, whofe Writings have been 
 cenfured as too full of Fables. It were over fupine credulity to give more credit td 
 
 n 3 liim.
 
 OIO 
 
 A Jnft Vindication TOME I. 
 
 him than to the moll eminent Perfons and Synoas of the fame and the enfuing age. 
 Vubritiiii was Primate of Wales in the days of Kmg Arthur, and religncd his Arch- 
 bifhoprick of Caer-Leon to St. David who removed his Archiepifcopal See from 
 thence to Menevia, now called St. Vavids by the licence of King Arthur, not of the 
 Pope. King Arthur began his Reign, as it is commonly computed, about the year 
 <; id. perhaps fomcthing fooncr,or later, according to different accounts. But cer- 
 tainly after the Council of Ephefuf, from whence we demonftrate our exemption. 
 And fo it can neither advantage his caufe, nor prejudice ours. We are told of 
 ftore of Koman Lcgats, and yet not fo much as any one a(it of Jurifdidtion, preten- 
 ded to be done by any of them. Certainly either they were no Papal Legates, or 
 Papal Legates in thofe days were but ordinary Meflengers, and pretended not to any 
 Legantine Court,or Legantinc Power fuch as isexercifed now a days. 
 St. S mUit ^'- Samfon ( faith he ) had a PaVfrom Rome, xpherefore untruly faith L. D. that the 
 
 PaV tpof firji introduced in the Reign of the Saxon Kings, after Six hundred years of 
 Chriji, He miftakes my meaning altogether, and my words alfo. I faid not that 
 the rirft uie of the Pall began after the Six hundredth year of Chrin:,but the abufe of 
 it, that is, the arbitrary imfofmon thereof by the Popes upon the Britilh Churches » when 
 Vind'P-9^' they would not fuffer an Aichbifhop , duly eleded and inverted, to exercile his 
 function, until he had bought a Pall from Rome. I know the contrary, that they 
 - were in ufe formerly. But whether they were originally Enfigns of honour, con- 
 ferred by Chriftian Emperors upon the Church namely, Conjlantine and Valeminian, 
 as is mort probable, or aflumed by Patriarchs, is a difputable point. This is cer- 
 tain, other Patriarchs and Archbifliops under them had their Palls in the primitive 
 times, which they received not from Kome. This Samfon was Archbifliop of Wales, 
 and had his Pall i but it appeareth not at all that he had it from Rome : It may be 
 that they had it from their Firlt Converfion,or rather that the Britijh Primates them- 
 felves aflumed it, in imitation of forreign Patriarchs, as they might well do. This 
 Pall he carried with him into lefler Britain, in the time of an Epidemical fickneft, 
 Pol.yirg.l.i' and fuch extreme mortality •> ut mortui £gros, £gri integros turn metu turn tahe infece- 
 hifl- Anil. riitt, Co that the dead did infeCi thefick^, thefck^ infeli the found both with fear and con- 
 tagion. That the fame Bifliop never returned to his See again appears to me more 
 than probable by this, that his Succeflbrs for many ages reteined their Metropoliti- 
 cal Dignity, but ever after wanted the ufe of their Pall. Certainly he who was (b 
 careful of his Pall when he forlbokc his See, would have been more careful to have 
 brought it back with him, when he returned to his See. What time this Samfon 
 lived,and when that contagious fickneft raged fo cruelly, is more doubtful s whe- 
 ther it was in the Reign of Maglocuntts the Fifth, or in the Reign of Cadivallader 
 the Ninth in fuccellion after King Arthur, or long after both thefe. Giratdus Cam- 
 Itin. Cttmb. I. brenfis makes him to be the Five and twentieth Archbifliop after St. David: Sederunt 
 I.C.I. a tempore Dzv'id fuccejjj vis temporum curriculis Archiepifcopi ibidem viginti quinque, 
 
 &c. thelart of which was this Samfon. And then CoWo-ws, "Tempore Samfbnis hw 
 jus pallium in hunc modum eft tranflatum, &c. In the time of this Samfon the Pall was 
 m H d *'"^"i?'<"''^<^ "f'^ *^^j* manner ; Ihe peflilence increafmg throughout Wales during his in- 
 AntV9^> ' '^'""^^"cy, whereof the people dyed by heaps, &c. The fame is teftilied by Ro^er Bove- 
 den in the life of King John, that this Samfon, whom he makes the Four and 
 twentieth Archbifhop after St. P<»t'i«i, flying from an infeftious yellow jaundice, 
 did tranfport with himfelf into Little Britain the Pall of St. David, &c. So K. C. 
 had need to retrad his rafli cenfure of me, that I faid untruly. That the Pall was 
 Firft introduced in the Reigns of the Saxon Kings i for neither did I fay fo, neither 
 doth he prove that it was not fo. A few of thefe Hiftories would quickly fpoil the 
 Pope's market for his Palls. The Menevian Archbifliops had but one Pall, that was 
 St. David's Pall^ for him and all his SucceiTors, whereas the Pope compells every fuc- 
 cecding Archbifliop to buy a new Pall, 
 King Jamti' . ^'"? James doth not at all fpeak of the Bifliop of Romes right, but how far 
 himfcjf would condefcend /or fface/aferi which words being exprefly ufed by the 
 King in the place alledged, are guilefully omitted by R. C. Much lefs doth he fpeak 
 of any Supremacy of power, or fubmiliion to the Popes Jurildidlion in any of the 
 cafes CoQtroverted between us and them. Our differences are not about any bran- 
 ches
 
 JJiscouRSE III. Of the Church of Ene^hud, 
 
 21 I 
 
 ches of Pitriarchal power. If they like King James his propoiition, why do they 
 not accept it ? If they like it not, why do they urge it ? A Church may be, and is 
 urually,cal]ed a Mother Church in Two fenfes : either becaufe it is the Church of ^ * e l . 
 a Metropolis or Mother-City , and Co no man can deny but the Church of Kome^ yj^, 
 among many others, is a prime Mother-Church : Or elfe, becaufe it hath Converted 
 other Churches to the Chriiliaa Faith. And {b alfo we acknowledge that the 
 Church of Kome is a Mother-Church to fundry of our Saxon Churches,' and a 
 Silkr to the Britijh Church, but a Miftris to no Church. 
 
 I (lie wed clearly , that that power which the EilTiops of Kome do challenge and 
 ufurp at this day , is incompatible and inconfiftent with true Patriarchal power, and 
 that thereby they themfelves have implicitdy quitted and difclaimed that true power 
 which was conferred upon them by the Catholick Church. So by feeking to turn 
 Spiritual Monarchs , they had loft their iuft Title of Patriarchs. But withal that 
 Britain was never rightly a part of their Patriarchate. To this he anfwers nothing, 
 but obje<fts. That this U to dspofe all the Popes fince Boniiace the "Third, for more than 
 a tbottfaud years , and fay , that they have all loji their Patriarchate '■> And cries out , 
 O intolerable prefttmpion ! Thus he confoundeth Papal and Patriarchal power , ma- 
 king things inconfirtent to be one and the fame thing. If they have loft their Patri- 
 archal power, it is their own fault who quitted it ; it is his fault who doth 
 no better defend it. With as much reafon he might plead , that he who faith that 
 a Reftor of a Church , by accepting of a new incompatible Benefice, had quitted 
 his old , doth deprive him of his former Benefice i Or that he who faith , the King 
 oi Spain hath quitted his Title to the United Provinces , doth thereby depofe hira 
 from his Monarchy. O intolerable miltake ! 
 
 I faid not ignorantly , but moft truly, that the Britifl} ( I will add alfo the Scoti/h SeH. J, 
 Church ) for many hundred years fided with the Eajiern Church in the obftrvation 
 of E^^fr. He faith. That tj!;fy did not fide entirely rvith them. Neither did I fay 
 they did. They obferved Eajler always upon Sunday, which Polycrates and thofe 
 Afiatich^ that joined with him did not. And fo they had nothing common with 
 the Jews, thofe Parricides , as Cot^lantine the Great calls them , who murthered 
 Chrift , and herein they did join with the Roman Church , but it is as evident that 
 they did not obferve it upon the fame Sunday with the Church oiKome. This is 
 clear by thole two Britijh Synods mentioned by Venerable Bede. This being one of 
 AuiUn's propofitions to them, that they fliould conform themfelves to the Roman „ . , j^ g. 
 Church in the obfervation oCEafier, and after folemn difcullion altogether rejeded 
 by them. That in this they fided with the Ei^ern Church, appeareth as evidently 
 by the publick conference between Colman and IFilfrid about this very buimefs, 
 wherein Co/«i<j« did exprefly and prdfefledly maintain the tradition from St. /(j^^, Bed.l.z.caSi 
 before the tradition from St. Peter. 
 
 Laftly , To fay that this manner of obfcrving Eafler was but rifen in Scotland a 
 little before the year 638. upon the authority of Pope John, is ridiculous , ( for it is 
 moft evident , that it was as ancient as their Chriftianity, ) contrary to reafon, for 
 the Britains and Scots had no commerce with the Oriental Chriftians in thofe dayes, 
 and contrary to Authority,for Colman in that difputation did derive it froni St. John 
 the Apoftle. 
 
 CHAP. VI.
 
 C 12 
 
 A Jud Vind'cation 
 
 TOME 1. 
 
 Vind.p.^i- 
 
 Aqui. Sum. J. 
 i-quiH 83. 
 An. 2. (ir 10, 
 
 A K'ng hath 
 all power 
 needful for 
 the prcfervaci- 
 or. of his 
 KiDgdooi. 
 
 A refpeftive 
 nectflity is a 
 fufficient 
 preund of a 
 Retbi-mation. 
 
 An.ii.ii 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 So'vei-eii^tt Princes in feme cafes have power to change the exter- 
 nal Regiment of the Chnrch. 
 
 JF tlie Reader doth not find fo much in this Reply as he defires and cxpcds, let 
 him blame K. C. who, according to his cultom, omitteth all the chitfeft 
 ' grounds, and the whole contexture of my difcourfe, onely fnatching here and 
 there at a word or a piece of a fcntence. I (hall deal more fairly with, him. In 
 the Firlt place I complain that befides the omitting of thofc main principles where- 
 upon my difcourfe in this Chapter is grounded, which are received by both parties, 
 he doth me wrong in Rating of the Queftion. For whereas I (ct down Four con- 
 ditions or limitations neceffary in every Reformation, Firft, that it be made advifed- 
 ]y upon well grounded experience i Secondly, that it be done in a National Synodi 
 Thirdly, that it be oncly in matters of humane right ■■> Fourthly, that nothing be 
 changed, but that which is become hurtful or impeditive of a greater good : he 
 leaves out Three of thefe reftridions altogether, and onely mentions one, that it be 
 in matters of humane Inftituticn, as if the reft were of no confideration. He can- 
 not chufc but know that by the Dodrine of their own Schools, if a man do vow 
 any thing to God, which afterwards is found to be hurtful and impeditive of a 
 • greater good, it maketh his vow null and void, & difobligeth him from performance 
 of it. If it be true in a vow to God, it is more true in a promife made to man, 
 and he needeth no difpenfation to retrad it. 
 
 But let us follow his ikps. Firft, whereas I alledge their own Authors to prove 
 that to whom a Kingdom is granted all neceffary power is granted, without which 
 a Kingdom cannot be governed, he diftinguiftieth between the wceffity of the King- 
 dom, and the benefit of the Kingdom : a King hath potver to do whatjoever is neceffary for 
 the Government of his Kingdom, but not vohatfoever U for the benefit of his Kingdom. 
 To this I anfwer Firft, That he confounds tovper, and the exercije of Tovatr, or the 
 recelhty of the one with the neceliity of the other. Power is the neceffary quali- 
 fication of a King. But the Ad or Exercifeof that powecmay be free, and {LiflSci- 
 ently grounded not onely upon the neceliity, but upon the benefit,of the Kingdom. 
 A Lcgiflative power is neceffary to a King, but this doth not imply that he cannot 
 make a Law except onely in cafes of ab(blute necelhty. Power to adminifter an 
 Oath, or to commit a Malcfador is a neceffary qualification of a Judges yet he may 
 adminifter an Oath upon difcretion, or commit a man upon fufpicion. If a King 
 or u Judge invefted with fuch a power (bould mffapply it, or err in the Exercifc of 
 it, he owes an account to God and tlie Prince from whom he received the power ; 
 but the Subjed is bound at leaft to pallive Obedience. Now let him fee his own 
 miftake. The Queftion between us is whether a power to reform abuftsiind incon- 
 veniences be neceffary to a King, to which all his Subjeds owe at leaft paliive Obe- 
 dience. He anfvvers, concerning the exercile of this power, in what cafes a King 
 may lawfully ufe iti but if the King milhke the cafe, yet the Subjed owes pallive 
 Obedience. 
 
 Secondly, I Anfwer that there is a double neceffity, Firft, a fimple or abfblute re- 
 ccility j Secondly, arefpedive neccAuy fecttndiim quid, which we may call a neceliity 
 of convenience, wliich is a true necelhty , and a fufficient ground of a Chriftian 
 Law, that is, rather to make fuch a Law, than to fuftain fuch indignities, or to run 
 iuch extreme hazards, or lole fuch great advantages : As it feemeth good to the Holy 
 Ghcji and to its, to lay upon you no greater burthen than thefe neceffary things. And of 
 Four things thcfe were Three, to abftain from meats offered to Idols, and from 
 blood, and from things ftrangled. None of which things were neceffary in them- 
 felvcs, either necefitate medii,oi necefjtate frscepti. But they were neceffary to avoid 
 
 (can-
 
 Discourse III. Of the Chiircb of En^hnd. 2,^ 
 
 fcandal and to gain advantage upon the Jews, and to retain them in a good Opinion 
 of Chrii^ian Religion. St. James ufed the fame argument to St. Paul, thou fteji Aii.^t/i^ 
 Brother how many thonfands of Jews there are which believe, and they are all zealous of 
 the Law &c. If the advantage be but fmal!, it is not worth abrogating a Law or 
 changing a received cuftoms but if it be great, Malofemel exaij'are quare fecerim, Senec. 
 quam jetnper qttare mnfecerim; It is better to make one juit Apology why a man doth 
 abrogate fuch a prejudicial cullom, than to be making daily excufes why he doth 
 not abrogate it. Vivere, non ejl vita Jed vakre. To live is not to draw out a lin- 
 gering breath, but to injoy health. So the health and convenience, and good con- 
 ftitutionof a Kingdom, is more to be regarded, than the bare miferable being of 
 
 * Thirdly, 1 anfwer that our Pverormation in England was not onely beneficial and Our Reforma- 
 advantagious to the Kingdom, but neceflary, to avoid intolerable extortions, and on wa ntcef- 
 Profs unjuft and General ufurpations of all mens rights. They found plainly that ^^y' 
 This forreign Jurifdiftion did interfere with the Sovereign power. The Oaths 
 which Bifhops were forced to take to the Pope were examined in Parliament, and f^J-J/^o^ "" 
 found to be plainly contradictory to their Oaths of Allegiance, and repugnant to 
 that duty which they did owe to General Councils. They found that they were 
 daily expoled to peril of Idolatry , and in danger daily to have new Articles of 
 Faith obtruded upon them. They fee that the Pope had implicitly quitted their Pa- 
 triarchal right, and challenged a Sovereignty over the Church by Divine right. 
 Lafily, they fee that this forreign Jurifdidion was become not onely ufelefs, but de- 
 ftrutftive to thofe ends for which Patriarchal Authority was firft infiituted. 
 
 As the Hangings are fitted to the Houfe, fo was the external Regiment of the Tte ^^S'""^' 
 Church fitted and adopted to the then State of the Empire, when thefe Eccldialli- conformed to 
 cal Dignities were Firft ereded, for the eafe and benefit of the Subjed, to the end that of the 
 that no man flvould be necellitated to feek further for Ecclefiaftical Juftice than he did CommoD- 
 for Civil nor to travel without the bounds of his own Province for a final fentence. "^^'t''- 
 Therefore wherefoever there was a civil Metropolis, there was placed an Ecclefiafti- 
 cal Metropolitan alfo. And where there was a Secular Protarch, there was confti- 
 tuted an Ecclefiaftical Patriarch, to avoid the confufion and claftiing of Jurifdidi- 
 ons. This is plain out of the Decree of the Council of C/;^/cf^o« , that whereas 
 fome ambitious perfons, contrary to the Laws Ecclefiaftical, had multiplyed Metro- 
 political Sees, making Two in one Province, where there was but one Mother 
 City or one Civil Metropolis, the Council defined that no man (hould attempt any 
 fuch thing for the future, But thofe Cities which had been adorned with the name of Conc. Cbale- 
 Metropolis by the EdiCis of Kings, fiiould onely injoy that privilcdgei And more c.ii,re/u. 
 plainly by that of Anacletus, cited h^ Cratian,\i we may credit him, Provinces were ^'^- 99- 
 divided long before the comming of Chrijijor the moji part. And afterwards that divifi- 
 on was renewed by the JpojUes and 5f. Clement ottr predecefjorjo that in the chief Cities 
 of all Trovinces,where long f nee were Primates of the Secular Law, and the highefl judi- 
 ciary Power, 6"c. Ihere the Divine and Ecclefiaftical Lzws commanded Patriarchs ot 
 Primates to he placed and to be,which two though they be different in names, yet retaiu 
 the fame fenfe. This was well fo long as the Empire continued in the fame State, , 
 and the Provinces kept their ancient bounds. But now when the State of the Em- 
 pire is altogether changed, the Provinces confounded and the Dominions divided 
 among leffer Kings, who are fometimes in hoftility one with another, and the Sub- 
 jeds of one Prince cannot freely nor fecurely repair for Juftice into the Dominions 
 of a forreign Prince, without prejudice to themfelves, and danger to their native 
 Country : It is very meet that the Subjeds of every Sovereign Prince (hould have 
 final Juftice within the Dominions of their own Sovereign, as well in Ecclefiaftical 
 caufes as Political. And this is agreeable with the fundamental Laws and Cuftoms 
 of England, which neither permit a Subjed in fuch cafes to go out of the Kingdom, 
 nor any forreign Commillioncr to enter into the Kingdom, without the King's Li- 
 cenfe. Upon this ground the Biftiops of Scotland were freed fi-om their Obedience 
 to the Primate of Tor\_, and the Bifhops of Mufcovia from the Patriarch of Co«- 
 
 fiantinopU. , , , r 
 
 But ( faith he ) That which Ufer the benefit of the Kingdom, may be contrary to tbe 
 
 good
 
 A Jufi Vindication TOME I. 
 
 214 ^ ' ' 
 
 — Church, and flmild n^e prefer a Kingdom kfore the Clmrch, the Body before 
 
 off llTar- %So,ltarth he ore Heaven ? I Anfwer that Gan. and Lofs, Advantage and Difad- 
 c°mft.ncc5to "' oueht not to be weighed or clktmed from the conlideration of One or 
 beconfidered. y^yp^jrcumlhnces or emergents. All charges damages and rcprifes muft f irll be 
 call up and dedudcd, before one can give a right eltimatc ot beneHt or lofs. If a 
 Merchant do reckon onely the price which his commodity coft him beyond Sea, 
 without accounting Cuftoms Freight and other charges, he will foon perifh his 
 Pack. If the benefit be onely' Temporal, and the lofs Spiritual, as to gain Gold and 
 Ptx 1.7- lofe Faith, rehkh if more freciuuf than Gold that ferijheth, it is no benefit but lofs. What 
 * ' " ' (hould it advantage a man to gain the rohole World and lofe his orvn Soul ? The Englijh 
 Church and the Englip Kingdom are one and the fame Society of men, differing 
 not really but rationally one from another, in refped of fome diftindl relations. 
 As the Vine and the Elm, that fullains it, they flourifli together and decay together. 
 Bonum exfingulis circumjiantiis, that which is truly good for the Kingdom of Eng- 
 land cannot be ill for the Church of England, and that which is truly good for the 
 Englijh Church cannot be ill for the Englijh Kingdom. We may in reafon dillin- 
 gurOi between ^/fxWfr's friend who ftudies to pleafehim, and the King's friend 
 who gives him good advife. The one is a friend to his perfon, the other to his 
 " Office. But in truth whileft Alexander is King, and the perfon and Office are Uni- 
 
 ted he that is a true friend to Alexander is no enemy to the King, and he who is a 
 true friend to the King is no foe to Alexander. Indeed if by the Church he under- 
 ftand the Court of Kome, then that which was good for the Kingdom of England 
 was prejudicial to the Church in point of Temporal profit. But feeing as he con- 
 k^a\'the Soulis to be preferred bejore the Body, it turns to their greater advantage 
 by leffening the account of their extortions. 
 Our Refonna- He addeth. That a Kingdom is but a part of the Church, and it U not in the power 
 tion not con* of any part, onely for its particular profit, to alter what is inftiiuted by the Vniverfal 
 trary fo the Church, fr her Vniverfal good, no more than it is in the power of a part of the Kingdom 
 ^mTcoud' ' <^ "f^ ^^^'''^ "'■ ^'■"^ ""^^5 '" ''''*''' /"'' ''^ private intertfi what hath been decreed by ParliO' 
 d\%. ment for the good of the Kingdom. His inftance of a Shire or a Province is altogether 
 
 impertinent, for no particular Shire or Province in England hath Legillative Autho- 
 rity at all as the Kingdom hath. But particular Corporations being inverted with 
 power from the Crown to make Ordinances for the more commodious government 
 of themfelves,maymake and do make ordinarily by Laws and Ordinances, not 
 contra againfl the Ads of Parliament, but prater bciides the Ads of Parliament. 
 And let him go but a little out of the Kingdom of England, as fuppofe into the 
 JJIeof Man,ot into Ireland, though they be branches of the Englijh Empire, yet he 
 (hall find that they have diliind Parliaments, which with the concurrence of the 
 King, have ever heretofore enjoyed a power to make Laws for themfelves contrary 
 to the Laws of the Englijh Parliament. But we are fo far from feeking to abro- 
 gate or to alter any inftitution of the Univerfal Church, or its reprefentative a 
 General Council, in this cafe, that on the contrary we crave the benefit of their 
 Decrees, and fubmit all our differences to their decifion. No General Council did 
 ever give to the See of Rome Jurifdidion over Britain. And though they had, yet 
 the ftate of things being quite changed, it were no difobedience to vary from them 
 in circumftances, whileft we perfift in their grounds. 
 
 To make my word good I will fuppofe the cafe to have been quite otherwise 
 than it wasiThat Proteftants had made the feparationi That they had had no ancient 
 Laws for prefidentsj That the BriM««ic)l^Churches had not enjoyed the Cyprian pri- 
 viledgefor the Firfl Six hundred years: Yea Iwill fuppofe for the prefent. That 
 our Primates were no Primates or Patriarchs^ And that the BritannicJ^^Churches had 
 been fubjeded fo the Bifhop of Rome by General Councils. Yet all this fuppo- 
 fed upon the great mutation of the ftate of the Eqnpire, and the great variation of 
 affairs fince that time, it had been very lawful for the King and Church of England 
 to fubftrad their Obedience from the Biftiops of Rome ( though they had not quit- 
 { ted their Patriarchate ) and to have ereded a new Primate at home among them- 
 
 felves. Provided that what I write onely upon fuppofition , he do not hereafter 
 alledge as (poken by way of conceffion. 
 
 Wc
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of Enghnd. 2i< 
 
 ' We have feen formerly in this Chapter that the Ellablifliment of Primates or 
 Patriarchs and Metropolitans in fuch and fuch Sees, was meerly to comply and con- 
 form themfelves to the Edidls and civil ConlHtutions of Sovereign Princes, for the 
 cafe and advantage of Chrillians, and to avoid confufion and clafhing of Jurifdi- 
 ctions: That where there was a civil Exarch and Protarch Eftabliflied by the Em- 
 peror, there (hoiild be an EcclefialHcal Primate or Patriarch : And where a City 
 was honoured with the name and priviledge of a Metropolis or Mother City, there 
 (hould be a Metropolitan Bilhop. The pradifc of Bilhops could not multiply thefc 
 Dignities, but the Edids of Emperors could. And this was in a time when the 
 Emperors were Pagans and Jnfidtls. 
 
 Afterwards when the Emperors were become Cliriftians, if they newly founded 
 or newly dignified an Imperial City or a Metropolis, they gave the Bilhop thereof 
 a proportionable Ecclefialtical preheminence at their good pleafure : Either with 
 a Council, as the Councils of Co)ijlantinopk and Chalcedon (with the conlent and 
 Confirmation of Jbeodofim and Martian Emperors ) did advance the Bifliop of Con- 
 jiaminople from being a' mean Suffragan under the Metropolitan of Heradea, to be 
 equal in Dignity, power,and all forts of priviledges, to the Bi(hop of Rome. And 
 this very ground is aliigned by the Fathers, becaufe that City ( Conftantinople ) wai 
 become thefeat of the Emj)ire; ( So ,'great a defire had the Fathers to conform the Ec- 
 ckfiaftical Regiment to the Political) Or without a Council, as Jujlinian the Em- 
 peror by his (ole Legillative power eredled the Patriarchate of JttjHnijna prima, and 
 endowed it with a new Province fubfiradted from other Bi(hops, freeing it from all 
 Appeals. The like Prerogatives he gave to the Bifhop of Carthage, notwithltand- 
 ing the pretentions of the Bifliop ot Rome. And this was not done in a corner, jvo^j/. ij« ^ 
 but inferted into the publick Laws of the Empire, for all the World to take notice iji. 
 of it. So unqueftionable was the power of Sovereign Princes in things concern- 
 ing the Order and external Regiment of the Church in thofe days, that neither the 
 Bifhop of Rome, nor any other Patriarch or Bilhop did ever complain againft it. 
 Shall the prefence of an Exarch or Lieutenant be able to Dignifie the City or place 
 of his retidence with Patriarchal Rites, and (hall not the prefence and Authority of 
 the Sovereign himfelf be much more able to do it ? Is fo much re{pe<fl due to the 
 Servants, and is not more due to the Mafter ? 
 
 That the Britijh and the Englijh Kings had the fame Imperial Authority to alter 
 Patriarchates within their own Dominions,to exempt their Subjects from the Ju- 
 rifdidion of one Primate, and transfer them to another,! (hewed in the Vindication p.^ij 
 by the examples of King Arthur, who tranflated the Primacy from Caer-Leon to St. 
 Davids above Eleven hundred years (incci And Henry the Firft who fubjcsfled St. 
 J)avids\o Canterbury aboveFive hundred years fince,for the benefit of his Subjedls. 
 Neither did any man then complain that they Ufurped more power than of right 
 did belong unto them. 
 
 Tin's is not to alter the Inftitutions of the Univerfal Church or of General . 
 Councils (fjppofing they had made any fuch particular E(^abli(hment) but on the fncg^f'Jhert. 
 contrary to tread in their fteps, and to purfue their grounds, and to do that ( with 
 all due fubmiifion to their Authority ) which they would have done themfelves in 
 this prefent exigence of Affairs. Make all things the fame they were, and we are 
 the fame. To perfifi in an old Obfervation when the grounds of it are quite 
 changed, and the end for which the Obfervation was made, calleth upon us for an 
 alteration, is not Obedience but Obftinacy. General Councils did never fo fix Pa- 
 triarchal power to particular Churches, as that their Eftablifhment (hould be like a 
 Law of the Medes and Perfians, never to be altered upon any change of the Chrifti" 
 an World whatfoever. But to be changed by themfelves ( as we fee they did ElVa- 
 blifh Fir(t three Protopatriarchates, then Four, then Five. ) Or when General Coun- 
 cils cannot be had ( which is the miferable condition of thefe times ) by fuch as 
 ha^e the Supreme Authority Civil and Ecclefiaftical in thofe places where the 
 change is to be made. Suppofe a Patriarchal See fhould be utterly ruined and de- 
 ftroycd by War or other accidents, as fome have been v or (hould change the Bible 
 into the Alchoran^ and turn Turks as others have done» (uppofe a fuccefiion of Pa- 
 triarchs fliould quit or refign their Patriarchal power explicitly or implicitly, or 
 
 fov-
 
 2l6 
 
 A Jttfi Vindication TOME !♦ 
 
 "forteititbydirufeorabulciOr Ihould obtrude Heretical Errors and Idolatrous pra- 
 ,?f«uDon the Churches under their Jurifdidion, fo as to leave no hope of reme- 
 rlfnm their Succeflbrsi Or (hould go about to enforce them by new Laws and 
 n tl ■ to maintain their llfurpations over General Councils, to which all Chrirtians 
 are more obliged than to any Patriarch : Laftly fuppofe a Patriarchal City fhall 
 1 "n the Dominions of one Prince, and the Province in the Dominions of another, 
 Iho arc in continual War and Hoftility the one with the other, fo as the Subjcds 
 ^^ neither have Licence nor Security to make ufe of their Patriarch, ought not the 
 ''^(bcftive Provinces in all thefe cafes to provide for themfelvcs > Put the cafe that 
 a Kins " oing to War in the Holy Land fhould commit the Regency to his Council, 
 d they conftitute a Governor of a principal City, who fails in his trull, and makes 
 the Citizens fwear Allegiance to himfelf, and to maintain him againll the Council v 
 all men will judge that the Citizens (hould do well, if he were incorrigible, to turn 
 him out of their Gates. Chrift was this King, who afcending into the holy of 
 holies left the Regiment of his Church with the Apoftolical Colledge and tlieir Suc- 
 celTors a General Council. They made the Bilhop of Koine a principal Governor, 
 and Iie'rebells againft them.' There needs no further application. 
 
 Now to clofe up this point, the end is more excellent than the means. The end 
 of the primitive Fathers in Eibblifhing the external Regiment of the Church in a 
 Conformity to the Civil Government was fahu Fopuli Chrijiiam, the eafe and ad- 
 vantage of ChrilUans, the avoyding of Confufion, and the clafhing of Jurifdidi- 
 ons. We purfue the fame ends with them, we approve of their means in particu- 
 lar as moil excellent for thofe times, and in general for all times, that is, the con- 
 forming^ of the one Regiment to the other. But God alone is whhom any Jhadotv 
 of utrttiHg by change. It is not in our power to prevent the Converfion of fubluna- 
 ly things. Empires and Cities have their difeafesand their deaths as well as men. 
 One is, another was, a Third (hall be. Mother Cities become Villages, and poor 
 Villages become Mother Cities. The places of the refidence of the greateft Kings 
 and Emperors are turned to defarts for Owls to fereech in and Satyrs to dance in. 
 Then as a good Pilot muft move his Rudder according to the variable face of the 
 Heavens s fo if we will purfue the prudent grounds of the primitive Fathers, 
 we muft change our external Regiment according to the change of the Empire. 
 This is better than by adhering too ftridly to the private intereft of particular pla- 
 ces to deftroy that publick end for which external Regiment at Firft was fo Efta- 
 blifiied. I confefs that this israoft proper for a General Council to redrels. Every 
 thing is bcft loofed by the fame Authority by which it was bound. But in cafe of 
 necelfity, where there can be no recourfe to a General Council, every Sovereigu 
 Prince within his" own Dominions, with the advife and concurrence of his 'Clergy, 
 and due fubmillion to a future Oecumenical Council, is obliged to provide remedies 
 for growing inconveniences, and to take order that external Difciplinc be fo Admi- 
 nlftred as may moft conduce to the Glory of God, and-the heneht of his Chriftian 
 
 Subjects. 
 
 I made Three conditions of a latvful Reformation, juft grounds, due moderation, 
 
 Divora lawful ^^^ fufficient Authority. He faith, Henry the Eight had none of theje : Firft, no jufi 
 
 but no erami ground, hecaufe his ground reoiy that the Pope would not give him leave to forfaks ^^ ^'f'^- 
 
 of the Refer- fitl Wife and taki another. Perhaps the Popes injuftice might, by Gods juft difpofiti- 
 
 matioD. Q„^ jjg 3JJ occafion, but it was no ground, of the Reformation : And if it had, yet 
 
 neither this nor his other exceptions do concern the caufe at all. There is a great 
 
 difference between bonum and bene, between a good adion and an aftion well done : 
 
 An adbn maybe good and lawful in it fclf, and yet the ground of him that adleth 
 
 it finifter, and his manner of proceeding indired, as we lee in Jehu's Reformation. 
 
 This concerned King Henries perfbn, but it concerns not us at all. King Henry 
 
 ^ll'** /•/.'* Pi^o^^fte^ that it was his Confcience, they will not believe him. Queen Katherine 
 
 iBo. ^ An.il. accufed Cardinal fFolfey as the Author of it, (he never accufed y^nne Bolen who was 
 
 fol i'- • in France when that bufmefs began. The Bilhop of Lincoln was imployed to Oat- 
 
 ^'lV*f Rowe'' ■^'^^' ^"'^ Bilhop Gardiner and Dr. Fox to Cambridge, to fee the caufe debated. Ee- 
 
 oprc^ed th/ fidcs our ov.'n Univerfities, the Univerfities of Paris, Orleans, Angerv, Burges, Bononia, 
 
 Dilpenfttio"- f jdua,'thloufe, mil kno\v not how many of the m.oft learned Dodtors of that
 
 Discourse I II. Of the Church of Eng^hnd. ^l^ 
 
 age, did all fubfcribe to the unlawfulnefs of that Marriage, which he calleth lawful. 
 The Bifhop of JForcefier proiecutcd the divorce : The Bifliops of Tori^, Durefme^ Hall An. i* 
 Cjbf/?fr, were fent unto Queen Katherint to perfwade herto lay afide the Title of ^' ^* 
 Queen : The Bi(hops ofCaKterbury^ Lojidon^ lyiiichejier^ Bath^ Lincoln^ did give fen* 
 tence againft the Marriage : Bifhop Bo«Kfr- made the appeal from the Pope. The 
 greateft iHcklers were moft zealous R"»Kii«-Gatholicks. And if wife men were not 
 miftaken, that biilineft was long plotted between Kpme and France and Cardinal 
 yro/ffj/jto break the League with the Emperor, and to make way for a n<;w Mar- Acworth ««. 
 riage with the Dutchefs of Jknfon^ Sitter to the King of Frame, and a llrider Sand- /. a.ci 
 League with that Crown. But God did take the wife in their own craftineft. Yea '^& 'i- 
 even Clement the Seventh had once given out a Bull privately to declare the Mar- g r'/"'2^f * "' 
 riage unlawful and invalid, if his Legate Campegm could have brought the King to Sand.V* Schif. 
 ■"Comply with the Popes defircs. I will conclude this point with Two Teftimonies, />• n 6" 12. 
 the one of Stephen GardiTier'^iihopof Winchefter, ®ttid a laid debuit am potuit, &Ci ^'^^' ^',°^* 
 What elfe ought the King or could the King do, than reith the full confent of his People /i(f,"a* atnd 
 and ytdgrneni of his Churchy to be loojedfrom an unlawful contraSi, and to enjoy one that GjW.M.j.721. 
 TPitf lawful and allorved, and leaving her whom neither Law nor Equity did permit him to 
 hold, to apply himfelf to a chaji and lawful Marriage ? In which caufe, whereas'the fen- 
 tence of the word of God alone had beenfufficient, to which all ought to fubmit without de- 
 fay, yet his Majejiy dijdained not to ufe the cenfures of the graveji men and moft famous 
 Vniverfuies. The Second is the Teliimony of Two Arclibifliops, Two Dukes, 
 Three Marqueflcs, Thirteen Earls,Five Bifhops, Six and twenty Barons, Two' and 
 twenty Abbats, with many Knights and Docftors, in their Letter to the Pope, Gaufa 
 ipfitif jullitia. Sec, "the juflice of the caufe itjelf being approved every where by the judg- -if C^"'"* 
 mentf of mnji learned men, and determined by the fuffrages of mnji famous Vniiitrfttks, j^^o. p. 502. ' 
 being pronounced and defined by EY)^\i(h,fT:cr\ch,lti\m'i5, as every one among them doth Sufficne Jane, 
 excel the reft in learning, dec. Though he call it a lawful Marriage, yet it is but one "''o?*' debut!- 
 Dodors Opinion. And if it had been lawful, the Pope and the Clergy were more ^c""^' '^^"*' 
 blame-worthy than King Henry. 
 
 Secondly, he iaith he wanted due moderation, becaufej^"? forced the Parliament by TheParlia. 
 fear to confent to his proceedings. I have (hewed fuificiently that they were not forced, mcnt not for- 
 by their Letter to the Pope, by their Sermons preached at St. Pauls-Crofs, by tKeit "''• 
 perfwafions to the King, by their printed Books ; to which I may add their Decla- 
 ration, called the Bifhops Book,figned by Two Archbilhops and Nineteen Bifliops. •'''"" P' '34» 
 Nor do I remember to have read of any of note that oppofed it but Two, who 
 were prife)ners and no Parliament men at that time : Sir "thomas Moor( yet when 
 King Henry writ againft Luther, he advifed him to take heed how' he advanced the 
 Pope's Authority ton much, left he diminilhed his own ) And Btfliop Fifher who 
 had confented in Convocation to the King's Title of the Supreme Head of the 
 Englijh Church [_ (juantkm per Chriiji legem licet. ]] But becaufe Biftiop Gardiner is An. tsio. 
 the onely witnefs whom he produceth for proof of this Allegation, I will fhew 
 him out of Stephen Gardiner himfelf, who was the Tyrant that did compel him. 
 ^dn potiffs orbi rationem reddere volui^ &c. J defred rather to give an account to the 
 World what changed my Opinion, and competed me to dijjent from my former words and ^^ ^^ -^ ^ 
 deeds. That compelled me ( tofpeak^it in good time ) which compelleth all men when God jiemia Ibid, 
 thinkithfit, the force of truth to which all things at length do obey. Behold the Tyrant, j>. 719. 
 not Henry the Eight, but the force of Truth, which compelled the Parliament. Take 
 one Tcftimony more out of the fame Treatife. But I fortified my felffo that (as if 
 I required the judgment of aV myfenfes ) 1 would not fubmit nor captivate my underliand- 
 ing to the ktiown and evident truth, nor take it to be fufficiently proved, unlefi Jfirfl heard it 
 with mine ears, andfmelt it with my nofe, and fee it with mine eyes, and felt it with my 
 hands. Here was more of Obftinacy than Tyranny in the cafe. Either Stephen 
 Gardiner did write according to his Confcience, and then he was not compelled i 
 or elfe he diffembled, and then his Second Teftimony is of no value. It is not my 
 judgment, but the judgment of the Law it felf: Semel falfm , femper prefumitur fal- 
 fuf. 
 
 To the Third condition he faith onely, that Henry the Eighth had not fufficierit 
 Authority to reform, Y\t&,hecaufe it was the power of afmallpart of the Church againji
 
 31 
 
 g - " — ' A Jtift Vindication TOME U 
 
 t.i. 
 
 the rfbok 1 have fhewed the contrary, that our Reformation was not made m op- 
 pofition but in purfuance of the ads of General Councik, neither did our Refor- 
 Hicrs meddle without their own Spheres. And Secondly, becmfe the Papacy is of 
 divine right. Yet before, he told us that it was doubtful, and very courteoufly he 
 would put it upon me to prove, that the Kegiment of the Chttreh by the Fofe U of 
 humane JnlhtMtio». But I have learned better, that the proof refts upon his fide, 
 both bccaufe he maintains an Affirmative, and becaufe we arc in poffellion. It were 
 an hard condition to put me to prove againft my Confcience, that the Univerfal 
 Reacncy of the Pope is of humane right, who do abfolutely deny both liis divine 
 right and his humane right. 
 
 His next Exception is, that it it nofufficiettt warrant for Trinces to meddle inj^iritttal 
 tmttets becaufe fome Trinces have donefo. If he think the external Regiment of the 
 Church to be a matter meerly fpiritual, he is much miftaken. I cite not the exor- 
 bitant adts of fome fmgle Prince or Princes, but a whole fucceffion of Kings, with 
 their Convocations, and Parliaments, proceeding according to the fundamental Laws 
 of the Kingdom. So he might have fpared his inftanccs of Saul and Vzziah. 
 ' ^^^^ But he faith, that what King Henry didinfuch matters vpm plainly again[i hk own 
 
 didnoiaa'a- Confcience^as afpeareth by hit frequent andearneft defires to be reunited to the Pope. It 
 gainllConfci- js a bold prefumption in him to take upon him to judge of another mans Confci- 
 ence, gj^j-g^ Qoj alone knows the fecret turnings .and windings of the heart of man. 
 Though he had dcfired a reconciliation with Kome, yet Charity requires that wc 
 (hould rather judge that he had changed his mind, than that he violated Hs Con- 
 fcience. Neither will this uncharitable cenfure, if it were true, advantage his caufe 
 >• j.D V:a the black of a Bean. His Confcience might make the Reformation finful in him, 
 but not unlawful in it {elf. The lawfulnefs or unlawfulnefs of the Adion within 
 it fclf, depends not upon the Confcience of the doer, but the merit of the thing 
 *• 3«/i5» done. His witneffes are Bifhop Gardiner and Nicholas Sanders. The former a great 
 • ■ ■ Councellor of King Henry^ a contriver of the Oath, a propugner of the King's 
 Supremacy, both in Print and in his Sermons, and a perfccutor of them who op- 
 * pofedit. For a Preacher to Preach againft his own Confcience, comes near the fin 
 againft the Holy Ghoft. He had rcafon to fay he was conftrained, both to hide 
 his. own ftiamc, and to flatter the Pope (after his revolt ) whom he had fo much 
 oppofcd, efpccially in the days of Queen Mary: Otherwife he had miffed the 
 Chancellorfhip of England^znd it may be h^d fuffered as a Schifmatick. Yet let us 
 hear what he faith, that King Hfnry had a purpofe to refign the Supremacy when the 
 tumult was in the North : And that he waf imployed to the Emperor to defire him to be 
 a mediator to the Pope about it. All this might have been, and yet no intention qi 
 Reconciliation. Great Princes many times look one way and row another. And 
 if an overture or an empty pretence will fervc to qualh a Rebellion, or prevent a 
 forreign War, will make no fcruple to u(e if. But upon Biftiop Gar diners credit 
 in this caufe we cannot believe it. This was one of them who writ that menacing 
 Letter to the Pope juft before the Reformation, that if he did not hear them, certe 
 LcriCheth, interpretabimur mfir't nobis curam effe reliBam^ ut aliunde nobis remedia conquiramits, 
 M05I" '''°* *^y ^ould certainly interpret it, that they were left to themfelves to taki care of themfilves, 
 to feek^their remedy from elfewhere. This was a fair intimation, and they were as 
 good as their words. This was the man who writ the Book de Veri Obedientii^ 
 downright for the King's Supremacy againft the Pope. Laftly, this is he who pub- 
 liftied to the World , that aU forts of Peope with us were agreed upon this point with 
 mififtedfaji confent, that no manner of perfonhred or brought up in England, hath ought 
 to do with Rome. It had been ftrange indeed that all forts of people (hould be una- 
 nimous in the point, and the King alone go againft his Confcience. 
 
 His later witx\ck,Nii:bolas Sanders, is juft fuch another, whofc Book de Schifmate 
 Is brina-full of virulent flanders and prodigious Hdions againft King Henry. He 
 feigncth that when his death did draw nigh, he began to deal privately with fome Bijhops, 
 of the way how he might be reconciled to the See Apoftolick. Teftimony he produceth 
 none, but his own Authority. They who will not believe it may chufe. But that 
 which foUowcthjfpoyleth the credit of his Relation, ThatoHf of the Bijhops being 
 deubtfid whether this might mt he a trap to catch him, anfwered that the King was wifer 
 ■^ '"• thm
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of Enghnd, 210 
 
 than aVmen^ that he hadcajl of the fofis Supremacy by divine Infpiration^ and had no- Confilh Divint 
 thing now to fear. That a King fhould be laying fnares to catch his Bifliops appro- 
 pinquante hora worm, when the very hour of his death was drawing near ■■> and that Sand.de 
 a Bilhop (hould flatters dying man fo abhominably againft his Confcience, ( as he Sc6//fl».p.io2. 
 makes this to be ) is not credible. , 
 
 But there is a Third Author alledged by others who de(ervcd more credit. That 
 it was but the coming Two dayijhort of a Foji to R.omc, which hindred that the recon- r j ^ t, 
 cikment was not aUually made. But here is a double miftake,Firft, in the time, this /«/. ja8. 
 was in the year, 1533. before fhe reparation was made, cwrrfW/fKotrf. Some intima- 
 tions had been given of what was intended, but the Bell was rot then rung out. 
 Certainly the breach muft go before the reconcilement, in order of time. Secondly 
 in the Subjed •, this treaty was not about the Jurifdiftion of the Court of Rome 
 over the Englijh Church, but about the divorce of King Henry and Queen Katharine. 
 The words are thefe. That if the Pope would fuperfede from executing his fenter.ce^ until 
 he ( the King ) had indifferent Judges who might hear the hufineji, he would alfo fuper- 
 fede of what he was deliberated to do in withdrawing his obedience from the Roman See. 
 The Bilhop of P^m procured this propofition from the King, and delivered it at 
 Rome. It was not accepted. The Kings aiifwer came not within the time limi- 
 ted. Thereupon the Pope publifhed his fentence, and the feparation followed. So 
 this was about the change of a Wife, not of Religion, before cither King Henrfs 
 fubrtradioh of obedience, or the Pope's fulmination. 
 
 In the next place he dirtinguilheth between the Pope and the Papacy, acknow- 
 ledging That it may be lawful in fame cafes tofubjirad obedience from the Pope, but in 
 no cafe from the Papacy, which he prctumeth,6ut doth not prove, to be of divine In- 
 ^itution, whereas Protijlants ( faith he )for the faults of fame Popes , have feparated 
 ihemfelves both from Pope, Papacy, and Roman Church. And here again he falls upon 
 his former needlefs Theme, That perfonal faults are no fufjicient (ground of a revolt from 
 a good hftithtion. If he had been pleafed to obferve it, I took away this diftindion 
 before it was made, (hewing that the perfonal faults of Popes or their Minifters P- 128. 
 ought not to refled upon any but the perfons guilty i but faulty principles, in Do- 
 ctrine or Difcipline, do warrant a more permanent feparation, even until they be 
 reformed. 
 
 I do acknowledge the dirtindtion of Pope, Papacy, and Church of Rome, but I tlmfhl^"rt 
 deny that we have feparated from any one of them for the faults of another. As pacy was not 
 the Pope may have his proper faults, lb may the Papacy, fo may the Church of Rome, forthefaulrsof 
 We have (cparated our felves from the Church of Rome onely in thofe things ^°P''' ''"' °^ 
 wherein (he had Firft feparated her fclf from the ancient"Ro>Kii« Church. In all o- \^ \^\f Papacy 
 ther things we maintain Communion with her. We are ready to yield the Pope 
 all that refped which is due to the Bilhop of an Apoftolical Church, and whatlb- 
 ever external honour the Fathers did think fit to caft upon that See, if he would 
 content himfelf therewith. But the chief grounds of our feparation are thofc 
 which are inherent in the Papacy it (elf, qua talis, as it is now defended, as they (eek 
 to obtrude it upon us: the lawlefs exorbitant opprellion of the Rotojm Court i 
 the Sovereignty of the Pope above General Councils ■■, his Legidative and Judiciary 
 power in all Chriftian Kingdoms, againft the will of the right Owners i his pre- 
 tended right to convocate Synods, and confirm Synods, and diiTolve Synods, and 
 hold Legantine Courts, and obtrude new points of Faith as necelTary Articles, and 
 receive the laft Appeals, and difpofe of all Ecclefiaflical Dignities and Benefices at 
 his pleafure, and impofe Tenths and Firfl Fruits and Sublidies and Penfions, to in- 
 ve(t Bi{hops,and (ell Pardons, and Indulgences, and Palls. Thele and the like arc 
 not the Faults of Innocent the Tenth, or Vrban the Eighth, or Sixtus, or Piuf, or 
 ^/fxWfr, or C/fwp«/, or any particular Pope. But they are the Faults of the Pa- 
 pacy it felf, woven into the body of it, and without the acknowledgement of which, 
 they will fuffer us to hold no Communion with the Papacy. I do not fay that they 
 are infeparable, for the time hath been when the Papacy was without thofe blc- 
 mi(hes v but that it is folly at this time to hope from them for the ancient liberty of 
 the Church, as the Country-man expedlcd that the River (hould be run out, and 
 become dry, 
 
 X 2 Rufrim
 
 320 
 
 A Jttjl Vindication TOME U 
 
 KufticKS expeHat ut defluat amn'tf^ at iJle 
 Lahitur,& labetur, in omne volnbilif £vum. 
 
 We exped!tedrcmedy,and hoped for Reformation from the time of Henry the 
 Firft in whofc Reign their encroachments did begin to grow fignal and notorious, 
 until' the days of Henry the Eighth, throughout the Reigns of Seventeen fucceeding 
 Kings, and found not the leaft cafe from them, but what wc carved out our felves. 
 No Law uf God or man doth require that we OiOUld wait eternally. The Lord 
 ^t '?• '• of the Vineyard thought Three years enough to exped fruit of the fruitlefs Fig- 
 Tree, and when it improved not in the Fourth year, the Sentence iflued againli if, 
 cut it down, why cumbreth it the ^omd. 
 whether He urgcth that ///owe Vo^ts have wronged England temporally, far more Popes have 
 
 Popes have lenefited it much more both temporally and [piritmHy •, Sugicit unns huic operi : This 
 done more ^vere more comely in our mouths than in theirs. Some man would go make an 
 ^°if °/ ri'^ eftimateof Papal Importations, as Parchment, and Lead, and Wax, and CrolTes, 
 not material. Jgnus det's, and Reliques ■-, and their Exportations, Gold, Silver, Jewels, and 
 whatfoever the Land afforded either for necellity or delight. But I will (pare his 
 modelly, and fuppofe more than ever he will be able to prove. Ancient virtues or 
 benefits do not juftifie an old Inllitution, when it is grown ufelefs and fubjed}' to def- 
 perate abufcs. The Brafen Serpent was Inftituted by God himfelf i it was a fingu- 
 lar Type of Chrift i it faved the temporal lives of the Jfraelites, and pointed them 
 out the right way to eternal life. Yet when it was become ufelefs and abufed ovct 
 much^Hezekiah is commended for breaking it in pieces, and calling it Nehufhtan, an 
 a Khg. 18. 4. yfgje(^ piece of common Brafs, that had quite loft its ancient virtue. Tiie Order of 
 the Templars was Inftituted about the Year 1120. Scarcely any Order can fliew 
 fuch an hopeful beginning at their Firft Inftitution, or fuch an huge progreft to- 
 wards gpeatnefs in fo fliort a Revolution of time. He who (hall read thefe extra- 
 ordinary praifes which are given them by St. Bernard, ( who is thought to have 
 been the Author of their Rule; will take them rather to have been a Society of 
 Angels than of mortal men. Yet in the days of Clement the Fifth, they were ge- 
 nerally fuppre(red throughout the whole World as it were in an inftant, not (for 
 common faults, but horrid crimes, and prodigious villanies,by the joynt con(ent of 
 the Occidental Church and Sovereign Princes. I inquire not whether their accu- 
 fation was juft or not i but from hence I do colled that, in the judgment of this 
 occidental World, a good Inftitution may be defervedly abrogated for fub(equent 
 abufes. As we had not the fame latitude of power, which they who cenfured 
 them had > fo we did not adt without our own Sphear,or the bounds of the Eftg- 
 lijh Dominions. 
 Sffl. 2. In the Vindication 1 urged Three points, wherein the Komans do agree with us. 
 
 Firft, that Sovereign Princes not onely may, but in juftice are obliged, to repre(s the 
 tyranny of Ecclefiaftical Judges, and protedt their Subjedts from their violence, and 
 free them from their oppreflive Yoke. To this he anfwereth nothing. Secondly, 
 that Princes may be inabled either by grant or by pre(cription ( I added by their So- 
 vereign Authority over the whole Body politick ) to exerci(e all external Ecclefia- 
 ftical Jurifdidionby themfelves or by ht Delegates, and to make Ecclefiaftical Laws 
 for the external Regiment of the Church, to which their Subjedls owe obedience. 
 This alone were fufficient to free us from Schifm. But to all this likewife he {aith 
 not one word good or bad. Thirdly, that it is lawful in feveral cafes to fubftrad 
 t T t '^^^'^•^"ce from the Pope. And among other proofs I cited the Council of Tower f. 
 Refp, *i An. "^^ ^'^'^ onely he anfwers,That they ack^towledged it lawful to withdraw obedience from 
 J. 4, 8, this or that Pope, in this or that cafe, but not from Papal Authority it felf. Whereas t 
 
 fliewed him in the Vindication, that the fame equity which doth allow fubftradlion 
 It w« lawful of obedience from this or that Pope for per(bnal faults, as Schifm or Simony, doth 
 oWiS" likewife allow fubftradion of obedience from him and his Succc(rors fbr faulty 
 from pap«i principles, as obtruding new Creeds, preffing of unlawful Oathes, palpable Ufur- 
 Authority cor- pation of undoubted Rites, even until they be reforaied. Papal Authority, with- 
 fupted.j out the Pope, is but an imaginary Idea i whofoever fubftrads obedience from the 
 
 true'
 
 221 
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of En^ghud. 
 
 true Pope, fubftrads obedience from the Papal Authority. Perhaps indeed not 
 
 fimpiyorabfolutely, but refpedtively, as he faith i« tfck or that cafe. But what if 
 
 the Pope will not luffer them to pay their obedience in part, fo far as it is due, but 
 
 have it entire according to his own demands, er none at alL Then it is not they 
 
 who feparate themfelves from Papal Authority, but it is Papal Authority which fe- 
 
 parates them from it. Either he underftands Papal Authority fuch as it ought to 
 
 be de]ure i and then we have fubltraded no obedience from it, for we ought it 
 
 none, and are not unwilling for peace fake to pay it more refpedt than we do owe: 
 
 Or elfe by Papal Authority he underftands a fpiritual Monarchy, fuch 36 it is now, 
 
 with fuperiority above General Councils, and Infallibility of Judgment, and Legilla- 
 
 ti.ve Authority, and Patronage of all Ecclefiaiiical Preferments, &c. And then the 
 
 llniverfal Church did never acknowledge any fuch Papal Authority, And then to 
 
 withdraw our obedience from it, is not to fubftrad obedience from a lawful, but 
 
 from an unlawful and Tyrannical power. When Sovereign Princes do withdraw 
 
 obedience ^om this or that Pope^ in thif or that cafe, they make themfelves Judges of Pr'^ces the lafl 
 
 the difference between them and the Court of Rome, as whether the Pope have in- in;ufS*done 
 
 vaded their priviledges, or Ufurped more Authority than is due unto him, or in con- ro their Sub- 
 
 temninghiscenfuresC which the Council of Towfrj- doth exprefly allow them to jefts by Popes. 
 
 do ) and judging WiSether the Pope's Key have erred or not. Yield thus much, and 
 
 the Queftion is at an end, That Sovereign Princes within their own Dominions are 
 
 the lalt Judges of their own Liberties, and of Papal oppreffions and Ufurpations, 
 
 and the validity or invalidity of the Pope's cenfures. 
 
 There is one thing more in this difcourfe in this place which I may not omit, 
 Tiiat Papal Authority is Infiituted immediately by Cod, hut not Ke^al, Cujuf contrari- 
 umverumeji. He was once, or feemed to be, of another mind. For of Almighty on e -a 
 Cod his meer bounty and great grace they ( Kings ) receive and hold their Diadems and Kei.jMtbl 
 Princely Scepters, St. Paul faith exprefly, (peaking of civil powers : "Ihe powers that p- n. 
 be, are ordained of God : and rvhofoever refijieth the power, refijieth the Ordinance of ^""i' ' ?• > i & 
 God, and they that rcfjljhal! receive to themfelves damnation. The eternal Wifdom of »'^ » < 
 the Father hath faid, By me Kings Keign, and Princes decree Jujiice. If they be or- Kingly Autho- 
 dained by God, and Reign by God, then they are Inl^ituted by God. Therefore rity from God, 
 they are juftly ftiled the living Images of God that faveth all things. He who faid, °°^ i'apa'. 
 By me Kings Reign , never faid by me Popes Reign. Kings may inherit by the 
 Law of man, or be eleded by the Suffrages of men. But the Regal Office, and 
 Regal power, is immediately from God. No man can give that which he himfelf 
 hath not. The People have not power of Life and Death. That muft come 
 from God. By the Law of nature Fathers of Families were Princes, and when 
 Fathers of Families did conjoyn their power to make one Father of a Country, to 
 whom doth he owe his power but to God, from whom Fathers of Families had 
 their power by the Law of nature ? As for the Pope he derives his Epifcopal pow- 
 er from Chrili, his Patriarchal power from the Church , and Monarchical power 
 -from himfeiC 
 
 After this in the Vindication! defcended to feveral new Confiderations, as name- ^^^ 
 ly the power of Princes to reform new Canons by the old Canons of the Fathers, 
 the fubjediion of Patriarchal power to Imperial, which 1 (hewed by a iignal exam- 
 ple of Pope Gregory who obeyed the command of Mauritius the Emperor, though 
 he did not take it to be pleafing to Almighty Go^, the eredtion of new Patriarchates The groutids 
 by Emperors, and the tranflation of primacies by our Kings. And fo I proceeded ^/"""^ fepara- 
 to the grounds of their ftparation : Firft, the intolerable Rapine and Extortions of "°''' 
 the Roman Court in England : Secondly, their unjult Ufurpations of the undoub- 
 ted rights of all Orders of men, and particularly how they made our Kings to be 
 their Vaflals and the Succelfion to the Crown arbitrary at their pleafures. Third- 
 ly, becaufe our Anceftors found by experience that fuch forreign JuriidiiflioH was 
 deftrudlive to the right ends of Eccleliaftical Difciplinc. Fourthly, fundry other 
 inconveniences, to have been daily fubjetS to the impofition of new Articles of 
 Faith, to be expofed to manifeft peril of Idolatry, to have forfaken the Commu- 
 nion of Three parts of Chriffendom, to have approved the Pope's Rebellion agaijilt 
 General Councilsj and to have their Biftiops fwear to maintain liim in his Rebcl- 
 
 Xj liou's
 
 222 A Jtift Vindication TOMEl. 
 
 lious Ufurpations. Laflly, the priviledge of the Britamick^ Churches, the Popes 
 difclaiming all his Patriarchal Authority, and their challenging of all this by Di- 
 vine right, which made their (ufferings irremediable from Rome. Lafily, I (hewed 
 that our Anccftors from time to time, had made more addrcflfes to Rome for reme- 
 dy than either in duty or in prudence they ought to have done. All this he paf- 
 feth by in filcnce, as if it did not concern the caufe at all. Onely he repeats his 
 former dilUndtion between the Pope, the Papacy, and the Roman Church, which hath 
 been fo often confuted already, and blameth Proteftants/or revolting from the Roman 
 Church for the faults of fome fevo Popes. As if all thefe things which are mentioned 
 here, and fct down at large in the Vindication, were but lome infirmities, or fome 
 petty fa\ilts of fome few Popes. I have (hewed him clearly, that the moll of our 
 grounds are nof the faults of the Popes, but the faults of the Papacy it felf. And 
 as i^ot forfaking the Church of Rome, he doth us wrong. I (hewed him out of our 
 Canons in this very place, that we have not forfaken it, but onely left their Com; 
 Csn. 30. munion in fome points, wherein they had left their Anceftors, we are ready to ac- 
 knowledge it as a Sifter to the Bri/<i«Kicl^ Church, a Mother to the Saxon Church, 
 but as a Lady or Miftrefs to no Church. 
 c,^ 4. Afterwards he defcendeth to Two of the grounds of cur Reformation, to (hew 
 
 that they were infufficient, 7he nerv Creed of Pius the fourth, and the withholding the 
 Cup from the Laity. Two of Two and twenty make but a mean indudtion. He 
 may if he pleafc fee throughout this Treatife that we had other grounds bcfides 
 The Pope's thefe. Yet Iconfefs that in his choi(e he hath fwerved from the rules of prudence, 
 new Articles and hath not fought to leap over the hedge where it was lowelK Firft( faith he ) 
 of Faith a )ull^^ 7^^ ftexe Creed could not he the cauje of the feparation, hecaufe the feparation rvas made 
 ^oa,^ ' before the Creed. He faith true, if it had been onely the redu(!lion of thefe new 
 myfteries into the form of a Creed, that did offend us. But he knoweth right 
 well that thefe very points,which Piuf the Fourth comprehended in a new Symbol 
 or Creed, were obtruded upon us before by his predeceffors as neceffary Articles of 
 the Roman Faith, and required as nece(rary conditions of their Communion, fo as 
 we mufl either receive thefe, or utterly lofe them. This is the onely difference, 
 that Piui the Fourth dealt in grofs, his predeceffors by retail. They fafhioned the 
 (evcral rods, and he bound them up into a bundle. He faith. That the neve Creed U 
 nothing hut certain points of Catholicity Faith propofed to be ftvorn of fome Ecclefiaflicat 
 Catholickjerfons, as the 3P Articles rvere in the Protejiants new Creed propofed by them. ' 
 to Minijiers. Pius the Fourth did not onely injoyn all Ecclefiafticks, Seculars, and 
 Regulars, to fwear to his new Creed, but he impo(ed it upon all Chriftians, as veram 
 fdem Catholicam extra quam nemo falvuf effe potefl, (they are the very words of the 
 Bull ) as the true Catholicity Faith without believing of which no man catt be faved. 
 This is a greater Obligation than an Oath, and as much as the Apoftles did impofe 
 for the Reception of the Apoftolical Creed. We do not hold our 39 Articles to be 
 fuch necelTary Truths, extra quam non ejifalm, without which there u no Salvation, nor 
 injoyn Ecclefiaftick perfons to fwear unto them, but onely to fubfcribe them, as 
 Theological Truths, for the prefervation of Unity among us, and the extirpation of 
 fome growing errors. 
 The detaining Secondly, He adds that the dcteyning of the Cup, could be no fufficicnt ground 
 of the Cup in of feparation, becaufe Proteftants do confefs. That it is an indifferent matter of it 
 the Sacrament /f//, and nojufl caufe tofeparate Communion. Doth the Church of England confe(s it' 
 iepuuktt"^ to be an indifferent matter ? No, nor any Proteftant Church. All their publick 
 •^ ° ' Confertions do teftifie the contrary. Nay more, I do not believe that any -one 
 Proteftant in his right wits did ever confefs any fuch thing. But this it is to nibble 
 at Authors, and to ftretch and tenter their words by confequences quite beyond 
 «heir fenfe. It may be that Luther, at fome time faid fome fuch thing, but it was 
 before he was a formed Proteftant, whileft he was half lleeping half waking. Etl- 
 larmine ftiles it in initio Apojiafis. But after his eyes were well opened, he never 
 confeffed any fuch thing, but the juft contrary. Suppofe that Brentius faith, that 
 abftemious perfons, fuch whofe nature doth abhor Wine, may receive under one 
 ;' kind i what a pitiful argument is this drawn from a particular rare ca(e of invin- 
 
 cible neceflity, to the common and ordinary ufc of the Sacrament? The Elephant 
 
 was
 
 Discourse: I II. Of the Church of En^hnd. 232 
 
 was exempted from doing obeifance to the Lyon, becaufe he had no knees. But 
 it is the height of injuftice to withhold his right from one man , becaufe another 
 cannot make ufe of it. Suppose that MclanHhon declare his own particular opinion, 
 that thofe Countries where Wine is not to be had ftiould do well to make ufe of 
 honied water in the Sacrament. What doth this fignihe as to the caufe he hath in 
 hand, whether they ufe fome other liquor in the place of Wine, or ufe no liquor at 
 all <• Invincible neceffity doth not oncly excufe from one kind but from both kinds. 
 And where the Sacrament cannot be had as it ought, the defire to have it fufEceth 
 before God. We read of fome Chriftians in India where they had no Wine, that 
 they took dry Raifons and fteeped them in water a whole night, and u(ed that li- qj,^^^^^^ g^^^ 
 quor which they fqueefed out of them in the place of Wine for the Sacrament, lojd formtt ce- 
 lt would trouble one as much in many parts of the World to find right Bread, as hl>rarKii,^(* 
 Wine. That nourifhment which Indians eat in the place of Bread, being made of 
 the Roots of Plants, doth differ more from our Bread made of Wheat, than Cyder 
 or Perry or honied water do differ from the juice of the Grape, which are fuch ma- 
 ny times, as are able to deceive a good taft. If Wine were as rare and precious in 
 the World as right Balm, which they make to be the matter of a Sacrament, there 
 were more to be faid in it. They themfelves do teach that it is abfolutely neceffa- 
 ry, that the Sacrament be confecrated in Wine, and that it be confumed by the 
 Priefr. They who can procure Wine for the Prieff, may procure it for the people 
 alfo, if they will. The truth is, all thefe are but made Dragons. No man ever 
 was fo ablfemious but that he might tafl fo much Wine tempered with Water, as 
 they ufe it, as might ferve for the Sacrament, where the leafi: imaginable particle 
 conveyeth Chrift to the receiver, as well as the whole Chalice full. Neither is there 
 any Chriilian Country in the World, where they may not have Wine enough for 
 this ufe, if they pleafe. 
 
 So notwithltanding any thing he faith to the contrary, their daily obtruding new papifls right 
 Articles of Faith, and their detaining the Cup in the Sacrament, were juft grounds Heirs of the 
 of feparation, but not our onely grounds. We had Twenty other grounds befides ^^oDatiflj. 
 them. And therefore he had little reafon to fay. That at kafl the Firji Proteftatits 
 n>ere Schifmaticks^ and in thisrefped to urge the Authority of O^tatuf againft us, to 
 prove us to be the Heirs of Schifmaticks. Optatus in the place by him cited, fpeaks ^„ t I 2' 
 againff the Traditors^vfith whom we have nothing common, and the Vonatijls their 
 own Anceflors, not ours, whofe cafe is thus defcribed there by Optatuf, cujus tu Ca- 
 thcdram tenes^qu£ anteipfum Majorinum origtnem mn habebat.rphofe Chair thoupojp^cfi^ 
 which had no original before Majorinus, a Schifmatical Donatifl. This is net our cafe. 
 We have fet up no new Chairs, nor new Altars, nor new SuccefUons, but continued 
 thofe which were from the beginning. There is a vafl difference between the ere- 
 <fting of a Chair againff a Chair, or an Altar againlf an Altar, which we have not 
 done-, and the repairing of a Church or an Altar wherein it was decayed, which we 
 were obliged to do. 
 
 In the next place he endeavoureth to prove by t/>f gfwrj/ Vo&rine of Protefiantf, whether Fro- 
 that they differ from TapiHf in fundamental points neceffary to Salvation. If they do, it teflants and 
 is the worfe for the Romanijis. In the mean time the Charity of Proteff ants is not i'ap'Os <i flfer 
 to be blamed. We hope better of them. And for any thing he faith to the eon- '° E'^^°"^'* 
 trary we believe that they do not differ from us in Fundamentals. But let us fee 
 what it is that the Protefiants fay. Some fay that Popijh errors are damnable. Let 
 it be admitted, many' errors are damnable which are not in Fundamentals. Errors 
 which are damnable in themfelves, are often pardoned by the merey of God, who 
 looks upon his Creatures with all their prejudices. Others fay, that Popif^f and 
 Protejiant opinions are diametraTy oppofite. That is certain, they are not all Logoma- 
 chies. But can there be no diametral oppolition except it be in Fundamentals ? 
 There are an Hundred diametral oppofitions in Opinion among the Komanifts them- 
 (Hves, yet he will not confefs that they differ in Fundamentals. Laflly, others fay 
 that the Keligion of Protefiants, and the Religion of the Church of Rome, are not all one 
 for fubfiance. I Anfwer Firfl, that the word fubjhnce is taken fometimes ffridtly, for 
 the effentials of any thing, which cannot be feparated without the deffrudion of 
 the fubjed. Thus a man is faid to be the fame man in fubffance, while his Soul 
 
 and
 
 — ^^r A J hJj Vindication T O M E C 
 
 and Body are united, though he have loft a leg or an arm, or be reduced to skin 
 
 and bone. And in this fenfe the Proteftant and PopiOi Church and Rcljgion are the 
 fame in fubflance. At other times the word fubftance is taken more largely for all 
 real parts, although they be feparated without the deftrudion, and fometimes with 
 the advantage of the fubje(a. And fo all the members, yea even the flefh and 
 U blood and other humors are of the fubftance of a man. So we read, 7hine eyes did 
 '/*'• *''■ ' Qg „iy fubftance being yet «nferfe£i, and in thy hooks were all my members rvriuen. And 
 in this fenfe the Proteftant and Popifh Religion are not the fame in fubftance. Se- 
 condly the word fubftantials may either lignifie old fubftantials, believed and pra- 
 <flifed by all Churches in all ages, at all times, which are contained in the Apoftles 
 Creed ( And thus our Religion and the Roman Religion are the fame in fubftance) 
 Ct new fubftantials lately coyned and obtruded upon the Church, as thofe Articles 
 which arc comprehended in the Creed of Piuf the Fourth ; And in this fenfe our 
 Religion and theirs are not. the fame in fubftance. The former fubftantials were 
 made by God, the later fubftantials deviled by man. 
 
 I pleaded that when all things were fearched to the bottom, Romj«-Catholicks 
 i'ai.-ifts ac do acknowledge the fame pollibility of Salvation to Protcftants, which Protcftants 
 knowledge do afford to Ko»irfK-Catholicks : And for proof thereof I produced Two Tefti- 
 ''°'''r'l''7°n "ionics of his own. To this he anfwers Firft, that Protejlants do aUow fazing Faith 
 a"niuch u we and Salvation to the Roman Church and to formal Papijis. But 'Romin-Catholic}{s do 
 •f th«ir». deny faving Faith and Salvation to the Proteftant Church and to formal Protcftants^ and 
 
 grant it onely tofuch Protejlants of are invincibly ignorant of their Errors^ who are not 
 fcrmal Protcftants^ but rather Proteftantibus credentes , perfons deceived by giving too 
 much truft to Protcftants. We fay the very fame, that we allow not faving Faith or 
 Salvation to the Popifh Church, as it is corrupted, but as it retains with Protc- 
 ftants, the fame common principles of faving Truth, and is ftill joynted in part to 
 the Catholick Church : Nor to formal Papifts, but to fuch as err invincibly, and 
 are prepared in their minds to receive the Truth when God fhall reveal it. Such 
 are not formal Papifts, but Pap^U credentes, fuch as give too much truft to Pa- 
 pifts. 
 
 His Second Anfwer is a Second Error,grounded onely upon thofe imaginary Ideas 
 which he hath framed to himfelf in his own head, of the opinions of particular 
 Proteftants, and laboured much to little purpofe, to prove by conjedtural confc- 
 quences, which hang together like a roap of Sand, That Proteftants affirm that fuch 
 Merr in fundamental Articles^ and fuch as err finfuVy in »ot fundamentals, may be faved. 
 Neither the Church of England, againft which he ought to bend his forces in this 
 Queftion, nor any genuine Son of the Church of England, nor any other Prote- 
 ftant Church ever faid, that Papifts might be faved, though they held not the fun- 
 damentals of faving Truth, or though they held leffer Errors pertinacioufly without 
 Repentance. If any particular Proteftants were ever fo mad to maintain any fuch 
 thing in an ordinary way, for we fpeak not now of the extraordinary difpenfations 
 of God's Grace, in cafe of invincible neceflity, we difclaim them in it. Let him 
 not fpare them. But I believe that when all is done, about which he makes fuch 
 a ftir, it will prove but Moonfhine in the water. 
 Sefl. 6. ^^ ^h^t I ^id, that our feparation is from their Errors, not from their Church, 
 
 Our fepjrat'on he anfwereth, that itjherps my ignorance what their Church if. For their Church ii a 
 onely fromEr- Society -partly in their pretended Errors ; and therefore they whofeparate from them,fepa- 
 f®"' rate from their Church. In my life I never heard a weaker Plea : But I defire no 
 
 other advantage than what the caufe it felf affords. Doth he himfelf believe in 
 eameft, that any Errors are effentials of a Church ? Or would he perfwade us that 
 weeds are eftentials of a Gardens or Ulcers and Wenns and fuch fuperfluous ex- 
 crefcences effentials of an humane body ? Or do weeds become no weeds, and Er- 
 rors no Errors, becaufe they are called pretended weeds or pretended Errors, or 
 faecaufe they are affirmed to be Effentials > This is enough to juftirie my diftindion. 
 So it was not my ignorance but their obftinacy thus to incorporate their Errors into 
 their Creeds, and matriculate their abufes among their facred Rites. In vain da 
 ■«*»». •$. 9- they worjhip me ( faith God ) teaching for DoUrines the Commandments of men. Sup- 
 pofc an Arrian or a Pelagian fhould charge him to be a Schifmatick or an Apoftate, 
 
 be-
 
 22 
 
 Discourse III. Of the Ctmrcb <?fEne;land, 
 
 becaufe he defertcd their Communion : To which he (hould Anrwer, that his repa- 
 ration was from their Arrian or FeUgian Errors, not from their Church, as it was a 
 Chriftian Church, and that he held al] other common principles of ChrilHanity 
 with them. And fuppofe the Arrian or Pelagian (hould plead,as he doth, that their 
 Church if a Society partly in their pretended Errors, or that their pretended Errors are 
 Eflentials of their Church and of their Religion i This might well aggravate 
 their own faults, but not infringe the truth of his Anfwer. Errors continue Errors 
 though they be called Eflentials. There was a time before Arianifm did infeft the 
 Church, and there fucceeded a time when it was caft out of the Church. .Their 
 old Eflentials,which were made E/Tentials by Chrift, we do readily receive : Their ■ 
 new Eflentials, which were lately devifed by themfelves, we do as utterly rejed i 
 and fo much the rather, becaufe they have made them Eflentials. Their Church 
 flouriflied long without thefe Errors ; and we hope the time will come when "it 
 (hall be pwrgcd from thefe Errors. 
 
 In fetting forth the moderation of our Ettglip Reformers,! fhcwcd that we do wctrrce^ 
 not arrogate to our felves either a new Church,or a new Religion, or new Holy Or- to o-jr (fives 
 ders. Upon this he falls heavily Two wayes. Firft he faith, it is falfe, at he hath "° "^^'' -J 
 fijerced by inmmerable 7ejHnwmes of Proteflants. That which I fay is not the falfer ^^'"•"''» ^'^* 
 becaufe he calls it fo, nor that which he faith the truer becaufe I forbear. For what 
 I faid I produced the Authority of our Church ; he ktteth that alone, and fticketh 
 the falfhood upon my fleeve. k feemeth that he is not willing to engage againf! 
 the Church of England : For Ml he dcclineth it, and changeth the fubjedt of the 
 Qiiefiion from tlie Englijh Church to a confuted company of particular Authors of 
 different opinions, of dubious credit, of little knowledge in our Ettglijl} affairs, tCn- 
 tered and wrefied from their genuine (enfe. Sets tu fimulare CHprejfum, quid 'hoe f 
 It was not the drift or fcope of my undertaking to anfwer old Volumes of imper- 
 tinences. If behave any Teftimonies that are material, in the name of God let 
 him bring them into the Lifts, that the Reader may fee what they fay, and be able to 
 compare the Evidence with the Anfwer, and not imagine more than is true. Let him 
 remember that I premonifh him, that all his innumerable Ttjhmonies will advantage 
 him nothing. 
 
 Secondly, he would perfwade us, that///* Tffreytf that ettr Cbttreh, Religitn^ and Whether omt 
 Holy Orders^were the fame with theirs^ thenjvhat need had rve to go out of theirs for Rel'g'on be 
 Salvation ? then we are convinced of Schifm. Alas poor men ! what will become of 'l^-*^^* ""'' 
 us ? Hold what we will, fay what we can, rtill we are Schifmaticks with them. wc'/rcno°°'' 
 If we fay our Church, Religion, and Holy Orders are the fame with theirs, then we Schifmaticks. ; 
 are Schifmaticks for deferring them. If we fay they are not the fame, then we are 
 Schifmaticks for cenfuring and condemning them. But we appeal fjpm the fentencd 
 of our Adversary to the fentence of that great Judge who judgeth 'righteous judg- 
 ment. We are either Wheat or Chaff, but neither their tongues nor their pens muf^ 
 winnow us. If we fay our Church, Religion, and Holy Orders, be the fame with 
 theirs, we are no Schifmaticks, becaufe we do not cenfure them uncharitably. If we 
 fay they be not the fame, we are flill no Schifmaticks, becaufe we had then, by their 
 own confelfion, juft reafon to feparate from them. But to come up clofer to hi? 
 argument: Religion is a virtue, which confjfteth between Two extreams, Herefie 
 in the defed, and Superftition in the excefs. Though their Church, Religion and 
 Holy Orders be the fame with our3,and free from all Heretical defeds, yet they may 
 be and are fubjed to Superllitious exceffes. Their Church hath fundry blemifhes: 
 Their Religion is mixed with errors-, and grofs abufes have crept into their Holy 
 Orders. From thefe Superftitious errors and abufes wt; were obliged to feparate our 
 felves, wherein they had Firft feparated themfelves from their PredecefTors. So if 
 there be Schifm in the cafe, it was Schifm in them to make the Firft feparation, and 
 Virtue and Piety in us to make the Second. I faid moft truly that our Pofitivi 
 Articles are thofe general Truths about which there is no controverfie. Our Negafi^ 
 on is oriely of humane controverted Additions. Againll thi'S he excepts fimdry 
 ways, Firfl, Becaufe our principal pofitive Article it that of J ujiift cation by fpecial Fsith^ 
 rphich ( <LS he Ciith ) if tnofi of aV in controverfie. AquintK makes a great difference e),,^/?. ,4. ^^ 
 between opinari- and credere, bet-ween a Scholafticai opinion and- » nccefl&ry Article ^j An. i. 
 
 of
 
 -TT^'^'^ ^ A J lift Vindicati on T O M E T 
 
 of" Faith Sometimes the Underftanding doth fludluate indifferently between the 
 Two parts of the contradidion : and this is properly doubtmg. Sometimes it in- 
 clineth more to the one part than to the other, yet not without fome fear or lufpici- 
 on of the truth of the other part : This is properly Opinion. Sometimes the lln- 
 derlbndmg is determined fo as to adhere perfedrly to the one part : And this de- 
 termination proceeds either from the intelligible objedt, mediately or_ immediately ", 
 and this makes Knowledge : Or from the will upon confideration of the Authority 
 and truth of the revealer i and this makes Faith. Juftitication by fpecial faith was 
 •fi • never accounted an Article of the Engl'ip belief,either by the Englifh Church, or by 
 KS°f°ith any genuine Son of the Englijh Church. If he truft not me, let him read over our 
 no Article of Articles and reading fatistie himfelf. I confefs fome particular perfons in England 
 our Church, jjj foretimes broach fuch a private Opinion, but our moll: learned and judicious 
 Profeflbrs did diflike it altogether at that time, as I have heard from fome of them- 
 felves. But fliortly after it was in a manner generally rejeded, as Francijcus a Sanda 
 LI , Clara ingenuouily confeireth,d?'jj>K hie novw error vix naius apud nolirates j'efuhm eji, 
 ' ' ' ^fi^ jiofff ih'ps )tew error being jcarcely born among our Countrymen was buried. And more 
 _ jy_j5_ plainly clfewhere •, quibus omnibus bene penfat is Jane nulla hodie leperietur differentia 
 in confejfione Jnglicii, & fanilifima definitione 7ridentim ■■, all which things being duely 
 rvdghed truly, there rvill be found no difference at this day, in the Englifli Confeffion, and 
 ihefacred definition of the Tridentine Council,mcining about this Subject of Jujiifica- 
 
 tion. 
 
 But faith he,// theybe not pints if our faith, what do they in our Confjjions (f 
 Taith s' I Anfwer they are inlerted into our Confefiions, not as fupplements of our 
 Creed, or new Articles, but as explanations of old Articles, and refutations of their 
 fuppolltitious Principles. Contraries being placed together by one another, do make 
 „ . one another more apparent, 
 no ArtKlttof He proceedeth. Have not Protejiants a pofnive Faith of their negative Articles , as 
 Faith. Wf 1/ as of their pofitive Articles ? Commandements may be either Affirmative or Ne- 
 
 gative ; and the Negative Commandements bind more firmly than the Affirmative^ 
 becaufe the Affirmative bind always, but not to the Adual exercife of Obedience at 
 all times-, /fwpfr, but not adfemper. But Negative Commandments bind both femper 
 and adfemper, both always,and to all times. But we find no Negatives in the Rule 
 of Faith : For the Rule of Faith confifts of fuch fupernatural Truths as are ncccfla- 
 ry to be known of every Chriftian, not onely nece^tate precept, becaufe God hath 
 commanded us to believe them , but al(b necejjitate medii , becaufe without the 
 knowledge of them in fome tolerable degree, according to the meafure of our ca- 
 pacities, we cannot in an ordinary way attain to Salvation. How can a Negative 
 be a means. Non entvs nulla eji efficacia. In the Apoftles Creed, from the beginning 
 to the end, we find not the leaft Negative Particle; And if One or Two Nega- 
 tives were added in the fubfequent ages, as that , begotten not made, in the Nicene 
 Creed •■> they were added not as new Articles, but as explanations of the old, to 
 meet with fome emergent errors, or difficulties, juft as our Negatives were. 
 
 Yea though perhaps fome of our Negatives were revealed truths, and confequent- 
 ly were as neccffary to be believed when they are known as Affirmatives i yet they 
 do not therefore become fuch necefTary Truths or Articles of Religion, as make up 
 the Rule of Faith. I fuppofe yet further, that though fome of our Negatives can 
 be deduced from the pofitive fundamental Articles of the Creed, fome evidently, 
 fome probably, as the neceflity of the confequence is more or lefs manifcll : For it 
 is with confequcnces as it was with Thiloh row of Iron Rings i the Firft that touch- 
 ed the Load-ftone did hang more firmly i the reft which were more remote iYiW more 
 loofly. I fay in fuch a cafe that no man was bound to receive them, either as Ar- 
 ticle's, or as Confequences, but onely he that hath the light to fee them, nor he fur- 
 ther than the evidence doth invite him. And howfoever they are no new Articles, 
 but Corollaries or deductions from the old. So grofsly is he miltaken on all fides, 
 when he faith that Trotefiants,^ he fhould fay the Englifl} Church if he would fpeak 
 to the purpofe, ) have a pofitive belief, that the Sacrament is not the body of Chrifi. 
 Which were to contraditt the words of C\\M,This is my body. He knowes better, 
 that Proteflants do not deny the thing, but their bold determination of the manner 
 
 by
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of En^hnd. ^ly 
 
 by Tranfubftantiation,themfelves confelling that the manner is incomprehenGble by 
 humane reafon. Neither do Protelhnts place it among the Articles of the Faith, 
 but the Opinions of the Schools. . .nli ■ '^ .^j ,,'!..,,';,'''' 
 
 He acknowledgeth. That if I had a true p-ef oration of mind to believe rphMJhi'ver ''^'Swj; ' 
 the true real Catbolick^Cburcb VniverfaVy believetb and p-aaijeth^ the matter rvere ended, ^bmiffion^t" 
 Butheaddeth tbit by tbe Catbolick^Cburcb^ I mean an imaginary Chttrch, or multitude of ihc Citholic^ 
 wbatfoever Chrijiiani, Catholickj, Heretick^^ Scbifmatickj^ rvbo agree in fundiniental Church fuffici-' 
 foints^ hut difagree in other pints of Faith, and rvbolly in Commtmion of Sacraments^ *^'" ^° falvati- 
 and minijiery of them. I accept this offer, and I tye him to his word. If he liand °°* 
 to this ground, there are no more Controveriies between him and me for the future 
 but this one , what is the true Catholick Church ? whether the Church of Kome 
 alone with all its Dependents,or the Church of the whole World, Roman, Grecian, 
 Armenian, AbyJJene, Kttjjian, Frotefiant, which after all their brags of amplitude and 
 Univerfality, is Three times greater tlian themfelves? I defire no fairer iiTue between 
 him and me. 1 do from my heart fubmit to all things which the true Catholick 
 Church, diffufed over the World, doth believe and pradife. And if I fhould en in 
 my judgment what the Catholick Church is ( as I am confident that he and his fel- 
 lows do err) though I have no reafon in the World to fufpedt my prefent judgment, 
 I do furthermore profefs my readineS to fubmit to the right Catholick Church 
 whenfoever God fhall be pleafed to reveal it to me. This is fufficient to preferve 
 me from being a Schifmatick : This is fufficient for the Salvation of a Chriltian. » 
 
 He telkth us indeed fometimes that the Koman Church is the true Catholick ' 
 
 Church, and is diffijfed all over the World. Let him take Roman in the largeft 
 (cnfe he can ■-, yet Itill it is but a particular Church of one denomination, not Ca- 
 tholick or Univerfal. Whom have they of their Communion in the large Abyejfefie 
 Empire, confifting of Seventeen Kingdoms > Not one. Whom have they of their 
 Communion in the Rw/7Fj« Empire nearer home ? Scarcely one. Whom have they 
 of^eir Communion in all the Eaikrn Churches ? Perhaps Two or Three hand- 
 fulB,in comparifon of thofe innumerable multitudes of Chriftians, who are Subjedl 
 to the other Patriarchs. Before they were fo forward and pofitive in voting for papids agrei: 
 themfelves, that they are the Catholick Church, that they are the infallible Judge, not what i» 
 it had been meet that they had Firlt agreed among themfelves what this Catholick *'^^''' 'nfalJible 
 Church is, to which every Chriftian is bound to fubmit : whether it be the virtual P^'^P*""'^* • 
 Churcli, that is the Pope or the Pope joyntly with his Conclave of Cardinals, orthe 
 Pope with a Provincial Council, or the Pope with a General Council , that is, the 
 reprefentative Church, or a General Council without the Popei or Laftly the ElTen- 
 rial Church difperfed over the face of the World i for into fo Many Opinions they 
 arc divided. 
 
 He addeth that thefe great multitudes of Cbrijiians, whereof we (peak, are not Vm- 
 ted among themfelves, but divided in pmts of Faith, ht Communion of Sacraments, and 
 the minijiery of them. Let St. Au^ine Anfwer him, Acmum amem aliquid videris di- Aut tpifl. 48. 
 cere,cKm Catholics nomen mn ex totiuf orhU Communione interpetaris,fed ex ohfervatio- "^^^ ^^^ °f 
 ne Fraceptorum omnium divimrum, atque omnium Sacramentorum. Tihou feemeji to thy Pm°univerrall 
 felf tofpak^very rvittily, when thou doji not interpret the Catholic^Church by the Com- Cotnmunion, 
 munion of the iphole World, hut by the Catholick^Faith, and the right obfervation of all not right b<s 
 «fce 5'j(TtfmfKti-,and true Difcipline, that is, in their fenfe, fubmillion to the Roman ^^^^ 
 Court. This laft badge, which St. Aujiin did not know, is the onely defed of 
 tho(e multitudes of Chriftians, that they will not acknowledge the Monarchical 
 Power of the Roman Bifhop. As wc have (een by experience, that when fome few 
 of thcfc Eajlem or Northern Chriftians have reconciled themfelves to the See of 
 ■ Rome, and acknowledged the Papacy, they were ftreight adjudged Orthodox and 
 found Chriftians, in all other things. And the latter of thefe did proTide expreily 
 for themfelves at the time of their fubmillion, that they would retain their Greekijh 
 Religion and Rites. He himfelf in this very place confefleth them to agree in fun- q , j. seH. ji. 
 iamentalpoints,t\a.t'is, to htim from fundamental Errors. And for other lefler 
 Controveriies, they have not half fo many among them, as the Romanifts 3.vnor\^ 
 themfelves. 
 
 As to his marginal note out of T^ertuVian, That Hitretici pacemcum orrmihtts mifcent, 
 
 Heretickf ^
 
 ,38 A Juft Vindication TOME I. 
 
 HeretkKf mingle themfelvet rpith all Seiis, making it a Symptome of Herelie, to.be over 
 cafieinadmittingothers to their Communion. I do confefs it is a fault indeed. 
 More aangc- gyt pirll what doth this concern the Church of E;?^/W z' Secondly, the greater 
 ro""''^''^J|'_'*^» fault lyes on the othei* hand, to be over fevcre,and over rigorous and cenforious in 
 duderothe'rs calling out, or holding Others from their Communion, and more dangerous to the 
 in OUT Com- church of Chrill. In this kindoffended the Po«^»}fj-, the Not;«fw«j,the Luciferi- 
 "ri"/?.°!i ""^ (^^' oltl • And the Komamjis at this day. This hath more of the Patriarchal 
 Garb in it^ftjtidfrofftjnefor 1 am holier thantboti. 
 fill \biov.' 
 
 ;:;:;t,^',u: c h a p. vn. 
 
 7hat all Princes and Keptiblichj of the Roman Communion 
 do in effeSi the fame things which King Henry did. 
 
 X T X T E are come now unto his Seventh Chapter, wherein I am much be- 
 The FoJitick ^^ ^^ holden to him for ealing me of the labour of replying. For whereas 
 lirmceiin ^ proved my Intention at large by tl;e Ads , Laws , and Decrees of 
 
 Ecclefiafticall the Emperors, with their Councils , and Synods, and Eledoral Colledge , by the 
 caufes. Laws of Frj«ce , the Liberties of the G.i///cj«e Church , the Ads of their Parlia- 
 
 ments, and Declarations of their Univerfities , by the pradice of the King oiS^atn, 
 his Councils, his Parliaments , in Sicily, in Caliile , in Brabant and Flanders , by 
 the fbbbs oi^Furtugal , and their bleatings , and the Judgment of the Univerfity of 
 Lifbone, by the Laws , and Proclamations , and other Ads of the Rcpublick ot Vi~ 
 nice, throughout 68 Pages •, He vouchfafeth not to take notice of any one pardcu- 
 Jar of all this , except onely fome few heads , of what I urged concerning the *-n- 
 perors, which he reciteth in lefs than one Page, and never attempts to Anfwer one 
 fyllable of them in particular. Yet are thefe fo diametrally oppofite to tiie pretended 
 i Rites of the Pope, his Legiflative power, his Convocating of Synods,his Conrtrming 
 
 Synods,his fending out Bulls,his receiving Appeals,hisPatronage of Churchesjiis Par- 
 dons and Difpenfations , his Exemption from all humane jndgment, his (ending of 
 Legates,hi3 Tenths and Firft-fruits, his Superiority above General Councils, his Ex- 
 communications, and in a word, his whole Spiritual Sovereignty, that nothing can 
 be more oppofite. In thcle Prefidents we did clearly (ee that Elfential power and 
 right of Sovereignty , which I plead for in this Book , to make Ecclefialtical Laws 
 for the external Regiment of the Church, to difpofe of Ecclefiaftical preferments, 
 to reform EcclefialUcal Errors and Abufts, to be the laii: Judges of their own Li - 
 berties and Grievances, to reftrain Ecclefiaftical Tyranny, and to (ee that all Ec- 
 clefiaftical perfons within their Dominions do their Duties. And if thefe Inftances 
 were not enough , many more might be produced of the beft Chril^ian Princes. 
 W/!. Cere. Faultht Third writ to Charles the Fifth , That the Vecrees o/Spira were djn^rous 
 Trid. An. jy {,jj gg„i ^ commands him to put atvay all Dilutes of Keligion from the Imperial Viet , 
 and refer them to the Tope , to order nothing concerning Ecclefiaftical Goods , tn revukg the 
 Grants made unto the Rebells againft the See of Rome. Otherwife he Jhould be forced to 
 An. I545J ttfi greater feverity againft him than he would. Yet Cardinal de Monte was more angry 
 than his Matter, faying, Thzt he would put hit Uolinefs in mind, rather to abandon 
 the See , and reftore the Keys to St. Peter , thanfuffer the Secular poveer to arrogate Au- 
 thority to determine caufes of Religion. The Emperor did not trouble himfelf much 
 at it. But the Pope having created Three Spanijh Cardinals , he forbad them to ac- 
 cept the Arms , or ufe the name or habit. And not long after publifhed a Refor- 
 ^B.i)4«. "'^^'On of the Clergy , containing Twenty three pointsi Firft , Of Ordination and 
 Eledion of Minifters i Secondly , Of the Office of Ecclefiaftical Orders •, Thirdly, 
 Of the Office of Deans and Canons ■■, Fourthly, Of Canonical hours ■■> Fifthly , Of 
 Monafteries-, Sixthly, Of Schools and Univerfities •, Seventhly , Of Hofpitals j 
 Eighthly, Of the Office of a Preacher ■■, Ninthly , Of the Adminiftration of the Sa- 
 cra-
 
 Discourse III. Of the Chnrcb of En^hnd, 229 
 
 craments; Tcnthly, Of the Adminiftration of Baptilm v Eleventhly, Of the Ad- 
 miniftration of Confirmation i TvTelfthly, Of Ceremonies •, Thirteenthly , Of the 
 Mafs i Fourteenthly, Of the Adminiftration of Penitences Fifteenthly, Of the Ad- 
 miniftration of extreme Undrioni Sixteenthly, Of the Adminiftration of Matrimo- ' 
 nyi Seventeenthly , ofEccleiiaftical Ceremonies s Eighteenthly, Of the Difcipline 
 ofthe Clergy and People-, Nineteenthly, Of plurality of Benefices i Tvventithly, 
 Of the Difcipline of the People-, One and twentithly, Of Vifitations i Two and 
 twentithly, Of Councils j Three and twentithly, Of Excommunication. Charles 
 the Fifth and the German Dyet did afllime to themfelves a Legiflative power in Ec- 
 ckfiaftical caufes. None of our Princes was ever more devoted to Rome than Queen 
 l/bry -, yet when Paul the Fourth revoked Cardinal Pool's Lcgantine power in Ena- 
 land , and defigned one Piius a Francifcan to come Legate in his place, Shejhut all 
 the Ports <»/ England agahtjl all Mefiengers from Rome , and commanded all the Briefs 
 ( and'Bulls ) to be tak^n from the Bearers^and delivered unto her. So well was {he fa- 
 tisfied , that no Koman Legate hath any thing to do in England , without the Prin- 
 ces Licence. But I have brought Inilances enough, until he be pleafed to take notice 
 of them. 
 
 To all which he returns no Anfwer , but thefe general words. Seeing L. D. hath 
 aVedged divers fads of CatholicJ^Princes in difobeying Pafal Authority , and thence infer- 
 reth that they did as much as King Henry, who not onely difoheyed^ but denied Papal 
 Authority, let us alledge both more ancient and greater Emperors, who haveprofeRed 
 that they had no Authority in Ecclefiajiical caufes, and avowed Papal Authority. After 
 this rate he may furvey th<^ whole World in a few minutes. Let the Reader judge, 
 •whether I have not juft caufe to call upon him for an Anfwer. Are they onely di- 
 vers fsUs of Catholick^ Princes ? By his leave they are both Facfls, and Decrees, and 
 Conftitutions , and Laws, and Canons, ofthe moft famous Emperors and Princes <i 
 
 ofChriftendom, with their Dyets , and Parliaments , and Synods, and Councils, ^'■'•■'^ 
 
 and Univerfities : or doth it feem to him that they onely difobeyed Papal Authority ? ^V ' 
 
 When he reads them over more attentively , he will rind that they have not onely t 'T 
 difobeyed Papal Authority, but denied it , as he faith Henry the Eighth did , in all ^' 
 
 the principal parts and branches of it, which are in controveriie between them and 
 tis. Nay , they have not onely denied to the Pope that which he calls Papal Authd*- 
 rity, to convocate Synods , to conrirm Synods, to make Ecclefiaftical Laws to 
 difpofe of Ecclefiaftical Preferments , to receive the laft Appeals in Ecclefiaftical cau- 
 fes , but they have exercifed it themfelves : They have difpofed ofthe Papacy they V 
 have depofed the Popes , they have (hut out his Legates, they have appealed 'from 
 his fentences, they have not fufFered their Subjeds to go upon his Summons , they 
 have caufed his Decrees to be torn in pieces moft difgracefully , and made Edidts 
 and Statutes , and Pragmatical Sandions againft his Ufurpations, they have regula- 
 ted the Clergy , and reformed the Churches within their Dominions. And when 
 they thought fit, during their pleafures , they have flopped all entercourfe with 
 Rome. The Kings oi Spain fuffer no more Appeals from Sicily to the Court of 
 Rome , than our Princes from England , and exercife all manner of Ecclefiaftical Tu- 
 rifdi(flion by Delegates , which certainly neither they, nor other Princes would do, 
 if they did at all believe, that the Papacy was an Univerfal Spiritual Monarchy, infti- 
 tuted by Chrift. 
 
 But it feemeth that he dfelighteth more in the ufe of his fword , than of hisbuck- 
 leri and in ftead of repelling my Arguments, he bufieth himfelfin making new 
 knots for me to unty. He knows well that this is no Logical proceeding i and I 
 might juftly ferve him with the fame fauce. But I feek onely the clear difcovery of 
 Truth , and will purfue his fteps throughout his Oppofitions. The rirft thing that 
 he objedeth to me is the Oath of Supremacy , made by King Henry md his Church , in I^^ ^"^ ."'" 
 which Oath ( faith he ) arefworn Five things. Firji, that the King if England is' not meA^'^'^^ '^' 
 onely Governour , but onely and fupreme Governour. Secondly , Not onely in fame , but in 
 all Ecclefialiical things and caufes. Thirdly , As well in all EcclefafticA caufes as tem- 
 poral. Foitrthly , fhat no forreign Prelate hath any Spiritual Jurijdicfion in England. 
 fifthly, Allforreign JttrifdiSion U renounced. This he is pleafed to call the frrji new 
 Crted ofthe Englifli Vretedant Church, by which it it hecomt both Heretical and Schifma- 
 
 Y tical.
 
 A Jnji Vtndtcation T O M E I. 
 
 ,jcj/ Before I give a diftind Anfwcr to this Objedion , it will be needful in the 
 FirlV place to put him in mind of fome things which I have formerly demonftrated 
 to him touching this particular , which he hath been pleafed to pafs by in filence. 
 S»nd. it pjjjj who it was that firft prefented this Title to King Henry ,.Archbi(hop IVarr- 
 Scbi/m-f' *'• ^j,„ '( whom ^Wer/ calleth an excellent man) and a Popifti Convocation. Se- 
 5n£,M7-' condly , Who confirmed this Title unto him ? Four and twenty BiIhops,and Nine 
 hJi i*'!. »'• and twenty Abbats in Parliament, none diffenting. There was not one Proteftant 
 ^'^' among them all. Thirdly, Who were the flatterers of King Yienry ^ that preach- 
 
 ed up his Supremacy , and printed books in defence of tliis Supremacy , and let 
 forth Catechifms to inl1:ru(it the Subjeds, and teach them what the Supremacy was, 
 who contrived and penned this very Oath , and were the firft that took it them- 
 felves and incited all others to take it , even Bifhop Gardiner^ Tonfiall^ Heathy 
 Bonner, StokiJIey, 'fburleby,&c. all K. C. his Friends , the greatefl Oppoftrs of the 
 Reformation, and the rougheft perfecutors ofProteftants. Laftly, Confider what 
 Pol. i: Cone, j ^-jtej out of Cardinal Paale, That Cod the Father hath ajjigned this Office to Chrijiiart 
 Relp- ad qx. £,,j,efror/ , that theyjhottld aU the fart of Chriji the Son of Cod. And again , 7he Pope 
 74. cr 75« ^^ ^ Prirjily Head doth execute the Office of Chriji the trite Head •, but n>e may aljo truly 
 fay , that the Emperor doth execute the Office of Chriji as a Kingly Head. 
 
 Thefe things being premifed to dull the edge of his argument, now I proceed 
 to a dired Anfwer: and Firft I charge him with chopping and changing the word? 
 of the Oatli. The words of the Oath are thefe. That the Kings Highnefs is the one- 
 lyfupreme Governour in this Kealm : But in Paraphrafing upon them , and prelfing 
 them, he renders them thus, not onely Governour ^ hut onely andfupreme Governour. 
 There is a vaft difference between thefe Two, to (ay the King is the onely fupreme 
 Governour of the Realm of England, which fignifies no more but this , that there 
 is no other fupreme Governour of the Realm but he, which is moft true : and to fay 
 that he is the onely and fupreme Governour , which implies that there is no other 
 Governour but he, which /smoft falfe ; There are both Spiritual and Civil Gover- 
 nours in England befides him. To fay the Pope is the onely fupreme Bifliop in his 
 own Patriarchate , is moft truei but to fay that he is the onely and fupreme Bifhop 
 in his Patriarchate, is moft falfe : this were to degrade all his Suffragans, and allow 
 no Bifliop in his Province but himfelf. 
 
 Secondly , I Anfwer , That there is no Supremacy afcribed to the King in this 
 Oath , but merely Political, which is elTentially annexed to the Imperial Crown of 
 every Sovereign Prince. The Oath faith , That the King's Highnefs is the onely 
 fupreme Governour of his Highnefs Realms and Dominions, what doth Saint 
 t F«.s. 13, P^to- himfelf fay lefs to his own Succeflbrs as well as others ? Submit your fe Ives to 
 every Ordinance of man for the Lord's fake, whether it be to the King as fupreme. How 
 often doth St. Gregory acknowledge the Emperor to be his fupreme Governour, or 
 Sove»eign Lord ? and profefs obedience and fubjedion unto him, and execute his 
 commands in Ecclefiaftical things ? That Commonwealth is miferable and fubjedl 
 to the clafliing of Jurifdidions, where there are Two Supremes, like a Serpent with 
 Two heads, at either end one. 
 
 The Oath addeth in all Spiritual or Ecclefiaftical things or caufes. This is true with 
 fome limitations i as Firft, either by himfelf, or by fit Subftitutes, who are Ecclefi- 
 aftical perfons. For our Kings cannot excommunicate or abfblve in their own pcr- 
 lons. Secondly , It is to be undcrftood of thofe caufes which are handled in f ore con- 
 tenttofo, in the exterior Court , not in the inner Court of Confcience. Thirdly, 
 Either in the firft or in the fecond inftance, by receiving the appeals, and redreffing 
 the wrongs of his injured Subjeds. Some things are fo purely fpiritual, that Kings 
 have nothing to do in them in their own Perfons , as the preaching of the Word , 
 the Adminiftration of the Sacraments , and the binding^nd looting of Sinners. Yet 
 the perfcns to whom the difcharge of thefe Duties doth belong , and the perfons 
 towards whom thefe Duties ought to be difcharged being their Subjeds, they have 
 a power Paramount to fee that each of them do their Duties in their feveral ftati- 
 TK- • "^u^ ^^^^^^ indeed are Ecclefiaftical , but the power of governing is Political. 
 Art. Red. ■^"'1,'^ the true ftnfe of the Oath , neither more nor lefs, as appeareth plainly by 
 Anth Art. yj^^ Thuty feventh Article. IVliere we attribute to our Princes the chief government, by 
 
 which 
 
 M
 
 2:ji 
 
 Discourse III. Of the Cbnrch of England, 
 
 n-hicb Titles n>e underjijnd the minds of fime jlanderoui Folkr to be offended i me give not 
 to our Princes the mimjhing either of God's Word or of the Sacraments, but that onely pre- 
 rogative tvhich Tvefee to have been given always to all godly Princes in holy Scriptures by 
 Godhimfelf: thU U^that theyfhould rule all Ejiates and Degrees committed to their charge: 
 by God , rvhether they be Ecckftajiical or Temporal , and rejirain with the civil Sivord the 
 jiiibborn or evil doers. Here is no power averted, no puniQiment to be inflided by 
 the King in his own perfon, but onely Political. I confefs perfons deputed and 
 delegated by the King , do often excommunicate and abfolve , and a6t by the 
 power of the Keys, but this is by the virtue of their own habit of Jurifdidion. All 
 which the King contributes by his CommilHon , is a liberty and power to ad in 
 this particular cafe , and an application of the matter , which a Lay-Patron, or a ^^'"'"'- '^^ \ 
 Malier of a Family , or a fubordinate Magiftrate may do , much more a Sovereign thoTicACaf*' 
 Prince. This power many Ri?wrf«-Catholick Dodors do juftirie. The King of »o, 
 Spain cites above Twenty of them. Let the Frinces cf this world k^otv , that they owe 
 an account to God of the Church , which they have raceived from him into their protedtiom 
 for whether peace and right Ecckfai,lical Difcipline be increafed, or decayed by Chrijiian 
 Princes , God reill require an account from them , who hath trujhd his Church unto 
 their power. All this power the King of Spain exercifeth in Sicily, in all Ecclefia- 
 rtical caufes , over all Eccleiiaftical perfons , as well in the firft inftance as the fe- 
 cond. This power a Lay-Chancellor exercifeth in the Court Chriftian ; This pow- 
 er a very Abbefs exercifeth in the Roman Church over her Nuns. Whileft all the 
 Mariners are bulled in their feveral employments, the Sovereign Magiftrate fits at 
 the Stern to command all, and order all for the promotion of the great Architedo- 
 nical end, that is the fafety and welfare of the Common- wealth. 
 
 It follows in the Oath [ as well as tempm-al ~\ that is , as truly, and as juftly , but 
 not as fully, nor as abfolutely. [_ And that no forreign Prelate hath or ought to havt 
 any Jurifdidion or Authority Ecckfiajlical or Spiritual within this Kealm, ~\ That is to 
 fay, neither the Pope nor his Court. For a General Council which is no ftanding 
 Court, but an aggregate body , compofed partly of our felves , is neither inclu- 
 ded here nor intended. If this be the new Creed of the Engliih Proteftant Church, as 
 lie calls it in fcorn, it was the old Creed of the Britannick. Church, «s I have pro- 
 ved evidently in the Vindication. If this profellion of Royal Supremacy in our fenfe 
 ^omak^ mett Hereticksand Schifmatick^, we (hall fweep away the moft part of the 
 J? Oman Dodors along with us. And for Sovereign Princes we fhall leave them ■^ ^'"^^ C^"' 
 few, except fome neceffitous perfons , who could not fubfift otherwife than by the 'rafh'^in A^T. 
 favourable influence of the RowiiJK Court. Very many VoQors do hold, that for the 37, 
 common good of the Kepublick^, Princes have JurifdiUion in many caufes otherwife fub~ 
 jeU to the Ecclefajiical Court , not otiely by the poftiive Law of God, but by the Law of 
 Nature. And many more give them a power indiredly in caufes Ecclefiaftical over 
 Ecclefiaftical perfons , fo far as is neceltary for the prefcrvation of the peace and 
 tranquillity of the Commonwealth , tiec putem ullum DoUorem Catholicum refragari, J^i'^""' 
 faith the fame Author in the place cited, Ndther do Jthink^ that any CathoUck^ VaSor 
 will be agaittji it. 
 
 Now I have faid my mind concerning the Oath of Allegiance , who they were 
 that firft contrived it , and in what fenfe we do maintain it , I hope agreeably to 
 the fenfe of the Chriftian World , except fuch as are prcpoffefTed with prejudice 
 for the Court of Kome. As our Kings out of reverence to Chrift did freely lay by 
 the Title of Supreme Heads of the Englijh Church , fo though it be not meet for 
 me to prevent their maturer determinations, I fhould not be difpleafed if out of a 
 tender confideration of the Confciences of Subjeds , who may err out of invincible 
 ignorance , they would be pleafed to lay by the Oath alfo. God looks upon his '^ ■^'''*' 
 Creatures with all their prejudices , why fhould not Man do the fame ? It feemeth 
 to be hard meafure to deftroy men for meer fpeculative Opinions, which it may be 
 are not in their own power , fo long as there is neither Blafphcmy nor Sedition in 
 the cafe. It is often ealier to fecure a man's adions , than to cure the errors of his _ . 
 judgment. Nocomradn 
 
 In the next place he chargeth me with conttadiding of my felf, becaufe I fay , ftion in my 
 The Emperors and other Frinces of the Roman Communion have dene the fame things in wordi. 
 
 Y 2 efea.
 
 a^2 A Jtifi yindication TOME 1. 
 
 f/rfl, with the King of England i And in another place I confefs, that the Kings of 
 England have abolijhed the JurtfdHtioH of the Bijhop of Rome, but the Emperors have 
 „ot° This, he faith , is to give my fe If the lie. Certainly he was in feme heat or 
 paliion when this word of difgrace dropped from his Pen, as commonly Difputers 
 are, when they rind that they have gotten the wrong end of the ibff. If he had 
 advifcdly read over my Afrertion,it is this, that either they have done the fame thing 
 in eifcd , or at leaft have pleaded for it. If either part of the disjundion be true, 
 my Aflertion is a Truth , and no contradiftion i much lefs a lie, which implieth 
 that it is both againft Truth and againft Confciencc. Now I have (hewed clearly 
 in the Vindication, that they have not onely pleaded it, but fwornit, that they 
 would maintain the Rights , Liberties , and Cuftoms of the Empire inviolated , 
 againll the Pope and the Court of Rome. And that they have protellcd that they 
 would not liavehis Holinefs to be ignorant that they neither could nor would in- 
 dure his intolerable preflurcs any longer, but would vindicate themfelves. 
 
 Farther , to do the fame thiftg in effcdt , doth not fignirie to do the fame indivi- 
 dual adion , nor alwayes the fame fpeciricaladion, but onely that which are,ueth 
 the fame power , or implyeth the fame confequences. If an Ordinary do fafpend a 
 Clerk from his Benerice, or degrade him from his Holy Orders, fo long as the 
 Qaeliion is onely whether he be under Jurifdidion of the Ordinary, it is all one in 
 cffed , whileft the one proveth the intention as well as the other. If a Thief fteal a 
 (hilling or a pound , it is not the (ame thing in effedt , becaufe the Thief prctend- 
 eth no right to what he takcth s But if a Magiftrate impofe a tribute of a (hilling 
 or a pound , where the Queition is onely whether he have power to impoie tribute 
 or not , it is all one in effedj for his Title is as juft to the one as to the other, and 
 as he impo(eth a (hilling to day, fo he may, i(^he have occaiion , impofe a pound 
 to morrow. The whole and all the parts are the fame in effcd : The EtTiperors 
 have done all the particular Adts which the Kings of England have done concerning 
 Patronage, Inveftitu res , Legiflation, Reformation, Legates, Appeals, Tentlis, 
 Firft-fruits, &c. And moreover have depofed Popes, which the Kings of England 
 never attempted to do , though they have not made One general Ad of Abolition. 
 Why is not this the fame in e(fed ? He that fatisfieth a Debt in Pillols , and he who 
 fatisfieth it in cracked Groats , do both the fame thing in effed. To conclude. 
 They who a(rume the right to be the laft Judges of their own Liberties and Privi- 
 ledges , in all differences between them and the Court of^ Rome , do the (ame thing 
 ineifed , whether the refpedive Priviledgcs of the one or the other be more or le(si 
 But the Emperors and the Kings of E«g/W did a(rume to them(elves the right to 
 be the laft Judges of their own Liberties and Priviledges , in all differences between 
 them and the Court of Rome. And therefore though the one might take or miftake 
 himfelf to be within the old Roman Patriarchate, which the other was not, or what- 
 foever other differences there might be in the extent of their Liberties , or in their 
 Claims , yet they did the (ame thing in effed. The onely difference between the 
 Emperors and Henry the Eigiith is this , That they denied the Papacy in parcels , 
 and he denied it in gro(sj They denied his Sovereign Legillative power, they deni- 
 ed his Patronage of Churches , they denied his Inveftitures of Bi(hops , they denied 
 his Superiority above General Councils, they denied his Tenths , and FirR-fruits , 
 and Pardons , and Indulgences, and Difpen(ations. So they pulled away his (tolen 
 feathers one by one, and Henry the Eighth uncafed him all at once, but except fomc 
 Patriarchal Rites, (which Britain never acknowledged, which are no parts of the Pa- 
 pacy,) they left him as naked the one as the other. This 1 might well call the fame 
 Sea.^. thing in effed. 
 
 ConltMntinet Now are we come to take a View of his WitnelTes , to try if he be more fortu- 
 Ryffin.l. I. nate in offending than he is in defending. But truly they are fuch, that their very 
 names and their well known ads do fufficiently confute all his evidence. The Firft 
 is Conftantine the Great , who prnfefled openly that he could not judge of Bipops. No (uch 
 thing. He faid onely , that they could not be ytdged of all men. When all men have 
 Imperial power , his argument will have more force in it , but nothing to his pur- 
 pofe. The onely Queftion between us is about the Papacy , and his proof makes 
 onely for the Priviledgcs of Epifcopacy. whatfoever Conftantine did at this time , 
 
 was 
 
 t.t.
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of Enphnd. o->-> 
 i :^ '•?:> 
 
 was a meer prudential ad:. He had convocated the Bifhops together againll Amu., 
 and inlkad of endeavouring to fupprefs the common Enemy, they fell into quar- 
 rels and mutual complaints one againlt another , about buiinefTes of no moment. • 
 Conjiantine feeing , quod per hujufmodi jurgia caufa [ttmmi negotii frujiraretiir , that the 
 main bufinefs againft ^rz«j- was hindred by thefe unreafonable brawlings, and wc 
 iimotejceret ulli honiintm., &c. to prevent fcandal, that the faults and contentions of 
 Priefts might not appear to the world , he fuppreffed them , and referred them to 
 the judgment of God. This was a more prudent courfe , and more conducible at 
 j that time to the advantage of Chriftian Religion , than to have examined every Thndortt. I. 
 fcandalous Accufationof one againft another. Yet even in this there appeareth fuffici- i- c ii-l 
 ent proof of Co«/b«iw's judiciary power over the Biihops. Firft , They did all 
 offer their mutual accufations one of another to him, as to their proper judge : 
 S-;condly, He commanded them all to put their Accufations in writing, and to de- * 
 liver them to his hands : Thirdly, He bound them all up in a bundle , and fealed 
 them : Fourthly , He made them friends, and then burned them in their prefence, 
 and impofed upon them a perpetual amnel^y or Law of forgetfulnels. All thefe 
 were judiciary A(fls. It is true Conjiantine honoured Bifhops very much i he made 
 them his Companions in his Voyages, his Fellow-Commoners at his Table-, he caft 
 his Cloak over their faults. But this was not for want of judiciary power over EufeB J '? 
 them , but becaufe they were confecrated to God , and he believed that in thus dovig^ God Confl'untJ. i. 
 tpottld become propitious to him. But at othe» times ,. the cafe is as clear as theSun, <■•?$, 
 He prefcribed to the Bijhops thofe things rvhich did pertain to the profit of the Churches. ^^""^ '• i' ''• 
 He referred the Caufe of C^cilianus ( an Eccleiiaftical caufe ) to Miltiades BiOiop of ' 
 Rome, and Marcus, and F^heticius , and Maternus, and Marinus , as his Delegates £«[?*• ffi!}. I 
 or Commilfioners, vifum ejl mihi , it hath jeetned good to me , &c. He accepted A p- '°'-i"* ^»i* ' 
 peals from the judgement of the Bifhops : He commanded Cxciliamts to repair to '^'"''^'' 
 Anulinus the Proconful, and Patrittus Vicar of the Prefers , as deputed and autho- Eufet. H,ji, /. 
 rized by him as Judges to do juftice upon Ecclefiaftical Delinquents. He fcnt for ^°-''-°' 
 the Bifhops afTembled by his Commandment at a Council iirft at Tyrus, then at Hi- 
 erufalem , that they (hould repair mth fpeedto Conftantinople, e vejiigio .adcalira w- 
 jira maturetit , to give an account to him of their adlions , and to lliew how fin- 
 cerely they had behaved themfelvcs in their judgments. In a word , he meddled fo ^'"**' '• ^-c 
 much in Eccleiiaftical affairs , that he made himfelfjf ,« cowwow Bijhop conjlituted by so'.» i 
 God. I will conclude with his own Profeliion in an Epiftle to the NicomeMans , Jf ly. ' ' "' 
 rve have chaji and Orthodox Bijhops, and endowed with humanity, we re'yyce: but if any 
 one pall attdaciotijly and unadvifedly be vehemently affected to the memory and praife of f^^ji'. ' "''• 
 thufe pelis ( Eufebius and other Bifhops ) he jhalljiraight be reprejfed by my execution as ' ' ' 'tV 
 the Minijier of God. And accordingly they were fpoiled of their Dignities, and caft J^'^lnr. 
 out of the Cities. ^'.'^'•9, 
 
 His (econd Witnefs is Valentinian in an Epijlle to 'Iheodnfus i but which Vakntini' VaUmhian^' 
 an , which Theod'fws, where this Epiftle is to be found, he is lilent, and leaveth us, The place is fn 
 if it were worth the labour , to feek for a needle in a bottle of hay. But the truth Conr; C*W.f aC: 
 is , thfre is nothing in it which concerneth thisQneftion, nothing which we deny. ,hc third ""^"^ 
 The word^, as they be alledged by him, are thefe : All Antiquity hath gip:n the itnmia>it9 
 Principality of Priejihood over all to the Bijhop of the City o/Rome. Our Queftion is t'le yonger 
 concerning the Political Principality of Kings and Emperors, and his Anfwer is T'^^K'^f/U 
 concerning the Principality of Priefthood. Let them retain their Principality of ^ ^^ reththe 
 Priel^hood , fo they leave to Sovereign Princes their juft Principality of Power, We fo,ceof this 
 are ready to give them a Principality of Priefthood if that would content thern. Tcflimony, 
 And neither all Antiquity nor any Antiquity ^id ever give them a Principality of f!i""R'i '"l'"8 
 Power : Or at leaft fuch a Supremacy of fingle , Sovereign , Monarchical , Power, ^^ere^coir* 
 as they require, about which our Controverfie now is. A Lord Chief Jufiice hath yiainsj defli- 
 a principality of Order among his Brother Judges of the fame Coif and Bench, and tore of Books, 
 tn fome circumftantial refpedts a kind of Emlnency or Principality of Power , but ^^ f°"''* ""^ 
 no flnglc Supremacy , fo as to be able to crofs their Votes with a non objiante. Such 
 a Supremacy of Sovereign, fingle, Univerfal power of Priefthood the Church of 
 God did never know , either at Kome or elfewhere. The Bifhops of Kome were fo 
 far from having power over General Councils , that they had no fingle jpower over 
 
 Yj th t
 
 2^4 
 
 A Juft Vindication T O M E !♦ 
 
 their Fellow-Patriarchs. So tar from having power over Emperors, that they have 
 been delegated by Emperors as their Commillioners m EcclefialUcal Caufes, have 
 been convened before Emperors, and depofed by Emperors. Primitive Bifhops 
 life to Itile Popes their Brethren , their Colleagues,their Fellows , but never Eccle- 
 fiaftical Princes. If he mean the fecond Valmtinian , his authority weighs nothingi 
 he was a young Novice mifled by his Arian Mother , a wilful ill-advifed woman. 
 If he mean another Valentinian^ I {hall (hew him that he exercifed this political Su- 
 premacy in Ecclellalfical affairs , it may be to the QuelUoning of his Prince of 
 
 Priefts. 
 ^ c His Third Witnefs is "Theodcfms the younger, in his Epiftlc to the Synod ofEphc' 
 
 Tbetaofiut ^.^ words are thefe : Jt is not lawful for him that is not a Bifhop , to meddle with 
 
 Ecclefiafiical matters. Yet he did meddle with Ecclefiaftical-matters. This is that 
 7heodofiuf that argued with the Bifliops upon the Holy Scriptures , as if he himfelf 
 S$cra.l' 7> had been a Bifhop. This is th^i theodnfm which made this following Law , fFe 
 c.i2. decree that n>ho follotv the wJgodly faith of Neftorius, or obey his wicked Dedrine, if 
 
 Enaerl p.ia. . ^^ j^-^^pj , be cajl out of the Holy Churches s but if Lay-men, anathematized. This 
 is that "Theodofits that Convocated the General Council of Efhefus by his Authority 
 Royal, and fent Candidianuf thither to be his Deputy, among other things k* dili- 
 aenter infpiceret, &c. to loo]ijiiligemly to the hehavionrs of the Bipops , to fee that no dif- 
 fefttions did arife among them, to dijiurb the Conjultations of Synods s and to reprcft 
 them likewife v otherwife he might as »vell have ftaid at home. Among the In- 
 ftrudions of Iheodofms given to Candidianus are the words alledged , Candidianum 
 fid banc facram Syntodum abire jujjimus , fed ea lege, &c. We command Czn6\6.izmiS to 
 coto this holy Synod, but upon this condition , that he fhould have nothing to do with 
 ^uejiions and Controverfies which concern VoUrittes of faith , for it is unlawful for one 
 not Keffjired in the Catalogue of Bifhops , to thruji himfelf into Ecclefi^lical affairs and 
 confftltations. This is as much as to fay, that Candidianus was not fent by the 
 Emperor to difpute in the Council about Theological Queftions , which it is pro- 
 bable he did not underil:arding , nor to overawe the Bifliops or controll their 
 Votes. Wc are of the fame mind with Iheodofms, and fay as much as he, that it 
 is not fit for every man promifcuoufly to difpute of Theological Queftions : and 
 though we give the Sovereign Regiment of the Church ' in feme fenfe to Princes 
 within their own Dominions , yet we would not have them to govern it upon 
 their own heads , but upon mature advice of Free Synods of Ecclefiafiical pcrfons , 
 who are their proper Counfellors in Church Affairs. All men know that Candidia- 
 nus could have no decifive voice in a General Council. So we would not have 
 Princes meddle with the Keys of the Church, either the Key of Knowledge , or 
 the Key of Order. We confefs that fome Caufes in the Firft Inftance belong pro- 
 perly to Bifliops, yet the laft Appeal may be to the King. We fay there are many 
 things which Kings cannot do in their own perfbns, and yet may be done by fit De- 
 legates by their Royal Authority. 
 _ . . . His Fourth Witnefs is Valentinian tlie Elder : Jt U not lawful for me who am oftJx 
 
 the elder. Veopte, to fearch curiouflyfuch matters; let Friefts who have care of thefe things meet 
 St^t. I. (,t,Tt where they pleafe. The cafe was this, Valentinian hzdzffochted his Brother Valens 
 with him in the Empire. Valens was an Arian , Valentinian an Orthodox ChrilH- 
 UtmUt. <.^« an i yet fo as he troubled not thofe who were of a contrary Opinion. He being at 
 this time in his Voyage through Ihracia towards Rome, the Orthodox Bifliops about 
 the Hellefpont , and in Bi»fcy«M , fent their Deputies unto him, to requcft him to 
 give them leave to Affemble together in Council , for the Eflablifliraent of the right 
 Faith, whereinthey acknowledged htm the Political Head of the Church. It was 
 concerning the ConCabftantiality of the Son with the Father ,in fo fublime a Quc- 
 ftion , concerning the Confubftantiality of the Son with the Father v in this exi- 
 gence of Affairs , being in his Voyage , in the prefenee of his Brother aftd Fellovr 
 Emperor, who was an Arian , and a great Perfecutor of all thofe who held the 
 Confubftantiality of the Son with the Father, whofe Subjeds thefe Bifhops were, 
 as they found to their coft prefently after his return from accompanyhig of his Bro- 
 ther fome part of his way, what more prudent or mote plaufible Anfwer could fo 
 moderate a Prince have givai , than that he did give ? Though we giw to Sove- 
 reign
 
 Discourse III. Of the Chnrch of En^hnd, 23c; 
 
 reign Princes within their own Dominions a Legillative power in Ecclefiaftical cau- 
 
 fes, yet not without good advice, efpecially in fuch high points of Faith as that 
 
 was, and who are more ht Counfellors for Princes in fuch cafes than Synods, and 
 
 Bifliops > The fame Method is obferved by us at this day. The Synod contrives he 
 
 Articles and Canons , and the King confirms them, and makes them Laws, BuC 
 
 did Vakmniaft nothing himfelf in fuch cafes , but leave all to Priefts ? No, he him- 
 
 felf Contirmed the confubltantiality of the Son with the Father, quam etiam mftra J*'^'/'*' *• 
 
 celfitudo fajjim ^r£dicanmaHdavit ^ JFhicb our Highnefs hath commanded to be preached ' 
 
 every where. This very Valentinian was one of the Authors of that famous Law to 
 
 exprefsthe covetoufnels of the Clergy, which St. Ambrofe and St. Hierome do Co 
 
 much complain of, not again': t!ie Emperors who made the Law , but.againft the 
 
 Clergy who deferved it. In the Code we iini Ecclefia^ical Laws made by this ve- cod. 
 
 ry Vakntinian , as that to Florianuf , That a Bijhop rtbjptizing one rvhe had been for" 
 
 merly Baftized^ out of ignorance of the Ljjv, jhonld be deprived of blf Bijhoprickc It W3S 
 
 this very Valeminian oi whom Theodoret fpeaketh , that in Occidentem profeUm , &c. 
 
 Going into the Wcji hefurnijhed that Region rvith excellent Larvs , and did begin with the 
 
 Freaching of true Piety. He convocated the Bifliops , and commanded them in ths 
 
 place of Auxemim an Arian , to chufe an Orthodox Biihop for the See of Millain 
 
 and after ibme debates they did chule St. Ambrofe. Some may /ay if it was his 
 
 right, why did he not chufe him himfelf (• I Anfwer,That the Synod of Bifliops did 
 
 deiire him to chufe one , as knowing his right , and when St. Ambrofe was chofen 
 
 and refufed for a time , jubet Ambrolium extemplo & initiari myjleriis^ & Epifcopum rh dl i. < 
 
 crdinari ^ The Kmpeioi commanded him forthwith to be initiated in the holy Myjieries, 
 
 and to be ordained Bijhop. Neither was this the cafc of Conjiantine , or 7heodofjuf^ or inFroemi) I. 
 
 Valentinian alone i Socrates writes more generally , That from ConftantineV time U 
 
 rvhentU Emperors became Chrijiians, Ecclefiajlical affairs feemed to depend upon their 
 
 becki 
 
 His Fifth witnefs is Bafilius. Bafilius Emperor in the Seventh Synod, jpeak^th thus to 
 the Laity. He is miftaken, Bafilius was nc Emperor in the time of the Seventh ^"-^''"^ 
 Synod, but Conjiantine and Jwzf, but it is true that in the time of the Eighth Synod 
 Bajilius was Emperor and made a Speech to the Laity. The cafe is this, one Bardas 
 a Patrician and Michael the former Emperor by their unfeafonable and prepofterous 
 intermeddling in EcclelialUcal bufinefles had brought the Oriental Church into great 
 dangers, whereupon Bafilim then Emperor ufcth thefc words, Ntdla modo nobis licet 
 &c. It U no way lawful far m ( Laymen ) to move Speech of Ecckfiaftical cattfes, nor at 
 all to refijl the whole Church^and opfofe an Vniverfal Synod. For the fearchim and In- ■^"•S^ji 
 quifition into thefe things belongs to Patriarchs, Bijhops^ and Priefts. Bafiliits was in the 
 right. It is not lawful for Laymen to treat of Ecclefiaftical caufes in General 
 Councils as BiChops do, that is to fay, to have decifive Voices, or to meddle above 
 their capacities, much lefs ought they frowardly to oppofe General Councils, or to 
 vie reafon for reafon with them. Tlie Bifliops form of fubfcrif^ion was this, E?(f 
 B. definiens fubfcripfi, I. B. have ftthfcribed to this as my definition. The Laymans form 
 was this, E^o L. confemiens ftSfcripft, I. L.have fubfcribed to tfjis as giving n^ confent 
 to it. There is a great difference between defining, and confentijig. But as Kings 
 are never minors, becaufe they are prefumed to have a wife Council, fo they are ne- 
 ver to be confidered as ignorant Laymen, who have a learned Council of Ecdefia- 
 ftical perfons to diredl them. All this while he troubles himfclf to no purpole a- 
 bout the deliberative part but meddleth not at all with the Authoritative part, which 
 onely is in Queftion between us. Sovereign Princes by their Royal Authority have 
 power to incorporate the Decrees of Councils into the Laws of the Land, and to 
 iubjed the violaters of them to civil puniflimentSi 
 
 HisSixth witnefs is Cfc^/f J the great, Charles t^fgrfij^w Ctmtims profejjeth that Chartef the 
 he gave the Clmrch of Breme to St. Wilehade by command of the high Bifhop and Vni- ^^"^' 
 verfal Pope Adrian, ^S^c. by which words we fee by whofe Authority he meddled in Spiri- Alheri.Crgntt 
 tnal matters. It is a great degree of confidence to dare to cite Charles the great, to Metr.l. i.e. 7. 
 prove that it is not lawful for Sovereign Princes to meddle in Ecclefiaftical affairs, 
 To cite him who convocated Councils yearly by his own Authority, and reformed Vindicat. c. 7. 
 tlie Church. Who &te himfelf in Synods, not onely as a hearer but as a Judge, t*t' r<»3. 
 
 that
 
 ^— A Juji Vindication T O M K I. 
 
 that is, with the advife of his Ecclefiaftical Council , Auditor & Arbiter adfui, and 
 
 made Ecclcfiaftical Decrees in his own name, dijernimus & T>eo donante decrevimw. 
 Who made himfelf Judge of the Popes thcmfelves, who difpofcd by his own Au- 
 thority not onely of the Bifhoprick of Breme, which was then a place but newly 
 conquered by himfelf, and newly converted, but of all the Bifhopricks throughout 
 the Empire, not excepting the Biflioprick of 'Rome it felf To whom this very Pope 
 Adrian^ whom he citeth, with the Clergy and people of Rdwf, did folemnly refign, 
 rcleafe and acquit for ever all their claim, right, and intereli in the Election of 
 fucceeding Popes. The cafe cited was this. St. ^ri/f/j^i/f wasan Englifhmanfent 
 by the Englip King and Bifhops to convert thole Countries to the Chriilian Faith. 
 C/jfir/fx the Great who had newly conquered thole parts, and defired much their 
 converfion, finding the great merits of this Wilehade^ rcmunerare je digno conftituit 
 EpifcoPatti, He rejolved to belhw a good Bijhoprick^upon him. And therefore he called him 
 forth and commanded him to be confecrated B'Jhop of Breme. The cafe is as clear in the 
 Hiftory as the noon day. Charles the great founded and ercded Eifhopricks at his 
 p]cafi\Te,Epifcofiilem conjlitmmm Cathedram^ znd gave them ILich priviJedges as he 
 thought fit^extat privikgium eidemEcclefi£ a me moratO' Kege collatttm. He endowed 
 theChurches, and commanded the Inhabitants to pay their Tythes and other du- 
 ties to them, hoc mftro Mjjejiatif prssrepto. That was not by the Authority of Pope 
 Adrian. All the poor pretence which he catcheth from hence, is, tliat Charles the 
 great (aid thsit fummi Fontijicis & univerfalif Epifiopi hdnnni pr£cepto^ by the pre- 
 cept of the chief and llniverfal Bifhop Adrian he had beflowed this Biflioprick 
 upon Ifilehade. Yet all men know, that prxceptum fignifies a lelTon, or inftrudi- 
 on, or advile, as well as a command. At the molt it was but a complement, or 
 command of courtelle, or a ghoftly advife, honoured with that name, which is fa- 
 miliarly done. True Patrons do difpofe their Churches themlelves, not give man- 
 dates to others to difpofe them for them. It were ridiculous to imagine that 
 Charles the great was the Patron of the Biflioprick of Kime it {elf^ ( as without 
 doubt he was,) and that he was not the Patron of the Church of Breme which he 
 had newly conquered, or that Adrian who refigned 'Rome fliould continue Patron of 
 "Breme. 
 «»«ft» dJ H^^ Seventh witnefs is Juflinian to Pope John the Second, Wefufernot any thing 
 
 Jtan. it Tchich belongs to thejiate of Churches not to be kiiotvn to your Holtneji^ rvho is the Head 
 
 U Ctiitt of aVholyChurchh. I wifli he hadbeen pleafed to fetdown the title of the Letter, 
 J»ftifitant ViUor Juftinianus, piuf^falix, indytits^ triumphator^femper Auguftus, Joanni SandiJJimo 
 Archiepifcopo alm£ Vrbis Roms, & Fatriarch^^ 'Where Archbifliop and Patriarch are 
 his higheft titles, there is no Monarchy intended. The words are rightly cited, 
 faving thathe omitteth a claufc in the middle, |^a//W^/> that rvh'ich is changed be 
 manifft and undoubted^ ~\ and a dangerous reafon at the end \_for in all things as it is 
 faid voe hajien to augment the honour and Authority of your See. '] If the Papacy bad 
 been a Spiritual Monarchy inftituted by Chrift, it did not ly in Jupnian'^s power 
 to augment it. But it is plain the honour and Authority of the Roman See pro- 
 ceeded from the bounty of Chriftian Emperors, and the Decrees of the Fathers. 
 Neither is there any thing in the words above mentioned worthy of a reply. Sup- 
 pofe Juflinian made known his own Ecclefiaftical Ordinances to the Pope, to the 
 end that he might obey them and execute them. This is no great matter. So 
 ooth a Sovereign Prince to every Governour of an inferiour Corporation. Laws 
 are no laws until they be promulged. If the Pope had made the Laws, and made 
 them known to the Emperor it had been more to his purpofe. But all the llrcngth 
 of his argument lies in thefe words, who U Head of all holy Churches. And yet he 
 canriot chufe but know, that Juflinian doth mean and mufl: of neceflity mean an 
 Head of Order, and cannot pollibly mean an Head of Power and Jurifdidion, 
 having himfelf exalted feveral other Churches as Jufliniana and Carthage to an 
 equal degree of power and priviledges with Rome it felf. A man may fee to what 
 ^a^ ■ '^ ^'^'^^"' ^^<^" ^^ '^ forced to produce fuch witnelTes as C/wr/c/ the great 5c 
 Juninian A fay Juflinian who baniflied VopeSilveriuf^ who created Jufliniana prima 
 andCm/wgenewPatriarchatcsby his Imperial power, who made fo many Laws 
 concerning Ecclefiaftical perfons, and Benefices, and Holy Orders, and Appeals, and 
 ' the
 
 Discourse III. Of the Chnrch of EDg}3.nd. ^^_ 
 
 the Patronage of Churches, concerning Religion, the Creed, Sacraments, Herelie 
 Schifm, Sanduaries, Simony, and all matters of Ecclefialli.cal cognifance, that if all 
 other precedents ancient and modern were loft, Jf^linians alone, who was the Father 
 of the Imperial Law, were fufticient to evince the political Supremacy of Sovereign 
 Princes over the Church within their own Dominions. 
 
 His Three laltwitneffes, are King E^ar,King Withred^ and Edtvard the Third. 
 But thefe Three have been produced by him before in this very Treatife, and there S"?' '" 4« 
 fully anfwered, and feeing no new weight is added in this place to his formej; ,d^f- ^^^' '' 
 courfe, I will not weary the Reader or my felf with unnece/Tary repetitions, ."-j' 
 
 3[:.'iil 
 
 CHAP. VIII, .TO. ,, 
 
 That the Pope and Court of Rome are moU guilty of "fhe^ 
 Schifm. 
 
 WE are come now to my Sixth and Jaft ground that the guilt of the 
 Schilin reits upon the Pope and the Court of Kome. The, Firft thing £. ,. c,„/. 
 which I meet with is his marginal note out oi St. Au^in^ Cathedra quid PetiU. 
 tihi fecit Ecclefix Komznx^ What hurt hath the See of Rome done thee/ But Firft, <• 5»« 
 Fetiluns ca(e,to whom thefe words were fpokcn, is not our cafe. He called all the 
 Catholick Sees, throughout the World, Chairs cf Pejhle>ice\ Co do not we. Neither 
 doth St. j4ulHn attribute any thing lingular to the See of Kmne in this place, more 
 than to the See of hierufakm^ot any other Catholick See. Si omnes per totum orbem 
 tales effetit^quales vanifjitnc criminaris. Cathedra tibi quid fecit Eeckfite Rornana?, /« qu^ 
 Vetnxs fedit,&i>f qua hodie Anil\a.i'ms fedet^vel Ecclefi£ UkioColymitmx in qua Ji- 
 cohus fedit, & in qua hodie ]o\\zimcs fedet ? ^uhiums in Catholica unitatt connedimur, 
 & a quibui vos nefario furore feparajiif. It is not we that have firioufly feparated our 
 felves from either of thefe Sees. But it is the Court of Kww which hath made 
 the feparation both from Hzfrw/j/fw, and from us. 
 
 In the next place he inquireth what I intend by th'n frefent Schifm, rvhether the Schifm 
 of Protefiants in general, or of Englifh Froteiiams in particular ? and whether by cau- 
 I'ally J ttnderjland a fuffcient caufe that freeth from fin ? Doubtlefi I muft underftanda 
 fufticient caufe that freeth the innocent party from fin, or underftand nothing : For 
 an unfufficicnt caufe is no cauft : But his Indudion is imperfe(ft. I do. neither 
 underftand the Schifm of the Proteftant Church in general, nor the Schifm of the 
 Englifh Church in particular, but diredtly the Schifm of the Roman Church, which 
 did Firft give juft cau(e of feparation, not onely to Proteftant Churches, but to all 
 the Eartern Churches i and then did make the feparation by their unjuft and un- 
 charitable cenfures. But he faith there can be no juji caufe of Schifm. Tlie greater is 
 their fault who are the true Schifmaticks ^ Firft, by giving juft caufe of feparation 
 from their Errors, and then making the feparation by their cenfures. It is true,there 
 can be no juft caufe of criminous Schifm, bccaufe there can be no juft caufe of fin : It 
 U not lawful to do evil that good may come of it. But there may be both juft caufe of 
 feparation, and juft feparation without any crime or fin, yea vertuous and neeeflary, 
 as is confefled by themfelves. In all fuch cafes the fin of criminous Schifin lyes at _ ,. 
 their doors, who introduced the Errors , and there|)y Firft feparated themfelves i^jnfid. 
 irom the uncorrupted Church which was before them. mmailieii c. 7; 
 
 Before he come to Anfwer my arguments hepropofeth an objeftion of his own,/' "*• t* 'J* 
 that neither the Church, nor Court of Rome did give any fufticient caufe of fepa- 
 ration cither to L«i/>fr or to Hfwry the Eighth. In profecution whereof he fuppofedi • '"'-^ 
 that Luther had no caufe of feparation but the abufe of fame Preachers of Indulgences , r 1 i 
 n>hom the Pope of that time rebuild feverely\ Nor Henry tht Eighth but the excommuni- * " 
 cation c/ Clement the Seventh. That oi Luther is altogether without the compafs of 
 the Qi^ftion between him and me, which concerneth only the Church of England^ 
 
 I
 
 Vindication TOME !♦ 
 
 1 (hall only make bold to tell him that whenfoever it comes to be examined , it 
 will be found that Luther had many other caufes of what he did , than the 
 abufe of fame freacheri of Indulgences. If he will not give me credit, let him confult 
 the Hundred grievances of the German Nation. That the Pope rebuked thole Prea- 
 chers of Indulgences feverely, is more than I have read: onely this I have read, 
 that Caroluf MilitiiK did fochide lecelius the Pope's Pardoner about it, that (hortly 
 after he dyed of griet: ''" ■• ■^^>»tn-- 
 TTic excom- Concerning henry the Eighth, the Excommunication of Clement the Seventh 
 Diunication of ^^^ ^^ ^^^ j-^^^ l^^j^^g ^ ^qj^j adequate caufe of his reparation, that it was no more 
 Ei£hth. but a fingle occafion. The original priviledges of the Britilh Churches, the ancient 
 
 liberties and immunities of the Englijh Church-, daily invaded by the Court of 
 Jiome the ufurpation of the juft Rights and Flowers of his own Crown, the other- 
 wife 'rcmedilcfs oppreliion .of his SubjciSs , and the examples of his noble Pre- 
 dcceflbrs were the chief grounds, of his proceedings againll the Court of 
 
 He asketh , could not Henry the Eighth have been faved though he was excommuni- 
 cate? Yes , why not ? Juftice loofcth unjuft toads. But I fee that this Quellion is 
 eroundcd upon a double dangerous error. Firft, That all reformation of our felves 
 is a finful feparation from other Churches. Whereas he himfelf confelfeth , that it 
 is fometimes vertuous and neceflary. Nay, every reformation of our felves is fo far 
 from being a fmful feparation from others , that it is no feparation at all , except it 
 be joyned with ccnfuring and condemning of others. 
 
 The fccond Error intimated in this Queftion is this , that fo long as there is pof- 
 fibility of falvation in any Church , it is not lawful or at leaft not necelTary to (e- 
 parate from the abufes and corruptions thereof. A Church may continue a true 
 particular Church , and bring forth Children to God , and yet out of invincible ig- 
 norance maintain material Hercfie , and require the profeffion of that Herefic as a 
 condition of communicating with her , in which cafe it is lawful , nay neceflary 
 after convidion to feparate from her errors. Thofe errors and corruptions arc par- 
 donable by the goodnefs of God to them who err out of invincible ignorance, 
 which are not pardonable in like manner to them who fin contrary to the light of 
 their own Confciencf. • 
 
 He addeth that this excommunication roas not the fault of the Roman Church, 
 which neither caufe d it n»r ap-^roved it. Yea faith ht^ divers of them diflik^ed it both 
 then andfince^ not as unjuji^but as imprudent , and fome have declared themfelves po- 
 fitively thoit a Trirtee and' a multitude are not to be excommunicated. It were to be 
 wilhed for the good of both parties , that all men were fo moderate. To his Ar- 
 gument I give Two Anfwers : Firft, As the Church of Home did not approve the 
 excommunication of Henry the Eighth ■■, fo neither did Henry the Eighth feparate 
 himfelf from the Church of Kome , but onely from the Pope and Court of Rome. 
 Secondly What are we the better that fome in the Koman Church are moderate , 
 fo long as they have no power to help us, or hinder the ads of the Roman Court? 
 They teach that a Prince or a multitude arc not to be excommunicated. But in the 
 mean time the Court of Kome doth excommunicate both Princes, & multitudes,and 
 whole Kingdoms, and give them away to Grangers v whereof there arc few King- 
 ioms or Republicks in Europe that have not been fenfible more or lefsi and particu- 
 larly England hath felt by woful experience in fundry ages. Clement the Seventh ex- 
 communicated King Henry , but Fattl the Third both excommunicated and inter- 
 didtcd him and the whole Kingdom i and this was the firft feparation of the Church 
 of England from the Church of Rome, and the original of the Schifm , wherein the 
 Church of England was meerly paffivc. So the Courf of Rome was the firft caufe of 
 the Schifin. 
 StO, 2, We are come now to my firft Argument , to prove the Court of Rome to be catf- 
 
 fally Schifmatical : My Propofition is this : Whatfoever doth leave its proper place 
 in the body, either Natural , or Political, or Ecclcfiaftical , to ufurp the Office of 
 the Head, or to ufurp an higher place in the body than belongs unto it, is the caufe 
 of diforder, difturbance, confufion,and Schifm, among the Members; my Af- 
 fumption is this i But the Virtual Church of Rome, that is, the Pope with his Court, 
 
 being
 
 Discourse lil. Of the Church of Engjiind. 220 
 
 being but a coordinate Member of the Catholick Church, doth fcek to ufurp the Of- 
 iice of the Head •■, being but a Branch , doth challenge to himfelf the place of the 
 Root > being but a flone in the building , will needlefs be an abfblute Foundation , 
 for all perfons , places , and times i being but an eminent Servant in the Family , 
 takes upon him to be the Mafter. 
 
 To the Propofition he taketh no exception : And to the AlTumption he confefleth 
 that the Church of Kome, in right of the Pope, doth feek to be Miftrefs of all other 
 Churches, and an external fubordinate foundation of all Chriftians in all times and 
 places , which is no more than is contained in the new Creed of Fins the Fourth, bhI, PH. 4 
 J ackitorvledge the KoTOin Church to be the Mother md Mijirefs of all Churches -y And I 
 pomife and [wear true obedience to the Bijhop of Rome as to the Vicar of Jefm Chrift. 
 But all this he juftifieth to be due to the Pope, and included in the Supremacy of 
 his Paftoral Office ; But he faith , that it U not the VoUrine of the Vnivetfal Roman 
 Church , that the Pofe U the root of aU Spiritual JurifdiCfion, Though it be not the 
 Dodrinc of the whole Koman Church, yet it is the Dodrine of their principal Wri- 
 ters at this day. It is that which the Popes and their Courtiers do challenge, and ^^ Church of 
 we have feldome {een them fail, firft or laft, to get that fettled which they defired. dationofChrl- 
 The Pope hath more Benefices to beftow than a Council. If the Church of Rome ftians. 
 be the foundation of all Chriiliansi then Linus, and Cletus , and Clemens, W€rc the 
 foundations of St. John , who wa5 one of the Twelve foundations laid immediate- J^tv. »i 941 
 ly by Chrift. Hov«,can the Church of Rome be the foundation of all Chriftians, 
 when they do not agree among themfelves , that the Chair o{ St. Peter is annexed 
 to the See of Kome by divine right ? How can the Church of Kowf be the founda- 
 tion of all Chriftians at all times , when there was a time that there were Chriftians 
 and no Biftiop or Church at Kome .? when it happens many times, as in this prefent 
 vacancy , that there is no Biftiop at Kome ? St. Teter was Biftiop of Antioch before he 
 was Biftiop of Kome > then there was a time when Antioch was the Miftrefs and 
 foundation of all other Churches , and not Kome. St. Feter might have continued 
 Biftiop of Antioch until his death, and then Antioch had ftill been the Miftrefs and 
 foundation of all other Churches. He might have been neither Biftiop of Antioch 
 nor Kome, and then the other Churches had wanted flich an hereditary Miftrefs. All 
 this is confelfed by BeVarmine. Doth Faul the Ninth make us new Articles of Faith, / , j^ pj„,_ 
 of fo great contingency, that ^ycre not of perpetual neceifity ? How can the Rom, en. 
 Church of Kome be the foundation of all Chriftians in all places , when there have 
 been Co many Chriftian Churches ever fince the dayes of the Apoftles , who never 
 had any thing to do with Kome , nor fcarcely ever heard of the name of Kome ? 
 If the Pope be the Mafter of all Chriftians , he is but a young Mafter ; for 1 
 
 we find no fuch expreflion in all the primitive times. Why were the ancient ' 
 
 Biftiops fo grofly overfeen to ftile him their Brother , their Collcgue, their Fellow , 
 who was their Mafter ? It might be modefty in the Pope to ufe fuch familiar ex- 
 prellions , as a General calls all his Army Fellow-Souldiers •, but it was never 
 heard that a private Colonel or Captain did call his General Fellow-Souldier, or a 
 Servant call his Mafter Fellow-Servant, or an ordinary Clerk call a Biftiop his Bro- 
 ther. St. Feter writ himlelf a Fellow-Elder, not a Mafter. If St. Faul had known i Ptt. 5, u 
 that the Koman Church had been the Miftrefs and foundation of all other Churches , 
 he would have given them their due title , and the whole Scripture had not been fo 
 filent in fo neceflary a point. 
 
 But he faith , The Fore's Supremacy U neither againji the Itvo Creeds , nor the frjl 
 Four General Councils , intimating thereby that it excludes none from Salvation , 
 and confequently is no fufficient caufe of feparation. I Anfwer , Fjrft, that it is 
 againft the Four firft General Councils , if this were a proper place for the difcuilion 
 of it. I Anfwer, Secondly , That though it were not oppofite to the Creed , or 
 the firft Four General Councils , yet if it be not virtually included in the Creed, be- 
 ing, as it is, by them obtruded upon all Chriftians as an Article of Faith, or a necef^ 
 fary partof faving Truth, extra quam non efifaluf, without which there Is no falva- 
 tion, it becomes a juft and fufficient caufe of feparation to all thoft upon whom it is 
 fo obtruded. Of this more in the next Argument. 
 My fecond Argument may be thus reduced , That Court which obtruded newly 
 
 coyned '^"'■^'
 
 2^0 
 
 A jHJi Vin dication TOM E U 
 
 coyncd Articles ot Faith , fuch as the Dodrine of the feven Sacraments, Tranfub- 
 The Church Ihntiation, Purgatory , Invocation of Saints , Worfhipping of Images, Indulgen- 
 of Rome ces , and efpecially the Pope's Supremacy , upon the Chnftian World , as abfolutely 
 
 obtrudeth new pgcciTary to falvation , and neccrfary conditions of Catholick Communion, and Ex* 
 Articles °[e communicateth and Anathematizeth above Three parts of the ChrilHan World for 
 [o'nmu'nTca"' not admitting them , is fearfully Schifmatical i But the Court of 'Rome doth all this, 
 teth for not re. That thefe are no old Articles , appeareth by all the ancient Creeds of the Church , 
 ctiving their, ^[^crein they are neitlier explicitely nor virtually comprehended. That they are 
 made new Articles by the Court of Kome^ appeareth by the Bull of Pw the Fourth, 
 An. 15*4. vvherein they are added to the old Creed , m unius & ejufdemfidei profejjio uniformi' 
 UT ah ommhuf exhibeatur^ "that the profeffion of out and the fame faith may he declared 
 uniformly by all, and one certain form thereof be made kitotvn to aS. And Laftly , That 
 the Court oiRome hath folemnly excommunicated with the greater Excommunica- 
 tion, and Anathematized , and excluded ( fo far as lieth in their power ) from the 
 Communion of Chrift , all the Crxcian, KulJian, Armenian , Aby^en , and reform- 
 ed Churches, being Three times more in number than themfelves, for not recei- 
 ving theft new Articles , or fome of them , and efpecially for not acknowledging 
 the Sovereign Power and Jurifdidrion of the Roman Eifliop and his Court , appear- 
 An. I S69' gtii undcsiably by the famous Bull of Pi/w the Fifth, called Bulla Cikȣ, becaufe it is 
 read in die C«n£ Domini^ or upon Thurfday before Eafter. 
 
 In way cf Anfwer to this , he asketh hovp thU wm any cauje «f King HenryV re- 
 volt ? I Reply, Firll , That though Henry the Eighth had not thought of this, and 
 (b it had not been fd«/j f rocre^wj- , a produftive caufe of the feparation , yet to us it 
 is a moft juft caufe to condemn them of Schifm. Secondly, The revolt, or more 
 truly the feparation,of the Church of E«^/ij«^ from the Church ot Rome, was not 
 made by Uemy the Eighth or the Englifli Church , but by the Pope and Court of 
 Rome, who excommunicated him and his Kingdom for not enduring their en- 
 croachments and ufurpations. He and his Kingdom were paffiveinit, onelythe 
 Court oiRome was doubly adive, Firft , In revolting from the right Difcipline of 
 their PredecefTors j And Secondly , In excluding the party wronged from their 
 Communion. But in the feparation oi England from the oppreflions of the Court 
 of Rome , I confcfs that Henry the Eighth and the Kingdom were adlive. And this 
 2lie Papacy a ^^j^ ground to avoid the tyranny , ambition , and avarice of the Roman Court was . 
 raiioD*' '''*" the chief impulfive caufe, both to the E»fg/(/& and EiJJjfrM Chriftians. For though 
 the Sovereignty of the Roman Bifliop was not obtruded upon them in form of a 
 Creed, yet it was obtruded upon them as a neceflary point of Faith. If Henry the 
 Eighth had any other private finifter grounds known onely to himfelf, they do 
 not render the Reformation one jot the worfe in it (elf, but onely prove that he pro- 
 ceeded not uprightly, which concerneth him, not us. 
 
 Secondly , he Anfwereth, That though they frojefs that it k nteeffary iojalvation ta 
 be under the Pope as Vicar of Chrili, yet they fay not that it U neceflary neceflitate medii, 
 fo M none can be faved who do net aduaVy believe it. If all this were true , yet it were 
 too much to oblige the whole Chriftian world to (ubmit to the Pope as the Vicar of 
 Chrift , by virtue of the commandment of God. But I fear that Pope Fitu by his 
 Bull , and all they by their fwearing in obedience thereunto , do make it to be ne- 
 ceflary necejfitate medii , fo as none can be faved who do not adually believe it. And 
 then there was little hope of falvation throughout the whole Chriftian world in the 
 times of the Councils ot Conflattce and Bafile , but of the Pope's own Court, which 
 was then the onely Noah's Ark. The words of their Oath are thefc , Hanc veram 
 Catholicam fdem^ extra quam nemo falvM ejfepotefi, &c. T'hif true Catholtc\Faith,rvith- 
 ^ out xfhich no man can le faved, which Iprofefs freely, and hold truly in frejent, J do pro- 
 *«". ?4i(/« 4; mife, vow, andfwear , by the help of Cod , to retain and confefs perfeS and inviolated 
 moji cotifiantly , to my Uft gajp ; and will tak^ care ( fo far as in me lyeth ) to eauje it t$ 
 he taught and preached to all thafjhall be committed to my charge. If it were not neceffi- 
 xy necefttate medii , fome might be faved without it, namely, all thofe who are 
 invincibly ignorant of it. But they fwear exprefly that no man can'be faved without 
 » •• And fo make it to be an eflential Article of the Catholick Faith. 
 
 Thirdly, he Anfwereth , that th Roman Church fhe (hould fay the Roman 
 
 Court)
 
 OiscoURSE III. Of the Church of Eughnd. 
 
 ^41 
 
 Court) doth not excommunicate all the ChrijUans o/Aflrick, Afia , Greece , aw^/ Ruf-The Pope ex 
 lla hut onelyfuch as do err vincibly or finfuVy , fuch as are formal or objlinate Hereticks com^iumcatES 
 vr Schifmaticlis. 'there are imumerabk in thoje Churches who are but credentes Hereti- '^f ^f"«rn 
 cis Sc Schifmaticis , becaufe the CatholicJ^Faith was never fufficiently preached to them. 
 And thefe the To^e doth not excommunicate. I wifh he did not : But his own Bull 
 fpeaks the contrary, that he excommunicates them all folemnly, anniverfarily, with 
 the greater excommunication. The Bull makes no fuch diftindion between Here- 
 ticks or Schifmaticks , and thofe who give credit to Hereticks or Schifmaticks. The 
 Bull hath no fuch exception of thofe who err out of invincible ignorance. If the 
 G-ecians be not all cxcomrnunicated , then by the fame reafon the Protefknts are 
 not all excommunicated , there is no difference. Yet he feemeth to extenuate their 
 fault , becaufe the Faith was never fufficiently preached to them , whereas in truth 
 they hold the Pope's Declaration to be a fufficient Propofal. I do not fay that the 
 efficacy of thisraCh cenfure doth extend either to them all, or to any of them all. 
 But they owe no thanks to the Court of Rome for fparing them , but to Chrift {ox 
 annulling their fentence. So much as lyeth in them, they exclude them all from the 
 communion of Chriftian3,and all hope of falvation. How cometh it to pafs that 
 he who pleaded but even now , that a multitude ought not to be excommunicated 
 on a fudden , is contented to give way to the folemn annual excommunication of 
 fuch innumerable multitudes of Chriftians ? to whom himfelf confefleth that the 
 Catholick Faith (he meaneth their newly-coined Articles) was never fufficiently 
 
 Freached. 
 
 Fourthly , he anfwereth , that the Tope doth not exclude them hy hU excommunicati- 
 on , hut onely declares that they are excluded by their own Herefie or Schifm. It is a 
 great Queftion in the Schools, whether any fentence of binding and loofingbc 
 more than declaratory. But this is certain , that as to this cafe now in Queftion be- 
 tween him and me , it is all one whether the fentence of the Pope do cut them off 
 from the Communion of the Catholick Church , or onely declare them to be cut 
 off. For ftill the fame rupture or Schifmatical feparation of one part of the Catho- 
 lick Church from another , doth follow thereupon. If the Pope doesjuftly exclude 
 them , or declare them to be excluded , the Schifm lyeth at their own doors. If the 
 Pope do either unjuftly exclude them , or declare them to be excluded, the Schifirt 
 lyeth at his door. I know Ecclefiaftical Canons do fometimes infli(ft penalties up- 
 on Delinquents ipfofaUo, or by the fentence of the Law : Sometimes they do more- 
 over require the fentence of the Judge. The fentence of the Law takes place fooner 
 than the fentence of the Judge : But the Delinquent ftands not legally convided , 
 until a juridical Declaration. And in all fuch cafes the Law muft be confefTed, the 
 Fad notorious. But in this cafe of the Eaftern Churches , there is no Law, there is 
 no Canon that inflideth any penalty of Herefie or Schifm upon them, their Delin- 
 quency is not notorious , or rather it is evident that they are no Delinquents. They 
 have no competent Judge except a General Council , whereof they make the great- 
 eft part themfelves. Finally, the proceeding againft them was illegal, temerarious, and 
 coram non Judice. 
 
 I faid , that for divers years in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's- xd^n , there 
 were no Recufants known in E«g/W, until Papifts were prohibited by a Bull to No Recuftrtts 
 joyn with us in our publick Form of ferving God. This ( he faith ) U moftfalfe. [ewfin the be- 
 If it be fo , I am more forry : it v\/as before my time. But I have no reafon to be- ginning of Q^ 
 lieve it to be falfe. If 1 had the ufe of fuch Books as I defire, I (hould (hew great Eljx.a'^eths 
 Authors for it. And as it is 1 fhall produce fome not to be contemned , who fay ""^'S"' 
 not much lefs. Firft, I cite a Treatife printed at London by John Day , about the 
 time when Fiui the Fifth's Bull was publiffied againft Queen Elizabeth , called the Jffhe grcar^' 
 difckfmg of the great Bttll that roared at my Lord Bijhofs Gate , with a declaratory ad- euH. 
 dition to the fame. In hope of thefuccejs ofthU Bull^ a number of Fapifls that fome- 
 times did commtmicate with lit ^ or at the leaji came ordinarily to otir fiiblic\ prayers , 
 have of late forborn. With which Author Mr. Cawi/fM agreeth , who faith , that //^<r 
 more modeji Papijis didforefee an heap of miferies hanging over their heads by the means CamJEti^ait 
 of this B«2/, who formerly could exercife their oren Keligion fecurely enough within their ""* '*■'•■ 
 oxen private houfes^ or elfe without anyfcruple of Confcience^ were content to go to Church
 
 142 
 
 A JhJI yindicjtion TOME I. 
 
 io beat the Englifh Servicf. The reafon of this inditferency aiid ccmpliance is fct 
 Itn^ct'f *"* down by one of their own Autiiors, becaulcthc Qiieen, toremoz'e^ as much as migln 
 Cbufchu . y^ Jlfcrufks out of the Peoples heads, and to mak^ them thhik^ that the fame Senice 
 EJii.an.i6Si. ^.J^tUrrim contiitued jhll,&c. provided that in the Common-Prayer Book^ there pould be 
 '*'*^*" fmiepari^of the old frjtne fiili upheld , &c. by ivhjch dexterous management of affairs the 
 
 common People were injiantly killed afleep^ and complied to fxfj^^ thing. 
 C*mi. EiiK.- Concerning the Catalogue which he cites out of Mr. Camden , of fo many Papifis 
 (Td. t$i9- that were deprived in the beginning of Queen 'Elizabeth's time, it makes nothing at 
 '^"^'f'ff T a" againll that which I faid. They weje not deprived for being Recufants , or re- 
 Dortl"an Ro- filling to hear the Englifl' Service , but for refuhng to take the Oath of Supremacy , 
 inanCaiho- 35 the fame Author iaith. Neither is that account Mr. CrfWf«V account , but the 
 lifks It the account of the ilo»w/«-Catholicks thcmfelves. His words are thcfe , Ihe number of 
 Reformation. ^ according to their own account, throughout the whole Kingdome. Which account 
 
 Mr. Camden doth in part corretfl and contradid. For he telleth there of Three Fo- 
 pifli Bifliops that changed their Religion of their own accords , the Bifhops oiChe- 
 lier , ff^orcejier, and St. Afaph. But fuppofe this account were true , what great 
 matter was it for an hundred and ninety at the m6i\, of all ranks and conditions, 
 high or low , to futfer deprivation for their Religion throughout the whole King- 
 dom of England, wherein , without his Abbats and his Abbefles , which he reckons 
 among the reft to make up the number , there are above Nine thoufand Parifli- 
 Churches , befides all Dignitaries and Prebendaries of Cathedral and Collegiate 
 Churches , and Mafters and Fellows of Colledges. It was a very fmall inconfide- 
 rable proportion. He will not vouchfafe our preient fufferings the name of perfe- 
 cution : yet there is neither the City o{ London, nor either of our Univerfities , 
 wherein more of us have not fuffered for our Confciences, than of Papifts in thofe 
 days throughout tlie whole Kingdom of England. In the City of London alone we 
 find an hundred and twenty Pallors of Parilh- Churches , whereof Fourty were 
 Doiftors in Theology , turned out of their Benefices and Homes , plundered , im- 
 prifbned, and many of them dead under the burthen of their grievous preiTures, 
 befides all the numerous Dignitaries , Prebends , and inferior Clergy-men belong- 
 ing to the Cathedral Church of St. Pii?// , and the Collegiate Church ofSt. P«fr, 
 and their rcfpeAive Quires. I could fay more touching your Kcmijh Confeffors at 
 that time , That they refuftd the Oath of Supremacy more out of compadt than 
 Confcience , hoping by their unanimity, and for fear of wanting means of Ordi- 
 nation , to necelfitate the State to continue them all. But when they faw how mi- 
 ferably they were deceived , and their Churches rilled with fuch as were returned 
 from banifhment, of whom they dreamed not, ConjurationU eos paenituit , they re- 
 A the P^^*''^ of their foolifh plot. And when it was too late , multi ad Judices recurrum, 
 iani/frW. 2. '"""""''"'"" '^g'^"/^''''* •) ac petunt fibi contra Pontifcem jurare licere , many of them run 
 p.i9T, io the Judges, conjejjed their obftinacy , and de fired leave to tak^ the Oath , as they had 
 
 done in King Henrys days. But let the faith of this reft upon the Author. 
 SeS. 4, , To my Third Argument he giveth no Anfwer in his Survey, but what was ta- 
 
 ken away in the Vindication before it was made. Thefumof my Argument wa-; 
 this : That Court which rebelleth againft the higheft Tribunal of the Church , and 
 V affumeth a fovereign Power over it to it felf, is Schifmatical i but the Court of 
 
 Kome rebelleth againft the fupreme Tribunal or Judicatory of the Militant Church , 
 that is, thcReprefentative Church , or a General Council. The Reader will excufe 
 me if I do fometimes complicate Two or Three medios terminos together for brevity 
 fake. 
 
 His Firft Exception is. That whereas J fhotild prove that the Papacy is the caufe of 
 Scbifm : I do (eek^ to prove that the Papacy is Schifm. To fay the Papacy is Schifm is 
 non-{enle. I hope 1 may have leave to write comm.on fen(c. Butldidfay, and 
 I do fay that the Court of Kome is in Schifm , or Schifmatical. To fay it is in 
 SchifiTi , and to fay it is the caufe of Schifm, is the fame thing-, for it is not the (e- 
 paration,but the caufe that makes the Schifm. They who give juft caufe of fepara- ' 
 tion are Schifmatical , and they who take it are iijnocenr. 
 
 Secondly , he demandeth. How the Papacy, as it is now maintained by many, coufd 
 >>e a fuff.cient ground of ftparation to the Proteji ants , efpecially of feparation ^om the 
 
 vehcie
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of l^nphwd. ^.^ 
 
 ^ — L ^43 
 
 Tvhole Roman Church'' I Anfwer, very welh becaufeit was then, and Two or Three 
 ages before that , maintained in the fame manner , or rather an higher degree , by 
 the Court of T.ome and fome others of the Komxn Church , though not fo^many as 
 at this day. Our feparation from the Court ciRome is total and abiolute, becaufc 
 we know no legal Subjedtion which we owe to the Court of Rome. But I know 
 no fuch abfolute feparation on our parts from the Church of Rome, but onely a dif- 
 ference from them in their erroneous Opinions, and a forbearance to pradrife fome 
 other things, which are made by them conditions of their external Communion, 
 wherein we cannot joyn with them with a good confcience. The making of their 
 Errors to be EfTentials and necefTary Conditions of Catholick Communion , makes 
 the breach appear greater than it is. That this is clearly the fenfe of our Church I 
 havefhewedout of the Thirtieth Canon. ' Vind c.6.f. 
 
 So he comes to his main Anfwer, That to rebel agaittfl a compkat General Council 
 jnyned with the Tope as Bead thereof^ if grofs Schifm: But not to rejlji an incompleat Ce- coun"ciil^corn!i 
 tieral Council without the Pope. This Anfwer is fufficiently confuted in the Vindica- pleat without' 
 tion ■■> Firft , By the authority of St. Gregory , who makes it to be Schifmatical in '^ ^°^' 
 the Pope to challenge fuch an Univerfal Headfhip of Power. Secondly, By the 
 Pope's own Laws , and by their profeliions of Obedience to the Canons. Thirdly,! 
 By the Appeals made by Princes, and Prelates , and Univerfities from the Popes to 
 General Councils. And Lallly, By the exprefs Decrees of the Councils ofConjiance 
 and Bafile in the point. To which I add , that thofe very Decrees of General 
 Councils which have been not onely not ratified but oppofed by the Popes, have ne- 
 verthelcfs been evermore received and obeyed as Laws in the Catholick Church, for 
 the Authority of the Council. As the Decree of the Council oiChalcedon for equal- 
 ling the Patriarch of Conjiantinople to the Patriarch oi^Rome , was protefted againft 
 by the Pope's Legates in the name and on the behalf of their Matter , and yet was 
 ever held and pradlifed as an authentick Rule by the Catholick Church , and reve- 
 renced by St. Gregory as a part of the Gofpel. Juflinian the Emperor called the 
 Fifth General Council , at which Vigiliw the then Pope refufed to be prefent , or to 
 give any confent unto it, for which his frowardnefs he wasbaniftied by the Empe- ' 
 ror. This in R. C. his judgment was an incompleat General Council ; Yet in all ^'"^' ^' ^^''^' 
 fucceeding Ages, and by the Popes themfelves , it was honoured and elleemed as a 'Br'on-Anna:, 
 true General Council. I confefs a General Council was not held compleat in the in Cone.i." 
 primitive times , when fuch an Affembly might be had , without the prefenceofthe 
 Five Protopatriarchs by themfelves or their Deputies. But to think that any one of 
 the(e , either the Roman Patriarch or any other had an Headfliip of Power over the 
 Council, or a Negative voice againft the Council , is a nvoft groundlefs fancy, 
 whereof we find not the leaft footftep in all Antiquity. And therefore R. C. might 
 well haveforborn his comparilbn of King and Parliament as altogether impertinent. 
 The King was confefTedly an Head of Power over the Parliament, fo was not the 
 Pope over a General Council. The King had evermore a Negative voice in Parlia- 
 ment , lb had the Pope never in a General Council. When the Parliament had 
 made up their Bills, they preferred them alwayes to the King by way of Petition,, 
 but the Bi(hops in a General Council by way of Definition. Ego A. definiens fitb- 
 firipfj. In a General Council the Prefident ( who is no more than a Prolocutor or 
 Speaker in Parliament ) makes his laft Addrefs to the Body of the Council in this 
 fort , placet .? au't non placet ? doth it pleafe you, or not? But in Parliament after 
 the Members have voted content ^ ot not content, the laft Addrels muft be to the 
 King i and he is free to fay the Kivg tvili have it , or the King tpiU advife. If a gene- 
 ral Council have not the Eights and Priviledges of a General Council , unlefs the 
 Pope be prefent as the Head thereof, and concur with it , to what purpofe were 
 fhofe Queftions fo canvafed in the Weftern Church , whether a General Council be 
 above the Pope ? and whether a General Council can dcpofe the Pope ? Doth any 
 ftian think that our Anceftors were fo fimple , as to queftion whether the Body be 
 above the Head > or to hope that the Pope would concur willingly to his own de- 
 pofition? This we know for certain, that the Council of Cwz/fjwi? without the 
 prefence or concurrence of the Pope , did Decree themfelves to be a lawtul con>- 
 fleat General Council, Superior to the Pope, and that he was fubjed to their ccn- _ 
 
 Z 2 furcs.
 
 044 
 
 A Juji Vindication T O MEN 
 
 fares. And depofcd Three Popes at a time. And their Ads were confirmed in 
 
 %?'lhis'Decfetofthe Council o^ Conflance he giveth Two Anfwers: Firft, 
 Tbc Degree of ^\^, ,-, i, ^obabk tim ,he Ceunctl meant onely of donhtful Topes. But I did take 
 ,hc council of ' " tiii/Anfwer in the Vindication Two wayes. Firit Bccaufe it is contrary 
 conflj"'' lor •* '' .^ y^^^ -pj^e words of the Council are thefe \_ Ihe Pope J that is, a Pope 
 ''soScPope truly eleded and lawfully admitted : It is uncertain whether a doubtful Pope be 
 £f«l. Pope or no [ J* /«^Jf« *" ^ General Council that is , a General Council with- 
 
 out the prefence or concurrence ot the Pope , luch as the Council ot Con{Una 
 was [As rcellin matter of Faith as of manners. 1 This is more than doubtful 
 Titles p •« he may not onely be correUed ^ but if he be tHcorrigible be depnfed.^ 
 So a Council may cortedl the Pope , and if they pleafe continue him , or it 
 thev rtnd him incorrigible , depofe him. Men arc not corredcd for weak and 
 litieious titles , but tor faults in Faith or manners. Neither can they be faid to 
 be depofed , who are onely declared to have been Ufurpers. Secondly , I con- 
 futed this Anfwer by the execution of the Decree. The Council did not onely 
 declare who was the right Pope , which is a judiciary ad , and may be done 
 by an Inferiour towards his Superiour , but they turned out Three Popes toge- 
 ther whereof One without controverde was the right Pope. And fo made right 
 to be no right for the publick good of the Church , which is a badge of Soveraiga 
 and Legiflative Authority. 
 
 His Second Anfwer is , That thU Decree vex not conciliarly made , and confe- 
 ^uently not confirmed by Martine the Fifth. This Anfwer was likewife taken away 
 in the Vindication. Firft , Becaufe the Popes Confirmation is but a novelty , ne- 
 ver pradifed in the Ancient Church , and fignifieth nothing. The Pope and hi? 
 Legates did fubfcribe in the fame mannet and form that other Bifhops and their 
 Legates did. And that was all. Secondly , becaufe Pope Martine's Title to the 
 Papacy did depend meerly upon the Authority of the Decree. If this Decree were 
 not a lawful Decree of a lawful General Council , and fuch a Council as haJ 
 power to depofe the former Pope , then Pope Martine was no Pope , but an Ufur- 
 per , and then his confirmation fignified nothing alfo in that refped. Laft , I 
 fliewed that it was conciliarly made. And what the word conciliarly there 
 fignifieth out of the Ads of the Council. And that paflage was not intended fot 
 a confirmation , but an occafional Speech after the end of the Council , after the 
 Fathers were difmilTed , in anfwer to an unfeafonablc propofition made to the 
 Pope by the AmbalTadors oi Polonia and Lititania , about a feditious Book, 
 which they allcdging to have been condemned by the Deputies of the Nations, 
 but not being able to affirm that it W3S condemned in the publick Ads of the 
 Sellion : The Pope anfwered , That he approved what had been conciliarly done. 
 To all this he anfwereth nothing , but that the word [_ conciliariter or conciliarly 3 
 fmifieth rather the manner of a Council , than of a Council. Let it be fo. Is not 
 the decreeing of any tWng publickly in the Selfion , the manner of the Councils 
 Ading ? The Deputies of the Nations were like a Committee of Parliament , 
 who have no power to decree , though they be a Committee of the whole Houfe, 
 but onely to prepare things for the Houfe. Now fuppofe the King at the clolc 
 of the Parliament , being requefted to confirm fome Ads of a Committee, fhould 
 ufe the very fame expreliion which Martine the Fifth did , That he would hold 
 and obferve inviolably all things determined and concluded by that Parliament , 
 Tarliamentariter or Parliamentarily. Doth not this evidently confirm all the Ads 
 and conclufions of the Parliament ? Or what can this in reafon exclude but onely 
 the Ads of the Committees. To fay as R. C. faith. That he confirmeth onely 
 thofe AUs which were done with dut deliberation^ is as much as to fay , that he confir- 
 meth juft nothing at all. How fhall it be known , or who (hall be Judge , what 
 was done with due deliberation , and what was not ? Neither doth it weigh any 
 thing at all to fay ( as he doth ) that the word concilium doth exclude the Depu- 
 ties of the Nations, without adding conciliariter ■, for Firft, it is a rule in Law 
 that abundans non vitiate A werd or two too much do no hurt. Secondly , The De- 
 puties of the Nations did fit apd Ad by the Authority of the Council, and cori- 
 ^ fcquently
 
 Discourse III. Of the Chitrch of England. 
 
 H'^ 
 
 fcquently their Ads were mediately and in fome fort the Ads of the Coun-ij. 
 Laftly, Whether the Decree of the Council were conhrmed or not, to me feem-- 
 eth a]l one. The end of convocating fo many Bifhops is to reprefent the con- 
 fent of all thofe refpedive Churches from %vhich they are fent , and to witnefs 
 the received belief. We fee by their Votes, what was the received opinion of the 
 Occidental Church. And we feeotherwife fufficiently what was thereceived opinion 
 of the Eailern, Southern, and Northern Churches. So as the Roman Court will not 
 be able to find One National Church of that age throughout the World, to main- 
 tain their exorbitant claims. 
 
 To my Fourth Argument drawn from the Popes challenge pf all Epifcppal 
 Jurifdidion , and confequently the breaking of all the lines of Apoftolical Suc- 
 celfion except his owni and to my Two additional Arguments concerning the Infal- 
 libility of the Pope's judgment and his power over Princes , he anfwereth no- 
 thing, but th:it they are not defined by the Roman Church, and therefore cannot be 
 a caufe of departing from her Communion. Neither have I endeavoured to charge 
 the crime of Schiirn upon the Komm Church in general , but upon the Roman 
 Court , and the violent propugners thereof, whofe Tenets thefe are. I wi{h the 
 Roman Church reftored to its ancient fplendour of an Apoftolical Church and 
 the principal Protopatriarchate , and its beginning of Unity. 
 
 Notwithftanding the weaknefs of his Anfwers , yet he layes down this for a 
 conclufion , Thzt rphatfoever I noxp pretend, our feparatim tPOi Schifmatically be- 
 gun. And thence infers upon a ground brought by me , ^od ab initio fidt in- 
 validum, tra&ii temporis non convalefcit. That it is Schifmatical jiill. Firft , I deny 
 his ground, the feparation was not made by us, but by them. What we did . 
 -was not Schifrnatical , but juft and neceflary. Secondly , His Inference is grofs- 
 lymiftaken, and the Rule which I brought altogether mifapplicd. That which 
 was invalid from the beginning , cannot become valid by prefcription or trad of 
 time, but it may become valid by fubftquent Ads of parties intcrefied. And 
 that which was uncharitably begun and Schifmatically , may be charitably, pioufly, 
 and neceflarily continued, as by many reafons and inftances may be made appear 
 but that it is befides our Queftion. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 A Defente of our Anfwers to the OhjeBions of the Rom^^- 
 
 IN the firfi place he obferveth a difference between Proteflants and Roman- 
 Catholicks , That Protejiantf da not charge Komzn-CathoUckj rvith formal 5^^ 
 Schifm , but onely rvith caufal Schifm , tvhereas Komiii-Catholiclq do charge Fro- Some Rom. 
 tenants with formal Schifm. To which 1 give Three Anfwers. Firrt , It Prote- Cath formal 
 ftants do not charge them with formal Schifrn , their charity is the greater , and ^'^'^''inaticfo, 
 the Ilo»za«-Catholicks are the more obliged to them. Certainly we have better 
 grounds to charge them with formal Schifm , than they have to charge us. But 
 indeed Proteftants do charge the Roman Court , and all Roman-Co-thoYicks who 
 maintain it , and adhere unto it out of ambitious , avaritious , or other finiftef 
 ends, and not out of fimplicity of heart, and invincible or at leafl probable igno- 
 rance, with /ormij/ 5cfc;y»7. 
 
 Secondly , caufal Schifm may be, and in this cafe of the Romanifts is, as well 
 formal , nay fbmetimes more formal then adual Schifm , or to fpeak more 
 properly then adual (eparation. Whofoever give juft caufe of feparation to 
 others , contrary to the light of their knowledge , out of uncharitable or other 
 finifter ends , are caufal and formal Schifmaticks. Whereas they who feparate 
 a^ually and locally upon juft caufe, are no criminous Schifraaticks at all, and 
 they wrt^o feparate adually without juft caufe, may do it out of invincible igna- 
 
 Z :? f ance ,
 
 ~7^ — A Jufi Vindication TOME U 
 
 rancL', and condqucntly they are not formal but oriely material Schifmaticks* 
 Thirdly , When the cafe comes to be exadly weighed , it is here juU as it 
 is in the ca'fe of poliibiiity of Salvation , that is to lay , the very fame. Pro- 
 tcfhnts do not charge all Roman Catholicks with formal Schifm , but onely 
 fuch as break the bond of Unity finfully , whether it be by feparating thera- 
 felves , or others, unduly from the Catliolick Communion , or giving jurt caufe 
 of fepiration to others. Nor doth K. C. himfelf charge all Proteltants with 
 formal Schifm. For he confeffeth that all thofe Proteltants who err invinci- 
 bly do tvant neither Clmnh norfahatmt. Formal Schifmaticks , whileft they con- 
 tinue formal Schifmaticks, want both Church and Salvation i therefore whofoe- 
 vcr want neither Church nor Salvation are no formal Schifmaticks. 
 
 The reafon of his former affertion is this , becaufe Vroteflams can name no 
 Church out of whofe Cnmmunion the prefent Church of Rome departed. His rea- 
 fon (hews that he confounds material and formal Schifm, with caufal and a- 
 dual Schifin. Whereas adual Schifm may fometimes be onely material, and 
 caufa! Schifm may alfo fometimes be formal. To his Reafbns I give two clear 
 Anfwers. Firft , Proteftants can name a particular Church out of whofe Com- 
 The prefent munion the prefent Roman Church departed , even the pure and uncorrupted 
 ^h°"*hAe- Church of Kome, which was before it , by introducing errors , abufes, andcor- 
 partca out of ruptions into it. There is a naoral departure out of a Church as well as a 
 the ancient local , and acknowledged by themfelves to be culpable and criminous Schifin. 
 Roman Secondly, That Church which departs out of the Communion of rhe Catho- 
 
 Cnurch; jj^j^ ^^ Univerfal Church, is more Schifmatical then that which departs onely 
 out of the Communion of a particular Church , both becaufe our Obligation 
 And which isfs greater to the Catholick Church then to any particular Church, and becaufe 
 worfc , °"fj^"j| the Catholick or univerfal Church doth comprehend all particular Churches of 
 Church, one denomination in it. When the Court of Kome by their cenfures did fepa- 
 rate three or four parts of the Chriftian World , who were as Catholick or 
 more Catholick then themfelves, then they departed out of the Communion 
 of the Catholick Church , as the Donatifts did of old. There is but this dif- 
 ferrcnce between the Donatifts and them, that the Donatifts did it onely by 
 their uncharitable opinions , and verbal cenfures , but the Court of Kome did 
 it moreover by a folemn Juridical Decree , which is much the greater degree 
 of Schifin. 
 
 He telleth us,Thati( is vain to lik^n them to the J)onatJfisJ>ecaufe theT>onatiJlsfaidthat 
 the CatholickjChurch of that time^ tvaf but a part of the Churchy ( iK Protefiants fay mrv of 
 the Roman,) for wohich Saint Auftlne laughed at them. Tlie truth is, the Donatifts faid, 
 t'b c f ^^^^ '^^y being but a fmall part of the Catholick Church, ( if any part, ) were the 
 Pe. t.i%. ^"^^^ Catholick Church,and that the true Catholick Church was noCatholickChurch, 
 The Romanics ncr any part of it, which is exprefly contrary to what he faith here. Juft as 
 true Donatifts. the Romanifts fay now, that they themfelves, being with all' their dependents 
 not a fourth part of the Chrlftian World, are the Catholick Church , and tftat 
 the Patriarchate o£ Confiantinople which is as large as theirs, and the Patriar- 
 chate of Alexandria , whicli Including tlie feventcen Kingdoms of Frefier John^ 
 all Chriftlans , and dependents upon that Patriarchate, is likewife as large, and 
 the Patriarchates of Antioch and Hierufakm , and all the leffer Patriarchates in 
 the Eaft , and the whole Empire of Kujfia , and all the Proteftants in Ettrope , 
 are no parts of the Catholick Church. Is not this to make the part to be the 
 whole , and the whole to be nothing beyond that part , as the Donatifts did. 
 Ovum ovo mnfmilius. And therefore Saint Attftine might well laugh at them 
 or rather pltty them as indeed he did , for fpeaking fuch evident abfurdities. 
 Si mihi diceres quod Ego fm Petllianus , non invenirem quommoda te refelkrem , 
 wiji at{t ]ocantem riderem , aut infanientem dolerem. Sed quia jocari te non Credo , 
 Ibid. vides quid reflet. Jf thou Jhouldefl: tell me that J j?m Petllian, (or any fuch thing 
 
 that is evidently falfe ) I Jhould not k^ow hore ta confute thee, itnlefs I Jhould 
 either Laugh at thy folly, or pity thy frenzie. But becaufe J believe not that thou jeaflefl, 
 nu* u ^^^^ remaineth. When they tell us in fuch earneft , that the Roman 
 Church is the Catholick Church , they might even as well tell us that Fetili- 
 «« was Saint Atijline. Their
 
 JDiscouRSE III. Of the Chnrch of Enghud, -247 
 
 Their firft objedion is , that we have feparated our felves from the Com- ^^^'•^- 6* 2. 
 munion of the Catholick Church i to which I gave this Anfwer , that we had 
 not Icparated our felves from the Communion of the Catholick Church , for 
 we are ready to believe and pradice whatfoever the Catholick Church doth una- 
 nimoully believe and pradtife. No, nor yet from the Roman Church in the 
 tflentials of Chriftian Religion , or any of them , but only in their errours and 
 innovations ; and that it was the Court of Rome that made the feparation. To 
 this Anfwer he takes great exception , but as it feemeth to me in a mod 
 confufed manner. For method fake I will reduce all which he faith to Four 
 heads. Firll , "That the Church of Rome U the true Catholick^ Church. Secondly, 
 That ive have feparated our felves from it in effentials. Thirdly , That all the 
 other Tatriarchates ( except the Roman) arena parts of the Catholick^ Church. 
 Fourthly, That we hold no Communion veith them. To all thefe I have answer- 
 ed formerly in this Treatife , and therefore now I {hall touch them more 
 
 That the Roman Church is the Catholick Church he proveth thus, becaufe It if a church not the 
 Company of Chriftians , injiituted by Chri[l , f^read over the IVorld , and intirely u- catholick 
 nited in the profeffion of faith ^ and Communion of his Sacraments nnder his Offi- Church. 
 cers. And therefore he bids us out of St. Aujiin, either give or take, dthct xccdvc ^^' " '^''^'' '^ 
 their Church , or (hew one of our own as good. This Argument is ground- 
 ed upon a wrong fuppofition, that the Catholick Church is a Church of oneDenomi- 
 lution, as Roman, or Grecian, &c. Which we do altogether deny as implying an evi- 
 dent contradidion. SecondIy,We deny that the Row^w Church, including the Papacy, 
 in refpedt of which it challengeth this univer(ality,and to be the foundation of Chrifti- 
 an Religion,and the Miftrefs of all other Churches, is inftituted by Chrift,or by his 
 Church i this is their own ufurpation. Thirdly, we deny that the 2lo^M.«« Church is 
 fpread over the World. Divide Chriftendom into five parts, and in four of them 
 they have very little or nothing to do. Perhaps they have here a Monaftery,or there 
 a fmall handful of Profelytes. But what are five or fix peribns to fo many 
 millions of Chriftian Souls , that they fhould be Catholicks , and not all the o- 
 thers ? This was not the meaning of Saint Auftine in the place alledged. Date 
 vtihi hanc Ecclefiam ft apud vos ejl , ojiendite vos communicare omnibus Gentibus , 
 quas ](im videmus in hoc femine benedict. Date hanc , aut furore depofito accipitCy 
 nan a me , fed ah illo ipfo in qua benedicuntur omnes Gentes. Give me this Church 
 if it he rvith you : Shen> that you commnnicate rvithall Nations which tve fee to be 
 bUjied in this feed. It is not a few particular perfons , nor fome hand-fulls of 
 Profelytes, but multitudes of Chriftian Nations that make the Catholick Churchv 
 Th.z Romani^ls are fo far from communicating with all thefe Nations, that then 
 excommunicate the far greater part of them. Fourthly , We deny that fuch an 
 exadt entire Union in all points and opinions which are not Eflentials of Chri- 
 fiian Religion , is neceflary to the being of the Catholick Church , or that the 
 Romanifls have a greater Unity among themlelves or with others , than fundry 
 of thofe Churches which they have excommunicated. Fifthly , I deny that the 
 Officers of the Court of Rome or any of them ( qua tales ) are either the Offi- 
 cers of Chrift or of his Church. And Laflly , If all this were true , well might 
 it prove the Church of Rome a Catholick Church , that is , a part of the Catho- 
 lick Church , but not the Catholick or Univerfal Church. Still there would 
 want Univerfality. To be fpread through the Chriftian world is one thing , and 
 to be the common faith of the Chriftian world another thing. 
 
 Secondly , He proveth that they did not exclude us , but that we did feparate 
 our felves, becaufe England denied the fopes foveraigiity by divine right, before the if ^enkl of 
 Tupe excommunicated them. And fo though it wM not perfedly Protejiant , yet it n>af the Popes Su- 
 fibjiantially Troteiiant. I take him at his word. Then all the Eaftern , Nor- P'^oiacymak- 
 thern , and Ethiopick Chriftians are fubftantially Proteftants as well as we : for fhe vvSid" u' 
 they all deny the Popes foveraignty either by divine or humane right. Then all fuH of 4)^^,^^ 
 the world were fubftantially Proteftants in the time of the Councils of Conjlance ftantj. 
 and Bsifle , except the Court of Rome , that is , the Pope and his Officers. Then 
 we want not brethren that are fubftantially Proteftants as well as we , in the bo- 
 
 fome
 
 24S A Jiift Vwdicjtion TOMFK 
 
 fomt of the Kematt Church at this day. To feck to obtrude tliis fpiritual Mo- 
 narchy upon u5 was caufal Schifin, to excommunicate us for denying it was adual 
 
 Schi(iri. . _, . , 
 
 To prove that we have departed from them in EflTentials , he oncly faith, that 
 
 Our ftp*"*'!- ^y^, I, JVC left them limply , abfolutely , nay wholly in the Communion of Sacra- 
 cniialT. '° ' Jncnts , and publick VVorfliip of God , and the entire ptofcliion of faith, which 
 are Eflentials to a Church. How often hath this been anfwered already ? That 
 every Opinion which a particular Church doth profefs to be cflcntial, is either 
 an Effential or a Truth , or that every abufe crept into the Adminillration of 
 the Sacraments , is of the Eflence of the Sacraments , is that to which we can 
 never §ive alTcnt. Let them keep themfelves to the ancient Creed of the Church, 
 as they are commanded by the Council of Ephefiu , and we fliall quickly join 
 with them in profeilionof Faith. Let them ufe the ancient forms of Admini- 
 ftration of the Sacraments , which the primitive Roman Church did ufe , and we 
 (hall not forbear their Communion in Sacraments. Did the ancient Roman Church 
 want any ElTcntials ; Or are the primitive Roman and the prefent Roman Church 
 divided in Eflentials. If they differ in Eflentials , then we ought not to join in 
 Communion with the prefent Church of Rome. If they differnot in Eflentials, 
 no more do we. 
 
 Thirdly, He provcth that the other Patriarchates are not the Catholick Church, 
 nor true parts thereof , becaufe they are divided in profeliion of Faith, in com- 
 munion of Sacraments , and iu Church-Officers. Yea ( faith he ) it were dotage 
 to think^ that the Catholick^ Church can conf^ft of Heretical and Schifmatical Churches, 
 as J cannot deny hut they are , excep I rvill deny the thirty nine Articles of the 
 Church of England to which J have fvporn. 1 Anfwer , That thole Churches 
 which he is pleafcd to undervalue fo much , do agree better both among them- 
 _.. J. felves and with other Churches , than the Roman Church it felf , both in pro- 
 Qf,„rc[,gj ,rm felfion of Faith ( for they and we do generally acknowledge the fame ancient 
 parti of the Creeds , and no other ) and in inferiour Queilions , being free from the intri- 
 Catfiolick cate and perplexed difficulties of the Roman Schools. In point of Difcipline 
 Church. jj^gy j^^^^ j^Q complaint againff them , faving that they and we do unanimoufly 
 
 refufe to acknowledge the fpiritual Monarchy of the Roman Eifhop. And con- 
 cerning the Adminiftration of the Sacraments , I know r.o Objedtion of any 
 great moment which they produce againft them. How {hould they, when the 
 Pope allowed the Ruffians the exercife of the Cree]i^ Religion ? It is true , that 
 ihey ufe many Rites which we forbear ; But difference in Rites is no breach 
 of communion , nor needeth to be , for any thing that I know , if dillance of 
 place and difference of Language were not a greater impediment to our acflual 
 communion , fb long as the Sacraments are npt mutilated , nor fmful duties in- 
 joined , nor an imknown tongue purpofely ufed. How are they then Schifmati- 
 cal Churches ? onely becaufe they deny the Popes Supremacy. Or how are 
 they Heretical Churches "> Some of them are called Nejhrians , but moft inju- 
 lioufly , who have nothing of Neftorius but the name. Others have been (iifpe- 
 ^ed of Eutychianifm , and yet in truth Orthodox enough. They do not add 
 the word \_flioque , and from the Son ] to the Creed , and yet they acknowledge 
 that the Holy Ghoft is the Spirit of the Son , which is the very fame thing in 
 fcnCe. It is no new thing for great Quarrels to ari{e from meer miftakes. He 
 would perfwadc the World that there is fomething in our Englip Articles which 
 rcfleds fadly upon the Creeks Church , to declare them guilty of Herefie or 
 Schifm. Either he is deceived himfelf , or he would deceive others. There is 
 no fuch thing , nor the leaft infinuation againft them , either diretSIy or by con- 
 fequence. But he is fallible , and may err in this, as well as he doth in faying 
 that I have been fivorn to them : we do ufe to fubfcribe unto them indeed , not 
 as Articles of Faith , but as Theological Verities , for the prefervation of Unity 
 among our felves > but never any Son of the Church of Englaud was obliged to 
 fwear unto them, or punifhed for diifenting from them in his judgment , fo he did 
 not publifl\ it by Word or Writing. 
 Sea. J. Secondly , They charge us with Schifmatical difobedience to the determination 
 
 ef
 
 Disco urse HI. Of the Cimrch of England 24.9 
 
 of the General Council of Tre«f. To which I anlWered , That that Council The Council 
 was neither general , nor free , nor lawful, Firft , Not general , becaufe there °'" T"'^' n°t 
 ■was not one Bifliop prefent out of all the other Patriarchates , and but a part 6«ntr»l : 
 of the Occidental Church. Secondly, Of thofe who were prefent, two parts 
 ' "were Italians , and many of them the Pope's Penfioners. Thirdly , At the de- 
 finition of fome of the weightieft Controverfies , there were not fo many Br^ 
 (hops as the King of England could have called together in a moneth within 
 his own Realms. Fourthly , It was not generally received by the Romanifh. 
 To this he anfwers , that there were fome Grecian Bijhopf there. Perhaps' one 
 or two titular Bilhops without Bifhopricks , not impowered by commilfion , 
 nor fent with Inftrudions from any Patriarch : Thefe were no Grecian Bifhops. 
 He addeth, that it U not necefiary to fummon Heretical or Schifmatical Bijhopi 
 Yes the rather , before they be lawfully condemned , as thefe never were. Bc- 
 fides this is begging of the Queftion. When or where were they convicted of 
 Herefie or Schifm ? This is but the opinion of the lefler and unfounder .part 
 of the Church , againft th? greater ancf founder part. Upon this ground the 
 Vonatijis might have called a Council in Affrick^^ and nick-named it a General 
 Council. He faith , it U obeyed by all Catholick/ for matters of Faith , thowrh 
 not for matters of FaS. He meancth by all Roman-CzthoVicks. But if it we're 
 the fupreme Tribunal of the Militant Church , it ought to be obeyed- for mat- 
 ters of Fad alfo , fo far as they are Ecclefiaftical. Break ice in one place and it 
 will crack in more. He faith , Pius the Fourth fent moji loving Letters to ^ueen 
 Elizabeth , but hU Mejfengtr wof not admitted into England. As wc have in hor- 
 rour the treacherous and tyrannical proceedings of Paul the Third and Piuf the 
 Fifth againft our Princes and Realms : So we acknowledge , with gratitude , thp 
 civilities of Fiuf the Fourth, Certainly he took the more prudent way for a Chri- 
 ftian Prelate. ■ 
 
 Secondly, The Council of Trent was not frcev Firft, Becaufe the place affor- "°'""""* 
 ded no fecurity to Proteftants. Secondly , The Accufer was the Judge. Third- 
 ly , Anyone who fpake a free word , was either filenced or thruft out of the 
 Council. Fourthly , The Proteftants who came on purpofe to difpute , were 
 not admitted. Fifthly , The Legates gave auricular Votes , and fome of the 
 Council did not ftick to confefs , that it was guided by the Holy Ghoft , fent 
 from Rome in a Male. Sixthly , New Biftipprjcks were created during the Seff- 
 fion , to. make the Papalins able to overvote the Iramontains. To all thefe Ex- 
 ceptions he anfwereth. That if the Pope had been their . Jjadge , it had been rio 
 more Mnjuji , than for a King to judge his oton notoriouf Rebels ', but the Pope , out- 
 of hit abundant favour , made the Council their Judge , jphich he needed not their 
 herefes having been formerly larvfully condemned. He fuppoftth , without any 
 proof, that the Pope is an abfolute Monarch of the Church, which all the 
 Chriftian World except themfelves doth deny. He (hould remember that thefe 
 arc their own Objections , and that he is now to prove , not to didate. Whe- 
 ther the Pope did judge the Proteftants by himfelf , or by a Council confift- 
 ing for the moft part of his own Clients and Creatures , who knew no motioh 
 but by his influence , is all one in effed*. He knew that he liad.madc his.game 
 fure enough under-hand , whiieft the Italian Epifeopals were fo numerous and 
 partial : If the Pope did rather choofe to refer the Proteftants t6 the Council , 
 it was not out of favour to them , as a more equal and indifferent way , but ro 
 take the envy off from himfelf. If Chriftian Princes defire to have a free 
 Council , they muft reduce it to the form of the Council of Confhnce, and re- 
 vive the Deputies of the Nations. Whereas he faith , that the Protejiants rvere 
 formerly larvfully condemned , either they were ftrange phantafins of Proteftants , 
 or it was a ftrange prophetical Decree. Laftly , He demands hotv I can fay that 
 it mas not a fee Council , where trvo or three fafe condnCts rvere granted , vehere the 
 Council bound it f elf to determine the cantroverfie by Hly Scripture, Apojiohcal tra- 
 dition, approved Councils , confent of the Catholick^ Church , and authority of Hdy 
 Fathers ? Yes, I can fay well enough for all this , that the Council was not free, 
 FiliuU duke canit volucrem dam decipit auceps , The pipe playes fweetly whilelt the. 
 
 Fowlct
 
 at;o 
 
 A Jufl Vindication 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 Not lawful. 
 
 //({J Cone 
 
 TridJ.i 
 
 IJ4S. 
 
 an- 
 
 The Prote- 
 Hanti not con- 
 demned by 
 the Patriarch 
 o(Conftanti- 
 ntple, but the 
 Romaniris. 
 
 Fowler is about hts prey. No man , faith Tully proc aimeth m the Market that 
 he hath rotten wares to fell. When men intend molt to play tricks , they do 
 often arip up their Heeves , to make a {hew of upright dealing. Scriptures , 
 Tradition, Councils, Fathers, Churches, are excellent Rules beyond excep- 
 tion yet an inexpert or partial Artift may make a crooked line with them. 
 Any one of thefe proofs would fatisrie us abundantly , but this was a meer em- 
 pty flourifh. The Proteftants had fafe condudt granted , but yet thofe that re- 
 paired to the Council were not admitted to difpute. 
 
 Thirdly , As tlic Council of Jrettt was not a general , nor a free Council , fo 
 neither was it a lawful Council : Firfl: , Becaufe it was not in Germany : A guil- 
 ty pcrfon is to be judged in his own Province. Secondly , Becaufe the Pope 
 alone by himfelf or his Minifters aded all the four parts of Accufer, Witnefs, 
 euilty perfon , and Judge. Thirdly , Becaufe the Proteftants were condemned 
 before they were heard. To this he anfwerefh iirft , That Trent is in Germany : 
 wherein he is much miftaken , for proof whcreot I produce firft the publick pro- 
 tefhtion of the Gfrwjw Proteftants , Thzt to p-omife a Council in Germany, znd 
 to choofe Trent, reas to mock^ the rporld , That Trent cannot hefaidto be in Geimz- 
 ny but onely becaufe the Bijhoj) U a Prince of the Empire , othertvife that for fecu- 
 rity it h as rvell and m much in Italy and in the Fope's power as Rome it felf. To 
 which the Pope himfelf giveth teftimony in his Anfwer to the Cardinal , Bifliop , 
 and Lord of Trent , when he defired maintenance for a Garrifon from the Pope 
 to (ecure the Council , That there tvas no fear fo long as none but Italians rvere in 
 Trent , and engageth himfelf to fecure it. The grievances which they complained 
 of were done in Germany^ the redrefs which they fought was in Germany. Ger- 
 many , not Italy , had been the proper place for the Council. 
 
 jR, C. proceedeth , The Froteftants were the firji Accufers of the Tope. It may be 
 fo , but not in a legal or judiciary way. He confefTeth , That in doubtful cafei 
 there ought to he four diflinU petfons , the Accufer , the Witnefs , the perfnn accuf d , 
 and the J«dge^ hut not in notorious nhel'ion^ in which cafe there needs neither Witnefs 
 nor Accufer. And doth not this merit the reputation of a doubtful cafe , wlierein 
 fo great a part of the Occidental Church are ingaged ? who are ready to prove 
 evidently , that he who is their accufer , and ufurps the Office of their Judge , is 
 the notorious Rebel himfelf. I confefs , that in fome cafes the notoriety of the 
 faft may fupply the defed of witneffes i but that mufl evermore be in cafes for- 
 merly defined by the Law to be Rebellion , or Herefie , or the like. The Popes 
 Rebellion hath been already condemned in the Council of Conftance , and his He- 
 retical maintaining of it in the Council of Bafle i But the Proteftants renouncing 
 of his ufurped authority , hath never yet been lawfully defined to be either the one 
 or the other. 
 
 Yet he faith , The Frot^ants reere condemned not onely by the Council of Trent , 
 • but by the Fatric.-ch of Conftantinople , to whom they appealed. One that readeth 
 this and knowcth not otherwife , would believe that the ProteA?.nts in general 
 had appealed from the Council of Trwf, and were juridically condemned by the 
 Patriarch of Confiantinople . Who gave the Appellants procuration to appeal in the 
 name of the Proteflants in general ? Who gave the Patriarch oi^Conlhntinople pow- 
 er to receive the Appeal ? Where is the condemnation -' Is the Englijh Church in- 
 cluded therein ? No fuch thing. The cafe was this. One or two foreign parti- 
 cular Proteftants made a reprefentation to the Patriarch of Confiantinople , of fbme 
 controverfics then on foot between the Church of Rome and them : And he deli- 
 vered his opinion , it fhould feem , asK. C conceiveth, more to the advantage 
 of the Romanifts than of the Proteftants. This he calleth an appeal and a con- 
 demnation. I crave pardon of the Reader , if I do not in prefent give him a 
 puncftual and particular account of the Patriarchs Anfwer : It is thirty years fince 
 I faw it i neither do I know how to procure it. Thus far I will charge my me- 
 mory , that the Queftions were ill chofen and worfe ftated , and the Patriarchs 
 anfwer much more to the prejudice of the Church of Rome than of the Church 
 of England. The right ftating of the Queftion is all in all. When the Churcli of 
 England hdivc any occafion to make their addrefTes that way, they will make them 
 more appofite, and more to the purpofe. But
 
 Discourse III. Of the Chnrcb of Enojind. 2<i 
 
 But lince he hath appealed to the Patriarch o{ Conlhntinopk ^ to the Patri- 
 arch of Conjhntinople let him go. I mean Cyrillm , iince the time of Hieremy , 
 whom that learned Gentleman Sir Ihonm Koe , then Embafladour for our iatd 
 King at Conftanmofle , had better informed of the true ftate and belief of the 
 Eitglijh Church. _ He pubfijhed a Treatife of his own, much about the year 1630, 
 which he called 'Of*>Kiyi,r7cyit^TiauKnt m^tut. or a confeffion of the Chrijiiayi Faith] 
 fo conformable to the grounds of the Church of England^ that it might fecm 
 rather to have been written by the Primate of Canterbury , than by the Patriarch 
 of Cunjiantinopk. I will cull out a few flowers and make a polie for him , to 
 let him fee whether the Patriarchs of Conjiatttinople do condemn the Church of 
 E'lgland^ or the Church of Kome. In the fecond Chapter he declareth , Thai: 
 the authority of the Scripture is above the authority of the Church , 'o« >«'; is-i» ^.nt, 
 &c. for it is not equal ( or like ) to be taught of the Holy Ghqjl , and to be taught 
 f, of man. In his Tenth Chapter he declareth , That ©'»'*; aiSjair®', mortal >%en ^'^'^'' ^-"•'^•^ 
 can by no means be the head of the Church , and tint our Lord Jefm Chriji alone is ^'*^*''^' 
 the Head of it. In the Thirteenth Chapter he aflerteth Juftirication by Faitia 
 alone , juft according to the Doctrine of the Church of England. In the Fif- 
 teenth Chapter he acknowledgeth but Two Sacraments. In the Seventeenth 
 Chapter he profefleth a true real prefence of Chrill the Lord in the Eucharift, 
 juft as we do ■, and rejedleth the new device of Tranfubftantiation. In the Eigh- 
 teenth Chapter he difclaimeth Purgatory, &c. All this he declareth to be the 
 Faith which Chrilt taught , the Apoftles preach'd , and the Orthodox Church 
 ever held , and under taketh to make it good to the World. And after, in 
 his Anfwer to fome QuelUons which were pjopofed to him , he excludeth the 
 Apocryphal Books out of the Canon of Holy Scripture , and condemnetii the 
 worfhip of Images.- In a word , he is wholly ours. And to declare to the Knolta TMrt(. 
 World that he was fo , he refolved to dedicate his confeffion of the Faith of the ,^^'/'' '*"' 
 Creeks Church to the King of England. p.isoi."*' 
 
 When this Treatife was firlt publifhed , it is no niarvel if the Court of Kome^ 
 and the congregation for propagating of the Roman Faith iu Greece did ftorm at 
 it , and ufe their uttermoft endeavour to ruine him. But he jultified it before the 
 EmbafTadors of Row^w-Catholick Princes then remaining at Conjiantinojjle , and 
 came off fairly in defpight of all thofe who did calumniate him , and caft falfe 
 afperiions upon him. Befides his own autograph , and the teftimonies of the 
 Ambaifadors then prefcnt, if there had been nothing elfe to juftiiie this truth , 
 the inftrudlions given by Cardinal Bandini to Cannachi RnJJt in the name of the W.p. i$ob. 
 Pope , alone had been fufficient proof, and the plots Which they contrived againft 
 him , either to have him taken avi^ay by death or depolltion : For at the fame 
 time they decried the Treatife here as fuppofititious , and accuftd him there as 
 criminous, for being the Author of it. But God delivered him out of their 
 hands. 
 
 He pleadeth moreover , That the Bijfjops affembled in Trent tvete not the Popes 
 Minifters. Yet he knoweth right well that they had all taken an Oath of O- 
 bedience to the Pope , for maintenance of the Papacy. Were thefe equal Judg- 
 es ? I confefs there were many noble Souls amongft them who did limit their 
 Oath according to the Cannons of the Church. But they could do nothing , be- 
 ing over-voted by the Popes Clients and Penfioners. 
 
 He asketh rvho were the accufers , rvitnejjes , and Judges of the Tope in the ?ar~ 
 liament 1534, but Ki«g Henry himjelf and hps Miniiiers} I anfwer that they were 
 not King Henrie's Miniiters , but the Truftees of the Kingdom i they were 
 hot fworn to maintain King Henrie's ufurpations y they aded not by a judi- 
 ciary, but by a legillative power j neither did they make any new Law, bat 
 bnely declare the ancient Law of the Land. Otherwiie they medled not with 
 the perfon of the Pope or his Office. If Luther proceeded not in form of Law 
 againft the Pope , it is no marvel. I remember no procefs in Law that was be- 
 tween them. He challenged onely verbum informans , not virgam reformantenu , 
 Do you think that if he or any other had cited the Pope to have appeared in Ger^. 
 many or England^ he^ would have obeyed the Summons ^ They might as wel) 
 
 have'
 
 ■2:^2 A J lift Vi ndication ^ TOME K 
 
 " have called again yefitrday. Hovvfocvcr Lutheis ads concern not us. 
 
 S fl- 4- Their Third Objedion is , That wc have quitted our lawful Patriarch , which 
 
 why R • C arcuinait he faith he rviU omit , becaufe we have j}eken enough of that before. Either 
 not iv^llirg to J °^ iniiiaken , or tliis is a fallacy ot no caufe tor a caule. The true caufe why 
 pK Parriarf he omittcth it being not , becaufe wc have fpokcn enough of it, ( for he hath 
 chal Fewer, continually declined it ) but rather becaufe he (eeth that it is incompatible with 
 that {bvercignty and univerfality of power which the Komatt Bifhops do challenge 
 at this day. Let them lofe the fubllance, whilert they catch at the {hadow. 
 
 But in the place of this he propofeth another objedion which he callcth 
 their nt'fi forcible argument againjl us. Which in brief is this. No Church it 
 to be lift in which filvation is to be had^ but we confej! timt the Roman Church 
 is a true Church in Julftance^ the true Church , &c. I cannot but obferve what 
 difference there is in the judgements of Men , for of all their objedions I take 
 this to be the weakeft. And (b would he alfo, if he would ceafe to confound 
 the Catholick^ Church ^ with a Catholick Church , that is, the univerfal Church 
 with a particular Church, and diftinguifli the ellentials of a Church, from the 
 corruptions of a Church , and make a difference between a juft reformation of 
 our tdvcs , and a caullefs feparation from others. But be the argument what it 
 tr n the will , forcible or weak , it hath been anfwered abundantly in this Treatife over and 
 Pn/. Si c. I- over again. And therefore though he pleafed ( I ufe his own expreffions ) to fay 
 /.I. it often ^ to repat it often ^ to inculcate it : Yet I dare not abufc the patience of 
 
 the Reader with fo many needlefs Tautologies. 
 
 He taxeth me for not Anfvvering fome teftimonies which he hath colleded in 
 a Book of his, called the Proteftants plain Confeffion, which he faith I have 
 read, and therefore 1 ought not to have difftmbled them, but perhaps J thought them 
 too hard to be Anfwered. I confefs I have read fome of his Books formerly, but 
 I deny that I have one of them in prefent. If I had , doth he think it reafon- 
 able , or indeed pollible , that in one Chapter I (hould take notice of all that 
 hath been written upon this Subjed. I confefs I have anfwered many Imperti- 
 nences in this Treatife, but a man would r.ot willingly go fo far out of his way 
 to feck an Impertinence. When I did read fome of his Treatifes , I pitied the 
 mifpending of fo much time, in weeding and wrefling of Authours, of feveral 
 reformations, who writ in the beginning of the Controverfie between fleeping 
 and waking. Sometimes he condemneth us of Schifm for communicating with 
 them-, fome other times he citeth them as our Clallical Authours, and at other 
 times from the different Opinions of the Sons of the fame Church , he impug- 
 neth the concluiion wherein they do all accord. As if I {hould argue this : If 
 the bread be tranfubftantiated into the body of Chriil , it is either by produdion 
 or addudion , but fuch and fach Ko/w^M-Catholick Authours do deny that it is by 
 produdion, and fuch and fuch other Koman Catholick Authours do deny that it is 
 by addudion , therefore by the plain confellion of Ro»w«-Catholicks there is 
 no Tranfubftantiation. If I had omitted any teftimonies of weight cited by him 
 in this Treatife , as he hath done the moft of all my grounds , than with better 
 reafon he might have called it dijfembling. 
 
 He feemeth to me to take this courfe , oncly to make his credulous Reader 
 believe that there is more in his books than there is. It is the Church of 
 England which he hath undertaken to combate. Let him not leave his chofen 
 Province to leek out petty adverfaries among ftrangers , and think to wound 
 the Church of England through their fides. He needeth not to be fo much a- 
 broad , whileft he may have enough to do at home. 
 Pet ?. 4c. ^^ urgeth that there is no falvation out of the Church , no more than there was out 
 The Church "/ the Ark^ of Noah , horpfoever or for whatfoever one went out. That Noahs Ark 
 oJRowf St. was a figure of Baptifm , St. Veter doth affure us: and it may alfo very fitly 
 nol^KcAht^' reprefeiit the Church , but that is the Catholick or univerfal Church , and then 
 Aik. we yield the concluiion, that there is no falvation out of the Church. But 
 
 particular Churches are like feveral Chambers, or Partitions within the Ark of 
 Noah. A man might go out of one of them, until it was clcanfed, into a- 
 nother without any danger. The Church of Rome is '0 not Noahs Ark but 
 
 St...
 
 2S5 
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of Rne,]2ind. 
 
 St. Peters Boat. The reft of the Apoftles had their Boats as well as Saint Peter: 
 he beateth but the air in citing St. Aujiin and Saint Hierome againft us , who have 
 neither left the Church , nor the Communion of the Church. 
 
 He maketh our Church to be in worfe condition than the Church of the 
 Donatifts, bccaufe Protejiants grant that the Church of Rome doth jhll retain the 
 ejfence of a true Church , bict the Vomtifts did deny that the Catholic^ Church of 
 their time vp^s a true Church. Doth he not fee that he argueth altogether a- 
 gainft himfelf ? The Schifm of the Donatifts confifted therein, that they did 
 uncharitably ccnfure the Catholick Church to have loit the eflence of the Churchi Our charity 
 this was indeed to go Schifmatically out of the Communion of the Church: '^".^^ "* f'o™ 
 and on the other fide this is our fafety and fecurity , that wc are fo far frorti ^*''^* 
 cenfuring the Catholick Church , that we do not ccnfure the 'Roman Church 
 ■which is but a particular Church, to be no Church, or to have loii its Com- 
 munion with Chrift , nor have feparated from it in any eflential of Chriftian 
 Religion , but oncly in corruptions and innovations. Our Charity freeth us from 
 Schifm. The uncharitablenefs of the Donatifts rendred them Schifmaticks. It 
 may be a good lelTon for the Romanifts, who tread too much in the Ikpps 
 of the Donatifts. 
 
 What Calvine faith , That God accounteth him a forfak^r of his Religion^ who get^ 6 
 objiinately feparateth himfelf from any Chilian Society^ which k^epeth the true Mi- Cal' Infl. I 4. 
 ni\lery of the Word and Sacraments. Or that there may fame vice creep into the ci.Btc. ,* 
 Minijlery of the rvnrd and Sacraments , which ought not to alienate us from the Com- 
 munion of a true Church , Or Laftly , that we muji pardon errors in thofe things 
 which may be unknoivn without violating the fum of Religion^ or without lofi of 
 Salvation^ or wejhall have no Church at all, doth not concern us , who do not dream 
 of an Anabaptiftical perfedion, and upon this very ground do admit them 
 to be a true Church , though imperfed , who have not feparated our felves 
 but been chafed away , who have onely forfaken errours , not Churches , much 
 left obftinately , and leaft of all in efTentials , who would gladly be contented 
 to wink at fmall faults , fo they would not obtrude finful duties upon us as 
 a condition of their Communion. 
 
 The fame anfwer we give to Perkins and Zanchy , cited onely in the Margin 
 whofe fcope is far enough from going about to perfwade us that we ought not 
 to feparate from the Church of Rowe, for which they are cited by him. Ra- 
 ther on the contrary, if they or any of them have been over rigorous towards 
 the Church of Rome , and allow it not the eflence of a Church , what doth 
 that concern the Church of^ England} will he blame us for being more mo- 
 derate?Truft me thefe Authours were far from extenuating the errours of Popery. 
 He telleth us , That they fay unto us m St. Auftine faid unto the Donatifts 
 If ours be Religion yours is feparation. They may rehearfc the fame words in- 
 deed , but neither is Saint Juiiins cafe , their cafe , nor the Donatifts cafe our 
 cafe. Sometimes they cry down our Religion as a Negative Religion , as faul- 
 ty in the defed. And now (hey accufe us of Superftition in the excefle. We 
 approve no Church , with which they communicate , and we do not. 
 
 Vo^or field faith, that if they can prove the Komzn Church to be the Church 
 they need not ufe any other Argument. It is moft certain , we all fay the fame. 
 But ftill he confoundeth the Church , that is the univerfal Church , with a Church, 
 that is a particular Church , and a Metaphyfically true Church , with a mo - 
 rally true Church. Why doth he cite Authours fo wide from that which he 
 knoweth to be their fenfe. 
 
 In this Sedlion there is nothing but cramhe bis co&a, a repetition of what he Sed. 5. 
 hath formerly faid over and over, of Proteftants feparating themfelues from the 
 whole Chriftian World in Communion of Sacraments. Oncly he addeth the 
 authorities of Mafter Calvine , Docftor Potter , and Mafter Chillingrvorth, which ^"P- '^- '• 
 have already been fully anfwered. Sea.i. 
 
 He faith , J indeavour to prove the Lawful Ordination of our firii "Bijhops in ^ „ . 
 Hjteen Elizabeths time by the teflimony of Publick^ Regifters , and confeffion of Fa- ' ' ' 
 ther Oldcorn. He knoweth better ifhe pleafe, that the hrft Proteftant BilTiops 
 
 A a were
 
 2K4- 
 
 A Jufi Vindiration TOME L 
 
 were not in Ouccn Elrz.bctbs time , but in Edrrard the fixths time. It they 
 were not IWknts they did them the more wrong to burn them for it. The 
 w^lHndical Rceiftcrs do make their Ordination lo plain, that no man who 
 our Ora.n»- ^%''r '"' ^, jJs cvcs can be in doubt of it. He confeffeth that lather Old- 
 
 ttrn ufilfti:"* WI 1 bl'i open HIS <.)<.3 van ,10 n. r 111 
 
 """' ^orn did jay our RefUhrs were authenucah So muft every one fay or think that 
 
 Iccth th;m , and every one is free to fee them that will. But Father Oldcorn 
 ■was a vrifoner , and judged others by himfelf. Yct neither his imprifonment nor 
 his charity did' make him (werve in any other point from his Roman Catho- 
 lick opinions. Why did he change in this more than in any of the reft? Be- 
 -aufc there is no defence againft a Flail , no refifting evident dcmonftration , 
 which doth not perfwade but compel men to believe. 
 
 But n^herefore were mt thefe Jiegijlers Jherced before King James hif time ? They 
 were alwaies Ihewed to every man that dcfircd to fee them. Regifters are pub- 
 lick Records , the fight whereof can be refufed to no man. The Officers hand 
 is known , the Office is fecured from all fuppofititious Writings , both by the 
 lOath and by the honcfty of him that keepeth the Regifter , and by the tcftimony 
 of all others , who view the Records from time to time. He might as well ask 
 why a Proclamation is not (hewed > Which is rtrft publickly promulged, and af^, 
 ter that affixed to the gates of the City , and of the Common-Hall , and all other 
 publick places. If he could have excepted againft the perfbns , either confccra- 
 ters or confecrated , as that there were not fuch perfoiis , or not fo qualified , 
 or not prefent at that time , he had had fome reafbn for himfelfl But Epifcopal 
 Ordination in 'England was too folemn and too publick an Adt to be counterfeited. 
 And moreover the proceedings were publifhed in print , to the view of the 
 World , whileft there were very many living , who were eye-witnefTes of the 
 Ordination. 
 
 And yet by his favour, if there had not been fo many Proteftant Bifliops there , 
 
 as there were, it might have made the Ordination illegal , but not invalid , for 
 
 which I will give him a prefident and a witnefs beyond exception. The prefi- 
 
 dent is Jufline the hrlt Converter of the Englijl) , the Witnefs St. Gregory. Et qui- 
 
 . dem in Anglorum EcclefiH^ &c. And truly in the Englifh Church , wherein there if 
 
 Greg, ^'ff'"^^ fig gf},(r Bifhof but thy felf^ thou canfi mt ordain a Bifhup otherwife than alone, &c. 
 
 Int. . mi • ^^^ ^^^^^ y^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^y- g^^ ^ Bijhofs are ordained throughout alt places , Ordination 
 
 ought not to be made without three or four Bijhops, 
 
 He asketh why Bijhop Jewell or Bijhop Home did mt aVedge thefe Regifiers when 
 they were charged tjy Pr. Harding W Pr. Stapleton to be no confecrated Bijhops ? I 
 might even as well ask him when he citeth an authority out of St. Aujline , why 
 fuch or fuch an Authour that writ before him upon that Subjed, did not cite it> 
 and thereupon conclude that it was counterfeit. An argument from authority 
 negatively is worth nothing. Perhaps , for I can but guefs until he cite the pla- 
 ces , Dr. Stapleion or Harding did not except againft the number or qualification 
 of the Ordainers , but againft the matter or form of their Epifcopal Ordination. 
 Perhaps judging them to be Hercticks, they thought they had loft their chara- 
 fter , which yet he himfelf will acknowledge to be indeleble : Perhaps the accu- 
 fation was general againft all Proteftants , and they gave a general Anfwer. Per- 
 haps they were better verfed in the Schools than in Records : Or Laftly perhaps , 
 or indeed without perhaps , they infifted upon the illegality of their Ordination, 
 in refpeft of the Laws of England , not upon the invalidity of it , as (hall clearly 
 appear in my next Anfwer. In all thefe cafes there was no occafion to alledge the 
 Regifters. 
 
 iVloywere they not fhewed (* (aith he ) when Bijhop Bonner excepted againfl the 
 ftid Home at the Bar ? What need had the Bifhops to defire that their Ordinatioa 
 fliould he judged fuffcient by Varliament Eight years after ? Now let him take one 
 Anfwer for all. There was an Aft paffed for authorizing the Book of Common- 
 prayer , and the Book of Ordination , as an Appendix to it , to be ufcd through- 
 out Ene^Lrid , in the Reign of Edward the Sixth. This Adt was repealed in tha 
 time of Queen Mary, and afterwards revived by Queen Elizabeth , as to the Book 
 of Common-prayer , intending , but not exprefly mentioning the Book of Or- 
 dination
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church i^ Rnghnd. qi-c- 
 
 dination , which was an Appendix to it. So it was rcftorcd again , either ex- 
 prefly under the name of the Book of Common-prayer , as containing the pub- 
 lick Prayers of the Church for that occafion ; or at lead implicitely , as being 
 printed in the Book of Common-prayer from the beginning , as an Appendix to 
 it. Upon this pretended omilhon Bifliop Bonner excepts againrt Bifhop Home's 
 Ordination , not againft the validitie of it ( what have Parliaments to do with 
 the effentials of Ordination ? ) but againft the legality of it as to the Realm of 
 England , by reafon of the former pretended omilfion. So to take away fcru- 
 ple , the Parliament enadled that it fliould be deemed good in the eye of our 
 Englifh Law. The Parliament knew well that they had no power to make 
 that Ordination valid in it felf which was invalid in it felf , nor to make that 
 invalid which was valid. This had been to alter the eflentials of Ordination. 
 But they had power , for more abundant caution , which never doth hurt 
 to take away that fcruple which was occafioned by a Statute of Queen Mary 
 which in truth was fufficiently removed before. What is this now to our 
 Regifters , whe'ther they be authentick or not ? No , we beg no help from a- 
 ny civil Ads or Sanftions to maintain our. Ordinations, either for matter 
 ox form. But we are ready to juftifie them by thole very rules which he faith 
 the Council o( Trent offered to the Proteftants, namely Scripture, Tradition, 
 Councils , Fathers , and efpecially the pradife of the Catholick Churchi 
 
 But he faith , n>e are not ordered to offer trite fubjiantial facrifice , Not expre- 
 fly indeed. No more were they themfelves for eighthundred ycarsafter Chrift , and 
 God knows how much longer. No more are the Greek Church, or any other 
 Chriftian Church in the world ("except the Roman^ at this day. Yet they acknow- 
 Icdg them to be rightly ordained,and admit them to exercife ail offices of their Pricft- 
 ly Fundlion in Rome it felf, which was alledged by me in the vindication^ and is paf- 
 fed over in filence by R. C. in this furvey. The Greeks have no more mention 
 of a Sacrifice in their ordination then we. The Grace of God promotes fueh a venerable 
 Deacon to be a Tresbyter, yet the Church of Rome approveth their Ordination and all 
 their other Rites, fo they will but onely fubmit to the Popes fpiritual Monarchy,as 
 we have feen in the cafe of the Patriarch of A/xz^i/, and the Ruffians fubjedt to 
 the Crown of Po/uMwi and the like favour was ofkied to Queen Elizabeth , upon 
 the fame condition. It is not fo long fince Pope Gregory ereQed a Greek. Colledge 
 at Rome to breed up the youth of that Nation, where they have liberty of all 
 the Greeki(h Kites , onely ack^orvledging the Supremacy of the Pope. 
 
 But though we have not exprefs words for offering of Sacrifice, nor the tra- ^'""'''"''''/" 
 dition of the Patine and the Chalice ( no more had their own Anceftors for %-^*ji!'lhe 
 a thoufand years ) yet we have thefe words, Receive the Holy Ghoft : whofe fins tift'of Amu- 
 thau doeft remit , they are remitted, &c. Be thou a faithful difpencer of the JFord rath 4. 
 and Sacraments , then which the Scriptures and Fathers did never know more, '^^ it-ff'rence 
 which their own Dodors have juftified as comprehending all effentials, which ffr^ghtl^'un- 
 being jointly confidercd , do include all power neceffary for the exercife of the derflood. 
 Paftoral Office. We acknowledge an Euchariftical Sacrifice of Praife and Thankf- 
 givingi a commemorative Sacririce , or a memorial of the Sacrifice of thcCrofsj 
 a reprefentative Sacrifice , or a reprefentation of the Paffion of Chrift before 
 the eyes of his Heavenly Father ; an impetrative Sacrifice, or an impetration 
 of the fruit and benefit of his Paflion, by way of real prayer i and laflly an 
 applicative Sacrifice , or an application of his merits unto our Souls. Let him 
 that dare go one ftep further then we do , and fay that it is a fuppjetory 
 Sacrifice to fupply the defeds of the Sacrifice of the Crofs. Or elfe let them hold 
 their peace and fpcak no more againft us in this point of Sacrifice for ever. 
 
 Yet in his margint he hath placed a cloud ofoux Dodtors, iFhitakers, Mor- 
 ton, Chillinetporth , Potter, Fulk^, Reiiiolds , Lmmer ^ without citing a fyllabk 
 of what they fay , faving onely Litimer and Reinolds , that the nami of Priefi 
 importeth Sacrifice or bath relation to Sacrifice. In good time i to do him a cour- 
 telie we will fuppofe that all the reft fay as much. Such Sacrifice, fuch Prieft. 
 Let the Reader Learii not to fear dumb fhews. There is nothing which any 
 of thefe fay which will either advantage his caufe or prejudice ours, 
 
 A a 2 Here
 
 " 7 A Juji Vindication TOME ^ 
 
 — Here he profdlcth to omit the furvcy of my laft chapter, yet becaufe he 
 
 touchcth fomc things in it upon the by , I am obhged to attend his motion^ 
 Firft I wonder why he (hould term us fugitives. If we be fugitives, what is 
 he himfclf? No, we are Exttles ^ excluded out of our Countrey , not Frojugi, 
 fugitives of our own accord from our Countrey. And we hope that he who 
 Jeth on his rvay weeding , and beareth forth good feed, fljaV return mthjoy and bringhis 
 %eaves with htm. If not , God will provide a rerting place for us , either 
 under Heaven or in Heaven. iVe praife thee Cod, we ackjiowledge thee to be the Lord. 
 In the conclulion of my Treatife I propcfed Three ready means for the 
 uniting of all Chriftian Churches , which feemed to mc very reafonable. One 
 of them was. That whereas fome Seds have contradted the Chriftian Faith 
 over much , by reviving fome Herefies condemned by the primitive Church > 
 and on the other fide , the Church of 'Rome had enlarged the Chriftian Faith 
 over mucli , by making or declaring new Articles of Faith in this laft age of 
 the World , the Creed or Belief of the Church containing all .points of Faith 
 neceflary to be known of all Chriftians , fhould be reduced to what it was 
 in the time of the firft Four general Councils C I might add ) and many 
 ages after. No man dares fay, that the Faith of the primitive Fathers was 
 imperfedt or infufficient. Againll this he maketh Three Objedions i Firft , 
 There ate fun- That there are no fuch fundamental pints of Faith as Proteftants imagine , fitffl:ient 
 damentals. ^^ jalvation , though other points of Faith fufficiently fropofed he not believed. 
 This Obje(3:ion is compounded of truth and falfhood. That there are fuch 
 Fundamentals he himfelf confeffeth elfewhere , which are neceflary not onely 
 necejjitate pr^cepti , but necejjjtate medii : and if he did not confefs it, the 
 ^rfc. 5."' authority of the Apoftle would evince it. That the belief of thefe alone is 
 <^c. fufficicnt for the falvation of them to whom no more is revealed , he dare 
 
 not deny ; And that the belief of thefe is fuflicient to them who do not be- 
 lieve other truths which are revealed unto them , no Proteftants did ever ima- 
 gine. Obferve how cunningly he confounds the ftate of the Queftion. The 
 Queftion is not , what is neceflary for a man to beliete for himfelf: This is 
 as different as the degrees of mens knowledge , but what may lawfully be im- 
 pofed upon all men , or what may be exafted upon other men to whom it 
 is not revealed , or to whom we do not know whether it be revealed or not 
 Then if he would have objeded cny thing material to the purpofe , he fhould 
 havefaids That the belief of all Fundamentals is not fuflicient to falvation, 
 unlefs other points of Faith be impofed or obtruded upon all men , whether 
 they be revealed or not revealed to them. And this had been diredly contrary 
 to the plain Decree of the general Council of Ephefut , That no new Creeds 
 nor new points of Faith {hould be impofed upon Chriftians , more than the 
 Creed then received. 
 
 His fecond Objedion is this , though there were fuch Fundamentals , yet feeing 
 Troteftants confefs they h^ow not which they are , one cannot k^iow by them n>ho hold 
 . . /o much as is neceffary to a true Church. I do not blame either Proteftants or 
 neal^ry w be Others , efpecially private and particular perfons , if they be very tender in fet- 
 beleeved to ting down precifely what points of Faith are abfolutely neceflary to falvation , 
 falvation ordt- the rather becaufe it is a curious, needlefs , and unprofitable fpeculation. Since 
 ^"^^y the blefled Apoftles have been fo provident for ihe Church , as to depofite 
 
 and commit to the cuftody thereof the Creed , as a perfcd Rule and Canon of 
 Faith , which comprehendeth all Dodlrinal points which are abfolutely necefla- 
 ry for all Chriftians to falvation , it were great folly and ingratitude in us to 
 wrangle about circumftances , or about fome fubftantial points of lefler con- 
 cernment , whether they be fo neceflary as others. This is fuflicient to let us 
 know , who hold (b much as is neceflary to a true Church in point of Faith , 
 even all thofe Churches which hold the Apoftles Creed , as it is expounded in 
 the Four firft general Councils. 
 St'thfnifEf. '^'^ ^^^^^ ^^^ '^"^ Objedion followeth : AV points of Faith fufficiently propofcd are 
 feniiali. * ^Jf^^ttial and fundamental , mr can any fuch point be disbelieved without infidelity , 
 and giving the lye to God , iK Frotejiants jometimes confefs. If by fufficicnt propo- 
 
 fal
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of Ens,hnd. 257 
 
 fal he underftands the propofal of the Church of Rome , I deny both parts o 
 his AfTertion : Many things may be propofed by the Church of Rome which are^ 
 neither fimdamental truths , nor inferiour truths , but errours which may be dif- 
 believed without either inrtdelity or fin. Other men are no more fatisfied that 
 there is fuch an infallible proponent, then they fatisfie one another what this in- 
 fallible proponent is. If either a man be not aflured that there is an infallible 
 proponent , or be not aflured who this infallible proponent is , the propofition 
 may be disbelieved without giving God the lye. But if by fufficient propofal he 
 underllands God's adtual revelation of the truth, and the convidion of the con- 
 fcience , then this third Objedion is like the firft , partly true , and partly falfe. 
 The later part of it is true, that whofoever is convinced that God hath revealed* 
 any thing , and doth not believe it , giveth God the lie i and this the Prote- 
 ftants do alwayes affirm. But the former part of it is ftill falfe. All truths that 
 are revealed are not therefore prefently Fundamentals or Eflentials of Faith , no 
 more than it is a fundamental point of Faith that St. Paid had aCloak. That 
 ■which was once an eflential part of the Chriftian Faith , is alwayes an eflential 
 part of the Chriftian Faith v that which was once no Eflential , is never an EC- 
 fential. How is that an eflential part of faving Faith , without which Chriftians 
 may ordinarily be faved ? But many inferiour truths are revealed to particular 
 perfons , without the adlual knowledge whereof many others have been faved 
 and they themfelves might have been faved , though thofe truths had never been 
 propofed or revealed to them. Thofe things which may adefe or abejje , be prc- 
 fent or abfent , known or not known , believed or not believed , without the 
 deftrudion of faving Faith , are no Eflentials of faving Faith. In a word fbme 
 things are necefTary to be believed when they are known, onely becaufe they are 
 revealed , otherwife conducing little , or it may be nothing , to falvation. 
 Some other things are necefTary to be believed , not onely becaufe they are re- 
 vealed , but becaufe belief of them is appointed by God a necefl!ary means of 
 falvation. Thefe are , thofe are not , EfTentials ot Fundamentals of faving 
 Faith. f 
 
 Another means of reunion propofed by me in the Vindication , was the re- •A"^'^' fope$ 
 duClion of the Biihop of Rome from his univerfality of foveraign Jurifdidiion fo^eSlmvl^ 
 jure divine ^ to his exordium unitatis , and to have his Court regulated by the Ca- rtdivm. 
 nons of the Fathers , which was the fcnfe of the Councils of Conflance and Ba- 
 f!e. Againfl this he pleadeth ■■> Firft , That ancient Topes praUifed or challenged 
 Epijcopalor Fajhral Jitthority ovet aU Chriftians , jure divino , in greater Ecclefia- 
 ftical caufes. And for the proof thereof referreth us to BeVarmine. To which I 
 Anfwer ■, Firfi: , That the Paftors of Apoftolical Churches had ever great au- 
 thority among all Chriftians, and great influence upon the Church, as Honou- 
 rable Arbitrators , and faithful Depofitaries of the genuine Apoflolical Tradition^ 
 but none of them ever exercifed Sovereign Jurifdidion over all Chriftians. Se- 
 condly , I anfwer , That the Epiftles of many of thofe ancient Popes , upon 
 which their claim of univerfal Soveraignty jure divino is principally grounded 
 are confefTcd by themfelves to be counterfeits. Thirdly , I anfwer , That anci- 
 ent Popes in their genuine Writings do not claim , nor did pra<ftife Monarchical 
 power over the Catholick Church, much lefs did they claim it jure divino, but 
 what power they held , they held by prefcription , and by the Canons of the 
 Fathers , who granted fundry priviledges to the Church of Rome , in honour to 
 the memory of St. Peter , and the Imperial City of Rome. And fome of thofe 
 ancient Popes have challenged their authority from the Council of Mce , though 
 without ground, which they would never have done , if they had held it jure OftbeChuTc% 
 divino. And for anfwer to BfKirw/w , whom he onely mentioneth in eeneral j''S'<»«;3'« 
 refer him to Dr. FieW. ' '"''•*^' 
 
 In the next place he citeth St. Hierame^ That Chrifi made one Head among the 
 T'lvelve to avoid Schifm. And hove much more necejjary ( faith R. C. ) is fuch a Head ,. , 
 
 in the univerfal Church? It was difcreetly done of him to omit the words going L.9'^«h(^' 
 immediately before in St. Hierome ■■, But thou fayeft the Church U founded upon jo^i^' 
 St. Peter, "the fame U done in another place upon all the Apoftles ■■, they all receive the^ 
 
 h^yes
 
 "TT^ ' A Ju( i Vindkation TOME U 
 
 ^ y\a of the Kimdm cf Heaven , a>!d the ftrengtb of the Church u eflabUflnd equally 
 
 vion tim all. \ have Oicwcd him formerly in anhver to tbis }.Mace , that in a bo- 
 
 dy endowed with power , as tlic Church is , an Headdiip of Order alone is a fu^ 
 
 Hcicnt remedy againlt Schifm. His [ how much more ] fliould be how much lefs : 
 
 Sop c. 5. a llngle perfon is more capable of the government of a fmall Society , than of tha 
 
 Sea I. uhole world. ^, . , r -r,,, , . 
 
 After this, he citcth MelarUhon^ As there are jome Bijhops rpho govern divert 
 Cent. ^Pifl' Churches the Bijhop of Rome governeth ali Bijhops , and this Cammcal policy J 
 Thetlef.lA- ^y^^j^^^jg ^,;jg „,j,t Joth dijallow. 1 cannot in prefent procure that Century of The- 
 oloeical EpiiHes , but I have perufcd Melandhon's Epiftles , publifhed by Ca^ar 
 Tucerus wherein I hnd no fuch Epiftle. I examine not whether this Epiftle by 
 him cited be genuine or counterfeit , and if genuine , whether MelanCihon's 
 words be rightly rchearfed , and if rightly rehearfed , at what time it was 
 written whether before he was a formed Proteftant or after. It^ppeareth 
 plainly in the words here cited , that Melatitihon was willing to acknowledge the 
 Papacy onely as a Canonital policy. And fo we do not condemn it , whileft it is 
 bounded by the Canons of the Fathers. But then where is their jw divimm or 
 the Inftitution of Chrift > Where is their abfolute or univerfal Soveraignty of 
 Power and JurifdiAion ? In all probability if thefe be the words of MelanUhm , 
 his meaning was confined to the 'Roman Patriarchate , which was all the Church 
 that he was much acquainted with. And that either thefe are none of his words, 
 or that they were written before he was a formed Proteftant, or that he intended 
 onely the Koman Patriarchate , is moft evident from his later and undoubted 
 Writings , wherein he doth utterly and conftantly condemn the Papal univerfal 
 Monarchy of the Koman Bifhop. 
 A modetate And LaAly , what MelanCihon faith , is onely in point of prudence or difcre- 
 Papacyir.iglit tion , \_he thin^ no wife man ought to difil^ if. 3 We are not fo ftupid as not to 
 piove "'^f'^"' ' {^e but that fome good ufe might be made of an exordium VnitaiU Eccleft^ic£ ^ 
 torn. '"^*^' efpecially at this time when the Civil Power is fo much divided and diftraded. 
 But the Quere is even in point of prudence , whether more good or hurt might 
 proceed from it. We have been taught by experience to fear Three dangers i 
 Firft , when we give an Inch, they are apt to take an Ell : Tyrants arc not 
 often born with their teeth , as 'Richard the Third was, but grow up to their 
 excefs in procefs of time. Secondly , When we give a free Alms , ( as Feter-pence 
 were of old ) they ftraight-way interpret it to be a tribute and duty. Thirdly , 
 What wc give by humane right , they challenge by Divine Right to the See of 
 B-ome. And fo will not leave us free to move our rudder , according to the va- 
 riable face of the Heavens , and the viciffitude of humane affairs. 
 
 Thefe are all the Teftimonies which he citeth , but he prefenteth unto us ano- 
 ther dumb {he-w o( Englijh Authours in the Margin, Ifhitakfrs , Laude, Fotter , 
 ChilirgTvorth , Mmntague , befides fome Forreigners. But if the Reader does put 
 himfelf to the trouble to fearch the feveral places , notwithflanding thefe titles 
 or fuperfcriptions , he will find the boxes all empty , without one word to the 
 puipcfe , as if they had been cited by chance , and not by choice. And if he 
 (hould take in all the other Writings of thefe feveral Authours , they would not 
 advantage his caufe at all. Bifliop Mountaeue is efteemed one cf the moft indul- 
 gent to him among them , ( though in truth one of his faddeft Adverfaries, ) 
 yet I am confident he dare not ftand to his verdid:. Habeat potejiatem Ordin'n , 
 Ec^rtart ^""f^f"'' J^ , Confilii , Co^ifuhationU , Conclufonif , Executionis , delegatam. Suhfit 
 j(/?.f,\?S.* <"<"■»' ilia poteftof Ecc/t/ire, aufribilis fit perEcckfiam, citm non fit in VivinU Scri- 
 pturis infiituta , non Petro perfonaliier addiVia : Let the Bifliop cf Rome have delega- 
 ted unto him , ( that is by the Church ) a power cf Order , 'Diredion , Counfel , 
 Corfiiltaiion , Conclufion , ( or pronouncing fentence ) and putting in execution. But 
 kt that power be JubjeCi to the Church , let it be in the Churches power to taki '* 
 away , feeing it is not inftituted in the Holy Scriptures , nor tyed perfonaVy unto 
 
 The c lufi ^^^^^' 
 
 ^^e concu - To conclude , the fame advice which he giveth unto me, I return unto himr 
 
 fcIC Att(ndite ad Feiram unde excifi (j\U \ Look^ unto the rock^ whence ye are hewn. 
 
 Look
 
 Discourse HI. Of the Chnrch of England. 2«;9 
 
 Look unto the Church of Bierujjlem , and remember , That the Lan> came 
 out of Zion , and the Word of the Lord out of Hierufalem. Look unto the 
 Church of Antioch , where the Vifcipks were firjl called Cbrijhans : Look 
 unto the other Eajiern Churches in whofe Regions the Son of Righteoufhefs 
 did fliine, when the Day of Chriftianity did but begin to dawn in your Coafts. 
 Look to the primitive Church of Kome it felf , Whofe Faith wof fpok^n of through- 
 out the whole World , and needed not the Papplemental Articles of Tim the Fourth. 
 Laftly , Look unto the true Catholick Oecumenical Church , whofe Priviledees 
 you have ufurped , and feek not to exclude fo many Millions of Chriftians from 
 the hope of Salvation , and the benefit of Chrifis PalGon , in rohom all the Nations 
 of the World neere to he blejfed. This indeed is the onely fecure way both to Unity 
 and Salvation , to keep that entire Form of DoGrine without addition or diminu- 
 tion , which was fufficient to (ave the holy ApolHes , which was by them contra- 
 ded into a Summary , and depofited vr ith the Churches to be the true badge and 
 cognifance of all Chriftians in all fucceeding ages , more than which the primitive 
 Fathers , or rather the reprefentative Church of Chrift , did forbid to be exaded 
 of any perfon that was converted from Jewrfin or Paganilm , to Chri/tianity. And 
 Of many as walk^according to thit Kulf ( of Faith ^ Peace be upon them and Mercy, and 
 upon the Ifrael of Cod.
 
 odo 
 
 Ji Jufi Vindication 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 REP L Y 
 
 T O 
 
 S, VF\ Refutation of the Bifliop of 
 Verrys juft Vindication of the Church of 
 
 England. 
 
 \^^ H E moft of S. W" Exceptions have been already largely and par- 
 ""K^ ticularly fatisfied in the former reply to the Bifliop of Chakedon. 
 ^5 Yet left any thing of moment might efcape an anfwer , I will 
 5 review them , and anfwer them generally and fuccindly, as they 
 *• are propofed by him. To his Title of DoiPM-Pf rry. I have nothing 
 to fay , but that it were ftrange if he fliould throw a good caft , who feals 
 his bowl upon anunderfong. 
 
 S E C T. I. 
 
 IN the firft place , he profefleth to flicw the impertineacy of my grounds , 
 and to ftick the guilt of Schifm not onely with colour^ but reith undeniable 
 evidence, upon the Enghjh Church, by the very pofition of the cafe or ftating of 
 the queftion between us ■■> and this he calleth a little after their chief ObjeCfiott 
 againjl us : what then ? is ftating of the queftion and Objeding all one > I con- 
 fefs, the right pofition of a cafe may difpel umbrages, and reconcile contro- 
 verfies, and bring much light to the truth. But as the Lyon asked the Man 
 in the Fable, vcho made the pUtire ? we may crave leave to demand, whofliall 
 put this cafe ? furely he meaneth a Koman Catholick. For if a Proteftant ftatc 
 it , it will not be fo much for their advantage , nor the bare propofition of it, 
 bear fuch undeniable evidence in it. 
 
 I hope a man may view this Engine without danger. Jn the heginmng of 
 
 Henry the Eighths Keign , and immediately before his fubftradion of Obedience 
 
 from the See of Kome , "the Church of England, agreed vpith the Church of Rome, 
 
 and all the refi of her Communion in itvo points, which were then and ftiV are 
 
 the bonds of unity , betwixt aV her members , the one concerning Faith , the other 
 
 Government. For Faith , her rule was , that the Vodrines which had been inherit 
 
 ted from their Forefathers as the legacies of Chrift and hU j4p(ftles , were folely to 
 
 t>e ack^oxvledged for Obligatory , and nothing in them to he changed. For Covern- 
 
 ment , her principle was , that Chrifl had made S. Peter firft , or chief, or Frince 
 
 cf hU jipnjiles, who was to be the firji mover tinder him in the Church after hi* 
 
 departure out of this world , and that the Bijhops of KorciQ as fticcejfors of S. Peter 
 
 inherited from him this privikdge , &c. A little after he acknowledgeth, that the firft 
 
 principle includeth the truth of the fecond. And that there is this manifeft evidence 
 
 fr it , that ftill the latter Age could not he ignorant of what the former believed , 
 
 and that as long as it adhered to that method , nothing could be altered in it. 
 
 Before we come to his application of this to the Church of England, or his 
 inference from hence in favour of the Church of "Kome, it will not be amifs 
 to examine his two principles, and (hew what truth there is in them, and how 
 falftiood is hidden under the vizard of truth. In the firft place , I defirc the 
 Reader .to obferve with what fubtilty this cafe is propofed, that the Church of 
 
 Eng-
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of En^hnd. 261 
 
 England agreed rpitb the Church of Rome and all the refi of her Communion. And 
 again , that the Eijhop of Rome exercifed this Poa>er in all thofe Countries xvhich k^pt 
 Communion rvith the Church of Rome. So feeking to obtrude upon us the 
 Church of Kome , with its dependants for the Catholick Church. We owe re- 
 fped to the Church of Kome as an Apoftolical Church , but we owe not tliat 
 conformity and fubjedion to it , which we owe to the Catholick Church of 
 Chrilt. Before this pretended feparation , the Court of Kome by their temera- 
 rious cenfures had excluded two- third parts of the Catholick Church from their 
 Communion , and thereby had made themlelves Schifmatical. The world is 
 greater than the City , all thefe Chriftian Churches which are excommunicated 
 by the Court of Rowe, onely becaufe they would never ( no more than their 
 Anceftours ) acknowledge themfelves Subieds to the Bilhop of Kome , did in- 
 herit the Dodtrine of faving Faith from their forefathers , as the Legacy of 
 Chrift and his Apoftles , and have been as faithful depofitaries of it as they. 
 And their Teftimony what this Legacy was , is as much to be regarded as the 
 Teftimony of the Church of Kome , and fo much more , by how much they 
 are a greater part of the Catholick Church. 
 
 Secondly, I obferve how he makes two principles, the one in Dodrinc, the 
 other in difcipline i though he confefs that the truth of the latter is included 
 in the former, and borroweth its evidence from iti onely that he might gain 
 the more opportunity to fhuffle the latter ufurpations of the Popes into the an- 
 cient difcipline of the Church i and make thefe upftart novelties to be a part 
 of that ancient Legacy. 
 
 Fruflra fit per plura quod fieri poteji per pandora. ■•, It is in vain to make two 
 rules , where one will ferve the turn. I do readily admit both his rirll: and 
 his fccond rule reduced into one in this fubfequent form : That thofe Do- 
 drines and that difcipline which we inherited from our forefathers, as the Le- 
 gacy of Chrift and his Apoftles , ought folely to be acknowledged for obli- 
 gatory, and nothing in them to be changed, that is Subftantial or EffcntiaL 
 So the Church of England maintains this rule now as well as they. The 
 queftion onely is, who have changed that Dodrine or this Difcipline, we or 
 they ,? We by fubftradion, or they by addition > the cafe is clear, the Apo- 
 ftles contraded this Dodrine into a Summary, that is , the Creed i the primitive ' 
 Fathers expounded it where it did ftand in need of clearer explication. The 
 General Council of Ephefm did forbid all men to exad any more of a Chri- 
 ftian at his Baptifmal profeffion. Into this Faith were we Baptized , unto this 
 Faith do we adhere i whereas they have changed and enlarged their Creed by 
 the addition of new Articles , as is to be feen in the new Creed or Confef- 
 fion of Faith made by Fiuf the Fourth: fo for Dodrine. Then for Difci- 
 pline, We profefs and avow that Difcipline which the whole Chriftian 
 world pradifed for the firft fix hundred years , and all the Eaflern , South- 
 ern and Northern Churches until this day. They have changed the beginning 
 of Unity into an llniverfality of Jurifdidion , and Soveraignty of Power a- 
 bove General Councils , which the Chriftian world for the firft Six Hundred 
 Years did never know, nor the greateft part of it ever acknowledge until 
 this day. Let St. Peter be the firft or chief, or in a right fence the Prince 
 of the Apoftles, or the firft mover in the Church , all this extends but to a 
 primacy of order , the Soveraignty of Ecclefiaftical power was in the Apo ■ 
 ftolical Colledge , to which a General Council now fucceed th. It is c- 
 vident enough whether they or we do hold our felves bettet to the Legacy 
 of Chrift and His Apoftles. 
 
 Thirdly , Whereas he addeth , that the Bijhop5 of Rome at fuccejjors of St. 
 Peter inherited his priviledges , and aUually exercifed this povper in all thofe Coun- 
 tries Tphicb h^pt Communion with the Church of Rome , that very year wherein 
 this unhappy feparation began •, as it cometh much ftiort of the truth in one 
 refped , for the Popes exercifed much more power in thofe Countries which 
 gave them leave, than ever St. Peter pretended unto i fb it is much more 
 (hort of that Univerfal Monarchy which the Pope did then , and doth ftil! 
 
 B b claim.
 
 T^^^ — " A Jnji Vindication T O M E T> 
 
 claim For as 1 have already faid, two Third parts of the ChrilHan world were 
 not at that' time of his Communion , but excommunicated by him onely 
 becaufe they would not fubmit their necks to his yoke. And thofe otner 
 Countries which yielded more obedience to him , or were not fo well able to 
 contell againrt him , yet when they were over much pinched , and his opref- 
 fions and ufurpations did grow intolerable, did oppofe him,, and make them- 
 felvcs the lall Judges of their own Liberties and grievances, and of the Li- 
 mits of Papal authority , and fet bounds unto it , as 1 have demonftrated in 
 the Vindication. So whereas this refiiter doth undertake to ftate the cafe clear- 
 ly he comtth not near the true queftion at all , which is not , whether the 
 Bifliop ofKow.'f had any authority in the Catholick Church-, he had authority 
 in his Diccefs as a Bifliop i in his Province as a Metropolitan ; in his Patriar- 
 chate as the chief of the iive Protopatriarchs s and all over , asthe Bifliop of 
 an Apoftolical Church , or fuccefTour of St. Teier. But the true quertion is , 
 what are the right limits and bounds of his authority ? whether he have a le- 
 giflative power over all Chriftians ? whether the patronage and difpofition of 
 all Churches doth belong unto him ? whether he may convocate Synods , and 
 exercife Jurifdidtion , and fell palles, pardons and indulgences , and fend legates, 
 and fct up Lcgantine Courts , and impofe penfions at his pleafure , in all King- 
 doms without confent of Sovereign Princes, and call all Eccleiiaftical caufcs 
 to Kome , and interdid whole nations , and infringe their Liberties and Cu- 
 ftoms , and excommunicate Princes , and deprive them of their Realms , and ab- 
 folve their Subjedts from their allegiance ? Let thefe pretended Branches of 
 Papal Power be Lopped off, and all things reftored to the primitive form, and 
 then the Papacy will be no more like that itifaiia Laurus , the caufe of conten- 
 tion or divifion in all places. In the mean time , if they want that refped 
 which is due unto them , they may blame themfelves , who will not accept 
 what is their juft right, unlefs they may have more. 
 
 Fourthly , That which follows is a great miftake , that it was and U the conjiant 
 helitf rf the Caiholic]i^ world , that thefe frmci^ks are Chriji^s own Ordination recorded 
 in Scripture. What ? that St. Feter had any power over his Fellow-Apoftles ? or 
 that the Bifliop of Kome fucceeds him in that power? It doth not appear out of 
 the holy Text that St. Peter was at B-ome^ except we underftand Kome by the 
 name of Babylon. If it \>e ChrijVs own Ordination recorded in the Scriptures , that 
 St. Peter fliould have all thefe Priviledges, and the Bifliop of Kome inherit them 
 as his Succeffor , then the great General Council of Chalcedon was much to be 
 blamed , to give equal Priviledges to the Patriarch of Conjlantinople , with the 
 Patriarch of Kome •, and to efteem the Imperial City more than the Ordination 
 of Chrifl. Then the whole Catholick Church was much to be blamed, to re- 
 ceive fuch an unjufi: Conflitution not approved by the then Bifliop of Kome. 
 Laftly., This is fo far from the conftant Belief of the Catholick World, that it 
 is not the Belief of the Koman Chiirch it felf at this day. The greateft Defen- 
 ders of the Pope's Supremacy dare not fay , that the Bifhop of Kome fucceedeth 
 St. Ptttr hy Chriji^s own Ordination , but onely by St. Peter^ dying Bifhop oiKome. 
 They acknowledge that St. Pf^fr might have dyed Bifhop of Antioch , and then 
 they fay the Bifhop of Antioch had fucceeded him , or he might have died Bifhop 
 of no place , and then the Papacy had been in the difpofition of the Catholick 
 Church , though he died at Kcme , as without doubt it is , and may be contra- 
 cted , or enlarged , or tranflated from one See to another , for the advantage of 
 Chriflian Religion. His manifeft evidence , which he flileth fo ample a memory 
 and fucc(fion as U ftrovger than the ftcck^ of hifmane government and aQion ; That 
 is , that jiill the later age cculd not be ignorant of what the former believed , and as 
 long as it adhered to that method^ nothing could be altered in it^ is Co far from a 
 Demonflration , that it fcarcely deferveth the name of a Topical Argument. 
 For as an univerfal uncontroverted Tradition of the whole Chriflian world of 
 all ages united , is a convincing and undeniable evidence , C fuch a Tradition is 
 the Apoftles Creed , comprehending in it all the necefTary points of faving Faith, 
 repeated daily in our Churches, every Chriflian ftanding up at it, both to ex- 
 
 prefs
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of Eughnd. '26^ 
 
 preG his aflent unto it , and readinefs to maintain it , profefled by every Chri- 
 liian at his Baptifm , either perfonally when he is of age fufficient , or by his 
 Sureties , when he is an Infant , and the Tradition of the univerfal Church of 
 this age , a proof rot to be oppofed nor contradided by us. ) So the tradition 
 of fome particular perfons , or fome particular Churches, in particular points or 
 opinions of an inferiour nature , which are neither lb necelTary to be known , 
 nor fo firmly believed, nor fo publiquely and univerfally profefTed nor deri- 
 ved downwards from the Apoflolical ages by fuch uninterrupted fucceflion, doth 
 produce no fuch certainty either of evidence or adherence. When the Chriftian 
 World is either not united , or divided about particular opinions or inferiour 
 points of Faith , it proveth moft probably that there was no Apoftolical tradition 
 at firft , but that particular perfons or places have aflumed their refpedive opi- 
 nions in fucceeding Ages. Or other wife there is a fault in the conduit- pipe, or 
 an errour and failing in the derivation of the tradition. And both thefe do take 
 much away from affurance , more or lefs according to the decree of the oppo- 
 fition. In fuch queflionable and controverted points as thefe , which are neither 
 fo univerially received , nor fo publiquely profelTed , his aflertion is groundlefs 
 and erroneous , that the htter age cannot be ignerant what the former believed. 
 Yes , in fuch controverted points this prefent Age may not know , Yea , doth not 
 know what it felf believeth , or rather opiniateth , until it come to be voted 
 in a Synod. The moft current opinions in the Schools are not always the 
 moft generally received in the Church , and. tho(e which are moft plaufible in 
 one place , are often hiffed out of another. And though it were pollible for 
 a Man to know what opinion is univerfally moft current, yet how fhall he 
 know that the greater part is the founder part ? or if he did how (hall he know 
 that what he believeth in fuch points is more than an indifferent opinion? Or 
 that it was depofited by the Apoftles with the Church, and delivered from 
 Age to Age by an uninterrupted fucceflion ? No ways but by univerfal tradition 
 of the Chriftian World united , either written or unwritten : but this is all the 
 evidence which they can exped , who confound univerfal tradition with par- 
 ticular tradition, the Koman-Chutch with the Catholick Church, the Chri- 
 ftian world United with the Chrilfian World divided , and Scholaftical opinions 
 with Articles of Faith. 
 
 Yet from thefe two principles he maketh two inferences, the one aeainft 
 the Church of England , that fince the reformation neither the former rule of «- 
 ttity of Faith , nor the Second of Vnily of Government have had any tower in the 
 Englifh Church. Whileft he himfelf knoweth no better what we believe who 
 live in the fame Age , how doth he prefume , that the latter Age cannot be 
 ignorant of what the former believed ? I have ftiewed him already how we do 
 willingly admit this principle wherein both his rules are comprehended that 
 the dodrines and difcipline inherited from our Fore-fathers as the Legacies of 
 Chrift and his Apoftles , are folely to be acknowledged for Obligatory and 
 nothing in them to be changed. This is as much as any perfon difinteWed 
 can or will require. And upon this principle we are willing to proceed to a 
 trial with them. There is a fallacy in Logick, called of more interrogations then 
 one , that is , when feveral queftions of different natures, to which one uniform 
 anfwer cannot be given, yea, or no, are mixed and confounded to<>ether. So 
 he doth not onely fet down this fecond rule concerning Government ambieu- 
 oufly , that a Man cannot tell whether he make St. Peter onely an head of or- 
 der among the Apoftles, or an head of fingle Power and Jurifdidion alfo 0- 
 ver the Apoftles , but alfo he (hutfles the Bifhop of Rome into St. Peters place 
 hy Chrijh own ordination , and confounds St. Peters Exordium Vnitatis with the 
 ufurpcd Power of Popes , as it was adually exercifed by them in latter Ages. 
 
 His fecond inference is in favour of the Church of Kome , that the Ronmn- 
 Church with thofe Churches which continue in. Communion with it ^ are the onely 
 Churches which have true VoCirine in virtue of the firji principle above mentioned- 
 Mnd the right Government in virtue of the fecond ', and confeqnently are the entire 
 Catholick, or Vniverfal Church of Chrijlians , all others by misbelief or Schifm bein^ 
 
 Bb 2 excluded
 
 0^4 
 
 A Juji Vindication TOME I . 
 
 1 < A Our anfwcr is ready, that the Church ofKowe, or the Court of 
 Se have fophidicated the true Dodrine of Faith by their fupplemental Arti- 
 cles and erroneous additions , contrary to the hrft principle, and have intro- 
 ^ d into the Church a tyrannical and unlawful government contrary to the 
 fecond principle, and are (o far from being the entire Catholick Churc-h,that 
 by them both, they are convided to have made themfelves guilty of fuperftition 
 
 and SchifiTi' ^ . , , . » ^-.i t ^ 
 
 And lallly where he faith , that my onely way to clear cur Church from 
 Schii'tn is either by difiroviiig the former to be the neceffiry rule of Unity in Faith; 
 or tie Liter the necefary bond of Government ^ he is doubly miftaken. Firft, We 
 are the perfons accufed , our Plea is negative or not Guilty. So the proof ly- 
 eth not upon us , but upon him to make good his accufation by proving us 
 
 Schifmaticks. ^ ,. , n n j . c ^■ 
 
 Secondly if the proof did reft upon our fides , we do not approve of his 
 advice : It is not we who have altered the Dodrine or Difcipline which Chrift 
 left to his Church by our fubftradtions , but they by their additions. There is 
 no doubt but Chrifts Legacy ought to be preferved inviolable i but we deny 
 that Chrift bequeathed fpiritual Monarchy over his Church to St. Teter, and that 
 the Bifliop of Rome is St. Feters Heir by Chrifts Ordination. And that this was 
 the conftant belief cf the Catholick world at any time. This is his Province ; 
 let him either make this good or hold his peace. 
 
 s 
 
 S E C T. 1 1. 
 
 O his Prologue is ended, now we come to his animadverfions upon my 
 
 arguments. My firft ground was, becaufe not Proteftants , hut Koman-Catho- 
 
 licks themfelves did make the firft feparation. To which his firft anfwer is. 
 If it were fo , horv doth that acquit w, fince continuance in a breach of thif nature 
 is as culfable of the beginning ? Many ways. Firft , It is a violent prefumption 
 of their guilt and our innocence , when their beft friends and beft able to judge, 
 who preached for them, and writ for them , who aded for them, andfufterecl 
 for them , who in all oth'er things were great Zelots of the Ro»;/;«-Religion , 
 and perfecuted the poor Proteftajits vi^ith fire and Faggot , did yet condemn 
 them , and juftify this feparation. Secondly , Though it doth not always cx- 
 cufc a toto , from all guilt and puniftiment, to be mifled by others into errour, 
 Jfthe blind lead the blind , both fall into the ditch, yet it doth always cxcufe a 
 tanto , it lefleneth the fin, and extenuateth the guilt. Perfons mifled by the 
 example and Authority of others are not fo culpable as the Firft Authours and 
 ringleaders in Schifm. If this feparation be an Errour in Proteftants , the Ro- 
 ww«-Catholicks do owe an accompt to God both for themfelves and us, did they 
 find caufe to turn the Pope out of England, as an intruder and ufurper , and 
 could Proteftants , who had no relation to Rome , imagine that it was their 
 duties to bring him in again ? 
 
 Thirdly, In this cafe it doth acquit us not onely a tanto, hut a toto , not one- 
 ly from fuch a degree of guilt but from all Criminous Schifm , fo long as we 
 feek carefully after truth , and do not violate the didates of our Conlciences. 
 If he will not believe me let him believe St. Juftin. He that defends not his 
 Epift* 1 6a. ^^jj-g gpj„i„f^ „ifi, pertinacius animofuy, having not invented it himfelf, hut learned 
 it from hU erring Farents , if he enquire carefully after the truth , and be ready to 
 embrace it , and to' correU his errours when he finds them , he is not to be refuted 
 an Heretick , If this be true in the cafe of Berefie , it is more true in the cafe 
 of Schifm. Thus if it had been a crime in them , yet it is none in us ■, but 
 in truth it was neither crime in them, nor us, but a juft and necefTary 
 duty. 
 
 Secondly , He anfwereth , That it is no fufficient proof that they were no Froteftants, 
 becaufe they perfecuted Froteftants ; for Frotefiants perfecute Froteftants , Lutherans , 
 Calvinifts , Zwinglians, Puritans , and Brownifts perfecute one another. What 
 then were JVarham , and Heath , and thurksby , 'tttnfcail , and Stok^fey , and Gar- 
 diner,
 
 Discourse III. Of the Cfmrcb of Eno^hud. ^Sk 
 
 diner, and Bomier , &c. all Protelknts? Did Proteftants enjoy Archbifiiopricks 
 and Bifliopricks in England , and fay Maffes in thofe dayes ? will he part Co eafily 
 with the greatert Patrons and Champions of their Church , and oppofers of the 
 Reformation? If he had writ thus much whilcft they were living, they would 
 have been very angry with him. Yet at the lead if they were Proteftants , let 
 him tell me which of thefc Seds they were of, Lutherans , 6v. But he telleth 
 us , that the renouncing of the Pope is the tnofl ejjential part of our Keformation and 
 jo they had in them the quintessence of a Protefiant. He is miftaken , this part of the 
 Reformation Avas done to our hands , it was their Reformation , not ours. But 
 if he wUl needs have the Kingdoms and Churches of England and Ireland to have 
 been all Proteftants in Henry the Eighth's dayes , onely for renouncing the Pope's 
 abfolute univerfal Monarchy , I am well contented , we fhall not loCe by the bar- 
 gain. Then the primitive Church were all Proteftants, then all the Grecian, Kuf- 
 fan , Armenian , Abyfen Chriftians are Proteftants at this day i then we want no 
 fture of Proteftants even in the bofome of the Koman Church it Cd€ 
 
 S E C T. 1 1 1. 
 
 MY fecond ground ( faith he ) was , becaufe in the pparatioa of England 
 from Rome there was no neve harp made , but onely their ancient Liberties vin- 
 dicated. This he is pleafed to call notorioujfy falje and impudence it felf, becaufe 
 a Larv rvas made in Henry the Eighth's time , and an Oath invented , by which wof 
 given to the King to be Head of the Church , and to have all the power the Ptpe did at 
 that timepojfes in England. Is this the language of the Roman Schools ? or doth he 
 think perhaps with his outcries and clamours , as the lurks vvith their Alia , Alia, 
 to daunt us , and drive us from our caufe ? Chriflian Reader , of what Commu- 
 nion foever thou art , be but indifferent , and 1 make thee the Judge where this 
 notorious falfliood and impudence doth reft , between him and me. I acknow- 
 ledge this was the Title of my Fourth Chapter , that the King and Kingdom of Eng- 
 land in the feparation from Rome , did make no new Law , but vindicate their ancient 
 Liberties. It feemeth he confoteth the Titles , without looking into the Chapters; 
 Did I fly , they made no new Statutes ? No, I cited all the new Statutes which 
 they did make , and particularly this very Statute which he mentioneth here. Yet 
 f faid V they made no new Law , becaufe it was the Law of the Land before that 
 Statute was made. The Cuftoms and Lihexties oC England 3.re the ancient and 
 common Laws of the Land ■■, whenfoever thefe were infringed , or an attempt 
 inade to deftroy them , ( as the Liberties of the Crown and Church of England 
 had then been invaded by the Pope ) it was the manner to reftore them , or to de- 
 clare them by a Statute , which was not operative to make or create new Law , 
 but declarative to manifeft or to reftore ancient Law. This I told him exprefly in 
 the Vindication, and cited the judgment of our greateft Lawyers, Fitz Herbert, and ^""^- '''• 4* 
 my Lord Cookj.o prove that this very Statute was not operative to create new Law, ^''^' '^' 
 but declarative to reftore ancient Law. This appeareth undeniably by the fta- 
 tute it (elf. That England U an Empire , and that the King as head of the 
 body Politick^conffringof the Spirituality and lemporality , hath plenary power to ren- 
 der final Jujiice for af matters. Here he feeth exprefly that the political fupre- 
 macy or headfliip of the King over the Spirituality as well as Temporality, which 
 is all that we aflert at this day , was the ancient fundamental Law of Eng- 
 land. And left he (hould accufe this Parliament of partiality , I produced ano- 
 ther that was more ancient. 
 
 "fl^e Crown of England hath been fo free at all times , that it hath been in no earth- „ „ 
 Jy fubjeCtion, but immediatly fubjeUid to God in all things touching it's Kegality , attd i^.'x. a.'c! s* 
 to no other , and ought not to he fubmitted to the Pope. Here the Kings Politi- 
 cal Supremacy under God is declared to be the fundamental Law of the 
 Land. Let him not fay that this was intended onely in Temporal matters, for 
 all the grievances mentioned in that ftatute are exprefly Ecclelialtical. What 
 was his meaning to conceal all this and much more , and to accufe me of 
 impudence. 
 
 Secondly,
 
 166 
 
 A Jiifl Vvidication TOME 1, 
 
 Secondly He faith, that J bring diverfe allegations wherein the Fofes pretences 
 mre not admitted , or where the Pope is exprejiy denied the Tower to do juch and 
 fitch thines. 'Do rve profefr the Pope can pretend no more than hh right ? Doth he 
 thij'k a le'ejtimate authority U rejeded , when the particular faults of them that are 
 in authority are refjied .? He ftileth the Authorities by me produced meer Al- 
 legations , yet they are as authentick Records as England doth afford. Bnt though 
 he be willing to blanch over the matter in General exprellions of the Popes 
 pretences, and fuch or ftich things , as if the controverfy had been onely about 
 an handful of Goats wool , I will make bold to reprefent fome of the Popes 
 pretences, and their Declarations againft them. And if he be of the fame mind 
 with his Anceftours in thofe particulars , he and I (hall be in a probable way 
 of reconciliation as to this queftion. They declared that it was the cullom oic 
 M tm I i-de Common Law of the Land , ut nuVus prater licentiam Regis appelletur Papa^ 
 Czft-t''"'- thzt no Pope might be appealed unto without the Kings Licence, They made a Law, 
 Arg- Reg. that ij any one were found bringing in the Popes Letters or Mandates into the Kingdome , 
 Honed, in *,'• ^^^ ^y^^ ^^ apprehended , and let Jufiice pafiupon him without delay , as a Traitor to the 
 King and Kingdome. They exercifed a legiflative Power in all Ecclefiaftical cau- 
 fes, concerning the external fubiiftence, Regiment, and regulating of the Church, 
 and over all tcclefiaftical pcrfons , in all ages as well cf the Saxon as of the 
 "Norman Kings. They permitted not the Pope to endow Vicars , nor make fpi- 
 ritual corporations, nor exempt from the Jurifdidion cf the ordinary , nor ap- 
 propriate Churches , nor to difpofe Benefices by lapfe , nor to receive the Re- 
 venues in the vacancy , but the King did all thefe things , as I {hewed at large 
 in the vindication. They permitted not the Popes Canon Law to have 
 ao,//'. 3. f-9« any p]ace in Ew^/^iw^ further then they pleafed to receive it. They gave the 
 King the laft appeal of all his Subjefts , they afcribed to him the Patronage of 
 Bifhopricks , and inveftitures of Bifhops. They fuffered no Subje<ft to be cited 
 to Rvme without the Kings Licence. They admitted no Legates from the Pope, 
 but meerly upon courtefie , and if any was admitted, he was to take his Oath to 
 do nothing derogatory to the King or his Crown. If any man did denounce the 
 S/<if. Chretid. Pope's Excommunication in England without the King's confent , or bring over 
 Stat. Carlilo. the Pope's Bull , he forfeited all his goods. So the Laws of England did nof al- 
 ^'"'J'}"'' low the Pope to cite or excommunicate an Englijh Subjeft , nor difpofe of an En- 
 27."£<//'cA.5. g^'./^^'^n^fi'^^j ^^^ fend a Legate a latere, or fo much as an authoritative Bull 
 16 Ktch,2, into England J nor to receive an appeal out of England, without the King's Li- 
 i- cence. 
 
 Plactt.an.i- But, faith he, To limit an Authority , implies an admittance of it in cafes to whicb 
 
 FUit. /in. *^Jf rejiraints extend not. This was not meerly to limit an Authority, but to deny it. 
 
 32, tf 34' What lawful Jurifdidliou could remain to him in England, who was not permit- 
 
 Edv. 1. ted by Law to receive any appeal thence , nor to fend any Citation or Sentence 
 
 thither , nor execute any Authority over an Englijh Subject , either at Rome by 
 
 himfelf, or in England hy his Deputy, without Licence? That he exercifed all 
 
 thefe adts at fometimes there is no doubt of it. But he could not exercife them 
 
 lawfully without confent. Give us the fame limitation which our Anceftors alwaies 
 
 claimed , that no Forreign Authority (hall be exercifed in England without leave, 
 
 and then give the Pope as much authority as you pleafe , volenti non fit injuria , 
 
 confent takes away error. He is not wronged who gives leave to another to wrong 
 
 him. 
 
 He demandeth Firfl , Were not thofe Laws in force in the beginning of Henry the 
 Eighth's Raign? Yes, but it is no ftrange matter to explain , or confirm , or re- 
 new ancient Laws upon emergent and fijbfcquent abufes , as we fee in Magna char- 
 ta, the Statute of Provifo's , and many other Statutes. Secondly, He asketh w^e- 
 iher we began our Religion there , that is , at that time when thefe ancient Laws 
 were m.ade, No , I have told him formerly that thefe Statutes were onely declara- 
 tive what was the ancient common Law of the Kingdom. We began our Reli- 
 gion from Jcfeph of Jrimathea's time, before they had a Church at Rome, But it 
 is their conftant ufe to make the leafi Reformation to be a New Religion. Laflly, 
 He enquireth whether there be not equivolent Laws to thefe tn France , Spain , Ger- 
 many ,
 
 I'ljcoufiSE I II. Of the Church of Enghnd. 267 
 
 imnji and Italy it felj\ and yet they are Catholick^ , and hold Commnnion toith 
 the Fope ? Yes , there are fome fuch. Laws in all thefe places by him mentio- 
 ned , perhaps not fo many, but the liberties of the French Church are much 
 the fame with the EngUp , as I have fhewed in the Vindication. And there- ^''' 7- P-* t "'' 
 fore the Popes friends do exclude France out of the number of thefe Countries 
 which they term Fays d' obedience , Loyal Countries. What u/e fome other Coun- 
 tries can make of the Papacy more than we in England^ concerns not me nor 
 this prefent difcourfe. And here to make his conclufion anfwerable to his 
 preface in this Sedion , he cries out , How ridiculous , How impudent a manner ■ 
 oj jpeaki>fg is this ? to force his Headers to renounce their eyes and ears , and ali e- 
 Tidence. Nay Reader, it is not I that go about to force thee to renounce 
 thy eyes or ears or thy evidence , but it is he that is troubled for fear thou 
 fhouldeft ufe thine Eyes and Ears to look upon the evidence. And therefore 
 like the Priefts of Cybele on purpofe makes all thisnoife, to deaf thine Ears 
 kalt thou {houldeft hear the lewd cries of otir • Laws. 
 
 S E C T. I V. 
 
 TH E Scope of my fifth Chapter was to fliew that the Britamtkk^ Chur- 
 ches ( that is , the Churches of the Britanic\ JJIands ) were ever exempt- 
 ed from Forraign Jurifdidion for the iirft fix hundred Years , and fo ought 
 to continue. His jnrd exception to this is , Hon> the Britannick pritiledges do 
 belong to us ? Have rce any title from the Britannick Churches , otherwije than 
 by the Saxon Chri{hans , who onely were our Ancejhurs ? &c. Yes , well enough. 
 Firfc JFaks and Cornwall have not onely a local , but a pcrfonal fucceliion. 
 No man can doubt of their right to the priviledges of the Britannick^ Churches. 
 Secondly , there is the fame reafon for the Scots and Pids , who were no more 
 fubjeded to Forreign Jurifdidion , than the Britons themfe'ves. All thefe 
 put together , Britons , Scots and PiSs , did polTefs about two third parts of 
 the Britannick. Jfands after the Saxon Conquefts were confummated. Thirdly, a-^ 
 mong the Saxons themfelves the great Kingdoms of Mercia and Northumber- 
 land were converted by the ancient Scots , and had their Religion and ordi- 
 nation firft from them , afterwards among themfelves , without any Forreign de- 
 pendance , and fo were as free as either Britons or Scots , and ought to con- 
 tinue fo. Fourthly throughout the reft of England a world of Britijh Chriftians 
 after the conquefts did ftill live mixed with the Saxons, fuch. as they had no 
 need to fear fuch as might be ferviceable to them, as it commonly falleth out 
 in all Conquefts , otherwife the Saxons had not been able to people the fixth 
 part of the Land . Who can deny thefe poor conquered Chriftians , and their 
 Chriftian pofterity , though mixed with Saxons , the juft privile.dges of their An- 
 ceftours. Laftly , the Saxon Conqueft gave unto them as good Title to 
 the priviledges, as to the lands of the Britons., fo foon as they were capable 
 of them. And fo at their firft converfiou they were free , and continued free 
 and further than themfelves pleafed to confent ought to continue free for ever. 
 
 Secondly he objedeth that this pretended execution of the Britijh Churches isfalfe. 
 For nothing is more evident in Hijiory , than that the Britifh Churches admit d ap~- 
 pellation to Rome at the Council ofSardica. Before he can alledge the authority 
 of the Council of Sardica , he muft renounce his divine inftitution of the Papa- 
 cy. For that Canon fubmitteth it to the good pleafure of the Fathers •-, -and 
 groundeth it upon the inemory of St. Feter , not the inftitution of Chrift. Fur- 
 ther , how doth it appear , that the Britifh Bifhops did afTent to that Canon ? 
 This is meerly prefumption without any procfe. The Council of Sardica was 
 no generall Council after all the Eajiiim Bifhops were departed as they were before the 
 making of that Canon. Neither were the Canons of the Council of Sardica ever re- 
 ceived in Enghnd^or incorporated into theE«g/i/&laws,& without fuch incorporation, 
 they did not bind Englijh Subjed>\ Laftly, this Canon is contradided by the great 
 gsn;ral council of Chalcedm^ which our Church receiveth. There appeareth not the 
 leaft footlfep of any Papal Jurifdidion exercifcd in EngUitd by Elcutherins, but the 
 
 coiy
 
 I 
 
 •68 
 
 Clii s 
 
 A Juft Vindication TO M E K 
 
 ■ , I Lcsillativc part to king Uicius^ and the Briufl} Billiops. 
 
 And it Voyz L<Bieitm " ^ j-^^^^ ^p ^h, ^,„f, by Tahdius , as we have ve- 
 
 from Pclag.an.rm , or con ^_^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^ ^^^ .^ ^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^.^^ 
 
 '^ II ro/'tirexercife of any Papal Jurifdidion in Britaui , Preaching and Con- 
 ^^^- and Baptizing , and Ordaining, are afts of the Key of Order, not of 
 ^"■fd^dion But the(e' inrtances , and whatfoever he hath in anfwer to the Bri- 
 ■^Y^' obfervation of Eajhr .zxz preffed more home by the Bifliop 6i Chakedon ^zxil 
 dearly fatisfied in my reply to him. Whether I refer the Reader. 
 
 But f faith he ) that which is mainly to the furpoje is^ that jince this frivikdge f he 
 meaneth the Supremacy ) defcends upon the Fope as fuccefmr to St. Peter ^ horv far 
 't was executed may be unkiiown, but , that it was due^ none can be ignorant, words 
 are but wind , when they are utterly deftitute of all manner of proofe. We ac- 
 knowledge the Pope to be fucceffour of St. feter^ and ( if he do not forfeit it by 
 his own fault) we are ready to {5ay him fuch refped as is due to the Bifhop of an 
 Apoftolical Church-, but for any fpiritual Monarchy, or Univerfal Jurifdidion , we 
 know no manner of Title that he hath. His pretence is more from ?hocM the u- 
 furper,than from St. Veter. And here though I know not this Hereditary pri- 
 viledge of the Pope defcended from St. Yeter , ( there is no' knowledge of that 
 ■which hath no being ) and the burthen of proving it lyes upon him •, yet he 
 taxeth me for leaving it , and jpending my time about the Popes Patriarchal power. 
 I obferve how ready they are all to decline all manner of difcourpj concern- 
 ing the Popes Patriarchal Power -, And yet for a long time , it was the fairell flower 
 in their Garland , I know not what is the reafon , but we may well conjedure, 
 becaufe they find that their fpiritual Monarchy , and this Patriarchal dignity , arc 
 inconfiftent the one with the other , in the fame fubjed. They might as well 
 make a King to be a Sheriffe of a Shire , or a Prefident of a particular Province 
 within his own Kingdom , as make a fpiritual Monarch to be a Patriarch. 
 And yet a Patriarch he was, , and fo always acknowledged to be , and they can- 
 not deny it. 
 
 Among other proofs of the Britijh Liberty , I produced the anfwer of Vi- 
 oHothu to Aujiin , no obfcure perfon as he makes him •, but a man famous for 
 his Learning , Abbot and Re&or of the famous Univerfity of Bangor ; wherein 
 there were at 'that time above 2100 Monks and Students , at the very clofe of the 
 firft (ix hundred Years, 'that he k>tew no obedience due to him whom they called the 
 Pope but obedience of Love : And that under God they were to be Governed by the 
 Bijhop of Caerleon. This Record he calleth, apiece of a wornWclih Manufcript, 
 and a manifeji forgery of a Counterfeit h^tave. And to prove it Counterfeit , he 
 produceth three reafons. Firft, That the word Pope without any addition is put for 
 ihe Bifhop of Rome -, which if our great Antiquaries can (hew in thefe dayes , he 
 ■will confefs himfelf furprized. I (hall not need to trouble^ any of our great Anti- 
 quaries about it. It will fuffice to commit him and his friend Cardinal Bihr- 
 mine together about it. I fee, friends are not always of one mind. Thus he, 
 WeRo. Cumabfolute pronunciatur Papa ^ ipfe foluf intelligitur ^ ut patet ex confilio Chalcedo- 
 Pont.c.gi.' nenfi: Beatijfimus & Apoftolicus vir Papa hoc nobis pr^cipit. Nee additur Leo, 
 AH. is. aitt Romanus , aut nobis Romx , aut aliquid aliud. If^oen the word Pope is put alone, 
 
 the Bifhop of Rome onely is to be underjiood , iK appeareth out of the Council of Chal- 
 cedon , f 7he mofi bkf!ed and Apojiolical man , the Pope doth command us this ~\ 
 Neither is their added Pope Leo , or the Pope of Rome , or the Pope of the City of 
 Rome , or any other thing. 
 
 His Second Exception hath no more weight than the former , That there was no 
 fuch Bifhoprick^as Caerleon in thofe dayes , the See being tranflated fifty years before 
 that to St. David'j i Where is the contradidioh > The name of t\^ old Diocefs is 
 Caerleon. The new See or Throne was the new Abbey Church ereded at Mene- 
 •via , which place pofterity called St. Davids. But St. Davids could not be called 
 St. Davids whileft he himfelf lived , nor afterward , until Cuftcme and trad of 
 time had confirmed fuch an appellation. Some would make us believe , that 
 St. David and St. Gregory dyed upon the fame day , and then he was Hill living 
 
 wircn
 
 Discourse I II. Of the Church of Enghnd. q^o 
 
 when Vilwth gave this Anfwer. But let that be as it will , for it is not much ma- 
 terial. St. Vavid after the Tranflation of his See dyed Archbifliop of Caerleon ■■, 
 Tunc ohiit fanCuffmiu VrbU Lcgiomtm Jrchiepijcopus David in Menevise Cimate, &c. Sr;f. Hili- 1. 
 Then dyed the mort holy Archbifhop of Caerleon , St. David, in the City of' Me- "•'• ?• 
 fievia y And long after his death it ftill retained the name of Caerleon , even after Pag. io6. 
 it was commonly called St. Davids. So much Sir Bemy Spelman might have put 
 him in mind of i VifceJJerat ante h£c dignitof a Caerlegtone ad Landaviam fnh Dubri- 
 tio , & mox a Landavid ad Meneviam cum fanUo Davide , &c. Sed retento pariter 
 Caerlegionis iitulo. And left he fliould account Sir Henry Spelman partial Jet him 
 hear Giraldw Camhrenfis , Babuimw afud Meneviam VrbU kgiomm Archiepijcopos 
 juccifive vigimi quinque , quorum primus fuit SanSiu David, &c. IFe had at Mene- ^M^mnev!* 
 via, Yive and twenty Archhijhops 0/ Caerleon, whereof St. David ivof the Firft.diflinH.i. ' 
 What can be more plain ? {hould a man condemn every Authour for counterfeit' 
 wherein St. Albans is called Verulam prefently after St. Alban's death ? It is an or- 
 dinary thing for the fame City to have Two names , and much more the fame 
 Bilhoprick ; one from the old See, another from the new : or one from the Dio- 
 cefs , another from the See : as the Bifhop of OJfory or Kilkenny indifferently. 
 
 His Third Exception is fo flight , that I cannot find the edge of it , becaufe 
 Sir Eenry Spelman found no other antiquity in it worth the mention , rvhich jhrewdly 
 implyes, that the Book^was made for this alone. And how doth he know that Sir 
 Henry Spelman found no other antiquities in it ? There might be many other Bri- 
 ti(h Antiquities in iti and yet not proper for a colledion of Ecclefiaftical Councils : 
 Or if there had been no other antiquity in it , would he condemn his Creed for a 
 counterfeit , becaufeit is not hudled together confufedly , with fome other Trea- 
 tifes in one Volume ? But to demonftrate evidently to' him how vain all his tri- 
 fling is againft the teftimony of Diomthm , why doth he not anfwer the corrobora- 
 tory proof, which I brought out of Venerable Bede and others , of two Briti^ Sy- 
 nods, held at the fame time , wherein all the Britijh Clergy did renounce all obe- 
 dience to the Biflaop ot Kome , of which all our Hifloriographers do bear witnefs> 
 Why doth he not anfwer this , but pafs by it in fo great filence ? He might as well 
 accufe this of forgery as the other , fince it is fo well attefted, that Diomthm was a 
 great Aftor and Difputer in that bufinefs. 
 
 SECT. 5. 
 
 IN my Sixth Chapter , I proved Three things : Firfi: , That the King and 
 Church of England, had fufficient authority, to withdraw their obedience 
 from the Koman Patriarch. Secondly , That they had juft grounds to do it. And 
 Thirdly, that they did it with due moderation. 
 
 Concerning the firft point , he chargeth me the fecond time , for infifting up- 
 on a wrong Plea > that is , their Patriarchal authority , which he confefleth to be 
 humane and mutable. I have formerly intimated , why they are fo loath to en- 
 tertain any difcourfe concerning the Pope's Patriarchate : becaufe they know not 
 how to reconcile a Monarchy of Divine Inftitution, with an Ariflocracy of hu- 
 mane Inftitution. When I firft undertook this fubjedt , I conceived , that the 
 great ftrength of the Koman Sampfon did lie in his Patriarchate •, But fince this Re- 
 futer quitteth it , as the Pope himfelf hath done , not for Six hundred years onely 
 (he fpeaks too fparingly } but for a thoufand years , ever fince Phocof made Boniface 
 Univerfal Biftiop , 1 am well contented to give over that fubjed , upon thefe two 
 conditions > Firft , that he do not prefume that the Pope is a fpiritual Monarch 
 without proving it. Secondly , That he do not attempt to make Patriarchal Pri- 
 viledges to be Royal Prerogatives. 
 
 Yet he will not leave this humane right before we have refolved him Three Que- 
 ftions. Firft, ( faith he ) fuppofe the Chriftian world had chofen to themfelves one head 
 for the prefirvation of Vnity in Keligion ;■ What wrongs mu(i that head do , to be fuffi- 
 cient grounds , both for the depofitinn of the perfon , and abolition of the Government ? 
 Nay , put the cafe right , Suppofe the Chriftian World fliould chufe one for or- 
 der fake , to be their Prefident , or Prolocutor in their General Aflembly , and he 
 
 C c fliould
 
 ijo 
 
 A Jnji Vindication TOME I* 
 
 'dioald endeavour to make himfcir their Prince , upon fonrie feigned Title , Did not 
 he defervc to be turned out of his employment , and if they found it expedient to 
 
 have anot er c^o ^^ r-^^^ ^ ^^^j. ^jj-^ alteration fhould be made by fome om party of 
 
 I rZmanCommn-wealth, tvhich tnuji feparate it felf fromthe commmion of the reji 
 
 rrlfilLmy ; Ought mt far mightter caufes than thefe to be expeHed ? One mirtake 
 
 I ets anorlier as one circle in the water doth produce another : We have made 
 
 fuch feparat'ion from any juft authority , inftituted by the Catholick Church: 
 
 we nourish a more Catholick Communion than themfelves. But if our Steward 
 
 Ml forfake us, becaufe we will not give him leave to become our Mafter, who can 
 
 help it ^ 
 
 Thirdly He fuppofcth , that hy fettitt^ afide this Supreme Head, eternal dijlenti- 
 
 ns vfiU inevitably foUoxv in the whole Church ojfChrifi i and then demandeth, JVhether 
 the refufal to comply vitf^ *^^ humours of a lujiful Trince , be ground enough to renounce 
 Co necefjary an authority ? How (hould the refufal to comply be any fuch ground? 
 Certainly he means , the compliance rvith the humourt of a lujiful Prince. I pafs by 
 the extravagancy of the expreiiion.' Whatfoever they have faid , or can fay con- 
 cerning Henry the Eighth , fo far as it may refled upon the Church of England , is 
 cleared in my Reply to R. C. 
 
 Firft He begs the qucftion , Chnlt never inltituted the Apoltles , never conftitu- 
 ted the Catholick Church, never acknowledged any fuch Supream Head of Power 
 and Jurifdidiion. 
 
 Secondly, The Church and Kingdom of E«g/j«d, had more lawful , juft and 
 noble grounds for their feparation from the Court of Rome , than any bafe parafi- 
 tical compliance with the humours of any Prince whatfoever. , as he cannot chufe 
 but fee in this very Chapter. But who is fo blind as he that will not fte ? 
 
 Thirdly , We do confefs, that the Primitive Papacy, that is, an Exordium unitatif^ 
 
 a beginning of unity i was an excellent means of Concord. We do not envy the 
 
 Bi(hop of Kome , or any Honour which the Catholick Church did allow him i 
 
 . But modern Papacy which they (eek to obtrude upon us , is rather fas Mlus {aith) 
 
 Kihi dipf ^^^ ^^^^^ ^j- ^jj jiflentions , and Controverfies of the Chriftian World. 
 
 ""*'"■ Laftly , To his demand concerning the Englip Court and Church , Whether 1 
 
 rvould condefcend to the rejeGion of Monarchy , and to the extirpation of Epifcopacy \ for 
 
 the mifgovernment of Trinces , or abufrs of Prelates ? lanfwer, No j But this will not 
 
 advantage his caufe at all , for Three Reafons ; 
 
 Firft Never were any fuch abufes as thefe objeded , either to Princes or Pre- 
 lates in England. 
 
 Secondly, We feek not the extirpation of the Papacy , but the reduftion of it to 
 the primitive conftitution. 
 
 Thirdly, Monarchy and Epifcopacy are of divine inftitution, Co is not a Papal 
 Soveraignty of Jurifdidion. His Parliamentary Prelacy hath more found than 
 weight. We need not be beholden to Parliament for the Juftification of our Pre- 
 lacy , as he will find that undertakes it. 
 
 S E C T. V I. 
 
 » jX 7 E are now come to the grounds of oar feparation from the Court of 
 Y y p^ome. Reader , Obferve and wonder ! All this while they have been 
 calling to us for our grounds : They have declaimed , that there can be no juft 
 grounds of fuch a feparation. They have declared in the Hypothefis, that we had 
 no grounds, but to conjply with the Humours of a luftful Prince. Now we pre- 
 fent our grounds being reduced to Five Heads. 
 
 Firft , The moft intolerable extortions of the Roman Court , committed from 
 age to age without hope of Remedy. 
 
 Secondly, Their moft un juft ufurpations of all Rights , Civil, Ecclefiaftical , fa- 
 cred and prophane of all Orders of men , Kings , Nobles , Biftiops , &c. 
 
 Thirdly , The malignant influence , and cfteds of this Forraign ]urifdidion , 
 deftrudive to the right ends of Ecclefiaftical Difcipline, producing difunion in 
 
 the
 
 " - ■ ^■■. I ■ ■ ■■ - ■!■■ ■■ I ■■ m 
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of England. 27 
 
 the Realm, fadions and animolities between the Crown and the Mitre, intefthie 
 difcord between the King and his Barons , bad intelh'gence with Neighbour Prin- 
 ces , and Forraign wars. 
 
 Fourthly, a lilt of other inconveniencies, or rather mifchicfs that did flow from 
 thence: as to be daily Subjedl to have new Articles of Faith obtruded upon them > 
 expofed to manifeit peril of Idolatry , to forfake the Communion of Three parts 
 of Chriftendom , to approve the Popes Rebellion againit General Councils and to 
 have their Bifliops take an Oath contrary to their Oath of Allegiance, to maintain 
 the Pope in His Rebellious ufurpations. 
 
 Laftly, the weaknefs of the Popes pretences, and the exemption of the Brita- 
 mck Church from Forraign Jurifdidion by the decree of the General Council of £- 
 phefus : Certainly , he ought to have (liewed , cither that thefe grounds conioyned 
 were not fufficient , or that they were not true , or that there were other remedies i 
 But he is well contented to pafs by them all in fdence, which is as much as yield 
 the caufe. 
 
 Thus he. It is then of little concernment to examine, vohether his complaints hi true or 
 falfe , fince he does not jhere there was ne other remedy but divifion ? What? is it of 
 little concernment to examine whether the grounds be fufficient or noi It belongs 
 not to me to (hew that there was no other remedy, that is, to prove a negative •, but 
 if he will anfwer my grounds , it belongs to him to (hew that there was other re- 
 medy, yet fo far as a negative is capable of proof; I have die wed even in this Chap- 
 ter , that there was no other remedy : I fhewed that the Pope and his Court were 
 not under the Jurifdidlion of the King or Church of England , fo as to call them to 
 a perfonal account , I (hewed that the Englijfj Nation had made their addreffes to 
 the Pope , in Council , out of Council , for eafe from their oppre/lions , in divers 
 ages , and never found anybut what they carved out to themfebes at home after 
 this manner. He adds , And much more (nice it is h^orvn, if the Authority be ofChriiis 
 inftitution , nojuft caufe can pojftbly be given for its abolijhment. This is a very Enthv- 
 mematical kind of arguing , If the sky fall, we (hall have larks. He knows ric>ht 
 well , that it is his alfumption which is latent , that we deny , that we have abo- 
 li(hed anything which either Chrift or his Church did inftitute. 
 
 He proceedeth , But moft , becaufe all other CatholickCountries might have made the 
 fame exception rvlncb Enghnd pretends; yet they remain Hill in Communion mth the 
 Church of Rome, and after rve have brol^ the Ice , do mt hold itreafonahk to follo«> our 
 example. Few 01 no Catholick Countries have fufiained fo great oppreflion from the 
 Court ofKome as England hath,which the Pope himfelf called his Garden of delieiht 
 a Well that could not be drawn dry. All other Countries have not right to the Cyprian 
 Priviledge to be exempt from Forreign Jurifdidion , as Britain hath. Yec all other 
 Catholick Countries , do maintain their own Priviledges inviolated and make 
 themfelves the laft Judges of their grievances from the Court of Rome. 'Some other 
 Catholick Countries know how to make better ufeof the Papacy than England doth- 
 yct England is not alone in the fcparation , fo long as all the Eaiiern, Southern 
 Northern and (b a great part of the Weftern Churches have feparated themfelves froni 
 the Court of Rome , and are feparated by them from the Church of Rome as well 
 as wev yet if it were otherwife, we mull live by precepts, not by examples. 
 
 Nay, ( faith he ) "f he former ages of our Countrey had the fame caufe to caji the Popes 
 Supremacy out of the Land : yet rather preferred to continue in the peace of the Church 
 than attempt fo dejirudive an innovation, Miftake not us fb much , we- defire to live in 
 the peaceable Communion of the Catholick Church , as well as our Anceflours as 
 far as the Roman Court will give us leave : neither were our Anceftours fo ftupid to 
 fee themfelves fo fleeced and trampled upon , and abufed by the Court of Rome and 
 to fit (till in the mean time, and blow their nofes. They did by their Laws exclude 
 the Popes Supremacy out of England, fo far as they Judged it necefTary for the tran- 
 quillity of the Kingdom, that is, hispatronage of Churches, his Legates and Le- 
 gantine Courts, his Bulls and Sentences, and excommunications , his Legi- 
 ilative Power, his Power to receive appeals , except onely in cafes where 'the King* 
 dom did give confent. They threatned him further to make a wall of fcparation be- 
 tween him and them: We have more experience than our Anceflours had , that 
 
 C c 2. theit
 
 V' 
 
 A Jnft Vmdication T O M E T- 
 
 their rcmccUcs were not foveraign or J^^i^^t ero"gh i that if wf give him leave 
 to thruft in his head, he will never reft until he hath drawn in all his body after, 
 whilelt there are no bonds to hold him but National Laws. 
 
 Lalilv He pleads that the pretences on vehicb the Lnglilh Schijm rvaf oTigtmly 
 made n-ere far different from thofe which J norv tjki up to defend it. What inward 
 motives or impullives our Reformers had to feparate from the Court of Rome , 
 Godknoweth, not I , that concerneth themfelves , not me. But that there were 
 fufticient grounds cf feparation, I dcmonftrate , that concerneth the caule , that 
 concerneth me. Their inanimadvertence might make the feparation lefs juftiriable 
 to them , but no lefs lawful in it felf , or to us. Thefe caufes are as juft grounds 
 to us , now to continue the feparation , as they could have been to them , than if 
 they had been obferved , to make the feparation, and moll certainly they were 
 then obferved , or the greateft part of them , as the liberty of the Enghjh Churchy 
 the weaknefs of the Pope's pretences , the extortions of the Court of Rome, their 
 grofs ufurpation of all mens rights , and the inconliftency of fach a forreign DiC- 
 cipline with the right ends of Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidion. Thefe things he ought to 
 have anfwered in particular , if he would have faid any thing at all i but it feem- 
 ptMt. eth he chofe rather to follow the counfel of Alcihiadei to his Uncle , when he 
 
 found liim biifie about his accounts , that he (hould ftudy rather how to give no ac- 
 count. 
 
 SECT. VII. 
 
 H E next thing which I fet forth , was the due moderation of the Church of 
 _ England in their Reformation. This he calleth a very pkafant 1opic\, ^uk- 
 quid recipitur, recipitur ad modum recipientif. The faddeft Subjeds were very plea- 
 fant Topicks to Vemocritm. The Hrft part of our moderation was this , we deny 
 not to other Churches, the true being of Churches, nor poflibility of Salvation, 
 nor feparate from the Churches, but from their accidental errours, and this I {hew- 
 ed to have been St. Cyprian^s moderation , whereby he purged himfelf and his par- 
 ty from Schifm , neminem judicantk, &c. judging no man , removing no man from our 
 Commnnion , for difference in opinioti. ThU is , faith he, to declare men Idolaters , and 
 Tpjck^d, and neverthelefs to communicate with them , reconciling thus, light to dark^ejs , 
 and making Chriji and Antichrifr to he of the fame Society. I fpake of our forbearing 
 to cenfure other Churches , and he anfwers of communicating with them. That 
 is one aberration from the purpofe. But I may give him more advantage than that 
 in this cafe. It is one thing to communicate with material Idolaters , Hereticks, 
 or Schifmatieks in their Idolatry , Herefie , or Schifm , which is altogether un- 
 lawful : and it is another thing to communicate with them in pious Offices, and 
 religious Duties , which may in fome cafes be very lawful. The Orthodox Chri- 
 fiians did fometimes communicate with the Heretical Arians. And the primitive 
 Catholicks with the Schifmatical Novatians, in the fame publick Divine Offices, 
 as I have formetly (hewed in this Treatife. But they communicated with them in 
 nothing that did favour the Herefie of the one , or the Schifm of the other. The 
 Catholicks called the Vonatifrs their Brethren , and profcffed that they were obliged 
 to call them Brethren, as we read in Optatm. But the Vonatifis would not vouch- 
 fafe to acknowledge the Catholicks for their Brethren upon this Refuters princi- 
 ples , that a man cannot fay his orvn Religion is trjte, but he muff fay the oppofte isfalfe, 
 nor hold his own certain , without cenfuring another mans. Yet it was not the Catho- 
 licks , but the Vonatifis that did mingle light and darknefs together. Thefe fol- 
 lowing principles are fo evident and fo undeniable, that no man can quefiion the 
 truth of them, without .queflioning his own judgement. i.That particular Chur- 
 ches may fall into errours. 2. That all errours are not EfTentials , or Fundamen- 
 tals. 3. That thofe errours which are not in EfTentials, do not dcftroy the true be- 
 ing of a Church. 4. That neverthelefs every one is bound according to the jufl 
 extent of his power , to free himfelf from them. To dote fb upon the body as to 
 cherifh the ulcers, and out of hatred to the ulcers to deftroy the being of the body, 
 are both extreams. That is , fo to dote upon the .name of the Church , as to che- 
 rifh 
 
 I
 
 iJ'tscouRSE IJI. Of the Church of Rnojind. 
 
 75 
 
 rifh the errours of it , or to hate the errours (b much as to deny the being of the 
 Church. 
 
 Prepofterous zeal which is like Hell , hot without light, maketh errours to be 
 ElTentials , and dilferent Opinions different Religions , becaufe it will not dirtin- 
 guifli between the good Foundation which is Chrilt , and the hay and ftubble that 
 is builded thereupon. 
 
 The fccond proof of our moderation is our inward charity j we leave them un- 
 willingly, as a man would leave his Fathers or his Brothers Houfe infected with 
 the Plague , defirous to return lb foon as it is cleanfed. His anfwer is j that ifive 
 did manifefi it by our external trorks , they might have occafwn to believe it. I did 
 prove it by our external works, namely , our dayly prayers for them in our Lita- 
 ny , and efpecially our (blemn anniverfary prayer for their converfion every good 
 Friday , though we are not ignorant how they do as (blemnly anathematize us the 
 day before. 
 
 The third proof of our moderation was this , that we do not challenge a nevir 
 Church, a new Religion , or new holy Orders i we obtrude no innovation upon 
 others , nor defire to have any obtruded upon our felves ■, we pluck up the weeds 
 but retain all the plants of (aving truth. To this he objefts two things : 
 
 Firft, to taks away goodnefs if the greateft evil^ and nothing is more mifchievom than 
 to abrogate good laws and good fra&ices. This is not to fight with us , but with his 
 own {hadow jl fpeak of taking away errours, and he fpeaketh again!! taking away • 
 goodnefs: I fpeak of plucking up weeds, and he fpeaks againft abrogating good 
 laws and pradices ; yea, of taking away the New Tejiament. Where is the contra- 
 diction between us ? Thefe are no weeds but good plants. We retain whatfbevet 
 the primitive Fathers judged to be neceffary , or the Catholick Church of this pre- 
 fent age doth unanimoufly retain , which is fufficient. We retain other opinions 
 alfo and pradices , but not as neceflary Articles or Eflcntials. Let him not tell 
 us of the Scots Reformation , who have no better an opinion of it than it de- 
 ferves. 
 
 His (econd Obje(ftion is , that he who pofitively denies , ever adds the contrary to 
 what he takes away i he that mak^s it an article that there is no Purgatory^ no Mafs, no 
 prayer to Saints , has m many ^rtirUs t*s he who holds the contrary, "therefore this hind 
 of moderation is a pure folly. It may be he thinketh fo in earneft, but we know the 
 contrary. We do not hold our Negatives to be Articles of Faith. How (bould a 
 Negative, that is, anon ens ^ be a Fundamental ? This is a true propofition, ei- 
 ther there is a Purgatory , or there is not a Purgatory. But this other is a falfe 
 propofition j either it is an Article of Faith that there is a Purgatory , or it is an 
 Article of Faith, that there is no Purgatory. Faith is a certain aflent grounded 
 upon the truth and authority of the Revealer , Opinion is an uncertain inclining 
 of the mind more to the one part of the contradidion than the other. There are 
 an hundred contradi(^ions in Theological opinions between the Komanifis them- 
 felves, much greater than fome of thefe three Controverfies , wherein he inftan- 
 ceth. Yet they dare not fay , that either the affirmatives or negatives are Articles 
 of Faith. 
 
 In things not neceflary , a man may fluctuate fafely between two opinions indif- 
 ferently , or incline to the one more than the other without certain adherence , ot 
 adhere certainly without Faith. We know no other neceffary Articles of Faith , 
 but thole which are comprehended in the Apol^les Creed. 
 
 The lafi: proof of our moderation was our readinefs in the preparation of our 
 minds to believe and pradife whatfoever the Catholick Church , even of this pre- 
 {ent age doth univerfally believe and pradife. 7);^, he (aith, w the greateji moekjbol 
 propofition of all the refi. Wherefore? For two reafons. Firft, JVe fay there is no 
 univerfal Church. Then we have not onely renounced our Creed, That i3,the badge 
 of our Chriftianity, whereof this is an exprcfs Article , but our reafon alfo. If 
 there be many particular Churches : wherefore not one univerfal Church , whereof 
 Chrifl: Himfelf is Head and King ? His onely ground of this calumny , is becaufe 
 we will not acknowledge the Ro>w.j« Church, that is, a particular Church to be 
 the univerfal Church. ^ 
 
 The
 
 274 
 
 A Jufi Vindication T O M E !♦ 
 
 The Second reafon is, becaule we fay tf there be a CatholickChurch, it is indeter- 
 Jd Zt%orn.nKnor.sr.hicbHU, Then it ,s all oneasif.t were not N.« 
 Ztn-J& J apparent^ eadent ejl ratio. ' It is a brave thing to calumniate boldly , 
 thft fomediing may fiick. We know no virtual Church indeed , that is , one per- 
 ( n who hath in himfelf eminently , and virtually as much certainty of truth and in- 
 f llb'litv of Tudgement, as the univerfal Church ; but we acknowledge the repre- 
 fentative Church, that is, a General Council , and the effential Church , that is » 
 the multitude, or multitndes of believers , either of all ages which make the Sym- 
 bolical Churcli , or of this age which make the prefent Catholick Church •■, but 
 mala mens , trtaiuf animus. He knoweth right well that they themfelves are di- 
 vided into five or fix feveral opinions what that Catholick Church is , into the Au- 
 thority whereof they make the laft refolution of their Faith. So it is not true of us, 
 but of themfelves it is true, that their Catholick^Church is tndetermi»tate^t\at is, they 
 know not certainly what it is. 
 
 S E C T. V 1 1 1. 
 
 MY Fifth ground was , that what the King and Church o{ England did, in the 
 feparation of the«ifelves from the Court of 'B.ome , is no more then all other 
 Princes and Republicks of the Koman Communion have done in efFe<ft , or pleaded 
 for that is, made themfelves the laft judges of their own liberties and grievances. 
 For' proof whereof 1 inltanced in the Emperors, the Kings of Fr^Kce, and the liber- 
 ties of the Sallicane Church, the Kings oiSfain in their Kingdoms and Domini- 
 ons o( Sicily, CajiiU, f lander t , the Kings of Tortugal , the KepuhVick oi Veniee ^ 
 and in all thefe particular cafes which were in difference between the Popes and us , 
 concerning the calling of Ecclefiaftical Synods , making of Ecclefiaftical Laws, diC- 
 pofing Benefices, reforming the Churches within their own Dominions, rcjedling 
 the Popes fentences , Bulls, Legates, Nuncios, (hutting up their Courts, forbid- 
 ding appeals , taking away their Tenths, firft fruits, Penfions, Impofitions, &c. 
 To all which neither R. C. nor S. W. anfwers one word in particular. Yet he pays 
 irve in Generals. Yir Vokfiis verjatur in Generalihus. If his caufe would have borne 
 it, we had had a more particular anfwer. 
 
 Firft he asketh tvhat mnjenfe rcill not an ill cauje mng s dejperate Man to ? Conee- 
 do omnia , I grant all faving onely the Application. He muft feek for the nonfenfe, 
 and the ill caufe , and the defperate Man nearer home. But what is the ground of 
 his exception ? nothing but a contradiction, Firft, I reottU perfwade the World that 
 Tapijis are moji injurious to Trinces , perjudicing their Crown, and fuhjeding their Do- 
 minions to the will of the Tope, and when Ihavefcarce done faying fo, tcith a contrary 
 blajl J drive as far back^again , eotifeffiing all Jfaid to hefalfe , and that the fame Tapifls 
 hold the VoUrine of the Frotifiants in effeB. If he will accufe other men of contradi- 
 dion , he muft not overihoot himfelf fo in his expreffions , but keep himfelf to the 
 rules of oppofition , ad idem , fecmdum idem , & eodem tempore. Papifts may be in- 
 jurious to Princes in one refpeft , and do them right in another. They may be 
 difloyal at one time , and Loyal at another. Here is no {hadow of contradidion. 
 But his greateft fault is to change the fubjed of the propofition. I did not plead 
 either that Papifts were injurious to Princes , or that the fame Papifts did hold the 
 very Dodrine of the Proteftants , nor (b much as mention Papifts in General , ei- 
 ther to juftifie them or to accufe them. But I faid , that the Pope and the Court 
 of Kerne had been injurious to Koman-dthoYick Princes , and that Koman-Catho- 
 lick Princes with their parry had done themfelves right againft Popes and their Court. 
 Here is no contrary blaft, nor contradiction , any more than it is a contradidion 
 to fay , that the Guelphes maintained the Popes caufe againft the Emperour, and the 
 Cihilines maintained the Empcrours caufe againft the Pope, becaufe both fadions 
 were Rcwa^-Catholicks , both Italians. 
 
 He urgeth , That the Topes did not caft out of their Communion thofe Catholick, ^^ 
 vines who ofpofed them, which argueth , that it is not the Rom^in Religion , nor any 
 puhlich^ tenet in their Church that hinds any to thefe rigorous affertions which the Frote^ 
 [iants condemn, I know it is not their Religion, Our Religion and theirs is theftjne
 
 Discourse ni. Of the Church of En^,hnd 271? 
 
 I know it is not the General Tenet of their Church. But it is the Tenet of the 
 Court of Rome, and the Governing party amonglt them. It is but a Poor comfort 
 to one that is opprefled by their Court , to know that there are particular Dodtors 
 which hold that he is wronged. But to his queftion. Did the Pope never ex- 
 communicate thofe Dodors that oppoled him ? Yes , fundry times , both Prince? 
 and Dodors, and whole Nations. Sometimes he fpared them perhaps he did not 
 rake notice of them whilert they were living, the Pope and his Court have fomewhat 
 elfe to do than to inquire after theTenets of private Dodors. Perhaps they lived 
 about the time of the Councils of Conjlance and Bafik , when it had been eaiier for 
 the Pope to have caft himfelf out of his Throne, than them out of the Church i or 
 perhaps they lived in places without his reach : he knows who it was that faid. My 
 Lord the Emferour defend me with the Sword, and I will defend thee with my'Pen. 
 What did the Sorbon Dodours in former Ages value the Court of Rome ? Now of 
 late the Court of Rome have learned another method to purge their Dodours when 
 they difpleafe them. It is a (hrewd fign when Men are glad to Cut out the 
 Tongues of their own witneffes. 
 
 Here he falls into a bitter invedive againft our Bloody Laws , and Bloodier Execu- 
 tion. It is hard when they come to accufe us of Blood guiltinefs , I could requite 
 him with a Black Lilt ofMurthers and MaflTacres to the purpose indeed: the Wal' 
 denfes alore might furnifh me with overmuch ftore of matter, whofelirft beginning 
 isfo ancient , that it feemeth tome like the Spring head of Niluf, fcarcely to be 
 fearched out, but innocent Blood cryeth Loud enough of it felf, withouthelp. 
 I chufe rather at this time to ufe the Buckler than the Sword : the Accufation of 
 them is no acquital of us i whatfoever he faith here againft the Church or State of 
 England for cruelty , is clearly and fatisfadorily anfwered in my Reply to the Bifhop ^' '' ^^^' "*' 
 of Chalcedon-, whither I refer him. 
 
 Afterwards he telleth how unluckje T am in this Chapter , that do ahfolutely dear 
 iheir Religion of Calumny ^ which Frotejiants moji injurioufly charge upon them, that 
 their Vajjalage to the Pope deilroys their Subjection to their Prince y by citing fo many 
 inflances, where Catholickj remaining fmh, have difobeyed the Pope. Their Religion 
 is the fame with ours , that is , ChrilHan , and needeth not to be cleared from be- 
 ing a fource of fedition , or an incentive to Rebellion. It is not Accufed by us, 
 but the envious man hath fowcd tares among the wheat. No man can deny but 
 that (editious opinions have been devifed and difperfed and cherifhed in the Church 
 of Rome in this laft Age , which were deftrudive to Loyalty , and due fubjedion 
 to Princesi and how fome of our own Countrey Men came to be feafoned,with thefe ^''^'^*''f* 3« 
 pernicious principles more than other nations, I have partly (hewed in the place al- ' ' ^' 
 ledged. The inilances by me cited in this Chapter were before thefe poilbnous o- 
 pinions were hatched , and fo are altogether impertinent to that purpofe for which 
 he urgeth them. They prove that thofe Roman-Cztholicks at that time were Loyal 
 Subjeds ; they do not prove that all Kow^«-Catholicks at this time are Loyal Sub- 
 jeds i that were to infer a General conclufion from particular premiflTes or to ar- 
 gue a minore ad majus affirmative, which is mere Sophirtry. But I (hall readily 
 grant more than he proveth , and as much as he can feek with reafbn that thole 
 feditious Dodrines were never Generally received , nor yet by the greater and 
 (bunder part of the Roman Church , and that at this day I hope they are almoft 
 buried. If ever God be fo gracious unto us, as to fuffer us to meet together in a 
 Council or Alfembly , either of the Chriftian world , or of the Wefiern Church i 
 the firft thing to be done were to weed out all feditious opinions , both a- 
 mong them and us , which are fcandalous to Religion, and deltrudive to all Ci- 
 vil Societies. 
 
 In the next place he fancieth to himfelf a platform ofthe ChrilHan Church. Ihaf 
 Chrill being to build his fpiritual Kingdom upon the Bafu of a multitude of Earthly King- 
 doms , faw it necejfary , to makg a Bond of Vnity betwixt the Churches ; that far thii 
 reafon be gave the principality among his Jpojlles to St. Pctet,and confequently to hisSuc- 
 efjfours the Bipops of Rome, which one See might by the ordinary providence of Al- 
 mighty God , hgep a continuance of Succtffion from St. Peter to the end of the World , 
 which the vicifuude of humane nature , permitted not to all the Apojhlical Sees. Hence 
 
 Rome
 
 -^^5 ^ /J Juft Vindication T O M E U 
 
 ^ Rome /x inve\hd mtb the ^ivlkdge cf Mother and Mfriji of the Church and the 
 
 Unae upon t^hkb the common government and Vmty of the Church defends M 
 beina removed, the Church van,Jheth into a pm Anarchy. Lxcelkntly well con- 
 trived Sir Ihomai Moor's Eutopia , or my Lord Verulam s new Atlantis , may 
 eivep'laceuntoit; What great pity it was that he had not been one of Chrifts 
 Counfellers when he firll formed his Church ? Onely it feemeth a little too faucy 
 with Chrift. Chriftians fhould argue thus , Chrift formed his Church thus , 
 therefore it is the befi form : Not thus , this is the beft form ■■> tlierefore Chrirt 
 formed his Church after this manner. 
 
 The old Hermite prayed to God for rain and fair weather for his Garden, 
 ashe thought moft expedient for it, and had hisdefire, yet his Garden did not 
 profper , whereas other Gardens which wanted that fpecial priviledgc profpered 
 well •, his Brother Hermite told him the reafon of it. 7hou fool didji thou thinks 
 thyfelf rvifer than God: I wonder he did not go one ftep higher, to make the 
 Bifliop of Kome univerfal Emperour alfo •, for prevention of Civil Wars , and 
 bloodlhed among Chriftians , and fo he might have been Kfx idem hominum di- 
 vumq; Sacerdof. 
 
 Now let us take his frame in pieces , and look upon it in parcels. St, Paul rec- 
 kons up, not one but feven bands of Unity among Chriftians, one Body, one Spi- 
 rit , one Hope of our calling , one herd , one faith , one Tapifm , one God , and 
 Ei)h.4. 4- Father of ail. Firft , o«e Body, What can be more prodigious than for the 
 members of the fame Body to War one with another > One Spirit , that is , 
 the Holy-Ghoft, which is the Soul that enliveneth the Church > Can there be a bet- 
 ter Bond of Unity to the Body , than the Soul .? One Hope of our Calling , We 
 muft be all friends in Heaven , Why do we bite and kick one another in the 
 way thither ? One Lord , by whofe blood we are redeemed , (hould they pur- 
 fue one another as mortal enemies , who ferve the fame Lord ? One Faith deli- 
 vered by the Apoftles , do not adulterate, it with new devifes, to raife conten- 
 tions. One Baptifm , we are marked with the fame cognifcance, we ufe the fame 
 word,we fight under the fame ftandard, why do we miftake one another for enemies? 
 Laftly, One Cod and Father of all, who is above all by his excellency, through all by his 
 providence, and inall by the inhabitation of hisGrace-,^i'oz;e all as Father,«^rowgfc all 
 as Son, in all as Holy-Ghoft-, for Chriftian to fight againft Chriftian, is to divide this 
 one God, and commit him againft himfelf. Among all thele bands of unity, 
 why did St. Vaul forget( unus Papa ) one Bifliop of Rome , or fpiritual Monarchy 
 , If there had been any fuch thing , here had been the proper place for it. 
 
 Secondly , I will not difpute with him about this , whether Chrifl did give St. 
 Peter a principality among the Apoftles , fo he do not rob Paul to cloath Peter , but 
 likewife oonfent to me , that this was but a Principality of Order j and that the 
 principality of Power, did reft in the Colledgeof the Apoftles there: and now 
 in their Succeflbrs a General Council, which is a fiifficient band of Unity, aslhavfe 
 formerly demonftrated. I wi(h this Refuter had expreffed himfelf more clearly 
 whether he be for a beginning of Order and Unity , or for a finglehead of Pow- 
 er , and Jurifdidion » for to me he feemeth to hover between two , as if he 
 would gladly fay more for the Pope if he could. 
 
 Thirdly , it followeth , and confequemly to hU Success ■■, I like the General pro- 
 portion well enough : and confequemly to his Succeffours. For the reafon of the 
 iirft inftitution being of perpetual neceffity , feemeth to imply ftrongly , that fuch 
 ■ an Headftiip of Order ought to continue in the Church , or at leaft may lawfully 
 
 be continued in the Church. But I like not his application to the Bijhops of Rome, 
 or his Succeffours in the See of Rome i That confequence is but like a Rope of 
 fand. There is no neceffity at all , that he who fucceedeth a man in a particular 
 Biftioprick, fhould fucceed him in a higher Office, which is not annexed to that 
 Biftioprick. As if a man ftiould argue thus i Such a Bifhop of fuch a See died 
 Lord Chancellour of England v therefore all fucceeding Biftiops of the fame See , 
 muft fucceed him likewife in the Chancellourftiip of England. If the Catholick 
 Church do nominate the Bifhop of Rome for the time , that is another matter i 
 but that is no perpetuity to the Bilhops of that See for ever, whether the Church 
 will or not. Ccr-
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church <?f England. 2 
 
 77 
 
 Certainly, Chrilt did leave thechiet Meiuagery of his Family to his fpoufe,that 
 is , the Church , and not to any fingle fervant , further than as fubfervient to his 
 Spoufe. But to make Rome to be tk Mijirifiof the Church , as this R.efuter doth , 
 and the Bi(hop of Rome the Majler of the Church , is fuch an indignity and affront ' 
 as no Husband would tolerate , much L^fs Chrift , who is propofed to all Husbands ^^^' *" ''* 
 as the perfed pattern of conjugal Love. Husbands Love your Wives as Chrift Loved 
 the Church. 
 
 His argument drawn from the viciffitude of humane affairs , cuts the throat of 
 his caufe: For, what privilcdge hath Rome from this viciilitude more than other 
 places? It may be demohfhed and deftroyed by enemies , it may be fwallowed 
 by an Earthquake as fome great Cities have been , it may become Heretical or Ma- 
 humetan. And in all thefe cafes muft it dill continue Miftrifs of the Church ? That 
 were an hard condition. Nemo [aliens Ligatfibi manus , The Church never difpo- 
 feth fo of her Offices , that fhe may not be able to move the rudder , according 
 to the change of wind and weather, and to change the Mefuagery of Ecclefia- 
 ftical affairs, according to the viciffitude of humane things. 
 
 Let not the Refuter trifle between a primacy of Order , and a Supremacy of Pow- 
 er : a Tyranny and an Anarchy are the two extreams. The Church may (hake off 
 Tyranny, and yet not vanifh intoaptre Anarchy , nor the frame thereof be utterly dif- 
 folvedj thefe are but made Dragons. Between a Tyranny and an Anarchy there 
 is an Ariftocracy , which was the ancient Regiment of the Chriffian Church i 
 they know no Monarch but Chrift their fpiritual King. A primacy of Order is as 
 fulhcient , nay more fufficient in this cafe , to prevent all thefe dangers which he 
 feemeth to fear, and to procure all thole advantages which he mentioneth than 
 a Supremacy of Power. And I hold it a reafonable propolition , that whofbever 
 is admmitted to the one , fhould difclaim the other. 
 
 In the next pafTage , he forgetteth himfelf over much , when he maketh the 
 Fnpe's principality to be the bridle vehich our Saviour hath put into the mouth ef his 
 Church : So he makes the Church to be the Beafl , and the Pope's Office to be to 
 ride upon the Church i No , he quite milbketh the matter. Our Saviour hath put 
 the bridle into the hand of his Church , Vic Ecclefa , tell it to the Church not 
 into the mouth of his Church i and the Pope at the befl is but one of the Churches 
 Efcuries. Next, he proclaimeth the advantages of the Papacy. He doth well 
 to cry up his caufe : No man proclaimeth in the Market that he hath rotten wares 
 to fell. But it is but with an if, Jf ihii authority were duly preferved and governed, 
 no dijiention in Faith or Vifcipline^ nay not any war among Chrijiian Princes , could an- 
 noy the world. What Chriftian Prince can chufe but be glad to have an arbitrator fo pru- 
 dent , fo pious ^fo difinterrejfed as a good Pope fhould be ? He brings to my mind our 
 old diftinftion between Plato znd Arijiotk, Plato fcripfit fomnians, Artftoteles vigilans , 
 Plato Writ dreaming , and Ariftotle waking : the one looked upon men as they 
 ought to be , and the other as they were , which was much more proper for one 
 that was to write politicks. 
 
 If all things were as they (hould be , we fliould have a braveworld : but if 
 we look upon the cafe without an if , ox at he fhould he , we fnall find 
 the Papacy as it is fetled , or would have been , fo far from deferving thefe 
 Eulogiums which he gives it, that it hath been the caufe either procreating, or 
 conferving , or both, of all the Schifms , and all the greater Ecclefiaftical diffen- 
 tions in Chriftendom , and rather an incentive to war for its own intercft and ad- 
 vantage , than a means of peace and reconciliation among Chriftian Princes. 
 
 But now reader, look to thy (elf that thou receive no hurt,for he hath undertaken to 
 let us fee all the arrows which J have fhot againft them^f ailing down tcpon mine own head. 
 Yes , at the Gree\ Calends , when an oblique and a perpendicular motion are the 
 fame. But let us fee how he attempts to prove it : Becaufe the Papacy ftands firm , 
 andftrong in all thefe Countries which have refijied the Pope , when they conceived that 
 lye encroached on their Liberties , &c. whereas the Reformation has made England an ' 
 headlefi Synagogue , without Brotherhood or Order. Neither fo , nor fo , the Eaftern , 
 Southern, and Northern Churches admit no Papacy , nor any thing higher than 
 the chiefeft Patriarch. A great part of the IVeflem Churches , have ihaken off the 
 
 D d Roman
 
 TTb ~~" A JjtfiV wdication T O M E K 
 
 KomjH Yoke i and the reft who do ftill acknowledge the Papacy , do it with fuch 
 cautions and rcfcrvations , and reOridlions , efpecially France and Sicily, that I 
 think the Cardinal Legate in the Council of Irem , had reafon to fay , that he 
 n-oiild rather ferftvade the Top io give jtp his Keys to St. Peter , than hold them upon 
 fuch terms. 1 believe , not one of them all doth admit fuch a Papacy , as the Ko- 
 man Court endeavoured to have obtruded upon them. 
 
 Whereas he ftileth 'England , an headlefs Synagogue , without Brotherhood or 
 Order , he fceth or may fee , that for Order , we are as much for it as himfelf : 
 for Chriftian Brotherhood , we maintain it three times larger than himfelfi and for 
 his headlefs Synagogue , they want no Head who have Chrift for a fpiritual Head , 
 a General Council tor an Ecclefiaftical Head , and a gracious Chriftian Prince for a 
 Political Head. That Title would better have become themfelves about two or 
 three moneths fince , who fometimes have two or three heads , fometimes a bro- 
 ken head , fometimes never an head. 
 
 The Proteftants do not attempt to make themfelves a diftincSl: Body from the reft 
 of the Chriftian world , much lefs do they arrogate to themfelves alone the name 
 of the true Church, as the Romamjis do i but they content themfelves to be part 
 of the Catholick Church. That they have any differences among them either in 
 dodrine or difcipline , it is the fault of the Court of Kcme, which would not give 
 way to an uniform Reformation of the Wefiern Church ■■> But that their Controver- 
 fies are neither fo many , nor of any fuch moment as he imagineth , the Harmony 
 of Confelhons publifhed in Print , will demonfirate to all the world. So far is he 
 wide from the truth , that they have no more Unity than a body compofed of 
 1urh§ , Jetvs , Heretichj , and Chrijlians ; who have neither the fame body , nor 
 the lame fpirit , nor the fame hope of their Calling , nor the fame Lord , nor the 
 fame Faith, nor the fame Baptifm , nor the fame God to their Father : But he 
 faith , our Faith corfifteth in unknown Fundamentals, n>hich U a ttieer Jhift., until 
 we exhibit a lift of fuch points. We need not , the Apoftles have done it to our 
 hands in the Creed , and the Primitive Church hath ordained , that no more fhould 
 be exaded of any , of lurkj or Jetvs in point of Faith , when they were convert- 
 ed from Taganifm , or Jevpifm to Chriftianity. 
 
 I 
 
 SECT. IX. 
 
 N the Eighth Chapter , I proved that the Pope , and the Court cf Rome, were 
 moft guilty of the Schifm , and fhall rot need to repeat or fortifie any thing •, 
 that which he oppofeth being of fo little confequence. 
 
 To the firft argument, he denieth that the Church of Rome U but a Sifler or a Mo- 
 ther , and mt a Mijirifs to other Churches : It if their faying it , and our denying it 
 C faith he 3 till they have proved what they affrm. To gratifie him, I will do it 
 though it be reedlefs. Let him confult with St. Bernard m. his fourth Book of Con- 
 federation , to his m.oft loving Friend Ewgw/«< the Pope, (bhe ftiles him, Aman- 
 tijjime Euge^i. If they would lifien to St. Bernard's honeft advice , it would tend 
 much to the peace of Chrifterdcme. Si auderem dicere , if J durft fay it , thefe are 
 the paftures of Devils rather than of Sheep. And , Exi de Hur Chalda^orum > or. 
 Go out of thii Hur of the Chaldeans ( Rome ) Jt mil not repent thee of thy banifh- 
 ment , to have changed the City for the world. But to fatisfie his demand. Thus 
 Bernard, it that Father, Confideres ante omnia fanBam Romanam Ecckfiam cui T>eo auCiore pr^es 
 twfidti. I 4- Ecckfiarum matrem ejje non Vcminam , te vero non Vcminum Epifcoporum, fed unum ex 
 jpfis. Above all things confdtr , that the holy Roman Church over which thou art placed 
 by God , is a Mother of other Churches , not a Lady or Mifirifs , and thou thy felf art 
 not a Mafttr of other Bijhops , but one of them. 
 
 Secondly , He denieth that the Church ef Rome ohtrudeth any new Creeds, where- 
 as I accufed not the Church of Rome for it , but the Court of Rome , and for proof 
 produced the Bull of Fim the Fourth in the point , as it is fet down at the end of 
 the Council of Irent ; wherein he ftts forth a new Form of Confeflion of Faith , 
 containing many new Articles , which he enjoyneth all the Clergy, and all Reli- 
 £ious perlons to fwear unto ', and that they will teach it to all others under their 
 
 charge ,
 
 Discourse III. Of the Chnrch of Enghnd. 3jy 
 
 charge, that there may be an uniform Contellion of Faith among ChrilHans , Ex- 
 tra qiuim non eji fains , without which there is no falvationi If he deny this autho- 
 rity , he and I arc nearer an union than the Court of B~ome and he. 
 
 My third Argument was , becaufe they maintain the Pope in his rebellion againft 
 a general Council. To this Argument he anfwers not a word , fo as I am confir- 
 med more and more in my fufpicion, that notwithftanding all his fpecious preten- 
 ces for the Papacy , he himfelf is one of thofe , who prefer the Council before the 
 Pope , and attribute to the Pope onely an Exordium ttnitatU. But he fpareth me 
 not upon the by, telling the Reader, that Hay the axe not to the root of Schilm but 
 to mine orvn legs , and bids me good night , my rvits are in the darJ^ If it were Co that 
 I {hould fieal a nap , it is neither felony nor treafon, Aliquando bonus dormitat Ho- 
 meruf. But what is it that raifeth this great wind of words? Forfooth becaufe I fay 
 that ( the Papacy ) (qua talU)zs it is now maintained by many, with Superiority 
 above General Councils , &c. is the caule , either procrcant , or confervant or 
 both, of all , or the molt part of the Schifms in Chriftendom. l^ofay as it is main- 
 tained by many ^ doth imply , that it is not fo maintained by all ^ and therefore not the 
 Fapacy , qua talis •, for jo Catholicks have not the leafi difference among them. He 
 might as well tell us, that wherein they all agree, they have no difference. But 
 do not fome Row^M-Catholicks fubjed the Pope to a General Council ? and other 
 fubjed a General Council to the Pope? Do not the greater part of them , both for 
 number, dignity, and power , who fit at the Stem , who hol(f the Bridle Cthat 
 he fpoke of even now) in their hands , to govern the Church, fah']c£t a General 
 Council to the Pope ? And then might not I fay well [ the Papacy qua ialisl my 
 conclufion was not againft the Church of Kome in general, but againft the Pope 
 and Court of Rome , that they were guilty of Schifm. And now to let him fee 
 that I did not deep, I will reduce mine argument into form , without a [_qua talis.! 
 They who fubjed: a General Council , which is the higheft tribunal of Chriftians 
 to the Pope , are guilty of Schifm i but the Pope and Court of Kome , with all 
 their maintainers , that is , the much greater part of their writers do fubjeft a Ge- 
 neral Council to the Pope •, therefore they are guilty of Schifm. Of the fame na- 
 ture is his exception to my fourth charge. They who takeaway the line of Apoftoli- 
 cal fucceflion throughout the world , except in the See of Kome , who make all 
 Epifcopal Jurifdidion to flow from the Pope of Kome , and to be founded in 
 his Laws , to be imparted to other Bifliops, as the Popes Vicars and Coadjutors 
 aflumed by them into part of their charge , are Schifmaticks -, but the Pope and 
 Court of Kome , and their maintainers do thus. . To which his onely anfwer is 
 that this is a more grofs and falfe imputation than any of the rejl. Becaufe it is not 
 their General Tenet, neither did I urge it againft them all in General. 
 
 But becaufe he takes no notice of thefe Tenets, but as Private opinions , If you 
 rvill dijpute again^i private opi nions , cite your Authours , and argue againji them not 
 the Church. Let him know , that thefe are the moft common and moft currant 
 opinions of their writers. Of the former, BeVarmine CsXth , that it is almnji de fide De coticil, 1. 1 
 a point of Faith. He faith that the Council of Florence feemed to have defined it <^- 'T- 
 though not fo expreflyi and that the Council of Lateran hath defined it moft ex- ^* """ '• ** 
 prefly. And the words of that Council feem to import no left, that it is moft ma- '*'*' 
 nifeli that the Bijhop of Rome hath authority ever all Councils, fanquam fuper omnia 
 Confilia authoritatem hahentem. And for the latter opinion , Bellarmine declares it 
 to be moft true , qu<e fententia s\l veriffima , cites great Authours for it ■■, and faith 
 that it feemeth to have been the opinion of the old Schoolmen, That Bijhopsdo de- De Rom.pont. 
 rive all their JurifdiUionfrom the Tope , as aH the virtue of the members is derived from '• 4- '■> »* 6" 
 the head , or as all the virtue of the branches fprings from the root , or as the water in **** 
 the flream floncs from the fountain ^ or as the light of the beams is from the Sun. This 
 is high enough. 
 
 D d 2 SECT.
 
 So 
 
 A Juft Vindication TOME I, 
 
 I 
 
 SECT. lo. 
 
 Anfwered that we hold Commurion with thrice fo many Chriftians as they do. 
 He replye'th, that ij hy Chriftiatts I mean ihofe who lay claim to the name of 
 Chrift he neither denies my anfrrer , }ior envies me my multitude ; for Manichees , 
 Gnoflicks Carpocratians, Arians, Neftorians , Eutychians , &c. rvithout number^ 
 do aViifiir^ the honour of this title , adding that he doth mofi faithfully proteft , he doth 
 mt think I have any foUd reafon to refufe Communion to the rvorft of them. O God 
 how is it pollible that prejudice and partiality , or an habit of alteration (hould 
 makeChriftians and Paftours ofChrifts flock to fwcrve fo far,not only from truth and 
 charity but from all candor and ingenuity ?Wherein can he or all the world,charge the 
 Church ofEngliind, or the Church of Greece, or indeed any of the Eaftern, Southern 
 or Northern Chrillians,with any of thefe Herefies? It is true, feme few Eafiern Chri^ 
 ftian? in comparifon of thofe innumerable multitudes, are called Neliorians,znd fome 
 others by reafon of fome unufual expreflions fufpeded of Eutychianifm , but 
 both moft wrongfully. Is tliis the requital that he makes to fo many of thefe poor 
 Chriftians for maintaining their Religion inviolated , fo many ages under Mahu- 
 metan Princes ? Tet Michael the Archangel , when he difiuted with the Devil about 
 * the body of MoCcs , durjl not bring a railing accufation againjl him ; butfaid, the Lord 
 
 rebuke thee. The'beftis, we are either wheat or Chaff of the Lords floor > but 
 their tongues muft not winnow us. Manes a mad man , as his name fignifies , 
 feigned himfelf to be Chrift , chofe twelve Apoftles , and fent them abroad to 
 preach his errours, whofe difciples were called Manichees > they made two Gods, 
 one of good called light: another of evil called darknefsi which evil God did 
 make impure creatures of the more fsculent parts of the matter i he created the 
 world i he made the old teftament ■■, Hereupon they held flefli and wine to be 
 impure; and Marriage to be unlawful , and ufed execrable purifications of the 
 creatures i They taught that the foul was the fubftance of God ; that war was 
 unlawful ■, that bruit beafts had as much reafon as men : that Chrift was not true 
 man nor came out of the womb of the Virgin , but was a phantafm '■> that John 
 Baptjji was damned for doubting of Chrift i that there was no laft Judgement i 
 that fins were inevitable : many of which errours they fucked from the Gnofticks 
 and Carpocratians. The Ne^orians divided the perfon of Chrift i and the Eutychi- 
 ans confounded his natures : What is this to us, or any of thofe Churches which 
 we defend? we accurfe all their errors. If he be not more careful in making his 
 charge , he will foon forfeit the ftock of his credit. 
 
 He ingageth himfelf that if I canjhew him but one Church , which never changed the 
 Vodrine which their Fathers taught them ,as received from the ApojHes ^ which is not in 
 communion with the Roman Church , he will be of that ones communion. I wifli 
 he may make good his word. I ftiew him not onely one, but all the Ea^ern, 
 Southern, Northern, and I hope Weftern Churches , who never changed their Creedi 
 which comprehends all thefe neceflary points of faving truth , which they recei- 
 ved from their Anceftours , by an uninterrupted Line of Succeffion from the Apo- 
 ftles. As for Opinions or Truths of an infcriour nature , there is no Church 
 of them all , that hath changed more from their Anceftours , even in thefe very 
 controverfies that are between them and us, than the Church of Kome. For the 
 clear proof whereof I refer him to Dodtor Fields appendix to his third book of the 
 Church , and the firft part of his appendix to four books , at the latter end of 
 the firft Chapter. 
 
 I pleaded that the Council of 7rf«f was not general i I had reafon. The con- 
 ditions of a general Council recited by Bellarmine arc , that the fummons be general: 
 there none were fummoned but onely out of the IVeftern Church. That the four 
 Frotopatriarchs be prefent by themfelves or their deputies i there was not one of them 
 ConcTu! T.c P'^^^^"'^- That fome be prefent from the greater part of all Chriftian Provinces-, there 
 17. '" ' ' were none out of three parts of four of the Chriftian world.He faith,//je o//jfrP^/rMrc/;j 
 were Hfr^j/c^i-.Though it were true, yet untill they were lawfully heard and condem- 
 ned in a General Council, or refufed to come to their trial, and were condemned for 
 
 their
 
 l^iscouRSE III. Of the Church of En^hnd. ^oi 
 
 their oblHnacy, they ought to have been fummoned ■■, yea , of all others, they efpe- 
 cially ought to have been fummoned. But where were they heard , or 
 tried, or condemned of Herefie,by any Council orPerfon that had Jurifdidionover 
 themi'Others of his fellows will be contented to accufe them of Schifm,and not pro- 
 nounce them condemned Hereticks. Guido the Carmelite is over partial and temera- 
 rious in accufing them without ground,asfome of his own party do confefs,and vin- 
 dicate them : And Jlpfmtfus a Cafiro taketh his information upon truft from him. 
 The plain truth is , their onely crime is , that they will not fubmit to the Popes 
 fpiritual Monarchy , and fo were no fit Company for an Jtalim Council. 
 
 His demand, ( Is not a Parliament the generall reprefentative of the natioft, unlefi 
 every Lord though a kiiorvn and condemned Kebel be fummoned? or unlefi every menili'r 
 that hath a right to ft there be prefent> ) is altogether impertinent. Neither hath 
 the Pope that Power over a General Council that the King hath over the Parlia- 
 ment-, Neither are the Protopatriarchs known condemned Rebelsi Neither is this 
 the ca(e, whether the neceflary or negledive abfenceof fome particular members 
 but whether the ablence of whole Provinces , and the much greater part of the 
 Provinces of Chrijlendom for want of due fummons , do difable a Council from 
 being a General reprefentative of the whole Chritlian world. And as it is imper- 
 tinent, fo it makes altogether againft himlelfl Never was there a Seffion of a 
 National Parliament in England , wherein fo few members were prefent , as were 
 in the pretended General Council of Trent , at the deciding of the moft weighty 
 controverfie concerning the rule of Faith. Never was there lawful Parliament in 
 England wherein there were more Knights and BurgefTes out of one Province, than 
 out of all the reft of the Kingdomi Never was there lawful Parliament in England, 
 the Aifls whereof either of one kind or of another might be queftioned by any 
 fingle Province , as the Ads of the Council of Trent , in point of Difcipline , or 
 queftioned by the Chaich of France. The queftion is not, whether Eccleliafti- 
 cal Superiours may forbear to execute , but whether inferiours may renounce and 
 proteft againft the execution. One of the prime priviledge of Parliament is to ipeak 
 freely : but this was not allowed in the Council of Trent. 
 
 He excepteth againft Jome angry exprejfjons of mine , Where I call the Biftiops of 
 Italy hungry parafnical penfioners , not forefeeing it might be retorted upon mine own 
 condition. And here he addeth in a (coffing manner, Itfeemeth, my Lord, yott 
 k^ep a good Table , fpeah^the truth boldly , and have great Revenues independant of any, 
 I {pake not there out of Paffion againft them , nor of ancient Italian Bifliops,but 
 meer Epifcopals , a great part of which were Italians ; Nor all of them , but only 
 fuch as were the Popes creatures , raifed and maintained by him for his own ends •• 
 Whether thefe werc;[)J5 hungry parafitical penfioners, they know beft, who know 
 moft. As for my fclf, I never raifed my felf by any infmuationx : I was never pa- 
 rafitical penfioner to any man , nor much frequented any mans Table. If mine 
 own be not fo good as it hath been , yet contentment and a good conlcience is a 
 continual feaft , and a golden bed of reft. And I thank God , I can fay heartily 
 with Holy Job , The Lord gave, and the Lord hath tak^n arvay, Blefied be the Name 
 of the Lord. What was this to his caule. 
 
 To prove the Council of Trent was not free , I cited fome things out of the 
 Hiftory of that Council, and fome things out of Sleidan. To which he anfwer- 
 eth nothing but this, "Xhzi it U a falfe injurious calumny , taT^nout 0/ Sleidan, ac- 
 counted by their party aftark^ liar and forger. This is a very eafy kind of refuting , 
 as good as Bellarmine thou lyeft. 
 
 To the Plea of the Patriarchal authority of the Bifhop of Rome , over Britain , 
 I gave three folutions. 
 
 Firft , that Britain was no part of the Roman Patriarchate. 
 Secondly, That although it had been, yet the Popes have both quitted, and forfei- 
 ted their Patriarchal Power,and though they had not,yet it is lawfully transferred. 
 Thirdly, that the difference between them and us is not concerning any Pa- 
 triarchal rights. To none of thefe doth he offer to give any anfwer , but onely 
 to one piftage , where I indeavour to prove that a {piritnal Monarchy from Chrijl, 
 and a Patriarchal authority from the Church are inconfiftent. From whence the 
 
 Rea-
 
 •82 
 
 A Juji Vindication TOME L 
 
 Reader may make this colk(ition,that bcca^fe the Pope was undoubtedly conlhtuted 
 a Patriarch by the Church, therefore as undoubtedly he was not inlhtutcd a fpiritual 
 Prince bv CM?. And all theanfwer that he giveth to this is,thatl argue weakjyand 
 rill' Satis pro imverio. This is Magiftical enough: as if he were another Py/Zw- 
 (,//' that we muft receive his didtates for Oracles. I will fet down the 
 imiment for the Readers fatisfadion. It may be at the fecond reading, this 
 Reflitcr will not find it altogether /o reeak "^^ filly- 1o ^e a Patriarchy and to 
 be an iiniverj'al Bifhop in that fenje , are inconfftent , and imply a contradidim in ad- 
 iefto. Ihe one profejfeth humane^ the o<^fr challengeth divine inftitutioni the one 
 hatha limited Jurifdidlion over a certain Province i the other pretendeth to an 
 unlimited Jurifdidtion over the whole world : the oneisSubje(ft to the Canons of 
 the Fathers , arid a meer executer of them , and can do nothing either againft 
 them or befides them i the other challengeth an abfolute Soveraignty above the 
 Canons befides the Canons , againft the Canons , To make them , to abrogate 
 them to fufpend their influence by a non obftatite , to difpenfe with them 
 in fuch cafes wherein the Canons give no difpenfative Power , at his own pleafure, 
 when he will, where he will, to whom he will. Therefore to claim a Power 
 Paramount, and Soveraign Monarchical regality over the Church , is implicitely 
 and in effedl to difclaim a Patriarchal Ariftocratical dignity, and on the other ' 
 fide , the donation and acceptance of fuch a Patriarchal Ariftocratical dignity, is a 
 convincing proof that he was not formerly poffeffed of a Sovereign Monarchical 
 Royalty. 
 
 To the point of Sacrifice , he faith , that I hide it in ohfcure iermi , and Jhuffe 
 certain common tvords. In Anfwer, I believe his meaning is quite contrary , that I 
 have fet it down over diftinftly. If I fhufHe any thing , 1 muft fhuffle my own 
 words, for I fee no Anfwer of his to (huffle among them. His exception againft 
 our Regifters, that he could never hear that any Catholick^efieemed indications were ever 
 admitted to a free perufal of them, ftiews onely, that he underftandeth not what our 
 Regifters arc. They are publick Offices^ whither every man may repair at his plea- 
 fure v and if he will be at the charge of a Search and a Tranfcription, may not on- 
 ly perufe them freely,6ut have an authentick copy of any A(ft that is there recorded. 
 Towards the conclufion of his Treatife , he inveigheth againft our uncharita- 
 bleneft , that it is not enough to JatUfie our uncharitable eyes , that Jo many of them 
 have been h anged dravcn and quartered for their Kcligion , telling us , that on aU occa- 
 fions ice ate ftili upbraiding the liberty given to Fapifts , and advifeth us , never here- 
 after to be fo impertinent at to repine at their liberty. D'oubtleft , he found this in 
 his own fancy s for in my Difcourfe there is nothing either of repining or upbrai- 
 ding : but this point of the penal Laws hath been formerly handled at large. 
 
 Laftly , To his expedient to procure peace and unity , that is , To receive the 
 root of Chrijiianity , that is a praUical infallibility in the Church. We do readily ac- 
 knowledge that the true Catholick Church is fo far infallible , as is neceflary to the 
 Salvation of Chriftians, that is the end of the Church. But the greater difficulty 
 Pag. 148. will be , what this Catholick Church is, wherein they are not onely divided from 
 us , but more among themfelves. 
 
 But becaufe he hath another exception to a teftimony of mine in ^jf Schifm dif- 
 Vind. fag. armed. 1 will make bold to give it an Anfwer here alfo: Even rvhen the Grecians 
 vpere difgufted, andrefufed unity , they ackttorvledged the power of the Bijhop of Rome, 
 M appears by a teflimony of Gerfon , cited by your friend Bijhop Brounhall againft him- 
 felf, which witnejfeth that the Greeks departed from the then Vope , with thefe words , 
 ff^e ackitowkdge thy power^ we \_cannot fatispe your covetoufnefs ^ live by your felves."^ 
 Doth he think that power is always taken in the better (enfe ? The words are not 
 potejlatem tuam recognofcimus , we acknowledge thy juft power > yet even poteflas is 
 taken fometimes in the worfer fenfe : as , potejias tenehrarum , the power of dark^ 
 nejfe : but potentiam tuam recognofcimus ^ we acknowledge thy mighti which words 
 might be ufed by a true man to an High-way robber. The Greeks accounted the 
 Latines Hereticks and Schifmaticks , and principally upon this ground of the Pope's 
 claim of a Spiritual Monarchy , and that Gerfon apprehended their words in this 
 fchle, it may appear by the context. His Pofition is this, Ihat mn ought not gene^ 
 
 rally 
 
 lOf
 
 Discourse III. Of the Church of Enghnd. ^28:! 
 
 raVy to he bound by the pcf:tive determinations of Fo^es , to hold and believe one and the 
 
 fame form of Government , in things that do not immediately concern the truth of our 
 
 Faith, and the Grjpet. From thence he proceedeth to fet down feme different Cu- 
 
 ftoms of the Grff/^ and L4t?«f Churches , both which he doth juftifie, Citing St. 
 
 Aujhne to prove, that in all fuch things the cufiome of the countrey is to be ob- 
 
 ferved. And among the reft of the Differences , this was one, that the Cretk^ 
 
 Church paid not fuch Subfidies and Duties as the Galiicofte Church did. It feem- 
 
 eth that the Pope would have exadted them , and that thereupon the Grecians did 
 
 fcparate from him , ufing this free expreflion , Totentiam tuam recogmfcimus , avart- ^"^' ^'/' 
 
 tiam tuam implere mn po^umus , vivite fer vos i We knoip thy might, ne are not able i'^Mrit'ciUU 
 
 to jatUfe thy covetoujnefs , live by your felves. And from thence the aforelaid iinfiderat. 
 
 Authour draweth this Conclufion , that/?er hanc cmfderationem bene eaptam, &c. 
 
 Upon this confideration , they might proceed to the Reformation of the French 
 
 Church, and the Liberties thereof , notwithftanding the contradiction which perhau 
 
 fame of the Court of Rome would mak^. There is not one word or fyllable herein 
 
 that maketh againft me, but there is both the practice of the Crffi^ Church, and 
 
 the Opinions of Cerfon , for the juftification of our Reformation , and Separation 
 
 from the Court of Romf.
 
 COURSE IV. 
 
 ■> 
 
 ^ 
 
 SM 
 
 GUARDED, 
 
 And beaten back upon the 
 
 Right Owners. 
 
 SHEWING, 
 
 That our great Controvcrfic about Papal Power is not a 
 CUieftion of Faith, but of Intereft and Profit, not with 
 the Church of Kome , but with the Court of Kome , 
 wherein the true Controverfie doth confift, who were 
 the firft Innovators , when and where tbefc Papal Inno- 
 vation'! firfl: began in England^ with the Oppofition that 
 was made againft them. 
 
 By JOHN BRAMHALL D* D. Bifliop 
 
 of D E R R y* 
 
 ACTS XXV. 10. 
 J fiand at Caefar'j Jndgemem-feat , ivhere I ought to be judged. 
 
 PSALM xix. 2. 
 Vies diei eruUat Verhum , & nox mUi indkat Scientiam. 
 
 D V B L IN, 
 Primed AnnoDom. M. DC. LXX. V,
 
 I
 
 2hy 
 
 
 THE 
 
 TENT 
 
 Of the Particular 
 
 SECTIONS & CHAPTERS. 
 
 Clear and civil Anfmr to the railing Accufaticn of S. W. in bh 
 
 late book^^ called^ Schiftn Difpatch'd. Page 29 i 
 
 A Surrejoynder, or Defence of the BtJ/jop of Derry V Replji to ihe 
 
 appendix of Mr, William Serjeant. p.,ge 395 
 
 Seftion I. Chapter i. Pagg 297 
 
 Section f. Chapter 2* Page 302 
 
 Section I. Chapter 3. Page 306 
 
 SedionI Chapter 4. 
 
 iht Pope and Court of Rome did breaks the Bonds of Vnitj , not ive. 
 
 Page 3c 9 
 Section f. Chapter 5. 
 
 To xfhom ihe Patronage of the EugWila church j doth of right helong. 
 
 Page 314 
 Sedion I. Chapter 6* 
 ihe Pope hath no Legijlative power in England. Page 316 
 
 Sedion I. Chapter 7. 
 ihe Pope hath no 'judiciary porter in England. Page 3 go 
 
 56(^1100 I. Chapter 8. 
 Of Papal Dijpenfations. • Page 334 
 
 Seftion I. Chapter 9. 
 Our Larees meddle not with Spiritual Jurifdii^ion* Page 337 
 
 Section (- Chapter ic. 
 Jn Anfwer to Rfr. Serjeant, concerning immediate Tradition , and hk iw& 
 Rules ofVnity. Page 342 
 
 Seclion I. Chapter ii* 
 ihe Creed is the old Rule ofFaith^ our Article), no points ofFaiih^ who fJfi 
 fitlh the Council tf/Ephtfiis. Page 345. 
 
 Seftion I. Chapter 12. 
 We charge not ihe ( hurch, hut the Pope and his party. Page 351 
 
 Section I I. 
 lh.it they who cafi Papal power out ^/England , wcreno Protejiants , but 
 R( man-Catholicks throughout^ except or.ely in thai ene point of the Pa- 
 pacy. Page 358 
 
 E e 2 Se-
 
 -?M ; 
 
 Section 1 I I. 
 
 7hat Hcniy the Eighth made no ticiv Lavp , but cnely vindicated the aticicut 
 Liberties of hngland. Page 364 
 
 Sett ion I V. 
 
 ihat ihe Britannick (Churches rvert ever excepted fr Off* Ferreign Jnrifdi&i- 
 
 on for the fir (i fix hundred jiedrs, andfo ought to continue. Page 370 
 
 '•^ Seftion V. 
 
 ihat the King and Church <?/ England had fuffcient authority to withdraw 
 
 their obedience from Komc. lageg?? 
 
 Seftion V I. 
 ihat ihe King and Church of England , hadfufficient Grounds to feparate 
 fiom the Court of Rome. Tage 382 
 
 Seaion VII. 
 ihat the King and ^ hutch <?/ England proceeded rvith due moderation. 
 
 rage 595 
 
 feftion VIII' 
 
 ihat all Princes and Republic's of the Roman Communion , do in effcS the 
 
 fame thing which Henry the Eighth did^ tvhcn they have occafion , or at 
 
 ihe leafi to plead for it.- I age 405 
 
 Seftion I X. 
 That the Fope and Court of Rome are moft guilty of that Schifme. 
 
 Page 412 
 Seaion X. 
 ^n Anfmr to their ObjeUions, page 416 
 
 DIS-
 
 i%9 
 
 
 
 To the Chriftian 
 
 READERS, 
 
 Efpecially the Romao-Catholicks of 
 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 Chriftian Reader , 
 
 H E grftrt hufihyig in the Controverfe cojuemhtg Tapal power, or the Vif- 
 cipline of the Church ^ hath been either abmt the true fcnfe of fome 
 li lexts of Holy Saiptire ■■) At, thou art Pftfr , ani upon this Rock 
 will I build my Church , and, to thee will I give the Keys of the 
 Kingdom of Heaven, and Feed my Sheep : Or about frnie priviledaes 
 conferred upon the Roman See by the Canons of the Fathers , and the Edi^s of Empe- 
 rours , but pretended by the Roman Court , and the maintainers thereof , to be held by 
 Divine Kight. J endeavour in this Ireatife to difabufe thee , and to pert' that this chal- 
 lenge of Divine Kight , U but a Blind, or Diverfon , to reithhold thee from finding nut 
 the true State of the ^eftion. So the Hare mak^s her doubles and her jumps before Jhe 
 comes to her Form, to hinder 'tracers from finding her out. 
 
 I demonflrate to thee , that the true Controverfe U not concerning St. Peter , we have 
 m formed difference about St. Peter , nor about any point of Faith , but of i,:terefl and 
 profit i nor with the Church of Rome , but with the Court of Pome , and wherein it 
 dothconfifi, namely^ in thefe ^ejiions ; lVl)o fhaU confer Englifli Bifhopricks .? who 
 jhaU convocate Englilh Synods ? who jhaV receive "Tenths, and Ftrji-fruiti , and Oaths of 
 Allegiance and Fidelity ? IVhcther the Tope can mak^ binding Laws in England , with- 
 out the confent of the King and Kingdom , or dijpenfe with Englifh Laws at his own 
 pkafure , or Ci^J'Englilh Subjects to Rome without the Prince's leave , orfet up Legan- 
 iine Courts in England againji their wih ? And this J Jhew not out of the opinions of 
 particular Authours , but out of the puhlick. Laws of the Kingdom. 
 
 J prove moreover out of our Fundamental Laws , and the IVritings of our befi Hiflo-^ 
 riographers, that all theje Branches of Tapal power were Abufes , and Innovations , and 
 Z/furpatiofts , firji attempted to be introduced into England above Eleven hundred years 
 after Chriji , with the names of the Innovators, and the precife time when each innovation 
 began, and the oppofition that was made againji it, by our Kings , by our Bijhops, by our 
 Teers , by our Parliaments , with the groans of the Kingdom under thefe Papal innova' 
 tions and extortions, 
 
 Lik^wife in point of DolJrine , thou hali been inftru&ed that the CathoUck^ Faith d:Hh 
 comprehend all thofe points which are controverted between us a>id the Church of Rome . 
 without the exprefs belief whereof m> Chrijiian can be faved : whereas in truth aU thefe 
 are but opinions , yet fome more dangerous than others. If none of them had ever been 
 ftarted in the world, there is fufpcient to Salvation for points to be believed in the Apo- 
 ftlcs Creed. Into this Apoftolical Faith profejfed in the Creed , and explicated by the 
 Four frji General Councils , and onely into this Faith we have aV been haptifed. Fat 
 
 F , be
 
 igo 
 
 To the Chriftian R EADERS. TQME1> 
 
 he it from m to imagine , that the CathoJkk Church haih evermore haptijed, a«d doth 
 ihli haPtife but into ore half of the Chriftian Faith. 
 
 Jn futnme doft thoH d(f.re to live in the Conmttmon of the true Catholtc\ Church } 
 So do J But as J dare not change the csgnifame of my Chriftimity , that is my Creed , 
 nor enlarge the Chriftian Faith ( J mean the EJfentiah cfit ) beyond thofe bounds which 
 the Jpoftles have fet : So I dare not ( to ferve the interefl of the Roman Court ) limit 
 the CatholicK Church , tfhich Chrift hath}ur chafed with his bloody to a fourth or a fifth 
 part of the Chriftian world. 
 
 IhoH art for tradition ^fo am I. But my tradition is not the tradition of one particu- 
 lar Church contradiSed by the tradition of another Churchy but the univerfal and perpe- 
 tual tradition of the Chriftian world united. Such a tradition is a full proofs which is 
 received kmptx , ubique, & ab omnibus i always^ every where ^ and by all Chrifti- 
 ans. Neither do J look^ upon the oppcfmoM of an handful of Heretickj, ( they are no 
 more being compared to the innumerable multitudes of Chrijiians , ) in one or two ages^ 
 Of inconfftent with univetfality , any more than the highejl mountains are inconfftent 
 with the roundnefs of the earth. 
 
 Ihou dtfreft to bear the fame ref^eU to the Church of Rome that thy Ancejiours did; 
 fo do J. But for ihatfulnefs of power , yea , coaOive power in the exuriour Court, ever 
 the StibftUs if other Princes , and againfi their wills , devifed by the Court of Rome , 
 not by the Church c/Romci it is that pernicious fource from whence all thefe Vfurpations 
 did ftring. Our Anceftours from time to time made Laws againft it : and our Reforma- 
 tion in point of VifcipUne being rightly underftood^ was but a furfuing cf their fleps. *fhe 
 true Controverfie is. Whether the Bifhop of Rome ought by Divine "B-ight to have the 
 external Jiegiment of the Englifli Church, and coaUive jurifdiSion in Englilh Courts ^ 
 over Enghlh SubjeCis , againji the will of the King and the Laws of the Kingdom.
 
 2pl 
 
 I DISCOURSE IV. 
 
 SCHISM 
 
 GUARD E D> 
 
 Apd beaten back upon the 
 
 Right Owners: 
 
 Or, A Clear and Civil 
 
 ANSWER 
 
 To the R.ailii)g 
 
 ACCUSATION 
 
 OrS.H^. in his late BOOK, called, 
 
 Shifm Difpatchd 
 
 Hatfoever S. If. alias Mr. 5'frjf<?«t doth intimate to the contrary, 
 (for he dare not cough out,) it is a moft undeniable truth, that no 
 particular Church , ( no not the Church cfKome it felf J is ex- 
 empted from a polfibility of falling into errours in Faith. When 
 tliele errours are in Eflentials of Faith , which are neceiTary to 
 falvation necejfitate medii , they deftroy the being of that Church 
 which is guilty of them. But if thefe errours be in inferiour point?, 
 fuch as are neither abfolutely neceflary to Salvation to be known , nor to be be- 
 lieved before they be known •, fuch an Erroneous Church Erring without obfli- 
 nacy and holding the truth implicitly praparatione animi , may and doth ftill con- 
 tinue a true member of the Catholick Church , and other Coordinate Churches 
 may and ought to maintain Communion with it , notwithftanding that they 
 diflcnt in opinion. But if one Church before a lawful determination (hall ob- 
 trude her own Errours or opinions upon all other Churches as a neceffary 
 condition qf her Communion , or after determination {hall obtrude doubtful 
 opinions ( whether they be Erroneous or not ) as ncceffary Articles of Chriftian 
 
 F f 2 Faith .
 
 09^ 
 
 Schifm Guarded. TOME I. 
 
 Faith, andfo not oncly explain, but like wife enlarge the Ancient Creeds , (he 
 bccometh Schifmatical : As on the other fide , that Church which fliall not out- 
 wardly acquiefcc after a legal determination , and ceafe todifturb ChriiUan Unity, 
 thoueh her Judgement may be found , yet her pradife is Schifmatical. 
 
 This is the very caft betwixt the Churches of Row? and England^ She obtrud- 
 cth doubtful opinions as neccffary Articles of Faith , and her own Errours as 
 jieceffary conditions of Communion , Which Mr. Serjeant every where mifleth 
 and mifteth with his prevarications. 1 cannot more fitly refemble his difcoiufe 
 than to a Winter Torrent , Which aboundeth with Water when there is no need 
 of it But in Summer when it (hould be ufeful , it is dried up ; So he is full of 
 proofs ( which he mifcaJleth Vemonjirations ) where there is no controverfie between 
 us and where the water flicks indeed i he is as mute as a fifh. He taketh great 
 pahis to prove that the Catholick Church is infallible in fuchthings as are neceffary 
 to Salvation. Whom doth he ftrike ? He beateth but the air , We fay the fame : 
 But we deny that his Church of Jiom^ is this Catholick Church , and that the 
 Differences between us are in fuch things' as are neceffary to Salvation. Here where 
 he fhould demonftrate if he could , he favours himfelf. He proveth that it is un- 
 reafonable to deny that or doubt of it which is received by the Univerfal Traditiof 
 of the whole Chriflian World. What is he fecking ? Surely he doth not ftek the 
 Queftion here in Earneft , but as he who fought for an Hare under the I„eadsi be- 
 caufe he muft feek her as well where {he was not , as where (he was. We con- 
 fefs that virriting addeth no new authority to tradition , Divine writings and 
 Divine tradition , Apoftolical writings and Apo(\olical traditions , if they be 
 bothalike certain , have the fame authority: And what greater certainty can be 
 imagined than the Univerfall Attefiation of the Catholick Symbolical! Church of 
 Chrift. But the right Controverfy lyeth on the other hand. We deny that 
 the Tradition whereupon they ground their Opinions , wherein we and They 
 diffent , is univerfall , either in regard of time , or place. 
 
 He endeavoureth with Tooth and Nayle to eftablifli the Roman Papacy Jure di- 
 ww , but for the extent of Papall power he leaveth it free to Princes , common- 
 wealths , Churches , Univerfities , and particular Dodors to Difpute it, and 
 bound it , and to be Judges of their own priviledges. Yet the main controverfie, 
 I might (ay the onely neceffary controverfie between them and us , is about the 
 extent of Papal power, as (hall be (een in due place. If the Pope would content 
 himfelf with his exordium umtatis , which was all that his primitive pra^decefTours 
 had , and is as much as a great part as his own Sons will allow him at this day j 
 we are not fo hard hearted and uncharitable , for fuch an innocent Title or Office, 
 to difiurb the peace of the Church. Nor do envy him fuch a prcheminence a- 
 mong Patriarchs as St. Feter had ( by the confeflion of his own party ) among 
 the Apoftles. But this will not be accepted , either he wiU have all or none , Pa- 
 tronages, Tenths, Firft Fruits , Inveftitures, appeals , Legantine Courts, and in 
 one word an abfolute Soveraignty or nothing. It is nothing unlefs he may bind 
 all other Bifhops to maintain his ufurped Royalties , under the pretended name 
 of Kegalia SanUi Petri^ by an Oath contradicflcry to our old Oath of Allegiance, 
 although all thefe enchroachments are direftly deftrudive to the ancient Laws and 
 liberties both of the Britijh and Englijh Churches. So we have onely caft off his 
 boundlefs Tyranny. It is he and his Court who have deferted and di(claimed his 
 own jufl regulated authority , as appeareth by the right ftating of the Queftion. 
 But Mr. Serjeant Lapwing-like makes the raoft pewing and crying when he is 
 furtheft from his Neft. What he is, I neither know nor much regard. I conclude 
 he is but a young Divine , becaufe he himfelf ftileth his Treatife the Prentifage 
 of his endeavours in controverfie pag. 2. And is it not a great boldnefs for a fingle 
 apprentice ( if he do not (hoot other mens bolts after he hath beftowed a Rheto- 
 rical varnifh upon them ) to take up the Bucklers againft Two old Doctors at once, 
 and with fo much youthful prefumptionof vidtory, that his Titles found nothiug 
 but difarming^ and difpatching, and knocking dotvn, as if Cxfars Motto. J came , 
 IpTP, I overcame^ were his Birthright ? He that is fuch a conquerour in \\\sappren- 
 tifage , what viftories may not he promife himfelf, when he is grown to be an ex- 
 perienced
 
 DfscouRSE IV. Schifm Guarded. 293 
 
 pcrienced Mafter in his profellion ? But let him take heed that his over daring 
 do not bring him in the conclufion to catch a lartar ^ that is in plain E>/g///&, to 
 lofe himfelf. The caufe which he oppugneth is built upon a rock , though the 
 wind blufter, and the waves beat, yet it cannot fall. 
 
 I hear moreover by thofe who feern to know him , that he wais fometimes a 
 Novice of our Eygltjh Church , who deferted his Mother before he knew her i 
 If it be fo ■■> he oweth a double account for Schifm, and one which he 
 ■will not claw oif fo eafily. And if no man had informed me , I ihould have 
 fufpeded fo much of my (elf: We find ftrangers civil and courteous to us every 
 where in our Exile , except they be fet on by fome of our own i but fundry of 
 thofe who have run over from us, proved violent and bitter Adverfaries without 
 any provocation, ( as Mr. Serjeant for example. ) I cannot include all in the fame 
 Guilt, whether it proceed from the Confcioufnefs of their own guilt in deferting 
 us , at this time efpecially v or the contentment to gain companions or fellow 
 profelites : or they find it neceffary to procure themfelves to be trufted i or it be 
 injoyned to them by their Superiours as a policy to make the Breach irreparable: 
 Or what elfe is the true reafon I do not determine. But this we all know,thatFow- 
 lers do not ufeto purfue thofe Birds with clamour which they have a defire to catch. 
 His manner of writing is petulant railing and full of Pravarication , as if he 
 had the gift to turn all he touched into Abfurdities, Calumnies, and Contra- 
 didions. Sometimes in a good mood , he acknowledgeth my poor labours to be 
 a pattern of rvit and indufiry;and that there is much commendable in them at other timesi 
 in his pallion he maketh them to be abfwd^non-fenfical/idiculous^and every xvhere contra- 
 ditiory to themfelves^ and me to be vcorfe than a mad man or born foal. Good words, 
 If better were within better would come out. Sometime he confeifeth me to be can- 
 did and dotvnright^ and to fpeak^plain; at other times he accufeth me for afalfifier and 
 a Cheater rvithout ingenuity. A fign thar he uttereth whatfoever cometh upon his 
 tongues end, without regard to truth or falfhood. If he can blow both hot and 
 cold with the fame Breath , there is no great regard to be had of him. 
 
 The Spartans brought their Children to love Sobriety by (hewing them the de- 
 teitable Enormities which their Servants committed being drunken : lb the onely 
 View of Mr. Serjeants railing writings are a fufficient Antidote to a ftayed man 
 againft fuch extream fcurrijity. And I wonder that the Church of Kome which 
 is fo provident that none of her Sons in their writings fwerve from their rule of 
 Faith , fhould permit them fo Licentiouily to tranfgrefs the rule of good manners: 
 and whileft they (eem to propugn true Piety, to abandon all civility, as if Zeal and 
 Humanity were inconfil^ent. When Michael the Arch-angel difputed with the 
 Devil about the body of Mofes, he durftnot bring a railing accufation againft him. 
 whether doth this man think himfelf to have more privUedge than an Arch-Angel, 
 or us to be worfe than Devils? When the Holy Ghoft fell upon the Apoflles, it 
 was indeed in fiery Tongues to exprefs Devotion ; but likewife in cloven Tongues 
 to exprefs Difcretion. St. Tattl would have the Servant of the Lord to he gentle to all 
 men, in meektiefi tnihttUing thofe that oppofe themfelves , if God peradventure will give 
 them repentance to the ack>wTvledging of the truth : this is the right way to gain z Tim. *. 4; 
 Soules. The mild beams of the Sun wrought more effedually upon the Travail- 
 er , than the bluftering blafts of the Noxthvpind. Cenerofus eji animus bominU. The 
 mind vf man U Generous^ and is more eafily led than drawn : The Lord was not in 
 the Loud wind, nor in the Earthquake, nor in the Fire , but in a ftill voice. Such ' King-i> '»• 
 a one Mr. Serjeant is not. 
 
 If he had objcdted but Two or Three abfurdities or contradi(ftions , it had 
 been able to have troubled a man, becaufe ijiere might have been fome Verifimili- 
 tude in it; but when he Metamorphofeth my whole difcourfe into abfurdities and 
 contradiftions, that they lye as thick as Samfnnh Enemies , heaps upon heaps mth judg.tj. iqj 
 the Jawbone of an Afle , it (heweth plainly that they are but made Dragons , 
 without any reality in them. Like that rtrange Monfter, wliioh a cunning cheat 
 promifed to (hew his credulous Spectators , An horfe whofe head Itood in ths 
 place of his tail : And when all came to all , he himfelf had tyed the horfe to the 
 manger the wrong way i There needs no application. So an expert Puppet- 
 player
 
 7 94- 
 
 Schifw Guarded. T O M E h 
 
 player can at his plcafurc make the little Adors chide and right one with ano- 
 ther and knock their own heads againft the Pofts, by fecret motions which he 
 hinifclt" lendcfh them. So the Pidure of a glorified Saint , by changing of the 
 nro(pc(51:, may be turned into a poor Lazar. 
 
 He profcfTeth that he hath the gitt ot unprejudiced fwcerity, \i he could be cre- 
 dited upon his bare word : But remember to dijlruji , was Epidemhls Jewel. No 
 man proclaimeth in the ftreets that he hath rotten wares to fell : and Juglers 
 when they are about to play their tricks, ufe to ftrip up their fleeves in aflurancc 
 of fair dealing. What pledge he hath given us in this Treatife of fuch Candor 
 and u>tprejudiced fnicerity, we may obferve by the fcquele. 
 
 In fum Reader, he complaineth much of TPordi>ig; yet he himftlf hath nothing 
 but word's. He calleth earneftly for rigid Vetnonftrations , but produceth none > 
 And if the nature of the Subjed would bear one, he knows a way how to turn 
 it into a contradidlion. He hateth cmtradiUions with all his heart , Miftake him 
 not i it is in another not in himfelf. It were to be wiihed that he knew a little 
 better what contradiAions are , leaft innocent propofitions go to wrack in his fury 
 under the Notion of Contradidions , As poore old women doe for witches in 
 fome part of the world. He is a great Friend to Chriftian Peace , and a mighty 
 defirer of Vnity if we may truft his word j If he be indeed , it will be the better 
 for him one day , but who would have thought it , that fcratching and biting 
 among reafonable men were a ready way to Unity. I doubt it is but fuch an U- 
 nity, as Kabjhaksth defired between Senacherib and Uezehiah^ a flavifli Unity. 
 I propofed but Three Expedients in the Conclufion of my Vindication of the 
 Church oi England^ to obtain a wifhed Peace in Chriftendom, fuch as themfelves 
 cannot deny to be lawful , and all moderate men will judge neceflary to be 
 done. To reduce the prefent Papacy to the Primitive form , The EfTentials of 
 Faith to the Primitive Creed , and Publick and Private devotions to the primitive 
 Liturgies: But this peaceable man is fo far from liftening to them, that he doth not 
 vouchfafeto take notice of themiBut in anfwer wifheth us To receive the root efChri- 
 fiianky^ that is Fradical Infallibility in the Church ( he meaneth the Church of Rome ) 
 which being denied there is no Religion left in the world. His ftile is Toofliarp,his Judge- 
 ment over partial , his Experience Too fmall , his fentences and cenfures over 
 lafh and rigorous , his Advices Too Magifterial, to be a fit inftrument of procu- 
 ring Peace. But kt us liften to thofe truths which he propofeth whether they 
 be as he avoucheth ( with more confidence than difcretion ) «s evident in them- 
 felves as that "Ttpo and Ihree make Five. If he can make this good , his work 
 is done : But if there be no fuch thing , as thou wilt find , learn that all is not 
 gold that gliders ; And let him take heed that his new light be not an ignis fa- 
 ijiuf , which maketh Precipices fcem plain ways to wandring mifled perfons-.
 
 Discourse IV. Scbifm Guarded. Qp^ 
 
 fiiiiififf'iittfi$ 
 
 SURREJOYNDER, 
 
 o R 
 
 Defence of the Bifliop of Derrys R e p l T to the 
 Ajpndix of Mr. William Serjeant, 
 
 Sf2fi2^ H E Firft part of his Rejoynder is a Corollary, drawn from his for* 
 1^ T i^ "^^'^ Principles , brought againft Dr. Hammond. That little remains 
 E^ T H^ to be replied to me in fuhjiantial points ^ fmce neither can J deny there is 
 jiajj.^*^ norv a Breach made between us ■■, nor do J pretend demon(lraliie and rigo- 
 ^^ roiu evidence, that the Pope's authcrity tras an ttfurpation : Kcr Lajily, 
 
 Do J pretend that probable reajons are a fuffciem ground to renounce an Authority fo 
 Jirongly fupported by long pojjejjion , and univerfal delivery of immediate Forefathers as 
 come from Chriji , or that it nras prudence to hazard a Schifm upon the unctrtain Lottery 
 of a probability. Thefe grounds are fuppofed by him to be dtmonftrated againft 
 Dr. Bammond , and are barely repeated here , to try if he can kill two Birds with 
 one Bolt made of a Bur. But I rcfule the Province at prefent as a needlefs and a 
 thanklefs office i needlefs , in refped: of his learned Adverfary, who will (hew 
 him fufficiently the weaknefs of his pretended Demonftration i and thanklefs in , 
 
 refpeft of himfelf , who had taxed me in this Pvcjoynder of bufying my felf to'an- ^' ^*^' 
 fwcr an Objedion that was not addrefled to me. 
 
 Yet left Mr. Serjeant (hould feign that I feek Subterfuges i I will briefly and clear- 
 ly declare my fenle of his grounds as they are here propofed , that he may fight no 
 more with his own ftiadow , as it is his common ufe i in hope I may recover his 
 good opinion of my candour and ingenuity. And if it pleale him , he may 
 borrow Diogenes his Candle and Lanthern at noon-day , to fearch for contradi- 
 <!^ions. 
 
 Firft , That there is a breach between them and us , is too evident and void of 
 Queftion. Whether they or we be guilty of making this breach , they by excom- 
 municating us , or obtruding unlawful conditions of their communion upon us, 
 or we by feparating from them without fufficient grounds , is a Queftion between 
 us. But that which changeth the whole ftate of the Queftion is this, If any Biftiop, 
 or Church, or Court whatfoever , (hall prefume to change the ancient Difcipjine 
 of the Church and Dodtrine of Faith , either by addition or by fubftradlion , ei- 
 ther all at once , or by degrees , and in fo doing ft^all make a breach between them 
 and the Primitive Church , or between them and the prefent Catholick Churdi ; 
 To feparate from him or them in thofe things wherein they had firft feparated from 
 the ancient or prefent Catholick Church, is not Schilrn but true piety. Now we 
 affirm that the later Bifhops of Kome did alter the Difcipline of the Church and 
 Dodrine of Faith, by changing their beginning of Unity into a plenitude and 
 univerfality of Soveraign Jurifdiftion , and by adding of new ElTentials of Fsith 
 to the Creed i and in fo doing had made a former breach between themfelves 
 and all the reft of the Chriftian world. Here the Hinge of the Controveriie i? 
 moved. Hitherwards all his fuppofed Demonftrations ought to have looked. Nei- 
 ther vvill it avail him any thing to fay, there can be no fufficient caufe of Schifm ; for 
 in this cafe the lepsration is not Schifm , but the caule is Schiim.
 
 ■1 
 
 296 
 
 Schifm Guarded. T O M E !♦ 
 
 „ 1] jf by Vemonjirative and rigorous Lvidence he underflands pcried De- 
 lations according to the exad Rules of Logick ■■, Neither is this caufe ca- 
 ""?? of fuch Dcmonftrations , nor can his Mediums »mount unto it : but if by 
 T)!!no>,liraUve Evidence , he underfiands onely convincing proofs, as it feemeth by 
 
 ofins it to probable reafons , I have made it evident, that the Pope's Authori- 
 tv which he did fometimes exercife in England, before the Reformation, when 
 thev permitted him , and which he would have exercifed alwayes de futuro, if he 
 lid have had his own will , was a mere ufurpation and innovation never at- 
 tempted in the Britifit Churches for the firft Six hundred yearsi attempted but not 
 admitted by the Saxon Churches for the next Five hundred years i and damned by 
 the Laws of the fucceflive Norman Kings ever fince , as deftrudive to the Rights 
 of the Englifh Crown , and the Liberties of the Englifi Church , as fhall be main- 
 tained wherefoever occafion offers it felf Yet all this while I meddle not with 
 his beginning of Vnity i if he wants that refped for me , it is his own fault. 
 
 And this includeth an Anfwer to his Third ground, that the Papal authority 
 which we rejeded , was fo Jirongly fupparted by long foffejlton , and the ttniverfal De- 
 livery of Forefathers at tome from Chrift. He had alwayes Ibme fhew of right for his 
 beginning of Vnity , but no pretence in the world for his Soveraifftty of povcer. 
 To make Laws, to repeal Laws, to difpenfe with the Canons of the Univerfal 
 Church, to hold Legantinc Courts , to difpofe of Ecclefiaftical preferments, to 
 call the Subjeds out of the Kingdoms , to impofe Tributes at his pleafure , and 
 the like. We will (hew him fuch an ufurpation as this i Let him prove (uch a Pa- 
 pacy by univerfal Tradition , and he (hall be great j4pol!o to me. We do not hold 
 it prudence to hazard a Schifm upon probabilities : but truft mc, fuch a multitude of 
 palpable Ufurpations as we are able to reckon up, fo contrary to the Fundamen- 
 tal Laws of England , which were grounded upon the ancient Priviledges of the 
 Britip and Saxon Churches , together with the addition of Twelve new Articles 
 or EfTentials to the Creed at once by Fius the Fourth ( I fay addition not explica- 
 tion ) are more than probabilities. He converfeth altogether in Generals , a Papa- 
 cy or no Papacy , which is commonly the method of Deceivers : but if he difpute 
 or treat with us , we muft make bold to draw him down to particulars i particu- 
 lars did make the breach. 
 
 I cenfured his light and ludicrous title of Voven-derry modeftly in thefe words. 
 Jt were ftrange if he Jhould tbrotp a good caft , who foals his BotvI upon an underfong , 
 alluding to that ordinary and elegant expreifion in our Englifh Tongue, Seal your 
 Bow/ B'eW, that is, be careful to begin your work well. 
 
 Vimidimi fadi , qui bene cepit , hahet. 
 
 The Printer puts Jeals for foals , which eafie errour of the Prefs , any rational 
 man might have found out; but Mr. Serjeant's Pen runs at random, telling the 
 Reader , that I am myfticaVy proverbial , that I am far the better hovpler. Surely he 
 did but dream it. And that he himftlf is fo inexpert , ck not to nnderftand tfhat if 
 meant by fealing a Boivl upon an underfong. If he were fuch a Stranger in his Mo- 
 thers Tongue , yet he might have learned of (bme of his friends what foaling a 
 Bowl was , rather than burthen the Prefs , and trouble the world with fuch em- 
 pty and impertinent vanities. Neither did his pleafant humour reft here , but 
 twice more in his (hort Rejoynder he is purfuing this innocent Bowl. Afterwards 
 he telleth us, that I was beholden to the merry Stationer for thU Title, who tvithout hU 
 hfforvledge or approbation would needs makg it his Poli-pa{i to his Bill of Fare. This 
 Anfwer if it be true , had excufed himfelt: but it (heweth that the Stationer was 
 over- fcurriloufly audacious, to make fuch Antepafts and Pofipafts at his pleafure. 
 Neither is it likely, that the Compnfer wot fuch a perfed ftranger to our Language, as he 
 intimateth in his Epiftle, and the merry Stationer Co well ver(ed in our Vnderfongs. 
 But after all this he owneth it by telling us , that the jeaft was very proper and fatal. 
 Yes , as fatal as it is for his Rejoynder to contain 666 pages , which is juft the 
 number of the Beaft. His merry Stationer might eafily have contrived it other- 
 wife , for fear of a fatality , by making one page more or lefs ; but his mind was 
 
 other- 
 
 \
 
 DiiCoufiSE IV. Scbifm Gnarded. 207 
 
 other wife taken up , how to cheat his Curtomers with counterfeit Bills of Fare , 
 which they will never find , I will endeavour to cure him of his opinion of Fa' 
 tality. 
 
 SECT. I. Caf I. 
 
 BEcaufe Mr. Serjeam complaineth much of wording , and yet giveth his Readet 
 nothing but words , and calleth Co often for rigorous demonjlrations^ yet produ- 
 ceth nothing for his part which refembleth a ftrid Demonftrationi and becaufe this 
 iirft part of his Difcourfe is the Bafis or Ground-work of the whole Building 
 whereof he boafteth that it doth charge the guilt of Schifm upon our Churchy not onely l 
 
 rvith colour , but jvith undeniable Evidence. I will reduce his Diicourfc into a Lo- 
 gical Form , that the Reader may fee clearly where the wateir flicks between us. 
 Whatfoever he prateth of a rigorous demonjirative way as being onely conclufive it is 
 but a copy of his countenance. He cannot be ignorant , or if he be, he will find 
 by experience , that his glittering principles will fail him in hisgreateft need and 
 leave him in the dirt. I have known fundry phantaftick perfons who have been 
 great pretenders to Df»M»/fmno«, but always fucceflefs, and for the moft part ri- 
 diculous. They are fo conceitedly curious about the premiiTes, that commonly 
 they quite miftake their conclulion : caufes encumbred with circumrtances and 
 thofe left to the eledion of free Agents , ate not very capable of Demon- 
 ftration. 
 
 The Cafe in difference between us is this as it is ftated by me. Whether the Church c^ly ^-^ 
 of England have roithdraron thenijelves from Obedience to the Vicar of Chriji and fe- nied ». lod'. 
 farated from the Communion of the Catholick^ Church. 
 
 And upon thofe Terms it is undertaken by him in the words immediatly fol- 
 lowing. And that thU crime U jullly charged upon his Church not onely with Colour 
 hut with undeniable Evidence of fa£i , will appear by the pofnion of the cafe » and the 
 nature of his exceptions. We liave the State of the Controverfie agreed upon be- 
 tween us , Now let us fee how he goeth about to prove his intention. 
 
 WljatChurch foever did upon probable reafons without any necejfary or convincing grounds 
 hreak^ the Bonds of Unity ordained by Chriji in the Gnfpel and agreed upon by all 
 true Churches^ is guilty of Schifm : Bitt the Church of Enghnd in Henry the Eighths 
 days dtdupon probable reafons without any necejfary or convincinggrounds, brea\the Bonds 
 of Vnity ordained by Chriji in the Gofpel and ag-eed upon by all true Churches there- 
 fore the Church of England is guilty of Schifm. I do readily affent to his Major pro- 
 pofition, and am ready to grant him more if he had pleafed to infett it That 
 that Church is Schifmatical which doth break the Bonds of Unity ordained by 
 Chrift in his Gofpel , whatfoever their reafons be whether convincing or probable 
 and whofoever do either confent to them or dilTent from them : But I deny his 
 Minor which he endeavoureth to prove thus. 
 
 Whjitfoever Church did renounce or rejeH thefe Two following rules or principles^ firji 
 that [_ The Dodlrines which had been inherited from their Forefathers as the Le- 
 gacies of Chrift and his Apoftles were folely to be acknowledged for Obliga- 
 tory , and nothing in them to be changed. "] Secondly that [_ ChriH: had made St. 
 Teter firft or chief or Prince of his Apoltles, who was to be the Firft mover un- 
 der him in the Church after his departure out of this World , and to whom 
 all others in difficulties concerning matters belonging to llniverfal Faith or Go- 
 vernment, fhould have recourfe, and that the Bifhops of Kome as Succeffours from 
 Sf Peter^ inherited from him this priviledge in refpedt of the Succeffours of the 
 refl of the Apoflles.^ "That Church did break^the Bonds of Vnity ordained by Chriji in 
 his Gofpel, and agreed upon between the Church 0/ England and the Church of Rome 
 and the reji of her Commnnion. But the Church of England did all this in Henry 
 the Eighths days that very year wherein this unhappy feparation began , upon meerly 
 probable no convincing grounds. Therefore &c. 
 
 To his forrtier propotition I made this exception , That he would obtrude upoii 
 us the Church of Rome and its dependents for the Catholick^ Church. Upon this he 
 flyeth out as 'tis his Cufiome into an inveftive difcourfe , telling me , / look, a 
 
 G g fquint
 
 T^S Scbifm Gnarded. T O M E I. 
 
 fuint at his fcfuion of the cafe. He wiil not hnd ic fo m the conclufion , And 
 'tiat J itriie Hjcus-Fccus liks to divirt my Spedatcrs eyes. With a great deal more 
 of fuch like froath , wherein there is not a fyllable to the purpofe , except this, 
 th-'t he did not mention the rfcrd Cjtbiylick^ in that f Lee. The greater was his 
 fiijt. It is a foul Solecifm in Logicii not to conclude contradiftorily, I did men- 
 tion f^e" Cjtbolick^ Cb-ttrch in the State of the queftion. metber the Church <?/ Eng- 
 land bad fef orated it felf from the Ccrnmuriyn cf the Catholtck^Chtcrch. And he 
 had undertaken in the words immediatly following , ta charge that i<ery Sckifm 
 upon Its rvitb undeniable eiidence. And in his very Firft Eflay fhuffles out the 
 Catbolick^Cburcb, and in the place thereof thruils in the Church of Rome rrith all the 
 nfi if her Con:municy..'ii.i might have known that we do not look upon the Church 
 of Kcme with all the reft of her Ccmmunionas the Catholick Church v Nor as 
 above a Fifth part cf the prefent Catholick Church i And that we do not afcribe 
 any fjch infallibility in neceflary truths to the Kcmxrt ChurcTi with all her de- 
 pendants , as we do to the true Catholick Church , Nor dteem it always SchiA 
 matical to feparate from the modem Kiman Church , Namely in tho(e points 
 wherein fhe had Firft feparated both from the Primitive Koman Church , and 
 from the prefent Cathohck Church. But we confefs it to be always Schifinatical 
 to feparate from the Communion of the Catholick Church United. Thus much 
 he ought to take notice of, and when he hath occafion hereafter to write upon 
 this Subjcd , not to take it for granted ( as they ufe to do ) that the Catholick 
 Church and the Kcman Church are convertible Terms , or tell us a Tale of a 
 Tub what their Tenet if , that ihefe Churches vphich continue in Communion veitb the 
 Roman are tJjt otuly true Churches. We regard not their Schiiinatical and unchari- 
 table Tenets now, no more than we regarded the fame Tenets of the Vonatijls 
 of old. They mult produce better authority than their own , and more fubftan- 
 tial proofs than he hath any in his budget, to make us believe that the Roman 
 Church is the Catholick ChurcL It is charity to acknowledge it to be a Catholick^ 
 Church mcluGvely '■> but the greateft uncharitablenels in the world to make it the 
 CatbolickjChurcb excluCveIy,that is to feparate from Chrift and from hope of Salvati- 
 on as much as in them lieth, allChriftians who are not of their own Communion. 
 Howfoever , it is well that they who uled to vaunt that the Enemy trembled at the 
 r.ame cf the Catholick^ Church , are now come about themfelves to make the Catho- 
 lick Church to be an appendix to the Roman. Take notice Reader that this is the 
 Fiift time that Mi.Serjeaftt turns his back to the Qaeftion, but it will not be the laft. 
 My next task is to examin his Two Rules or Bonds of Unity. And firft con- 
 cerning his Rule of Faith, I don't or.cly approve it but thank him for it ■■, and when 
 The Rule of I have a purpofe to confute the Tv.elve rew Articles of Pius the Fourth, I will 
 Faith. jjot deGre a better medium than it. And I do cordially fubfcribe to his Cenfure , 
 
 that the tranlgreffb Jis thereof are indeed thofe who are truly guilty of that Horrid 
 Schifm which is now in the Chriftian world. 
 
 To his fecond Rule or Principle for Government that Clyrifl made St. Peter frjl 
 
 cr Chief or Frir.ce cflis Aperies , who was to be thefirfi merer under him in the Church 
 
 The Rule cf^ after he departed cut (fthif world , to whom all others fhould have reccurfe in greater 
 
 cc antrc"r. T^ifcuhies. If he had iiot been a meet Novice and altogether ignorant of the Tenets 
 
 ficabouiSi. cf our E/fg///& Church, he might have knc^vn that we have no ccntrcverfy 
 
 PettT. with Saint Peter, nor with any other about the Priviledges of Saint Peter. 
 
 Let him be Firft , Chief, cr Prince of the Apojiks , in that {enie wherein 
 
 the Ancient Fathers , ftiled him fo , Let him be the Firft Minifterial mover , And 
 
 why fhould not the Church have recourfe to a prime Apoftle or Apoftolical Church 
 
 in doubtful cafes > The learned Bifhop of Wimbefter ( of whom it is no fhame for 
 
 him to learn ^ might have taught him thus much, notonely in his own name, 
 
 but in the name of the King and Church of England , Neither is « que(iioned among 
 
 Rtft ai A}il ^ wbeihtr St. Vcicxhad a Primacy, hut what that Primacy was. And whether it were 
 
 BtlAirr.. c: i, juch an one as the Pope dcth new chillenge to himfelf , and you challenge to the Pope. 
 
 But the King dath Kct deny Peter to haie been the Prime and Prince cf the Apoftles. I 
 
 wonder how it ccmeth to pafs that he who commonly runneth over in his expref- 
 
 fions , fhould now on a fuddain become fo dry upon this Subjed-. If this be all , 
 
 he
 
 JD IS COURSE I V^ Schifm Guarded. -^_ 
 
 ^yy 
 
 he needed not to have forfaken the Communion of the Ch'dich oi Eftghnd , for a- 
 iiy great Devotion that he beareth to St. PeUr , more than we. 
 
 But yet we dare not rob the re.t of th; Apo'iles to cloath St. Peter, Wefay clear- 
 ly with St Cytrixii.Uac erant utique c£teri Afniioli quodfiiit Petrus, T-^? confortio p-£. CjfrUitdtV. 
 diti & honor IS & jioteliatis , fed exordiy.m ah Vnitate poH^fcitttr , TriMjsus Petro da- ""•*'< ^"iff- 
 ttcrut una. Clmjii Ecckfia & nna Cathedra moniiretKr^ The idi nfthe Jpcftk: rrere even 
 the fame tlnng that VttCT tvis , endovced with an t^.ital Feilorrfhip bath of b:n:ur and 
 fewer : hut the beginning coweth from Vnity, the Primacy U gizvn to Peter , to figmi^e 
 one Chttrch and one Chair. It is well known that St. Cy-ria' made all the Biiho- 
 pricRsinthe world to be but one Ma(s, Ep^copatus u;ms eji Epijcoporum multcrtm 
 eoncordi numereftate difxfuf, whereof every Bifhop had an entire part , cicuf a fin- £» < ^ /• 
 ptlU in folidttm fars tenetirr. All that he attributeth to St. Peter, is this beginning AMin.itvta- 
 of Unity, this primacy of Order , this preheminence to be the Chief of Eifnops '*"" 
 To be Biftiop of tJye principal Chitrch from whence Sacerdotal Vnity did j^mg Yet I 
 . efteem St. Cyprian as favourable an expofitor to the See of Kcme, as any they will *f- $$•*' 
 find out of their own Chair that was no more interreffed in that See. This ^"^'^ 
 primacy neither the ancients nor we do deny to St. Peter , of Order , of Place of 
 Preheminence, if this firit Moverihip would {erve his turn, this controv-.-rfie 
 were at an end for our parts. But this Primacy is over lean , the Court of Kome 
 have no Guilo to it , They thirft after a viiible Monarchy upon earth , an abfb- 
 Inte Ecclefiaftical Soveraignty , A power to make Canons, to abolilh Canons to 
 difpenfe with Canons , to impofe penfions, to di(pofe dignities, to decide contro- 
 verfies by a Gngle authority , this was that which made the breach , not the inno- 
 cent Primacy of St. Peter , as I (hall demonltrate by evident proofe as clear as the 
 Noon-day-lightl 
 
 Obferve Reader,that ^ir.Ser^,eant is making another Vagar; out of the Lifts,to feek 
 for his adverfary where he is fure not to rind him, hereafter if he have a mind to 
 employ his pen upon this Subjed, and not to bark at the Moon-fhinein the water 
 let him endeavpur to demonftrate thefe Four things which we deny indeed. 
 
 Firft , That each ApoiiJe had not the fame power over the Chril^ian world by 
 virtue of Chrift's CommilEon ( As my father Jent me , fo frndlytm , which St. Pf- 
 jfrhad. 7»;io.Ti. 
 
 Secondly , that St. Peter ever exercifed a Gngle JurifdicHon over the perfons of 
 the reft of the Apottles, more than they over him , befides and over and above his 
 Primacy of Order , or beginning ot Unit^^. 
 
 Thirdly, That St. Peter alone had his CommilEon granted to him by Chriit \ as 
 to an Chdinary Paji^ia- , to him and his SuccelTors, and all the relt of the .^poitles 
 had their Commillions onely as Delegates for term of life i This new hatched Di- 
 ftin(^on beini^ie foundation of the prefent Papacy , I would be elad to fee 
 one good Aut^Pb for it, who writ within a thoufand years after Chriil. 
 
 Laftly, That the Soveraignty of Ecclefiaftical power and Jurifdidion refted in 
 St. Peter alone , and was exercifed by him alone , and not by the Apoftolical Col- 
 ledge , during the Hilrory of the Ads of the Apollles. 
 
 Now let us proceed from St. Peter to the Pope , which is the {econd part of his The Pope Sas. 
 rule of Government. And that the Bipops rf Rome , as Succedyrs of St. Peter , in- ceffoor to S» 
 herited from him this Privikdge in re^eS of the Succefirrs f the reii of the Apyirks , and '*""'• 
 adually exercijed bis power in aH the Coitntrits which k^ft communion with the Church of 
 Rome, what Priviledge ? to be the hrlt Biihop , the chief Bilhop , the principal 
 Bifhop , the firft Mover in the Church , juft as St. Peter was among the Apoftles ? 
 We have heard of no other Priviledge as yet. If a man would be pleafed out of 
 meer pity to his ftarving caufe , to fappofe thus much , what good would it do 
 him ? Doth he think that the Pope or the Court of Korm would ever accept of 
 fjch a Papacy as this, or thank him for his double diligence ? He muft either be 
 meanly verfed in the Primitive Fathers , or give little credit to them , who will 
 deny the Pope to fucceed St. Peter in the Konun Biihoprick , or will env^' him the 
 Dignity of a Patriarch within his juli Bounds. But the Breach between Rome and 
 E-^gland was not about any Epifcopal , Metropolitical , or Patriarchal Rights. A 
 Patriarch hath more power in his proper Biihoprick , than in his Province , and 
 
 G g 2 mors
 
 200 
 
 Schifm Guarded. T O M E K 
 
 ■ niore in his Province, than in the rdt of his Patriarchate : but Papal power is 
 
 much ercater than any Bidiop did ever challenge in his own Diocefs. In my An- 
 
 fwer to his Aflumption , I fliall fhew fufficiently who they were that brake this 
 
 Bond of Union , and are the undoubted Authours of Schifm. 
 
 ot by But before I come to that , I would know of him how the Pope did inherit all 
 
 chr°ls ordi- ji^ofe Priviledges which he claimeth from St. Teter , or how he holds them by 
 
 nation. C/w/jiV own Ordination in Holy Scripture 'f Firft all the 'Eaflern Churches do affirm 
 
 confidently, that the moft of thefe Priviledges were the Legacies of the Church re- 
 
 prefentative , not Chrift or St. Teter. And it feemeth to be very true by that of the 
 
 c rdtc Council of Sardica , Si -vohU placet SanUi Petri memoriam homremw. If all thefe 
 
 Cone, . ar t . p^.^.j^j ^^j.^ ^h^ popes inheritance, it was not well done of old Ofius to put it y 
 
 ' ^ upon a Si placet, content or not content , and to affign no better a reafon,than the 
 
 memory of a Predeccflbur. It feemeth likewife to be true by the Council of Chalce- 
 
 dott which attributeth the primacy of the Bifliop of Rome to the decrees of the Fa- 
 
 Cmc. cbaUed. ^j^^^^ ^^j ^j^^ dignity of that imperia-l City s And when the Popes Legates did oppofc 
 
 ^^' ^^' the Ails of the Council , Gloria fffimi Judices dixerunt , the mofi Glorious Judges 
 
 faid let both parties plead the Canons. By the Canons that great Council of fix hun • 
 
 dred' and thirty Fathers did examine it i By the Canons they did determine it, there 
 
 was no inheritance pretended in the cafe. 
 
 Secondly , If the Bifliop of Kome did hold all his Priviledges by inheritance 
 from St. Teter , hew much were Three fuccellive Popes overfeen , Zofxmus , Bonifa- 
 ciui and C£leftinuf , to ground them upon the Canons of the Council of Nic^ , 
 and 'thefe either counterfeited or miftaken for the Canons of Sardica ? Which when 
 the African Fathers did find out by the true Copies of the Nicene Council, they re- 
 jeded that part of Papal power , as appeareth by their Letter to Pope C^lejiine, 
 Epifl-Conc, JFe earnejily befeech you, that henceforvpards you do net eafily lend an ear to fuch as 
 A\r. ad ctU- ^gjfjg jj-gfn hence : Nor ( which BeHarmine cuts off guilefully ) receive any more fuch at 
 ftin- are excommunicated by us into your Communion , with this {harp Intimation, Ne fu- 
 
 mofum typum feculi in Ecckfiam videamur inducere. If (bveraign Judicature did be- 
 long to the Bilhop ot^ Rome by inheritance from St. Teter, why did Three Popes 
 challenge it upon the Decrees of the Nicene Council ? and why did the African Fa- 
 thers refufe to admit it , becaufe it was not contained in the Decrees of the Nicene 
 
 Thirdly , If by Prince of Bifhops Mr. Serjeant underftands an abfolute Prince , 
 one who hath a fingle Legiflative power, to make Canons , to abolilh Canons, to 
 difpcnfe with Canons as feemeth good in his own eyes, if he makes a greater Prince 
 of the Steward , than he doth of the Spoufe of Chrift , he will have an hard Pro- 
 vince to fecure himfelf &om the cenfures of the Councils of Confiance and Bafile , 
 in the former of which were perfbnally prefent one Emperour , t*vo Popes , two 
 Patriarchs , all the Cardinals , the EmbalTadors of all the PrinceA.the JVefi , and 
 the Flower of Occidental Scholars, Divines , and Lawyers. Tnele had reafon to 
 know the Tradition of the Univerfal Church as well as Mr. Serjeant. 
 
 Laftly , Before he can determine this to be an undeniable truth , and a necellary 
 Bond of Vnity , that the Bifliop of Rome is Inheriter of all the Priviledges of St. Te- 
 ter and that thU Trinciple is ChrijFs orvn Ordination , recorded in Scripture, he muft 
 firft reconcile himfelf to his own party. There is a Commentary upon the Syno- 
 dal Anfwer of the Council of Bafle , Printed at Colone in the year \6i^. wherein 
 cmmtnt in £- is maintained , That the Trovinces fuhjeCi to the Four great Tatriarchs from the hegin- 
 fifi Synod'l mng of the Chrifiian Church , did h^oTv no other Supreme hut their own Tatriarchs, 
 conc,Bartl' po- j^fjj. if the Tope he a Trimate , it is by the Church; If he be the Head of all Churches , 
 Vj \ .Q, it U by the Church : and whereof K>e have faid , that it Is expreffed in the Council of 
 Nice , that many Trovinces were fubjeSed to the Church of Rome by Eccleftajiical cu- 
 ftome , and no other right , the Synod Jhould do the greateji injury to the Bijhop of Rome, 
 if it jhould attribute thofe things to him onely from cuflome , which were his due by Di- 
 vine right. 
 Cttfnn de vita Gerfon goeth much more accurately to work , diftinguifliing Papal rights into 
 jpitit, anim£. Three forts i Divine , which the Bifhop of Rome challengeth by fucceffion from St. 
 Teter : Canonical , wherewith he hath been trufted by General Councils : and Ci- 
 
 5 
 
 vil
 
 Schifm Guarded, oqi 
 
 x'i/, granted to that See by the Emperours. Of the firlt fort he reckoneth no 
 more but Three Privikdges-, To call Cemcils ^ To give Sentence mth Councils, and 
 Jw'udidion purely jfiritual. 
 
 Among the Propofitions given into the Council of Tifa , and Printed with the ^P^onc-pi' 
 Acts of the Council , we hnd thefe i Firft , Although the Tope , as he if the Vicar of'^y/'^^,' '^J 
 Chrijl, may after a certain manner be called the Head of the Church ■■> yet the Vnity 0/ ii? /o/.'dp'."' 
 the Church doth not depend necefiarily , or receive its beginning from the Vnity of the 
 Tope. Secondly, The Church hath power and authority originally and immediately from 
 Chrifi its Head ^ to congregate itfelf in a General Council, to preferve its Vnity. It is 
 added , That the Catholic^ Church hath thif porver alfo by the Law of 'Nature. Third- 
 ly , In the ABs of the Apojiles we read of Four Councils convocated , and not by the 
 Authority of Peter , but by the common confent of the Clmrch. And in one Council ce- 
 lebrated at Jerufalem , we read not that Peter , hut that James the Bijhop of the place 
 was Trefdent , and gave Sentence. He concludeth that the Church may call a General 
 Council without the Authority of the Tope , and in feme cafes , tho7fgh he comrade it. 
 The Writers and Writings of thole times , in and about the Councils of Conftance 
 and Bafile , and the Two Tifan Councils , do abound with fuch exprellions. 
 
 Before he determined pofitively. The Divine right of the Papacy, as it includeth Can.h.U.t.f!; 
 a Soveraignty of power , he ought to confider ferioufly what many of his own C«/- """crf. ' 
 
 Trimacy Soto^.fcrt. 
 
 to any particular Church ; That it cannot be proved that the Bijhop of Rome if terpe- '^'fl' '4» *• *• 
 tttal Trince of the Church •■> That the Glofs which preferreth the Judgment of the „''• j' j k 
 2low<aM Church before the Judgment of the world, U very fmgular , andfoolifh, and cifiaflfdotSi. 
 unworthy to be followed \ That it hath been a Catholich^ Tenet in former times that 4. «• !* 
 the Trimacy of the Kotnzn Bijhop doth depend not upon Vivine, but Humane riaht Cent tir.de ft' 
 and the pofttive Decrees of the Church •, That men famous in the ftudy of Chrifti- 'a^'c'l ■ 
 an Theology, have not been affraid in great Aflemblies tn afiert the humane right qftf/cel ^Baf. 
 the Tope. He ought to confider what is faid of a great King , that Theologians of- cone. li. 
 firmed that the Tope was the Head of the Church by Divine right , but when the Kiner ^{"'^' '• 9- 
 required them to prove it , they could not demonftrate it : And Laftly , What the Bi- ^'^' ^*'*''* 
 (hop of ChalcedoH faith lately to us, it fuffceth that the Bijhop of Rome it St. PeterV *'*"'' '' *' 
 Succefjour •, and thU all Fathers tejiifie , and all the CatbolichjChterch helieveth but whe- 
 ther he he fo jure divino or humano , is no point of Faith. 
 
 Here , Reader , I muft intreat thee before we proceed a fiep farther to read his Schijm dif^r- 
 Aflertion , That the conjiant belief of the Catholick, JVorld was and is , that this prin- ""^P- J04. 
 ciple ( namely , that the Bifhop of 'Kome inherited the Priviledges of St. Teter ) 
 if Clmji''s own Ordination recorded in Scripture , derived to w by the Jirongefl evidences 
 that our nature it capable of. What a ftrange confidence is this, to tell his Readers 
 he cares not what , fo it may ferve his prcfent turn ? How fhould this be recorded 
 in Scripture , when the Bifhoprick of Keme is never mentioned in Scripture nor 
 fo much as whether St. Teter ever was at Rome ? Except we underftand Rome by 
 Babilon ? But this is too remote and too obfcure to be Chrift's own Ordinance. If 
 it be recorded in Scripture , it is either in Nicodemus his Gofpel , or in the Pope's 
 Decretal Epiftles. Certainly in the genuine Scripture there is no manner of men- 
 tion of any fuch thing. 
 
 Hear the ingenuous confeffion of a more learned Adverfary , Negue Scriptura, ne- g g v . . 
 que Traditio habet , fedem Apojlolicam ita fixam ejfe Rom£ , ut tnde auferri mn pojft ■■> por/l'i.t. 4, 
 There is neither Scripture nor Tradition to prove that the See of St. Peter isfo fixed to 
 Rome , that it cannot be tak^n from it. But if the Bifhop of Rome did inherit the 
 Priviledges of St. Teter by Chrift's own Ordination recorded in Scripture then 
 there were Scripture to prove, that it cannot be taken away from Rome. ChrilFs 
 own Ordination muft not be violated. Behold both his grounds, Scripture and 
 Tradition fwept away at once. 
 
 It will not ferve his turn at all to fay, that I take him in a reduplicative fenfe as c t,-r j , 
 ifhej^ak'fthe Bijfops of Rome, as of Rome. Either Chrilt ordained in Scri- ^04! 
 pture , that the Biihop oi Rome (hould fucceed St. Teter in his priviledges i and then 
 
 the
 
 I02 
 
 Schifffi Guarded. TQMfe I. 
 
 Ml 4 
 
 the Bifliop ot" Kome doth ihcceed St. Peter as Bifliop of Rome. Or Chrift hath not 
 ordained in Scripture that the Bifliop of Rome fliould^fucceed St. Teter in his privi- 
 ledges j and then the Bifliop of Rome is not St. Peter s Succeffour by Chrift's own 
 Ordina'tion. He may be his Succeflbur upon another accounts but by Chrift's own 
 Ordination recorded in Scriptnre he cannot be , if Chrift himfelf hath not ordain- 
 ed in holy Scripture that he (hould be. He addeth, that J picked thefe words out of 
 a Paragraph a leaf after. Why ? is he not bound to fpeak trutli in one Paragraph , 
 as well as in another ? Or will he oblige one who combatteth with him, to watch 
 where his Buckler is ready, and be fure to hit that > Thefe things are as clear as 
 the light , and yet he vapours about my frivolous and impertinent Anfrvers , and n>on- 
 ders how ayty man can have the patience to read fitch a Trifier. Let the Reader judge 
 which Scale hath more weight in it. How fhould the Bifl-^op o/Rome'j Siicceffiou 
 to St. Peter be ChrijVs own ordination recorded in Scripture, when both his fellows, 
 and he himfelf^ do ground the Bifhop oi Rome's right to fucceed St. Peter upon the 
 Belli tie Rom. p^^fj. pf gf^ pff(r ^ namely , his dying Bifhop of Rome ? BeVarmine diftinguiflieth 
 ^""'Alb"!' between the Bipjop rf Rome's Succefion of St. Vcter , and the reafon of his Succefiott. 
 i». an 1.4* j^^ Succffion f faith he) m from the irjUiution ofChri{l by Divine right, and command- 
 ed by ChriJ}--, but the reafon of this Sucajfjon is from the Fad of St. Peter , not from the 
 infiituiion of Chriji. Which two are irreconcileable. For if Chrift commanded , 
 that the Billiop of Rome (hould fucceed St. Peter ( as he feith ) Vem iffe jufit Ro- 
 nriae figi ApofioUcam Petri fedem , qu£ autem juhet Vem mutari ah hominiluf non pof- 
 funt; Then not the Faft of St. Peter, but the Mandate of Chrift, is the reafon of 
 the Succeffion. There was no need that St. Peter fhould do any thing to perfe<3: 
 the commandment of Chrift : and on the other fide , if the fad of St. Peter be the 
 true reafon of the Bifhop of Rome's SuccefEon , then it is evident , that Chrift did 
 not command it. Let it be fuppofed to avoid impertinent Difputes, that Chrift 
 did create a chief Paftor of his Church, as an Office of perpetual neceflity, with- 
 out declaring his pleafure who fhall be his SuccefTour, but leaving the choice ei- 
 ther to the chief Paftour , or to the Church , without peradventure in fuch a cafe, 
 the Office is from Chrift, and the perpetuity is from Chrift i but the right of the 
 Succeffour is from them who make the application , Whether it be the chief Pa- 
 ftour , or the Church, The Succeflion of the Bifhop of Rome to St. Peter , is not 
 recorded in Scriptnre i The fad: of St. Peter is not recorded in Scripture y No fuch 
 ordination of Chrift is recorded in Scripture , that the Bifhop of Rome fhould be 
 St. Peter's SuccefTour : And therefore it is impoflible that the Succeflion of the Bi- 
 fhop of Kowe to St. Peter, fhould be Chrift's own ordination recorded in Scri- 
 pture. 
 
 Then what is this Mandate of Chrift ? and where contained ? The Mandate is 
 an old Legend contained in M<ir-cfK«w , Leo, Athanafus, Amhrofe, and Gregory^ 
 fome of which point at it , others relate it , rone define it as a matter of Faith. 
 That St. Peter a little before his Pajjion , being ready to depart out of Rome , did meet 
 Chrifi in the Gate , who told him , that he came to Rome to be crucified again ■-, thereby 
 intimating , that St. Peter mufl fufFer martyrdome there. Here is no mandate of 
 Chrift to St. Peter to fix his See at Rome , much lefs that he fhould place it there 
 for ever , never to be removed. True ( faith BeVarmine ) but yet non eft improba- 
 hile Vominum etiam aperte juffif^e ut Sedemfuam Petrus ita figeret Roma? , ut Roma- 
 nus Epifcopus abfoluic ei fuccederet-, It is not improbable that the Lcrd did command plain- 
 ly that ¥cter pould fix his See at Rome , that the Roman Bipop fhotild fucceed him ab- 
 folutely. Alas ! this is but a poor ground to build a mans faith upon , that it is not 
 improbable. And therefore the faid Authour proceedeth , Tametfi forte, &c. Al- 
 though peradventure it be not of Divine right , that the Roman Bi/hop , becaufe he is the 
 Roman Bifhop , dothjucceed St. Peter in the prefedure of the Church. 
 
 And though it were fuppofed a point of Faith , That the Bifhop of Rome were 
 St. Peters SuccefTour : yet it cannot be a point of Faith , that Pope Vrhan, or Pope 
 Clement are St. Peter's SuccefTours, and true Bifhops of Rome , becaufe there can 
 be no more than moral certainty for it. Who can afTure us of their right Baptifms 
 and right Ordinations, according to the common Roman grounds ? How can we 
 be fure of their Canonical Ekdion, that two third parts of the Cardinals did con- 
 cur 
 
 1
 
 303 
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. 
 
 cur , or that the Eledtion by Cardinals now , and by the Emperors , and by th^ 
 people formerly were all authentick Forms , though I doubt not but any of thep> 
 might Icrve to obtain an humane right > But efpecially , what can fecure us from 
 the taint of Simoniacal pravity, which they who knew the Intreagues of States 
 do tell us , hath born too great Vogue in the Conclave of late dayes? And if it 
 cannot be a point of Faith , to believe the prefent Pope is St. Peter's SuccefTour for 
 thefe reafons ■■, neither can it be a point of Faith, that any of them all hath been 
 his Succeflbur for the fame reafons. I do not urge thefe things to encourage any 
 man to withdraw obedience from a lawful Superiour, either upon improbable or 
 probable fuppofitions , but to (hew their temerarious prefumption , who do fo ea- 
 fily change humane right into Divine right , and make many things to be necefla- 
 ry points of Faith, for which there never was revelation , or more than moral cer- 
 tainty, 
 
 SECT. I. Ca^' 2. 
 
 H E next thing which offereth it felf to our ccnfideration , is his minor Pro- a \ a- 
 pofition , Whether the Church of England did break^thefe Bmds of Vnity, Sec. mediate trS'i- 
 But I hold it more methodical to examine rirlt the proofs of his major , That "on no certaia 
 thefe rvere the right Bonds of Vnity , and fb difpatch that part out of my hands. ™'^» 
 
 AU Tvhieh vejs agreed tcpon unanimoujly between the Church of Rome and its Depen- 
 dents, and the Church of England , and delivered from hand to hand in them al! by the 
 oral and immediate Tradition of a world of Fathers to a world of children fucceljively as 
 a Rule of Faith or Difcipline received from Chriji and his Aptftles, which fo vaji a mul- 
 titude of Eye-witnejSes did fee vifibly pralJifed from age to age^ is undoubtedly true and 
 fiich a rule is infallible and impoffible to be crooked. 
 But thefe two Kules are fuch Rules. 
 
 And fo he concludeth that they are incapable of Vfurpations , and as eafe to teach 
 Faith , as children learn their ABC. 
 
 I have given his Argument as much force and edge as I could poffibly ■■, but all 
 this wind fhakes no corn. His other two Rules were not fb much to be blamed 
 as this Rule of Rules , oral and immediate Tradition. Of fuch oral and immediate 
 Tradition it was, that our Saviour told the Scribes and Pharifees, That they made Ma. 15^ 6: 
 the commandments of Cod of none efied by their Tradition. And St. Peter told the di- 
 fperfed Jewes , that they were redeemed by the bloud of Chriji from their vain conver- ' ** * ' 
 fation , received by Tradition from their Fathers. Thefe were fuch Traditions as the 
 Jewes pretended they had received from Mofes and the Prophets : as the Romanijis 
 pretend now to have received their Tradition from Chriji and his Apojlks. Other- 
 wife, we do not only admit oral Traditions in general, as an excellent Introdudion 
 to the Dodrrine of Saving Truth, and a fingular help to expound the holy Scri- 
 ptures, but alfo particular unwritten Traditions derived from the Apoftles , and 
 delivered unto us by the manifeft Teftimony of the primitive Church , being agree- 
 able to the holy Scriptures. The Apoftles did fpeak by infpiration as well as write 
 and their Tradition , whether by word or writing indifferently was the Word of 
 God , into which Faith was refolved : The Traditions of the Catholick Church 
 of this prefent or another age , have this privilcdge to be free from all Errours that 
 are abfolutely deftrudive to Salvation : but this they have not from the nature of 
 Tradition \ which is fubjedt to errour , to corruption , to change , to contradi- 
 <ftion. 
 
 Mobilitate viget , virefque acquirit eundo. 
 
 But from the fpecial providence and protedtion of Chrift , who hath promifed to 
 be with his Church until the end of the World. 
 
 In fumme, I deny both his Propofitions i Firft, his Major. Immediate Tradi- 
 tion from parents to children, is not a certain and infallible Rule of Truth and 
 Faith. Traditions are often doubtful, do often change with the times , and fome- 
 times contradid one another : As we fee in the different Traditions of the Eajient 
 
 and
 
 :o4 
 
 Schifm Guarded. T O M E I* 
 
 aiK 
 
 id JFcliern Churches about the obfervation of Eafter ■■, and the Councils of N^?ctf 
 and FranKford about Images, &c. Neither points of Faith , nor Papal Rights are 
 fo vilible as he imagincth. Credulity , and ignorance , and prejudice , and paili- 
 on and intcrcll , do all ad their parts. Upon his grounds there can be no Ec- 
 clcluliical Ufurpationsi yet, experience teacheth us , that there have been fuch 
 llfiirpations in all Ages. If he had feafon to renounce the immediate Tradition of 
 Jiis Father, and Grandfather, and great Grandfather , then others may have the 
 like and better reafon. Let him believe the Sun's dancing upon Eaftern-Moxn^ and 
 the Swan's finging, and the Pelican's digging of her Breaft with her Bill , and all 
 the Stories of King Arthur and Kobin Hood , for it may be he hath received all thefe 
 from his Elders by immediate Tradition. 
 
 He himfelf confefTeth , that the pfkjfion of Government mufl he fiich a pojfejjion , as 
 may be trefimabk to have come from Chriji , not of fitch an one as every one kitows vohen 
 it began^ p. 45?. To what purpofe is it to pretend Tradition for all thofe Branches 
 of Papal power , which are in controverfie between them and us, {eeing all of 
 them had their firft original Eleven hundred years after Chrift ? 
 
 Secondly, This is not all , he afcribeth moreover too much to the immediate 
 Tradition of the prefent Church , but much more than too much to the immediate 
 Tradition of his Elders , to make it abfolutely infallible cut mn potejl fubeffe falfunty 
 and to refolve Faith into it , the laft refolution of Faith , muft be into that which 
 is formally the "Word of God. The voice of the prefent Church may be materially 
 the Word of God, in regard of the matter and thing teftified : but it cannot be 
 formally the Word of God , in refpedl of the Witnefles and manner of teftifying. 
 But immediate Tradition is often a Seminary of Errours. 
 
 Thirdly , He makes the oral and immediate tradition of Fathers to their chil- 
 dren , to be a more ready and a more fafe Rule of Faith than the holy Scriptures, 
 which are the Canons of Faith •, and fo ready, that it is as eafic , as for Boyes to 
 learn their ABC. and fo fafe , that it is impoffible to be made crooked. 
 Aue'. 1. 4. con- Laftly , He confoundeth the Tradition of the Koman Church , with the Tradi- 
 trtDenatiflai, tion of the Catholick Church v yet the one is but particular, the other univerfal 
 tap. 24. Tradition. St. Auguftine fetteth us down a certain Rule , how to know a true ge- 
 
 nuine Apoftolical Tradition ■■> ^uod timverfa tenet Erclefia , tiec concilivs inftitutum , 
 fedfemper retentum f/f, mn nifi authoritate Apojiolica traditum verijjime creditur i What- 
 foever the whole Church doth hold , zvhich vpai not hiflitnted by Councils , but alrrays re- 
 ceived., U tnoji rightly believed to have been delivered by Apofiolical authority. Thefe 
 three marks , conjointly do moft firmly prove an Apofiolical Tradition. I do not 
 deny , but that there have been Apoftolical Traditions which have wanted fome 
 of theft marks , but they were neither neceffary to Salvation , nor can be proved 
 at this day after fixteen hundred years jto have been Apofiolical Traditions. What- 
 (bever wanteth either univerfality or perpetuity is not abfolutely neceflary. Nei- 
 ther can the reception of one Apofiolical Church , prove a Tradition to be Apofio- 
 lical , if other Apofiolical Churches do rejed it , and contradid it. 
 
 To conclude, We give all due refped to Tradition i but not fo much to oral 
 Tradition as to written Tradition , as being more certain, lefs fubjed to mifiakes, 
 and more cafily freed from mifiakes, (Liter a fcripta manet, A ferious perfon , if he 
 be but to deliver a long meffage of importance from one to another , will be care- 
 ful cither to receive it in Writing , or put it in Writing. ) Nor fo much to particu- 
 lar immediate Tradition, as we do to univerfal and perpetual Tradition. He over- 
 Ihooteth himfelf beyond all aim , in aflirming of immediate and particular Tradi- 
 tion , that where it hath place , it is impoflible for ufurpations or abufes to enter 
 or find admittance. He might as well tell us, that it is impoffible to make a croo- 
 ked line with a leaden Rule. Particular Tradition is flexible , and is often bended 
 according to the interefis and inclinations of particular ages , and places , and per- 
 fons : He faith , that there can he m encroachment , fo as men adhere to this method , 
 that is immediate Tradition. He telleth us, that they did adhere to this method, 
 and that there was fuch immediate Tradition •, and yet we have feen and felt that 
 encroachments, and ufurpations, and abufes, did not onely creep into the Church, 
 biit like a violent Torrent , did beat down all oppofition before them. I produce 
 
 but
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. ^q- 
 
 \ but two WitnelTes , but they are beyond exception : The one is Pope Adrian the 
 fixth , in his Inrtrudlions to his Nuncio Francifcuf Cberegatm , when he fent him 
 to the Germane Princes at the Diet of Nuremberg^ We ktiow , that in the holy See fcv "^'""^ ^^^'^'fl- 
 \ fome years faji ^ many things have been to be. abominated , Abttfes in Jpiritaal things ^°"J^'^"'^"' 
 ' Excejfes in Mandates , and all things changed perverfly. Neither w it to he marvelled at^ 
 ifjjck^efs defcend from the Head to the Members , from the chief eji Bijhops to other infe- 
 riour f relates , &c. And again , Wlxrein forfo much ai concerneth us, you (hall pro- 
 mife , that rve rvill do our uttermoji endeavottr , that in the firjl place , thii Court front 
 xfhence peradventure this evil hath proceeded , may be reformed , that as the corruption 
 fiotped from thence to all inferiours i fo lik^TPife the health and reformation of all may pro- 
 ceed from thence. Pope ^^m« confefleth abominable abufes, and exce/Ies and 
 perverfe mutations and corruptions i and yet Mr. Serjeant would make us believe 
 that where this Method of oral and immediate Tradition is uftd, there can be no 
 changes. Either this Method was not ufed , or this Method is not a (ufficient 
 prefervative againft innovations: both wayes his Demonfttation falleth to the 
 ground. My other Witnefs is the Council of Nine chief Cardinals , who upon 
 their Oaths delivered up as their verdid, a bundle of abufes, grivoui^ abufes abu- 
 fes not to he tolerated, (they are their own words j yea Monfiers , to Paulihe • / « 
 Third , in the year 1538. befeeching him that thefejpots might be taken atvay , tehich ^cHrd-'frntr' 
 if they were admitted in any Kr-tgdom or Kepublic\, would firaight bring it to ruine. Lmet. p.\6i2t 
 Never any man did make encroachments and innovatiorts to be impollible before ^ '4°* 
 this man. 
 
 His AfTumption is as falfe as his major Propofition , But thefe two Rules Cwhereof There was no 
 this is one part , that the Bifhops of R,.we, as SuccelTors of St. Feter ) did inherit Tradition for 
 from him this priviledge , to be the rirlt , or chief, or Princes of Bifnops &c.) ^•'5 ^"'"^ 
 Were agreed upon unanimoufy between the Church of Rome , and its dependents^ and *^'8'"°'^^''* 
 the Church of England , and delivered from hand to hand in them all, by the oral and ^^^*^* 
 immediate tradition , of a world of Fathers to a world of children fuccejjjvely as a Rule ■ 
 of Vifcipline received from Chriji and his Apojiles, &c. If all this were true it con- 
 cerneth us nothing , we may perhaps differ from them in judgement, but have no 
 formed quarrel with them about this that I know of. We are willing to fubmit 
 not onely to the Ordinances of Chrifl, but to the jult Ordinances of man and to 
 yield for the common peace and tranquillity of Chriftendom, rather more than is 
 due , than lefi. But otherwife, how was that unanimoufly agreed upon between 
 the Churches of Rome and England, and fo delivered by Fathers to children as a 
 thing accorded, whereof the Church of Rome is no better accorded within it felf 
 unto this day ? 1 mean concerning the Divine right of the Bifhop oCRome to all 
 the priviledges of St. Peter , when the Pope's greateft Champions maintain it Co 
 coldly as a thing that is not improbable ^ that per adventure may be, perad venture may 
 not be , as grounded upon 2fa£l of St. Peter , that is as much as to fay not upon 
 the Mandate of Chriil > 
 
 And though we fhould be fo kind-hearted , as to fuppofe that there is fbme part 
 of Papal power, in the abftrad , not in the concrete , which is of Chrill's own 
 inftitution , namely , 7he beginning of Vnity , that is a power to convocate the 
 Church , and to prcfidc in the Church , and to pronounce the (entence of the 
 Church, fo far and no farther than power purely fpiritual doth extendi although 
 there be no fpecial mandate of Chrilt to that purpofe , for one to be the SuccelTour 
 of St. Peter , or any prime or chief of all other Bifhops : yet in the judgment even 
 of the greateft oppofers of Ecclefiaftical Hierarchy , it is the didate of Nature 
 that one (hould prefide oVer the reft , Ex Vei ordinatione perpetiti necefiefuit eji & ^'K' '''/*''/* 
 erit, utin Presbyterio qui^iam & loco & dignitate primus a&ioni gubernandl profit, f*^'"^' 
 Yet what is this to that great Bulk of Ecclefiartical Authority which hath been 
 conferred upon that See by the Decrees of Oecumenical Councils i and by the ci- 
 vil Sindions of Chriftian Emperours, which being humane Inftitutions , may be 
 changed by humane Authority ? Can one fcruple of Divine right convert a whole 
 mafs of humane right into Divine > We fee Papal power is not equal or alike in all 
 places, tut is extended or contra<ftvd varioufly, according to the diflferent Privi- 
 ledges andLibertie? of feveral Churches and Kingdoms. Wc fee at this day th: 
 
 Hh Popet
 
 :!,o6 
 
 Schifni Guarded. TOME 1/ 
 
 Pooe hath very Httle to do in Sicily, as I have ftevyed in my Vindication of the 
 Church of E«2/W, byrcafonthatoneof his Predeccflburs long fince hath alic- 
 na ed in a manner, the whole Eccleiiaftical Junfdidtion to the Sovereign Prince 
 of thc'Countrey, and to his Heirs. We may call it by deputation or delegation .• 
 But this is plain , it i? to him and his Heirs for ever. This is certain , Divine right 
 cannot be extended or contracted i there is no privUedge or prefcriptioii againft 
 Divine right i that which bclongeth to one perfon by Divine right , cannot be ali- 
 enated to another perfon by Humane righti for then Humane right fhould be /iron- 
 izcr than Divine right. 
 
 In fumme, although there be fome colour or pretext of Divine right for a be- 
 ginning of Unity , wherefoever the Catholick Church flwuld Hx it i yet it appear- 
 eth evidently by the univerfal pradtice of the Chriftian world in all ages, that there 
 is no colour , nor fo much as a ftadow of Divine right for all the other Branches 
 of Papal power, and thofe vaft Priviledges of the Koman Court. In the Council 
 „„-i Cunfi* o(CoiiJlance, they damned moft of the Articles of John Wkkjiffe down-right, with- 
 sl^'V. * out hefitation : but when they came to the one and fortieth Article ( It U not necef- 
 fjry to Salvation , to believe that the Roman Church U fujireme among ether Churches ) 
 they paufed and ufed fome refervation , hUan erronr , if by the Roman Chttrcb \e 
 underiiood the Vniverfal Church , or a General Council , or forafmuch as he Jhould deny 
 the primacy of the Pope above other particular Churches. Their judgement is clear 
 enough , they yielded to the Pope prmatum not fuprematum ; A primacy of Order, 
 not a fupremacy of power •, They made him a beginning of Vnity to aU particular 
 Churches, yet fubjefted him to the Univerfal Church •, They looked upon him as 
 Bighe^} Bijhop, and Succeffour of St. Peter , but they believed that a General Coun- 
 cil had power to {hake his candlellick , and remove it , if they found it expedient 
 for the good of Chriftendome. 
 
 If he come fo far fhort of Divine right in his fair pretenfions j by what right 
 will he feek to juftifie all his foul ufurpations and encroachments , which have no 
 decree of any Oecumenical Council to warrant them , no Imperial Inftitution to 
 authorife them , which have no foundation but the Pope's own Decretals? But I 
 teferve a full account of this for the next part of my Anfwer. Onely , Reader 
 be pleafed to take notice, that it behoved Mr. Serjeant to have proved his Traditi- 
 ons clearly and diftindly , as to thofe parts of Papal power which are controvert- 
 ed between us in earneft, with the univerfality of it, and the perpetuity of it. 
 This he neither doth , nor attempteth to do , nor indeed is he or any other able to 
 do , but merely ptefumeth it , and flubbercth over the matter in deceitful Ge- 
 nerals. 
 
 SECT. I Cap. 3. 
 
 WE are come now to the laft part of his Demonftration, which was the 
 minor or aflumption of his former Syllogifm , That the Church of Eng- 
 land in Henry the Eighth's dayet , did breaks thefe Kules of Vnity upon probable rea- 
 fons, not convincing grounds. Which being the main Queftion, he (hould have 
 fortified with proofs : but he according to his cullom , thinks to carry it with con- 
 fidence and clamours. Does not aV the f For Id grant aud bold , that King Henry denied 
 the PofeV Supremacy ? Does not all the World fee , that the pretended Church of EnsL- 
 land/b«(ix novo otherwife in Order., to the Church of Rome , than it did in Henry the 
 Seventh's dayes ? &c. 
 
 Was Papal power eafi out before ? was it not in aCiual force till and at that 
 time ? 
 
 We beg nothing gratis, hut be^n our Procefiupon Truth ack^oroledged by the whole 
 World. What Papal power King Henry did cafi out, and what Papal power we 
 holdout, I fhalJ demonftrate to the World, not confufedly but diftindly , by 
 fuch proofs as are not to be gainfaid for matter of Fz&. 
 
 But before I gird my feJf to the Work , it will not be amifs , for the freeing of 
 the cau{e from future cumber about Uiem , to give fatisfadion to his two circum- 
 
 ftances ,
 
 Schifm Guarded. 
 
 507 
 
 itances , that we did it onely iifon probable reaj'ons , and in the dayes of King Henry Mearion cf 
 the Eighth. exceptions 
 
 For theFirft, He keepeth a great ftir , and buftling every where about our pro- ^^^^^^ '™per"- 
 bable reafotis , and the nature of our Exceptions. And he would make his Reader be- 
 lieve, that I have omUfed this part of his words guilefully. All w-hich difcourfe is fu- Schifm difpar. 
 perfluous and impertinent. For if he could make good his Conclufion,that we have P^8' *77- 
 caft out that which Chriji himfelf did ordain in Holy Scripture , no reafons nor ex- 
 ceptions can be fufficient, or fo demonftrative and convincing , as to juftiHe a wil- 
 ful violation of Chrift's own Ordination. Every plant ( faith our Saviour } which 
 my Heavenly Father hath not planted , Jhall be rooted up. But if this be ChrilFs own ^'"' '^'.'^'^ 
 Plant which he himfelf hath planted, to go about to root it up, were plainly to 
 fight againft God. We renounce all reafons, and all exceptions againrt Chrift's 
 own Ordination. His very intimation , that we might do what we did upon de- 
 monftrative reafons , is an implicite confeffion, that it was not againli Chrift's ovw 
 Ordination. 
 
 There was no need why I (hould meddle with mine own Exceptions here, that 
 ■was his office in the pofition of the cafe. That cafe is meanly and partially ftated 
 ■which is ftafed but on one fide, he ought to have included my Exceptions in his 
 cafe : Befides , I was fure to meet with my Exceptions in every Sedioni and there- 
 fore referved them for their proper places , as being loath to offend the Reader 
 with Twice-fodden Coleworts. But let him not fear that I will relinquifh 
 my Exceptions , I fiiall maintain them to be demonftrative of the Pope's ufur- 
 pations in England, and leave them fireely to try it out with his Demonftra- 
 tions. 
 
 The fecond Circumftance is , concerning the time when the breach is fiippofed to The firft - 
 have been made. In the dayes afHemy the Eighth; And it is thus far true that breach before 
 then the breach was declared, and the War proclaimed to all the World : but this ^'"\^ ^^^ *' 
 breach was making long before Henry the Eighth was born •, from the dayes "" "' 
 of Pope Hildebrand , for about Four hundred years. There was no open hoftility 
 indeed between the Court of Kome , and the Church and Kingdom of En^h-'d : 
 but they were ftill upon their Guards , and ftill feeking to gain ground one upon 
 another , as appeareth by the Decrees, and Laws, and Machinations of thofe 
 times. A breach in a ftrong Tower is long making , before the Walls tumble vifi- 
 bly down-, A Scathfire is long kindling before it break out in an univerfal flame. 
 A Cronical difeafe is long gathering and forming before the certain Symptoms 
 thereof do appear. We u(e to fay , the fecond blow mak^s the fray^ but the firft 
 blow makes the Battery and the guilt. All that time that they were forcing their 
 grofs ufurpations upon us, the breach was making. 
 
 I have done with his two circumftances. The fubftance of his Affumption re- 
 ■maineth. But before I grapple with him about that , give me leave to lay down TOlved^nV"* 
 four Grounds or Confiderations , fo indifferent, that no rational man can deny Schifm, h net 
 them. The Firft is. That every one who is involved materially in a Schifm , is a formal 5c*^ 
 not a formal Schifmatick, no more than (he that marrieth after long expedlation, '"'«"^^* 
 believing , and having reafon to believe , that her former Husband was dead , is 
 a formal Adultrcft h or, than he who is drawn to give Divine Worftiip to a crea- 
 ture by feme mifapprehenfion , yet addrelfing his devotions to the true God , is a 
 formal Idolater. A man may be Baptifatus voto ( as St. Amhrofe (aid ) baptifed in 
 his defire , and God Almighty doth accept it : why may he not as well communi- 
 cate in his defire, and be accepted with God likewife? If St. Jufiine (ayes true of 
 Herefie , that he who did not run into hU errour out of his otvn overweening prefumption, £ficjj^ i5. „ 
 nor defends it pertinacioujfy., but received it from his feduced parents , and is careful to 
 fearch out the truth , and ready to be QorreUed if he find it out , he is not to be reputed 
 among Heretick^. 
 
 It is much more true of Schifm , that he who is involved in Schifm through the 
 errour of his Parents or PredecelTors , who feeketh carefully for the Truth, and is 
 prepared in his mind to embrace it , whenfoever he fmds it , he is not to be repu- 
 ted a Schifmatick. This very Bond of Unity , and preparation of his mind to 
 peace, is an implicite renuntiation and abjuration of his Schifm before God. This 
 
 Hh 2 is
 
 — 2oS Scbtfm Guarded. T Q M E I 
 
 is as comfortable a ground for ignorant Koman-C^hoYxoks , as for any perfons that 
 I know who are hurried hood-wink'd into erroneous tenets as neceffary points of 
 Faith, and Schifmatical pradices , mcerly by the authority , and to uphold the in- 
 fcrert and ambitious or avaricious courfes of the Koman Court. 
 
 My fecond ground is this , God Almighty doth not approve of that unequal 
 proverb , T^he Fathers have eaten forvre grapes , and the childrens teeth are fet on edge. 
 w/arcnoc* Pofkrity is not guilty of theii-Anceftours tranfgrellions, farther than they do ci- 
 chargeable thcr imitate them or maintain them. Suppofe thefe calumnies had been truths , 
 with the excef- ^yhjch fome have belched forth againft our Reformers, that they had facrilegious 
 dcccnbursr*" or other finifter ends, it ftgnifieth nothing to us, fo long as we neither juftifie 
 them , nor imitate them. Jehu's heart was not over-upright, and yet God him- 
 felf approved his Reformation. Suppofe any of our Reformers have run into any 
 cxccffes or extremes, either in their expreliions , or perhaps in their adions, ( as it 
 is a difficult thing in great changes to obferve a )uft mean, ) it may be out of hu- 
 mane frailty , as Lycurgw out of hatred to drunkennefs , cut down all the Vines 
 about Sparta : or it may be out of policy ,' as men ufe to bend a crooked rod , as 
 much the contrary way to make it ftraight: or, as expert Matters in Mufick, do 
 fometimes draw up their Scholars a note too high , to bring them to a juft tone* 
 Whit is that to us , fo long as we pradife the mean , and maintain the mean , and 
 guide our felves by the certain Line and Level of Apoftolical and Primitive Tradi- 
 tion. Charity commands us to think well of our Predeceflbrs , and Theology to 
 look well to our felves. 
 Negative Pre- Thirdly, That difference which Divines do make between affirmative and nega- 
 |J|^^""-P^y tive Precepts ( that affirmative bind alwayes, but not to all times, femper^ but 
 th^n^ aflirjj^i, not j«i /fwf er ) A man is bound alwayes to pray , but is not bound to the adual 
 tivc/ exercife of Prayer at all times, but negative Precepts bind both femper and ad Jem- 
 
 per i The fame I fay of affirmative and negative prefidents v affirmative prefidents 
 prove alwayes that fuch a fad was done , and it may be that it was juftly done at 
 that time in that cafe, but they prove not a right ad femper , to do it at all times. 
 The reafon is evident, particular ads may be done by connivance, or by fpecial 
 Licence-, but a general prohibition implieth a perpetual right. As for inftancc I 
 produce negative Prefidents, both general Laws againft all Appeals to Rome , that 
 no man may appeal to the Pope without the King's Licence , and particular prohi- 
 bitions out of the King's Courts , by form of ordinary jufticc , againft fuch and 
 fuch Appeals , or fuch and fuch Sentences upon Appeals •, this argueth a perpetual 
 right to forbid Appeals , whenfoever it is judged expedient. On the other fide, 
 he produceth Prefidents of particular Appeals to Rome, ( which he may do of later 
 dayes, but for the firft Eleven hundred years it was not fo. This proveth onely 
 the King's Licence or connivance in fiich cafes , it doth not prove a perpetual 
 Right , becaufe two perpetual Rights contradidory one to another cannot 
 be. 
 Negitive Vie- My fourth and laft Ground is , that neither King Henry the Eighth , nor any of 
 fidents prove our Legiflators , did ever endeavonr to deprive the Bifhop of Rome of the power 
 more nrongly ^f t^g Keyes , or any part thereof, either the Key of Order, or the Key of Jurifdi- 
 dv c ' <^ion , I mean Jurifdidion purely fpiritual , which hath place onely in the inner 
 
 Court of confcience , and over fuch perfons as fubmit willingly : Nor did ever 
 challenge or endeavour to afTume unto themfelves either the Key of Order , or the 
 Key of Jurifdidion purely fpiritual. All which they deprived the Pope of, all 
 which they afTumed to themfelves, was the external Regiment of the Church by 
 coadive power , to be exercifed by perfons capable of the refpedive Branches of 
 it. Thispower the Biffiops of Rowf never had, or could have juftly over their 
 fubjeds, but under them whole fubjcds they were. And therefore when we meet 
 with thefe words, or the like, that tio forreign Prelate JhaV exercife any manner of 
 forcer , Jurifdidion , Superiority , preheminence , or privikdge Ecckfiaflical or Spiritual 
 Toithin this Realm , it is not to be underftood of internal , or purely fpiritual pow- 
 er in the court of confcience , or the power of the Keyes : ( We fee the contrary 
 pradifed every day i ) but of external and coadive power in EcclcfiafticaJ caufes 
 
 in 
 
 bliii
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. ^op 
 
 inforo conwuiofo. And that it is and ought to be fo underftood , I prove clearly 
 by a Provifo in one main Adl of Parliament , and a Canon of the EngUJh Churchy 
 
 Firft , The Provifo is contained in the Ad for the exoneration of the King's v .y jr 
 Subjeds from all Exadions and Impofitions paid to the See of Rome. Providfd al- 8. ca iv.^'"* 
 re ayes this AU , nor any thing therein contained , (hall be hereafter interpreted or expoiin~ 
 ded , thatyotir Grace , your Nobles and SubjeCts intend by the fame to decline and vary 
 from the congregation of Chrijl's Church , in any things concerning tlx very Articles of 
 the Catholic^ Faith of Chrijiendom , or any other things declared by the Scripture and the 
 Word of God, necepry for your and their Salvations ■-, but onely to mak^ an Ordinance 
 by policies , necejiary and convenient to reprefs Vice , and for good confervation of this 
 Kealm in peace , unity, and tranquillity , from ravine andjpoil, infuing much the old, 
 ancient cufioms of this Kealm in that behalf. They profefs their Ordinance is meer- 
 ly political ■■, What hath a political Ordinance to do with pov^er purely fpiritual? 
 They feek onely to preferve the Kingdom from ravine and ^oil : power purely fpi- 
 ritual can commit no ravine or fpoil. They follow ancient Cufioms of the Realms 
 There was no ancient Cuftom of the Realm for abolition or tranflation of power 
 purely fpiritual. They profefs all conformity to Holy Scriptures , but the power 
 of the Keyes was evidently given by Chrift in Scripture , to his Apoftles and their 
 Succeflbrs , not to Soveraign Princes. If any thing had been contained in this 
 Law for the abolition or tranflation of power meerly and purely fpiritual , it had 
 been retraded by this Provifo at the fame time it was Enaded. 
 
 The Canon is the 37. Canon , where we give the King's Majefly the Supreme 
 Government , JVe do not give our Kings either ihe Administration of Cod's Word or 
 Sacraments, which th JnjunSions publijhed lately by ^een Elizabeth , do moji evident' 
 ly declare, but onely that Prerogative tohich vee fee to have been altpayes attributed to aU 
 Godly Princes by himfelf in Holy Scripture ■, that is , to preferve or contain aV Efiates and 
 Orders committed to their trufi by God , whether they be Ecckfiajiical or Civil in their 
 Duties , and rejlrain contumacious Offenders with the Civil Svpord. You fee the pow- 
 er is Political , the Sword is political , all is political. Our King's leave the pow- 
 er of the Kcyes and Jurifdidion purely fpiritual , to thofe to whom Chrift hath 
 left it. 
 
 SECT. I. Cap. 4. 
 
 AN D now having difpatched the circumftances out of my way, and laid coarcofilome 
 down fbme neccflary grounds , I come diredlyto the fubflance of his Af^ did break the 
 fumption , and affirm , That neither the King of England , nor the Church of '^'"^* of U"'- 
 England , neither Convocation nor Parliament, did break his two necefTary Bonds *^ °°' ^**' 
 of Chriftian Unity , or either of them, or any part of either of them. But that 
 the very Breakers and Violaters of thefe Rules , were the Pope and Court of Rome, 
 they did break his Rule of Faith , by adding new points to the necefTary Dodrine 
 of Saving Truth, which were not the Legacies of Chrift and his Apoftles, nor de- 
 livered unto us by univerfal and perpetual Tradition. The Pope and Court of 
 Rome did break his fecond Rule of unity in Difcipline , by obtruding their excef- 
 five and intolerable ufurpations upon the Chriftian world, and particularly upon 
 the Church of England , as necefTary conditions of their Communion. 
 
 It appearcth plainly , by comparing that which hath been faid with his pofltion 
 of the cafe, that after all his Brags of undeniable evidence and unquejiionable certain- 
 ty , he hath quite miffed the Queftion. We joyn with him in his Rule of Faith , 
 we oppofe not St. Peer's primacy of Order, and he himfelf dares not fay , that 
 St. Peter had a larger , or more extended power , than the reft of his Fellow Apo- 
 ftles. And though we cannot force our underftandings to afTent , that after the 
 death of St. Peter , Linus , or Cletus , or Clemens , or Anacletus , were Superiours 
 to St. John , and had adual jurifdidion over him , Who had as large a Commilii- 
 on immediately from Chrift , as St. Peter himfelf, and larger than any fucceeding 
 Roman Bifhop ever had : Yet to fhew him how little we are concerned in it , and 
 for his clearer convidion , we are willing to fuppofe that they were his Superiours, 
 
 and
 
 2IO 
 
 Schifm Guarded. 
 
 TOME L 
 
 and give 
 this caufe, 
 And here 
 
 him leave to make all the advantage of his fecond Rule which he can in 
 if I reo-arded not the fatisfadion of my felf, and the 
 
 Reader more 
 But I am fo 
 
 thanTisoppofitio'nri "light withdraw my hand from the Table, 
 ereat a Friend of ingenuity, that I will for once difcharge his office, and (hew the 
 world demonftratively and diftindly , what Branches of Papal power were caft 
 out of EnMnd by Henry the Eighth i upon which confideration the weight of the 
 whole controverlie doth lye. For it is agreed between us, that if it appear 
 by rmrorn evidence , that all thofe Branches of Papal power, which were renoun- 
 ced and caft out of 'England by Henry the Eighth were grofs Vfurpuons, then his re~ 
 ttPuncm VPAS no criminal Breach , hut a lawful felf-enfrancbifement. And by undeni- 
 able confequence , the guilt of Schifm refivth upon them who made the ufurpati- 
 ons that is , the Pope and Court of Kome. I add farther upon the equity of my 
 fecond ground, that although Henry the Eighth had caft out Something more than 
 he ought, yet if we hold not out more than we ought, and be ready to admit all 
 which ought to be admitted by us, then we' are innocent and free from the guilt 
 of Schifm , and it refteth folely upon them , who either will have more than their 
 due, or nothing, W'herefoever the fault is , there the guilt of Schifm is : If the 
 fault be fingle , the guilt is fingle j if the fault be mutual , the guilt is mu- 
 
 And for rigorous evidence , there cannot poffibly be any evidence more demon- 
 ftrative what Papal power was caft out of England , than the very Ads of Parlia- 
 ments themfelves , by which it was caft out. Let us view them all. The firft Ad 
 made in the reign of King Henry the Eighth , which hath any reference to Kome^ 
 is the Aft for holding phtrality of Benefices againji the LatUT of the Land , by dijpenfa- 
 tion from the Court of Rome , making Licences for non-refidence from the Court of 
 'Rome to be void , and the party rcho procurethfiich Licences for J>luralities or non-refi- 
 dence to forfeit twenty pounds , and to lofe the profits of that Benefice which he hold- 
 eth by fitch Vijpenfation. It were a pretty thing indeed , if the Church and King- 
 dom ftiould make necefiary Laws, and the Pope might give them liberty to break 
 them at his pleafure. 
 
 The fecond Aft is, that no perfon JhaV be cited out of the Viocefi where he dwelleth, ex-^ 
 cept in certain cafes. Which though it may feem to refleft upon the.Court of Kowf, 
 yet I do not find that it is concerned in it , but the Arches^ Audience , and other 
 Archiepifcopal Courts within the Realm. 
 
 The third Aft is meerly declarative of the Law of the Land, as well the Com- 
 mon Laws as the Statute Laws, and grounded wholly upon them , as by the view 
 of the Statute it felf doth appear. So it cafteth out no forreign power , but what 
 the Laws had caft out before. The fum of it is this, That all caufes Matrimonial^ 
 "Tefiamentary , or ahout 'tithes , &c. fhall be heard , and finally judged in England^ 
 ch. II. by the proper Judges Ecclefiaftical and Civil refpeftively , and not elfewhere , not- 
 
 withftandin*^ any forreign Inhibitions , Appeals , Sentences , Citations, Sufpenfwns, or 
 Excommunications. And that if any Englijh Subjeft procure a Procefs, Inhibition, Ap- 
 peal, &c. fi-om or to the Court of Rome , or execute them to the hinderance of any 
 Procefs here , he Jhall incur the penalties ordained by the Statute of provifion or premu- 
 nire , made in the Sixteenth year of King Kichard the Second, againft fuch as make 
 , provifion to the See of Kome. This Law was enlarged afterwards to all Caufes 
 ' of Ecclefiaftical cognifance , and all Appeals to Kome forbidden. 
 
 The fourth Aft is an AU for punijhing of Herepe , wherein there are three clau- 
 {es that concern the Bifliop of Kome. The firft is this , And that there be many He- 
 re fie s , and pains and punifliments for Herefies, declared and ordained in and by the Ca- 
 ij. Htn< 8. c, ft^fiical SanBions,and by the Laws and Ordinances niadeby the Topes or Bijhops o/Rome, 
 •4* and by their Authorities , for holding , doing, preaching of things contrary to the faid 
 
 Canonical Sandions, Laws, and Ordinances , which he but humane , being meer repu- 
 gnant and contrariouf to the Koyal Frerogative , Kegal JitrifdiUion , Laws, Statutes, 
 and Ordinances of this Kealm. The fecond claufe is , that no Licence be obtained of 
 the Bijhop of Rome to preach in any part of thU Kealm , or to do any thing contrary to 
 the Laws and Statutes of thii Kealm , or the Kings Prerogative Koyal. The third 
 
 claufe. 
 
 Whit bran- 
 ches of Papal 
 Power were 
 caft out of 
 England by 
 Henry the 6, 
 
 
 14. Hen. 8. 
 
 15. Htn-^>
 
 Schifm Guarded, 
 
 1 1 
 
 claulc tolloweth , that the Decrees of the Bijhops of Rome, not confirmed by Holy 
 Scriptures^ xvere never commonly attejied to be any Law of God or man within this Realm. 
 And that itflnuld not be deemed Eerefie to f^eak^ or do contrary to the pretended Power or 
 Authority of the Bipop o/Rome, made or Given by Humane Laws and not by Scriptures^ 
 mr tofpeak^or Aa contrary to the Laws of the Bifhop of Rome , being contrary to the 
 Laws of this Kealm. ^ ^ j^^^ g^ ^^ 
 
 The Fifth Ad is an A<fl concerning the Submiffion of the Clergy to the Kings '^ 
 Majefty, The fcope of it is this , Thzt the Clergy fhallmt ajfemble in Convocation^ 
 nor maki or prcmulge any new Canons , without the Kings Licenfe. Hitherto there is 
 nothing new in point of Law. Then, that the Kings fhould have Tower to name and 
 confiitHte two and thirty Commiffioners , ilxteen of the Clergy , and other fixtecn of 
 the Peers and Parliament , to view the EcckfiafiicalLawr of the Kingdom, and declare 
 -which were lit to be retained , and which were to be abrogated. The 'fame Law is 
 conrirmed and enlarged. i «■ 9 ' 
 
 The Sixth Law reibaineth the payment of Tenths and Firft Fruits to the iL '"' '' 
 Bifhcp of Rome. And prefcribeth how Arch-Bifliops , Bifhops &c. Are to be c- 
 leded and confecrated within the Realm , without payment of any thing to Rome 
 for Bulls and Palls, &c. 
 
 The feventh Law is , an AB of Exoneration of the Kings Subjects from Exaeiions *' ^'"' ' 
 and Impositions heretofre paid to the See of Rome, for Penfions , Peterpence Licen- 
 fes, Vifpenfations , Confirmations, Faculties, &c. And for having Licences and Dif- 
 penfations within the Realm , without further fuing for the fame i As being Vfur- 
 fations contrary to the Law of the land. 
 
 The Eighth Adt is concerning the Kings Highnefs to be Supreme Head of the Church a^ ^' 8•M^I• 
 of England ( that is Political Head ) and to have Authority to redrefs all Err our i He- 
 re fies and Abufes in the fame. That is to fay with external coadHve Jurisdidion. 
 We never gave our Kings the power of the Keys , or any part of either the Key of 
 Order, or the Key of Jurifdidion purely fpiritual : but onely that coadive power in 
 the external F^egiment of the Church, which their PredecefTours had always enjoyed. 
 The ninth Ad is , for the annexing Tenths and Firji-fruits to the Crown for the 
 better fupportation of the burthens of the Commonwealth. ' »o /f- 8. m. j» 
 
 The tenth Ad is , an ACl extinguifhing the Authority of the Bifhop of Rome , or jj H, 8. c. lo; 
 extirpating it out of thU Realm: that is , r\ot the '&\{ho^ oi Rome's primacy of Order 
 not his beginning vf Vnity, not that refped which is due to him as Bifhop of an A- 
 poftolical See. If he hath not thefe , it is his own fault , this is not our quarrel : 
 it is fo far from it , that we do not envyhim any juft Legacies of Chriilian Empel 
 lors or General Councils. But that which our Anceftors did extinguifh, and en- 
 deavour to extirpate out of England , was the Pope's external coadive power over 
 the King's Subjeds inforo contentiofo , as we fhall fee by and by, when we come to 
 ftate the quarrel rightly between us. 
 
 After this Ad there followed an Eleventh Ad, made for corroborating of this 
 tift Ad , to exclude the ufurped power and JuriJdiSion of the Bifhops of Rome. And ^* ^•^•'•5' 
 both thefe Ads are backed with new Oaths , as thofe times were fruitful of Oaths 
 fuch as they were. 
 
 The laft Ad of any moment , was an Ad of Ratification of the Kin^s Majefiies 
 Stile of Supreme Head of the Church of England , making it Treafon to attempt to jS If' 8.MJ. ji 
 deprive the King of it. But as well the Eighth Ad , which gave the King that 
 Title of the Head of the Church , as this twelfth Ad , which makes it treafon to at- 
 tempt to deprive the King of it , are both repealed , and never were reflored. So 
 are likewife the tenth Ad, of extinguifhing the authority of the Bifhop of Rome 
 and the eleventh Ad made for corroboration of that Ad, with both their Oaths in- 
 cluded in them. 
 
 All that hath been added fince of moment , which concerneth the Bifhop of 
 Rome , is one Ad , Rejhring to the Crown the ancient Jurifdidion over the State Ec~ * 
 clefafiical and Spiritual, and ahoUfhing all forreign power repugnant to the fame. Here 
 is no new power created in the Crown , but onely an ancient Jurifdi&ion reftored. 
 Here is no forreign power abolilhed, but onely that which is repugnant to the ancient 
 Laws of England , and to the Prerogative Royal. In a word , here is no power afcri- 
 
 bed
 
 ^« 
 
 ^chifm Guarded. TOME 1. 
 
 Led to our Kings , but meerly political and coadive , to fee that all their Subjcds 
 do their duties in their d'veral places. Coaftive power is one of the Keys ot the 
 Kingdom of this World , it is none of the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven. 
 This might have been exprefled in words lefs fubjed to exception. But the cafe 
 is clear. The Grand Aft xxv. Hen. 8. ca^. 1 2. The Injunftions of Queen Elizabeth^ 
 The Articles of our Church, An. 37. do all proclaim that this power is meerly 
 political. ChriftgaveSt. PfW a Commillion to preach, to baptize, to bind and 
 loofe in the court of Confcience i but where did he give him a Commiffion to give 
 Licences, to grant Faculties, to make Laws , to difpenfe with Laws , to receive 
 Appeals, to impofe Tenths and Firll-fruits in other mens Kingdoms, whether the 
 
 S Luke II. 14* jight owner will or no ? Who gave him power to take other mens Subjcfts againft 
 their wills to be his Officers and Apparitors ? That is more power than Chrift him- 
 felf did challenge here upon Earth. 
 
 And now. Reader, take a ftand, and look about thee > fee among all thefc 
 Branches of Papal power which were call out of England , if thou canlt find ei- 
 ther of St. Teter's Keys , or his primacy of Order, or his beginning of Vnity , or any 
 thing which is purely fpiritual , that hath no farther influence than meerly the 
 court of Confcience. No, but on the other fide, behold a pack of the grofleft 
 Ufurpations that ever were hatched , and all fo late , that it was above a thoufand 
 years after the death of St. Peter , before any of his pretended Priviledges did fee 
 fhe Sun in England ■■> obferve them one by one. 
 
 The firft is , a povcer to dijfenfe with Englifh Stib]eUs , for holding plurality of Be- 
 
 ai Nen. 8. c. nefces contrary to the Lan>f of England •■> and for non-ref dents contrary to the Sta- 
 
 * J* tutes of the Realm. It had been much to have made Merchandife of his own De- 
 
 crees > but to difpenfe with the Laws of the Land, Non auderet h£c facere Vidua 
 mulieri, he durft not do fo much to a poor Widow-woman, as he did to the 
 Church and Kingdom of England , to difpenfe with their Laws at his pleafure. It 
 is but vain for the Flower of our Kingdom , to aflemble and confult about health- 
 ful Laws : if a Forreigner hath power to difpenfe with the breach of them, as it 
 ftemeth good in his eyes , they might as well fit them down quietly, and fall to 
 pilling of rufhes. 
 
 The (econd Branch of Papal power , which was excluded out of^ England, was 
 
 Cmc, Bafit- ^he Pope's Judiciary power , 1 do not mean in controverfies of Faith , when he is. 
 
 St^.\6.tr. in the Head of a Council: Yet Eugenius the Fourth confeffeth ,* that iw points of 
 
 revoc. buU* j. faith , the fentence of the Council if rather w le attended, than the fentence of the Pope. ■ 
 But I mean in points of mtttm and tuum , not onely in feme rare cafes between 
 Bifliop and Bifhop , which had been lefs intolerable , and had more fhew of 
 Juftice i but generally in all cafes promifcuouily , as if the whole Nation wanted 
 cither difcrction or Law to determine their own differences at home , without the 
 help of the Koman Courtier to fqueefe their Purfes. It was not Henry the Eighth , 
 
 14 Hen. 8. c? I'ut the old Lawcs of England which gave them this blow againft Appeales to 
 
 IX. Kotne. 
 
 The third Branch of Papal power, which was turned out of England by Henry 
 the Eighth , was the Pope's Lcgiflative power , efpecially in making new Herefieg 
 by his own Authority, and for his own intereft, prefcribing the punifhment , as if 
 all the World were his Subjedls. Mr. Serjeant may be pleafed to inform himfelf 
 better, that the Pope's Canons and Decretals never had,fince the firft converfion of 
 England , the force or power of Laws in England , until they were received by the 
 Nation , nor then any farther than they were received. 
 
 The fourth Branch is , the Soveraign Patronage of the Englijh Church , with all 
 thofe rights and appurtenances which belong thereunto i as to convocate the Cler- 
 gy, and diffolve their Affembly, to exempt their Pcrfons from fccular Judgment-, 
 to have the difpofition of Ecclefiaftical Dignities, and the cuftodium of them in the 
 Vacancy. But thefe things are fo notorious, to all thofe who are acquainted with 
 the Ecclefiaftical cufloms of England , that there can be no manner of Queftion of 
 it. The Convocation was always called and diffolved , by the abfolute and pre- 
 cife Mandate of the King to the Archbifhop i yea , even when thf Archbifliop 
 was the Pope's Legate, and when he might have challenged another right, if the 
 
 Pope
 
 Schifm Guarded. o i 5 
 
 Tope lud had any pretence. The Temporalities of the Bifhopricks in the vacancy 
 were ever feifed into the hands of the King , until he granted out his Writ of Mi«- 
 iium amoveof, or Oihr la main: If ordinary Patrons did not prefent in due time to 
 a Benefice , it devolved to the Ordinary, and from him to the King, there it Hay- 
 ed , Nid'mn tempits occnrrit Kegi. 
 
 The rifth Priviledge was , the receiving of Tenths and Firfl-fruifs , which were 
 a late encroachment of the Bifhop of Kome upon the Clergy , without any juft 
 ground , and upon that fcore were condemned in the Councils of Confiance and 
 Bafde , and now were feifed into the King's hand , towards the difcharge of the 
 Ecclefiaftical burthens of the Kingdom. 
 
 - The M Pcrquilite which the Pope loft, was all the Profits of his Court by 
 Bulls, and Palls, and Penfions , and Refervations , and Exemptions , and Licen- 
 ces, and Difpenfations , and Confirmations, and Pardons, and Indulgences and 
 an hundred other pecuniary Artifices pra(fti(ed in his Court at Kome and in his 
 Legantine Courts and Nunciatures abroad. But this abufe is fo foul that the 
 Pope's own feleded Cardinals do cry fliame upon it, as much as we , and'lay down r f dlS> 
 this General Rule , that it U not lawfid to maks ^'D' g''"^ h *f^^ exercife of the Keys Card, 
 feeing vce have the firm Word of Chrijl , freely ye have received^ freely give ^ &c. Fot 
 M the ufe which now prevaileth, doth difgrace the See o/Rome , and dijiurheth ChrilU- 
 an people •-, fo the contrary pradice would bring much honoifl- to thit See^ and marvellottfly 
 edifie the people. 
 
 Thefe are the real differences between the See of Rome ^ and the Church and The true differ 
 Kingdom of Ew'g/W, concerning the Papacyi all thefe alterations which we have "^^"^ *''°"* 
 about , Ihoit art Peter, and the Keys given to St. Peter, and Feed my Sheep and '^^^^'^*'^' 
 J have prayed for thee, 3xe hut like to the tinckling of Cybeles Prielfs upon 'their 
 Cymbals, on purpofe to deaf the ears of the Spectators, and to conceal the cryes 
 and ejulations of poor opprefTed Chriitians, To reduce them into a little better me- 
 thod than they lye in the Statutes. 
 
 The main Queflions are , or may be reduced to four Heads. The firft grand 
 Quef^ionis, concerning the Soveraignty of the E>'^/i/& Church, in refpecSof the 
 external Regiment thereof. This hath four fubordinate Branches. 
 
 Firft , Who is the right Patron of the Englijh Church under God , the King or 
 the Pope ? Secondly, Who hath power to convocate Synods of the King's Sub- 
 jeds within England , the King , or the Pope > Thirdly, Whether the Pope hath 
 juftly impofed new Oaths upon the Archbifhops and Bifhops > Fourthly, Whethef 
 Tenths and Firft-fruits in England be due to the See of Rome ? 
 
 The (econd Queftion is , concerning the Pope's Legiflative power. Whether 
 the Canon Law , or the Decretals, have been anciently efteemed binding Laws fn 
 England , or ought to be fo elkemed , except they be received by the Englijh Na- 
 tion, and matriculated among our Laws. 
 
 The third is,-concerning his Judiciary power: i. Whether the Bifhop of Rome can 
 receive Appeals from England, by the ancient Laws of that Land , and fend for 
 whom he pleafeth to Rome ? 2. Whether Bulls and Excommunications from Rome 
 can be lawfully executed in England , except the King give leave for the execution 
 of them ? 3. Whether the Pope can fend Legates , and fet up Legantine Courts in 
 "England, by the ancient Laws of that Realm. 
 
 The fourth Difference is , concerning the Pope's Difpenfative power , Whether 
 the Pope can difpenfe with the Laws of England ? 2. Whether we ftand in need of 
 his Difpenfations .? 
 
 In every one of thefe Differences , we maintain , that the Bifhop of Rome and 
 the Court of Rome have been guilty of moft grofs Ufurpations. 
 
 I i SECT.
 
 21 
 
 Schifvt Guarded. TOME 1» 
 
 SECT. 1. Cap. 5. 
 
 To whom the /- | "^ O begin with the Firft ', If it were neceflary to call in any Forreign fubfi- 
 paircnage of I (jjary fuppHes , for the farther fortifying of the King oi 'England' 5 Soveraign 
 ^^^l^"\!'d h Patronage under God , of the Church within his Territories i I might 
 
 ofr^ghtbc- find ftrong recruits from the Crff^ Emperors , to (hew that they always pradilcd 
 long this power within their Dominions , to place Bifhops in vacant Sees > and that the 
 
 GreglA R'S contrary was haSenm inauditum , never heard of in St. Gregory's days. To them I 
 iniili- \i'C<*' jpjght ajd the french and German Emperors , who not only enjoyed the fame pri- 
 ' * viledge by ancient Cuflom , but to whom the K.(»MiX» Bifhops difclaimed it, with 
 
 all their Clergy , Judges, and Lawyers i Adrian the Firft to Charles the Great, 
 Anno 774. And Leo the Eighth to the Emperor Otho , Anno p6^. I might pro- 
 duce the Prefidents of the Spanijh Monarchs, Conc.T'okt. 12. cap. 6. It were a 
 moll unreafonable thing , that Soveraign Princes {hould be trufted with the Go- 
 vernment of their people, and have their Bifhops , who muft participate in the 
 Government , by informing the Confciences of their Subjedls , be obtruded on 
 them by ftrangers. I cannot omit the obfervation of a Learned Bifhop, that, ^a- 
 cmique ratione ad FontificatHm pateret ingrejliis , nemo Apofiolic£ Cymba guhernacuh 
 l.i.ca.V.'^' f-^^dTf ^'^^ > ni prm Jmperatoris authority intercefijjet , By what way foever the eleUion 
 of the Fope was made , ( And BeVarmine mentioneth feven changes , in the manner 
 of chufing the Pope, ) Tet no man wof ever admitted to the adual Government of the 
 Apojiolical See, without the Emperor's confirmation. 
 
 But our ca{e is ftrong enough without twifting any Forreign Prefidents with it. 
 WMam the Conqueror, IViViam Kufuf , znd Henry the Firft , did enjoy the right 
 of placing in vacant Sees , by the tradition of a Ring , and of a Crofier ftaffe , 
 without ever (eeking for Forreign approbation , or ordination , or confirmation , 
 as their Predeceflbrs, Kings of E«g/<*«<i and Britain, had done before them , elfeit 
 had been very ftrange. The Roman Kota will give decifive Sentence , for him to 
 be Patron of a Church , who firft builded it , and endowed it. But then after 
 Eleven hundred years were effluxcd, ( a ftrange time to fet up a divine right, ) 
 Gregory the (eventh , other wife called Fope hildehntnd ) and after him Pope Calix- 
 ius , did condemn all Inveftitures taken from a Lay hand, and prohibit the Arch- 
 bifhops to conlecrate any perfons fo inverted \ Frafens audivi in Romano concilio 
 jipttd E*dme' P"'"^^^^^' ■> ^^ith Anfelm , 1 heard it rvith mine own hears prohibited in the Roman 
 ritm (& Hove- Court. But what were their reafbns ? I believe , notoverrigorom Vemonjlrations. 
 den in Hen. i: The firft was frequent fufJDicion of Simony : an unheard of piece of Juftice, fotake 
 away an hereditary right , for fufpicion of a perfonal fault. The fecond and third 
 reafons are contained in the Letter of Adrian the Fourth , to Frederick^ the Firft , 
 Apud. Goldaji. Ab his qui Vii funt , & filii excelfi omnes , homagium requires , fideli- 
 ' tatem exigis , & maniK eorum facratoi manibiu tuis tnneUis \ 'Thou requirell homage of 
 thofe who are Gods , and all the children of the M'ft High , thou exadeji an Oath of fide' 
 lity , and kfiitteft their Jacred hands within thy hands. A ftrange prefumption in a So- 
 veraign Prince, if you mark it well , to hold his Subje(^s hands within his hands, 
 whileft he was fwearing his Allegiance. 
 
 But the main Exception was, the Homage or Oath of Fidelity it felf. And was 
 it not high time think you , to except againft their fwearing of fidelity to their na- 
 tive Prince, whom the Bifhops of Rome intended to exempt from his Jurifdidion, 
 and to make them turn Subjeds to themfelves •, as they did in a great part effed it 
 very (hortly after. Then was the time whereof Vlatina fpeaks, that there wo! great 
 confultation about the Homage , and Fealty , and Oaths of Bifhops , which in former 
 FUt. in Pale. fif„^j ^^y^ fveorn to Lay-men. Were they fo indeed ? Here is an ingenuous confelE- 
 '• on of tlie Pope's own Library Keeper. 
 
 Indeed at the firft , whileft they were robbing the King of the Jewels of his 
 
 Crown , they preached up nothing but free Eledions •, but after they had once (ei- 
 
 Mat. Psr.an' ^^^ ^^^'"^ P^^Y ■> ^'^^Y changed their note forthwith to Dei & Apoftolic£ fedU gratili ^ 
 
 i»if. By the grace of God , and the Apnflolick^See: or ex pknitudine ecclefiaftic£ potejlatity 
 
 out of the fulnefs of our Ecclefiajlical porver. And when this Bell had rung out 3 
 
 while, 
 
 I
 
 Schtfm Guarded. 21 c 
 
 while , E^ypt never abounded more with Caterpillars , than our Native Countrey 
 did with provilions , and refervations , and pentions , with all the hellifli arts of 
 fublimated Simony. Then our belt Dignities and Benefices were filled with Stran- 
 gers ( who could not fpeak an ErtgUJh word , nor did ever tread upon Eftglijh 
 ground, ) daily more and more , until thefe well-chofen Paftours, who knew how 
 10 fliear their Flocks, though they did not know how to feed them , received year- Mat. Par. m 
 ]y out of the Kingdom, more than the revenues of the Crown. He were very -Wsn. j.<jb. 
 fimple, who (hould think the Court of Rome did not lick their own Fingers. ''^'* • 
 
 There remaineth but one thing to be done, to ftick the guilt of this intolerable 
 Ufuipation undeniably upon the See of Ro^Wf , that is to (hew , that the Inveftiture 
 of Eifhops was the undoubted right of the Crown. 
 
 This is as clear as the Sun , both in our moft authentick Hiftoriographers and 
 Records, if I had the means to produce them , and alfo in our ancient Laws,'pub- 
 liflied long fince to the World in Print , and thefe not enadlive of new Law', but 
 declarative of the Fundamental Law of the Land. 
 
 Firft for our Hiflories, Cervafm Vorobernettfis relateth , that Lanfrank, defired of 
 Jfifuw the Conquerer , the Patronage of the Abbey o^St.JttJiin: but the King 
 anfvvered , Se velle omms baculos pajioraks in manu tenere , that he rvould k^ep all the 
 Crofierjhfs ( that is , the Inveftitures ) in hU orvn hand. The fame is teli:ified of 
 ^«/>/ffz himfelf , by one whofe authority cannot be doubted of , He (Anfelm) 
 after the manner and example of his TredectfSor^ vpm induUed according to the culhm of 
 the Land^ and did homage to the King ( homo Regis fadtus eft ) as Lanfrankg ( his ^'^^'"* ''*' '^ 
 PredecelTor , in the Archbifhoprick of Canterbury , in hU time had done. And the ^''^* *°' 
 manner of his Inveftiture is related , how the Bifhops pulled him , and haled him r j^ /■* »• 
 as it were by violence to the King's Bed-fide ( William Kufuf ) where he lay fick , fng. i». 
 and helped to thruft the Crofier-ftaffe by force into his hand. Yet all that time' 
 though Anfelm had many other pretences , he had no exception againft Inveftiture 
 by a Lay-hand : but fhortly afi:er it grew to fuch an heighth , ( and Anfelm was 
 the chief Stickler in it ) that William the Agent of King Henry the Firft , protefted 
 openly to Pope Fafchall^ Whatfotver U faid on this fide or on that , 7 rvould have all 
 men here prefent to knorv , that my Lord the King of England , rviH not fuffer the lofiof 
 his Jnvejiitures , for the loJS of his Kingdom. To whom Pope Pafchall anfwcred as ^'"''"* '' ' ** 
 refolutely, but not fo juftly, Knorp thou, I fpeak, it before God , that Pafchall the Tope ^'**" '^' 
 'tpill not fufer him to k^ep them tvithout puntjhment^ no not for the redemption of his head. 
 
 Neither was this the cafe of Anfelm or Lanfrankg alone , but the common cafe 
 of all Bifhops in thofe days. Hear the confeliion of the fame Author , To conclude 
 the very caufe ( of the difference between the King and Anfelm ) feemed a nero thing ^^^'"•J^"' . 
 ( or innovation ) to this our age , and unheard of to the Englifh , from the time that "'' '''^"'■'"^ 
 the Normans began to reign ( that I fay not fooner, ) for from the time that William 
 the Norman conquered that Land^ no Bijhop or Abbat rvx made before Anfelm tvho 
 did not firji do Homage to the King^ and from his hand by the gift of a Crofier Staffe 
 receive the Invejliture to his Bijhoprick^ or Abbacy , except Two Bijhops of Rochefter' 
 who were Surrogates to the Archbiftiop of Canterbury^ and indu(fted by him by the 
 King's Concellion. 
 
 Yea, by his favour , fb did Anfelm himfelf, though he fought afterwards to 
 wave it-, and though he be loath to fpeak out, (that I fay not fooner ) yet he 
 might have faid fooner , and others do fay fooner •, as Ingulph the Abbat of Croxv- 
 iand , in the time of the Conquerer •■> For many years paji , there hath been no free 
 ekCtion of Frelates , but the Kings Court did confer all Dignities according to their plea- 
 sure, by a King, and by a Crofier. And this Cuflom had held not onely for many Malmft'tle 
 years but for many Ages, Kwg Edgar did grant to the Monckj 0/ Claftenbury the tefl.Keg I t. 
 free Elediion of their Abbat for ever : but he referved to himfelf and to his Heirs the Potp- f*?- S- 
 er to inveji the Brother Ek^ed by the tradition of the Pajioral Jiafe. Thus for our Hi- 
 ftories , now for our Laws whereof I (hall need to cite but three. 
 
 The Firft is the Statute, or Ajfife, or Memorial o( Clarendon containing part of the 
 ancient Liberties and Cuftoms of the Realme , made in the General Affembly of 
 the Kingdom , King, Bifhops, Peers, to which they gave both their oaths afTertory 
 for the truth of it, and Promiffory for performance of it. The Fourth Cuftom was 
 
 I i 2 this ,
 
 ^,^ sThifm Guarded. TOME I 
 
 this that rrhen an Jrch-Bipoprkk, BiMmk, Abb^y or Fmry did fall void , the 
 Eledion was to be made by fucb of the Frinafal Vignitaries or Members of thatnfpeaive 
 Church which was to be filled as the Ki»g fhottld call together for that pirfofe^ with the 
 Kings co>ifc>!t, in the Kings own Chappel. And there the Terfvn EleEied was to do his 
 Homage and Fealty to the King as to his Liege Lord, The Pope had no part to Ad , 
 neither to colIate,nor confent, nor confirnn, nor Inftitute , nor Iiidua:, nor ordain. 
 Jive fifi^oiT- The Second Law is the Statute of Carlile made in the time of Edward the Firft. 
 Ficks in Eni- The fiim of it is this , That the King U the Founder of aV Bijhoprickj , and ought ta 
 landhthe j^^^,g f},g Cuftody of them in the Vacancies, and the right ofTatroHage to prefent to them. 
 Kings. ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ Bifhop of Rome vfurping the right of Fatr^nage , giveth them to aliens. 
 
 Ihat this tendeth to the annullation of the State of Holy Church, to the difmheriting ofKings^ 
 and the defiruUion of the Kealm. And they ordained in full Parliament that this it an 
 oppreljlion(thzt is asmuch as an encroachment or U.iiirp2tion)and fltould not befuffered. 
 The third Law was made in the iph Year of Edward the Third , called the 
 Statute of Frovifors , wherein they affirm that Ekdions were Firji granted by the 
 Kings Frogenitors upon a certain Form or Condition to demand Licenje of the King to 
 chufe , and after the Eledion to have his Koyal Affent. VFinch Conditions not being 
 kfpt , the thing ought by reafon to refvrt to his Firji nature. And therefore conclude , 
 that in cafe Refervation , Collation or Frovifwn be made by the Court of Rome of any 
 Archbifhopric]{6cc.0ur Soveraign Lord the King and his Heirs pall have and enjoy the Col- 
 lations for the fame time to thejaid ArchbiJhopricks,'Bifhoprickf,and other dignities Ekliive 
 vphich he of Hit Advowre , fuch as His Frogenitors had before the Free Eledion was grant- 
 ed. They tell the King plainly that the right of the Crown of England and the Law 
 of the Land if fuch , that the King is bound to mak^ remedies and Laws , againfl fuch 
 mifchiefs. And they acknowledge that he is Advowee Faramont immediate of all 
 Churches , Frebends , and other Benefices which are of the Advowry of Holy Church. 
 That is as much as Soveraign Patron of the Church j Where no Eledion can be 
 made without the Kings Conge £ Eflire or leave antecedent, nor ftand good with- 
 out his fubfequent confent •■, it is all one as if the Crown did collate. 
 The right to I come next to the (econd Branch of the Firft Queftion , about the Patronage 
 fv^s^'a^"*' ^^ *^^ Church , who hath Power to convocate and diflblve Ecclefiaftical AfTem- 
 thc RuiM * " ^''^^ ^ ^^^ whether the Crown or the Pope have ufurped one upon another in 
 this particular ? I cannot tell whether Henry the Eighth or Faul the third , did 
 miftake more about that Aiery title of the Head of the Englip Church, Hc«ry the 
 Eight fuppofing that the right to convocate and diffolve Ecclefiartical AfTemblies , 
 and to receive Tenths and Firft Fruits, did Effentially follow this Title ■■> And Faul 
 the Third declaring it to be Heretical and Schifmatical. To be head of the Englifh 
 Church , is neither more nor lefs than our Laws and Hiftories, ancient and modern, 
 do every wheieafcribc to our Englifh Kings ■, To be Governours ofChriJiians ■■, To 
 be the Advocates of the Church, To be Patrons and Advowees Faramont of all Churches 
 To be Defenders of the Faith there profeffed , And to ufe the words of the Convo- 
 cation it (elf, Ecclefi£ Arglicana FroteUores fingulares , Vnicos & Supremos Vominos. 
 The fame body may have feveral Heads of (everal kinds upon Earth, as Political 
 and Ecclefiaftical > and then that which takes care of the Architedonical end , to 
 fee that every member do his Duty , is always Supream-, That is the Political head. 
 This truth Cardinal Pool did fee clearly enough , and reconcile the fecming differ- 
 ence by diftinguifhing between a Regal head, and a Sacerdotal head. This truth the 
 French Divines fee well enough , and doubt not to call their King the "terrene head 
 PilHideCtnc. ^f '^^ Church of hit Realm , without attributing to him any Sacerdotal right. We 
 |itf,7o. had our Sacerdotal heads too in England , without feeking for them fo far as Rome\ 
 
 As the Arch-Bifliops of Canterbury in the Reigns of our Englifh Monarchs, who of 
 old was Nulliuf unquam Legati ditioni Subjedus , Never Subjed to the jurisdi&ion of 
 any Legate. When the Pope fent over Guy Arch-Bifhop of Vienna into England as 
 his Legate throughout Britaign for the Apoftolical See , It was received with won- 
 Eadm'i I. ?. ^^^ ^^^ admiration of all men. Inaxditumfci licet in Britannia cundi fcientes quem- 
 >. 58. ' ' libet hominum fuper fe vices Apojiolicas gerere , nififolum Epifcopum Cantuaria : AH 
 men did k>tow that it was never heard in Britaign , that any man whatfoever had Afojio- 
 lical Fovpcr over them , hut onely the Arch-bifliop of Canterbury. And accordingly 
 
 the
 
 3^7 
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded^ 
 
 the new Legate did fpeed , foit followeth , Wherefore as he came fo he returned , re- 
 ceived as Legate by no man , nor having exercifed any part of his Legantine Power. 
 This was the ground of that Letter of the Englifli Bilhops to the Pope. That the 
 Church of Canterbury might not be deprived of its dignity in his times, and that he f^of""*'* ^'^ 
 Tpould neither diminijh it himfelf, nor fuffer it to be diminijhed. As appeareth by the 
 Popes acknowledgment in his anfwer. 
 
 But to come up clofe to the difference , Tlie Queftion is not whether the Bifliop 
 of Rome hath authority to call Synods. He is a Bi(hop , a Metropolitan , a Pa- 
 triarch , a Prince in his own Dominions. As a Bifliop he may convocate his Dio- 
 cefs. As a Metropolitan his province i As a Patriarch his Patriarchate, under the 
 pain of Ecclefiaftical Cenfure , more or le& compulfory according to that degree 
 of coadive Power which hath been indulged to him in thefe diftind capacities by 
 former Sovereigns : And as a Prince he may convocate his Subjeds under Political 
 pains. The more thgfe Two Powers are United and complicated , the more ter- 
 rible is the cenfure. And therefore our Kings would have their Bifhops denounce 
 fpiritual pains alfo againR the Violaters of their great Charters. Spiritual pains are 
 more heavy than Political , but Political moft commonly are more fpeedy than fpi- 
 ritual. And more certain i Spiritual pains do not follow an erring Key, but Poli- 
 tical do. 
 
 Neither will I difpute at prefent whether the Bifliop o^Kome by his reputed Pri- 
 macy of Order otBeginning of Unity may Lawfully call an Oecumenical or Occiden- 
 tal Council, by Power purely Spiritual, which confifts rather in advife than in 
 Mandates properly fo called, or in Mandates of Courtefie not coadtive in the Ex- 
 teriour Court of the Church : confidering the Diviiion and Subdivifion of the an- 
 cient Empire , and the prefent Diftradtions of Chriftendom , it feemeth not altoge- 
 ther inconvenient. We fee the Primitive Fathers did affemble Synods and make 
 Canons before there were any Chriflian Emperours i but that was by Authority 
 meerly Spiritual s they had no coadive Power to compel any man againft his Will. 
 The Uttermoft they could do was to feparate him from their Communion , and to 
 leave him to the Coming or Judgement of Chrift. Let him be Anathema Maranatha. ^ g 
 The true controverfie then is this , Whether the Bifliop of Rome by his Legates, ['^^ * * ' 
 have coaftive Power in the exteriour Court , to convocate Synods of Englijh 
 Subjedls in England , when he will , where he will , whom he will, without their 
 contents , and without the leave of the Sovereign Prince or King o{ England : The 
 caft being thus ftated determineth it felfl Where fliould the Pope appoint a place 
 of meeting in England without the leave of the King of England* We fee by often 
 experience , that if the Pope have a deiire to fummon a Council in Italy , 
 •within the Dominions of another Sovereign Prince or Republick , although they 
 be of his own Communion , he muft Firft ask leave , and obtain leave , before he 
 can tell how to do it i Or how fhould he pretend to any coadtive Power in England^ 
 •without the King's grant or leave, where the Power of the Militia and all coadtivc 
 force is legally inverted in the King ? Thus for point of right. 
 
 Now for matter of Fadl ; Firit, I do utterly deny, that any Bifnop of Rome^hy his 
 own Authority, did Convocate any Synod in the Britijh Ifland, during the Firrt Ele- 
 ven hundred years, or prefide in any by his Legates, or confirm thCBl by his Autho- 
 rity. If he be not able to produce fo much as one inftance to the contrary , he may 
 cry guilty to the Ufurpation whereof he is accufed, and hold his peace for ever. 
 
 Secondly, I do confeff that after eleven hundred years, the Bifliops of Rome 
 taking advantage of our Civil combuftions, and proftituting the reputation of the 
 Apoftolical See to their temporal ends, did by the leave of our Kings, ( not other- 
 ■wife,) fometimes call Synods in England , and prefide in them. The Firrt: Synod 
 held in E«g/>^«i by any of the Popes Legates was ^t London, in the year 112 5. fcy 
 Joannes Cremenfis , xvhich moved England into no fmall indignation , to fee a thing tiU Gervaput D»r 
 then unheard of in the Kingdom of England , A Prieji fitting Preftdent upon an high robornenjiit 
 "throne above Arch-Bijhops , Bijhops, Abbats Sec. But remember my Third ground 
 or confideration of the difference between affirmative and negative Prefidents. All 
 which this proveth , is that the King did give leave or connive at that time. But 
 it doth not prove , it cannot prove a right to do the fame at other times when the 
 King contradideth it. Further
 
 Schiftn Guarded. T O M E 1 
 
 2h: to" take notice that there is a great deal of difference, between 
 
 Further we oug ^^^ ^^^ ^„gitjh Convocation. Although in truth our Convoca- 
 an ordinary Sync ^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ j^^ ^1^^ ^^^^^ ^^.j^. ^^ Sun^^on them , 
 tionsbeSyno ^y '^jj ^j^^, ^k^gy of the Realm were net prefent at an ordinary Sy- 
 Convocart jj^^j^^'^j^^jg ciergy,of the Kingdom were prefent at a Convocation either 
 "° li • Verfons or by their Prodors fufficiently authorifed. Secondly , the ab- 
 r" f rierev had no fuch Obligation to the Ads of a Papal Synod, as they had to 
 vT Adts of a Royal Convocation , fub Hypotheca honor um omnium , under the Caw 
 !;i or Fledae of aV their Goods and Ufiates. 
 
 Laftlv to drive the nail home , and to dcmonftrate clearly the Groflenefs of this 
 Papa^l ufurpationv it remaineth onely to {hew that by the ancient Laws of England 
 the calling of Convocations or Synods , belonged properly to the King, not to 
 the Eiftop of Kome or his Legates. And Firft by reafon- By the Laws of England 
 more ancient than the Popes intrufion, no Koman Legat could enter into the King- 
 dom without the Kings leave , nor continue in it longer than he had his Licenfe 
 as we (hall fee hearafter , and therefore they could not convocate any Synods nor do 
 any Synodical Ad without the Kings leave. Secondly by Records of the EngUflt 
 Convocation it felf, that the Convocations of the Clergy of the Realm of England are , 
 altpays have been, and ought to be ajfembled by the Kings wn>, Anno 1532. 
 
 Thirdly , by the Form of the writ, which hath ever been the fame in all fucceed- 
 in? Ages , conftantly direded from the King to the Englifh Arch-Bifhops for their 
 diftind provinces , The very form fpeaks it Englijh fuffiiciently. For certain difficult 
 and urgent bufine^es concerning the defence and fecurity of the Englifh CWcfe, and the 
 peace trauqnillity , publick^good and defence of our Kingdom and SubjeUs , We command 
 and require you by that Allegiance and Love which you oroe to us, that you caufe to be Con- 
 vocate d with convenient fpeed in due manner all andfingular Bi/hops of y cur Province,Veant 
 and Triors of Cathedral Churches , &c. And the whole Clergy of your Viocefs and Tro- 
 vince to meet before yon , &c. Another Writ did always iffue from the King for the 
 diflblution. We command you that you difiolve or caufe to he dijfolved this prejent Con- 
 vocation this very day , in due manner , without any delay , &c. Laftly by the con- 
 curring Teftimonies of all our Hiftoriographers, That all the Space of time of eleven 
 hundred years , wherein the Popes did neither call Councils, nor Prefide in them, 
 nor confirm them, and after unto the very Reformation j Our Kings did both call 
 Councils, and Prefide in them, and Confirm them, and own their Laws: as I 
 have (hewed him by the Laws of Ercombert, Ina,Withred, Alphred, Edwerd, Atheljiatt^ 
 Edmund, Edgar, Athelred, Canutm, and Edwardthc ConfelTor in my Vindication. And 
 particularly that Theodore Arch-Bi(hop of Canterbury Prefided in a Council, in the 
 prefence of John the Popes Legate. That King Edward AfTembled a Synod and 
 Confirmed the Ads of it as Vecretum Regis , 'the Kings Vecree : That King 
 Withred called a Council at Becancelde and prefided in it , and that the Decrees of 
 the Council ilTued in his name and by his Authority. Firmiter decemimm Sec. in 
 my anfwer to the Bi(hop of Chalcedon. All this hepretendeth to have anfwered :' 
 but it is with deep filence. If he defire more Prefidents and more witneffes, he may 
 have a cloud of Authors upon holding up his Finger , to prove undeniably that 
 King Henry di*not innovate at all in challenging tohimfelf the right to Convocate 
 the Clergy and difTolvethem, and confirm their Ads within his own Dominions, 
 but followed the l\eps of his Royal PredecefTours in all h^cs , from the Firft plan- 
 ting of Religion untill his own days. 
 
 And not onely of his own Anceftours but his Neighbours. The Prefident of 
 Charles the great is very confpicuous. To omit all my former Allegations in this 
 SintdHiPran- behalf, In the French Synod. I Charlemain Vuki and Frince of the Frankes by the 
 ctca i. Tomi Advife of the Servants of God and my frince s , have congregated the Bijhops which are in 
 Ctnc. Petri' ^y Kingdom with the Priejls to a Synod, for the fear of Chrifi to Councel me, how the 
 ^^^^ J_,aw of God and Ecckfiaftical Religion may be recovered, which in the Vays of forepajfed 
 
 Trinces is diffipated and fallen to ruine &c. And by the Councel of my Clergy and Princes 
 ■we have ordained Bijhops throughout the Cities and confiituted over them Arch-Bifhop Bo- 
 niface the Popes Lgate , Qui eft miflus Sandi Petri. 
 
 And we have Decreed every Tear to congregate a Synod, that in our Prefence the Cano- 
 nical
 
 .. \_ 
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. 3jp 
 
 nkal Vecrees and the rights of the Church may he refiored, and Chriftian Religion reform- 
 ed. And in the Synod of Jrles held under the faid Emperour , they begin the 
 Synod with a Solemn Prayer for the Emperour. The Lord of all things eflabUfh 
 in the Confervation of bis Faith , our moll Serene and Religious Lord the Emperour 
 Charles , by whofe Command tve are here congregated. And they conclude the Synod 
 with a Submillion to him , Thefe things rrhich roe judged n>orthy to be amended roe 
 have briefly noted and Decreed them to be frefented f our Lord the Emperour : hefeech- 
 inghis Clemency that if ayiy thingbe here wanting^ it may be ftip^lied by his Prudence 
 if any thing be amijlitmay be amended by btf Judgement, if any thing be reafonably taxed 
 it may be perfeUed by his help , through the aftjiance of the Divine Clemency. So the 
 Council oiToures begin their Synodical Ads, That vehich xvas enjoyned us'by fo great ^*'''^"'' 
 a Prince tee accompliflied in meeting at the time and place appointed, where heincr cmare- 
 gated vee noted fuch things by Chapters as needed to be amended according to the Canoni~ 
 cal Rule , to bejhevced to our mnjl Serene Emperour. So they conclude their Acts 
 Thefe things vee have ventilated in our Jjjembly, but bovo our moji Pious Prince mil be 
 pleafed to difpofe of them , vee his faithful Servants areready at his beck^and pkafure with 
 a vpilling mind. Laftly the Synod called Synodus Cabilanenfis in the days of the faid Ihidem» 
 Emperour beginneth thus , Our Lord Jefus Chriji aftjiing us , and the mofi renowned 
 t^mperour Charles commanding us &c. Ife have noted out certain Chapters wherein re- 
 formation jeemednecejiary tous^which are hereafter inferted,iobe prefented to our faid Lord 
 the Emperour, and referred to bis mo^facred Judgement , to be confirmed by his prudent 
 examination of thofe things which tpe have reafonably Decreed, and wherein we have 
 been defeSive , to be fupplied by his wifdom. So they conclude , We have ventilated thefe 
 things in our Affembly, but hove it (hall pleafe our mofi Pious Prince to difpofe of them 
 wehis faithful Servants with a willing mind are ready at ^hs beck^and pkafure. One 
 Egg is not liker to another, than thefe Synodical Reprefentations are to our old 
 Englifi} Cuftoms , Yet thefe were Catholick times , when Kings convocated Sy- 
 nods of their own Subjeds , and either confirmed or rejeded their Ads as thev 
 thought meet for the publick good: and did give the Popes own Legate his Power 
 of prefiding in them by theii Conftitutions, who joyned with the relt in thefe Sv- 
 nodical Ads. 
 
 I proceed to the Third branch of the Pope's Firft ufurpation, concerning the tv- Oathof AJI<* 
 ing of E«g/i/& Prelates by oath to a new Allegiance to the Pope. No man can ferve glance due co 
 two Supreme Mailers , where there is a polhbility of clafhing one with another. It K'npsfrom 
 is true one is but a Political Soveraign , and the other pretendeth but a Spiritual ^'"^''?°* 
 Monarchy : Yet if this fuppofed Spiritual Monarch , (hall challenge either a dired Pop&° ' 
 power and Jurifdidion over the Temporal in the exteriour Court fas Pope Boniface 
 did , Nos, nosimperia, Regna, principatus & quicquid habere mortales pofiunt auferre 
 &darepeffe-, We, even we have power totakg away and give Empires, Kingdoms prin- 
 cipalities, and whatfoever mortal men are capable of) Or challenge an indired power 
 to difpofe of all temporal things in order to Spiritual good, C which is the opinion 
 di Bellarmin and his party ) Or Laftly (hall declare thofe things to be purely Spiritu- 
 al which are truly Political , as the patronage of Churches and all Coadive power 
 in the exteriour Court of the Church > In all fuch cafes the fubjed muit defertthc 
 one or the other, and either fuffer juftly as a Traytor to his Prince , or be Subieded 
 unjuflly to the cenfures of the Church , and be made as an Heathen or Publican. 
 This is a fad cafe. 
 
 But this is not all , If this poor Subjed fliall be further perfwaded i that his Spi- 
 ritual Prince hath Authority to abfolve him from all Sins , Laws Oaths 
 knowing that his Temporal Prince doth challenge no fuch extravagant' power * 
 what Emperour or King can have any affurance of the fidelity of his own natural 
 Subjeds ? It is true , a Clerk may fwear Allegiance to his King , and Canonical o- 
 bedience to his Bilhop , but the cafes are not like. No Canonical obedience either 
 is or can be inconfiftent with true Allegiance. The Lawful Canons obli<>e with- 
 out an Oath. And all that Coadive power which a Bifhop hath , is derived from • • 
 the Prince and Subjeded to the Prince. 
 
 The queftion then is not whether a Paftor may enjoyn his Flock to abftain from 
 an unjutl Oath i An Oath of Allegiance to a natural Prince is juftifiable both before 
 
 God
 
 / 
 
 ^20 
 
 Schifw Gnarded. T O M E I-. 
 
 —-- — --~^r<iox vet whether tiie Clergy have immunities , or ought to enjoy 
 God and man ^^'^^^^ ^,^^,^ ,^ore capable of ferving God: it is always the rirlt 
 immunities lucn^^^ ^^^^^^^^ ^^ England. Let the Church injny her immmuues. The 
 ^"^^ft n"is°not whether Clergy men tranfgrelimg of the Canons, ought tobe tryed 
 qucltion _^^^ judges according to the Canons , efpecially in the Firll: inftance. For 
 u d e"L3 w of England the Delinquent was always allowed the liberty to appeal to 
 r r r But the quelHon is whether the Pope by any ad: or Decree of his can acquit 
 V lih SubjeAs , or prohibit them to do homage and fwear Allegiance to their 
 K'ne according' to the ancient Laws of the Realm, becaufe they are Clergymen: 
 And can command them whether the King will or not , to take a new Oath never 
 heard of or pradtifed formerly i An Oath oi^ Jllegiance and Obedience to himlelS So 
 it is called exprefly in the Edition of Gregory the Thirteenth , EleCio in Jlrchiepifco- 
 pum fedes Jpojiolica TaVium non tradet , nift prim pr£}ietfidelitatis & Ohedientix Ju- 
 ramentttm , ^he Apo{hlical See mil not deliver the Fall to an Jrch-Bijhop eleU , mleft 
 he Firft takf an Oath of Fidelity and Obedierxe. 
 
 We have feen already how Henry the Firft was quietly feifed and poflefled of the 
 Homage of his Prelates and their Oaths of Fidelity •, and his predeceflbrs before 
 him. So vve have heard Tlatina confclling , that before the Popedom of Vafchalis 
 the Second the Homage and Feudal Oaths of Bijhops rrere performed to Lay Men. 
 that is to Kings, not Popes. Thus much Eadmeruf^ and Nauckrm^ and William of 
 lAalmesbury^d.n^Hoveden.^'a^ Jorvalenfis ^o2\\z{{u.xQ.\xs. This agreeth fweetly not 
 RidUys Vtew ^^ ^^.^j^ ^'^^ Ancient L.JR' o{ Feuds , from whence they borrowed the name of Jn- 
 fccleltM- veftitures ; but aUb h confirmed by the Decree/ of ancient Councils , as diverfe 
 'toletan Councils, and that of Aquifgrane^ which who fo defireth to fee , may find 
 them cited at large by King James in his Apology for the Oath of Allegiance. 
 But thefe Oaths , and Homages , and Regal Inveftitures , as they were a Bond 
 7 Qfpeace and Unity between the King and his Clergy, fo they were a great Eye- 
 fmf(l°ca'S6' fore to the Bilhops of Kome becaufe they crofled their main defign to make them- 
 felves the onely Liege Lords of the Ecclefiafticks. As appeareth by that fcvere Check 
 which Adrianthc Fourth gave Fredrick, the Firft , for requiring Homage and Fealty 
 of Bifhops who are Gods, and for holding their Sacred hands in his hands. It ftayed 
 not here 'that Homage and Oath of Fidelity which Gregory the Seventh and Calix- 
 tiK did rob the King of, their immediate Succeflbur Pafchalif the Second did afllimc 
 to himfelf as we find by the unanimous confent of all H';toriographers, and by the 
 o / Canon ofFafchalis himfelf recorded by Gregory the Ninth, SigiiificalU 8cc. 7houfig~ 
 Eha Po'ieZ fiedji that Kings and the Peers of the Kingdom were moved with Admiration , becaufe 
 (aU- the Pall was offered to thee by our Apocrifiaries^ttpon Condition to taks that Oath which they 
 
 brought thee written from w,&c.The admiration (heweth the novelty of it. He confeP- 
 feth there that the Oath was not eftablifhed by the Canon of any Counciljbut by Papal 
 Authority, and Juftifieth it. For fear of further evil : That is, Apoftating from the 
 Obedience due to the Apoftolick See. The very title doth aflure us that it was 
 an Oath of Fidelity and Obedience. W/hzt manner of afTurance can Soveraign Princes 
 promife themfelves of thofe Subjedts, who have fworn Allegiance and Obedience 
 to a forreign Prince? 
 
 This Form at Firft was modeft and moderate, bounding the Obedience of Arch- 
 Bilhops by the Rules of the holy Fathers , as we find in the old F.oman Pontifical : 
 but it was quickly changed from Kegulaf SanUorum Patrum^ to Kegalia Sandi Petri^ 
 as we find in the new Pontifical. The change in Letters was not great, but in 
 the fenfe 2hom\rah\Q.,Semel falfus femper prxfumitur falfus. He who is apprehended 
 in palpable forgery, is always defervcdly fufpedled of forgery. With what Face can 
 Mr.5f rjf^wt tell us,that where the method of immediate "Tradition hath place, it is im- 
 polliblc for encroachments to gain Admittance. Where we fee fuch Hocus Pociu 
 tricks played before our eyes in their Pontifical. Bellarmin would perfwade us that 
 in St. Gregory the firfts time there was fuch an Oath of Obedience fully made to the 
 <'"^ ^f'fl' ^ Billiop of F^ome. But he doth either abufe himfelf. Or fecketh grofsly to abufe us 
 Mic^i. ' *"* firft ^^^ ^^^^ mentioned in St. Gregory , was not an Oath of Obedience or Allegi- 
 ance but promijjio cujufdam ^pifcopi hdrefimfuam anathematizantU , A promife ef a 
 certain Bijhop anathematizing h'vs hxrefy^ or an Oath of abjuration. S:condly the Oath 
 
 menti-
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. -> o o 
 
 . — ■ — ■ — ^ 
 
 mentioned by St. Gregory , was not impofcd by his authority , but taken freely 
 by the converted Bifliop, to fatisrie the world and to take away all fufpicionof 
 Hypocrify , ( ne non pura mente feu fimulate reverfus exijiimer ) dictated to his own 
 Notary by the advife of his Clergy, Notario meo,cum confenfu Tresbyterorum & Via- 
 conorum at(jne Ckricoriim ^ fcribendum diSavi, It was no common cafe of all Bifhops 
 neither did it comprehend any fuch obligation to maintain the pretended Royalties 
 of St. ?eter. 
 
 And as they extended the matter of their Oath , fb they did the fubjed , about 
 an hundred years after in the time of Crf^ory the Ninth, enlarg ing it from Arch- D^;KVfj«r<n= 
 Bifhops to all Prelates , Bilhops , Abbats, Priors. And now what remains, but to do. cap. 4. 
 cry up the authority of the Canons above all imperial Laws ? 
 
 Cedrnt Arma log^^ coHcedat Latirea Linguae: As Bellarmin doth , who denyeth 
 the fuperiority of Princes above Clergymen, Frhicifes Seculares refpeiitt Ckricorum '-> 
 nonfmt Principef , Princes are no Princes of Clerkj , &c. Political Lares have no coa- 
 aive ohltgation over Clerks ^ but onely diredive , The Civil Laws of Emperours mull r/^' ''"''' 3 
 give place to the Canons of Popes. What new Monfter is this , To receive Pro- * '"' 
 tedlion from the Laws of Princes , and to acknowledge no Subjedion to the Laws 
 of Princes ? If Princes fhould put Church men out of their Protedtion , as Bellar- 
 min exempts them from all coadtive Obligation to the Laws of Princes,they would 
 quickly rind their Errour. It is an honour to Princes to preserve to Churchmen 
 their old immunities, but is it a fhame to Churchmen, hke fwine , to eat the Fruit 
 and never look up to the Tree from whence it falleth. 
 
 We have viewed the fpoil committed evidently, when, and by whom. He whofe 
 office it was to prelerve all others from fpoil, could not preferve himfelf. It is a rule 
 in Law , Ante omnia fpoliatuf reflitui debet. Before all other things he that if fpoiled ought 
 to be rejiored to his right. And our old Englifh Laws are Diametrally oppofite to 
 thele new Papal Ufurpations , in all the parts of them. Firft though the Kings 
 and Kingdom of England, were always careful to preferve the priviledges of Holy 
 Church (In all our Great Charters that was the hrll thing was taken care for) yet 
 not as due by Divine Law , and much lefs by the Laws of the Pope, ( which they 
 never regarded, ) but as Graces and priviledges granted by the Kings o^ England , * r . 
 and therefore they excluded from benefit of Clergy fuch fort of delinquents as they * ' ' 
 thought rit, zs proditores , Traitours againli the perfon of the King, Itfidiatores 6H i c t 
 viarum, fuch as lay in wait to do mifchief upon the High ways j VeppHlatores agro- 
 rum , fuch as depopulated the Land. And the moft (evere Laws that ever they made 
 are the rtatutes of Premtmire and Provifors,zefl.m^ Churchmen , for fiding with the 
 Bifliop oiRome in his Ufurpations, even to the forfeiture of their Goods and Lands, 
 their loflfeoftheir Liberty, and the putting them out of the Kings protedfion. 
 
 Secondly , our Laws do acknowledge every where that Homage and Allegiance 
 is always due to the King from all Clergymen whatfoever. Edivard the rirll injoy;;- 
 ed all the Prelates upon their Faith (or Allegiance) vrhich they ought him. They know ' *' "' ** 
 no Fidelityfor Allegiance) which is due to the Pope from znyEnglijh man either Cler- 
 gy-man or Lay-mani but the juft contrary,that they were bound by their Allegiance 
 to fight for the King againft the Pope, for the redrefs of thele and fuch like Ufur- 
 pations. In the Fourteenth Year of 'Richard the fecond , all the (piritual Lords did 
 anfwer unanimoufly , That if any Bifhop oi England , were excommunicated by 
 the Pope for having executed the fentences and commandments of the King , Ihe 16 Ric. i.r^, 
 fame is againji the King and his Crorvn, and they TPiU and ought to be rvith the King in 
 thefe cafes larvfuUy , and in all other cafes touching hU Crown and his Regality , as they 
 be bound in their Allegiance. Our Laws know no Oath of Allegiance or Fealty due 
 to any perfon but the King , they make the King to be Advowee Paramont^ Supreme tj edi ij 
 Lo'rd andPatron, Guardian, Protestor, and Champion oftheChurch of England. 
 
 Laltly thefe Papal Oaths do necelTarily fuppofe a voyage to Rome, either to take 
 the Oath there, or if the Oath was fent them into England , one claufe in the Oath 
 was, that they fliould come to Rome in perfon to receive the Popes commands 
 within a prerixed time. But this is diredtly contrary to the Laws oi England ., 
 which allovv no Subjed, Clergy -man or other , to go to Rome without the Kings 
 leave. Thus much both the Prelates and Peers of the Realm told Anfelm,vfhQn he 
 
 K k had
 
 ^^4 
 
 Schifm Guarded. TOME I. 
 
 u J ■ A.r. „;<> flip PoDC Thus much we had atteHed by the General affembly 
 had a ^^^\'^J^lX^,^,;,,, ot Aiiu.c o^ Clarendon, where one of the Cuftoms or 
 I nwlfof the Kinadom is, Tliat No EcchMical perfin might depart ont of the King- 
 M..t. P^r. "^om r^nhout theKh,gs Lkef. No not though he were exprefly fummoned 
 Anno u64- . J ^ ^[(\^op o(Rome. And at a Parliament held at Northampton ni the Reign of 
 Htveden- ^ ^j^^ -pj^^j ^ jt ^as enaded that if any perfons departed out of the Kingdom, un- 
 leSthey rvoitld return mthin ap/efxed timt , andanfrver it in the Court of our Lord the 
 King. Let them he outlarved. This was the unanimous complaint of the whole 
 Mat Par. M. Kini'domto the Pope, That the Englijh rvere drawn out of the Realm by his authority. 
 If 4i« * contrary to the Cufloms of the Kingdom. No Clery-man may go to Rome without \the 
 Kings Licenfe-, fay the ancient Laws of the Realm: Every Englifli Prelate pall come 
 to Rome, upon my command faith the Pope : What Oedipus can reconcile the 
 C Enghflj Laws and Papal mandates? Commonly good Laws proceed from evil man- 
 ners and abufes do ordinarily precede their remedies. But by the Providence of 
 our Ancellours our Englip remedies were preexiftant before their Ufurpations. Noh 
 remittitur fecarum nifi rejiituatur oblatum , Until they rellore thofe rights whereof 
 they have robbed the King and Kingdom, We may pardon them , but they can 
 hope for no forgivenefs from God. I will conclude this point with an ancient fun- 
 He8. Boet. damental Law in the Erittannick, Jfand , Si quU cum alio focietatem cojerit , Fidem & 
 ^il^' ebfequium adverfiu quemlibet profejfus , capite punitor , Jf any SubjeS enter into a league 
 
 with another [ Prince ) profe^ng Fidelity and obedience to any one (befides the King) 
 Let him loofe his head. 
 Tenthsand I <^oi"e to the laft Branch of the Firft Papal Ufurpation7f«t/;x and Firji 
 
 Firft-fmits fruits. If Chrift be itill crucified between Two Thieves, it is between an old 
 ufurpcd by the Qygj.gj.ovvn Officer of the Roman Court, and a Sacrilegious Precifian. The one 
 ^°^^ is €o much for the fplendour of Religion , the other for the purity of Reli- 
 
 gion j that between them they deftroy Religion. Their faces like Sampfon^s 
 Foxes , look contrary wayes , but both of them have Fire-brands at their 
 tails ; both of them prate of Heaven altogether , both of them have their 
 hearts nailed to the Earth. On the one fide , if it had not been for the avaricious 
 pradlifes of the Roman Court, the Papacy might have been a great advantage to the 
 Chriftian world in point of Order and Unity , atleaft it had not been fo intolerable 
 a burthen ", It is feared thcfe will not fuffer an Eugenius an Adrian or an Alexander 
 to be both honefi and longlived. On the other fide thefe counterfeit Zelots do but 
 srenenew the policy of the Two old Sicillian Gluttons , to blow their nofes in the 
 difhes, that they might devour the meat alone : that is cry down Church Revenues 
 as fupcrfiitious & dangerous, becaufe they gape after them themfelves. If it were not 
 for thefe Two fadions , we might hope to fee a reconcilliation. Self interefl and 
 ftlf profit are both the procreating and conferving caufe of difunion. 
 
 Who would Imagin that the large patrimony of St. Peter fhould not content or 
 
 (uffice an old Biftiop abundantly, without praying upon the poor Clergy for Tenths 
 
 and Firft fruits , and God knows how many other ways > The Revenues of that 
 
 See were infinite, yet the Bifhops often complained of want : Gods blelfing did 
 
 Mat. Pat. an. not goe atong with thefe Ravenous Courfes. So Pharohs lean Kin devoured the fat, 
 
 12*9. yet were nothing the fatter themfelves. The firfl Tenth which the Pope had from 
 
 the Efiglijh Clergy was onely a fingic Tenth of their moveable Goods , not by way of 
 
 Impofition,but as a Benevolence , or free gift out of Courtefy. But the Romait 
 
 Bilhops having once tafled the fweet , meant not to give over fo. 
 
 Non mijfura aitem nifi pkna cruoris hirudo. 
 
 The next ftep was to impofe Tenths upon the Clergy, not in perpetuity 
 or as a certain Revenue due. to the Papacy, but for a fixed number of years, 
 as ja ftock for the defence of Chriftcndom againft the incurfions of the lurk^ 
 About the fame time Firft fruits began to be exadled, not generally, but on- 
 ly of the Popes own Clerks , as a Gratuity , or in plain Englifl} , as a hand- 
 fome Cloak of Simony. But he that perfedcd the work , and made both Tenths 
 Phi' in xitz ^"^^ ^^^^ Fruits a certain annual Revenue to the See of Rome , was Boniface the 
 ^ijflif^cunonr Ninth, or Jo/;« the Two and Twentieth his SuccefTour i fo faith Ptoi««, and 
 
 with
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. 031; 
 
 With him almoft all other writers do agree.This Boniface liveddihoxxnha year Fourteen . 
 
 h.undred, whom Xurfelline maketh to have been the rejlorer of Papal Majejiy ^ whofe B.nija"h'i!o*- 
 
 prudence did traufceiid his Age , for he was but Ihtrty Tears old. He was the iKLirper, «/ 
 
 that took away from the Ko»w«j- the free choice of their Magiftratcs. John the J*'/*'". ^»"» 
 
 Two & Twentieth lived in the time of the Council o( Cotifiance, fome thing above ^'"^'fi"' 
 
 the Fourteenth hundredth year. It was he that called the Council , and was him- 
 
 felf depofed by the Council for grievous Crimes, and the payment of Firft-fruits 
 
 abolifhed. For neither the payment of Tenths nor Firit-fruits did agree wifh the Condh conjl, 
 
 palate of the Councils oiConftance andBjf:/e,Notwithftanding -their guiJded pr>;tences. ^"i' '';"•' 
 
 The Council of Conftance decreed , that it was not lawful for the Bifhnp of Rome ^'''^^-/'-^'S^, 
 to impofe any Jndidions or ExaBions upon the Church , or upon Ecclefaliicall perfons in 
 the nature of a 7enth or any other way. Which decree was pafTed in the Nineteenth 
 Sellion , though it be related afterward. According to this Decree, Pope Martyn 
 ifflied out his Mandate , J-Fe command that the Laws which prohibit tenths and other ibid. p. 1164I 
 "Burthens to be impofed by the Pope upon Churches and Ecclefujiical perfoiu^ be ohferved * J n. 16. 
 more firiQly. And the Council of Bafxl commandeth , that m well in the Roman ^'"'" ^''fi^' 
 Court as elfe where &CC. Nothingbe exaCted for tenths or F irji-fruit s &cc, SJf n. 
 
 But for all this the Popes could not hold their Hands. Leo the Tenth made 
 a new impofuion for three years , adtriemtium proxime futurum , for the old ends. conciL Later, 
 And itfhould ftem that their mind was , that thence forward as the caufe lafted /«* Leoneio.' 
 fo fhould the impofition. But the German Nation were not of the fame mind , -JJ^*' 
 who imde this their nineteenth Giievince ^ for as much as concerneth tenths , which - 
 
 'EcclefalUcal prelates paid yearly to the Pope , which the German Princes fome years fince ^^n, cation 
 did confent unto , that they fhould be paid to the See of Rome for a certain time , upon 
 condition , that this Money jhould be depofited at Rome as a liock,^ for defence againji 
 the turk^^ and no otherwife. But the time is effuxedfince, and the Princes have learned 
 by experience , that the Moneys have not been imployed againji the turkj , but converted 
 to other ufes Sec. The Emperour Charles the Fifth was not of the fame mind , as ap- 
 peareth by his Letter to Pope Adrian the Sixth , wherein he reciteth the fame fraud, 
 and requireth that the tenths may be detained m Germany , for that ufe for which •^^'"' OoUafl. 
 they were firft intended. Laftly JF/f«ry the Eighth and the Church and Kingdom *"' '^"* 
 of England were not of that mind , nor intended to indure fuch an egregious cheat 
 any longer , fo extreamly contrary to the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, and 
 delbudive to them. By which Laws the King himfelf ( who onely hath Jegifla- 
 tive power in England, ) may not comgel his Subjeds to pay any fuch peniions , j^ £^. cap, i. 
 Tvithout the good will andajient of the Arch-Bijhops , Bipops , Earles, Barons , Knights^ 
 JBurgeJfes and other Freemen of the Land. Much lefs can a Forraign Prince or Prslate 
 ■whatfocver he be, impofe any fuch payments by his own Authority. This is that 
 ■which is fo often condemned in our Statutes of Prow/or j , Namely^ the impoflng 
 Penfionsand exporting the Treafure of the Realm. The Court o( Rome is Co far 
 from any pretence of reparation , that if their predecefTours were living , they were 
 obliged to make reftitution, Thefe are all the differences that are between us, con- V"^y f'^ 
 cerning the Patronage of the Church of England. tee's' cUl'Egli' 
 
 Yet now leaft he fhould urge that thefe Laws alledged by me are fingular abfo- je GaUicane. 
 lute Laws , nor confonant to the Laws of other Chriftian Kingdoms, I wilj Paral- Es pro liber' 
 lei them with the Laws and Liberties of France , which he himfelf acknowled^eth ^jjf^^^'^f'^ 
 
 I «-<ii-i/-» I 11.-... .r -i^i" Oalttcana all' 
 
 to be a Catholick Countrey , as they are recorded m Two Authentick Books , One yerfui Roma' 
 of the rights and Liberties of the Gallican Church. The other , the defence of the nam Aulam 
 Court of Paris for the Liberty of the Gallican Church againji the Roman Court , both ^'/^"f"/*' 
 Printed by Authority. Firft for the patronage of the Church. ri*. "* 
 
 The Fourth Liberty is , the King hath power to Afjemble or caufe to be AJfemhled , 
 Synods Provincial or National^& therein to treat of fuch things as concern ecclefujiical Order, 
 
 The fevcnth Liberty is, the Prelats of the French Churchy although commanded by the 
 Pope, for what caufe foever it be , may not depart out of the Kingdom without the Kings 
 commandment and Licence. 
 
 The Eleventh Liberty is , the Pope cannot impofe] Penfions in France upon any Bene- 
 fices having cure of Souls , Nor upon any other, but according to the Canons, 8cc. 
 
 The Fourteenth Liberty is , Ecclefiajlical perfons may be convented , Judged , and 
 Sentenced before a Jecular Judge for the Firji enormous Crime, or for leffer offences after 
 a Tclapfe. K k 2 The
 
 :;26 
 
 Schifm Guarded. TOME I, 
 
 -r h Liberrvis , All the Prelates of France are obliged to jrvear Fealty to 
 The f^'"^^"^^^^^-^.^ from htm their Itveliitures for their Fees and Mamurs. 
 xKlneteenth Liberty is, ?rovi{mis, JLefervatioits, exfeVtatrue graces have noplace 
 
 in ^^""^ly^j^^ brief fum of thofe Liberties which concern the Patronage of the Cal- 
 r rhu ch agreeing perf£<fl:ly with our old Englijh Cuftoms. I Ihall (hew him 
 \c"c me perfe<S Harmony between their Church Liberties and our Englijh Cuftoms. 
 the Affife of Clarendon, the Statutes of Provifors znd Premunire , throughout. Ei- 
 thci Mu Serieant n\\.\i\ make the Gj//icj« Church Schifmatical, which he dare not 
 d and if I conjedture rightly hath no mind to do: or he muft acknowledge our 
 E«g/;> Laws to be good Catholick Laws for company. 
 
 SECT. I. CaJ'. 6. 
 
 hath -■"HE next Ufurpation which offereth it felf to our confideration, is the Popes 
 no kgiflativc I legillative power over the Church and Kingdom of E>?g/jW,either in his perfon 
 power in ^^ ^v his Legates. For the clearer underfianding whereof, the Reader in the iirft 
 Enihnd. ,^^^ ^^^^ ^,e pleafed to take notice, that we receive the ancient Canons of the Ca- 
 
 tholick Church , and honour them more than the Komanijls themfelves ; as being 
 feleded out of the Canons of Primitive Councils, before the Ro»j^« Bifhops did 
 challenge any plenitude of Legillative power in the Church , and cfpecially of the 
 Firft Four General Councils: Of which Kmg James faid moft truly , that Publics 
 TmM^- Ordinim r.njlrum SanUione recepta fmit, They are^ceived into our Lairs. We acknow- 
 narehlptt- 4' ledge that juft Canons of Councils lawfully congregated and lawfully proceeding , 
 1 Eli. c. I- Yi-3,vt power to bind the confclence of Subjeds as much as Political Laws , in them- 
 felves not from themfelves as being humane laws , but from the Ordinance of God, 
 who commandeth obedience of Subjedts to all forts of Superiours. We receive the 
 *s"ir'S- Canons of other Primitive Councils , but not with the fame degree of reverence as 
 we do the Firl^ Four General Councils. No more did St. Gregory of old, No more 
 doth the Pope now in his Solemn Profeffion of his Faith , at his Eledtion to the Pa- 
 pacy according to the Decree of the Council of Conflance. That which reftrained 
 them' rearaineth us. I am more troubled to think , how the Pope (hoM take 
 himfelf to bean Ecclefiaftical Monarch, & yet take fuch a Solemn Oath,7« the Name 
 of the Holy and undivided Trinity , Father, Son and Holy Choft , to k^ep the Faith of the 
 Council of Chalcedon to the kaji Tittle. "V^iiat the Faith of the Fathers of Chakedon 
 was in this great controverfie about the Papacy, may appear by the Sixteenth Sef- 
 fion, and the acclamation of the Fathers to the fentence of the Judges , H£c jufta 
 Sententia , h£c omnes dicimus , hxc omnibw placent &c. This is ajuji Sentence, Thefe 
 things roe ail fay , Tbefe things pleafe us all &c. 
 
 Secondly, We acknowledge that Bifliops were always efteemed the proper Judges 
 of the Canons , both for compofing of them aiid for executing of them : but with 
 this caution, that to make them Laws the confirmation of the Prince wasrequiredi 
 CflNfli»' J"/*'* and to give the Bilhop a coadive power to execute them, the Princes grant orcon- 
 cont. Antim.in ^eil^on was needful. The former part of this caution is evident, in Jujiinians con- 
 Sjn'i' firmation of the Fifth General Synod. H£c pro communi Pace Eccltfiarum Sandif- 
 
 fmarutn ftatuirnHf , h£c fententiavimui ,fe(]ttentej SanBorum Patrum dogmata, &c. Thefe 
 things we ordain,ihefe things we have Jentenced , followingthe opinion of the Holy Fa- 
 thers , dec. §ux Sacerdntio vifa funt & ah Jmperio confirmata : JFlnch were approved 
 hy the Clergy , and confirmed by the Emperour. The Second part of the 
 Caution is evident out of the Laws of William the conquerour , ^«i de- 
 Hovtdcn. cimam detinuerit , per jnflitiam Epifcopi & Regis fi necejfe fuerit , ad Jolu- 
 tionem arguatur , &c. JFIjo fliall detain his Tythe , Let him be convinced to pay 
 it by the Jujlice of the Bijhop, and if it be needful of the King, For thefe things 
 St. Auftin Preached and taught, and tbefe things (that- is, both Tylhs and JiirijdiUion) 
 were granted from the King, the Barons and the people. So hitherto there is no diffe- 
 rence between us , they acknowledge that the King is the keeper of both the Tables: 
 And we fay that for the Firft Table the Bilhops ought to be his Interpreters. 
 
 Thirdly, As we queftion not the Popes Legillative or coadive power over his 
 own Subieds : fo we fubmit to the Judgement of the Catholick Church, whether 
 
 he
 
 Schifm Guarded. 027 
 
 he ought to have a Primacy ot order as the SuccelTour of St. ?eter , and as a con- 
 fcquent thereof , a right ("if he would content himfelf with it; to fummon Coun- 
 cils , when and where there are no Chrillian Sovereigns to do it : and to joyn with 
 other Bitliops in making fpiritual Laws or Canons fuch as the Apoftles made and ^^' ^^ *5' 
 fuch as the Primitive Birfiops made before there were Chrillian Emperours.' But 
 then thofe Canons are the Laws of the Church , not of the Pope : As thofe Canons 
 in the Ads of the Apoftks were the Laws of the Apoftolical Colledge , The Jpoflks 
 and Elders and Brethren , not the Laws of St. Teter. Then their Laws have no co- 
 adive Obligation to compel Chriftians in the outward Court of the Church againlt 
 their wills , or , further then they are pleafed to fubmit themfelves. All exteriour 
 coadive power is from the Sovereign- Prince , and therefore when and where Em- 
 perours and Kings are ChrilUans , to them it properly belongeth to fummon Coun- 
 cils , and to confirm their Canons , thereby making them become Laws. Becaufe 
 Sovereign Princes onely have power to Licenfe and command their Subjeds to af- 
 femble, to Allign fit places for their Aflembling , to proted them in their AlTemblies 
 and to give a coadive power to their Laws , without which they may do their beft 
 to drive away wolves , and to oppofe Heresick/ ■■, but it muft be with fuch Arms as 
 Chrift had furnifhed them withal, that is, Perfwallons, Prayers, Tears and at the 
 mod feparating them from the Communion of the Faithful , and leaving them to 
 the Judgement of Chrift. 
 
 The Controvcrfie is then about new upftart Papal Laws, either made at Rom 
 ( fuch are the Decretals of Gregory the Ninth , Boniface the Eighth , Clement the 
 Fifth and fucceeding Popes : ) Or made in England by Papal Legates , as Otho and 
 Uthobone; Whether the Pope or his Legates , have power to make any fuch Laws 
 to bind Englifh Subjeds , and compel them to obey them againft their wills , the 
 King of England contradiding it. The Firft time that ever any Canon of the Bi- 
 Ihop of Kome , or any Legiilative Legate of his , was attempted to be obtruded 
 upon the King or Church of England, was Eleven Hundred years after Chrift. The 
 Firft Law was the Law againft taking Inveftitures to Bifhopricks from a Lay-Hand. 
 And the Firft Legate that ever prefided in an EngUp Synod was Johannes Cremenfu^ot 
 both which 1 have fpoken formerly. Obferve Reader and be aftoniftied, if thou 
 haft fo much Faith to believe it , That the Pope ftiould pretend to a Legiflative 
 power over Britip and Englijh Subjeds by divine right , and yet never offer to put 
 it in execution for above Eleven Hundred years. 
 
 It remaineth now to prove evidently that Henry the Eighth by his Statute made, 
 for that purpofe, did not take away from the Biftiop of Rome , any priviledee 
 which he and his Predeceffburs h4d held by Inheritance from St. Peter , and been 
 Peaceably poflelTed of for Fifteen Hundred Years ; But on the contrary, that 
 Eleven hundred Years after St. Feter was dead , the Biihops of Rome did 
 Firft invade the right of the Crown of England , to make Laws for the 
 external Regiment of the Church , which the predecefTours of Henry the 
 Eighth had enjoyed Peaceably, untill the days of ^FiZ/ww Kw/«f , nemine contradi- 
 cente. And that the Kings Laws were evermore acknowledged to be true Laws 
 and obligatory to theEw^/i/^Subjedsibut that the Popes decrees were never efteemed 
 to be binding Laws in England, except they were incorporated into our Laws, by 
 the King and Church or Kingdom of England. Whence it followeth by irrefra- 
 gable confequence , that Henry the Eighth was not the Schifmatick in this par- 
 ticularibut the Pope and thofe that maintain him,or adhere to him in his ufurpations. 
 Firft , for the Kings right to make Laws , not onely concerning the outward 
 Regiment of the Church , but even concerning the Keys of Order and Jurifdidion, 
 fo far as to oblige them who are trufted with that power by the Church, to do 
 their duties, it is fo evident to every one who hath but caft his eyes upon out Englijh 
 Laws, that to beftow labour on proving it , were to bring Owls to Athens. Their 
 Laws are extant made in all Ages , concerning Faith and good Manners, Herefie , 
 Holy Orders, the Word , the Sacraments, Bifhops , Priefts , Monkes, the Pri- 
 viledges and Revenues of Holy Church , Marriages , Divorces , Simony , The 
 Pope , his Sentences , his opprelfions and Ufurpations, Prohibitions , Appeals from 
 Ecclefiaftical Judges, and generally all things which are ofEcclefiaftical cognifancci 
 
 and
 
 q^S 
 
 Schifm Guarded. T O M E I 
 
 and this in tliofe times wiiich are acknowledged by the Kumatiijh themfelvcs to hav^ 
 
 been Catholick. More than this , they inhibited the Popes own Legate to attempt 
 
 to Vecree any thing contrary to the Kings Crown and dignity , And it they approved the 
 
 iH4f. Par.an. q^^^^^^ of the Popes Legates , tliey confirmed them by their Royal Authority , and fo 
 
 F/,7V;/or«. incorporated them into the Body of the Englijh Laws. 
 
 an, i"»j7. Secondly , That the Popes Decrees never had the force of Laws in England with- 
 
 out the confirmation of the King , Witnefs the Decrees of the Council of Lateran 
 as they are commonly called : But it is as clear as the day to any one who readeth 
 the Eleventh, the Six and Fourtieth , and the One and Sixtieth Chapters, that 
 they were not made by the Council of Lateran , but fome time after i perhaps not 
 by Innocent the Third, but by fome fucceeding Pope. For the Author of them doth 
 diftinguifli himfelf expreily from the Council o( Lateran , It n>as well provided in the 
 Council of Lateran &c. But becaufe that Statute is not obferved in many Churches , we 
 confirming the foresaid llatute do add 8cc. Again, It is known to have been prohibited in 
 the Council of Lateran , &c. But we inhibiting the fame more firongly &c. Howfoe- 
 ver, they were the Popes Decrees , but never were received as Lawes in England^ 
 as we fee evidently by the Third Chapter, that the goods of Clergy-men being con- 
 vided oiHerefie be forfeited to the Church , that aV Officers Secular and Ecclefafiical 
 Jhould tah^ an Oath at their admijjion , into their Office , to their power to purge their 
 "territories jrom Herefie , That, if a temporal Lord did negled, being admonijhed by the 
 Church to purge his Lands from Herefie , he (hould he excommnnicated , And if he con- 
 temned to fasisfie within a ICear^ the Fope poutd abfohe his Subjetis from their Allegiance. 
 And by the Three and Fourtieth Chapter , That, no EcciefiaiHcal perfon be compelled 
 tofwear Allegiance to a Lay-man. And by the Six and Fourtieth Chapter that Eccle- 
 fialUcal perfons he free from taxes. We never had any fuch Laws , ali Goods forfeited 
 in that kind were ever confifcated to the King i We never had any fuch Oaths, 
 every one is to anfwer for himfelfi, We know no fuch power in the Pope to abfolvc 
 Subjedts from their Allegiance in our Law i With us , Clergy-men did ever pay 
 Subfidies and taxes as well as Lay-men. This is one liberty which England hath , 
 not to admit of the Popes Laws unlefs they like them. 
 to/f.j.s;. f. A Second liberty of Ewg/W is to rejed: the Popes Laws in plain terms. The 
 Pope made a Law for the Legitimation of children born afore Matrimony ^as well as thofe 
 born in Matrimony ^ The Bifhops moved the Lords in Parliament, that they would 
 give their confent to the Common Order of the Church: But all the Earls and Barons an- 
 fwered with one voice , that they would not change the Laws of the Kealm, which hitherto 
 had been ufed and approved. The Popes Legiflation could not make a Law in England^ 
 without the concurrence of three Orders of the Kingdom: and they liked their own 
 old Laws better than the Popes new Law. 
 
 A Third liberty of England, is to give a Legiflative interpretation to the Popes 
 Laws which the Pope never intended. The Bifhop oi^Kome by a conftitution made 
 at the Council of Lions , excluded Bigamijis ( Men twice Married ) from the privi- 
 ledge of Clergy , that is, that fhould Marry the Second time de future: But the Par- 
 liament made an A<^ that the conftitution (hould be underftood on this wife , that 
 whether they were Bigamijis before the conjiitutioH, or after, they Jhould not be delivered ta 
 the Prelates , but Jujiice (hould be executed upon them as upon other Lay-people. Ejus efi 
 Legem Intcrpretari cujus eji condere. They that can give a Law a new fenfe , may 
 abrogate it if theypleafe. 
 
 A Fourth liberty G^Englandis to call the Popes Laws Vfurpations, Emhroachmentf, 
 
 Mifchiefs, contrary to, and defirudive of the Municipal Laws of the Realm , derogatory to 
 
 the Kings Regality: And to puni(h Cnch of their Subjeds as fhould purfue them, and 
 
 obey them , with Imprifonment , with Confifcation of their Goods and Lands , with 
 
 Outlawing them, and putting them out of the Kings Protedion. Witnefs all thofe 
 
 noble Laws of Provifors and Premunire , Which we may truly call the Palladium of 
 
 England, which prefcrved it from being fwallowed up in that vaft Gulf of the Roman 
 
 27 £ a' Court V made by Edward the ¥hR,Edward the Third , Richard the Second, Henry 
 
 1 H.\'cah J, ^^^ Fourth. All thofe collations, and refervations, and provifions, and priviledges, 
 
 f(y 4. ' and (entences, which are condemned in tho(e ftatutes , were all grounded upon the 
 
 7M'^cap-6 Popes Laws, and Bulls, and Decrees , which out Anceftours entertained as they 
 
 deferved. Qthobon
 
 Schifm Guarded. qac 
 
 Othubon the Pope's Legate in England^ by the command ot'Vrban the Fifth, made 
 a Conrtitution for the endowmenC of Vicars in Appropriations, but it prevailed not: 
 whereas our Kings by Two Ads of Parhament did ealily efFed it. No Ecclefiafti- 
 cal Adisimpoliibic to them who havea kgiflativepower-, but many Ecclefialtical '5 .x- . 
 Ads were beyond the fphere of the Pope's adivity in England. The King could ^ ^' "*■ '"•' • 
 make a fpiritual Corporation , but the Pope could not. The King could exempt 
 from the Jurifdidion of the Ordinary, but the Pope could not. The King could 
 convert Seculars into Regulars, but the Pope could not. The King could granr ^ j{..,ca 
 the priviledge of the Ctftercians, but the Pope could not. The King could appro- eV 4. * ' 
 priate Churches , but the Pope could not. Our Laws never acknowledged the * ^- 4- «• 3» 
 Pope's plenitude of Ecclellaftical power , which was the ground of his legillation. ^''' 
 Etiphemim objedcd to Gelafm , that the Bifliops of Kome alone could not condemn 
 Acatiitf, ab una non potiii^et damnari. Gelafm anfwercd, that he was condemned by Gelaf Epiji. 
 the Council of Cbalcedon , and that his predeceljor was but the Executcr of an old Law '*'' t'luflxm. 
 aiidnotthe Jitthow nfanerp. This was all theancient Bifhops of Kome did chal- 
 lenge, to be Executors of Ecclefiaftical Laws, and not fingle. Law-makers. I ac- 
 knowledge , that in his Epiftle to the Bifliops of Vardan'ia^ he attributeth much to 
 the BiOiops oiKome with a Council', but it is not in making new Laws or Canons 
 but in executing old , as in the cafe ofAthanafm and Chryjoftome. The privikdaes - 
 
 of the Abbey of^ St. Auftin in England granted by the Popes , were condemned as null, Eadm l.i: 
 or of no validity , becaufe they were not ratified by the King ^ and approved by the f- 91-' 
 Peers* W'lWhm the Conquerer would not fiffer any man within his Dominions , to re- 
 ceive the Tope for Apojiolical Bijhop , but by his command ■-, nor to receive his Letters by Eadm, /. i. 
 any means, unlefs they werefirjl pewed to him. It is likely this was in a time of ^'^' 
 Schifm, when there were more Popes than one, but it (heweth how the King did 
 intereft himfelf in the affairs of the Papacy , that it fliould have no farther influence 
 upon his Subjeds than he thonght fit. He , who would not furfer any man to re • 
 ceive the Pope's Letters without his leave , would much lefs fuffi'r them to receive 
 the Pope's Laws without leave. And in his prefcript to Kemigius Bifliop of Lin- 
 coln, Know ye , all Earls and Vifcounts , that 1 hare judged , that the Epifcopal for 
 Ecclefiaftical ) Laws , which have been of force until my time in the Kingdom of Eng- 
 land , being not weV cnnfiituted according to the precepts of the holy Canons , Jhould be 
 amended in the common Aflembly , and with the Cotoicil of my Archhijhops, and the reji 
 of the Bifliops and Abbats , and all theVrinces of my Kingdoms. He needed not the 
 help of any Forreign Legiflation , for amending Ecclefiaftical Canons, and the ex- 
 ternal regiment of the Church. 
 
 Now let us fee, whether the Liberties of France be the fame with our E«^///& 
 privilcdges. The fecond Liberty is this , The Spiritual Authority and power of the 
 Pope , is not ahfolute in France, ( if it be not abfolute , then it is not lingly Legifia- 
 tive, ) but limited and re(irained by the Canons and ancient Councils of the Church. If 
 it be limited by ancient Canons, then it hath no power to abrogate ancient Canons 
 by new Canons. Their ancient Canons are their Ecclefiaftical Laws , as well as 
 ours , and thofe muft he received into that Kingdom. They may be excellent Advi- 
 fcrs without reception , but they are no Laws without publick reception i Canons 
 are no Canons, ckhci in England ^ or in France, farther than thej' are recei- 
 ved. 
 
 The third Liberty is , No command tvhatfoever of the Pope ( papal decrees are his 
 chief Commands ) can free the French Clergy from their Obligation, to obey thecoma 
 mands of their Sovereign. But if Papal power could abrogate the ancient Laws of 
 France , it did free their Clergy from their obedience to their Soveraign Prince. 
 
 The fixteenth Liberty is. The Courts of Parliament have power to declare null and 
 voide the Popes Bulls, when they are found contrary to the Liberties of the French Churchy 
 or the Vrerogative Koyal. 
 
 The twentieth Liberty , The Pope cannot exempt any Church, Monaftety , or Eccle- 
 fiaftical Body from the jurifdiBion of their Ordinary , nor ereH Bifhopricks into Archbi- 
 (hoprickj, mr unite them, nor divide them , without the Kings Licence. England and 
 France as touching their Liberties walk hand in hand. 
 To conclude , the Pope's legiflative powex in England , was a grofs Ufurpation 
 
 and.
 
 5?o 
 
 Schifm Guarded. T O M E I 
 
 and was fupprcfTcd before it was well romed. But they are affraid of the old rule. 
 Break ice btone place , and it tpill crack '» '«<"'<•• ^^ ^^^^ ^^^ confefs one crrour, they 
 (hould be fufpecfted of many v if their Infallibility, was loft, all were gone. And 
 therefore they refolve to bear it out with head and flioulders , and in place of dif- 
 claiminga fingle power, to make Ecclefiaftical Laws , and to give them a coadive 
 obli'^ation in exteriour Courts , they challenge a power to the Pope C fomefayor- 
 dinaniy, others extraordinarily i fome fay diredly , others indiredtly,) to make 
 and abrogate political Laws throughout Chriftendom , againft the Will of Sove- 
 raign Princes. They who feem moft moderate and cautelous among them, ajebad 
 enough , and deferve right well to have their works inferted into the Rebels Cate- 
 H chifm. Jf a civil Larv be hurtful to the fouls of SubjeSs ^ and the Frince tvill not abro- 
 fL I- i'"'^- gate it > if another civil Law be healthful to the fouls of the Sithjelfs , and the lemforal 
 Prince wilt not enaU it, the Tope as afiiritual Prince may abrogate the one , and ejiablijh 
 the othn: For civil power is inferiour, and confequentlyfubje£i to j}iritual power. And, 
 7he EcclefajiickKepuhlickought iobeperfiU andfufficient to attain its end: But the pow- 
 er to difpofe of things 'Temporal , is nectffary to attain jfiritual ends. And, It is not laW" 
 ful to chufe an Infidel or Heretical Prince, but it is the fame danger or damage to chufe one 
 who U no Chrifiian , and to tolerate one who is no Chrijiian; and the determination of the 
 ^ejUon whether he be fit to be tolerated or not, belongs to the Pope. In good time. 
 From thefe premises , we may well exped a neceflary collufion. Who ever fee 
 fuch a rope of Sand , fo incoherent to it felf, and confifting of fuch heterogeneous 
 parts, compofed altogether of miftakes? Surely a man may conclude, that either 
 noUe pinxit , the learned Authour painted this Cyprefs tree in the night , or he hath 
 a pitiful penurious caufe , that will aiford no better proofs. But I hope the quar- 
 rel is dead or dying, and with it, much of that animofity , which it helped to raife 
 in the World. At leaft I muft do my Adverfaries in this caufe that right , I find 
 them not guilty of it. Let it dye , and the memory of it be extinguiflied for ever 
 and ever. 
 
 SECT. I. Cap. 7. 
 
 ^01 pafs over from the Pope's legiflative power , to his judiciary power. Per- 
 ThePopc hath j^ ^^^^ ^^^ Reader may exped to find fomething here of that great Controverfic 
 Sowerin E«- between Proteftants and Papifts v wliether the Pope be the laft , the higheft , the 
 land. infallible Judge of controverfies of Faith , with a Council or without a Council > 
 
 For my part I do not find them fo well agreed at home , who this Judge is. All 
 fay it is the Church , but in determining what Church it is , they differ as much as 
 they and we. Some fay it is the EfTential Church by reception , whatlbever the 
 Univerfal Church receiveth is infallibly true: Others fay it is the Reprefentativc 
 Church , that is , a General Council ; Others fay it is the Virtual Church , that is, 
 the Pope: Others fay it is the Virtual Church and the Pveprefentative Church toge- 
 ther, that is, the Pope with a General Council : Lafilyi others fay it is the Pope 
 with any Council, either General , or Patriarchal, or Provincial , or (I think) his 
 Colledge of Cardinals may (erve the turn. 
 
 And concerning his Infallibility , all men confefs that the Pope may err in his 
 judgment , and in his Tenets , as he is a private Dodor , but not in his Definiti- 
 ons. Secondly , the mofl men do acknowledge , that he may err in his Definiti- 
 ons, if he define alone without fbme Council , either General or Particular. Third- 
 ly , others go yet higher , that the Pope as Pope , with a particular Council , 
 may define erroneoully or Heretically , but not with a General Council. Laftly , 
 many of them which go along with others for the Pope's Infallibility, do it upon 
 a condition, St maturus frocedut , & conftlium audiat aliorum Pajlorum , Ifhepro- 
 BtB-JeRamt ceed maturely , and hear the cuunfel of other Pajiors. Indeed Bfi^/i^rwiw faith , that if 
 ant. ,4.c4.,i« ^j^y ^^^ (hould demand , Whethtr the Pope might err if he defined rafhly ? without 
 doubt they would all atifwer , that the Pope could not define rafldy. But this is meer 
 prefumption without any colour of proofl I appeal to any rational man , of what 
 communion fbever he be, whether he who (aith , "Ihe Pope cannot err , if he proceed ii 
 maturely upon due advice^ do prefume that theP ope cannot proceed immaturcly, or i 
 
 with-
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. ^^i 
 
 without due advice , or not rather , that he may proceed ralhly , and without due 
 advice-, other wife the condition was vainly and fuperHuoufly added. Fruflra fit 
 per plura quod fieri MeHpTfauciora. _ ^. ^ „ 
 
 But the truth is , we have nothing concerning this Queftion , nor concerning any 
 Turi(ai<ftlonmeerly Spiritual, in all the Statutes of HfKry the Eighth. They do 
 all intend coadlive Jurifdidion in the exteriour Court of the Church: yet although 
 nothing which he faith doth conftrain me, I will obferve my wonted ingenuity. 
 We eivc the Supreme Judicature of controverfies of Faith, to a General Council i 
 and the Supreme power of Spiritual cenfures, which are coadtive onely in the court 
 of confciencc: but if the Sovcraign Prince (hall approve or confirm the Ads of a 
 General Council , then they have a coadive power in the exteriour Court , both 
 political and Ecckfiaftical. There is nothing that we long after more, than a Ge- 
 neral Council rightly called , rightly proceeding •, or in defed of that, a free Oc- 
 cidental Council , as General as may be. But then we would have the Bifhops to 
 renounce that Oath which hath been obtruded upon them, and the Council to de- 
 clare it void. 7. A. Bifho^-y &c. rotU he faithful to St. Peter , and to the Holy Apofioli- 
 cal Church of Rome, aiid f our Lrd Pope Alexander, &c. JwiV be an ajjijiam to retain 
 ai'd to dtfertd the Roman Tapacy , and the Royalties of St. Peter. Where this Oath 
 is efleemed obligatory, I do not fee how there can be a free Council. 
 
 But 1 retire my felf to that which concerneth our prefent Queftion , arid the Laws 
 of Kin^ Henry the Eighth , concerning Judiciary power in the exteriour court of 
 the Church. The firlt Branch of this third Ufurpation is , Wlmher the Bifhop of ._^ 
 
 Rome can receive Appeals from England, and fend for vphat Englifli SuhjeSs he plea- r^eilcno aS 
 feth to Rome, rvithottt the Kings leave? The firft prefident , and the only prefident peals from 
 that we have of any Appeal out of England to Kome, for the Firft thoufand yearS England, 
 after Chrift, was that of Wilfrid Archbifhop of Torfc^; though to fpeak the truth, 
 that was rather an equitable than a legal Appeal to the Pope , as the only Biftiop of 
 an Apoltolical Church in the Weji , and an honourable arbitrator , and a Faithful 
 depofitary of the Apoftolical Traditions , not as a Superiour Judge. For neither 
 were the adverfe parties fummoned to Rome , nor any witfiefles produced , both 
 •which ought to have been done in a Legal Appeal. But the fuccefs was fo contra- 
 ry to the Popes Intereft , and the refolution of the King , Church , and Kingdoni 
 of Enzhnd fo unanimous (Thatffco' could not affent to the Fopes Legation , hecaufe it 
 TPM againli reajon that a perfon tvcice condemned by the rrhole Council of the Englifh , 
 Jhouldbe rejhred upon the Fopes Letter) that England was never troubled with any 
 more Appeals to Kome until after the conqueft. Neither durft the Pope fend any 
 Bulls or mandates then, but a plain Letter. 
 
 The next Appellant was Anfelm a ftranger ( who knew riot the liberties of Eng^ 
 land ) in the days of Henry the Firft , as fucceQefs as IFzlfrid had been. Will you 
 truft the Teftimony of a King? C and I know not why a King fhould not be truikd Malm, it gei 
 for the cuftoms of his own Kingdom, ) Hear King Henry the Firft the Son of the iP" Jo"- 
 Conquerour , Jt if a Cttllom of my Kingdom injlituted by my Father , C inftituted in- "'^ '* 
 deed but not Firft inftituted , for it was an old Saxon Cuftom ) that no Fcpe be 
 jippdkd to TPiihout the Licenfe of the King. Another Law of the fame King was , ^^^ ^^^. ^ 
 By all means we difcharge forraign Judgments. If you will not truft the King , truft c. ^,. 
 the whole Kingdom upon their Oaths, in the days of Henry his Grandchild. The 
 Firft Enghfh Cuftom recited in the Allize of Clarendon is this , That ail Appeals in Mat. Par. am 
 England mjiji proceed regularly from the Archdeacon to the Bifhop ^ from the "H- 
 Bifhop to the Archhifhop , and if the Archbifhop failed to do Juflice , the I4 Eaiir,frt„U 
 complaint mu{i be to the King to give order for redrefl. If wc will not truft the $.j>-iij. 
 King and Kingdom , Yet let us truft the Pope himfelf : Thus Fafchal the Second 
 writeth to our Henry the Firft ^Ihe Fopes Nuncio's and Letters do find no reception n>ith~ 
 in thy Jurifdi&ion^ there are no complaints from thofe parts, no Appeals are deiUned to the 
 Apoliolick^See. The Abbat of T/;oc«fy found this true by experience, who lay long ^ovtieno^i 
 inprifonnotwithftandinghis Appeal to Kome. The cafe is fo plain, that I (hall "^" 
 not cite one Authority more in it , bat onely one of our Statute Laws , made not 
 onely by the affent r as isufual) but upon the prayer, and grievous and clama- 
 rous complaints of the Peers and Commons ■, That becaufe Feopk are drawn out of t:Kvii,EJt!>. 
 
 LI the 3.
 
 — — Schifm Guarded. T O M E 1 
 
 wj-^ _^ _ — _ . 
 
 */,. KeJm to anlr^tr things , the cogmjhtce r^hereoj bdoytgeth to the Kings Courts, and 
 r 4 A ents of the Kings Conrts are impeached in another Court ( tlie Court of 
 the P^'^^^J^J*^ disinheriting of the King and hU Crown , and the undoing and dtlhuUion 
 fZ Common Law of the LMd : Therefore it is ordained , that whofoevcr Pall draw 
 I out of the Kealm in Flea.if he do not appear upon Summons and conform to the Sen- 
 " '^"e of the Kings Court , he fhjU forfeit Lands and Goods, he Outlawed and Jmprifoned, 
 *^' Againft fuch fortifications grounded upon Prefcription and Imperial Laws , the 
 Canon of the Council of Sardica will make no great Battery. Take the Council 
 of Sardica at the bert , waving all exceptions , yet certainly it was no General 
 Council ■■> If it were , it had been one of the Four Firft. If it had been a General 
 Council it felf , Three fucceding Popes were much to blame , to Father the Canons 
 of it upon the Firft General Council of Nice. The Canons of the Council of Sar- 
 dica did not bind the Africans of old, much lefs bind us now. Secondly, the Canon 
 of Sardica doth onely give way to Appeals to Kome in cafes between Two Bifhops; 
 but the Court of Kome admitteth Appeals from inferiour Clergy-men , from Lay- 
 men from all forts of men , in all forts of caufes that are of Ecclefiaftical cogni- 
 fancc. Thirdly , The Canon of Sardica is a meer pcrmiliion , no precept , what 
 may be done in difcretion , not what ought to be done of necellity ; It was pro- 
 pofed with a Si vob'n placet , If it pkafe you , and the ground of it is a complement. 
 Let us honour the memory of St. Peter. Fourthly, There is one great circumftancc 
 in our cafe , which varieth it quite from that propofed by Ofim to the Sardican Fa- 
 thers that is, thr't our King and the Laws of the Realm do forbid Appeals to 
 Home. If there had been fuch an Imperial Law then, do we think that the Fathers 
 of Sardica would have been fb dilloyal , or (b Umple to think to abrogate the Im- 
 perial Laws by their Canons, which are no Laws but by the Emperours confirma- 
 tion? No, the Fathers of that Age did know their duty too well to their Empe- 
 rour and if they could have fbrefeen what avaritious pradtifes and what grofs 
 opprellions , would have fprung in time from this little feed of their Indulgence , 
 they would have abominated them. Laftly, fuppofing the 5(jrJici»« Council had 
 been of more Authority , and the Canon thereof of more extent than it was, and 
 more peremptory , and that there had been no fuch intervening impediment why 
 Englifh Subjeds could not makeufe of that remedy : Yet the Council oi Sardica can 
 give but human right, and a contrary prefcription for a Thoufand Years, is a fuf- 
 ficient Enfranchifement from all pretence of humane right. 
 
 The Second branch of this Ufurpation , is as clear as the former , concerning Pa- 
 
 Of Papal Bulls pal Bulls and Excommunications ; That by our Ancient Laws they cannot be ex- 
 
 and excom- ecuted in England without the Kings leave. In the Alfize of Clarendon this is 
 
 niunicationv,^^ found to be one of the ancient Cuftoms oi^ England, That none of the Kings Servants 
 
 ro1*itf4. ' <"■ Tenents that held of him in Capite , might be excommunicated , or their Lands inter- 
 
 diSed, before the King was made acqnainted. There was a ievere Law made in the 
 
 Hivti in Hen, j^ajgn of the fame King , If any man be found bringing in the Vopes Letter or Man- 
 
 *• date , Let him be apprehended, and let Jufiice pafs upon him without delay, as a Tray^y 
 
 tor to the King and Kingdom. Itfeemeth that the Firft and Second Henries, were 
 
 i/^li' *' i^o mote propitious to Korne than Henry the Eighth. Take one Statute more ; it 
 
 was enadted in full Parliament by Richard the Second , that if any did procure or pur- 
 
 fue any fuch Frocejfes orExcommunications in the Court of Rome, as are there mentioned, 
 
 that is, concerning prefentations to benefices or dignities Ecclefiaftical: they 
 
 ■who bring them into the Realm , or receive them or execute them , pall be 
 
 put out of the Kings proteSion't their Lands, Goods and Chattels be confifcated to the King, 
 
 and their bodies attached. They had the fame refped for the Popes Bulls as often as 
 
 Hi 4< 4« *^^y ^^'^ ""^^ ^'^^ ^tm , in Henry the Fourths time , as we fee by the Statute made 
 
 againft thoie , who brought or projecuted the Popes Bulls granted in favour of the Cifter- 
 
 Platfta An. cians. By the Law of England if any man denounced the Popes Excommunication, 
 
 ?a. & J4« without the AfTent of the King, he forfeited all his Goods , and it is recorded in 
 
 ^'^^' '* particular ^ how the Kings Writ ifTued out againft the Bifliops of London and Nor~ 
 
 rvich, as being at the Kings Mercy , hecsiufe contrary to the Statute of Chrcndon , by 
 
 Noved-An. theFopes Mandate, they had interdicted the Lands of Earl Hugh , and had publifhed 
 
 i\6i.Ma' ^^ Excommunication without the Kings Licenfe , which the Pope had given out againft 
 
 hint.
 
 Drs COURSE I V. Schifm Guarded. 222 
 
 him. All thefe Laws continued Hill in force , and were never repealed in England, 
 neither before Henry the Eighth began the Reformation , nor fince by Queen ^Mary, 
 but have ever continued in full force until this day. 
 
 LaAly , For Legates and Legantine Courts, there could be no Appeal in Eng- OrpjpalLe- 
 /^;;^to any Legate or Nuncio, without the King's leave: but all Appeals mult be gates, 
 from the Archdeacon to the Bifhop, from the Bifhop to the Archbifhop, from the 
 Archbifliop to the King , as we fee exprefly by the Statute of Allize of Clarendon 
 formerly cited. The Kings of England did ever deem it to be an unquefiionable right Eaiimerut /.'!• 
 of the Crown ( as Eadmerus teftifieth ) to fitffer none to exercife the Office of a Legate in ?■ "^• 
 England , if the King himfelf did not defire it of the Tope , upon fame great quarrel that 
 could not be jo well determined by the Jrchbijhop of Canterbury, and the other Bifhops i 
 ■which priviledge was confented unto by Pope Calixtus. By the Laws of England, ji,jj 
 if a Legate was admitted of courtefie, he was to takg hii Oath to do nothing derogato- plat. An. r. 
 ry to the King and hU Crown. Henry the Sixth , by the counfel of Humphrey Duke ^'"- ?• 
 of Gloccjier the Protedtor , protefted againft Pope Martin and his Legate , that they 
 would not admit him w«tMr)» fo the Laws and Liberties of the Realm, and difiented 
 from whatfoever he did. And when the Pope had recalled Cardinal PooWs Commif- a ii . 
 fion of Legate for England, and was fending another Legate into England, Queen numems. ^°' 
 Mary being very tender of her Kinfman's Honour , for all her good affedion to 
 Rome , was yet mindful of this point of old Englifh Law , to caufe all the Sea- 
 ports to be (lopped , and all Letters, Briefs , and Bulls from Rome, to be interce- 
 pted and brought to her. She knew this was an old Englijh , not a new Prote- 
 ftant priviledge : neither would fhe ever admit the new Legate to appear as Legate 
 in her prelence. 
 
 Now let us fee how thefe old Engliflt Cuftoms do agree with the French Liber- 
 ties , "the Tope cannot fend a Legate a latere into France , with power to reform , judge, 
 collate , dif^enfe, except it be upon the defire , or with the approbation of the moji Chnjii- 
 an King. Neither can the Legate execute his charge , until he hath promifed the 
 King under his Oath upon his Holy Orders , to make no longer ufe of the Legan- 
 tine power in the King's Dominions , than it pleafeth him , that he fhalj attempt 
 nothing contrary to the Liberties of the Gallican Church : and it is lawful to appeal 
 from the Pope to a future Council. 
 
 Another Liberty is , "the Cornmiffions and Bulls of Topes are to be viewed by the 
 Cftirt of Parliament , and regijired , andpublijhed with fuch Canons as that Court JhaU 
 judge expedient. 
 
 A third Liberty is , Papal Bulls , Sentences , Excommunications , and the lil^e , are 
 not to be executed in France , without the Kings command or permiffion. 
 
 Laftly, neither the King, nor hU Realm, nor his Officers, can be excommunicated 
 mr interdi&ed by the Pope. 
 
 And as England and France , fo all the (eventeen Provinces did enjoy the {ame 
 priviledges , as appeareth by the Placcaert of the Council of Brabant , dated at Bru- 
 xells May i2. An. 1^53. wherein they declare , that it wm notorioufy true , that the 
 SubjeUsofthofe Provinces , ofwhatjlate or condition foever ( that is, the Clergy as 
 well as the Laity) cannot be cited or convented out of the Land, no not before the Court 
 of Rome itfelf. And that the cenfures , excommunications , &c. of that Court, might 
 not be publijhed or put in execution , without the King's approbation. It feemeth that 
 if the Pope had any judiciary power of old, he muft feek it nearer home > people 
 had no mind to go over the Alps to leek for Juftice. And that Ordinance of St. 
 Cy[>rian, had place every where among our Anceftors, Seeing it is decreed by all, and Cypr.aJCor' 
 it is equal andjuji that every man's caufe be heard there where the crime was committed ^ "el, Ep. sj. 
 and aportion of the FlocX^is affigned to every Pajiour, which he may rule and govern, 
 and mull render an account of his Anions to the Lord : It behoveth thofe whom we are 
 over , not to run up a»d down, nor to fe/wcl^ Bifhops who agree well , one againjl another, 
 by their cunning and deceitful rajhnefs s but to plead their caufe there , where they may 
 have both Accufers and Witneffes of their crime; unlefs the Authority of the African Bi- 
 fhops who have judged them already, feem left to a few defferate and lojl perfons, &c. 
 To fay St. Cyprian meant not to condemn Appeals, but only the bringing Caufes 
 out otAfrick. to Rome in the firft Inrtance , is a (hift as delperatc as that of thofe Fu- 
 
 L I2 - gitives.
 
 5^4 
 
 Schifm Guarded, 
 
 TOME U 
 
 eitivcs For St. CyVrian telleth us plainly, that the caufe was already judged , and 
 Sentence given in AfrkK^ The rirft Initance was paft , and this Ganon was made 
 againft Appeals out oi Africa to P.ome. 
 
 S E C T. I. Cap. 8. 
 
 Of Papal dif- 
 pcnfatlons. 
 
 Memofial de 
 fa Wageilad. 
 Calolica cap. 
 6. 
 
 SO from his judiciary power, I come to Papal difpenfations , the laft of the 
 grofTer Ufurpations of the Bifhops of Rome-', where I have a large Field offer- 
 ed me to expatiate in , if I held it fo pertinent to the prefent Controverfie. The 
 Pharifees did never c'ilate their ThylaCieries fb much , as the Roman Courtiers did 
 their difpenfative power. The Pope difpenfeth with Oaths , with Vows , with 
 Laws he loofeth from fins , from cenfnres , from punifhments. Is not this a 
 IkangeKey, which can unlock both fins, and cenfures , and punifliments , and 
 laws and Oaths, and Vows , where there are fo many and fb different wards > 
 It is two to one that it proveth not a right Key, but a picklock. Their dodlrine 
 of Difpenfations was foul enough , efpecially in fuch cafes as concern the law of 
 God or Nature s as Oaths, Vows, Leagues, Marriages, Allegiance. For either 
 they make the Difpenfation to be onely declarative, and then the purchafer is 
 meerly cheated , who pays his Money for nothing : or elfe they make all con- 
 tradls , leagues , promifes to be but conditional , if the Pope approve them , which 
 deftroyeth all mutual trufl and human Society : Or thirdly , They make the Pope's 
 Difpenfations to be a taking away of the matter of the Vow or Oath , that is, the 
 promife, as if the papal power could recal that which is paft i or make that to be 
 undone to day , which was done yefterday j or that not to be promifed , which 
 was promifed : Or laftly , They do difpenfe with the law of God and Nature , as 
 they do indeed , whatfoever they pretend to the contrary , or all this kind of Dif- 
 penfations fignifie nothing. 
 
 But the pradice of Difpenfations was much more foul", witnefs their penitenti- 
 ary Tax , wherein a man might fee the price of his fin before-hand , their common 
 Nundination of pardons, their abfolving Subjeds from their Oaths of Allegiance , 
 their loo fing of Princes from their folemn Leagues, of Married people from the 
 Bonds of Matrimony, of Cloyfterers from their Vows of Celibate, of all forts of 
 perfons from all Obligations civil or facred. And whereas no Vijpenfation ought to 
 be granted tvithoutjufi caufe ^ norv there U no caufe at aU enquired after in the Court of 
 Rome, but only the price. This is that which the Nine choice Cardinals laid fo 
 dole to the confcience of Vaul the Third --, How facred and venerable the Authority of 
 the Laws ought to be , how unlawful and perniciow it U to reap any gain from the exer- 
 cife of the Keys. They inveigh fadly throughout againft Difpenfations , and among 
 other things , that Simonical perfons were not affraid at Rome , frrfl to commit Si- 
 mony , and prefently to go buy an Abfolution , and fo retain their Benefice. Birnt 
 venena juvant. Two grofs Simonies make a Title at Rome , thanks to the Pope's 
 Difpenfations. 
 
 But I muft contra(5t my difeourfe to thofe difpenfations which are intended in the 
 Laws oi^ Henry the Eighth, that is, the power to difpence with Enghjh Laws in the 
 exteriour Court , let him bind or loofe inwardly whom he will, whether his Key 
 err or not , we are not concerned. Secondly,as he is a Prince in his own Territo- 
 ries , he that hath power to bind , hath power to loofe-, he that hath power to 
 make Laws , hath power to difpence with his own Laws. Laws are made of 
 common events. Thofe benign circumftances which happen rarely , are left to the 
 difpenfative Grace of the Prince. Thirdly as he is a Bifhop , whatfoever difpenfa- 
 tive power the ancient Ecclefiaftical Canons , or Edidts of Chriftian Emperours , 
 give to the Bifhop of Rome within thofe Territories which were Subjedt to his Ju- 
 rifdidion by human right, we do not envy himi fo he fuffer us to enjoy our ancient 
 priviledges and immunities : freed from his encroachments and ufurpations. The 
 chief ground of the ancient Ecclefiaftical Canon was. Let the old cuftoms prevail. A 
 pofTellion or prefcription of Eleven hundred years, it is a good ward both in law 
 and confcience againft human right , and much more againft a new pretenfe of di- 
 vine right. For Eleven Hundred years our Kings and Bifhops enjoyed the fole dif- 
 
 pen- 
 
 I
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. ^-f, 
 
 . _=_= ■■ _ „ . !>57 
 
 penfative power , with all Englilh Laws Civil and EccIefiaflicaJ. In all which time 
 he is not able to give one inftance of a Papal difpenfation in England^ noranyfha- 
 dow of it when the Church was formed. Where the Bifhops o^Kome had no le^ 
 gillative power , no judiciary power in .the exteriour Court , by necefTary confe- 
 quence they could have no difpenfative power. The Firft refervation of any cafe 
 in England to the cenfurc and abfblution of the Pope, is fuppofed to have been 
 thatof-(4/i'm«<f the Popes Legate, in an EngUJh Synod in the year 1138. Neque 
 qiiifijttam ei prater Romanum po«/i/Fcfw , nifi mortis nrgente perkuh^ modumpaniten- 
 U£ fiiialls injmgat. Let m man injoyn him the manner affinal fenance but the Bijhop 
 o/Rome , except in danger of death. '■ 
 
 But long betore this , indeed from the beginning, our own Bifhops ( as the moft 
 proper Judges , who lived upon the place , and fee the nature of the crime and the 
 degree of the delinquents penitence or impenitence, j did according to equity relax i""""' ^i^t 
 the rigour of Ecclefiaftical Canons i asthey did all over the Chriftian world before "'^''^' '^ ' 
 the Court of Rome had ufurped this gainful Monopoly of difpenfations. ' In the 
 Laws of ^/arcti alone, and in the conjoynt Laws of Alured and Gmthrun we fee 
 how many forts of Ecclefiaftical crimes were difpenfed withal by the fole aiithoritv 
 of the King and Church of England , and fatisfadion made at home to the Kine 
 and to the Church, and to the party grieved, or the poor, without any manner 
 of reference at all to the Court o£Rome , or to any forreign difpenfation. The 
 like we find in the laws of fbme other Saxon Kings. There needed no other pe- 
 nitentiary tax. P««/b« the Archbiihop had excommunicated a great Count He ^^'^'^'J^''^' 
 made his peace at Rome^ and obtained the Popes command for his reftitution to the ^*' ^ ^' * 
 bofome of the Church. Vunjlan anfwered, JrviHobey the F ope rviVingly rvhen J fee 
 him penitent , bnt it is not Gods will that he (hould lie in his fin free from Ecclefia- 
 ftical difcipline to infult over us. God forbid that I (hould relinquifli the Law of ^*«</- P- 48x» 
 Chril^ for the caufe of any mortal man. Roman difpenfations were not in fuch re- 
 queft in thofe days. 
 
 The Church oi England difpenfed with thofe Nuns , who had fled to their Nun- 
 neries not for the love of Religion, but had taken the veil upon them meerly for fear 
 of the French v and this with the council of the King in the days of Lanfrank: and ^'"'•^' ^^ ' 5** 
 with Queen Maud the wife of Ueyiry the Firft in the like cafe, in the days oiAnfelm p dm- 1 
 without any fuit to Rome for a forreign difpenfation. j_^ ' * ?* '• 
 
 There can be nothing more pernicious than where the facred name of law is pro- 
 ftitutedto avaritious ends', Where Statutes or Canons are made like Pitfalls or Traps 
 to catch the Subjedts by their purfes : Where profitable faults are cherifhed for pri- 
 vate advantage by mercenary Judges, as beggars do their fores. The Roman Rota 
 doth acknowledg fuch ordinary avaricious difpenfations, to be Odious things. The de- 
 ledied Cardinals make them to be facrilegious things, an unlarvful felling of the pon>er 
 of the Key/.Commonly they are called Vulnera Legum,The wounds of the laws : And 17 Edv, ti 
 our Statutes of Provifors do ftile them exprefly the undoing and delhu&ion of the Com- 
 mon Lavp of the Land. The King , the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and the 
 whole Commonwealth of England , complained of this abufe as a mighty Grie- 
 vancei Ofthejrequent coming among them ofthvs infamous MeJJenger the Popes Non ob- **''*• P^t'tin, 
 ftante,(that is his difpenfations )ty which Oaths ^ Cuftoms^ Writings , Grants Statutes ^*45« 
 Rights^ Triviledges ^ roere not onely iveakgnedbut exinanited. Sometimes thefe dif^ 
 penfative Bulls came to legal Tryals , and were condemned. By the Law of the 
 Land the Archbifhop of Canterbury was vifiter of the Univerfity of Oxford: Boni- 
 face the Eighth by his Bull difpenfed with this Law , and exempted the Univerfity 
 from the Jurifdidfion of the Archbifhop. Whereupon there grew a controverfie 
 and the Bull was decreed void in Parliament by two fucceeding Kings, as being ob^ Ex Arch. Tht> 
 tained to the prejudice ef the Crojvn^ theTveak>iingtf the Laws and Cujioms of the King- ^""dit. 
 dom^ ( in favour of Lollards and Heretickf ) and the probable ruin of the Caid Vni- ^*^"''9' ^' 
 .,,rfuy. \t9u 
 
 How the liberties of France and the Laws and Cuftoms of England do accord in 
 condemning this ufurpation,we have feen formerly , The power of the Pope is not ab- 
 Jolute in fmnce ^ but limited and reftrained by the Canons of ancient Councils. If it be 
 limited and reftrained by Ancient Canons, then it is not Paramount above the Ca- 
 nons ,
 
 Schifm Guarded. 
 
 TOME I 
 
 6Hen\4ica.u 
 
 ApoU Card. 
 Bett. contra 
 prdf. Monti' 
 f.66. 
 
 Epifl. Cler. 
 Leod- centra 
 Pafch. a. in 
 2.tom> conC' 
 
 BeO. Ibid- 
 
 u •♦ V ^^c rlirnpnfative to give Non Obftante's to the Canons. And the 
 tZ'ul l: nTe.'^^^Tcornrr.i.. , Ufou ,e W ^ornt^ed^^rder l.s 0.n, upon 
 LmoIv Orders that he rrill not attemp any thing tn the exerafe of hps Legantine porver, 
 t the mtdice of the Decrees ofGenei-al Councils, or the pnviledges of the French Church. 
 Then he muft give no difpenfations agaiilfl the Canons, or contrary to thofe pri- 
 
 ^' Thus'we have viewed all the real differences between the Church of Rome and 
 us concerning Papal power which our Laws take notice of. There are fome other 
 petty abufes which we complain of, but they may be all referred to one of thefe four 
 heads. The Patronage of the Church of E«^/^«-^ , the Legiflative, the Judiciary, 
 and difpenfative powers. Other differences are but the opinions of particular per- 
 fons: But where no Lire U , there U no 'traiifgrejjton. We have feen evidently , that 
 Henry the Eighth did caft no branch of Papal power out of England, but that which 
 was diametrally repugnant to the ancient Laws of the Land, made in the Reign of 
 Henry the Fourth , Richard the Second , Edward the Third , Edrpjrd the Firll:, Hen- 
 ry the Third , Henry the Second : And thefe Laws ever of force in England , never 
 repealed , no not fo much as in Qiieen Maries time, when all the Laws ot Henry 
 the Eighth and Edward the Sixth which concerned the Bifhop of Rome were repeal- 
 ed. So that I profefs clearly, I do not fee what advantage Henry the Eighth could 
 make of his own Laws , which he might not have made of thofe ancient laws-, ex- 
 cept onely a gawdy title of Head of the Englijh Church , which furvived him not 
 long ■■, and the Tenths and Firfl Fruits of the Clergy, which was fo late an ufurpa- 
 tion of the Pope , that it was not in the nature of things , when thofe ancient laws 
 were made. 
 
 And fince I have mentioned the Novelty of that upfiart llfurpation , give me 
 leave to let you (ee how it was welcomed into E;«^/i?«^,whilft it was but yet hatching 
 with the {hell upon the head of it , by a law of Henry the Fourth, about an hundred 
 years before Henry the Eighth, (fo late this Mufhrom began tofprout up.) For the 
 grievous complaints made to the King by his Commons in Parliament, of the horrible mif- 
 chiefs and Damnable cujiome which if introduced of new in the Church of Rome , that 
 none could have provifun of an Archbifhoprick^, untill he had compounded with the Popes 
 Chamber to pay great excejfive fumms of Money , as well for the Firfl: Fruits as other lef- 
 fer Fees and perquifites , &c. The Ring ordaineth in Parliament , oi well to the ho- 
 nour ofGod,as toefchew the dammage of the Realm and peril of Souls, That whofoever 
 (hall pay fuch fums fliould forfeit all they had , or as much as they might forfeit. 
 Wherein are Henry the Eighths laws more bitter againft the Bifhop of Rome,ot more 
 levere than this is ? 
 
 To conclude , we have feen the precife time when all thefe Weeds did Firft be- 
 gin to peep out of the earth, the very Firfl: introdudtion to the intended pageant, 
 was the fpoiling of Chriftian Kings of the Patronage of the Church , which Bellar- 
 mine confefTeth that they held , Per non breve tempus , For a long time. A long time 
 indeed , fo long as there had been Chriflian Princes in the world , from Conjiantine 
 the great to Henry the Fourth in the Empire ••> and yet longer with us in Britain , 
 from King Lucim to Henry the Firfl. The Clergy of Liege fay , Nimium effuxit 
 tempus quo h£c confuetuda incepit , &c. It is too long fince this cujlom ( of fwearing 
 fidelity to Princes ) did begin. And under this cufiom Holy and Reverend Bijhops have 
 yielded up their Souls to God , giving to Cxfar that which was Csfars , and to God that 
 which was God's. But then rofe up Pope Hildehrand otherwife called Gregory the 
 Seventh, FortifjimusEcckfiaVeivindex, The moji undaunted vindicator of the Church 
 of God, who feared not to revoke and defend the Old Holy Ecclefiaftical Laws. With 
 this accordeth the Church of Liege , Hildebrandus Papa author hujus Novelli Schif- 
 matis , primus levavit Sacerdotakm Lanceam contra Diadema Regni , &c. Pope Hil- 
 dehrand the author of thU new Schifm , firjl lift up his Epifcopal Lance agjinfl the Royal 
 Diadem. And a litle after. Si utriufque Legis totam Bibliothecam , &c. If I turn over 
 the whole library of the old and new law , and ail the ancient expofitors thereof, J (hall not 
 find an example of this Apojiolical precept^ onely Pope UUdebnnd perfeSed the Sacred \ 
 Canons, when he commanded Maud the Marchionefl to fubdite Henry the Emperour ^ fori 
 rcmiflion of her fins.
 
 Schtfm Guarded. ^~.- 
 
 Itake no exceptions to the perfon of Pope Hildibrand^oihiiis have done it fnfficient- 
 ly.Whether the title of Antichrift wasfafiened upon him juftly or unjuftly , I regard 
 j:ot. Yet it was in the time of this Hildebrand and Fafihaliihis Succeflbur, that 
 the Archbifliop of Floroice affirmed by revelation , ( for he protefted that he k^ew it ^^'"^ ^P- S^i 
 nioli certainly ) that Antichrijl was to be revealed in that age. And about this f;"'"-" ^"'^' 
 time the JFaldenfes ( of whom St. Bernard faith, that if vae inquire into their Faith '" ^'"'^' 
 nothing rvas more Chrifiian: if in to their Converfation,mthing was moreirreprehenfibk ) 
 made their Succeliion from the Biiliop of Kome. And not long after in the year 
 1 1 20. Publiflied a Book to the world that the great Antichrilt was come i That 
 The prefent Governours of the Koman Church, armed with both powers fecular and jojeph Mede 
 Spiritual, who under the fpecious Name of the Spoufe of Chrift did oppofe the ^^ iV»merM 
 right way of Salvation , were Antichrirt. Danielk- 
 
 But I cannot but wonder what are thofe old Holy Ecclefiaftical Laws which 
 Bellxmiine mentioneth , thofe Injiitutions of the Holy Fathers which Hildebrand himfelf Plat, in Vit» 
 profefTeth totollow, SMdorumpatrttminjiitutafeqiientess Why do they mention ^'■^^- 7- 
 what they are not able to produce , or pretend what they never can perform ? Bel- 
 larmine hath named but one poor counterfeit Canon , without Antiquity without 
 Authority , without life , without Truth. If Mr. Serjeant be able to' help him 
 with a recruit , it would come very feafonably : for without fome fuch helps his 
 pretended Inliitutions of the Fathers will be condemned for his own Innovations 
 and for arrant Ufurpations, and the Guilt of Schifin will fall upon the Koman 
 Court. 
 
 SECT. I. Cap p. 
 
 But I expecH: itfiiould be objeded, that befides thefe Statutes which concern the Our Laws 
 patronage of the Englifh Church, the Legiflative, the Judiciary , the Difpenfa- meddle not 
 tive power of Popes , there are Two other Statutes made by Hfwry Eighth i The ""!' 'P'''!"i»I 
 one an AU for extinguijhing the Attthority of the Btjhop o/Rome , The other an A£lfor •^g'^'uc^'a"* 
 ejiablijhing the Kings Sttcce^on in the Crown, wherein there is an Oath , that the Bi- cap. lo.j/. 
 jhop of Rome ottght not to have any JiirifdiSion or Authority in this Realm. And that Hc». 8.' capt 
 it is declared in the 37. Article of our Church, that the Bipop of Rome hath no '■• 
 JitrifdiUion in this Kingdom of England. And in the Oath ordained by Queen E" 
 lizabeth , That no Forreign Prelate hath or ought to have, any JurifdiiJion or Authority 
 EcclefiajUcal or Spiritual within this Kealm. 
 
 I anfwer this Objedion three ways. Firft , as to the two Laws of Henry the 
 Eighth , They are both repealed longfince by Queen Mary , and never were refto- 
 red by any fucceeding Prince : If there were any thing blame worthy in them let it 
 dye with them. I confefs I approve not the conftruing of one Oath for another 
 nor the fwearing before hand to Statutes made or to be made. But , Ve mortuis nil 
 nifx bonum. 
 
 Secondly , I anfwer according to the equity of my Second ground, that although 
 it were fuppofed that our Anceftours had over-reached themfelves and the truth 
 in fome exprellions : yet that concerns not us at all , fo long as we keep our felves 
 exatflly to the line and level of Apoftolical Tradition. 
 
 Thirdly , and principally I anfwer. That our Anceftours meant the very ftme 
 thing that we do.Our only difference is in the u(e of the '^ox^s Spiritual Authority or 
 Jurifdidion , Which we underftand properly of Jurifdidlion purely Spiritual which 
 extendeth no further than the Court of Conlcience. But by Spiritual Authority or 
 Jttrifdi&ion , they did underftand Ecclefiaftical Jurifdidion in the exteriour Court 
 ■which in truth is partly Spiritual , partly Political ■■, The Interiour habit which en- 
 ableth an Ecclcfiaftical Judge to Excommunicate , or Abfolve, or Degrade, is meer- 
 ly Spiritual , but the Exteriour coadion is originally Political. So our Anceftours 
 cad out External Ecclefiaftical Coadive Juriididion, the fame do we: They did 
 not take away from the Pope the power of the Keys , or Jurifdidion purely Spiri- 
 tual ; No more do we. 
 
 To clear the whole bufinefs, We muft know , that in Bifliops there is a Three- 
 fold powers the Firft of Order, the Second of Interiour Jurifdidion, the Third 
 
 of
 
 ;p Scbifm Gnarded. " T O M £ i > 
 
 ofExtenourjurifdidtion. ThrFidt is reftrred to the Confecrating and Admini- 
 
 ftrinR of the Sacraments , the Second to the Regiment of Chnftians in the Intenour 
 Court of Confcience, the Third to the Regiment ot Chriftian People in the Exte- 
 riour Court of the Church. Concerning the Two former , I know no controverfie 
 between the Church of Kome and us but one , Whether the Eifnop of Kume alone 
 do derive his Jurifdidion immediatlyfiom Chriji , and all other Bijhops do derive theirs 
 mediately by him? Yet I confefs this controverlie is but with a part of the Church 
 oi' Kome: For many of them are of our mind , th^t all Eijhop hold their JttrifdiUion 
 immediately from Chriji, as well as the Top. And if it were otherwife, it were the 
 grofTell abfurdity in the World. For Thoufands of Biflicps in Chrijiendom , do not 
 at all derive their Holy Orders from St. Teter , or any other Koman Bilhop , either 
 mediately, or immediately (efpecially in Afia and Africa) but from the other Apoftle?. 
 Muft all thefe poor Bilhops want the Key of Jurifdidion, and be but half Bi(hops, 
 to humour the Court of Kome ? For they never had Ordination, or Delegation, or 
 Commillion from Kome , either mediately or immediately , yet the Chriftian World 
 hath evermore received them for true compleat Bifliops. 
 
 But wc have a controverfie with fome others who acknowledge no power of Go- 
 verning in a Bifliop but meerly diredive, neither more nor lefs than a Phyfitian hath 
 over his Patient, to advice him to abftain from fome meats becaufe they are hurtful 
 to him i which advice the Patient , may either obey or rejed without fin. But all 
 the Schools have tyed Two Keys to the Church's Girdle, the Key of Order and the 
 4. a I. I^ey of Jurifdidion, and I do not mean to rob my Mother of One of her Keys. 
 I. or. 4. • /^/,^j„,^//jf^j^^j;/ J co«7eM«taji(,K»'it/>iiRotf.'' A Rod is more than chiding. The 
 principal Branch of this Rod is Excommunication ( a Punifhmcnt more to be feared 
 in the Judgement of the Fathers than all Earthly Pains, ) the Spiritual Sword , like 
 the cutting of a member in the Body natural , or the Outlawing of a Subjed in the 
 Body Political. It is a queftion in the Schools , Whether the Paftors Sentence in 
 binding and loofing , be onely declarative , or alfo operative > As if fuch glorious 
 promifcs , and fo great folemnity wherewith this power was given , did imply a 
 naked declaration i Keys are not given to fignifie the door is open or fliut, but to 
 open or fhut it indeed. For my part I have always efteemed this Queftion , to be a 
 meer Logomachy or contention about words. They who make the fentence onely 
 declarative in refped of man , do acknowledge it to be operative in refped of God. 
 And they who make it to be operative , make it to be operative by the Power of 
 God , not of man. Whether the effed be attributed to the principal caule , or to 
 the Inftrument , being rightly underftood , it is both ways true. 
 
 But this will not excufe our Innovators , who have robbed the Church of one 
 of her Keys , the Key of Spiritual Jurifdidion. They are fo Jealous of the Ho- 
 nour of God , that they deiiroy the beauty of the World, and Jump over the backs 
 of all Second caufesi and fo they would make the Holy Sacraments to be barefigns. 
 As it was faid of old , the Svpord of the Lord and of Gideon : So we may fay now , 
 1. Cor. 1. !»• the Key of Chrift and his Paflor. St. Taul taxeth the Corinthians for faying Jaw of 
 Paul , I am of Apollo , I am of Cephas , Jam 0/ Chrift , iVlm ( faith he ) U Chriji 
 divided? Is Chrift divided from his Minifters ? As it is an Errour on the one hand 
 to depend fo much upon Taul, and Aph, and Cephas , or any of them , as not to 
 depend principally upon Chrift : fo it as an Errour on the other hand tc depend fo 
 upon Chrift, as to negled Taul, Apollo, and Cephas. 
 
 In fum, Chrift made his Apoftles not only Lawyers to give advife, but Judges to 
 Toh. zo. XI S'^^ Sentence. He gave them not onely a command but a commillion. As my Father 
 fent me, fo fend I you. That is, I do conftitute you my Deputies, and Surrogates, with 
 as ample power and commillion as my Father gave me i Bind,Loo{e, Remit, Retain, 
 whatsoever you do on earthfC/aw nonerrame,as long as your Key erreth not) I coniixm 
 in Heaven. This is the difference between the Binding and Loofing of Chrift, and 
 the binding and loofing of his MiniftersiHis power is Original, Primitive,Sovereign, 
 ImperiaUTheir power is derivative,Subordinate, Delegate, Minifterial.His fentence is 
 abfolute ad fententiandtim fimpliciter. Their Sentence is conditional i«^ Sententiandum 
 fi. His Key never errcth , Their Key may err, and many times doth err. To con- 
 Aft.! J. iS. chide, the Apoftles had a Legillative Power , Itfeemed good to the Holy Gho^, and to 
 
 as
 
 Scbifm Guarded. nog 
 
 Ui , to lay upn you no greater Burthen than theje necejiary things. The Obfervation of 
 Sunday, was an Apoltolical precept, fo is the Order of Deacons. They had a Ju- 
 diciary power, and their Tribunals •, Jgainji an Elder receive not an accufation, but ijim < 19 
 before Irco or Three witnejjes. They had a Difpenfative Power , To whom 1 forgave ' 
 
 any thing, for your fuk^s forgave lit in the prfon of Chriji > But all this is onely in the 2 Con 1. 10' 
 Inceriour Court ot Confciencc. 
 
 The Third Power of Bifhops, is the power of Exteriour Jurifdidtion in the Court 
 of the Church , whereby men are compelled againft their wills by Exteriour means. 
 This the Apoltks had not from Chrili , nor their Succeffburs from them. Neither Joh; |8; j^. 
 did Chrift ever aflume anyfuch power to himfelf in the World , My Kingdom isnot ^"^^ »*-*4- 
 of thU World: And , Man , rvho made me a Judge or divider over you ? Yet the great- 
 elt Controverfies at this day in the Ecclefiartical Court are about pollelfions as 
 Glebes, Tiths, Oblations, Portions, Legacies, Adminiftrations , &c. And i^ E' f. de ton/id 
 it were not for thefe , the leii would not be fo much valued , in criminibm nan in lib. i. 
 - ToffejftonibiK frotejias vtjlra , qmniam propter ilia & nan propter has accepijiis Claves 
 KegniCdilorum , Saith St. Bernarde well to the Pope. Tour pon>er is in crimes not in 
 pojfefrons: for thofe and Mot fir thefe you received the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven. 
 But fuppofe the Controverfie to be about a crime , yet who can fummon another 
 mans Subjedts to appear where they pleafe, and imprifon or punifli them for not 
 appearing without his leave ? All that power which Ecclefiallical Judges have of 
 External Coadion , they owe it wholy either to the Submillion of the parties, 
 where the Magiftrate is not Chriftian fas the Jews at this day do undergo fuch Pe- 
 nitential Ads as are enjoyned them by their Superiours ; becaufe the Reverence of 
 them who obey, doth fupply the defe(fls of their power who command ) or where 
 the Magiftrate is Chriftian, they owe it to his Gracious conceffions. Of which if 
 any man doubt, and defireto fee how this Coadtive power, how thele External 
 priviledges , did Firft come to be enjoyned by Ecclefialtical perfbns , Let him read 
 over the Firft Book of theCo^, and the Authenticks or Novels of Juftinian. And 
 for our Englilh Church in particular. Let himconfult with our beft Hiftoriographers. 
 Eadmeruf was one whom they need not fufped of partiality , as being Pope Vrbanes 
 own Creature , and by his fpecial appointment placed over Anfelm, at his own in- 
 treaty , as a fupervifer to exercifehis obedience. Whofe Injundions had fo much 
 poweroverhim , That if he placed him in his Bed , he would notonely not rife tvithom 
 hU command , but notfo much as turn himfelf from one fide to another. Vt cum Cttbili ^'*''"f'^' Y^' 
 locafiet , mnfolumfme pracepto ejus non furgeret fed nee latus inverteret. What marvel j "p***. 120. '' 
 is it if the ancient Liberties of the Englijh Church went Firft to wrack in AnfeMs *' 
 days, about the year of our Lord iioo ( for he died Anno noi ) who being a 
 Stranger Primate,had Co totally furrendered up his ownreafon to the Popes creature? 
 Yet this Eadmerm faith oi Lanjrrank^, Histoifdom recovered other cujioms , which the Eadmer.l.i: 
 Kings of England by their Munificence, had granted to the Church of Czntcibmy in *•**"' 
 ancient times , and ejiablijhed them for ever by their Sacred Decrees, that it might be mojl 
 free in all things. All external exemption and coadtion is Political , and proceedeth 
 originally from the Sovereign Prince. 
 
 This is that which St. Paul teacheth us , "the weapons of our warfare are not Carnal. 
 The weapons of the Church are Spiritual , not wordly not external : But citations, 
 and compulfories , and Signivicavits , and Writs ad excommunicatum capiendum 
 ( which are not written by the Bifhops own hand, yet at his beck ) and Appa- 
 ritors , and Jaolers , &c. Are weapons of this World , and tend to ex- 
 ternal Coadion. For all which , the Church is beholden to the Civil power to 
 whom alone external Coadlion doth properly and originally belong. This is that 
 which St. Chryfoliome obferved in his comparifon between a Biihop and a Shepherd , ^^yl''^""' '^' 
 Jt if not Unfful to cure men, with fo great Authority of the Shepheard cureth his Sheep, th. 
 For it is jreefoT the Shepherd, to bind hit peep, to drive them from their meat to 
 hum them, to cut them : But in cafe of the Bilhop , the Faculty of curing conffteth not 
 in him who adminijireth the Thyfick^, but in him that is fick^^ Sec' St. Chryfoji fpeaketh 
 of power purely Spiritual, which extendeth it felf no further than the Court of Con- 
 fciencc , where no man can be cured againft his will : But Sovereign Princes have 
 found it expedient , for the good both of the Church and of the Common wealthy 
 
 Mm to
 
 ^ 
 
 40 
 
 Schifm Guarded. T O M E l» 
 
 to ilrenethen the Eifliops handsTby imparting fome of their Political Authority to 
 
 him-, from wliofe gracious indulgence, all that external coadfive power which 
 Bifhops have , doth proceed. 
 
 Now to apply this to our purpofe- Wherefoever our Laws do deny all Spiritual 
 lurifdiAionto thePopein England, it is in that fenfe that we call the Extcriour 
 Court of the Church, the Spiritual Court ; They do not intend at all to deprive him 
 of the power of the Keys , or of any Spiritual power that was bequeathed unto him 
 by Chrift or by his Apoftles , when he is able to prove his Legacy. Yea even in 
 relation to England it felf , Our Parliaments never did pretend to any power to 
 change or abridge divine right. Thus much Our very Provifo in the body of our 
 Law doth teftihe , that it was no part of our meaning , to vary from the Articles 
 „ g of the Catholick Faith in anything. Nor to vary from the Church of Chriji in any 
 An Aft"forEx« other thing , declared by the Holy Scripture and the vpord of God , necejfary to falvation. 
 oncratioB. If we have taken away any thing that isof Divine right, it was retraded before it 
 was done. Then followeththe true fcope of our Reformation, Onelytomaks an 
 Ordinance by policies neceffary andconvenient , to repreji vice and for good converfation of 
 the Kealm in Peace, Unity, and Tranquillity, from ravine and Spoil , infuing much the 
 ancient cujioms of this Kealm in that behalf.Thn which profefled it felf a Volitici^Ordi- 
 nance doth not ttieddle with Spiritual Jurifdidion. If it had medled with Spiritual 
 Jurifdidtion at all , it had not infued the ancient cuftomi of the Kealm of England. 
 E imer L i. ^'^ ^""^ ^^"^^ external Papal power which we rejedted and caft out , and which 
 p4£. 8. ' ' onely we caft out , is the fame which the Englijh Bifliops advifed Anfelm to re- 
 nounce, when it was attempted to be obtruded upon the Kingdom, 'Buth^otv, 
 that all the Kingdom complaineth againfl thee , that thou endeavoureji to takg away from 
 cur common Mafter the Flowers of his Imperial Crown , rvhofoever tak^s away the cujioms 
 xvhich pertains to his Koyal Dignity, doth tah£ away his Crown and Government together : 
 for vpe prove that one cannot be decently had without the other. But we befeech thee con- 
 fider , and caf: away thy Obedience to tfoat Urban, who cannot help thee if the King be 
 offended , nor hurt thee if the King be pacified. Shak^ off the Toks of SubjeHion , and 
 freely , as it becomes an Archbijhop of Canterbury , in all thy adions expeif the Kings 
 _,. pleafure and commands, whatfoever power our Laws did divert the Pope of, they 
 
 I. t^.i. inverted the King with it ; but they never inverted the King with any Spiritual 
 power or Jurifdidlion , witnefs the injundtions of Queen Elizabeth, witnefs the 
 publick Articles of our Church , witnefs the profeffions of King James ■■> witnefs all 
 our Statutes themlelves , wherein all the parts of Papal power are enumerated which 
 are taken away i His Encroachments , his Vfurpations , his Oaths , his Collations , 
 Frovifwns, Tenfions, Tenths , Firjl-fruits , Refervations , Falls, Unions, Commendams , 
 Exemptions, Vifpenfations of all kinds. Confirmations, Licenfes, Faculties , Sufpen- 
 fions. Appeals , And God knoweth how many pecuniary Artirices more; but of 
 them all, there is not one that concerneth J urifdidion purely Spiritual , or which 
 is an Eflential right of the power of the Keys ■■> They are all Branches of the Ex- 
 ternal Regiment of the Church , the greater part of them ufurped from the Crown; 
 fundry of them from Bifhops, and fome found out by the Popes themfelves, as the 
 payment for Palls , which was nothing in St. Gregorie's time, but a (xe^ gift or Li- 
 berality or bounty, free from irapofition and exadiion. 
 
 Laftly confider the grounds of all our grievances , exprefTed frequently in our 
 Laws, and in other writers , The difmheriting of the Prince and Peers, The dejlruHion 
 and annuVation of the Laws and the prerogative Koyal, the vexation of the Kings Liege 
 People , the impoverifhing of the Subjects , the draining the Kingdom of its Treafure , the 
 decay of Hofpitality, the differvice of God , and filling the Churches o/England withFor- 
 reigners , the excluding Temporal Kings and Princes out of their Dominions , the Sub- 
 je£iingof the Kealm to fpoil and ravine, groffe Simoniacal contra&s, Sacriledge, Grievous 
 and intolerable oppreffions and extortions. Jurifdidlion purely Spiritual doth neither 
 difinherit the Prince nor the Peers, nor dcftroy and annul the Laws and Prerogative 
 Royal , nor vex the Kings Liege People, nor impoverifh the Subjedl , nor drain 
 the Kingdom of its Treafures, nor fill the Churches with Forrcigners, nor exclude 
 Temporal Kings out of their Dominions , nor Subjedt the Realm to fpoile and ra- 
 vine. Authority purely Spiritual is not guilty of the Decay of Hofpitality , or dif^ 
 
 fervice
 
 Schifm Guarded. 
 
 341 
 
 fervice of Almighty God , or Simony , or Sacrilege ■, or opprellions and Extor- 
 tions. No, No, it is the external Regiment of the Church, by new Kow<jk Laws 
 and Mandates , by new Koman Sentences and Judgements , by new Roman Pardons 
 and difpenfations , by new Roman Synods and Oaths ol '^M^lity, by new Roman 
 Bifiiops and Clerks •> It is your new Roman Tenths , anc FIrit-fruits , and provi- 
 fions , and Refervations , and Pardons , and Indulgences , and the reft of thofe 
 hombk mifchiefs and damnable cujhms , that are apparently guilty of all thefe evils. 
 Thefe Papal Innovations we have taken away indeed , and defervedly , having 
 fhewed the exprefs time, and place and perfon , when and where and by whom 
 every one of them wasFirft introduced into England. And we have reftored to every 
 Bird his own Feather , to the King his Political Supremacy , to the Peers their Pa- 
 tronages , to the Bifliops that Jurifdidion which was due to them , either by Di- 
 vine right or humane right. More than thefe Innovations we have' taken nothine; 
 away , that I know of. Or rather it is not we , nor Henry the Eighth , who did 
 take thefe Innovations away: but our Anceftors by their Laws, Three, Four Five 
 hundred years old i fo foon as they began to fprout out , or indeed' before' thev 
 were well formed , as their Statutes yet extant do evidence to the world > But 
 diat filth which they fwept out at the Fore door , the Roman Emiflaries brought 
 in again at the back door. All our part or fhare of this work , was to confirm 
 what our anceftors had done. 
 
 I fee no reafon why I might not conclude my difcourfe npon this S\xh]s&. Mutatis 
 Mutandis , witfi as much confidence as Sanders did his vilible Monarchy , ^uifquis 
 jurabit per Viventem in <eternum , &c. Wljojoever ihaH fvoear hy him that liveth for ever 
 that the Church of England is not Schifmatical , in refpedt of any Branches of Pa- 
 pal power, which (he hath caft out at the reformation , he (hall not forfwear him^ 
 felf; But Wagers, and Oaths, and Proteftations , are commonly the arguments of 
 fuch as have got the wrong end of the ftalfe. I will Ihut up this long difcourfe con- 
 cerning Henry the Eighth's reformation, with a fhort Apojirophe to my Countrey- 
 men of the Roman Communion in England. 
 
 They have been taught , that it is we who Apoftate from the Faith of our Ance- ^ 
 
 ftors in this point of the Papacy, that it is we who renounce the Univerfal and per- 
 petual Tradition of the Chriftan World. Whereas it is we who maintain ancient 
 Apoftolical Tradition againft their upftart Innovations : whereas it is we who do 
 propugne the caufe of our Anceftors againft the Court oiRome. If our Anceftors 
 were Catholick in this caufe , we cannot be Schifmatical. Let them take heedleaft 
 whilft they fly, out of a Panical fear, from a fuppofed Schifm, they do not plunge 
 themfelves over head and ears into real Schifm. Let them choofe, whether they will 
 joyn with their Anceftors in this caufe , or with the Court oiRome , for with both ,<i j, • ~, 
 they cannot joyn. If true Englijh bloud run in their veins, they cannot be long de- 4. *' 
 liberating about that which ^eir Anceftors , even all the Orders of the Kingdom 
 voted unanimoufly, "that they would (land by their King^ and maintain the rights of 
 hii Imperial Croren, againft the Vfurpations of the Roman Court. 
 
 I have reprefented clearly to you the true controverfie , between the Church and 
 Kingdom of England and the Court of Rome , concerning Papal power , not as it 
 is ftated by private writers, but in our Englijh Laws, a glafs that cannot deceive us 
 for fo far as to let us fee the right difference. Let them quit thefe grofs Ufurpationsi 
 why fhould they be more alhamed to reftore our juft rights, than they were to plun- 
 der us of them > Let them diftinguifh between Jurifdidion purely fpiritual , and 
 Jurifdiftion in the Exteriour Court , which for the much greateft part of it is Po- 
 litical : between the power of the Sword , which belongeth to the Civil Sovereign 
 and not to theChurch, further than he hath been gracioully pleafed to communicate 
 if, between that obedience which proceedeth for fear of wrath , or from fear of Gods 
 Revenger to execute rvrath C that is, the Sovereign Prince ) and that obedience which r^ ^,^ 
 proceedeth meerly from Confcience ", And then there is hope we may come to un- 
 derftand one another better. 
 
 It is true , there are other differences between us : but this is the main diffe- 
 rence , which giveth denomination to the parties , and when they come to prefs 
 thofe differences , they may come to have fuch another account as they have now. 
 
 M m 2 The
 
 Schifm Guarded. T O M E I 
 
 34** ^ • . 
 
 The wider the hole groweth in the middle of the Milrtone, men fee clearer through 
 ir. Vies Viet eruHat verhum , & nox noUi tndicat fcienuanu The latter day is the 
 SchoUar of the former. 
 
 S £ C T. I. Cap. 10. 
 
 BY this time we fee that Mr. Serjeants great Viffatch will prove but a fieevelefs 
 Errand, and that this his Firft Moverjhip in the Church , which he thought 
 coocerning fliould have born down all before it , is an unftgnificanr exprellion , and al- 
 
 imraediate together impertinent to the true controverfie between them and us. Unlefs as Vida 
 Tradition and jjj encompafs the whole circuit of Carthage , with a Bull hide by her art : So he 
 of UDky.^ within his Firii Moverjhip can comprehend the Patronage of the Englijh Church, and 
 the right to convocate and diffolve and confirm Englijh Synods , and to invalidate 
 old Oaths and to impofe new Oaths of Allegiance, and to receive Tenths and Firft- 
 fruits, and all Legiflative Judiciary and difpenfative power, coadively in the Ex- 
 teriour Court of the Church , over Englijh Subjects. He cannot plead any Charter 
 from England , we never made any fuch grant ; and although we had , yet confi- 
 dering how infinitely prejudicial it is to the publick Tranquillity of the Kingdom, 
 we might and ought more advifedly to retrad what we unadvifedly once refolved. 
 And for prefcription he is fo far to feek that there is a clear prefcription 
 of eleven Hundred years againft him. So there is nothing remaineth 
 for him to ftick to , but his empty pretence of divine right , which is 
 more ridiculous than all the reft , to claim a divine right of fuch a Sovereign power, 
 which doth Branch it felf into fo many particulars , after Eleven Hundred years, 
 which for fo many Ages had never been acknowledged , never pradifed in the En- 
 glijh Church either in whole or in part. 
 
 We cannot believe that the whole Chriftian World were Mole-eyed, or did fit in 
 darkneft for fomany centuries of years ■■> until Pope Hildebrand , and Pope Tafchalif^ 
 did ftart up like two new lights with their Weapons in their hands , to thump 
 Princes and knock them into a right Catholick belief^ 
 
 And indeed this anfwer to his pretended demonftration , by a real demonftration 
 where the true controverfie doth lye, and who are the true Innovators, doth vir- 
 tually anfwer whatfoever he hath faid. So I might juftly ftop here and fufpend my 
 former pains , butthat I have a great mind to try if I can find out one of thofe ma- 
 ny falfifications, and contradictions, which he would make us believe he hath ef- 
 . . pied in my difcourfe , if it be not the deception of his fight, 
 oneiy pro- f '"^^ ^^ telleth us, that our bejl champions do grant , that our Faith and its grounds are 
 
 bablc. but probable. Surely he did write this between fleeping and waking , when he 
 
 could not well diitinguilh between neceflary points of Faith, and indifferent opi- 
 nions concerning points of Faith : or to ufe Cajetans exprellion , between determina- 
 re de fide formaliter , and determinare de eo quodejifidei Materialiter , Between points 
 of Faith neceflary to be believed , And fuch Queftions as do fometimes happen in 
 things to be believed. As for Eflentials of Faith, the Pillars of the Earth are not 
 founded more firmly, than our belief upon that undoubted Rule of Vincentim ., 
 §uicquid ubique fernper & ab omnibus, &c. Whatfoever we believe as an Article of 
 our Faith,We have for ittheTeftimony and approbation of the whoIeChriitian world 
 of all Ages, and therein the Church of Rome it felf. But they have no fuch per- 
 petual or Univerfal Tradition, for their Twelve new Articles of Pope Piiu. This 
 objediion would have become me much better than him. Whatfoever we believe , 
 they believe, and all theChriftian World of all placesiand all Ages, doth now believe, 
 and ever did believe-, except condemned Hereticks: But they endeavour to obtrude 
 new Eflentials of Faith upon the Chriftian World, which have no fuch perpetual, or 
 fuch Univerfal Tradition. He that accufeth another, fliould have an eye to himfeIG 
 Voes not all the World fee, that the Church o/England Jiandsnotv otherrvife in order to 
 the Church ofRome , than it did in Henry the Sevenths days ? He addeth further , 
 that it is confejfed that the Vafal power in Ecclefiajiical affairs rvas caji out o/England in 
 Henry the Eighths days, I anfwer that there was no mutation concerning Faith , 
 nor concerning any Legacy which Chrift left to his Church , nor concerning the 
 
 power
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. -^1^-, 
 
 ■■ Q-tj' 
 
 power of the Keys , or any Jurifdiftion purely Spiritual : but concerning Coadtive 
 power in the Exteriour Court , concerning the Political or External Regi- 
 ment of the Church , concerning the Patronage or civil Sovereignty over 
 the Church oi^ England ^ and the Legiflative , Judiciary , and Difpenfative powet 
 of the Pope in England , over Englijh Subjeds , Which was no more than a reinfran- 
 chifement of our feJves , from theupftart Ufurpations of the Court of Kome , of all 
 which I have (hewed him exprefly the rirrt fource, who began them , when , and 
 where-, before which he is not able to give one inliance, of any fuch pradtifes at- 
 tempted by the Bidiop of Rome , and admitted by the Church of England. 
 
 who it is that Looks afquint or awry upon the true cafe in controverfy between us 
 let the ingenious reader Judge. I do not deny, nor ever did deny , but that there 
 was a real (eparation made , yea made by us from their Ufurpations : but I both 
 did deny and do deny , that there was any feparation made by us from the in(htution 
 of Chriji , or from the principles of Chrijlian Vnity. This feparation was made long 
 fmccby themfelves, when they rirft introduced thofe novelties into the Church, and 
 this feparation of theirs , from the pure Primitive Dodtrine and Difcipline of the 
 Church , doth acquit us , and render them guilty of the Schifm before God and 
 man. 
 
 And therefore it is a vain and impertinent allegation of him to tell us , that Go- 
 vernours may lawfully declare themfelves publickjy and folemnly , againji the remunceri 
 of their Authority by Excommunication i unlefs he could (hew that the Bifhop of 
 Kome , hath fuch an abfolute Sovereignty over us as he imagineth , extending it 
 felf to all thofe Ads which are in controverfie between usi and that in the excer- 
 cife of the power of the Keys, they proceeded duly in a legal manner v and efpeci- 
 ally, that they did not miflake their own ufurpation for the Inftitution of Chriil , as 
 we affirm and know they did. 
 
 His whole difcourfe about immediate tradition, is a bundle of uncertain prefum- 
 ptions and vain fuppofitions. Firft he fuppofeth that his Kttle of fa vajl a multitude 
 cfEye-TPitneffes of Vifible things , is Uniform and Univerfal : but he is quite m.iftaken, 
 thepradife was different. The Papalins made Laws for their Ufurpations, and 
 the Three Orders of the Kingdom oC England made Laws againft them. To whom 
 in probability (hould our Anceftours adhere, to their own Patriots, or to ftrangers? 
 
 Secondly he prefumeth , that this uniform pradife of his Anceftours was invari- 
 able without any (hadow of change , but it was nothing left. Firft inveftitureS 
 •were in the Crown, and an Oath of Fidelity made to the King without any fcruple 
 even hy Lanfranky^nd ^w/e/w both ftrangers ■, afterwards the Inveftitures were de- 
 cried as prophane , and the Oath of iidelity forbidden. Next a new Oath of Alle- 
 giance was devifed of Clergymen to the Pope s Firft onely for Archbifhops , then 
 for all prelates •, and this Oath at Firft was moderate , to obferve the Rules of the ho- 
 ly Fathers , but fliortly after more Tyrannous , to miintain the Royalties of Saint 
 Peter , as their own pontiiicals, the old and the new do witnefs. Firft when they 
 took away Inveftitures from the Crown, they were all for free EleSions, but fhort- 
 ly after there was nothing to be heard of but provif.ons, and fuch Simonical artsJ 
 It is as eafie to (hape a Coat for the Moon, which altereth every day , as to fit one 
 conftant Tradition to all thefe diverlitied pradifes. 
 
 Thirdly he fuppqfeh , that all Parents have Judgement to underftand aright 
 what they fee , and'wPpenetrate into the (ecret Cabals and Pradifes of their times , 
 And ingenuity void of felf intereft , to relate it rightly to their pofterity; but herein 
 alfo he will fall much (hort of his aim. Moft Parents know what is aded publickly: 
 but they know little what is done in the retiring Room. They know who is their 
 Bifhop : But who invefted him , what Oaths he hath made , they are to feek. 
 Moft Parents fee a Bifliop fit in his confiftory : But by what authority he fits , 
 whether meerly by the power of the Keys, or partly by concelfion of the Sovereign 
 Prince , they know nothing. What do they underftand of any diftindion between 
 Jurifdidion Spiritual and Ecclefiaftical Political > What Legends of fopperies have 
 "^been brought into the Church , bythis Oral Tradition and the credulity of Parents?^ 
 And if all Parents had Judgment to underftand thefe things: Yet who Ihall fccure us 
 that they are void of felf intereft ? The Philofopher found that all thepeople fbrfook- 
 him , fo foon as the Market Bell began to ring Laftly,
 
 Schifw Guarded. TOME I 
 
 la(Hv he fuppofeth one conltant fuccellion of truth, upon this lemur ot Method \ 
 rhroufthout many Ages. Why do we hear words when we fee deeds ? We fee 
 them change dayly i if they had not changed we had had no need to leave their 
 mpany. I have ftewed him when and where and by whom , all thefe changes 
 wherein they and we differ concerning difcipline , did come into the Church of 
 'Enaland, at leall all thofe which made the Breach between us. Immediate Oral 
 Tradition , without any further corroboration , is but a toy : perpetual and Uni- 
 verfal Traditon is an undeniable evidence i or (b Univerfal for time and place, that 
 the oppofers have been cenfured in a manner Univcrfally for Hereticks or Heterodox. 
 In a chain , if one link be loofe , or have a notorious crack or Flaw , there is 
 little truft to be repofed in. Then what credit is to be given to the pretended i 
 chain of Tradition , where the Eleven Firft Links are altogether divided from the i 
 reft and faftened to the hand of the Sovereign Prince , beyond the Pope's reach > 
 The' Four next Links are full of Cracks and Flaws, they pulling at the one end,and \ 
 and the Prince holding at the other. The laft Link of all , in England is put again I 
 into the hand of the Prince. Where fo many centuries are wanting , he is like but to 
 maintain a poor Tradition. All this while I fpeak onely of the External Regiment 
 of the Church. 
 
 But it is a wonder tome, why he of all others fliould fo much magnifie this 
 Medium of immediate Tradition , as an infallible rule : For if I be not mifmformed 
 by fome Friends , his Father chalked out another way to him by their Examples and 
 Inftrudions, to hold himfelfin the Communion of the Church of England. But let 
 that pafs as not much material. If he reduce his Argument into any form, he will 
 quickly find that it halteth on both fides, rehatfoever we received by immediate "Tra- 
 dition from our Father f , as the Legacy of Chriji , is infallibly true; but we received thofe 
 points of Difcipline wherein we differ , by immediate tradition from our Fathers , as the 
 Legacies ofChriji. I deny both his propofitions , my reafons he will find formerly 
 
 at large. or 
 
 I charged him for making two diftindt rules of Unity , whereas one would have 
 lerved his turn i that he might have more opportunity to (huffle the later Ufurpati- 
 ons of the Popes, into the ancient difcipline of the Church. For this I am laflied, -' 
 iS a man that cannot or wiH not write common fenfe ^ with a deal of fuch poor ftuife ,' 
 not worth repeating. Cannot a man abandon his Religion, unlefs he abandon his 
 pivility alfo ? He might remember that I had the honour to be a Dodor in the U- ; 
 niverfity, I think aflbon as he was a School boy in the Cbuntrey. The Firft part of 
 my charge isconfeffed by himkK^thdit his firft principle doth alfo include the truth of the 
 S, D. t<t' Jo8. jicond. If his fecond principle be comprehended in the firft, then it is no new diftin<3: 
 principle , but either an inference , or a Tautologie. But let him carve and mince 
 his principles into (hreds if he pleafe , rather than I will draw the faw of conten- 
 tion about the dream of a (hadow. To the fecond part of my charge he anfweretb, 
 g , that neither J, nor any man elfe can inftance of any Vfurpation which did ever come in ^ 
 S. D. tt' 4 4- ^^-^^^^ ^^ Secular or Ecclefiaflical Government , pretending that "femur , or could come in 
 fo long as men adhered to that Method. Doth not he pretend to that Tenour? Or indeed 
 taketh it for granted , and would make us believe they do adhere to that method ? 
 If they do not , his demonftration doth not weigh a grain. Yet I have {hewed him 
 heaps of Ufurpations , more perhaps than he is defiroustofie. Some men have 
 made the Pope Infallible, in point of Faith formerly ; but he is the firft that ever 
 made him uncapable of ufurping , and I think will be the laft i if he can perfwade 
 us with reafon to be thus mad, he to deferveth have his head ftroked. Go, Go 
 Mr. Serjeant, Learn better : there are more ways of erring in point of Tradition 
 either real or fuppofed , than the confpiracie of a iVorld of Fathers , to teV a TForld of 
 S, D. J4« 484* Children this Lye , that Ten years ago , they pradifed that which all the World befides 
 hiioweth ihey did not praCiiJe. Of all men Juglers pretend moft to prefpicuous 
 evidence. 
 
 I was contented to admit both his rules in General , to try what ufe he could 
 
 make of themagainft us : but whether I u(e fharpnefs or blandiflimcnis , he is ftill 
 
 S'D. Pa. 485* wafpiftii See Reader the right Protejiant Method, which w to bring the controverfie from 
 
 a determinate ftate to indetermination and confiifwn; I fear he will rather diflike my 
 
 being
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. . 
 
 94^ 
 
 being too diftinca and particular, I have (hewed him exprefly what Branches of 
 Papal power we have altogether rejected , and what we are not unwilling to ac- 
 I knowledge, for peace fake, if thac would content him i which is more than he 
 I haih done hitherto , as much as he will do , and I fear more than he dare do • 
 .They are not free from their Jealoulies and diflTenfions at home among themfelve.9 
 Hitherto he hath not adventured to let us know, into what Church he himfelf 
 refolveth his Faith i whether the Virtual Church , that is the Pope ■■, or the repre- 
 fentative Church , that is a General Council i or the Eflential Church that is the 
 whole multitude of Believers , whofe approbation is their reception 'And in this 
 very Paragraph he hath one paflage that pointeth at the laft opinion , making the S. D' f. A^si 
 co>fent of Cathohck^Fathers, mmediatly atteJUng that they received this Voarine from 
 their Fore-fathers , to be the infallible voice of the Church. 
 
 At other times he makcth the extent of Papal power to be a matter of Indi/Fer- S- I^i 
 cncy , wherein every Church is free to hold their own opinions- In his rule of 
 Difcipline, he maketh St. Peter ondy to be the head , the chief, the Prince of the A- 
 pojlles , the Firfi mover in the Church •, all which in a right fenfe we approve or do 
 not oppofe. Why doth he not acknowledge him to be a vifible Monarch 'an ab- 
 folute Sovereign , inverted with a plenitude of Power, Sovereign Legiflative' 
 Judiciary , Difpenfative > All the rert of the Apoilles were Firft Movers in the 
 Church , even as well as St. Peter (except onely his Primacy of Order which we 
 allow. ) When your men come to anfwer this , they feign the Apoftles wetc all 
 equal in relation to Chriftian peopk , but not in relation to one another. Yes 
 even in relation to themfelves and one another \ as hath been exprefly declared 
 long fince , in the Firft General Council of Efhefm , not now to be contradidted 
 by them •, Petrm & Johannes equates funt ad alterutrum dignitatis , Peter and John 
 TPere of equal dignity one towards another. A Primacy of Order may confi/t with an 
 equality of dignity : but a Supremacy of Power taketh away all parity i Par in fft^'!/" 
 prem non habet pte\}atem. He is blind who doth not fee in the Hirtory of the Ads Nefl n.i 
 of the Apoftles , that the Supremacy or Sovereignty of Power, did not reft in M J'S-^'/^f. 
 tlie pcrfon of any one fmgle Apoftle , but in the Apoftolical Colledge. . ■''"• ^'"f' 
 
 Thefe indefinite generalities he ftileth Determinate points. It may be determinate 
 for the general truth : but Indeterminate for the particular manner , about which all 
 the controverlie is. Yet he who never wanteth demonftrative arguments to 
 what he lifteth, will make it evident out of the very word reformation, rvhich Jeorm 
 and extol , that we have broken the rule of Unity in Difcipline. If' he do he hath 
 good luck , for by the fame reafon he may prove that all the Councils of the 
 Chriftiai) World , both General and provincial, have broken the Bond of Vnity by 
 owning and extolling the very Kiord Reformation , both name and thing. 
 
 As for the points of our Reformation , I doe not referre him to Platonicall Ideas to 
 be found in the Concave oftheMoone : but to our Lawes and Statutes . made by all t'he 
 Orders of our Kingdome , Church and Commonwealth \ not as they are wrelfed bv 
 the tongues and pens of our Adverfaries , (Malice may be a good informer but a bad 
 judge , Jbut as they are expounded by the Genuine and Orthodox Sons of the En- 
 gUjl) Church i by our Princes , by our Synods, by our fubfequent Parliaments, by our 
 Theologians, by our mod Judicious Lawyers i in their Injunctions , in their Acfts 
 in their Canons in their writings i which he may meete with if he have fuch a mind* 
 in earneft , without any great fearch, in every Library or Stationers fhop. 
 
 SECT. I. Cap. II. 
 
 W^ doenot fufFerany man to reje^: the 3p. Articles of the Church of The Creed I. 
 V V Engand at his pleafure , yet neither doe we looke upon them as Effentialls th" old rule of 
 ot iiving Fziih.ot Legacies of Chriii <i«d o/Z^ij^po/^/^x :butin a meane,as pious Opi- Patth. Our 
 nions fittedforthe Prefervation of Unity , neither doe we oblige any man to believe '^""^'" "^ , 
 them, but onely not to contradicft them. Yet neither ii the Bilhop got into a wood, fi'faS'' 
 nor leaveth his reader in another, farther from k>iowi>ig what thefe Do^rines offaving the Couurii of 
 faith are , than he wm at Firli. It is Mr. Serjeants Eyelight that fails him, through Ephefxi' 
 too much light , which maketh him mirtake his ancient Creed for a wood , and 
 
 the
 
 ^ Schifnt Guarded. T O M E I 
 
 ^4-P ^ . — 
 
 ,^ j-^^ j^,„ ( perfons wh6 are gogle eyed (eldom fee well J wherein all 
 o F, * .8, thinks neccflary to be believed are comprehended. And although he inquire, 
 S. D. p. 487. rmngs ^^^ ^^^^ '^,„„, „f ,^, Vlvim perfom , the Sacraments , Baptijm of Children , 
 the Government of the Church, the cickiiowkdgtngjhere ts fuch a thing as Scripture, to 
 be found in the Creed ? The Bifhop is fo far from being gravelled with fuch 
 douchty Queftions , that he pittieth his fimplicity , and returneth him for anfwer , 
 that if he be not mope-ey'd he may find the Procelfion of the Divine perfons in his 
 Creed •, that the Sacraments and Difcipline of the Church are not to be reckoned 
 among the Credenda or things to be believed , but among the ylgenda or things to 
 be aded •, and the Holy Scripture is not a particular Dodrine or point of Faith , 
 but the rule wherein and whereby all fundamental Dodrins or points of Faith are 
 comprehended and tryed. So ftill this truth remaineth unlliakcn , that the Creed 
 is a Summary of all particular points of faving Faith , which are nece/Tary to be 
 
 believed. 
 S D t 487. He proceedeth , that the Trotejlants have introduced into the Church fince the refor- 
 mation no particular form of Government, instead of that they renounced. A grievous 
 accufation ! we had no need to introduce new forms , having preferved the old. 
 They who do onely weed a Garden , have no need to fet new plants. We have 
 the Primitive Difcipline of the Church, and neither want Spiritual , nor Ecclefia- 
 ftical , nor Political Government. If you have any thing to fay againft it : cough 
 out and fpare not. And although we want fuch a free and general Communion 
 with the ChriiHan World as we could wi(h , and fuch as Bifhops had one with ano- 
 ther by their /orwfi!/ Letters : Yet we have it in our defires i and that we have it not 
 actually , it is principally your faults, who make your llfurpations to be conditions 
 of your Communion. 
 
 And fo I leave him declaiming againft Libraries of Boohj filled veith dead words , 
 and ithoufands ofVohmsfcarcely to be examined in a mans whole life time , and quib- 
 \mg zhout Tore father s , and Inheriting, and Reformation, and Manajfet Ben Jfrael^ 
 and repeating the fame things over and over again , as if no man did underftand 
 him who did not hear him fay over the fame things an hundred times. 
 
 He chargeth me that having granted that they and we do both maintain hU rule 
 Fag- 490' of Vnity , yet I do immediatly difgrace it by adding , that the ^eftion is onely wha 
 have changed that DoUrine or this Difcipline , we or they ? We by fubjiraCiion or they by 
 Addition ? JVlnch is as much as to fay the pretended Kule is no Kule at all. When he and 
 his merry Stationer were fet npon the Pin of making contradidions , doubtlefe this 
 was dubbed a famous contradidion or an abfurdity at leaft.As if a man might not 
 hold one thing in his Judgment , and purfue another in his Pradice , profefs one 
 thing in words , and perform another in deeds. Video meliora proboque , Veteriors 
 fequor •■, Medea faw that which was right and approved it i but fwerved altogether 
 from it in her pradife , T^hey profefs ( faith St. Paul) that they k^ow God , but in 
 Tk. 1. 18. worki they deny him. The Church of f^ome profeiTeth* in words , to add nothing 
 to the Legacies of Chrift and his Apoftles : but in their deeds they do add and add 
 notorioufly i as the Univerfality of the 'B.oman Church , the Dodrines of Purgato- 
 ry, of Indulgences,ofWor{hiping of Images, and the reft of the new Elfentials ofFaith, 
 \ i.xtra quas nemofalvus ejje potefl (faith Pope Pius,) Without the belief of which no max 
 
 can befaved. Then no man was faved for a Thoufand years afier Chrift. If there 
 be the leaft Print of a contradidion here, it is not in my difcourfe, but between their 
 own Principles and their pradice. He taunteth me fufficiently for making the 
 Apoftles Creed, a fummary of all things neceflary to be believed by all ChriiTians, 
 calling it the wildejl 'lopick^ that ever came from a rational head, and would gladly per- 
 fwade us that it was onely an Ad of prudence , to keep out heterogeneous perfons 
 in that prefent age , which was to be inlarged as often as new Herefies did arife. 
 I pity the young man , who is no better acquainted with that value, which both 
 the ancient Fathers and his own Dodors fet upon the Creed. Whileft he thinketh 
 Tert. dt Vir^. ^^ confute me , he is ignorantly condemning all them. He condemneth the Fathers 
 'cUmiRom. who made it to be the one only immoveable and irreformable rule ofFaith:7he fum of the 
 Ef. I. adfrat. whole Catholick^ Faith : "The Key of the Chrijiian Faith : "The rule or fquare of the Apo- 
 D«/n« fiolical Sermons ( after the compolition of it. ) wherein the Apojiks of the Lord have 
 
 col 
 
 'A
 
 Schtfm Guarded. ^^y 
 
 colkded into one breviary , all the points of the Catholick^Faith which are diffujed through- ^i«b. Serm: 
 out the Scriptures. He condemneth ^^is own Authcurs , who accknowiedge it to ? 8 AuftSerm. 
 he ajhort com-preheiifton or fummary of all things to believed, Bellarmine faith it con- ^^- '^"^"'f' 
 taineth the fum of the Cojfd : And more plainly , there is extant that mofl ancient Sym- f *,"'^- """h. 
 hoi which is called the Creed of the ApojUes, hecaufe the Apojllet compofed it to this end, l!^Z'fp: ^''^' 
 that it might be agreed among all men what was the fum of the whole Chrijiian Faith. D^^nj?. /",, 
 Whereof he prodaceth WitnclTcs, St. Ambrofe, St. Hierom,St. Auflin^Maximmzdding ["}■ 9- An^'i 
 that in the Creed' although briefly) is contained in afummary, the whole obje& of Faith. *^'^ ^"ft- 
 According to that of St. Atiiiin, the Creed is afmple, Jhort , faUcomprehenfon of our ih^l^c^p'l' 
 Faith: "that the fimplicity may provide for the rudenefs of the hearers; the Jhortnefsjor their Conc'-Trhenti 
 memory \ andthe fitlnefi for their Vodrine. And elfewhere he telleth us, that aZ/ ■Si?/'J- 
 Catholicks do confej! , that it is the unwritten word of Cod. So there is more in the 
 Creed than a meer Shibokth , to diilinguifn an Ephramite from a Gileadite. It is 
 fundamentum flrmum & micum , not onely a firm , but an onely foundation. He 
 asketh me whether ever Frotejiant did hold , there is nothing of Faith but the Twelve 
 Articles in that Creed > I do not know how I fcecome to be obliged to anfwer him 
 to fo many impertinent Queftions : but for once I will not refufe him. Proteffants 
 do know as well as himfelf , that there are many things of faith, which are neceffary 
 to be believed by fome men at fome times ; as that St. Paul had a Cloak : but there 
 is no Article or point, abfolutely neceffary to Salvation to be believed which is not 
 comprehended within the Twelve Articles of the Creed. And here , he ferveth us 
 up again his twice foddeu Coleworts , that the Vrocejfion of the Holy Ghofl the Bab- 
 tifm of Infants , the Sacraments , the Scriptures , are not comprehended in the twelve 
 Articles. I have but newly anfwered the very fame Objedion , and here Meander- 
 like with a fuddain turning he brings it in again : but I will not wrong the Reader 
 fo much , as to follow him in his Battologies. Onely if he think the Creed was 
 imperfeft until the word Filioque was added, he is much milUken. 
 
 But faith he, by the fame Logick^ we may accufe the Church , at the time of the Ni- 
 cene Council , for preying the word confubjiantial. Pardon us good Sir there is no 
 Analogy between the conftantiality of the Son with the Father, and your up- 
 Ibrt Dodrines of Indulgences and Image- worfhip. Indeed the word confubftan- 
 tial , was not in the Creed before the Ntcene Council , but the thing was and 
 was reduced from the Creed. And the Apoflles delivered the Creed to the Church 
 they did it by Oral Tradition : and this is that famous Tradition much mentioned' 
 in the Fathers , which you do altogether mifapply to the jufiifying of your new 
 patches, and when they delivered the Creed, they delivered likewife the fenfe of 
 the Creed , by the fame Tradition ; And it was the mof} proper work in the world 
 for thofe Hrft Oecumenical Councils, tofearch out and determine by Tradition the 
 right fenfe of the Articles wherein they were delivered by the Apollles. But for us 
 now after Fifteen or Sixteen Hundred years to inquire, not onely into new fenfes 
 t)f the old Articles , altogether unknown to the ancients ; But to find out new Ar- 
 ticles , which have no relation to the old Articles , and all this by Tradition is ri- 
 diculous. For whatfoever Tradition we have, we have from former A^es fucceP- 
 fively: And therefore if they had no Tradition forfuch an Article , or fuch a fenfe; 
 we can have none. 
 
 But fuch are the Twelve new Articles, added to the Creed by Pius the Fourth • 
 not onely new fenfes of old Articles , which had been too much, but new Articles 
 newly coyned , which have no Relation to the old Articles at all. Some things are 
 de Symholo contained in the Creed , fomethings are contra Symbolum againft the 
 Creed ■-, and fomethings prater Symbolum , betides the Creed. Firf^, for thofe thint'S 
 which are contained in the Creed , either in the Lerter or in the Senfe or may be 
 deduced by good confequence from the Creed i as the Deity of Chrift his two 
 Natures , the procellion of the Holy Ghoft ; the addition of thefe is properly no 
 addition , but onely an Explication i yet fuch an Explication , none under a Ge- 
 neral Council can impofe upon the Church. Secondly , fuch things as are contrary 
 to the Creed , are not onely unlawful to be added to the Creed , but they are He- 
 retical in themfelves. Thirdly , for thofe things which are neither of the Creed , 
 nor contained in the Creed , either explicitely , nor can be deduced by good confe- 
 
 N n quence
 
 ■-7^ Schifm Guarded. TOME U 
 
 quence from the Creed , and yet they are not contrary to the Cixed , but opini- 
 
 ons or infcriour truths , which may be beheved or disbelieved, without any great 
 dancer of HercfieC of this nature are thofe Twelve points or Articles which Tim 
 the Fourth added to the Creed : To make thefe part of the Creed , and to oblige 
 all ChrilHans to believe them under pain of Damnation , as Vim the Fourth doth , 
 without which there is no Salvation •, is to change the Symbolical Apoftolical Faith , 
 and to add to the Legacy of Chrili and his Apfiles. Faith doth confilli« indivi- 
 fibiliy and theEiTential parts of it, cannot be contracted or inlarged. 
 
 This is that which we charge the Komattijis withal, and which I fee not how 
 they will be able to (hake off. Not the Explication of the old Articles of Faith, nor 
 the prefcribing of Inferiour Truths as inferiour Truths to thofe who are under their 
 Jurifdidion , nor the obliging of their Subjedls not to oppofe their determinations 
 for peace and tranquillities fake : but the adding of new Articles or Effentials to the 
 Creed , with the fame Obligation that the old Apoftolical Articles had , to be belie- 
 ved under pain of Damnation , either all thefe Twelve new Articles which were ad- 
 cd to the Creed by Pius the Fourth , were implicitly or virtually comprehended in 
 the Twelve old Articles of the Apollles, and may be deduced from them by neceP- 
 fary confequence, ( the contrary whereof is evident to all men : ) or it is apparent 
 thatPiar the Fourth hath corrupted the Creed, and changed the Apoftolical 
 
 Faith. 
 
 He might even as well let our Thirty Nine Articles alone for old acquaintance 
 fake, ( VijfueHda non diflecanda eji amicitia ) as to bring them upon the Stage , and 
 have nothing to fay againft them. Some of them are the very fame that are con- 
 tained in the Creed: fome others of them are praiftical truths, which come not 
 within the proper lifi of points or Articles to be believed : Laftly, fome of them 
 are pious opinions or inferiour truths, which are propofed by the Church 
 of England to all her Sons, as not to be oppofed •, not as Eflentials of Faith necef- 
 lary to be believed by all Chriftians Neceffitate medii , under pain of damnation. If 
 he could charge us with this as we do them , he faid fomething. The Nicene , 
 Conftamiuopohtan J Ephefian^ Chakedonian ^ and Athanaftan Creeds, are but Expli- 
 cations of the Creed of the Apoftles, and are ftill called the Apoftles Creed. He 
 will not for (hame fay that Fius the Fourths Creed , is onely an Explication of the 
 Apoftles Creed, which hath Twelve new diftind Articles, added at the Foot of 
 the Twelve old Articles of the Apoftles. 
 
 I do not fay that there can be no neve Uerefxe , hut what is againjifome point found in 
 the Creed. 1 know , that as there are fome errours heretical in their own nature , 
 (b there are other errours which become heretical , meerly by the Obftinacy of them 
 who hold them. Yet if I had faid fo,I had faid no more than fome Fathers fay, and 
 fundry of their own authors v Neq; uVa unquam extitit H£refis qu£ non hoc Syntholo 
 Catech/ damnari fotuerit : "there rvas never any Herefie rvhich might not be condemned by thir 
 Trevtr. . Creed. And fo he may fee clearly if he will , that it was no imcomparabk jirain of 
 ireakitejs , nor felf contradiUing ahfurdity , nor nonfenfe , ( as he is pleafed to vapour ) 
 to charge them with changing the Legacy of Chrift and his Apoftles , by the addi- 
 tion of new Eflentials of Faith. 
 
 I will conclude this point with the excellent Judgement of Vincentius Lirinenfisi 
 Feradventure fome man will fay fhah there be no grorvth nen> of the Keligion of Chrifl in the 
 Church? Tes , very much'-, butfo that it be a growth of faith not a change. Let it in- 
 creafe; hut onely in the fame liind ^ the fame Articles ^ the fame fenfe , the fame Senten- 
 ces. Let the Religion of Souls imitate the manner of bodies^ &cc. The members of jn- 
 fants are Ink , young mens great ^ yet they are the fame Children have as many joy nts as 
 men , &c. But ifa>'y thing be added to , or tah^n from the number of the members , the 
 body mufi of nec/^ty perifh , or become monjirous , or be enfeebled : fo it is meet that 
 Clrrifiian 'Religion dofollorp thefe Lavas of Proficiency^ &cc. 
 
 But now he brings a rapping accufation againft me , charging me with Four fal- 
 fifications in one fentence : and then concludes triumphantly , Go thy way brave 
 tat'49i> Bijhop , Jfthe mxt Synod of Protefiants ^ do not Canonife thee for an Interpreter of Coun- 
 cils , they arefalfe to their beji interefts. W ho fo bold as blind Bayard > Here is a great 
 deal more cry than wool, £ut let us cxamin thefe great fallirications , my words 
 
 were
 
 Scbifm Guarded. ^ ... 
 
 were thele. the qttejiion is onely who have changed that DoSrine or this Vifciplhie , ne 
 or they ? rve by SnbjiraCtion , or they by Addition ? the cafe is clear, "the Jpnjikicon- 
 traced this VoCirine into a Summary , that is the Creed, the Primitive Fathers expound- 
 ed it where it did jiand in need of clearer Explication. Then follow the words which 
 he excepted! againft, the General Council of Epheius did forbid all men to exact any 
 more of a Chrijiian at his Baptifmal profefjion. It is Itrange indeed to find Four falliri- 
 cations in two (hort lines ■■> but to find Four falfifications where there is not one 
 fyllable cited , is altogether impolhble. I relate as of my felf what the Council of 
 Ephefiu did ■■, I cite no authority at all, neither in the Text nor in the margin 
 nor put one word into a different Charadter. His pen is fo accuftomed to over- 
 leach beyond all aim, that he cannot help it •, a Scotch-man would take the liberty 
 to tell him that he is very good company. 
 
 The truth is , I did forbear to cite it, becaufe I had cited it formerly in my an- 
 fwcr to Monfeur MiUtier , where he might have found it if he had pleafed •, that it 
 flfsuld be lawful for no man to publifl} or compofe another Faith (or Crec' ) ihuitthat Cc^icEpb- 
 ■which was defined by the Nicene Council , Jnd that whofoever fljould dare to compofe ^ '' ^" "^^' 
 or offer anyfuch to any perfons willing to be converted from Paganifm, Judaifm or Here- '' '* 
 fie , if they Jhould be Bijhops or Ckrks jhould be depofed , if Lay-men Anathematifed. 
 If he can find any falfification in this , let him not fpare it : but to find Four falfifi- 
 cations, where not one word was cited, was impollible. In a word to deal 
 plainly with him, his Four pretended falfifications are a filly, {enllefs, ridiculous 
 cavil. 
 
 To clear this, it is neceffary to confider that this word Faith in Holy Scripture 
 Councils and Fathers, is taken ordinarily for the Objedt of Faith, or for the furn 
 of things to be believed , that is, the Creed; and fo it is taken in this very place 
 of the Council of Ephefus , and cannot be taken otherwife ■■, for it is undeniable 
 that that Faith which was defined, publiihed, and compofed by the Nicene Fathers 
 was the Nicene Creed , or the Creed of the Apoftles explicated by the Nicene Fa- 
 thers. Secondly we muft confider that theCatholick Church of Chrift, from the 
 very Infancy of Chriftian Religion, did never admit anyperfonto Baptifm in an 
 ordinary way, but it required of them a free profelfion of the Creed or Symbolical 
 Faith, either by themfelves , or by their fureties if they were Infants: and fo did 
 B^pt'ae them in that Faith. This was the pradtice of the Apoftolical Churchy this 
 was that good profefjion which Timothy made before many witnefles--, This was the Uni- t- 
 verfal pradtife in the Primitive Church , and continued ever fince untill this day. '^""•*' '*• 
 Abreniincias ? Abrenuncio. Credis ? Credo. Doeft thou renounce the Devil and all his 
 tporkj ? J do renounce them. Dofi thou believe in God the Father Almighty , &c. AH 
 this I jiedfajily believe. iVilt thou he Baptized in this Faith? It is my deftre. This 
 Baptiftical profeffion which he laughethignorantly at,is attefted by Fathers,byCoun- 
 cils, by Liturgies, ancient and modemj even by the Leiturgies of the Roman Church 
 it felf. And this is the undoubted fenfe of this place of the Council of Etihifm that 
 110 man fhould dare to offer any other Creed, to any perfon , willing to be converted from 
 Faganifm or Judaifm to Chriftianity , that is to fay to be Baptized. Always upon 
 Palm Sunday , fuch of the Catechumeni , as were thought fit to be admitted into 
 the number of the Faithful , did petition for Baptifm ( the anniverfary time whereof 
 did then approach, who from their joynt petitioning were called competentes and 
 from that day forward, had fomc affigned to expound the Creed unto them where- 
 of they were to make folemn profeffion at their BaptiGn i as we find by the Homi- 
 lies of the Fathers upon the Creed, made to the competentes. 
 
 So we keep our felves to the old Faith of the wholeChrifiianworld,thatis theCreed 
 of the Apoftles, explicated by the Nicene, Conftantinopolitan, Ephefine,a.nd Cbakedonian 
 Fathers-, the fame which was profefled by them of old at their Baptifm,and is flill pro- 
 feffed by us at our Baptifm,the fame wherein all the Chriftian world, and themfelves a- 
 mong the reft: were Baptifcd.None of us all ever made any profeffion atour Baptifins, 
 of the Univerfality of the Roman Church, or ofthe Sovereign Monarchical power of 
 the Koman Bilhop by Divine right , or ofthe Dodtrinc of tranfubfiantiation. Indul- 
 gences , Image-wor(hip, or the like. Wherefore we refolved to adhere to that 
 Faith, which hath been profefled always, every where, and by all perfons, and 
 
 N n a parti-.
 
 ^^o Scbi fm Guarded TOME I» 
 
 ' "" particularly both by them and us at our Baptifms i in which Faith and which a- 
 lone we were made ChriiHans , without either diminution or addition of any 
 new Eflcntials. This was their Faith formerly, and this is ours ftilj. But he ob- 
 iedcth it is a great abfurdity, that thus the Creed defined by the Fathers in the Council 
 fat- 4?S.. o/Nice, and the Jpojikf Creed, according to the Bijhop are one and the fame Creed. Have 
 you found out that? Yes, indeed are they, and always have been fo reputed in the 
 Church , even in the Roman Church it felf in their ancient Liturgies , which call 
 the Nicene Creed the Evangelical Creed , the Creed of the Jpojlles, injpired by the 
 Lord, injiituted by the Ap)files '; and when he groweth older, he will be of the 
 fame mind. 
 
 I hope by this time he feeth, that although I did not cite the Council ofEphefiu 
 in this place , and therefore could be no falfirier of it , Yet the Council of Ephefus 
 faith more than I did in every refped. I faid onely the Council did forbid , but the 
 Council it felf goeth higher, thzt rchofoever jhould dare. I izid forbid to exad : but 
 the Council it (elf goeth higher , whofoever Jhould dare to compfe , or ptblifh, or offer. 
 The Original word Is ngjo-fSf «. , to offer , and as it is tranflated into Latin , ^i 
 vera aufifuerint aut componere fidem alteram, ant proferre, aut off err e. Whofoever JhaU 
 dare to compofe , or to utter, or to offer another f aith or Creed. One may compofe 
 Or publifh and not offer •, one may offer and not exad: but whofoever doth exadt, 
 doth more than offer. If the Council doth forbid any man to compofe or publiffi , 
 or offer any other Creed , much more doth it forbid them to exadl it. Thirdly \ 
 (aid to exaU any more than the Apoftles Creed , as it was explicated by the Fathers , 
 that is , concerning Effentials of Faith : but the Council goeth higher, to compofe 
 or publifh , or offer , alteram fdem , another Creed , containing either more or lefs , 
 either new EfTentialsor new Explications. I faid onely at our Baptifmal profeffton: 
 but the Council extendethit farther , to the reconciliation of Hereticks, as well as 
 the Bdipt'iCmoi Pagans zr\d Jews ■■, and generally to alloccafions, not allowing any 
 man Clergy, or Lay , to compofe or publifh any other Creed or formof profellion. 
 So every way the Council faith more than I faid. 
 
 But he faith , there is nothing in the Council of Baptifmal prof(0on , except the 
 bare word Fidem. Well, Fides in that place fignifieth the Creed , and that Creed 
 which all Chriftians did profefs at their Baptifm , is their Baptifmal profeflion. But 
 that is not all , for as Fides fignifies their Creed or profeflion of Faith; fo thofe o- 
 ther words , to any perfons rciliing to be converted from Paganifm or Judaifm , fignifi- 
 eth as much as who defire to be Chriflened or to be Baptifed. But he faith, thefe 
 ■words if the propofers of another Faith be Lay-men , let them he excommunicated do 
 maki it impojjible to have relation to Baptifm, becaufe the ordinary Minifler ofBaptifin 
 is a Clergy-man. If a Sophifter fhould have brought fuch an Argument in the 
 Schools, he would have been hiffed out for his labour. Becaufe one part of the Ca- 
 non hath reference to Lay- men , therefore no part of it can have r eference to 
 Clergy-men. Jufl like this , an Ethiopians teeth are white, therefore it is impoffible 
 that any part of him (hould be black. W hereas the Canon faith exprefly the con- 
 trary , if they be Bifhops or Clerks let them be depofed , if Lay-men Anathemati- 
 zed. 
 
 But this great cenfurerhimfelf doth falfifie the Council of Ephefus indeed , twice 
 in this one place. Once in omitting the word ne;ir?{j«» , to offer. Secondly 
 where he faith , that Ckarifms had made a wicked Creed, It was not a wicked Creed 
 but a wicked expofition of the Creed which the Council condemned, Depravata 
 Symboli Expofitio ■•, Which was indeed produced by Charifus , but neither made by 
 him , nor approved by him , but condemned by him as well as by the Council. 
 Obferve Reader, with what grofs carelefnefs thefe great cenfurers do read Authors 
 and utter their fiftitious fancies with as great confidence. He would have called, 
 this forgery in another. 
 
 SECT
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. 
 
 35 
 
 SECT. Ca^. 12. 
 
 HE faith, I charged their whole Church , voith changing the ancient Vijcipline of 
 the Church, into a Sovereignty ojjorver above General Councils , whereas Icon- 
 feji that it U not their VniverfalJenem , andrvithal ach^orcledge^that they who 
 givefuch exorbitant priviledges to Popes , do it with fo many cautions , that they fignifie 
 nothing s and then courteoufly askes me , whether this be a matter deferving that 
 Church Vnity Jhould be broken fir it ? I do eafily believe that this is one of his merr> i charge not 
 Stationers contradidlions. What pittiful cavils doth he bring for juft exceptions ? the Church 
 Firft, I do not clap it upon their whole Church ( that is one injury, or if I fhould fpeak ^"^ ^^? ^^^^ 
 in his Language, agroflfalftfication} bat upon the guilty party. Secondly, I never '°^ '"^ *'"'^° 
 faid that they who change the ancient Government of the Church , into a Sovereignty 
 cf power , do it with fo many cautions : bat I fpake exprefly of them , who afcribe 
 infallibility and temporal power over Princes to the Pope •, This is another injury 
 or Faliification. Thirdly, how often mufti tell him, that we did not difunite 
 our felves from their Church : but onely reinfranchife our felves from their Ufurpa- 
 tions? Laftly, this party which advanceth the Papacy, above the reprefentative 
 Church , is no worfe than their virtual Church , the Pope and the Court of Rome 
 with all their adherents , they who have the Keys in their hands : fuch a party as 
 he dare not fay his Soul is his own againft them , nor maintain the contrary 5 that a 
 General Council is above the Pope. 
 
 He urgeth , that I afcribe no more to St. Peter and the Pope for their firfi Moverjhip, pai. 496. Firf^ 
 but onely authority to fit firfi in Council orfomefuch things. I afcribe unto the Pope , nioverftip: 
 all that power which is due unto him either by Divine right or humane right , at 
 the Judgement of the Church , but I do not hold it meet , that he {hould be his 
 own carver. And for St. Peter , why doth he not leave his wording of it in Gene- 
 rals, and fall to work with arguments in particular, if he have any ? We pifer him 
 a fair tryal for it , that St. Peter never enjoyed or exercifed any greater or higher 
 power in the Church, than every one of the Apoftles had, either extenfively or 
 intenfively, either in relation to the Chriftian world , or the Apoftolical Colledge , 
 except onely that Primordium VnitatU or Primacy of order , which he fcoifeth at 
 every where : Yet neither do we make his firft moverfhip , void of all Auivity and 
 influence , as he accufeth us. Firft, we know he had Apoftolical power , which was 
 the higheft Spiritual power upon earth. As my father fent me fo fend J you. Second- 
 ly , fome power doth belong to a Firft Mover, even by the Law of Nature, befides 
 the firjl feati As to convocate the Members, to preferve order, to propofe fuch things 
 as are to be difcufled , to receive the Votes , to give the Sentence, and to fee it Ex- 
 ecuted fo far as he is trufted by the body. What the Church of England believeth , » 497. 1 
 of the Popes inheriting St. Peters priviledges •, and the exercifi of that power before the 
 reformation. And how the Breach was made, and when, I have fhewed abun^ 
 dantly already. 
 
 We have (een his rare skill , in the difcovery of a Falfification or a contradidion , 
 now let us fee if his fcent be as good to find out an abfurdity. Hemaketh me argue 
 thus, "the Pope did not exercifi St. Peteis power , becaufe he exercifedSt. Vetci^s power 
 and much more , which is as much as to fay , totum eft minus parte i and more does 
 not contain leji: and then he crowes out his vidory aloud i a hopeful di§utant , who 
 choofeth rather to run upon fuch Rock^ , &c. What Rocks doth he mean ? I hope none 
 of the Acroceraunia : thofe ridiculous things which he calls Rocks, are foapy bub- j 
 
 bles of his own blowing. This inference is none of mine, but his own: is it not 
 pofCble for this great pretender to fincerity , to mifs one paragraph without falfifi- 
 cations? Give him leave to make inferences and Periphrafes \_ which U as much as to 
 fay ~\ and Africa did never abound fo much with Monfters , as he will make the 
 molt rational writing in this world abound with abfurdities. I defire the courteous 
 Reader to view the place , and either to pitty his ignorance , or deteft his impu- 
 dence. The words which I anfwered were thefe , That the Bifhops o/Rome actu- 
 ally exercifed St. Peters power in all thofe Countries , which k^pt Communion with the 
 Church of Rome , that very year when this unhappy feparation began. My anfwer wai^^ 
 
 that
 
 Schifm Guarded. TOM E I 
 
 .J..t fhk aflertion did come far Jhort of the trnth in one reffeCt , for the Po^es exerdfed 
 \ .^ ^g^^f^i^^ jphichgave them leave, than ever St. ?ctcT pretended 
 
 WMcfo worep ^^ ^^^^^ inference but this, "Xhe Pope exercifed more power than ever St. 
 to. "^"^"^ '^^^^ ^3 fi,erefore this ajfertion that he exercifed St. Octets fotver came port 
 Peter f rfff« ^^^^^ confequence is fo evident, that it can admit neither denyal or 
 J uJZ 'what hath this to do with, his vehok U leji than the part, or more does 
 
 "" BuTnowVuppofe I had faid , as he maketh me to fay on his own head , that in 
 Half more than , • ^^^^ jhe whole is kfs than the part , or more does not contain the lefl , what had he 
 the whole ^ ^^ ^ Hath he never heard or read , that in morality the half is more than 
 
 the whole? Hath he forgotten his Ethicks, that he who fwerveth from the mean 
 or ftridt meafure of virtue , whether it be in the Excefs , or in the Defed , is alike 
 culpable, and cometh fhort of his duty > If the Pope as SuccefTour to St. Petfr, did 
 ufurp more power than St. Peter had right to j no man in his right wits, can call 
 it the adual exercifing of St. Peters power. 
 
 The fecond part of my anfwer was , that as the Pope exercifed more Power 
 Papal Ufurpa- ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ \i\m, in fome places , where he could get leave; fo in other places 
 tiomnotUm- ^^j^^^^j^^^^j^^^gp^j.^gpj-pjjyj^ pf^j^g Chriftian world, that is all the 'Eafcern, 
 
 '" * ' Southern and Northern Churches ) his Univerfal Monarchy which he claimed , was, 
 
 Univerfaily rejedled. For this I am Firft reviled. Jre moderate exprejjions ofpame- 
 lefnefs fuflicient to Charader this man? &c. If better was within better would come 
 out. But Stult'n "Thefaurus ijie efi in lingua fitm , nt difcant male loqui meliorihus. 
 And then when he hath Firft cenfured me, he attempteth to anfwer me ,as well as he 
 is able that the Pope exercifed his power over them , by Excommunicating them as re- 
 -volters! As revolters ? In good time ■•> They were Chriftians and had Governours 
 of their own, before either there was a Church of Kome , or Bifnop of Rome, 
 and never acknowledged themfelves to be his Subjeds until this day , nor 
 regarded his Excommunications upon that fcore at all. If they 
 were revolters , the Apoftolical Age and all fucceding Ages were joyned in 
 the revolt. Thefe are his rigorous demonflrations , to prove the Popes fingle Jurifdi- 
 dion by Divine right , from his own impotent adlions. If the Pope have a Su- 
 premacy of Power by Divine right , he hath it over the World , but that we fee 
 evidently he never enjoyed from the beginning ; if he did not enjoy it Univerfaily 
 from the beginning , then certainly it cannot be an Apoftolical Tradition. 
 
 I do begin with the Eajiern Church , becaufe their cafe is plaineft , as having Pro- 
 topatriarchs of their own , and Apoftolical Churches of their own : but when that 
 is once acknowledged , I (hall be contented to joyn ijfue with him in the TFefi, Firft:, 
 for our BrittannicK Churches , and next even for the Church of Kome it felf i that 
 the Pope's Univerfal Monarchy , and plenitude of Sovereign power by Divine right, 
 was neither delivered from Parents to Children by perpetual Tradition , as a Legacy 
 of Chrift and his Apoftles , nor received by the Sons of that Individual Church as 
 a matter of Faith ■■> butonely a Primacy of Order or beginning of Unity , which 
 wedonot oppofe, nor yet thofe acceffions of humane power i which Chriftian 
 Emperours and Oecumenical Councils , have conferred upon that See , provided 
 they be not exaded as a Divine right. 
 
 His Firji Moverjhtp and his Firji GovernourJhip,zrc butGeneral unfignificantTerms, 
 which may agree as well to a beginning of Unity or Primacy of Order , as to an 
 abfolute Monarchy or plenitude of Power. If he will fay any thing to purpofe , 
 he muft fay it particularly , particulars began the Breach , particulars muft ftop the 
 Breach. I have given him an account, what particular diiferences we have with 
 him concerning St. Peter , what particular differences we have with him concerning 
 the Pope , let him apply himfeif to thofe , and not make continual cxcurfions ( as 
 he doth ) out of the Lifts. 
 
 When I acknowledged an authority due to the 'Roman Bifliop in the Church , as 
 
 What refpefts ^ gif^op in his Diocefs , as a Metropolitan in his Province, as the Bifhop of an A- 
 
 duetothc poftolical See and Succeflbur of St. Peter , I expeded thanks j there are many that 
 
 °^' will not yield him one inch of all thefe fteps without a new conflid. But behold 
 
 the evil natures or the evil manners of this Age, I am acoufed for this offivohufnefs 
 
 and
 
 Discourse IV. Scbifm Guarded. 
 
 ?^? 
 
 and vtftncerity. Yet I will make bold to tell this Apprentice in Theology, that whenfoever Pae. 458 
 the cafe cometh to be folidly difcufTcd , it will be found that the principal grounds 
 ( if I had faid the onely grounds , I had not faidmuch amifs) of the Popes pretend- 
 ed Monarchy , are the juft rights and priviledges of his patriarchatefliip, his proto- 
 patriarchatelhip , and his Apoftolical chair , miftaken for Royalties , for want of 
 good diftindtion. I know the Court of Rome , who have been accuftmned in thefe 
 latter times, to milk the purfes of their clients, do not love fuch a dry primacy ( as 
 he phrafeth it ) but where they have no more tight , and other Churches have a 
 care to preferve their own priviledges , they muft have patience perforce. 
 
 His Parallel between the King of England and the Pope, wil be then to feme pur- 
 pofe, when he hath firrt proved that the Pope hath a Monarchy : until then it is a EiZ!(L 
 meer beggmg of the Queftioni whata grofs Solecifm that is in Logick^, he cannot P^l pcwer. ' 
 choofe but know. But fince he is favourably pleafed to difpenfe with all men for 
 the extent of Papal power, fo they believe the fubftance of it, and yet he himfelf 
 either cannot , or dare not determine what the fubftance of Papal power is i he 
 might out of his charity have compalfion , and not flile us Mountebanks, who 
 know no diffcrrencc , between Rww^n-Catholicks and our felves about the Papacy 
 but onely about the extent of Papal power. Although he ftile us Hereticks nov/ 
 yet he was lately one of us himfelf: and would have continued fb longer, if he had 
 underflood himfelf better , or the times been lefs clowdy. Lethim call itfubjlance 
 let him call it extent , let him call it what he will , I have given him our excepti- 
 ons to their Papacy, let him fatisfie-them as well as he can , and let truth prevail : 
 We have not renounced the fubllance of the Papacy , except the fubftance, of the 
 Papacy do confift in coadive power. I fide with no parties , but honour the 
 Church of England and welcome truth wherefoever I meet it j 
 
 Tros Tyriufve mihi nul'o difcrimine habetur. 
 
 He telleth his Reader, that J grant the whok queflion , where I affirm that the Bi- 
 Jhop of Rome had authority all over, as the Bijhop of an Apojhlical Church , or Succef' 
 four of St. Pf if r. Much good may it do him. As if every Bifliop of an Apoftoli- 
 cal Church , were ftraight way an Univerfal Monarch ■■> or as if authority did al- 
 ways necellarily imply Jurifdidion , or every arbitrator or depofitary were a legal 
 judge. I had realbn to place a 'Bijhop of an Apojhlical Church , in my climax after 
 a Patriarch , for the larger extenfionof his authority every where, not for the high- 
 er intenfion of his Jurildidion any where. 
 
 I urged that if the Bifhop of Kome did fucceed St. Teter , by the ordinance of 
 Chrift , in this priviledge to be the Prince and Sovereign of the Church , endowed 
 with a fingle Sovereignty of power, that the Great Council of Chalcedon was much 
 to be blamed^ to give equal priviledges to the Tatriarch of Conftantinople with the Pa- 
 triarch of Rome , and to ejleem the JmperialCity more thanthe Ordination of Chrift. To 
 the Second part of this argument, that the great Council of Chalcedon, did ground 
 the advannement both of Rome and Conjiantinopk , upon the Imperial Dignity of 
 thole two Cities , and to much more which is urged there againft him, he is as 
 mute as a Fifli : but to the former part he anfwereth , thatfr any thing I h^ore to the 
 contrary Kome might remain Superiour in JurifdiGion^ though they had equal priviledges. 
 Very pretty indeed. He would have his Readers to believe , that a Sovereign and 
 his Subjects have equal priviledges. Equals have no power one over another; there 
 may be a primacy of Order among equals , but Supremacy of Power taketh away 
 equality. Doth not he himlelf makeitto be St. Teters priviledge , to be Prince of 
 the ApoftJes ? And doth not he tell us that this Priviledge dcfcended from St. Peter 
 upon the Bilhop of Rome ? Then if the Bifliop of Conftantinople , have equal privi- 
 ledges with the Bi(hop of Rowf , he is equall to him in this Priviledge which de- 
 fcended frm St. Peter. 
 
 Let him liften to the Eight and Twentieth Canon of that Council , where hav- RomaxiA 
 ing repeated and confirmed , the Decree of the General Council of ConftiantimpU to ^""^"""""/^^ 
 the fame purpofe, they conclude thus, /«r the ( Nicene ) Fathers did juiily (nve 
 priviledges to the See of old Rome, becaufe it tvas the Imperial City. And the hundred csnc- Cnnh.^ 
 
 and cap. 28
 
 anc 
 
 fide j„eot:avu ,.. r ,. ,.-, ,■ 4.-- 
 
 ''^u^l'^ trielnmplrLr^^^^ and he extolkd and magnified'in Ecclefiafifcal 
 
 itfeJW'^w / y^. Ijg g^^gfi^ ifi order from it. And in the laft fcntence of 
 
 "■^'''r/'cs upon the review of the caufe, -The Archbijhop of the Imperial City of 
 r Lmnovk or nen> Rome , mufi enjoy the fame priviledges of honour, and have the 
 r tomr out ofhU own authority , to ordain Metropolitans tnthe Afiatick, Pontick, and 
 Thracian Viocefs. That is as much in Law as to fay , have equal Jurifdidionj for 
 al other riehts do follow the right of Ordination. 
 
 But he knoweth right well that this will not fcrve his turn , his laft refuge is to 
 denv the authority of the Canon i telling us that it ma no freem , but voted tu- 
 multHOuflv after moil of the Fathers rrere departed. And milcalhng it a hjjhrdiffue 
 tinned to the end of the Council. Which is altogether as falfe as any thing can be i- 
 rnaEined to be. It was done before the Bifliops had their Licenfe to depart i It 
 had a Second hearing , and was debated by the Popes own Legates on his behalf, 
 before the moft glorious judges, and maturely fentenced by them , in the name of 
 the Council. This was one of thofe Four Councils , which St. Gregory honoured 
 next^o theVour Gofpels. This is one of thofe Councils , which every fucceding 
 Pope , doth fwear folemnly to obferve to the leajl tittle. I hope the Pope hath a 
 better opinion of it than he, at leaft for his Oaths fake. 
 
 Good Reader obferve , what cMers of Forgeries, this great cenfurer hath re- 
 Schifm difarm j^^j together , in the compafs of a few lines. I need to cite no other authority 
 '"' "^' to convince him,' but the very Ads of the Council. Remember whileft thou liveft 
 
 to diftruft fuch authors. Firft he faith , This was no free Ad , moft falfly : the Bi- 
 fliops all owned it as their free A(fl by their fubfcriptions , and by their Teftimonies 
 before the Judges. Secondly he faith , the Clergy of Conftantinople extorted it, with 
 tumultuoM importunity , moft falfly : for it had been once Decreed before in the free 
 General Council of Con{iantinople', and then the Clergy 0^ Conjiantinople, did intreat 
 the Popes Legates to be prefent at the firft debate of it , but they refufed : and when 
 the faid Legates alledged in Council that the Fathers were forced , they unanimouf- 
 Ivteftified againft them , nemocoaHus eft. Thirdly he faith , it was voted after moft 
 of the Fathers were departed , and onely thofe of the party of Conftantinople left , moft 
 fallly : the Fathers were forbidden to depart , and Three of the Protopatriarchs 
 with their fubordinate Biftiops determined it , and fubfcribed the firft day. Fourth- 
 ly he faith it was difavotced by the Patriarch o/Antioch and thoje under him, moft 
 falfly : for 'the Patriarch of Antioch and thofe under him did ratifieit , and fubfcribe 
 it in Council. Fifthly he faith , No Patriarch 0/ Alexandria was there; Goodreafon; 
 For there was none in being , the See being vacant , by the turning out oiViofcorm, 
 Though this be not fo falfe as the reft , yet it is as deceitful as the worft of them. 
 Sixthly he faith , the Alexandrian Metropolitans and Bifhops refufed to fubfcribe it. 
 They did not refufe to fubfcribe it , but they requefted the Council , that becaufe it 
 was their cuftom to fubfcribe nothing, until firft it was fubfcribed by their Patri- 
 arch that the fubfcribtion might be deferred, until they had a new Patriarch chofem 
 and they themfelves were contented to ftay in Chalcedon , until this was effedted. 
 Now judge freely Reader , whether this man do not deferve a whetftone. 
 
 That which followeth concerning immediate Tradition , is but one of his ordi- 
 nary Meanders, or an improper repetition of an heap of untruths and uncertainties, 
 blundred together to no purpofe , without any proof. That the "tradition of all 
 Churches of the Roman Communion is neceffarily an Vniverfal Tradition i That onely 
 thofe Churches of the Roman Communion do adhere to the rule of Tradition , and aV other 
 Churches have renounced it •, That all thofe who differ from the Church of Rome did ne- 
 ver pretend immediate Tradition , for thofe points wherein they differ from it: are fo many 
 grofs untruths. That the very fame which is delivered by fame Chilian Parents to their 
 Children, is delivered by all Chriftian Parents after the fame manner; That whatfoever 
 is delivered by Chriftian Parents ofthU age , U neceffarily derived from the Apnftks by an 
 uninterrupted fuccejfron i And that external Unity doth neceffarily imply an Identity of 
 Tradition : Are contingent uncertainties, which may be true or may be falfe. His 
 
 reafca
 
 Schifm Guarded* ^^^ 
 
 reafbn , that it is impojfiblefor the beginner t of a Novelty , to pretend that their immedi- 
 ate Fathers had taught thsm , that which the whole world fees they did not , is abfurd 
 and impertinent , and may (erve equally to both parties. 
 
 Firft, it is abfurd and contrary to the fenie of the whole world. We fee daylie by 
 experience , that there are innovations in Dodrine and Difcipline, and both parties 
 pretend to ancient and immediate Tradition , he might as well tell us. 
 
 Nil intra efl oleum , nil extra eft in Nua duri. 
 
 The Arians pretended to immediate Tradition as well as the Orthodox Chri- C^«ngrt tii> 
 ftians. Secondly, it is impertinent s changes in Religion are neither fo luddein nor dif«r°i^'«' 
 fo vifible as he imagineth , but are often made by degrees, in trad: of time, at 
 Icifure , infenfibly , undifcemibly. An errour comes tirft to be a common opinion, 
 then a pious Do<ftrine. Laftly, a point of Faith : but feldom do errours appear at rirft 
 in their own fliape. 
 
 Ta^t enim vitiumfpecie vhrtutit & umlrS. 
 
 A beginning of Unity in time may grow to be a Sovereignty of Power. Invc- 
 flitures were taken away from Kings for fear of Simony : and this fear of Simony 
 before the wheel had done running , produced the moft fubliraated Art of Simony 
 that ever was devifed. Who would or could have (ulpeded , that tho(e huge crys 
 for free liberty of Ele<Sion , (hould have ended in Papal provifions , or the exemp- 
 tion of Clergy-men from their Allegiance to their native Prince ; have been an 
 Introduction to a new Oath of Allegiance to a Forraign Prelate > The fubjedtion 
 of the Emperours to the Popes, began withPidures, proceeded to Poetry , and 
 €nd»d in down right Maxims of Theology. There hath alway been a myftery of 
 Iniquity , as well as a myftery of Piety v the Tares were fbwn whileft men flept , 
 and were not prefently diicerned. It is not I who have changed Faith into opini- 
 on : My Faith is the very fame that always was profefled throughout the Chriftian 
 World , by every Chriltian at his Baptifm, and comprehended in the ancient Creed 
 of the Church. But it is they who have changed opinion into Faith , when Pins 
 the Fourth matriculated Twelve new opinions , among the ancient Articles of the 
 Creed. Let them be probable , or pious , or erroneous , or what you will ; I am 
 fure they are but opinions and confequcntly no Articles of Faith. 
 
 I faid fuch Opinions of an Jnferiour Nature , are not fo necejfary to be h^own. He Op'nmns no» 
 asketh , whether they be nectffary or no ? Jf they be not necefary , why do I grant them to necirtary. 
 he necejfary by joying, they are not fo nece^ary ? Jf they be necefSary , why call I them hut 
 Opinions i Doth he know no diftindtion of things necelTary to be known, that fome 
 things are not fo neceffary as other ? Some things are neceffary to be known , «e- 
 cejjitatemedii , to obtain Salvation : Some things are neceffary to be known onely 
 neceffitate pracepti , becaufe they are commanded , and they may be commanded by 
 God or Man i the latter are not fo neceffary as the former. Some things are abfo- 
 lurely neceffary to be known by all men: Some other things are onely by fome men> 
 Art thou a Mafier in Ifrael and i^oweft not thefe things ? Somethings are enjoyned to -r t_ ., -^p^ 
 beheld onely for Peace fake i thofc are not fo neceffary to be known asthecom- 
 mandements, or the Sacraments, or the Articles of the Creed. The Popes Infal- 
 libility in his Definitions of Faith , is but an opinion , and yet they hold it necef- 
 fary. The Superiority of a General Council above the Pope , was a neceffary opi- Bel ie csndU 
 nion in the time ofConftanee and Bafile : and now the contrary opinion is/ere <^ Fi- ''' ^•'"P'^f* 
 de i almoft an Article of Faith. 
 
 He knoweth better by this time what I underfland by points of Faith publicly 
 ftcfejied i even the Articles of the Creed , which every Chriftian that ever was from 
 Chrills time untill this day, profeffed at his Baptifm. All the Chriftian world have 
 ever been Baptized into the Faith of the old Creed, never any man yet was Baptized 
 into the Faith of their new Creed : if thefe new Articles , be as neceffary to be 
 known and publickly profeffed for the common Salvation as the old , they do thetn 
 wrong to baptize them but into one half of the Chriftian Faith. 
 
 Oo He
 
 a 
 
 -—^•^5 Schifm Cnarded. TOME I. 
 
 i^^^^^T^. Hetroublethhimfelfneedlelly wuh Jealoulle and fufpidon, Ij^^ ""der the no" 
 peach not the ii^^, oi: Faith Vmverfally profejjed , J.nd the Chrijhan world VMed , I (hould feek : 
 perpetuity of j|^^]jj,j. qj. patrociny (ot Arrianr ^ oi Soanians^ or any other Mudirom Sed i as if 
 Tradition. ^ ^^ Chrift were not delivered by Univerfal Tradition, or not held by the 
 
 Cbriflun world Vnited, becaufe of their Oppofition. I do not look upon any fuch 
 SeiSs which did or do oppofe the Univerfal and pepetual Tradition of the Catho- 
 lick Church before their days, as living and lafting ftreams , but as fuddein and 
 violent Torrents : neither do 1 regard their oppofition to tl^ Catholick Church , 
 any more than of a company of Phrenetick perfons , whileR I fee plainly a j^arte 
 ante that there was a time when the wheat did grow without thofe Tares, and 
 apartep(^ ., that their errours were condemned by the Catholick Church. This 
 exception of his hath great force againfthis immediate Tradition ■■> Should the Chil- 
 dren of Arrians or Soclniam , perfilt in their Arrian or 5oci«w» Principles , becaufe 
 they were delivered to them , as the Legacies of Chrift and his Apoftles , by theic 
 erring parents ? But againft my Univerfal and perpetual Tradition they have no 
 force at all. Neither do I look upon their petty interruption, as an empeachment 
 to the fucceffion from the Apoftles , no more than I efteem a great mountain, to 
 be an empeachment to the roundnefs of the Earth. 
 
 Neither was it the Church of Greece , and all the other Eajiern , Southern , and 
 Northern Churches , which receded from this Univerfal Tradition , in the cafe in 
 difference between us, concerning the difcipline of the Church j but the Church of 
 Kome which receded from them, 
 
 Non tellus cymham , tellurem cymha reHqnit. 
 
 He knoweth little in antiquity , wh© doth not know , that the Creed was a 
 tradition both materially , as a thing delivered by the Apoflles , and Formally as 
 being delivered by Oral Tradition: But he who fhall fay ( as he doth ) that ai 
 the points controverted betrveen its and them , were delivered as derived from the Apojlles^ 
 No Tradition j„ apraUice as dayly vifible as is the Afofiles Creed, by our Forefathers; as invoking 
 in'differcnce" Saints for their interce^ion, the lancfulnep of Images , praying for the dead. Adoration 
 b«wcenus. of the Sacrament , ^c. And in particular, the SubyVlion to the Tope as Supreme bead 
 C to ufe his own phrafe ) is a Frontlefs man. His very mumbling of them , and 
 chopping of them by halves, as if he durft not utter them right out , is a fufficient 
 Evidence of the contrary. We do not charge them onely with invoking Saints for 
 their interceffion , or to fpeak more properly with the invoking God to hear the 
 interceffion of his Saints : but with more infolent forms of ultimate prayers to the 
 Creatures , to proteU them at the hotcr of death , to deliver them from the Vevil , to con- 
 fer fpiritual Graces upon them , and to admit them into heaven , precibus meritifque, 
 not onely by their prayers , hut lih^vpife by their merits. As improper an addrefs , as 
 if one fhould fall down on his knees.before a Courtier, and befeech him to give him 
 pardon , or to Knight him , meaning onely that he fhould mediate for him to 
 the King. 
 
 We do not queflion the lawfulnefs of their having of Images i but worfhipping 
 of them , and worfhipping them with the fame worfhip which is due to the Pro- 
 totype. We condemn not all praying for the dead, not for their refurredion , and 
 the confummation of their happinefs : but their prayers for their deliverance out of 
 Purgatory. We our (elves adore Chrift in the Sacrament , but we dare not adore 
 the Species of Bread and Wine. And although "we know no Divine right for it ; 
 yet if he would be contented with it , for peace fake we could afford the Bifhop 
 of Kome a Primacy of Order by human right, which is all that antiquity did know. 
 And if any of our Ancel^ours in any of thefe particulars , did fvverve from the U- 
 iiiverfal perpetual Tradition of the Church, we had much better warrant to return 
 to the Apoftolical Line and Level, than he himfelf had to dcfert thofe principles te- 
 incrarioufly , which his immediate Forefathers taught him , as delivered by the A- 
 poftles and derrived from them. 
 
 His next exception is a meer Logomachy, that I call two of his aflertions In- 
 ferences, what doth this concern either the perfon or the caufe ? Either this is to 
 
 con- 
 
 I
 
 Schifm Guarded. <,^_ 
 . tS7 
 
 contend about the iTiadow of an Afs, or I know not what is. Let them be premilTcr 
 orconclufions which he will, they may be fo difpofcd to make them either i if 
 they be neither,^ what do they here ? if they be conclufions , they are inferences 
 He calleth the former conclufion their chief ObjeVtion ■■> who ever heard of an obje- 
 ction without an Inference > And the fecond is fo far from being no Inference that 
 it comprehendeth four Inferences , one from the iirft principle , another from the 
 fecond principle , and the third from both principles. That Chwches in Commu- 
 uion with the Koman have the onely right DoCirine in virtue of the firji principle, and the 
 onely right Government in virtue of the fecond principle , and Vnity necejfary to Salvation 
 in virtue of both principles. And the laft conclufion is thegeneral Inference from all 
 thefe, And hyconfequence roe hold them , onely to mak^ the entire Catholick^Church. 
 
 1 faid truly , that we hold both their Rules of Unity , I add that we hold them 
 both in the right fenfe , that is , in the proper literal fenfe of the words : bat what 
 their fenfe ot them is , conccmeth them not us. If by the Tope's Supremacy he un- 
 dcrftand a Cngle Sovereignty or Supremacy of power , by virtue of Chrirt's own 
 Ordinance v we hold it not indeed , neither did the Catholick Church of Chrift e- 
 ver hold it. So likewife if by tradition of our Ancejiours^ he underihnd Univerfal 
 and perpetual Tradition , or as it were Univerfal and perpetual ■, we ioyn hands 
 with him ; but if by Tradition he underltand the particular and immediate Tra- 
 dition of his Father , or Ten Thoufand Fathers, or the greater part of the Fathers 
 of one Province or one Patriarchate , in one Age , excluding three parts of the 
 Catholick Church of this Age , and not regarding former Ages between this Age 
 and the Apoitles •, we renounce his rule in this fenfe, as a Bond of Errour not of 
 Unity, And yet in General , according to the Literal fenfe of the words we em- 
 brace it as it is propofed by himfelfi that The Vodrines inherited from our Fore-fathers 
 as the Legacies of Chriji and his Apoflles , are onely to be ach^orcledged or Obliajtory. 
 So we acknowledge both his Pvules in the Literal fenfe defallo^bat the Popes fingle Su- 
 premacy of power and particular Tradition were never principles of Unity neither 
 defaCio nor de jure'j andfo he may feek for his flat Schifmatick defa&o ztRome. 
 
 1 faid there was a fallacy in Logick of more interrogations than one , when que- 
 ftions of a different nature are mixed , to which one uniform anfwe'r cannot be 
 given. He faith he put no Interrogatory at all to me. True i but he propounded am- 
 biguous propoiitione to be anfwered by me, confounding St. Pfffr and the Pope 
 an head(hip of order, and an headfliip of power, which is all one. An head of 
 Order hath power to adt tirft , as well as fit hrlt ; but he adeth not by his own 
 fingle power , but by the conjundl power of the body or colledge. 
 
 To (hew him , that I am not aflianied of my voluntary railing ( as he phrafeth P"!- S'o* 
 it ) too filly to merit tranfcribing or anfxvering , I will tranicribe it for him. f The 
 Church or Court of Kome have Sophifticated the true Dodlrine of Faith by their 
 fupplemental Articles , contrary to the Firft principle i and have introduced into 
 the Church a Tyrannical Government , contrary to the (econd principle : and are 
 fo far from being the entire Catholick Church , that by them both they are convi' 
 <fled to have made themfelves guilty of fuperftition and Schifm. 1 if this be 
 railing, what Term doth his Language deferve? If this be filly, what pitiful 
 ftuffe is his > 
 
 He faid my onely xvay to clear our Church from Schifm , was to difprovehis two Rules. The proof 
 I anfwered he was doubly miftaken , Firft inputting us to prove or difprove , who refts on their 
 are the perfons accufed, the defendants duty is to anfwer, not to prove : that is the ^"^'' 
 duty of the accufer. They accufe us of Schifm , therefore they ought to prove 
 their rules , whereon they ground their Accufation , in that fenfe wherein they 
 take them ■■, not put us to difprove them. He urgeth that by thU m-thod , no Rebel 
 ought to give any reafon why he did fo , becauje he is accufed of Rebellion by his larrful 
 Covernour. By his leave, he that condemneth a Subjed of Rebellion , before he 
 have proved his Accufation, doth him wrong , but he faith , the truth is, rvherefoe- 
 ver there is a conteji , each fide accufes the other , and each fide defends it felf again}} the 
 ethers Accufations : but we were the FirJ} accufers , who could not with any Face have 
 pretended to reform, unlefs we Accufed jirjl our AUual Governour of Vfurpation. I told 
 him before that he was doubly miftaken , now I muft be bold to tell him that he is 
 
 O 2 three
 
 35S 
 
 Scbifm Guarded ^T O M E I. 
 
 three ways miftakcn. Firft the Pope was none of our Adual Governour , in the 
 external Regiment of the Church , by the Laws of England. Second y our r-r.-- 
 mation was no Accufation , but an Enfranchifement ot our felves fub moder, 
 
 refor- 
 amine 
 
 *"^'/p"/rw/f/l ""Thirdly / I Iiave already manifefted the llfurpations of the Court 
 '"fVonie upon other manner of grounds than his ambiguous rules. As we have pro- 
 ved our intentions fo let him endeavour to prove his 
 
 My Second anfwer was, that although the proof did rcH on nur fides : Yet J did not 
 approve of his advice , that was , to difprove his two rules. My reafon is evident , 
 we approve of his two rules as they were fet down by himfelf ; it is not we but 
 they who have fwerved from them, and therefore it wei« madnefs in us to difprove 
 them. He faith , he dare fwear in my behalf ^ that J never fpake truer word in my life , 
 and out of his Supererogatory kindnefs offers himfelf to be bound for me , that ijhaU 
 never follorv anyadvife , that bids me fpeak^home to the point. What filly nonfenle is 
 this fhould I follow any mans advife to difprove that which I approve ? I have 
 fpokcn fo home to the point without any advife , that I expedl little thanks from 
 him , and his fellows for it. 
 
 what he prateth of a Vijcipline left by Chrift to the Church of England in Henry 
 the Eighths time , is ridiculous indeed. And it is equally ridiculous to hope to 
 make us believe , that the removal of a few upflart Ufurpations, is a change of the 
 pie- 5'?' Vifcipline left by Chrift to his Church. And Laftly it is ridiculous to fancy , that lat- 
 ter Ufurpations may not be reformed by the pattern of the Primitive times , and 
 the ancient Canons of the Church , and the pradife of fucceeding Ages , becaufe 
 we received them by particular Tradition from our immediate Fathers. That one 
 place which he repeateth as having been omitted by me , hath been anfwered fully 
 to every part of it. 
 
 The reft of this Sedion is but a repetition of what he hath faid, without adding 
 any thing that is new •, and in the conclufion of this Treatife he giveth us a Sum- 
 ma totalis of it again ( either he muft diftruft his Readers memory or his Judge- 
 ment : ) and yet for fear of not being underftood , he recapitulates it all over again 
 in his Index. Surely he thinketh his difcourfe fo profound , that no man under- 
 fiands him except he repeat it over and over again : and for my part I did never 
 meet with fuch a Torrent of words , and fuch {hallownefs of matter. And Co I 
 leave him to St. Auftins cenfure alledged by him. hi mala caufa non pofmt aliter^ 
 at malam caufam quis coegit eos habere. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Ihat they n>ho caft Papal power out of England were no Froteftants , but Roman-C<»- 
 iholickj throughout ^ except onely in that one point of the Papacy, 
 
 Hitherto (he faith ) he hath been the larger in his reply , becaufe the former points 
 rvere fundamental concerning , and totally decifive of the ^eftion. They do con- 
 cern the Queftion indeed , to blunder and to confound Univerfal Tradition with 
 particular Tradition , a Primacy of Order with a fingle Supremacy of Power , Ju- 
 rifdidtion purely Spiritual with external JurifdidVion in foro contenfwfo : otherwife 
 they concern not the Queftion. And for deciding of the Queftioni wherewithal fhould 
 he decide it? who hath not fo much as alledged one Authority in the cafe. Divine or 
 Human, not a Text of Scripture , not a Canon of a Council , not a Teftimony of 
 a Father-, who hath not fo much as pretended to any Univerfal or perpetual Tradi- 
 tion , but onely to the particular immediate Tradition of the 'Roman Church ; and 
 this he hath onely pretended to, but neither proved it , nor attempted to prove it, 
 ncr is it poilible for him to prove by the particular Tradition of the Roman Church 
 it felf , that the Biftiop of Rome is the Sovereign Monarch of the Church by Chrifts 
 own Ordination. His onely grounds are his own vapourous fancies, much like 
 Zenoes Vaunts , who ufed to brag , that he fometimes wanted opinions , but ne- 
 ver wanted Arguments. 
 
 My fix grounds he ftileth exceptions. And why exceptions ? But let them be 
 
 grounds,
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. 
 
 grounds, or exceptions, or whatfoever he will have him to be : and lee them take 
 heed that every one of thofe Irifies and loyes ( as he calleth them ) do not batfle him 
 and trip up his heels. 
 
 I plead that [ Rowj;;-Catholicks did make the firft reparation. ] He anfwcrs 
 that this Plea doth equally acquit any villain in the rvvrU , who infijis in thejieps of hit 
 Fore-father villains. Would no exprellion lower than this of Villains ferve his turn > 
 Who can help it > If thofe Forefathers ( whom he intimates) were Villains or any 
 thing like Viliams , they were his Fore-fathers Twenty times more than ours i We 
 inherit but one point in difference from them, but he Twenty : The denomination 
 ought to be from the greater part. If any of them were deemed more propitious 
 to us than the reft, it was Henry the Eighth, or Archbifhop Cranmer: For both thefe 
 we have their own confelh'on that they were theirs. Firft, for Henry the Eight, 
 m had a Kingvoho by his Laws abolifhed the Jmhority of the Fope^ although in all o' GuU. Alan, 
 ther things he would follow the Faith of his Ancejhurs. And for ArchbiOiop Cranmer Apoi- cap. 4. 
 hear another of them , Cranmer the unworthy Archbijhop of Canterbury was his {xht ?*^" ^9' 
 Earl oiHartfords) right hand and chief ajftjiant in the wor}^^ although but a few moneths 
 before^ he was of King Harries Religion^ yea a great Fatr.m and profecuter of the fix Ar- 
 ticles. But to deal clearly with you , there is not the fame reafon to imitate a No- 
 torious knave in his confeffed knavery , and to follow one who hath not onely a 
 reafonable and )uft caufe of contending, but alfo the reputation of an honeftman, 
 even in the judgement of his adverfe party , in all other things , except onely there- 
 in , wherein he is adverfe to them. Such were all the Adors in this caufe by their 
 confellion. If we acknowledged, that they who caft out Papal Ufurpations were 
 Schifmaticks for fo doing , he faid fomething : but we juftihe their Ad , as pious 
 and virtuous i andfo his comparifon hath never a leg to run on. 
 
 I pleaded , that [ it was a violent prefumption of their Guilt and our Innocence, 
 when their beft friends, and beft able to Judge , who preached for them and writ 
 for them , who aded for them and fuffered for them , who in all other things were 
 great Zelotsof the Roman Religion, and perfecuted the poor Proteftants with rirc 
 and Fagot , yet condemn them and juftifie this leparation. He minceth what I 
 fay according to his ufe , and then excepteth , the word [beft] might have been 
 left out \ "They ever were accounted better friends who remained in their former Faith 
 andthe other Bijhops looked upon as Schifmaticks by the obedient party. Yet the Bifliop 
 of Chakedon doubted not to call them the beli of Bijhops. He fiiould do well to tell ^"'^^'^ "^' '^ 
 us for his credit fake , who thole other Biftiops were , who looked upon thele as 
 Schifmaticks. Such is his ignorance in the ftate of thefe times, that he dreameth of 
 two parties , an Obedient party , and a Rebel'ious party ■> whereas there were no par- 
 ties but all went one way. There was not a Bifhop, nor an Abbot of Note in the 
 Kingdom , who did not vote the Kings Supremacy , Four and Twenty BilTiops , 
 and Five and Twenty Abbots perfoually at one time. There was nor a Bifhop nor 
 any perfon of note in the Kingdom , who did not take the Oath of the Kings Su- 
 premacy , except Bifhop Fijher and Sir. Thomas Moor ■■, who were imprifoned for 
 Treafon , either true or pretended, before that Ad was made, for oppofing the 
 Succeiiion of the Crown. If he will not truft me , let him truft the verdid of our 
 Univeriitiesv At length we aV agreed unanimoujiy in thisfentence and were of one accord^ 
 that the Roman Bifloop hath 7to greater Jurifdihion given him by God in Holy Scripture^ AH fy Mora, 
 in this Kingdom of England , than any other Forreign Bijhop. The fame fcntence Epifl. Vn'if' 
 was given by our convocations or Synods, The fame fentence was given by our Ox. Ep.t. Sae. 
 parliaments with the fame concord and Unanimity, Ne mine diffentiente \ We had ^^n.An.j. 
 no parties but one and all. Let him liften to his friend Bifliop Gardiner, No forreign 11%^ g*'* 
 Bijl^np hath any Authority among us; all forts of People are agreed with us upon this point u De nerd 
 with moji jiedfali confent , that no manner of perfon bred or brought up in , England hath Obedientiai 
 ought to do with Rome. 
 
 And Ireland was unanimous herein with England. All the great Families as well 
 of the Irijh as of the Englijh , did acknowledge by their Indentures to St. Anthony 
 St. Leger then chief Governour of Ireland, the Kings Supremacy and ittterly renounce 
 the JurifdiCtion of the Pope. Yet it was not the meaning of our Anceftours then ^ _ j i. 
 and ( though fome of them had been fo minded ) it is notour meaning now to aTI\.i'^24 
 
 meddle Hin. 8.
 
 q<5o 
 
 Schifm Guarded. TOME I. 
 
 meddle with the power of the Keys, or abridge the Bilhop of Rome ot any Jurifdi- 
 dion purely fpiritua! , or any Legacy which was left him by Chrill or his Apoftks: 
 hut onciv to cart out his ufurped coadlive Power in the Exteriour Court , without 
 the leave of the Sovereign Prince , which Chnll and his Apol^les did never excer- 
 Te or difpofe of, or meddle with , and to vindicate to our Kings the Political or 
 Externa! Regiment of the Church , by themfelves and by their Bifhops and other 
 fit delegates , as a right due to all Chriftian Princes by the Law of God and nature. 
 But he attributeth all this to the Fear of the Clergy and the People , znd the 
 Kings violent cruelty : and for proof of what he faith , citeth half a paflage out of 
 Dodtor Hammond , but he doth Dod:or Hammond notorious wrong. Dodor Ham- 
 mond fpeaketh onely of the Firji preparatory Ad , rvhich occafwned them to takg the 
 matter of rights into aferious debate in a Synodical veay: he applieth it to the fubfe- 
 qucnt ad of renunciation after debate. Dr. Hammond faid onely, it is eafie to be be- 
 lieved: Mr. Serjeant mzkelh It a jitji frefumption or confeft evidence. Dr. Hammond 
 (peakethof r\o fear but the fear of the Law , the Law of Fremmire ; an ancient law 
 made many ages before Henry the Eighth was born , the Palladium of England , 
 to prefer ve it from the Ufurpations of the Court of Rome: but he mifapplieth it 
 wholly to the fear of the Kings violent cruelty. LalUy , he fmoothers Dr. Ham- 
 monds fenfe exprefled clearly by himfelf , that there is no reafon to doubt , but that they 
 did believe rvhat they didproffi, the fear being the occafion of their debates^ but the rea- 
 fons or arguments offered in debate^ the caufes ( as in all charity we are to Judge ) of 
 their decifwn. He ufeth not to cite any thing ingenioufly. 
 
 If he did , he could have told his Reader , that this anfwer was taken away by 
 me before it was made by him. For two whole Kingdoms , the Univerfities , the 
 convocations , the Parliaments , to betray their confciences , to renounce an Article 
 which they eftcem necefTary to falvation , onely for the fear of a Pfemunire or the 
 lofs of their goods , to forfwear themfelves, to deny the Eflence of their Faith , 
 to turn Schifmaticks , as if they did all value their Goods more than their Souls , 
 without fo much as one to oppofe it v is a vain uncharitable furmife, or rather it is 
 incredible , and not onely incredible but impoflible. They were the men that ad- 
 . -, vifed the King to aflume the Supremacy. Archbifhop IFarham told the King it peas 
 Act er mn. y.^ ^.^^y^ ^^ y^^^ .J y^j-g^^ ^j^^ p^^^^ Bifliop Gardiner was the chief framer of the Oath 
 
 of Supremacy, BithopTonjialind Longlands were the chief Preachers up of the Kings 
 Supremacy at St. Paul's CxoCs. Tonftal juftifieth it in his Letter to Cardinal PooL 
 Gardiner and Beck^njhaip did write polemick Books in defence of the Kings Suprema- 
 cy. The whole convocation did fet forth a Catechifm ot Catechetical book, to in- 
 ftrud the People in the Kings right to the Supremacy, called the injiitution of a 
 Chrifiian man. Bilhop Bonner , bloudy Bonner , who made fuch Bonefires of the 
 poor Proteftants, being then the King's Embaffadour with Clement the Seventh, 
 did fo boldly and highly fet forth King Henries Supremacy in the AiTembly of Car- 
 
 frTsaiudTt. finals , that they thought of burning him or cafting him into a vefTel of Scalding 
 
 fHi9i' ' ' Lead , if he had not fecured himfelf by flight. 
 
 Suppofe it was credible that they all voted out of fear , and took the Oath ofSu- 
 ^ premacy out of fear , what fear could conftrain them to advife the King , to aflTume 
 
 the Supremacy as his right, to frame the Oath of Supremacy , to inftrud others in 
 the King's right to the Supremacy , by private Letters , by publick Catechifms , to 
 Preach up his Supremacy , to propugn his Supremacy in their Polemick writings , 
 in their Orations before the Cardinals themfelves , with hazard of their lifes , to 
 tickje the Kings Ears with Sermons againji the Pope^s Supremacy? Who fhall ftill 
 
 Speed tn Hen. j-^y ^j^^j. jj^^j-^ ^^^^ ^jj ^^^ ^^^^ of fear , muft be a very credulous man. The con- 
 
 10$. " ' trary is as evident to the World as Noon day light. I will conclude this point of 
 De vera Obe- the Fear of the Kings violent cruelty , with Bilhop Gardiners Teftimony of himfcIG 
 ditntia- He oh']t(\cth thzt as a Bijhop he had /worn to maintain the Supremacy of the Pope. To 
 
 which he anfwererh, that what was holily fworn^is more ho lily omitted, than tomak^ an 
 Oath ^ the Bond of Iniquity. He confeffed himfelf /o have been married to the Church 
 of Rome(bona fide>/ to hisfecond wife ; but after the return of his firjl wife ( that is 
 the truth ) te which he was efpoufd in his Baptifm , being tonvided with undeniable 
 evidence , he was necejjitated out oftonfcience , to jorfakg the Church of Rome in this 
 
 particular
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. ' ' ' 77" 
 
 fartictdtr ^teftion of Supremacy , and to adhere to hit firjl wife the truth, and after her 
 to hi! Frince the Supreme head of the Englilh Church upon Earth. 
 
 Secondly, I pleaded that [ although it doth not always excufe h toto, from all 
 guilt, to be mifled by others into errour , yet it always excufcth a tanto it extenuatch 
 the Guilt. ] This Allegation is fo evidently true , that he hath not conrtdeiice e- 
 nough to deny it , ( which is a wonder , ) but argueth againft it , Firft, hoa> could 
 we thinkjheir example to le fohvped , rehom rve corifefl to have done rehat they did out of 
 fear? Or rather what a (hamelefs untruth is this? His witnefs faith,that tear mioht be 
 B the occafion of the debate, but reafon and confcience were their diredtnurs inthe'deci- 
 fioniand we have demonftrated that their adtions could not poiiibly proceed from fear. 
 His fecond anfwer is , tvhy do we not rather foflotp them in renouna^g their Schijm as 
 ihofe Bi(hops didajter the Kings death f Once proved falfe, is always^prefumed to'be 
 falie. Who told him that they made any retra&ation after the Kings dtath ? after thev 
 wevc heed from their imminent fear ? they made no retracflation , but held their Bi- 
 ftiopricks in King Edwards time until other Queftions did arife,' and executed the 
 Stature of Supremacy as rigoroufly as they did in Henry the Eighths time. For 
 proof whereof , I cite the Teftimony of Queen Elizabeth , given to their Faces in 
 their lives times , before the moft eminent EmbafTadours of the greateft Princes 
 when they might have contradiAed it if they could , when the Emperour and other 
 Roman-CdithoVick Princes interceded with her for the difplaced Bifhops : She gave 
 them this anfwer , that they did mit> objUnately rejeCi that VoSrine , which moji part ^''"'<^- ""• 
 of themjehes under Henry the Eighth and Edward the Sixth , had of their own accord ^''' """ *'^^' 
 Twith heart and hand , puhlickjyin their Sermons and writings taught unto others tvhen. 
 they themfelves were not private perfons but publick. Magifirates. Ob(crve the words 
 firft , of their own accords. Secondly , not onely under Henry the Eighth , but Ed- 
 rvard the Sixth i there falleth his plea to the ground. Thirdly , when they them- 
 felves v/eic publick^ Magijirates , and confequently in a capacity of doing rather than 
 offufFering. Laftly, with heart and hand, not onely in their Sermons , but alfo 
 in their printed Writings. We ufe to fay , there is no defence againji a Flail : cer- 
 tainly againft Subfcriptions and publick writings there can be no defence. 
 
 To the Queens Teftimony I add another of Sanders , that the Bijhops o/Winche- n <; h'l 
 fter, London, Durrham, Worcefter, Chichefter, Excellent men ^ and inwardly AnSc.Ti 
 Catholicks , yet being made Bijhops in the Schifm •, they had not the Spirit of courage, fat- iSi-. 
 therefore they refjied faintly to the Kings Primacy , or rather they Subfcribed fmply both 
 to it and all other innovations , which feemed not to contain open Herefie , leaji they Ihould 
 loofe their Bipopprick^. When may we expedt a true word from him > 
 
 Third Iy,he urged the beginners of a fault, may be leji culpable than their follower s^wheH 
 their provocationsbe greater^their frovocationswere no leji than expedition of death and deflru- 
 dio'n hy the Kings inhuman cruelty: but our continuance in Schijm compared to the motives of 
 theirs is in a manner ^xztis, aU our reafons being for our livings and intereji heretofore and 
 MOW a vain glorious itch to approve our felves to our party. Wehive had many proofs of his 
 veracity, here is one more of his charity. Suppofe his new light had lead him into 
 ready Paths not Precipices, ( which no man will grant him, but his own fellows: ) 
 Yet why fhould he accufe us of Hypocrifie rather thanof errour in Judgement 
 who have loft all our Eftates for our confciences , which probably he never had to 
 lofe , nor would have quitted it fo if he had had it ? but onely that his own guilt 
 doth didate fuch uncharitable cenfures to him. No Mr. Serjeant , we are no fuch 
 changlings or turning weather cocks i that is your own part: And you may live 
 to adl it over again , fuch hot water freezeth fooneft. Are you fo blind , that you 
 do not fee that this Accufation might be retorted upon you , and upon your great 
 converts whom you propofe to us for Patterns ? Who as you fay had been Schifma- 
 ticks in Henry the Eighth's time ■■, you might as well fay for the tnoft part of them 
 in Edward the Sixth's time alio , and had no other way in the v^orld to preferve or 
 recover their Bifhopricks in Queen Maries days, but by pretending at leaft fuch a 
 converlion. But we are not fo uncharitable as you, we judge them by their profcf- 
 fion and leave their confciences to God. 
 
 Thirdly, I pleaded that althongh thofe whocaft the Pope's pretended Sovereignty 
 out of England, had been Schifmaticks as they were not; yet we cannot be charged 
 
 with
 
 ^62 
 
 Schi fm Guarded. TOME I. 
 
 ■ u c wCrr. fo lone^ as we feek carefully after truth, and are ready implicitely it» 
 with Schifm , *° J°"f /' J .5 to embrace it , whenfoever we find if Becaufe he 
 the preparation ot our m^^ ^ ^.^^ ^^^^^^ my argument into Syllogiftical form. 
 
 (hall not P'^'^^"'" . t their falfe Opinions themfelves, but learned them from 
 Whofoever invented n^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^^ ^ ^^^^ j^^^ Schifmaticks , ) 
 
 t'^VT^cnA them not with pertinacious animofity , but inquire carefully after 
 ufh and be ready to embrace it , and correft their errours when they find 
 h But if we had any falfe opinions we invented them not our felves, but 
 ;^"" a them from our erring Parents. Therefore we are net to be reputed Here- 
 • ks ( much lefs Schifmaticks , ) if we defend not our opinions with pertinacious 
 "^tmofitv but inquire carefully after the truth, and be ready to embrace it , and 
 eft out Errours when we find them. The Major is St. Aufiins to a word , and 
 A»fi' ^P'fl' iTvielded by Mr. Serjeant to be true. The Minor is evident to all the world and 
 '^^- cannot be denied : Therefore the conclufion is firm, 
 
 1 do not urge this , as though 1 had theleaft fufpition in the world that our An- 
 ceftours did err , but to (hew that although they had erred , yet wc are not to be 
 leputed Herericks or Schifmaticks whileft we do our endeavours to find the truth , 
 and embrace it implicitely in the preparation of our minds. Neither do I urge this 
 to convince others who do not know our hearts , and perhaps will not believe 
 us when we tell them that we hold the truth implicitely: but for the fatisfadion 
 of our own confciences. We know whether we hold opinions pertinacioufly or noti 
 and whether we defire and endeavour to find out the truth or not : and whether 
 we are willing to embrace the truth whenfoever God (hall reveal it or not •• None 
 know it but God and our fclvcs , Mr. Serjeant cannot know it. And therefore as 
 his anfwer is improper and contrary to the Rules of Logick , to deny the conclulion 
 or condition contained in the conclufion : So it is vain and prefumptuous to judge 
 of another mans confcience , which is known onely to God and himfelfl I cited 
 St. Auftin to prove the propofition which he yieldeth, not the Aflumption which is 
 too evident in it felf to be denied , much lefs to be a witnefs of our hearts which 
 it was impoffibe for St. Aupn to know. Judge Reader what Ardelioes and bufie 
 bodies thefe are , cenfuring and damning all Proteftants to the Pit of Hell as He- 
 reticks and Schifmaticks , and yet when they are prefled home , are forced to con- 
 fefs thatifthey do endeavour to find out the truth , which all good Chriftians 
 do ,' then they are neither Hereticks nor Schifmaticks. This may be a great com- 
 fort and fatisfedion to all confciencious Proteftants , who are daylie molefted by 
 , thefe men and terrified with fuch bugbears as thefe. But Mr. Serjeant hath devifed 
 
 a new method to difcover the hearts of Proteftants , by the Tejiimony of thetr eyey^ 
 and the undeniable verdiCi of their reajon , onely by viewing my anfwer to his rirfl 
 Sedion. Kifttm teneatU amid ? 
 
 To draw the faw of contention to and fro, about Henry the Eighth , Warhtm , 
 
 Heath ^T^onjial, Gardiner, Bonner , dec. Whether they were Proteftants or Papifts 
 
 is impertinent, and frivolous impertinent -, let him call them Proteftants, or Papith, 
 
 or neither , or both , it is all one to my argument , that it is a violent prefumption 
 
 of their guilt and our Innocence , that all their great Scholars who Preached for 
 
 them , and writ for them , and adled for them , and fuffered for them in all other 
 
 differences , fhould defert them in this. And frivolous •, to contend about the word 
 
 when we agree upon the thing. The thing is without all controverfie or difputc * 
 
 they held with the Proteftants in the Article of the Supremacy ,and with the Papift 
 
 in all other Articles whatfoever. 
 
 Now whether their denominations (hall be from the greater part as it is in all o- 
 ther cafes , ( mix one drop of milk with twenty or Fourty of water, and we call 
 it water not milk ) or from the lefTer part as Mr. Serjeant would have if , I com- 
 mit to the Readers Judgement, and defire him to determin it himfelfj whatfbevet 
 way he determins it , his Judgement will be lefs prejudicial than to be molefted 
 with fuch wranglers. 
 
 Proteftants may perfecutc Proteftants , but not as Proteftants, and Papifjs may 
 perfecute Papifts ( as the Janfenijls perfecute the Jefuits, ) but not as Papifls ; even 
 J[hmafh mocks are termed pcrfecutions ; but they feldom make fuch bloudy Laws , 
 
 againfi
 
 Discourse I V. Schifm Guarded. 
 
 a^anilt thole whom they acknowledge to be ot their own communions, as theLavv 
 of the Six Articles was , or perfecute them with lire and faggot as Bonmr did. He 
 urgcth that betrveen every f^ecies of colonr rrhich we have names for, there are hundreds 
 of middle degrees for n-hich rve have no names. Well argued againft himfelfi Wit 
 whither wilt thou? Then why doth he call them Proteltants , and give them a 
 name ? There are indeed between every fpecies of colours , many middle degrees 
 which have no diftind names: but therefore we give them the names of thofe co- 
 Jours which they come neareft to i either with a diftindion if they be eafily expref- 
 fcd, as Grafs-green, Sea-green, Willow-green, &c. Or without any diftinftion, 
 the white of an Egg is not fo white as Snow , yet both white. If he would pur- 
 fue his own Inftance, this controverfie were ended. 
 
 He prateth of the ftibordhute Se£is cf Froteliants , and hovp changeable they are every 
 day. He loveth to have a Vagary out of his lifts. It is his Spiritual Mother the 
 Church of 'England, that gave him his Chriflian being , which he hath undertaken 
 to combate •■, let him adorn that Spna as he is able ; and if he did it with more 
 modefty , he were lefs to be blamed than he is. If fhe had been but his old friend, 
 yet friendjln^ ought to be uiijiitchd by degrees not torn afunder fnddainly. But to caft 
 durt in the Face of his own Mother, is a fhrewd fign of an ill nature. As the 
 fool faid to a favorite , If 1 pH J can rife again , hit if thou fall thou reilji never rife 
 again : fo if we change , there is no great danger in it , becaufe we keep our felves 
 lirmly to our old Eflentials , that is the Apoftles Creed •, but their change is 
 dangerous, who change their Creed, and prefurne to add new Effentials to the 
 old. 
 
 He beareth fuch a perfedl hatred againft Reformation , becaufe it is deftruftive to 
 his Foundation of immediate Tradition , that he maketh No Papijl and a B-eformer 
 to be the Charadler of a Proteftant. Popes and Cardinals , Emperours and King- 
 doms , Churches and Councils have all aknowledged both the lawfulnefs and ne- 
 cellity of reformation. What doth he think of the Council of Trf«f, or hath he 
 peradventure never read it ? But what doth he think of the Councils of Confiance 
 and Bafil , who profefs themfelves every where to be qualified to reform the 
 Church , tam in capitequam in membrU ■■, of well in the head as in the members ? They 
 efcape fairly if he do not ceiifure them as Proteftants : For they were great refor- 
 mers , and they were no great papifts , placing the Sovereign power under Chrift 
 in the Church and not in the Firll Mover. I might well call the reformation in 
 Henry the Eighths time their 'Reformation , the Vapfis Reformation rather than ours , 
 if the Reformers were morePapilb than Protelbnts , as is moft evident. 
 
 I prefled him that \^ the Renunciation of the Bijhop 0/ Romes abfohtte Vniverfal 
 Monarchy , by Chrifts own Ordination , be the Effence of a Proteftant , then the 
 Primitive Church were all Proteftants. He anfwereth , it is flatly falfe. I am con- 
 tented to be file nt for the prefent , but when time ferveth , it may be made appear , 
 to he flatly true i and that all that the Primitive Fathers did attribute to the Bifliop 
 cf Rome , was no more than a Primacy of Order or beginning of Unity i and that 
 an abfolute Monarchy by Chrift Ordination , is ablblutely repugnant to the primi- 
 tive Difcipline. 
 
 I proceeded [ then all the Grecian , Rtifftan , Armenian , Abyffin Chriftians are 
 Proteftants this day. 3 He anfwereth, that it U partly true and partly falfe, and 
 and ferveth onely to prove that the Protffiants havefehtv Schifmaticks. And why partly 
 true and partly falfe? when all the world feeth, that all thele Churches do diiown 
 and difclaim the Popes Monarchy. This is juft the old condemned Tenent of the 
 Schifmatical Vonatijis , who did moft uncharitably limit the Catholick Church to 
 their own Party , excluding all others from hope of Salvation , as the Romanijls do 
 now. The beft is , we muft ftand or fall to out own Mafter : But by this means , 
 they have loft one of the notes of their Church , that is multitude, for they exclude 
 Three or Four times more Chriftians , out of the Communion of the Catholick 
 Church , than they admit into if. 
 
 I proceed yet higher , \_ then we want not ftore of Proteftants , even in the bo- 
 fomz oi xhc Roman Church itfelf. ^ Hisanfweris, that tojfeak,moderately, it ii 
 an impudent faljhood , and aphin im^ofihility , for vcbojcever renounceth the fubjiance of 
 
 P p the 
 
 363
 
 n 
 
 5^ Schifm Guarded. T O M E 1. 
 
 ,/;^ fopa AHthority , and his being head of the Churchy betomes totally difitnited from 
 
 the Church. Good words ! His ground work is too weak to fupport the weight of 
 fuchan heavy accufation. A Tritnacy of Order implyeth an Headfhipzs wdlasSuprema- 
 cy ofpovveri neither is it defiitute of all power. It hathfome power Effential annexed 
 to it, to congregate /m^ fma fwe ^irituali^to propofe,to give fentence according to 
 the votes of the Colledgei it may have an acceflary power,to execute the Canons ac- 
 cordin<» to the conftitutions of Councils,and Imperial Sandlions , and confirmations. 
 But all this cometh far fiiort of that headlhip which he afTerteth , a Sovereign 
 Monarchical headjhip of ahfolute potPer , above the whole Church by Cbrijis Ordination. 
 This is that Headfhip which he maintaineth againft me every where , this 
 is that Headfhip which the Primitive Church never acknowledged. This is 
 that headfhip which the Grecians , Kujjjans , Armenians , Abyjftnes and the Church 
 of England renounce at this day. This is that headfhip which many of his own 
 Communion who live in the bofome of the Koman Church , do not believev as the 
 Councils ofConftance , and Baftle , and Fifa , the School of Sorbon, and very many 
 others every where who do all rejedt it , fome more, fome lefs. The main diffe- 
 rence and almoft the whole difference between him and me, is concerning coadtive 
 power, in the Exteriour Court, over the Sub jeds of other Princes , againfl their 
 wills ■■) this is fo far from being Univerfally believed, throughout all places of the 
 Koman Communion , that it is pradically received in few or no places , farther 
 than it feemeth expedient to Sovereign Princes. If the Pope himfelf did believe 
 that he had fuch an abfolute Sovereignty of Monarchical power , in the exteriour 
 Court by Chrif^s own Ordination , to him and his SuccefTours, how could he ali- 
 enate it from his SuccefTours almoft wholy to the Princes of Sicily , and to their 
 Heirs for ever , within that Kingdom : Or how could the Princes retain it ? If 
 the King and Kingdom of France did believe, that the Pope had fuch an abfolute 
 Monarchical power in the Exteriour Court , by Chrif^s own Ordination > how 
 could the King of France forbid the Popes Legates without his Licenfe , or reflrain 
 their Legantine Commiflions by his Parliaments , or fwear them to ad nothing 
 contrary to the liberties of the GaVican Church , and to ceafe to execute their Com- 
 miflions whenfoever the King and Kingdom fhould prohibit them , or rejed Papal 
 Decrees farther than they are received in that Kingdom ? Or if the Council of Bra- 
 ham did believe it , how could they forbid the Subjedts to repair to Kome out of 
 their own Countrey, upon the Popes Summons? All men know that there is no 
 Friviledge or prefcription againft Chrifts own Ordination. G^ui pauca defdtrat 
 facile pronunciat. This is ever the end of his contradictions. 
 
 Laftly he chargeth me foromiting to anfwer to his reafon , that the renouncing 
 pa, im ^j^^ p^^^ j^ Fjfemial to Troteftatitifm. Truly I neither did nor do hold it worth an- 
 fwering. Cannot he diftinguifh between the whole Eflence of any thing, and one 
 Effential ? He might as well affirm, that he who believeth but one Article of his 
 Creed is a Chriftian. This requireth no great fkjll to explicate it : But I have re- 
 mitted this Controverfe to the Reader asfittejlfor his determination. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 "that Henry the Eighth made no nea> Law : But onely vindicated the Ancient Libert'ut 
 of England. 
 
 CHriflian Reader thou haft feen hitherto , how Mr. Serjeant hath failed alto- 
 gether to make good his pretenfions , and in ftead of thofe great mountains 
 of abfurdities , and falfifications , and contradidions which he promifed, hath pro- 
 duced nothing worthy of fo weighty a caufe , or in ingenious Schollar , but his 
 own wilful ridiculous miflakes. We are now come to his Third Scdion , wherein 
 thou mayeft fee this young Fhaeton mounted in his Triumphant Chariot , driving 
 the poor Bifhop as a Captive before him : now exped to fee him tumbling down 
 headlong , with a fall anfwerable to his height of pride and infolence. He profef^ 
 feth himfelf vcilling to ftand to the Award cf the mrft partial Pretefiant living , veho 
 
 bath
 
 Discourse I V. Schifm Guarded. ' 771 
 
 — ^— a^^ 
 
 batbfo much fmcenty arto acknowledge the Sims {hnwig at Noon djy , or that thTl^e 
 
 thing cannot both be a}id not be at once. If after this lowd confident brag^ he be 
 not able to make any thing good that is of weight againft me, he hathlorfeited 
 either his Judgement , or his ingenuity, and deferveth not be a writer of Controver- 
 fies. I need no partial Judges , but appeal to the indiiFerent Reader of what com- 
 munion foever he be : he needeth but to compare my Vindication, his Anfwer my 
 Reply, his Rejoynder, and my Surrejoynder together in this one fliort Sedion' and 
 give fentence readily who is the Mountebank^and Frevaricatonr. ' 
 
 And Firrt I challenge this great champion of downright cowardife , as great as 
 ever his PredecefTour ^rafo (hewed in the Comedy '■■, in fmoothering and conceal- 
 ing palpably and fhamefully his adverfaries reafons, and declining the heat of the. 
 alTault. The main Subjed of this Sedion , was to (hew that the ancient Kinss' 
 oiEngland,A\i a(rume as much power in Ecclefiaftical affairs as Hf«ry the Eiahth did- 
 that the Laws ofHm-j the Eighth were no new Laws,but onely renovations and con- 
 firmations of the ancient Lzvi^oi England, which had never been repealed or abroga- 
 ted in thedays of his PredecefTours, but were of force in England at that very time 
 when he made hisLawsi As the Statutes o(Clarendon,Tbe Statute oCCarlile The Jrti- 
 cles of the Clergy, The Statutes of Provifnrs and other old Laws made in the time of 
 Henry the Firll. Henry the Third, Edward the Firft, and Edward the Third Richard 
 the Second , Henry the Fourth , all of them dead and gone many ages before 
 Henry the Eighth was born. I (hewed particularly, that they fuffered not the Pope 
 to fend for any Englijh Subjed out of England to R-ome without leave nor to fend 
 any Legate into England without leave , nor to receive any appeal out of Enrrland 
 without leave. They made it death, or at leaft the forfeiture of all a mans eftate to 
 bring any Papal Bulls or excommunications into England. They called Ecclefiaftical 
 Councils , made Ecclefiaftical Laws , punifhed Ecclefiaf^ical perfons , prohibited 
 Ecclefiaftical Judges, received Ecclefiaftical Appeals , made Ecclefiaftical Corpo- 
 rations appropriated Ecclefiaftical Benefices, rejedted the Popes Laws at their 
 pleafure with a Nolumus •, we will not have the Laws oi' England to be changed or 
 gave Legiflative interpretations of them as they thought fit. All this I have made 
 evident out of our ancient Laws, our- Records, our Hilloriographers ■■, in my Vin- 
 dication, in my Reply, and in this Treati(e. And therefore I might well retort up- 
 on him his own confident brag, that it is as clear as the S'tn'sjhining at Noon day or 
 that the fame thing cannot he and not be at once--, That our Anceftours who did all this 
 and much more than this , did acknowledge no Monarchical power of the Pope in 
 the Exteriour Court, by Chrifts own Ordination, as Mr. Serjeant afTerteth i and 
 that they did exercife as much power in the External Regiment af the Church as 
 Henry the Eighth did i and that HeJtry the Eighths Laws were no new Laws 'de- 
 vifed by himfelf, but were the Laws of thefe ancient Kings renewed by him or 
 rather the Fundamental Laws and Liberties of E«g/jW , expofed by the(e ancient 
 Kings as a buckler againft the Encroachments of the Roman Court. 
 
 Now to all this clear evidence what anfwer doth Mr. Serjeant make ? Juft "Thra- 
 fo-liks-, when the matter comes to pu(h of Pike, he fneaketh away poji prindpia , into 
 the fecureft place he can find. Speak the truth in earneft , did Pyrrhus ufe to do 
 thus > It is not pollible to fqueefe one word of particular anfwer out of him : one- 
 ly in General he faith I bring divers allegations , wherein the Popes pretenfes were not Down Derrj 
 admitted &c. And fo proceedeth, do we profefi the Pope can pretend to no more than fti- 3"- 
 his right > 3cc. Laws and Records are but bare Allegations with him ; and pro- 
 hibiting under pain of Death or confifcation of Goods , is no more but not admit- 
 ed. Speak out man , and (hame the Devil, whether did the Pope pretend to more than 
 hif right or not f Whether were the ancient E«g/i/?^ Laws juft Laws or not? This 
 is certain , his pretentions and thefe Laws cannot both be jail. The very fubftancc 
 of Monarchical power in the Exteriour Court , is prohibited by thefe Laws his 
 Sovereign Power or Patronage of the Englifi Church , his Judiciary Power , his 
 Legiflative power , his difpenfative power , all are loft if thefe Laws ftand. All 
 which Mr. Serjeant blancheth over with this General exprellion , fmh and fuel) 
 things. Will the Court of Rome th^nk fuch and fuch an advocate, who forfakes 
 them at a dead lift? I trow no. 
 
 P p 3 And
 
 - Scbifm Guarded. TOME 1. 
 
 And although I called upon him in my Reply , for a fuller and more fatisfadory 
 anfvvcr to thefe Laws : yet he giveth none in his Surrejoynder , but fnufflcth up 
 the matter in Generals. As for his particularities entrenching on , or pretended to en- 
 trench on the Topes Authority ■■, whether they were lawfully done or m, how fir they ex- 
 tended , in what circumflances or cafes they held , in what not , how the Letter ofthofi 
 Laws U to le underllood , Sic. All which the Bijhop omits , though he exprefs the bare 
 words i h belongs to Canon and Secular Lawyers to fcuffe about them , not me. I bold 
 tnyfelfto theLijis of the ^uefiion, and the limits of a controvertift. Yes, even as 
 7brafo held himfelf to the Lijis , when he ftole behind the Second wards. This is 
 neither more nor lefs , but flat running away , and crying to the Canonifts for 
 help. If the Subjed be improper for him , why did he undertake it , and 
 not try firll. 
 
 — ~ ^id ferre recufent , 
 §itidvaleant humeri. 
 
 Why did he undertake it with fo much youthful confidence, and infulting fcorn 
 and petulance , to accufe his adverfary of impudence .? And as if impudence were 
 too moderate a Char aCler for him , asaprofeji and fworn enemy of truth ^ fljame , and ho- 
 nefly ; making him worfe than a mad man or horn fool. And all this for pretending 
 that Eenry the Eighth did no more againft the Papacy , than His Anceltour Kings 
 had done before him : And now when his cavils are thruft down his own throat , 
 when the impudence is brought home to him , and laid at his own door , when the 
 very Laws of his Anceftours are produced wherein they provided the fame reme- 
 dies for the Koman Court that Henry the Eighth did -, he would withdraw his own 
 neck out of the collar , and leave the defence of his caufe to the Canon and Secular 
 Lawyers , to Scuffle about the fenfe of thefe ancient Laws , and whether they were 
 Lawfully done or no , and how far they extended , and in what cafes they hold, in what 
 not. And this is all the anfwer , which he vouchfafeth to thefe ancient Englijh 
 Laws i that it is as much as to (ay , he knoweth not what to anfwer , or it doth 
 not belong to him to anfwer : And this he calleth , holding himfelf to the Lijis of the 
 §tieJiion, but all other men call it leaping out of the Lifts of the Qucftion, and a 
 fhameful deferting the caufe he had undertaken to defend. 
 
 I ever acknowledged that Henry the Eighth made fundry new Statutes againft 
 the ufurpations of the Court of Kome : but I add that thefe Statutes were declara- 
 tive of old Law , not Enadtive of new Law. This is as clear as his Noon-day- 
 light. And I proved it by the Authority of Two of our greateft; Lawyers , Fitz- 
 Herbert and my Lord Cook^, perfons fuflicient to know the difference be. ween a Sta- 
 tute declarative of old Law , and a Statute Enadtive of new. Secondly, I proved 
 it by one of the principal Statutes themfelves : thofe Terms of Law which declare 
 old Law , are not the fame .with thofe which enadt new Law. This proof is de- 
 monftrative. Heurgeth, if there were fnmething new , it was new, and a Statute 
 we Englifh men ufi to term a Law. So if he new turn his Coat , thpre is fbmething 
 new, yet we Englijh men fay , his Coat is an old Coat for all that. Magna Charta 
 or the great Charter of England , is an old Law, yet it hath been renewed or 
 newly declared by almofl every fucceeding King. New Statutes may declare 
 old Laws. 
 
 He faith I cite Two Proteftants, Fifz-Hfr^frf and my Lord Cooh^, both of mine 
 own party , tofpeal^in behalf of Proteftants.- I cite no Proteilants as Proteftants, nor 
 to (peak for Proteftants, nor as witneffes in any cafe in difference between Prote- 
 ftants and Papirts : but I cite Two great Englijh Judges, as Judges, tofpcak to the 
 difference between a Declarative Statute , and an Enadive Statute by the Law of 
 England; and who could be fo proper witneiTes of the Law oi England zs they? 
 Secondly, who told him that Fitz-Herbert was a Proteftant .? No mor'e a Proteftant 
 than himfelf, for any thing that ever I could perceive. He was a great Judge , li- 
 ved in Henry the Eighths time , and writ fundry works. Where he fetteth down 
 the charge againft a Papift, he doth it in fuch a manner that it can hurt no man , 
 except he will confefs himfelf to have -done what he did ohftinately and malicioufy ] 
 
 but
 
 Df 5 COURSE IV. Schifm Guarded. 
 
 3^7 
 
 but where he tctteth down the charge of a Juftice of Peace againlt Hereticks or Lol- ^'tz-H^rberc 
 lards , he giveth it home. But Mr. Serjeant hath the art to make Proteftants orp^,^/^^ .. 
 Papills, of whom he lilt, fo it ferve his prefent turn. Thirdly, though F/fz- 1^9. 
 Herbert and my Lord Coci^f had laid nothing , yet the cafe is as clear as the light, 
 that this very Statute is Declarative of old Fundamental Law, not Enadtive of new 
 Law, 
 
 And this I prove Firft by view of the Statute it felf. He that hath but half an 
 eye in his head , may eafily difcern the difference between an Enadive Statute , and 
 a Declarative Statute.. An Enadrive Statute looketh onely forward to the time to 
 come, and medleth not at all with the time paft : but a Declarative Law looketh 
 both ways , backwards and forwards , forward to the time to come , and back- 
 ward to the time paft. Again , the very form and Tenour of the words is not the 
 fame in an Enaftivc Statute and in a Declarative Statute s An Enadlive Statute re- 
 gardeth onely what (hall be , but a Declarative rcgardeth what is, and what hath 
 been » an Enadive Statute createth new Law by the Authority of the prefent Law- 
 giver, a Declarative Statute confirmeth old Law , and is commonly grounded up- 
 on the Fundamental conlHtution of the Kingdom. Now then let us take a view of 
 this very Law. By divo-s old authentick^HiJioriei and Chronicle! it is manifejily deck- 34. ffe>S, dp 
 red, that this Kealm of England in an Empire , and fo huth been accepted in the world, "• 
 governed by one Supreme head and King Sec. Vnto tvhom a body ?olitichj:ompaci of all 
 forts and degrees of people , divided by names of Spiritualty and Temporalty , on>e next 
 to God a Natural Obedience , he being infiitiited by the goodnefs of God, with plenary 
 porver to render final Jujiicefor all mutters. You fee plainly that this Statute looketh 
 both ways , forward and backward , and doth hot onely create new Laws , but al- 
 fo deelare what hath been , what is , and what ought to be the perpetual Law of 
 England. By diver fe old authentich^Hijiories and Chronicles it is manife^ly declared , 
 &c. then it is manifeft that this is a Declarative Law. 
 
 He faith , J quote the Schifmatical King himfelf, and the Schifmatical Parliament to 
 jpeak^in their orvn behalf. By his leave, he is miftaken , I ground not my rcafbn 
 upon the Authority of the King and Parliament , but upon the form or Tenour of 
 the Statute, whether thefe words do contain the form of an Enaftive Statute, 
 or a Declarative Statute. Secondly, if I did fo, yet he hath no reafon to complain 
 of it , who maketh the Pope and his Council to be the laft Judge in his own cafe. 
 Thirdly , I (hall, be bold to (crue up this pin a note higher, and tell him that if 
 Henry the Eighth, did make himfelf the laft Judge , in thofe differences between him 
 and the Papacy , which concerned the Church and Kingdom of England, he did 
 no more than many other Chriftian Kings and Princes have done before him i as 
 I have (hewed in the Empire, Spain , Italy , Brabant , &c. Fourthly , if that 
 which was Decreed in this Law, was decreed in former Laws, ftanding in full 
 force and unrepealed , then it is not Enadtive of new Law , but Declarative of 
 old Law ; but 1 have produced him the Laws them(elves , wherein the (elf fame 
 things have been Decreed , and he turneth his back upon them , and referreth us 
 to the Canonifts foir an anfvver. Laftly , it is fo far from being true , that tho(e 
 Statutes made by Henry the Eighth were new Laws , that thofe ancient Statutes of 
 Clarendon , of Carlile , the Articles of the Clergy, the Statutes of Provifors, were no 
 new Laws when they were made : but new Declarations of the Fundamental 
 Laws of England , or of the Original conftitution of the Englifh Empire i as ap- 
 peareth undeniably by the Statutes of Clarendon , the Statute of Carlile , and the 
 Statutes oi^ Provifors ; wherein the fame truth is affirmed as pofitively as I can do 
 it. 
 
 But now, Reader,wi!t thou (ee a convincing proof, of the extreme carelefnefe 
 and uncon(cionabIe ofcitance of this great Champion, who writeth his anfwers at 
 Randome , and never fo much as readeth what is objected againft him. I cited 
 two Statutes , the one of 24. Hen. 8. cap. 12. The other of 16. Ric. 2. cap. 5. The 
 Printer citeth them right in the Margin , but a little confufedly ; but when Mr; 
 Serjeant cometh to anfvver them , he confoundeth them indeed , attributing Ri' 
 chard the Second's Statute to Henry the Eighth. And left any man (hould cxcufb 
 him and fay it was the fault of the Printer , hear himi he aledgeth another Statute 
 
 made
 
 0.6% 
 
 Schifvi Guarded. TOME I. 
 
 madetn ihe-'A.oflicu..ihe8. Yes, well guefled: otherwife called the i6. of 
 K h d the Second. And a little after, what matters it xchat this Statute fays^ being wade 
 '/ ^"^ rs after his ttnlarvful marriage vcitb Anna Bullen ? I know not where he learn- 
 j"thls' except it was from the old Puppet-player , who would have Queen Vida 
 ''^ be Richard the Third's Miftrifs i he might perchance have fuch another odd fancy 
 that Richard the Second was Jnna BuVens Servant. That which I obferve in ear- 
 ned is this, that he anfwereth at random to he knoweth not what , and never 
 uerufeth that which is objected againft him. If it had been fome rare piece that 
 was cited that he could not have come by it , it had been the more pardonable : 
 but it is an EugUJh Statute which he might have found in every Bookbinders (hop, 
 in every Lawyers ftudy, in every juftices of Peace Clofet. And yet he is as confi- 
 dent as Gatven^the bejl Statute he could pch^out you may be fare. How doth he 
 know that ? We all fee he never read it , nor knoweth whether it be a Statute or 
 no. Then he telleth us , there is not a Syllable in it concerning Spiritual Jurifdi&ion. 
 Well guefled by iniHndl: : but for once his inftind hath deceived him ■-, if excom- 
 munication be any part of Spiritual Jurifdidion, there is more than one Syllable 
 of Spiriturl Jurifdi<ftion in it. But concerning our Englijh Statutes both ancient 
 and new , which concern the cafting of Papal Authority out of the King<lom, I 
 have given him a full fatisfadory account formerly, to which I refer him. 
 
 We have feen how carelefs he is in reading over Laws before he anfwer them : 
 Now let us obferve the fame Ofcitance or want of Ingenuity towards his adverfary , 
 that he may learn what he gets by his falfifications. 
 
 Nempe hoc quod Veneri donate a virgine puppx. ' 
 
 Real Falfifications retorted upon him inftead of his feigned ones. He anfwered, 
 that to limit an Authority , implies an admittance of it in cafes to which the limitation 
 extends not. I replied , thatthefe ancient Laws of England did not onely limit an 
 Authority, but deny it, that is, deny it in fuch and fuch cafes mentioned in the Laws, 
 deny it coadively in the Exteriour Court, without the leave of the Sovereign Prince. 
 So the Laws may differ, the reftraints may differ the leave may differ indegrees,accord- 
 ing to the difference of places, notwithftanding this denial. That which he beatethat, 
 is this that we deny all Papal power wbatfoever, but other Churches do onely limit it. I an- 
 fwer, we do not deny the Bifliop of Rowe all manner of power » We deny him 
 not the power of the Keys , We deny him not any power purely Spiritual , We de- 
 ny him not his beginning of Unity , if he could be contented with it : but We 
 deny him all Coadive power, in the Exteriour Court , over the fubjeds of o- 
 ther Princes , without the Sovereigns leave. If feme Princes give more leave 
 than others, as finding it more expedient for their affairs. We do not 
 envy it. 
 
 But he urgeth , that I do not deny equivalent Laws in Firance , Spain , Germany, 
 
 Rtfli y »74' ^^^^y* ^ neither deny it , nor affirm it , or I affirm it onely in part : [ Yes , there 
 
 are (bme fuch Laws in all thefe places by him mentioned, perhaps not fo many, 
 
 but the liberties of the french Church are much the fame with the Englijh. ] Some 
 
 fuch Laws , notfo many , much thejame , are no proofs of Equivalence : or if he will 
 
 call them Equivalent , it is ondy fecundum quid not fmpliciter , refpedively in fome 
 
 cafes not Univerfally in all cafes. But he hath anothei: place, which ftriketh home 
 
 wliere I affirm that [_ the like Laws may be found in Germany^ Toland, France , 
 
 Vind. tat' li Spain ^ Italy, Sicily, and i{ we •wUltwH Padre Paolo, the Papacy it (elf] But 
 
 did either I or Padre Paolo , fpcak of thofe ancient Englifh Laws by me cited, made, 
 
 to reftrain the llfurpations of the Bifliops of Rome } So he faith , but it is a grofs 
 
 falfification. I did neither fpeak of them in that place , nor Padre Paolo : but we 
 
 both fpeak of another Law of a quite different nature from thefe , that is the Law 
 
 of Mortmain , a Law mcerly Political to reftrain men from giving Lands to the 
 
 Church without Licenfe. Of this 1 faid there are found like Laws to it in Germany, 
 
 Poland, France^ Spain, Italy , Sicily, and Padre Paolo addeth in the Papacy itfelf. 
 
 What an adverfary have I to deal with , who either underllandeth not what the 
 
 Law of Mortmain is , or regardtth not how he falfifieth his Adverfaries words ? 
 
 But
 
 Discourse IV. Schif/ft Guarded. ^^g 
 
 But from theie miftaken and mishapen premilTes, he draweth Tenn conclufions 
 every one of them driving me to a contradidion or abfurdity at lead. The Firft- 
 Second , Third and Fourth , are the fame in Effect: , or all comprehended in the 
 Firft , that it is oppofite to the General opmon of the rvhole morld ^ Catholickj Prote- 
 fiants , Puritans. Secondly , that it is again{i the profejjion of the Proteftams who 
 extol that happy time vphen England was frreedfrom the Tok^ of Rome, Thirdly that 
 it contradids our Reformation in the point of the Pope's Supremacy , there could be no 
 "Reformation of that which was not otherxvife before'-, and therefore Henry the Eitihth added 
 fomething of his own , to thefe ancient Laws. Fourthly , he faith that Dr. Hammond 
 acktwwledgeth ^ that Papal power wof caft out of England i« Henry f/;f Eighth's days. 
 And the Sixth is, that this pofition is particularly oppofite to the common cnnfent of the 
 CatholickjCountries , who aV looked on Henry the Eighth , and the Church o/England 
 ever fince Of Schifmatical. Doubtlcfs he meaneth Kow<i«-Catholick Countries. Was 
 it not enough to fay that it was contrary to the General opinion of the whole 
 world , unlefs he added Protelbnts , and Reformers , and Dr. Hammond and 
 2vo>wa«-Catholicks , as if they were none of the World ? Reader , I undertook 
 to prove that Henry the Eighths Laws againfl the Ufurpation of the Roman Bifhop 
 were no new Laws , but ancient Laws of England ■■> I have done it by producing 
 the ancient Laws thcmfelves, Five or Six Hundred years old : and I am yet rea- 
 dy to fhew farther , that they were no new Laws then , but the Fundamental Laws 
 of England i derived from the Firft founding of the Britijh and Engliflj Churches 
 as to the fubftance of them. To all my premilTes or particularities ( as he calleth 
 them ) he hah been able to anfwer nothing , but leaves them to the Canon and 
 feeular Lawyers to fcuffle about them : but utterly denieth my concluiion ; but what 
 an abfurdity that is, he is not ignorant. 
 
 But alas ! what doth the World know of the Municipal Laws of England, uri' 
 tU we inftrudl them better ? and what opinions can Forreigners have of us but 
 what they learn from him and his fellows? We acknowledg with Dr. Hammond 
 that Papal Ufurpations were cart out of England in Henry the Eighth's time ; but 
 we add , not by the creation of new Laws , but by the vigorous execution of the 
 ancient Laws , being firft renewed and confirmed by himfelf. We acknowledge 
 that Heniry the Eighth did finally fhake of the Yoke oiRome, which could not have 
 been done , if there had been nothing to have been (haken off or teformed ; but 
 this doth not hinder , but that his Predeceflburs did attempt to fhake it off long be- 
 fore , even at the firft appearing of iti yea and did adually fhake it off, for a time , 
 in a great part. ' 
 
 His Fifth ObjeAion is, that according to me , the Laws made by Henry the Eighth , 
 did no more than the former Laws. Where did I (ay fo ? until he is able to fhew it 
 me , ( which I fhall exped at the Gree^ Calends , ) I fhall fcore it up among his 
 leffer Falfifications. And for his inference which he makes , that he never heard it 
 pretended that they did Jhake of the Roman Tnke in part, or for a time, therefore they 
 did it not •, it ftieweth but his ignorance in the Laws and Hiftorie-; of his Native 
 Countrey. If he had perufed them diligently, he might have obferved how the 
 Court of Rome and Crown of England , were long upon their Guards watching 
 One another : and the one or the other gained or loft mutually , according tc> 
 the Vigour of their prefent Kings or Popes, or according to the exigence of the 
 times. 
 
 His Seventh Objedtion , that the lik^ Laws to ours in England were made in the 
 Tapacy it felf , but thofe could not be againfl the Popes Headjhip of the Church : and his 
 Tenth Objedtion that then there never was a Papiji Countrey in the world , becaufc e- 
 quivalent Laws to ours were made in France , Spain , Italy , Sicily , Germany , Po- 
 land, d^c. And his anfwer to my demand |_ what Lawful JurifditSion could ic- 
 main to the Pope in England , where fuch and fuch Laws had force ? ~\ 'the fame 
 that remains ftill to him in France , Spain , Italy , where the liks Laves are in force , 
 in his laft paragraph i areadifh of unfavoury mufhroms, all fprung up from his 
 own negligent miftake or wilful Falfification (let him chufe whether he will) in y^i - ^^ 
 confounding the Laws of Mortmain with the other Laws againft the Popes Ufurpa- 
 tions i Which I diftingaifhed e.Kadtly both at the beginning of that difcourie [the Vind. p4' 14* 
 
 Statute
 
 %lo 
 
 Schifw Gnarded. T O M E I' 
 
 Statute of Mortmain juftijid'] and at the' Conclullon [ B«t t^ leave this Vi- 
 
 ^ BLit'befidcsthisgrof^erroar , there want not other inconfeqiiences and fallacies 
 ■ his difcourfe i as in the Seventh Objedion from the Popes particular Hcadfliip 
 o"fhis own Church, to an Univerfal HeadOiip over the Catholick Church, and 
 from an Headfliip of order, to a Monarchical Headlhip of power i and in his 
 Tenth Obiedion from [ like Laws ] to the fame Laws , from Laws made 
 to Laws duely obferved. We had Laws made againft Non-con formijls in England^ 
 will heconclude thence that we have no Non-conformifts in Ewfl,/.^ .? the argu- . 
 ment will hold better the contrary way , Ex malis morihus bonx leges. And in his 
 lafl Paragraph , from Coadive Jurifdidion in the Exteriour Court , to Jurifdidion 
 purely Spiritual in the Court of Confcience j and from Coadive .Jurifdidion with ' 
 the leave of the Prince to the fame without leave. We fee all Komau Catholick 
 Countries, do Itint the Pope's Coadive Jurifdidion over their Subjeds more or 
 lefs , according to their feveral liberties , which they could not do at all , if he held 
 it by Chrifts own Ordination. 
 
 His Eighth Objedion, that upon this nen> Lan> made by Ucnxy the Eighth ^En- 
 ghnd Jiood at another dijiance than formerly from Rome , is a fallacy mn caufx pro cati- 
 fa, when a falfe caufe is alligned for a truecaufe. Our Juft Laws are not the right 
 caufe of our diftance from Kome : but the Popes unjuft cenfures , and that chara- 
 der which fome of our Countrey-men give of us. But this diftance is greater a- 
 mong the Populacy than between the Eftates , who do not much regard the Pope's 
 cenfures , either in making or obferving of Leagues. 
 
 To his Ninth Objedion in his order, and his laft in my order, that this pofition 
 tak^s away the ^ueliion , and mak^s all the controvertifts in England on both fides talk^ 
 in the air , hecaufe it makes the Pope to have had no Authority there to be caft out. I 
 anfwer , I wi(h it did, but it doth not. The Pope had Authority there , and Au- 
 thority ufurped fit to be caft out , notwithl^anding our former good Laws. But 
 yet I muft confefs this pofition doth much change thequeftion, from Spiritual 
 Jurifdidion in the Inner Court to Coadive Jurifdidion in the Exteriour Court, 
 and makes him and many other fuch Controvertills talk in the Air , who difpute 
 onely about Headfliips and Firft Moverfliips , when the true controverfie lyeth in 
 point of Intereft and profit. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 'That the Britannick Churches were ever exempted from forreign Jurifdidion , for the 
 firft Six Hundred years , and fo ought to continue. 
 
 ' A ^^^^ ^ '^^^ {hewed the equality of the Apoftles , except onely a priority dS: 
 u\ Order i and that the Supremacy of Power did not reft in any fingle Apofto- 
 lical Colledge i that National Patriarchs were the higheft Order conftituted by the 
 Apoftles in the Church i and how fbme Patriarchs came to be advanced above o- 
 thers , with the true dignity of preheminence of Apoftolical Churches : the fum of 
 all the reft of this Sedion might be reduced to a Syllogifm. 
 
 "ihofe Churches which were exempted from all Forreign Jurifdidion for the Firji 
 600 years , cannot he fubjeded to any Foreig>t Jurifdidion for the future againjl their 
 own wills. 
 
 B«t ijW f^e Britannick Churches were ever exempted from Forreign Jurifdidion for the 
 Firfi Six hundred years. 
 
 The Major propofition was proved by me undeniably , out of the Firft General 
 Council of Ephefns v to which Mr. Serjeant hath objeded nothing. Next I pro- 
 ved the Minor. Firft by prefcription. Jffirmanti tncumbit probatio ■■> The burthen 
 of the proof in Law refteth upon the Affirmer : but they are not able to ftiew fo 
 much as one fingle Ad of Jurifdidion , which ever any Biftiop of Rome did is 
 
 B)itjj>t^
 
 I^iscouRSE IV. Sch'tfm Guarded. 
 
 Britaign for the Firft Six Hundred years. Secondly, I proved it from the Antiqui- 
 ticy cf the Britamkk^ Church , which was ancienter than the Roman it felf and ' 
 therefore could not be Subjedt to the 'Roman from the beginning. Thirdly , becau(e 
 the Britannkk^ Churches fided with the Eaftern Churches againft the Roman , and 
 therefore were not fubjed to the Ronan. Fourthly, becaufe they had their Ordina- 
 tions ordinarily at home, which is an Infallible ilgn of a free Church fub)e(ft to no 
 Forreign Jurifdidion. Laftly becaufe they renounced all Subjedion to the Biftop 
 of Rome. I am forced to repeat thus much to let the Reader fee the contexture of 
 my difcourfe , which Mr. Serjeant doth whatfoever he can to conceal or at leaft 
 , to confound and difjdynt. 
 
 j Out of this he picketh here and there what he pleafeth , Firft , he pleadeth that 
 
 my little 'u the Vindication of the Church of England : hut the Church of En^^land 
 
 can derive no title from the Eritannick or Scottifli Churches. He never read or^uite 
 
 I forgetteth the State of the Queftion. I will help his memory. Let him read the 
 
 Vindication [ by the Church of England we underftand not the Englijh Nation Vi„j. pa 62. 
 alone, but the Ew^/iy^ dominion, including the Brittijh ^ and Scottijh ox Irijh 
 ChrilHans. 3 So at una wars he hath yeilded the Eifhopricks o(Chefler , ^Hereford ' 
 Worcejier ( for all thefe were fuffragans to Caerleon ) Walet , Cornwal Ireland ' 
 Scotland , with all the adjacent Iflands , that is to fay , two third parts of the En- 
 glijh Dominion. 
 
 Secondly, he pleadeth that for this many Hundred yean, they ackiiotvledged the 
 Popes Authority , oi rvell as the Church of England. I anfwer , that this will do him 
 no good , nor fatiffie the Council of Ephefus at all. which hath decreed exprefly 
 in the cafe of the Cyprian Prelates , and they command the fame to be obferved, in all 
 Provinces , that no Bipop occupy another Province , rvhich formerly and from the beginning 
 ncas not under the power of him or his Predeceffours , and if any do occupy another Pro- 
 ■vince ( that in this cafe ,) let him rejhre it, that the Canons of the Fathers be Hotfleighted. f^""/' ^8^1. 
 But they who never exercifed one Ad of Jurifdidion in the Britannick^ \i[z.nd. iot ' 
 
 the Firit Six Hundred years , cannot pretend that it was under their power , in the 
 time of the Council oiEphefus , or long after. It was not for nothing that he con- 
 cealed the words of the Council. 
 
 Yet he asketh , what do the Scots concern the Church o/Englands Vindication ? Do 
 they not ? Are not the Scots a part of the Britannich^ Iflands , and fo comprehend- 
 ed under the name of the Church of England in this Qnellion .? Befides he muft 
 know that I challenge fome intereft among the Irijh-Scots , from whom I derive my 
 Epifcopal Orders. Againft the Jrijl: Ordination never any man had any pretenfe 
 of exception to this day. The Irip were the ancient and principal Scots , and the 
 Britannick^Scots a colony derived from them. That they are the ancient Scots who 
 did joyn with the Britains in not fubmiting to the See oiRome , I (hall (hew him 
 clearly from the Authority of Larprence\ Succelfour to St. Aujiin in his Arch-bi(ho- 
 prick, and the other Englijh Bifhops of that Age, in their Letter to the Bifhops of 
 Scotland , To conclude he took^ not onely care of the nerv Church coHeSed of the E>:nlijh 
 hut of the old Inhabitants of Britain , and alfo of the Scots rvho Inhabit Ireland'^ the ^f"^' ^'^- ^'' 
 next IJland to Britain. For ajjoon as he kiievf that their life and profeffion in their Coun- ' '' '^''' ^' 
 trey , woi liJ^ that of the Britains in Britany not Ecctefiajiical , 6cc. That is to fay 
 not Roman. He feeth I had fome reafon not to leave out the Scots. 
 
 Befides the Britains, the-S'cotJ-, and the IriJh , lurged that [^ the great King- 
 doms of Mercia and Northumberland were converted by the Scots , and had their 
 Religion and Ordination firft from the Scots , afterwards among themfelves with- 
 out any Forreign dependance , and fo were as free as the Britaijts. ] He faith all the 
 force lyeth in thefe words [ without any Forreign dependance 1 rvhich I obtrude upon 
 them without any proof His miftakes are infinite , my proof is demonrtrative 
 They who had their firft Ordination from the Scots , and ever after were Ordained 
 among themfelves, never had any Ordination from the BilTiop of Rome : and con- 
 sequently were never Subjed to the Jurifdidion of the Bi(hop o(Rome : For it is a 
 maxim in the Law,and is moft evident in the ca(e of the Cyprian BilTiops in theCoun- 
 cil of Ep/;e/I<x,that the right ofjurifdidion doth follow the right of Ordination. And 
 if it were not fo , yet what man in his right wits could imagin , that the Scots who 
 
 Qj{ weic
 
 ^_- Schifm Guarded. TOME I. 
 37 ** — — « 
 
 wee the converters , fhould renounce fubjedion to the Bifliop oiKome themfelveS, 
 and teach their converts, the Mercians and Nonlmmbrians to fubmit to the Bifliop 
 
 of ^ome , , I 1 ■ t 
 
 But if 1 had faid no more , but onely that they were without any Forreign depen- 
 dence, it had been enough on my part. It belongeth not to me to prove 
 a Negative , and fuch a continued Negative as this is : but the burthen of the 
 proof refieth wholy upon him , both in reafon and Law , to prove his affirmative 
 that the Mercians and Northumbrians did depend upon the Bifhop of Kome in thofc 
 days , in point of pradice , for Ordination and Jurifdiftion i which he is not able 
 to do. what he addeth , that J faid Ordination vs nothing at all to Jurisdiction^ is for 
 want of Underftanding , becaufe he is not able to diftinguifh between the right of 
 Ordination^ and the AU of Ordaining. We attribute to the 5cow the Ad of Or- 
 daining , not a Superiour right of Ordination. 
 
 In the next place I urged , that \_ a world of Brit^ Chriftians flayed behind , 
 among the Saxon Conquerours , every where all over England^ fuch whom they 
 had no caufe to fear for their power, adivity, or influence upon others-, which poor 
 conquered Chriftians had a right to the juft priviledges of their Anceftours. 3 .He 
 would perfwade us , Firft that aW of them ^ or all except Jme few fied into Wiles 
 or Cornwal. What to do / To be repacked there as Herrings .? or like Cameli- 
 ons to live upon the air and leave all the reft of the Kingdom defolate ? It was not 
 Ten, or Twenty, nor a Hundred, nor a Thoufand little Veffels , could bring 
 over Saxons enough with their Wifes and Children and Servants , to plant the 
 Kingdoms of England- We fee dayly , that the very Armies of fuch Conquerours, 
 do confirt for the greater part of Natives , and that it is not their Forreign num- 
 bers, but their military skill and relblution which gaineth them the vidory. Look 
 upon all the Kingdoms of the World, Italy ^ Spain, France, England, &c 
 And what are they but mixed focieties of Forreigners and Natives , (5nq^ucrours 
 and Conquered perfons, now incorporated with little or no diftindion , by long 
 tradof time. After the Norman Conqueft , Hundreds of Englijh inhabited England 
 for one Norman. In the beginning of the late Infurredion in Ireland , notwith- 
 ftanding thofe great numbers which came over daily into Ireland and Scotland , to 
 feek for plantations , for Thirty or Forty years together , yet there were Ten Irilh^ 
 for one Englijh and Scotch : and yet we do not find that thefe Saxon Wars were (b 
 bloudy as the Irip Wars , or that either they perfecuted the perfons of the Britaint 
 with cruelty , or fo much as demoliflied their Churches. 
 
 But he fuppofeth , that if there were any fuch Britifli Chriflians , yet thy became 
 fjibjeCl to the Pope. I believe fome of them were fubjed to the Pope as to the Bifliop 
 of their Mother Church, and all of them as to the Bifliop of an Apoflolical Church, 
 that is , to be guided by his grave advife and diredion : but I deny that ever the 
 Saxon Bifliops were fubjed to the Pope , as to an abfolute Monarch by Chrifts own 
 Ordination, or that the Pope enjoyed the Sovereign Patronage o{ the Saxon Church, 
 or the Supreme Legiflative Judiciary cr difpenfative power over it. This the 
 Saxon Kings and their Bifiiops under them ever enjoyed , as the Britains did before 
 them : and this is all which our Kings defire , or we claim for them» If he have 
 any thing to fay to this point, let him bring authorities not words. 
 
 He faith , l^his is all one as if fome few menfetling by accident in France , Jhould pre- 
 tend an exemption from the French Laws, and expeCi Englifli priviledges. Nay , it is 
 clear contrary , as if fome French-men comming into Britain , and planting and 
 propagating there , fhould exped the Britijh priviledges to their pofterity. So 
 the Saxons planting in Britain , fo foon as their pofterity was capable of thetn 
 by becoming Chriftians, might juftly claim the Liberties and priviledges of Britiflt 
 Chriftians. , 
 
 I faid [[ the Saxon Conqueft gave them as good title to the priviledges as to the 
 Lands of the Britains. "] He ftileth it , a rare reafon , as if I meant that Ecclefafticat 
 Jurifdidion , were a thing of that nature to he won by the fword. Or rather as if he 
 meant Coadive Jurifdidion in the Exteriour Court , and Jurifdidion purely Spi- 
 ritual, which Chrift left unto his Church , is all one. I do not mean that power 
 purely Spiritual is to be v/on by tlie Sword ; but I believe that exemption from Coa- 
 dive
 
 Discourse I V. Schifm Gnarded. 2^^ 
 
 dtive power in the Exteriour Court is to be won by the fword! So the Scots eafeT 
 the Archbifliop of Tor^ of the trouble of a great part of his province. So juft 
 Conquerours may , and do often change the External policy of the Church , for 
 the publick good. 
 
 He bids me , jheiv that the Englifli B'ljhofs were impomred hy the Brifini Brfhobf, or 
 elfe let me coifefithat they could inherit no privikdgesfrom them. I can fhew him that 
 I my felf was impowered, and did reeeive my Epifcopal Ordination from the ancient 
 Scotch Bifhops by an uninterrupted SuccellJon ■■, And many E>iglijh Bifhops have re- 
 received their Orders mediately or immediately from the Britip Bifliops. 
 
 I faid moil: truly , that before he can aUedge the Authority of the Council of Sardica 
 for appeah to Rome , he mujl renounce the Divine injiitution of the Papacy , or at leaft 
 the Divine right of the Bifliop of Rome to the Papacy ; becattfe that Canon fubmit- 
 ted it to the goodpleafure of the fathers , and grounded it upon the Memory of St. Peter 
 not the injiitution of Clmjl. The reafpn of this confequence is moft evident. Fo^ 
 the Conncil of Sardica would not, nor could have fubmitted that which was the 
 Popes right, by Chrifts own Ordination, to the good pleafure of the Fathers 
 whether he fliould have it or not i nor would have alligned their refpecS to the 
 memory of St. Peter^ for a ground of that,for which they had the Commandment of 
 Chrift : But the Council of Sardica did fubmitthe Popes right to receive Appeals 
 to the good pleafure of the Fathers , Placetne ? doth it pleafe you that we honour the 
 memory of St. Peter ? Therefore , they did not hold this «ght of the Pope to re- 
 ceive Appeals, to be due to the Pope by Chrilts own Ordinance or Commandment i 
 This he is pleafed to call , aflat Falfification of the Council^ there being not a word jit 
 it , either concerning Papal power it felf or its injiitution , but concerning Appeals onely. 
 I am grown pretty well acquainted with his falfirications. Did I fay there was a* 
 ny thing in the Council , concerning the Papacy or inftitution of it .? if I did let 
 him tell us where and when , or elle it is his own falfification. But by his own 
 confeffion \ there is fomething in the Council concerning Appeals to the Pope , 
 and this is fubmitted by the Council to the good pleafure of the Fathers , and no 
 higher ground afligned for it, than the refped: to the memory of St. Peter: yet 
 this right of receiving appeals-is made by him and all his partakers, an EfTential 
 Branch of Papal power. Therefore ifhe and his partakers fay true , the Counci! 
 of Sardica did fubmit an Effential Branch of Papal power, (or Papal power in 
 part ) to the good pleafure of the Fathers ■■, which is as much as to (ay they held 
 it not to be of Divine inftitution. By this time I hope he underllandeth my mean-^ 
 ing better. 
 
 He prefumeth , that fame Britilh Bifbops fate in the Council nf Sardica '■> iJ'may ht 
 Athanafius intimateth as much. He prefumeth that they affented to the Sardican Canon 
 about Appeals- It may be , or it may not be. I fliould rather aflent to their voting 
 to acqurt Athanafius , who teftiricth of them that they were right to the Nicene Faith. Epifl: ad J*i 
 But furely among all the fubfcribers in the Sardican Council, there is not one B«- "^'"'tn. 
 iijh Bifhop named. And in the Synodal Letters of the Council it felf, wherein they 
 reckon all the Provinces , Britain is not named. But what is the right of receiving 
 Appeals , to an Univerfal Monarchy , or tlie Decree of the Council , to Chrifts 
 own Ordination ? If we would be contented to abrogate our old Laws, and c»ive 
 the Bifliop of Kome leave to execute that power which the Sardican Fathers didgiVe 
 him , he would fcorn it , and much more their manner of giving it , Si vo bis placet; .. « .,. 
 if itpleafe yvu , or if it feem good to your charity let us honour the memory of St. Peter j clp'\'' * 
 
 as both the Latin afid Grfc'/;_ edition have it. 
 
 I faid that the Council of S^Lxdka. wof no General Council after the Ra(kern Bijhops 
 were departed, not out of any ill will to Athanafius, or favour to the Arrians ( as 
 for Arrianijm , the Sardican Fathers did no more than the Nicene had done before 
 them : ) but out of another confideration , becsufe the prelence of the Five great 
 Patriarchs with their refpedive Bifliops , or at leaft the greater part of them , was 
 ever more held neceffary to the being of a General Council •, as Behrmine himfelf 
 confefleth, that the Seventh Synod judged the Council of Conftantinople againji Images 
 to have been no General Council , becaufe it had not Patriarchs enough. If the Council » • . ^• 
 oi Sardica had been a General Council, why do S,t, Gregory i\\c great, Ifiodore ^'ia^r/!'^' ' 
 
 CLq2 ^ and
 
 i 
 If 
 
 ■ Schifm Guarded. TOME I. 
 
 ^r^^Venaabk-Bede^c^m^c omit it out of die number of General Councils ? Why 
 
 did St Auftin , Alyfm , and the Ajrican Fathers fleight it > And which is more 
 tl ail this why do the Eajhrn Church , not reckon it among their Seven Gene- 
 al^Councils ' nor the iFejiern Church , among their Eight Firft General Councils ? 
 To conclude', why did the Englijh Church leave the Sardican Council out of the num- 
 ber of General Councils, in the Synod ofHedifeU in the year dSo. And embrace one- 
 ly thefe for General Councils until that day , The Council of Nice , the Firft of 
 Conliantimple , the Firft of Ep^e/KX, the Council o^ Chakcdnn and the fecond of 
 ^^"tio^T' Chakedon ? Here he may fee a plain reafon , why I fay the Council of Sardka was 
 Vif ' ' never incorporated into the Englip Laws. I would know whether he or I be 
 of the old Engliffl) Religion in this point > The Five Firft General Councils were 
 incorporated into the Law of England : but the Council of Sardtca was none of 
 them, therefore no General Council. I have given him a further account concern- 
 ing this Council , SeS. i. c. 7. to which I refer him. 
 
 I faid , and 1 faid moft truly , that the Canons of the Sardican Council touching 
 Appeals were never received in England , nor incorporated into our Englifh Laws. 
 For proof hereof, 1 bring him an evident demonftration out of the fundamental Law 
 of England , as it is recorded in that famous memorial of Clarendon i All Appeals 
 in England muji proceed regularh from the Archdeacon to the Bijhop , from the B/Jhop 
 to the Archbijhop , and if the Archbijhop failed to doJu{lice , the hafi complaint muji be 
 to the King, to give nder for redre^. Our Anceftours had not fo much rcfpeft 
 for Pope Julius , nor theught Appeals to Rowe any honour to the memory of Sf 
 Teter. 
 
 I faid , \__ the Canon of the Council of Sardica, was contradided after by the 
 Great Council of Chakedon.'^ He rejoyneth that J neither thought the words worth 
 citing , nor the Canon where the Abrogation of the Sardican Canon is found worth men- 
 tioning. Pardon me , I faid nothing of Abrogation , but I did fay it contradidted 
 it : and for proof of the truth of what I faid , take the very words of two Canons 
 of that Council , But if a Clerk^ have a caufe againfl his own Bifhop , or againfl another 
 Coneil.Cbalc, Bijhop , let him he Judged by the Synod of the Province : but if a Bijhop or a Clerl^have 
 far. a. Act, ^ complaint againfl the Metropolitant of the fame Province , let him repair either to the pri- 
 i4.cof'9« mate of ike Viocefi, or the See of the Koyal City 0/ Conftantinople , and let him he 
 judged there. We fee every Primate , that is to fay , every Patriarch in General in 
 his own Diocefs or Patriarchate , and the Patriarch of Conjiantinople in particular 
 out of his own Diocefs , is equalled by the Council of Chakedon to the Biftiop of 
 Rome. The fame in effedt is decreed in the Seventeenth Canon , that if there fhali 
 happen any difference concerning the pofleffioiis of the Churches , it/hall be lawful 
 to them who affirm themfelves to be grieved, tofue before the Holy Synod of the Province: 
 but if any man be grieved by his Metropolitan , let him be judged by the Primate of the 
 Diocefi, or by the Holy See of Conftantinople. 
 
 I have read thofe filly Evafions , which your greateft Schollars are forced to make 
 ufe of, for anfwers to thefe downright Canons. Sometimes by Primate of the 
 Diocefs ( which fignifieth all Patriarchs) they underftand the Pope. Do men ufe 
 fuch improper expreflions , which no man can underftand in penning of Laws.' 
 Is it not a great condefcenfion for the Vifible Monarch of all Chriftendom , to 
 ftoop to fo mean a Title as the Primate of one fingle Diocefs. But alas, it will do 
 him no good : For if it were taken in this fenfe , it were the moft unjuft Canon in 
 the world , to deprive all Patriarchs of their Patriarchal Jurifdidlion , except the 
 Patriarch of B-ome and Conjiantinople. The Council which is fb careful to preferve 
 the Bifhop his right , and the Metropolitan his right , could not be fo carelefs to 
 deftroy Patriarchal right i or the Patriarchs themfelves , who were prefent at the 
 making of this Canon , fb ftupid to joyn in it. 
 
 At other times they tell us that this is to be underftood onely of the Firft inftance, 
 not of Appeals. This is weaker and weaker. What hath a Metropolitan to do 
 , with private caufes of the Firft inftance , out of his own Bifhopiick ? What have 
 Patriarchs of Rome and Conjiantinople to do , to judge caufes of the Firft Inftance 
 in other Patriarchates ? The cafe is clear : if any man be grieved by his Eifiiop , 
 he may appeal to his Metropolitan and a Synod ; and if any man be grieved by his 
 
 Metro-
 
 D(s COURSE IV. Schifm Gnarded. -,-- 
 
 Metropolitan he may Appeal to his Patriarch. And if this abfurd (enfe ( which 
 they imagin ) were true , yet the Bifhop of Coni^aminope might receive Appeals, 
 from all parts of the World , as well as the Bifhop of Kome. Let them wind, and' 
 wreft, and turn things as they can , they (hall never be able to reconcile the Papal 
 pretenllons, with the Council of Chakedon. 
 
 I have neither changed my mind nor my note , concerning Eleutherm his Letter 
 to King Luciuf •, I did,! do efteem it to be of dubious Faith. So much I intimated 
 £ if it be not counterfeit. ] So much he intimated [ as much as we have records 
 in our Hiltories. ] Is it neceffary with him to inculcate the fame doubt over and 
 over , fo often as we may take occafion ? Thus far then we are of accord : but in 
 the reft we differ wholy. He is politive , af much as xve have Records , the Tope's ^'^" ^"^^ 
 Authority doth appear : 1 am as politive , as much as we have Records, the Kinc*'s ^''^'''^* 
 Authority doth appear. For if thofe Pvccords be true , Eleutherhts left the Legifla- 
 tive part to King Lttcm and his Bifhops. This was enough to anfwer him. 
 
 Headdeth, though our Faith relieth on immediate 'Tradition for its certain Rule, and 
 Wt upon fragments of old Authors , that is in plain Englifh , upon his bare word 
 without any Authority. How (hould a man prove ancient Tradition but by 
 Authors .? Yet after all this flourilh , he produceth us not one old Author , but 
 St. Frofper , a ftranger to our affairs , and him to no purpofe : who faith onely 
 ■what he heard in Italy , that Pope Celeiline fent St. German in his orvn flead to free 
 the Britains /row Pelagianifm , and converted the Scots by Palladius. If all this were 
 as true as Gofpel, it fignifierh juft nothing. I have (hewed formerly that there is 
 no Adt of Jurifdi(ftion in it , but onely of the Key of Knowledge. He rejoyneth , 
 that he relied on thefe rvords \_ vice fua 3 in his own {lead , vchich (herceththat it belong- 
 ed to his Office to do it. Why (hould it not > The Key of Order belongeth to a Bi- 
 (Kop , as well as the Key of Jurifdiftion : and more efpecially to the Bilhop of an 
 Apoftolical Church , as Pope Cekjline was , and in fuch a cafe as that was ( the Pe- 
 lagian controverfie ) to .teftifie the Apoftolical Tradition i he was bound by his 
 Office to do it , and he trufted St. German to do it in his place. All this is no- 
 thing to the purpofe ; there is no Ad of Jurifdidion in the cafe but of charity and 
 Devotion. Yet if it were not altogether impertinent to the purpo(e we have in 
 hand , I (hould (hew him that there is Ten times better ground to believe that 
 it was done by a French Synod , than by Pope Celeflin •, not out of an obfcure Au- 
 thor , but out of Authentick undoubted Hiftories i as Conflantius in the Life of St. 
 German^ Venerable Bede , Mattherp iFejiminjier ^ and many others. Is it not ftrange, 
 that they being fo much provoked, are not able to produce a proof of one Papal 
 Adl of Jurifdidiion done in Britain for the firft fix Hundred years. 
 
 Here he catcheth hold at a faying of mine, which he underllandeth no more than 
 the Man in the Moon , that (all other rights of Jurifdidion , do follow the ri^^ht 
 of Ordination ) which he taketh as though I meant to make Ordination it felf to 
 be an Ad of Jurifdidion , though I deny it, and diltinguifh it from it. To make 
 the Reader to underftand it : we mult diftinguilh between adual Ordination , 
 and aright to ordain. Adual Ordination , where there was no precedent Obliga- 
 tion for that perfon to be ordained , by that Biftiop , doth imply no Jurifdidion at 
 all •, but if there was a precedent right in the ordainer to ordain that man , and 
 a precedent Obligation in the perfon ordained to be ordained by that Bi(hop , 
 then it doth imply , all manner of Jurifdidion , fuitable to the quality of the or- 
 ^dainer ; as if he were a Patriarch , all Patriarchal Jurifdidion , if he were a Me- 
 tropolitan , all Metropolitical Jurifdidion , if he were a Biihop , all Epifcopal 
 Jurifdidion. And the inference holdeth likewile on the contrary fide, that where 
 there is no right precedent to ordain , nor Obligation to be ordained , there is no 
 Jurifdidion followeth : but I (hewed out of our own Hiftories, and out of the 
 Roman Regifters , fo far as they are fct down by Platina , that the Bifliop ot^ Rome 
 Iiad no right to ordain our Britijh Primaties , but that they were ordained at«^lome i 
 and therefore the BKhopof Rome, could have no Jurifdidion over them. 
 
 I faid ro more o( Phocas but this , that [ the Pope's pretcnfes were more from Paii, Sect,t% 
 PlKcas than St. Peter. 1 He referreth me to his anfwer to Dr. Hammond. And I 
 refer him to Dr. Hammond for a reply, as impertinent to my prcfent bufinefs. 
 
 When
 
 Xl6 
 
 a 
 
 Sch'i^m Guarded. TOME U 
 
 — - ,. , r,a -innlv iTiv thoufthts to a fad meditation upon this Subjedl: , I 
 
 When I did f^^'^ ;PP£/^hich gave me the moO trouble , was to fatishe my felf 
 confers '"f ""°"''^^^^^ but in concluiion, that which had beena caufe 
 
 fully ^bout me 1 f ^^^ ^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ fatisfaftion. For feeing it is generally 
 
 TfT'd that'the Bifhop of Pome was a Patriarch , I concluded that he could 
 '^°V he"a Spiritual Monarch. The reafons of my refolution I have fet down , and 
 
 „:„.^ S flnfwer ; vet it (hall not {eem irkfom to me to repeat them , as defiring 
 
 narchy or'Supremacy of power over the whole Church , and his Patriarchal dig- 
 nity in the fame Church , are a Sovereign and Subordinate Government of the fame 
 perfon in the fame body Ecclefiaftick. The reafon of the Major is becaufe Sovereign 
 power is fingle of one perfon or Society : but this Subordinate power is conjoyrit 
 of fellow Patriarch?. Sovereign power is Univerfal , but this Subordinate power 
 is particular. And therefore as a Quadrangle cannot be a Triangle , nor a King 
 a Sherif of a Shire or a Prefident of a Province within his own Kingdome : fo nei- 
 ther can the fame perfon be an Vniverfall Monarch and a particular Patriarch. 
 
 Secondly, the Spiritual Sov(?reignty of the Komatt Bifhop , is pretended to be 
 by Divine right, his Patriarchal power is confefledly by human right : but a Spiri- 
 tual Sovereignty by Divine right, and an inferiour dignity by human right are in- 
 confiftent. As it is abfurd to Ciy , that God {hould make a man a Prince, and after 
 the peopl'e make him a Peer : or God (hould give him a greater Dignity, and after- 
 wards the people confer a lefs upon him. 
 
 Thirdly , a Sovereignty above the Canons , befides the Canons , againft the 
 Canons to make them , to abrogate them , to fufpcnd them with a Non obftante ^ 
 to difpenfe with them at pleafure , where the Canons gives no difpenfative power, 
 and a Subjedtion to the Canons , to be able to do nothing againft them' are incon- 
 fiftent : but fuch a Sovereign power is above the Canons , and fuch a Patriarchal 
 power is fubjedt to the Canons , therefore they are inconfiftent. 
 
 All theanfwer he offereth to thefe two inftances v the one that Bifhop ll(hcr rvas 
 at once Bifhop of Ardmagh , and as firch the Bijhop of Derries fuperiour. I anfwer , 
 }irft he mif^aketh much , the Primacy oi Ireland znA the Archbifhoprick o^ Ardmagh 
 are not two diftinft dignities , but one and the felf fame dignity: but the Monar- 
 chical power of the Pope by Divine right , and his Patriarchal power by human 
 right, are two diftinft dignities. Secondly , the Primate of Ireland is not indow- 
 ed wi'th Monarchical power; but all the difficulty here lyeth in the conjunction of 
 Monarchical power and Subordinate power. His other inftance , mttji a perfon 
 leave off to he Majier of hU on>n family , becattfe he is made King , and his Authority 
 extendeth over all England. I anfwer , Firli, his zxgumtnt'vi a tranftion into ano- 
 iher Iqnd , or an excurfion from one kind of power to another ■■, from Political 
 power in the Commonwealth to an Oeconomical power in the Family. Secondly , 
 it is one thing to make an inferiour perfon a King, and another thing to make a 
 King a Con(table , or to make Sovereignty and Subordination coniift together. 
 When a King doth difcharge the place of a General of an Army , he acquireth no 
 new dignity , or power , or place , no man calleth him my Lord General i but he 
 doth it as a King, by his Kingly power , to which no higher or larger power can 
 be added : but the Bifhop of Kow? did not , doth not cxercife Patriarchal power , 
 by virtue of his Monarchy by Divine Ordination , but by human right i Firft, by 
 cuftom or prefcription i and then by the Authority of the Council of Nice. All the 
 world feeth and acknowledgeth that the Eifliop of B.ome hath more power in his 
 Bifhoprick than he hath out of it in the reft of his Province s and more power in 
 his Province , than he hath out of it in his Patriarchate , and more power in his 
 own Patriarchate, than he hath in anothers Patriarchate : but if he had a Sovereign- 
 ty of Power and Jurifdidlion by Chrifts own Ordination, he fhould have the fame 
 power every where, if he had a Sovereignty of power and Jurifdi<Sion by Chrifts 
 own Ordination, then all Patriarchal power (hould flow from him, as from the 
 Original Fountain of all Ecclefiaftical honour. But the contrary is moft apparent, 
 
 that
 
 Discourse I V, Schifm Guarded. 077 
 
 that all the Patriarchs , even the Roman himfelf, did owe their Patriarchal power 
 
 to the cuftoms of the Church , and Canons of the Fathers. Thefe are the reafons 
 
 why I conceive Monarchical power and Patriarchal power , to be inconiiftent in , 
 
 one and the fame perfon ; but the Pope was confelTedly a Patriarch , therefore 
 
 no Monarch. 
 
 The next thing which cometh to be obferved , is his exceptions to Diomthm the 
 learned Abbat of Bangor his anfvver to Aujiin , profelHng Canonical Obedience to 
 the Archbiihop of Caerleon in his own name , and the name of the Britilh Church , 
 and difclaiming all obedience , except of Brotherly love , to the Biftiop of Rome. 
 His Firft exception was the naming of the Bilhop of Rome [_ Pope ] without any 
 addition of name or place , contrary to the ufe of thofe times. For anfwer I 
 committed him and his friend BeUarmm together , JVlyen the word Pope is put alone , ^gn n j^ ^>. 
 the Bijhop of Rome is onely to be underwood , as appeareth out of the Council of Chalcc- Rom. Pont, 
 don [] the mofi bkjfed and Apoftolical man the Fope , doth command us th'vi , '] rvithout f**?* 3^' 
 adding Leo or Rome or the City o/Rome or any other thing. Hefleighteth Bellarmin and 
 rebuketh me for folly , to think that Catholick writers cannot difagre'e , and an- 
 fwereth the Council that though the word \_ ?ope~\ be alone without addition , yet which 
 is equivalent^ the comitant circumftances fufficiently indigitate perfon. For the words were 
 fpoken by Boniface the Pope's Vicegerent. As if there were not the fame indigitating 
 circumftances here as well as there , the words being fpoken by Aujiin the Pope's 
 Legate and Vicar as well as Boniface , in the name of Pope Gregory to the Britains , 
 ■which were anfwered here by Vinoth. 
 
 His Second exception to Vinoths Teftimony is , that there was no fuch Bifhop- 
 rick as Caerleon in thofe days , the See being removed from Caerleon to Menevia or 
 St. Davids , Fifty years before this. That it was removed before,this I acknowledge, 
 but how long before , this is uncertain. Some Authors make St, Gregory and St. 
 David , to have died on one day fome years after this meeting. And it is an ufual 
 thing for Bifhopricks to have two names , as the Bifhoprick of OJJory and Kilkenny 
 is the fame Bilhoprick : The Bifhoprick of Kerry and Ardfert is the fame Bifhoprick 
 the See oiDerry was long removed from Ajiragh to Df rr)',before it was commonly cal- 
 led the Bifhoprick oiDerry ■■, and fb wzs. Lindesfern to Durrham. I produced Two 
 witneffes for this very place of Caerleon , that it ftill retained the old name. The 
 one the Britijh Hiftory •, then died David the moft holy Archbijhop of Caerleon in tbe 
 City of Menevia. And yet it is thought , that the Firlt removal of the See was 
 made by Dubrititu to Landaff, and after from Landaff to Menevia by St. David ^ at 
 -whofe death it was (tiled the Archbifhoprick of Caerleon. The other witnefs was 
 Geraldus Cambrenfu , we had at Menevia Five and "twenty Archhifhops of Caerleon 
 fuccefively, whereof St. David wof the Firjl: He takes no notice of the Firlt Tefti- 
 mony, andpuifs at the Second and lleights it : but anfwereth nothing material, 
 but that which will cut the throat of his caufe , had Caerleons Archbijhops ( faith p. $04, 
 he 3 onely for fome conveniency , refided at Menevia , and the right of Jurifdi&ion JiiU 
 belonged to Caerleon , it might more eafily be conceived faiftbk. Take notice then 
 that the Bifhops of Caerleon did remove from a populous City in thofe days , ( as 
 Caerlegion or the City of the Roman Legion was ) to Menevia , onely for the con- 
 veniency of a Iblitary life , and contemplative Devotion* and it is more than pro- 
 bable , that the aftive part of his Jurifdidtion was (till executed at Caerleon. The 
 See is changed fo foon as the Church is builded : but the City will require longer 
 time , to be fitted for Inhabitants and furnifhed. All that he oppofeth to this , 
 is that was ordinarily called the Bijhoprick^of Menevia. Who doubteth of it > but that 
 doth not prove that it was not al(b called Caerleon. It was Firlt the Bilhoprick of 
 Caerleon zlone J then the Bi(hoprick oi' Caerleon ot Menevia indifferently , afterward 
 the Ei(hoprick of Menevia or St. Davids indifferently , and now the BKhoprick of 
 St. Davids onely. He carpeth at the name of Caerleon upon Vske. Why fo ? why 
 not as well Caerleon upon Vskf , as Kingjion upon Hull , or Newark^ upon "Trent , 
 or Newcajile upon 7ine > Where there are feveral Cities of one name , as there were 
 Caerlegions or Cities of Roman Legions in Britain , it is ever uHial to give them fuch 
 a mark of diflincftion. 
 
 But why doth he wrangle about names , and perfecute an innocent paper after 
 
 this
 
 37 
 
 -y Schifm GHardccl. TO ME 1» 
 
 this manner ? The thing is lure enough , that there was one Vimth a learned Atx- 
 
 batofBjw^'^ at that time, who did oppofe At4in ^ and l>and for the Jurifdidion 
 of Iiis own Archbilhop of Caerkon or Menevja , chufe you whether. Thus much 
 he himfelf acknowkdgeth in this very Paragraph , citing out of Pif/f/w , a book 
 of this very Vhiophs, the Title whereof was Vefenforimi JurifMiionis Sedis Mcne- 
 hiAA- vcdCis ■■> an apology fir the Jurifdirtion of the See of Mencvh. And againrt wliom 
 (hould this apology be , but againfl: Jujlin and the Korruns ? no men elfe did op- 
 pofe the Jurifdiftiou of the Bifhop of Menevia. With this agrceth that oi Venerable 
 Bede , that Auftin by the help if King Ethelbert , called to a conference ( or Council ) 
 ^'a'l^^^^ X the Bijhops andVoBors (fthe greatejl andneareji Province of the Britains ; and began to 
 ■*' * ' perftvade them n^ith Brotherly admonitions^ to hold Catholick^Peace rvith him ^ to under- 
 take the common ivor}{^ of Preaching to the Pagans , fur they obferved not Eaiier tn due 
 time, and did many other things contrary to the Vnity of the Church. The end of his 
 firft AiTcmbly was , they rvouldgive no ajjent , neither to the Prayers nor exhortations ^ 
 nor reprelyenfions of Auitin and his fellows , hut preferred their own Traditions before all 
 ethers throughout tbe Church. And among all their Traditions , there was none 
 which they neld more tenacioufly , then this inferted in this Manufcript, that is 
 the Independent Jurifdidtion of the Brttijh Primate, which they never deferted till 
 after the Norman Conqueft. To maintain the Independence of their own Primate, 
 is as much as to difclaim obedience to the Pope. 
 
 But this is clearer in their refolution after the Second Synod , whereat were/ew« 
 Brit ijh Bipops and very many learned men , ejpeciaVy of the moj} noble Monafiery of Bzn- 
 gor , whereof that time Vinoth was Abbat i who gave this final anfwer to Aujiins 
 Three demands , mentioned here by Mr. 5frjwMt, At iU nihil horum fe facturos, ne- 
 qite ilium pro Archiepifcopo habituros effe rejpondebant : They anfwered they would do 
 none of them , nor hold him for an Archbijhop, Here we fee Vinoth was Abbat at that 
 time » Vinoth was prefent at that Council , and all the Britains did not onely rejedl 
 thoft Three propofitions ( which he acknowkdgeth; ) but did moreover in re- 
 nouncing Auftin, difclaim St.Cregories authority over them, whofe Legate he was. 
 what is this lefs than Vinoths Manu(cript .? 
 
 The Author of the old Britip Hiftory called Brutus , relatcth this anfwer of the 
 Britains thus i Se Czcrleoncnii Archiepijcopo cbedire voluijfe , Augjtjiino autem Roma- 
 no Legato omnino noluijie : That they would obey the Archbijhop of Caerleon , but 
 they would not obey Auftin the Roman Legate. Here he hath exprcfs Teftimony of 
 their adhering to their Britip Primate , and their renouncing Papal authority , and • 
 Laftly of the very name of the Archhipop of Caerleon at that day. To the {ame 
 purpofe Graim in Scala Cronica , and Grocelinus in his greater Hiftory are cited by 
 Cairn de Antiquit : Acad. Cantab. 
 
 With them agreeth Geoffrey of Monmouth , who faith there were at leafl One and 
 ^fl^fi'v li '^"'^^*y Hundred Monks in the Monafiery of Bangor , who did all live ly the labour of 
 9,cti,4.' ' if^^'>' o^'f^ hi"!^^ , and there Abbat was called D'moth , marveloujly learned in the libe- 
 ral Arts , who pewed to Auftin ( requiring fubjeCiion from the Britiih Bipopt , md 
 perfwading them to undertake with him the common labour of Preaching ) hy diverje rea- 
 fons , that they did owe him no fubjedion , nor to Preach to their enemies. Seeing^ they 
 had an Archpre late of their own, &c. And a little after , Ethelbert KiKg o/tJ!;/Ken- 
 tifhmen , when he fee the Britains did dijdain to fubjelt themfelves to Auftin , Mtd to 
 difpife his Preaching , ftirred up the Saxon Kings to colled a great Army againji Bangot, 
 to dejiroy Dinoth the Abbat, and the other Clerks of that Monaftery , who bad dtjpifed 
 Auftin. This is the very fame in effeA with Vinoth's Welfli Manufcript : and thete- 
 fore it was no Welfn Ballad , Firji made in Edward the Sixths time , by fame Engli(h 
 Schoolmafter, to teach Welftiboys Englifli ,'as Mr. Serjeant vapoureth. 
 It' C«mb li ^ '^^ h'"^ agreeth Giraldus Cambrenfs , But yet always until Wales wa fully Jui- 
 ».'f!i. ' ' ^"^^- ^^'<^f^ ^"^ ^""^ h Henry the Firji King of the Englifli , the Bipops of Wales 
 tfere confecrated by the Archbipop 0/ Menevia. And he ( the Archbifhop oiMentvia ) 
 in liks manner was confecrated by others , as being hU Suffragans , without making any 
 profeffion of SubjtCiion at all to another Church. They all agree in this , the Britains 
 were «i/Ttx<»a>.(( and ivntiu^i, allways ordained at home, indcpendant upon any tor- 
 jreign Prelate , ought no fubjedtion to Rome. And therefore it is no great wonder, 
 
 if
 
 Discourse I V. Scbifm Guarded. 
 
 . -5/y 
 
 it Pope Gregory did not know when he was the favourite both of the P^^TIi^dBTTrT^ln 
 people , noc long betore his own promotion to the Papacy, whether the lllanders «"'. »• f-u 
 of Britain were Pagans or Chnuians. 
 
 To the fame purpofe fpeakcth Nuholas trevet , who having commended this 2?i- 
 Hoth tor a learned and a prudent man, he addeth that Auilin meeting him did demand 
 that theyjhould perform fubjedton to him , as a Legate fern into this Land by the Fope and 
 Conn of Rome v and demanded further that he would help him in Treachincr - but he 
 denied the one and f other Still Subjedion is denied. With thefe, Bakm wntms: 
 ofP/««/,andthelifeot Aujhn m Sir Henry Sfellman, and all our Antiquaries d? 
 agree exadly. And none of our Hiftoriographers that I know , do difaeree from 
 it in the lealt who write upon that fubjed , though fome fet it down more fulh^ 
 than others. Judge now Reader of Mr. Serjeants knowledge or ingenuitv who 
 tcllcth thee fo conhdently that the right ofSubjedion never came into play : and when 
 I faid the Britijh Clergy did renounce all obedience to the Bifiiop o{Rome citinT 
 [ Bede and all others,] telling me fo confidently that I belied Eede and all our 
 Bijioriographers at once. I challenge him to name but one Hiftorioerapher whn 
 affirmeth the contrary , to that which all thefe do affirm: if he be not able Ta^ 
 he is not ) I might fafely fay without asking him leave, that it liriketh the 
 ^eftion dead. ■' ^ 
 
 His Third exception , that it appearetb not that Sir Henry Spellman found any o- 
 ther Antiquity w that Weini Manujcnpt vforth mentioning , is fo dull and unfieni 
 ficant a piece , that I will neither trouble my felf nor the Reader with it And 
 fuch like are his other Objedions , which he prefTeth not , but toucheth eentlv • 
 the Heads ot them will not merit a repetition , having been anfwered already bv 
 Dr. Hammond. ■' ' 
 
 But when he is baffled in the caufe , he hath a referve , that Venerable Bede and 
 Cildas , and Fox in his Ads and Monuments , do brand the Britains for wicked 
 men , ma\:ing them as good as Atheifis : Of which Gang if this Dinoth rpere one he 
 will neither mfl-J the Fope juch friends , mr envy them to the Frotejiants. What needed 
 this, when he hath got the worft of the caufe , to revenge himfelf like a Pi«fce 
 with a ftink ? we read no other Charader ofVinoth , but as of a pious learned and 
 prudent man. KCildas , or Bede , have fpoken any thing to the prejudice of the 
 Britains , it was not intended againft the whole Nation, but againft particular per- 
 fons , there were St. Davids , St. Vubricius's , St. Ihelaus's , St. Oudoceus's and 
 Vinoths as well as fuch perfons as are intended by Gildas or Beda. What have thev 
 faid more of the Britains , than God himfelf and his Prophets have fpoken of his 
 own People, or more than the Saxons have faid one of another , or more than 
 maybe retorted upon any Nation in Europe ? Hive Gildas or Beda (aid more of 
 the Britains , than St. Bernard and others have faid of the Irilh ? and yet Ireland 
 was defervedly called the llland of Saints. The Queftion is whether the Britilh 
 Church, did ever acknowledge any Subjedion to the Bifhop of Ro/we. Let him 
 adorn this Sparta , and leave other impcrtinencies. 
 
 SECT. V. 
 
 "that the King and Church of England hadfufficient authority , to veithdraip their obe- 
 dience ^om Rome. 
 
 THe Sixth Chapter of my Vindication comprehended my Fourth ground con- 
 fining of thefe Three particulars. That the King and Church oi England 
 had fufficient authority to reform the Church of England •■, that they hid' 
 fufficient grounds for doing it , and that they did it with due moderation. His 
 Rejoynder to this my Fourth ground is divided into Three Sedions , whereof this 
 istheFirlh Whatfoever he prateth in this Sedion of my>«jj?/«g away the whole 
 ^m-jiion , by balking the Bifiiop o^Kome'i divine right to his Sovereignty of power 
 to treat of his Patriarchal right , which is humane •, is firll: vain, for°I always was 
 and fiill am ready to joyn liTue with him concerning the Bifiiop of Komes Divine 
 
 R r right
 
 ^Q Schifm Guarded. TOME I- 
 
 " richt to a Monarchichal power in the Church •, faving always to my lelf and my 
 
 caufe this advantage , that a Monarchy and a Patriarchate of the fame perfon in 
 the fame Body Ecclefiaftical are inconlilknt. And this right being faved , I fliall 
 more willingly joyn iffue with him about the Pope's Monarchy , than about his 
 Patriarchate. Secondly , as it is vain , fo it is altogether impertinent , for my 
 ground is this , that a Sovereign Prince hath power within his own Dominions 
 tor the publick good, to change any thing in the external Regiment of the Church, 
 which is not of Divine inftitution : but the Pojxs pretended Patronage of the En- 
 e//> Church, and his Legiflative Judiciary and difpenfative power, in theexteri- 
 our Courts of the fame Church , do concern the external Regiment of the Church, 
 and are not of Divine Inftitution. Here the hinge of our controverfie doth move, 
 without encombring our felves at all with Patriarchal Authoriry. Thirdly I fay , 
 that this difcourfe is not onely vain and extravagant , but is likewite falfe i The 
 Pope's Patriarchal power , and the Authority of a Bifliop of an Apoflolical Church, 
 as the keeper of Apoflolical Traditions depofited in that Church , are the faireft 
 flowers in his Garland. Whatfoever power he prctendeth to , over the whole 
 Church of Chrift , above a Primacy of Order , is altogether of human right-, and 
 the application of that primacy to the Bifhop of Kowe , is altogether of humane 
 right. And whatfoever he prefumeth of the Univerfal Tradition of the Chrillian 
 Church , or the Notion rehich the former and prefent world , and we our felves before 
 the reformation had of the Papacy , that is , of the Divine right of the Pope's Sove- 
 reignty , is but a bold , a ratling , groundlefs brag. I did and do affirm, that the 
 Pope hath quitted his Patriarchal power above a Thouland years fincej not expli- 
 citly, by making a formal refignation of it , but implicitly , by affuming to himfelf 
 a power which is inconfiftent with it. 
 
 I was contented to forbear further difputing about Patriarchal rights, upon Two 
 conditions \ One that he fhould not prefume, that the Pope is a Spiritual Monarch, 
 without proving it. The other that he ^ould not attempt to make Patriarchal 
 priviledges , to be Royal Prerogatives. This by one of his peculiar Idiotifins , he 
 calleth bribit'g of me. If he had had Co much civility in him, he might rather Jiave 
 interpreted it a gentle forewarning of him of Two errcurs , which I was fure he 
 would coiTimit. After all his bravadoes , all that he hath pretended to prove , is 
 but a Headfljip., a Firft Moverjhip , a Chief Governjhip , about which we have no 
 difference with them : and all the proof he bringeth even of that , is a bold pre- 
 fumption , that tJiere is fuch an immediate Tradition. There is not fo much as a 
 National Tradition , for thofe brances of Papal power which we have rejedted , 
 and much lefs for the Divine right of them. And if tlijcre were fuch a particular 
 Tradition , yet wanting both perpetuity and Univerfality , we deny that it is a fuf- 
 ficient proof of any right. This and the priviledge to receive appeals , which is a 
 Protopatriarchal priviledge , is all he produceth. 
 
 If he would know what a Spiritual Monarch is , let him confult with Sanders 
 de Vifihili Mofiarchia, and Bellarmine in his Firfl Book de Pontifice Romano. But 
 he is quite out of his aim, who knoweth no mean between zflat Tyrant and an 
 ordinary Chief Govermur. Upon thefe Terms , a Prefidcnt of a Council , a Maflcr 
 of a Colledge , a Major of a Corporation , fliould be fb many Monarchs. I have 
 fhewed him what are thofe Branches of Sovereign Monarchical power which the 
 Popes have ufurped , and when each Ufurpation did begin , ( the firft of them a- 
 bout HOC. years after Chrift,) with rhe oppofition that was made unto them by 
 tk\t King and Kingdom of Ijigland. If he will fpcak to the purpofc , let him fpeak 
 to thefein particular, and trouble us no more with his chief Governourfhips, or hold 
 his peace for ever. All the controverfie between them and us is in point of intereft, 
 and the External Regiment of the Church, which is due to every Chriftian So- 
 vereign in his own Kingdom. It is not we , but they who have changed their 
 Governour. 
 
 He would fain perfwade us if he could,that no Catholick^wiJl believe that a Patriarch 
 is dependent on a King in Ecclefiafiical affairs : yet he himfelf hath confefTed formerly , 
 that they hold that every good King is to take Order to fee Ecclefajiical Crievauces reme- 
 died , and the Canons of the Church obferved. Then Patriarchs are not altogether in- 
 dependent
 
 Discourse I V. Schifm Guarded. 
 
 :?8 
 
 dependent upon Kings in Ecclefialtical affairs , if a King be bound to fee that ,~ 
 Patriarch execute the Canons, and fee Patriarchal grievances remedied. Sovereign 
 Princes have founded Patriarchates , and confirmed Patriarchates , and conferred 
 Patriarchates , and taken away Patriarchates , ftill here is fome dependance. Gre- 
 gory the great was a Patriarch and a Pope : yet he acknowledged , that he* ought 
 due fubjedtion to the Law of Mauritius in an Ecclefiaftical affair ■■, I being fubha to 
 your command have tranfmitted your LatP to be publijhed ^ through divers Pans of the ^^'^' ^^'^'^' 
 tporld : and because the Latp it Jelf is not f leafing to Almighty God\ I have extrefjed my ^^' ^'' 
 opinion thereof to my Lords. Wherefore I have performed my duty on both fides , in yield- 
 ing obedience to the Emperour , and not concealing vehatj thought for God. " But Mr. Ser- 
 jeants reafon is filly beyond all degrees of comparifon , otherrvife St. Peter 'could 
 not preach at Rome , if Nero were a King , nor St. James at Hierufalem rvithout m- 
 iqnging Herod. See what a doughty argument he hath brought. Apofiles or 
 Patriarchs , or Biflnops , or Priefts , may perform the Ordinance of Chrift , not- 
 withftanding the prohibition of Pagan Emperours and Kings : therefore they are 
 independent upon them , and owe no fiibjeciVion or obedience to any Kincs Chri- 
 flian or Pagan. Yes Sir , although they owe them onely palTive obedience^in that 
 yet they owe them adive obedience to their other lawful commands even in Ec- 
 clefiaftical affairs. 
 
 But now he faith , he mil give me fair Law. Tut the cafe Papal Government had 
 not been of Divine , but onely of humane injiitution , yet it ought not to have been rek' 
 ded ^ unlefs the abujes had been irremediable. I allow him to give Law ^ znd fhuffe 
 and cut , and u(e what exprellions he pleafeth , yet I ufed but an innocent allulion 
 to the foaling of a bowl , and it is thrice caft in my teeth. But for his fair Law 
 1 thank him , I will take no Law from him , but what I can win my felf. He 
 would be glad with all his heart, to have but a good pretenfe of human inftitution, 
 for thofe Branches of Papal power, which are really controverted between us; 
 but I deny him all manner of inftitution , both Divine and Human, and have 
 (hewed that they are but upflart Ufurpations of the Popes themfclves , after iioo. 
 years , and wanting lawful prefcription , even in thefe laft ages , which ou»ht to 
 be plucked up as weeds fo foon as they are difcovered , and to be removed before 
 all other things , by thofe who are in authority ■■> Ante omnia fioliatus refiitui debet, ^t't. Ep. /, i 
 And here he is at us again with his often repeated and altogether miftaken cafe ■■, ^^'^- 4^' 
 ■which henceforward I (hall vouchfafe no other anfwer to , but pafs by it with 
 
 a ure^l «»ro/uiCof4'©'' 
 
 He demanded, whether J would condefcend to the rejeS ion of Monarchy , or extirpa- 
 tion of Epifcopacy , for the mifgovernment of Princes or Prelates > I anfwered f No i 1 
 We fancy not their method , who cannot prune a tree except they pluck it up root 
 and Branch : but I gave him three reafons , why this could not advantage his 
 caufe. Firfl , never any fuch abufes as thefe were objeded to Princes or Prelates 
 in England i Secondly , we defire not the extirpation of the Papacy , but the re- 
 duction of it , to the primitive conftitution. Thirdly i Monarchy and Epifcopacy 
 are of Divine inftitution , fo is not Papal Sovereignty of Jurifdiftion. To the hrlt 
 he faith nothing , but by way of recrimination , the moft ignoble kind of anfwer- 
 ing , efpecially when he himfelf cannot but condemn them in ftis own confcience 
 for notorious fidtions of Cretian Minotaures : but thefe abufes which we complain 
 of, are the proper fubjedt of the next Sedtion. 
 
 He is here pleafed to relate a pretty ftory of the late Archbifhop of Canterbury , 
 that he confejjed himfelf to be in a Schifm , in a private difcourfe ( I warrant it was pri- 
 vate enough , without either witnefs or parties , ) as this Author was told by a very 
 grave perfon, whofe candour he hath no reafon to fu^ed. And why doth this grave 
 perfon appear in a Vizard without a name , or appear after the parties death , that 
 durft not have faid it in his life time , and for fear to be detefted now , tclleth us 
 it was in private ? and when all is done , it is ten to one this worthy perfon ( if 
 he be in rerum natura ) is an utter enemy , and of another Communion. We have 
 had many abominable lies fpread abroad in the world , upon the bare Teftimony 
 of feme fuch fingle Adverfary ■■> as the Apoftacy of Bi(hop King , the defccftion of 
 King Charles , the hopes they had of my Lord o{ Straford > when all that knew my 
 
 R r 2 Lord
 
 I 
 
 3^2 
 
 Schifm Guarded. TOME 1, 
 
 Lord of Strafford and that witnefs , knew right well he never did in the prefence 
 
 of any other , nor ever durft offer to him any difcourfe of tliat nature. 
 
 To tlie Second lie anfwereth , that n?e have already extirpated the Papacy out of 
 England. No , we iiave onely call: out fcven or eight Branches of Papal JuriP- 
 didion in the cxtcriour Courf, which Chrill or his Apoilles never challenged , never 
 exercifed, never medled withal", which the Church never granted , never difpo- 
 fcd. He might Aill for us enjoy his Protopatriarchate , and the dignity of an Apo- 
 litical Bilhop , and his primacy of Order , fo long as the Church thought fit to 
 continue it to that Sec , if this would content him. 
 
 To my Third reafon he excepteth. If Monarchy be of Divine Jn(iitution , the Vc- 
 ncthns and /k Hollanders are m a fad cafe. I am glad when I rind any thing in 
 him that hath but a relemblance of matter , more than wind and empty words , 
 althougli they weigh nothing , when they come to be examined. The Venetians 
 and Hollanders may be in a fad condition , in the opinion of fuch rafh cenfurers as 
 himfelf is , who have learned their Theology and Politicks but by the halfs. Who 
 taught him to argue from the pofition of one lawful form of Government , to the 
 denial of another ? All lawful forms of Government are warranted by the Law of 
 Nature , and fo have their inftitution from God in the Law of Nature ■■, the porvers 
 
 Rom. 13. 1, that be are ordained of Cod ^ whether they be Monarchical, or Ariftocratical , or 
 Democratical, Man prepareth the Body , God infufeth the Soul of power, which 
 is the fame in all lawful tbrms. 
 
 But though all Lawful forms of Government be warranted by the Law of Nature, 
 yet not all in the fame degree of eminency. There is but one foul in the body, 
 one Sun in the Heaven , one Maikr in a Family , and anciently one Monarch ia 
 each Society; all the firll Governours were Kings. The Soul of Sovereign power 
 is the fame in all forms , but the Organ is more apt to attain its end in one form 
 than another i in Monarchy than in Ariftocracy , or Democracy. And we fay 
 God and Nature do always intend that which is beft. Thus it is in the Law of 
 Nature which is warrant fufficient for any form of Government : but in the pofi- 
 tivc Law of God , he never inftituted or authorifcd any form , but Monarchy. 
 
 In the lafl Paragraph, where I fay that the Popes Headfhip of Jurifdidtion : is 
 not of Divine inllitution , he excepteth , that it m my bare faying , and my old tricky 
 to fay over again , the very point in difpute betrveen tts. It this be the very point 
 in difpute between us , ( as it is indeed , ) it is more fliame for him, who letteth the 
 very point in dijpute di]oue , and never offereth to come near it , efpecially having 
 made fuch lowd brags , that he rvould charge the crime of Schifm upon the Church of 
 England rvith undeniable evidence , and prove the Popes Headfliip of Jurifdi^ion 
 or power , by a more ample ^ clear, and continued "fitle , than any right of taw or 
 Human Ordinances can offer. 
 
 ^tid tanto dtgnum tulit hie promijfor hiatu ? 
 
 As for my part I know my Obligation , whileft I am upon the defenfive , to 
 make good my ground ; and when it is my turn to affault , I (hall difcharge my 
 duty. If he have any thing to fay to the Huguenots of frame , they are at age to 
 anfwer him themfelves j our controverfie is cnely concerning the Church of 
 England. 
 
 SECT. VI. 
 
 Ihat the King and Church of England , had fufficient grounds to faperate from the Court 
 of Rome. 
 
 T had reafon to wonder,not at our Grounds^hwt their filence,t\i2.t. having fo long fo 
 often called for our grounds of feparation , and charged us, that we have no 
 Grounds , that we could have no grounds , now when fufficient grounds are offer- 
 ed to them : two of them , one after another fliould pafs by them in deep filence. 
 
 And
 
 Discourse IV. Scbifm Guarded. ZoT 
 
 And this difpatcher being called upon for an anfwer , unlefs he would have the caufe 
 fentenced againft him , upon a Nihil dicit with more haft than good fpeed gives 
 us an anfwer and no anfwer , like the Title of an empty Apothecaries Boxf If 
 there be any Monfter, the Reader may look for it on that fide , not on our fide! He 
 may promife the View of a ftrange Monfier in his Antepafts and Poftpafts 'and 
 blow his Trumpet to get pence a piece to fee it ( as he phrafeth it ; ) but if the Read- 
 ers exped till he (hew them any fuch rare fight , they may wait until Dooms day 
 and all the remedy he offers them is, to fay he ahufed them , as he doth often. ' 
 Now room for his cafe or his two Principles of Vnity , which are evermore' cal- 
 led into help at a dead lift. But h'n cafe , is not the true cafe , and his rules are 
 leaden rules, they might be ftreight at the beginning , but they have bended them 
 according to their felt Intereft. Both hit cafe and hU principles have been fufficiently 
 difcuffed, and fully cleared : fo that I will not offend the Reader with his fleight 
 difli of Cole worts fodden over and over again. 
 
 He is angry , that I make our feparation to be tnhtx from the Coicrt of Rome 
 than from the Church of Rome i and ftileth it perfe{J impudence. So my affertion be' 
 evidently true, I weigh not his groundlefs calumnies. Let any man look upon 
 our Grievances , and the grounds of our Reformation , Firll , the intolerable ex- 
 tortion of the Koman Court , Secondly , the unjuft llfurpations of the Roman. 
 Court, Thirdly , the malignant influence of the Roman Court upon the body poli- 
 tick , Fourthly , the like malignant influence of the Roman Court upon the body 
 Ecclefiaftick , Fifthly and Laftly , the Violation of ancient liberties and exempti- 
 ons by the Roman Courf,and he cannot doubt from whence we made our feparation. 
 All our fufferings were from the Roman Court ■■> then why fhould we fcek for eafe' 
 but where our (hoe did wring us ? And as our grievances , fo our Reformation 
 was onely of the abulescf the Roman Courts Their beftowinff of Prelacies and 
 dignities in England to the prejudice of the right patrons ; their convocating Sy- 
 nods in England without the Kings leave i their prohibiting Englijh Prelates to 
 make their old Feudal Oaths to the King , and obliging them to take new Oaths 
 of fidelity to the Pope ■■> their impofing and receiving Tenths and Firll-fruits and 
 other arbitrary penfions upon the Englijh Clergy i And Laftly, their Ufurp'ing a 
 Legiflative Judiciary, and difpenfative power in the Exteriour Court by political 
 coadion. Thefe are all the Branches of Papal power which we have reieftedi 
 This Reformation , is all the feparation that we have made in point of Difcipline! 
 And for Doftrine , we have no difference with them about the old Effentials of 
 Chriftian Religion : and their new Effentials , which they have patched to the 
 Creed, are but their erroneous , or at thebeft probable opinions, no Articles of 
 Faith. 
 
 He is ftill bragging of his Vemonfirations , ( yet they are but blind Enthymemati- 
 cal paralogifms , wherein he maketh fure to {et his beft leg foremoft , and to conceal 
 the lamcnefs of his difcourfe , as much as he can from the eyes of the Reader ) 
 and ftill calling upon us (ot rigorous Vemonjiratiott. I wifli we knew whether he 
 underftand what rigorous Vemonjiration is in Logick , for no other Demonftration is 
 rigorous , but that which proceedeth according to the ftridt Rules of Logick 
 either a priore or apofteriore , from the caufe or the effedl : and this caufe in diffe- 
 rence between us , ( whether thole Branches of power which the Pope claimeth 
 and we have rejedted , be the Legacies of Chrift , or Papal llfurpations ) is not 
 Capable of fuch rigorous demonftration , but dependeth upon Teftimony which 
 Logicians call an Inartificial way of arguing. But if by rigorous Vemonjiration he 
 underftand convincing proofs , thofe grounds which I offer in this Sedtion, do con- 
 tain a rigorous Demonjhation. That Difciplin: which is brimful of intolerable 
 Rapine , and Extortion , and Simony , and Sacriledge v which robbeth Kint^s 
 andSubjedts Ecclefiaftical and Secular, of their juft rights i which was introdu- 
 ced into the Church of England , Eleven hundred years after Chrift •, which hath 
 a malignant influence upon the body Politick ; which is deftrudtive to the rif^ht 
 ends of Ecclefiaftical Difciplinev which inftead of fecuring men in Peace, doth 
 thruft them into manifeft and manifold dangers, both of Soul and body-, which 
 is contrary to G;neral Councils , and th; antient liberties of particular Churches: 
 
 qui
 
 Schtfm Guarded. TOME !. 
 
 :^84 — 
 
 r ~^ itiifuch, is no Legacy of Chrift , but ought to be purged aud re- 
 
 T" * d from allfuch'abufcs and Udirpations : but fuch is that Papal Difcipline , 
 l"-"[ the Bifliop of Rome exercUfed in England before the Reformation , and lefs 
 han which they will not go i and fuch are all thofe Branches of Papal power , 
 •which we have cafl out. 
 
 The truth of this aflertion , I have made manifeft in my Vindkaiion , c. 6. and 
 this is the place of a farther examination of it , if he did difcharge the part of 
 a fair folid difputant i to leave his windy invedives , which iignifie nothing to the 
 caufc but to his own fliame , and to proceed clofely and ingenioufly to the inve- 
 iligation of truth , without prejudice or partiality. But on the contrary , he min- 
 ceth my grounds, and concealeth them, and skippcth over whatfoever dilliketh him, 
 and choppeth them , and changeth them, and confoundeth them , that I cannot 
 know mine own conceptions again , as he hath drefTed them, and difordered them, 
 and mutilated them. I propofed Five diftindl grounds of our Pxeformation , and 
 carting out fo many Branches as we did of Papal power •, if he dealt like a juft 
 Adverfary, he fhould purfue my method , flep by ftep ; but he reduceth my Five 
 grounds into Three , that between Two methods , he may conceal , and fmoother 
 whatfoever he hath no difpofition to anfwer , as he dealeth with many points , of 
 weight and moment , and particularly with all thofe Teftimonies and Inftances , 
 I bring to prove the intolerable extortions , and manifold Ufurpations , and ma- 
 lignant influence of the Roman Court upon the body politick and Ecclefiallick , be- 
 ing much the greater part of my difcourfe. But I do not altogether blame him , 
 for they arefo foul , that a man can find fmall credit or contentment in defending 
 them. For once , rather than loofe his Company , I will purfue his method. Let 
 us give him the hearing. 
 
 He reduceth my Five grouuds to Three , Firff , fuch as entrench upon Eternity 
 and confcience. May not any Heretick^ oh]eU that the Church impofed mrv Articles of 
 Faith &c. Or complain of new Creeds , when (l^e addeth to her puhlick^ profejjions 
 fame points of Faith held formerly .? might not he complain of peril of Idolatry , as your 
 Brother Turitans did for Surpleffes , Sec. Might not he pretend that all Heretickj and 
 Schifmatich were good Chrijlians , and that the Church was Tyrannical , in holding them 
 for excommunicate ? Might he not ^uffie together Faith with Opinion , andfalfy alledge af 
 • you do hear , you were forced to approve the Popes Rebellion againji General Councils^ and 
 
 tahi Oaths to maintain Papal Vfurpations .? This is all the anfwer I get from this brave 
 difputant , as if the unjuff complaints of the Puritans did fatisfie the juft excepti- 
 ons of the Proteftants. It is probable enough, that he himfelf was one of our 
 Brother Puritans in thofe days: otherwife he could not well have talked fo wildly 
 of peril of Idolatry from SurplelTes. His difcourfe is fo fleight and impertinent , 
 tliat I will not vouchafe any anfwer , but leave it to the Reader to compare my Vitt- 
 dication and Reply with his Rejoynder. That they have added new EfTentials to 
 Faith , is fully evinced againft them in this Treatife , Se£l, i,cap, 1 1. What our 
 Judgement is concerning their Idolatry , he fhall find exadly fet down in my an- 
 fwer to Militier Pag. 31. As for the Oaths of Fidelity which every Bifhop muft 
 make to the Pope , he may fatistie himfelf SeO. i. cap. 5. and fee the form of it. 
 cap. 7. Or if he defire to fee a latter form , let him take this. J Henry Archbijhop 
 Aniiq-Ecckf. of Canterbury wiUbe Faithful and Obedient to St. Peter from this hour as formerly ^ 
 Brif. vita 66. ^^j^ fg jj,^ j-]giy Apoliolick^Church f Rome •, and to my Lord Pope Alexander the Sixth 
 and his Succejfours. IwiUgive no Council, nor conjent , nor aCi any thing towards the 
 lofs of their lifes , or members , or Liberty. I will difcover their Councils to no man to 
 their prejudice , which they have communicated to me by themfelves or their Meffengers. 
 J will help them to retain and defend the Roman Papacy , and the Royalties of St. Peter, 
 (favine^ my Order ) again\\ all men, I will entertain the Popes Legates honourably going 
 and coming, and help them in their necejjities. J will vifn the Papal Court every year , 
 if it be on th'ufde the Alpes , and every Two years if it be beyond the Alpes , uyilefi the 
 Pope difpenfe with me , So help me Cod and the Holy Gofpel. What fidelity can a King 
 expeft from a Subjed: who hath taken this Oath , if the Pope plcafe to attempt any 
 thing againff him? If the Popes Superiority above a General Council , be but held 
 as an indifferent opinion in their Church , and not a point of Faith , as he intima- 
 
 teth ••
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. ogj- 
 
 teth : yet it is (Lich an opinion as he dare not contradift , it is jere commtm'u^ it is 
 
 ahno\} the common Opiiimt of all B.Qm3.n Catholicity^ if Beilarmi>!e iiy true, znd fere 
 
 de fide , almo\i a point of Faith , upon which modern Topes and Councils are accorded. 
 
 It is determined exprefly in their laft General Council of Lateran , that the Bijhop of ^'•"' '^' 
 
 Rome alone hath atitlnrity over all Councils. 
 
 Were the(e all the grounds he could find , which entrench upon Eternity and con- 
 fcience ? He might have found more , that by means of Papal abufes there defcri- 
 bed , hojpitality rcif not kept , the poor notfufiained , the reord not Preached , Churches 
 not adorned , the cure of Souls negleCied , Vivine Offices not performed , Churches ruined. 
 He might have found Oaths ^ Cujioms ^ Writings^ Grants , Statmts ^ Kiqlns^ pri- JMaitb.Par^ 
 viledges^ to have been not onely rceak^ned hut exinanated , by the Popes infamous mejfen- ""• ^^^i' 
 ger called Non obfiante. And all this attefted by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, 
 and the whole Common- wealth of England. But it is no matter whether he take 
 notice of it or not , whikft he anfwereth nothing. 
 
 He faith my Second fort of Grounds j are thofe , vehich relate to 'temporal in- 
 conveniences and injuries to the States , by reafon of the Popes pretended encroaclnnents 
 Tphich I huddle togetJjer in big terms. Do I huddle them together? Nay I handled 
 them dirtinftly under Three heads or Notions. Firlt , the intolerable oppreifions 
 and extortions of the Court of Rowf in points of Fadt , Secondly, their grofs and 
 grievous Ufurpations in point of right , Thirdly, the malignant influence of For- 
 reign Difcipline in point of policy. It is he that huddles them together, becaule 
 they are fo foul and fo evident, that he dare not take a view of them fingly, 
 much lefs repeat them : and fo they might be buried in oblivion for him , unlefs 
 the Fvcaderbe pleafed to take a review of them. I fhall not willingly add a word 
 more , either to the Extortions , or malignant influence , becaufe I judge in chari- 
 ty , that all good men do wifh them amended as well as I : and for the Ufurpa- 
 tions , being matter of perpetual right , I hope I have cleared them fufficiently in 
 this Treatife throughout the Firft Section. 
 
 But what is his anfwer to all this .? that it is dijputable hetrveen Canon and Civil 
 Laxvyers ^ whether many of thele n>ere abufes^ or ]ttil rigjjts ', of which kjnd of contro- 
 verfe , he neither thinks me nor himfelf competent Judges. Adding , that thefe quefH- 
 ons do not concern our prefent quarrel. How ? not concern our quarrel ? They are 
 all the quarrel we have: and not a Prignacy of Order, or any power purely fpiritual 
 in the Court of confcience. If he have nothing to do with thefe , why doth he 
 meddle to no purpofe? VVhatfoever power was given by Chrirt, or is Recorded in 
 Scripture , is exprelly excepted out of our Law. And once more Reader obferve 
 and wonder , that thefe men , who called upon us often for the grounds of our 
 feparation , muft be called on as often for a fair anfwer. He promifed to (hew the 
 Readers a Monjler in this SeUion for pence apiece : It feemeth by his bogling, he 
 feeth fomething that he is afraid to meddle with. I doubt he will prove a true pro- 
 phet of himfelf , that all the Readers fatisfadion for their money will be, to tell 
 them that he hath abufed them. 
 
 But it may be he is better at his fword than at his buckler , at oppofing 
 in Gen£rals , than defending himfelf from particulars. Although he hath not 
 given us one particular anfwer, to the truth orfalfhood of the Crimes and incon- 
 veniences objected : yet he giveth in Seven general exceptions , but it is with as 
 much haft as the dog by Nilns^ which runs and driuks. Firft , he faith thofe incon- 
 veniences rvhici) 7 mention^ if they bad been true , are abufes in the Officer , not faults 
 in the Office , which ought not to be taken arcay from them. Intolerable Extortions and 
 grofs ufurpations , are no more with him than inconveniences. This objeftion was 
 anfwered by me before it was moved by him, if he had not thought fit to fmoother 
 if, where I diftinguifh between the perrfonal faults of Popesi and faulty principles or 
 Laws, and fhew how far the one and the other do warrant a feparation. The 
 former onely from the faulty perfon , to preferve our felves from participa- > 
 
 ting with him in his Crimes : The latter from the faulty Office, fo far as it is faulty, ^ 8$, ' 
 until it be reformed. Neither have we taken away any Otfiie, but onely abufes 
 and ufurpations. 
 
 Secondly, he cxcepteth, tint fome of thefe pretended abufes , are onely my own de- 
 
 dttUians
 
 Scbifm Guarded. TOME V 
 
 -TT- ^hich Ijherv not evidently out of the Science of Foliticks , but out of two or 
 
 dMiuons , ^^ J^^^^^ J anlwcr, that experience is the Polititians bell: Schoolma- 
 Ibree '"^j'^j!^"^^^ ^.^^^y man findeth where his own Shoe wringeth him , much better 
 U '" ^"ine it himlelf, than by hearing others difcourfe of it. But I thank him for 
 by wear|^^& ^^^ tlie next time 1 have occafion to make ufc of it , I fhall demon- 
 ^e^o him out of the Science of Toliticks , that Forreign jurifdidtion is ufelefs and 
 h raeable to the Subjedt , dangerours and deftrudive to tlie King and Common- 
 ""•^khi a Rack and Gibbet to the confcience, by fubjeding it to TwoSupremcs 
 who may pofliWy clalh one with another i and altogether oppofite to the Ecclefi- 
 ftical Policy of the Primitive times , which conformed the bounds of Ecclefiaftical 
 Jurifdidion to the Civil. r u r . jj tr 
 
 Thirdly he pleadeth , that J do not prove that jome of theje pretended abufes were 
 not {ufi riphts, hut onely jherv that luch and fitch things rvere done ^ and that either 
 party had learned Lawyers for them, and th^it fometimes the Kings renounced their pre~ 
 tenfii , as in points of Jnvejiitures. 1 anfwer that the oppofition of King and King- 
 dom to any Branch of Papal power , flieweth evidently that they did not believe, 
 that the Pope had any right to it , Divine or Human , and clearly deftroyeth his 
 foundation of immediate Tradition. How (hould they leave that to their Chil- 
 dren as a Legacy of Chrift or his Apoftles, which they themfelves rejedled .? our 
 Kings never renounced their right of Inveftiturcs, onely they confented , that they 
 fhould not give Inveftiturcs in their own pcrfons, but by a Bifhop , ftill retaining 
 both the right of Patronage and their feudal Oaths. 
 
 Fourthly , he faith tijat theJe Temporal Laws which I cite , concludes not evidently a 
 Eaimar riaht \ and reafon gives more particular refpeU to Ecclefaflical Laws than to Temporal. 
 
 I anfwer though fuch Laws do not always prove a right ; yet they always prove 
 the common confent of the Kingdom , what they efteem to be right; they always 
 difprove the Popes prefcription. But he is wholy miftaken , many of thofe Laws 
 which I cited were Ecclefiaftical Laws : and the Pope's Decretals which he inti- 
 mateth for Laws , are no Laws , nor ever were held for Laws in England , with- 
 out the receptiou of the Cliurch and Kingdom. Reafon gives more refped: to the 
 Sanftions of the Bifhops than of Kings, in cafes purely fpiritual; but more refpedl 
 to the Laws of Kings than of Bifhops , in the External Regiment of the Church 
 within their own Dominions. 
 
 Fifthly, he chargeth me for faying , that t^e Pope Vfurped mofi injuftly aV right 
 Civil Ecclefiaflical , Sacred, Frophane, oj all Orders of men , Kings , Nobles, Bi- 
 fhops ' &c. which he calleth a loud mottthed Calumny. By his favour, he doth me 
 wrong, and himfelf more, with his foul Language, when he is not provoked at 
 all. I faid not [ all right ] in the ahjirad, but [all rights 1 in the concrete. Hath 
 heVorgotten that which every boy in thellniverfity knoweth, to diftinguifh betwixt 
 fmgttla generum zn.A genera fingulorum , fume of aV Sorts, and all without exception. 
 My words onely fignifie fbme rights of all fortsi as is evident by the words fol- 
 lowing , Civil , Ecclefiajiical , Sacred , Frophane , of all Orders ^ of men , Kings , 
 Nobles ' Bipops , &c. Which is an Ordinary and proper expreffion , and cannot 
 poilibly be extended to all right without exception. 
 
 Sixthly , he urgeth that , grant all thefe ahufes had been true , was their no other re- 
 medy but divifton ? Had not the fecular Governours the frvord in their hand ? Did it 
 not lye in their power to chufe whether they would admit things deftrudive to their rights > 
 I anfwer , that it doth not always reft in the power of the Civil Magiftrate , to do 
 that which isbeft in it felf, efpccially in feditious times , when the multitude ( as 
 a good Author faith ) do more readily obey their Priefts than their Kings. But 
 they muft move their Rudder according to the various Face of the Sky , and await 
 for a fitter opportunity ; as our Kings did , which fell out at the Reformation , 
 when they followed his Counfell in good earneft , and with the civil Sword did 
 lop away all Papal Ufurpations , and abufes > Other divifwn than this , to 
 divide between the rotten and the found , we made none. The great divillon 
 which followed our Reformation , was made by themfelves and their cenfurers. 
 Our Articles do teftifie to all the world, that we have made no divifion from any 
 Church J but onely from errours and abufes. 
 
 Seventhly ^
 
 Discourse 1 V. Schtfm Guarded. 
 
 Seventhly, he jDleaderh that in cafe thefe Temporal inconveniences had not b^TTZ 
 therrvife remediable , yet Ecckfiafiical Commtmion ought not to be broken for Temper I 
 concernments. To prove this conclufion he bringeth fix reafons , fbme pertinent 
 fonrie impertinent and very improper , but he might have faved his labour, for if 
 he underllard his conclulion in that fenfe , wherein he ought to under/hn'd it and 
 wherein I hope he doth underftand it, of deferting the Communion of the' Ca 
 tholick Church, or of any member of the CathoHck Church qua tale ask is a. 
 ■ member , for meer Temporal refpeds , concedo omnia , I grant the conclulion • 
 but if by breaking Ecclefiaftical Communion , he under/land deferting the Commu- 
 nion of a particular Church , as it is erroneous , and wherein it is erroneous his 
 . ccnclufion is not pertinent to his purpofe , nor his fix proofs pertinent to his con- 
 clufion. But he might remember, Firft, that our Grounds by his own confelfion 
 do not all relate to temporal inconveniences , but fome of them to Eternity and c n- 
 fcience, and that they ought to be confidered conjoyntly. Secondly , that we do 
 jiot make thefe 'Temporal inconveniences to be irremediable, we our felve's have»fou id 
 out a remedy : and it is the fame which he himfelf advifeth in this place to thrult 
 out all encroachments and Ufurpations with the civil fword. If they 'will Pr w 
 angry upon this , and break Ecclefiaftical Communion themfelves , it is their Ad 
 not ours , who have aded nothing , who have declared nothing againft any rieht 
 of the Bifliop of Rome Divine or human , but onely againft his encroachments and 
 Ufurpations, and particularly againft his Coadive power in the Exteriour Court 
 within the Englijh Dominions. They might take us to be not onely very tame 
 Creatures , but very ftupid Creatures Firft, tofuffer them to entrench, and encroach 
 and ufurp upon us daily, and then to be able to perfwade us to Ifachars condition' 
 to undergo our burthen with patience like Affes, becaufe we may not brea\Ecclefia- 
 ftical Communion jor Temporal concernments. We have done nothing but what we 
 have good warrant for from theXaws of God and Nature i let them fuffer' for it 
 ■who either feparate from others without juft caufe , or give others juft caufe to 
 (eparate from them. 
 
 In the next place followeih a large Panegyrical Oration in the praife of Unity 
 of the benefit and neceliity of it , mixed with an invedive againft us for breaking 
 both the bonds of Unity. The former of thofe confiderations are altogether fu- 
 perfluous, to praife Unity which no man did everdifpraife,but to his own perpetual 
 difgrace. The latter is a meer Tautology or rcpetion of what he hath faid before 
 which I will not trouble the Reader withal , but onely where I find fome nevv 
 weight added. He faith we acknowledge the Church of Rome to be a true Church. 
 Right, Mctaphyfically a true Church , which hath the true Eflence and being of a 
 Church , but not morally true or free from Errours. 
 
 He demands , what is the certain method to k^iorp the true fenfe of Scripture ? If he 
 pleafe to take fo much pains to view my anfvver to Militter, he may find both whom 
 we hold to be fit expofitors of Scripture , and what is the right manner of ex- 
 pounding Scripture •, If he have any thing to fay againft it , he fiiall have a fair hear- 
 ing. He telleth us , that our befi Champions Chillmgworth and Falkland do very 
 candidly confeji , that we have no certainty of Faith , but probability onely. He citeth 
 no place , and I do not hold it worthy of a fearch , whether they do confefs it or 
 not. It is honour enough for them to have been genuine Sons of the Enalijh Church 
 (■ I hope they were fo, ) and men of rare parts, whereof no man can doubt; yet one 
 of them was a Lay-man , it may be neither of them fo deeply radicated in theri»ht 
 Faith of the Englijh Church , as many others. But our chiefeft Champions are thofe 
 who ftick clofeft to the Holy Scriptures , interpreted according to the Analogy of 
 Faith , and the perpetual Tradition of the Univerfal Church : but for that aftcrtion 
 which you Father upon them, that we have no certainty of faith but probability onely y 
 We deteft it. And when you , or any other is pleafed to make tryal, you will find 
 that we have as great afTurance altogether for our Faith, as your felves have for your 
 old Articles of Faith ; and much more than you have for your new Articles. 
 
 He accufeth us for joyning in Communion with Greeks , Lutherans , Hit(Tuenots, 
 perhaps Socinians , Trefhyterians , Adamites , ^ak^rs , 8cc. And after hc'^aiJdeth 
 R«w<i«-Catholicks. Are not Buguemts Prefbyterians in his fenfe ? If they be , why 
 
 S f ' doth 
 
 387 
 
 Pas. $7S 
 
 P"-- }?3
 
 og Scbifm Guarded. TOME I. 
 
 ' "^h he difjoyn them .? I know no reafon why we {hould not admit Greeks and Lu- 
 
 therans to our Coinmunion , and ( if he had added them ) Armenims , Abyfftnes^ 
 Mttfcovites , and all thofe who do profefs the Apoflolical Creed , as it is expound- 
 ed by the Fird Four General Councils under the Primitive Difcipline : and the Ko- 
 »jj«-Catholicks alfo, if they did not make their erioars tobc a condition of their 
 Communion. As for Adamites and ^nak^rs we know not what they are , and for 
 Socin'uns we hold them worfe than Anians. The Anians made Chrift to be a Se- 
 condary God , erat quando non erat : but the Socinians make him to be a meer crea- 
 ture. And for Frefhyterians what my Judgement is, lie may rind fuljy fet down in 
 my Reply to the Biflwp of Chalcedons Epifile. 
 
 But faith he , every one of thefe hath a different head of the Church , the Englifh 
 head w the King , the Kom2n-CathoUckJ:)ead is the Pope , the Grecian head is the Pa- 
 triarch , 7he Prefbyterian headis-ft^e Prefbytery or,^ Synod , and the Lutheran head is the 
 Parifl} Minifter. Firlt, for the L«ffefr^«J- he doth them egregious wrong. Through- 
 out the Kingdoms oCDenmark^ and Sweden they have their Bifliops, name and 
 thing , and throughout Germany , they have their Superintendents. And to the 
 reft I anfwer him, that theirtere feveral Heads of the Church , Chrift alone is the 
 Spiritual Head , the Sovereign Prince the Political Head , the Ecclefiaftical Head is 
 a General Council , and under that each Patriarch in his Patriarchate , and among 
 the Patriarchs the Bifhop of Rome by a Priority of Order. We who maintain the 
 King to be the Political Head of the Englijh Church, do not deny the fpiritual Head- 
 (hip of Chrift , nor the fupreme power of the reprefentative Church that is a Gene- 
 ralCouncil or Synod,nor the executive Headfhip of eacb Patriarch in his Patriarchate, 
 nor the Bifhopof Romes Headlhip of Order among them : and thus this great Ob- 
 jedtion is vaniftied. By this he may fee that we have introduced no new form of 
 Ecclefiaftical Government into the Church of England^ but preferved to every one 
 his due right if he will accept of it ; and that we have the fame dependance 
 upon our Ecclefiaftical Superiours , which we had evermore from the Primitive 
 times. 
 
 He chargeth us , that n>e give no certain Rule to know which is a General Council, 
 which not , or who are to he called to a General Council. There is no need why we 
 fhould give any new Rules, who are ready to obferve the old Rules of the Primitive 
 Church. General Summons to ' all the Patriarchs , for them and their Clergy •, 
 General admittance of all perfons capable , to difcufs freely, and to define freely, 
 according to their diftindl capacities , and laftly the prefence of the Five Protopa- 
 triarchates and their Clergy , either in their perfons , or by their fuffrages, or in 
 cafe of necellity , the greater part of them , do make a General Council. Whileft 
 we fet this rule before us as our pattern , and fwerve not from it , but onely in cafe 
 of invincible neceflity , wemay well hope that God who looketh upon his poor 
 Servants with all their prejudices , and expet^eth no more of them than he hath en- 
 abled them to perform , who hath promifed that when Two or Three are gathered 
 together in his name, there will he be in the midft of them, will vouchafe to 
 give his afliftance , and his bleUing to fuch a Council , which is as General as may 
 be , although perhaps it be not Co exadtly General as hath been, or might have been 
 now , if the Chriftian Empire had flourifhed ftill as it did anciently. In fum , I 
 fhall be ever ready to acquiefce in the determination of a Council fb General as is 
 pollible to be had ; fo it may be equal , not having more Judges of one Countrey 
 than all the reft of the Chriftian world , as it was in the Council of trent , but re- 
 gulated by the equal votes of Chriftian Nations , as it was in the Council of Con- 
 flance and Bafile : and fo as thofe Nations which cannot in probability be perfonally 
 prefent , may be admitted to fend their votes and fuifrages as they did of old; and 
 Laftly , fo it may be free, called in a free place whither all parties may have fecurc 
 acccfs, and Liberty to propofe freely, and define freely , according to the Votes of 
 the Fathers , without being ftinted , or curbed , or overruled by the Holy Ghoft, 
 fent in a Curriers Budget. 
 
 And for the laft part of his exception , that Heretic\s Jhould not be admitted ^ I 
 for ftiy part fhould readily confent i provided that none be reputed Hereticks, but 
 fuch as true General Councils have evidently declared to be Hereticks , or fuch a? 
 
 will
 
 Discourse I V. Schifm Guarded. 280 
 
 will not pronounce an Anathema againit all old Herelies , which have been condem- 
 ned for Herelies by undoubted General Councils. But to imagin that all thofe 
 ftiould be reputed Hercticks , who have been condemned of Hereiie or Schifm by 
 the 'B.omayi Court for their own Interert , that is Four parts of Five of the Chriltian 
 , world, is filly and fenfelefs , andargueth nothing but their fear to come to a fair 
 impartial tryal. 
 
 And this is a full anfwer to that whicli he alledgeth out of Dr. Hammond, that 
 General Coitncils are mn> morrally impofrbk to be had , the Chriflian rvorld being under 
 Jo many Emfires , and Divided into Jo many Communions. It is not credible that the 
 Turk will fend his Subjeds , that is Four Protopatriarchs with their Clergy to a 
 General Council , or allow them to meet openly with the reft of Chriltendom 
 in a General Council, it being fo much againft his own Intereft , but yet this is no 
 impediment why the Patriarchs , might not deliver the (enfe andfuifrages of their 
 Churches, by Letters or by meflengers i aand this is enough to make a Council 
 General. In the Firft Council of Nice , there were onely Five Clergymen prefent 
 out of the Wefiern Churches i in the great Council of Chakedon not fo many ; In 
 the Councils of Conjiaminople and Epbejitt none at all. And yet have thefe Four 
 Councils evermore been efteemed truly General , bccaufe the IVefiern Church did 
 declare their confent and concurrence. Then as their have been General Oriental 
 Councils , without the perfonal prcfence of a Weftern Bilhop : fo there may be an 
 Occidental Council , withput the perfonal prefence of one Eajiern Blfhop , but by 
 the fole Communication of their (enfe and their Faith. Neither is fuch Com- 
 munication to be deemed impoliible , confidering what correfpondence , the MitC- 
 covian Church did hold long with the Patriarch of Conftantinope , and the Abyjjine 
 hath long held , and doth ftill hold with the Patriarch of Alexandria. 
 
 It is confcffed that there arc too many different Communions in Europe , it may 
 be fome more than there is any great caule for , and perhaps different opinions 
 where their is but one Communion , as difficult to be reconciled as different Com- 
 munions. But many of thefe Mulhrome Sedts , are like thofe inorganical crea- 
 tures bread upon the Banks of Niluf , which periflied quickly after they were bred , 
 for want of ht Organs. The more confiderableparties, and the more capable of 
 reafbn are not fo many > if thefe could be brought to acquiefce in the determinati- 
 on of a free General Council , they would tow the other like lefTer boats after 
 them with eafe. 
 
 No man will fay that the Vtfity of the Church in pint of Government , doth conjifi 
 onely in their adual fubordination to General Councils. General Councils are extra- 
 ordinary remedies , proper for curing or compofing new differences of great con- 
 cernment in Faith or Difcipline. That being done , General Councils may prove 
 of more danger than ufe. Mo healthful man delighteth in a continual courfe of 
 Phyfick. But Unity confiftrai alfo , and ordinarily in conformity and fubmilfion 
 to that Difcipline which General Councils have recommended to us , either as the 
 Legacies of Chrift and his Apollles , or as Ecclefiaftical Policies infiituted by them, 
 with the concurrence or confirmation of Chriflian Sovereigns , for the publick good 
 of the Catholick Church. 
 
 He chargeth us , that rve have fn formed Gods Church , that there is no meant left to 
 ajfemhle a General Cotoicil , having renounced his Authority , rehofe proper Office it rvas 
 to call a General Council. His errours feldom come fingle, but commonly by clufters 
 or at leaft by pairs. What height of conHdence is it to affirm , that it is the propet 
 Cffce of the Tope to call General Councils, when all ingenious men do acknowledge 
 that all the Firft General Councils were ab Jmpratoribm indiSa, called by Emperours> 
 To which the Popes friends add , that it was by the advife and rvith the confent of the 
 tope. And Bellarmine gives divcrfe reafons why it could not be otherwife , Firft , 
 hecaufe there teas a Laa> , which did forbid frequent Ajfemblies for fear of jedition. Se- 
 condly becaufe no reason doth permit that fuch an Ajjemblyfhould be made in an Imperial jy ^ggcIA //*» 
 City, tfithoutthe leave of the Lord of the place. Thirdly becaufe General Councils i.caf^ii' 
 were made then , at the ?ublic\charge' He might have added , that Councils did re- 
 ceive their prote<ftion from Emperours , and they who fit in Councils were the 
 Subjects of Emperours. 
 
 Sf2 In
 
 1 
 
 90 
 
 Schifm Guarded. TOME 1» 
 
 In the Second place he cncth in this alfo, that m have tah^n away the means of 
 
 ajlemblinp General Councils. We have taken away no power from the Pope of con- 
 vocating any Synods , except onely Synods of the King of Englands Subjeds, with- 
 in his own Dominions, without his leaver which BfJ/^rwiwhimfelf acknowledgeth 
 to be agreeable to reafon. If the Pope have any right , either to convocate General 
 Councils himlclf, or to reprefcnt to Chrillian Sovereigns the fit fcafons for convoca- 
 tion of them, either in refped of his Beginning ofVnity ^ or of his Protopatriar- 
 chate , we do not envy it to him , fince there may be a good ufe of it in refped of 
 thedivifion of the Empire, fo good caution be obferved. Bellarmine confefTcth , 
 that by that power which we acknowledge, that is, that though the Fope be no Eccle- 
 fuliical Monarch , hut onely chief of the Frincipal Fatriarchs , yet the right to convo- 
 cate General Councils ^ fl)ould pertain unto him. But it maybe, this is. more than 
 Mr. Serjeant did know. 
 Dt Condi, i. j^y j^fj Ground, was the exemption of the Britannic)!^ Churches from Forreign 
 *^''*' Jurifdidion, by the General Council of Epk/w. As to the exemption of the Bri- 
 
 tannick^ Churches, he referreth himfclf to what he had faid formerly , and fo do I. 
 To the Authority of the Council of Ephefm , he anfwereth , That howfoever Cy- 
 prus and fame others are exempted from a Neighbouring Superiour ^ falfly pretending a]u- 
 rifdiUion over them^ yet I paV never fljetp afyhble in the Council of Ephefus , exempt- 
 i'tg from the ?ope''s JurifdiCiion as Head of the Church. Not diredly , a man may 
 fafely fwear it , for the Council never fufpeded it, the world never dreamed of it, 
 the Popes themfelves never pretended to any fuch Headfliip of Power , and univer- 
 ' fal Jurifdidion over the whole Church, in thofe dayes. All that the primitive Popes 
 
 claimed by Divine right, was z primacy of Order ^ or beginning of Vnity, due to 
 the Chair of St. Feter : all that they claimed by humane right , were fome privi- 
 kdges , partly gaine4 by cuftom or prefcription , and partly granted by the Fa- 
 thers to the See of Kome , bccaufe it was the Imperial City. Bat there is enough 
 in this very Canon collaterally to overthrow all the Ufurpations of the 'Roman 
 Court. There is no need that Britain (hould be named particularly, where all the 
 Provinces without exception are comprehended v Let the fame be obferved in other Di- 
 ocefes , and in all Frovinces. There is no need that the Eifliop of Rome (hould be 
 expreffed , where all the Bifhops are prohibited , Ihat no Bijhop occupy another Fro- 
 z'ince , which formerly and from the beginning wm not under the power of him or his Fre- 
 deceffours. If the Fathers were fo tender of pride creeping into the Church in thofe 
 dayes, or of the danger to lofe their Chriftian liberty in the cafe of the Bifhop oi An- 
 tioch , who pretended neither to Divine right , nor Univerfal jurifdidion : what 
 would they have faid or done in the prcfent cafe of the Bifhop of Kome , who chal- 
 lengeth not onely Patriarchal but Soveraign jurifdidion , not over Cyprui onely , 
 but over the whole world i not from cuftom or Canons , but from the Inftitution 
 of Chrift ? If Mr. Serjeant be in the right, then the Bifllep oi Antioch was quite out , 
 to fue for the jurifdidion of Cyprus which belonged more to the Bifliop of Rome 
 than to him. Then the Bifhops of Cyprm were quite out , to challenge the Ordi- 
 nation of themfelves, and jurifdidion over one another , as a proper right belong- 
 ing to themfelves , which they hold onely by courtefie and favour from the Bifhop 
 of Rome. Then the holy Synod was quite out , to determine fo pofitively , that not 
 onely Cyprus , but every Province Jhould enjoy its rights and cujhms inviolated , which 
 it had from the beginning , without zfalvo or faving the right of the Bifhop of Rome , 
 or a refiridion, fo long as he pleafeth to permit them, and to do it in fuch Imperi- 
 al terms , It hath pkafedthe holy Synod , or fuch is our pleafure. Laftly , The Pope 
 himfelf was out , toratifie the priviledges and exemptions of the Cyprian Bifnops, 
 not onely from the Patriarch of Antioch , but from himfelf alfo , and to fuffer his 
 Divine right to be trampled under foot, by Cuf^oms and Canons, which are of no 
 force without him. But this is the leaft part of the pafTages in the Four firit Ge- 
 neral Councils , which are repugnant to the Pope's pretenfions of a General Monar- 
 chy. The Ealiern Churches do ftill adhere firmly to the primitive Difcipline , and 
 for this caule the Pope hath thought fit to excommunicate them. Si violandumjm 
 efl regnandi cauj^^ violandum eji. 
 
 Againfl all our grounds, the moft intolerable extortions that ever wcjc heard 
 
 of
 
 J3 IS COURSE IV. Schifm Gnarded. 
 
 of, moft grievous Ufurpations , malignant influence both upon the State PolvT 
 and EcclcliafHck , and undoubted priviledgcs, he produceth nothing but imme^ 
 diate tradition : and you niuft be content to take his bare word for it for he '" 
 altogether unfurnifhed of proofs. Some men by telling ftrange Stories'over and 
 over , do come at laft to believe them. It may be , he believeth there was a Tra- 
 dition , for thofe Branches of Papal power , which we caft out : but we deny it al- 
 together , and require him to prove rirft that there was fuch a Tradition in E«?- 
 land\ next, that a particular Tradition is a fufficient proof of Divine Inftitu- 
 tion. 
 
 We admit readily, That «fef Vnity of the Church k of great importance , and the 
 breakjifg of it an heinow crime , and that no ahufes imaginable are fufficient to\xcufefor 
 a total defertion of a jiijl prver. Thus far in the thefs we agree , but in the Hvpo- 
 thefis we differ ■■, that which is a fufficient ground for a Reformation is not a fuffi- 
 cient ground for an Extirpation. So many , fo grievous , fo unconfcionable ex- 
 tortions , and ufurpations, and malignant influences, as we complain of and prove 
 are without all peradventure a fufficient ground of Reformation, which is all our 
 Anceftours did , or we defend , though not a fufficient caufe of the extirpation of 
 any juil authority. Our grounds are fufficient for a reformation of abufes and en- 
 croachments, which we acknowledge, and which is ail we did at the Reformati- 
 on : butfor the abolition of any pi\ power, it is his fond imagination we dif- 
 claim it altogether. We have ca(t out all Papal coacSive jurifdidtion in the exteri- 
 our Court, as being political , not Spiritual j but for any Papal jurifdidion ei- 
 ther purely Spiritual , orjurtly founded, we have not meddled with if, Thofe 
 things which we have caft out , are onely abufes and ufurpations. So there is no 
 need of that confideration which he propofeth, whether the abufes were otherwife 
 remediable, or not : for our Reformation is that very remedy which he himfelf hath 
 prefcribed , to hold out encroachments with the point of the fword , without anv 
 meddling with juft right. Other divifion than this ( which he himfelf hath allow- 
 ed ) we believe our Anceftours intended none, we hold none, and fo are accounta- 
 ble for none. 
 
 The main Queftion is , Whether the Britannick^ Churches were de fa&o fubjedt 
 to K owe or not. I have demonftrated the contrary already , that they were not 
 and had alwayes their Ordinations at home. But his conclufion which he puts up- 
 on me, that true complaints again}} Governours , whether otherreife remediable or no 
 are fufficient reafins to abolijh that very Government , is a vain afTertion of his own ' 
 no conclufion of mine. 
 
 He ftarteth a Queftion here little to his own credit, Whether he that maintaineth 
 the Negative , or he that maintaineth the Affirmative, ought to prove. He faith 
 ( according to his old Vacriks) tlut a Negative may he proved in LogicJ^ No man 
 doubteth of it , or denieth it, ^k enimpoteft negare ? I faid on the contrary that 
 in this cafe which cometh here in difference betv/eenus, according to the ftridr 
 rules of Law, the burthen to prove , refteth onely on his fide who affirmeth. As 
 the Queftion is here between us , Whether we had other remedies, than to make 
 fuch a Reformation as we did. We fay , No. They fay , Yea. It is poffible to 
 prove there might be other remedies, but it is impoffible to prove there were no 
 other remedies. Galen or Hippocrates himfelf would not have undertaken fuch a 
 Task, to prove that there were no other remedies for a Difeafe, than that which 
 they ufed. It is not for want of Logical Forms , that Negatives are not to be pro- 
 ved in matter of Fad , but for want of fufficient Mediums, He faith he is no Bow- 
 ler , and fo unexpert , as not fo underhand what U the foaling of a Bowie ■■, it may bs 
 it is true, but if I fliould put him to prove this Negative , it is impoffible. But fo 
 far as a Negative of that nature is capable of proof, I did prove it , by our Ad- 
 dreffes to Popes and Councils, and long expedation in vain, that we had no other 
 remedy than that which we ufed , to thruft out their Ufurpations by the povver of 
 the fword , which courfe he himfelf advifeth , and we pradifed. The divifion is 
 not made by them who thruft out Ufurpations , but by them who brought them in 
 and defend them. 
 I faid , that not onely our Ancejhitrs , hut aV Catholick^ Countries did maintain their 
 
 .391 
 
 own
 
 Sckifw Guarded. TOME I. 
 
 r. «.?»• 
 
 - — ; ■,.,i,A„atnviolated, andtmh ihmjdves the I4 Judges of their grievances^ 
 
 o»-«r'/j»'f»t ^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^^ j^g concludeth with open mouth, therefore there 
 
 from the ^""^^Jj-^^ ^f^'^^ needed no divifwn. Alas poor man,how he troubleth him- 
 
 ^^l^ I y^othing] They and we ufed the very fame remedies, the fame that he 
 
 felt ^?°". "^i^j^ place, 7he Popes would not eafe them upn many Addrejfes made. Wmt 
 
 1^ ? had not the King ihe Srvord in hit ovpn hands? T>id it not lie in his power to right 
 
 \ rif as he Ulied .? and to admit ihofe pretended encroachments onelyfofar as he thought 
 
 ■Ta>id fitting.'' Yes , the King had the Sword in his hands , and did right him- 
 
 rif and calt out thofc Papal Usurpations fo far as he found jull •» and now when 
 
 we 
 we 
 
 have followed your own advice , you call us Schifmatickj and Dividers. Sir, 
 are no Dividers , but we have done our Duties , and if we prove thofe things 
 which we cafl out to be Ufurpations ( as we have done ) you are the Schifmaticks 
 by your own confcilion. 
 
 He pleadeth , 7/ fapal Authority he of Chrid's inftitution , then no jufi caufe cm 
 p4ihlyhe given for its aholipment. Right, But thofe Branches of Papal power 
 which we have caft out , arc neither of Chrift's inftitution , nor of Man's inftitu- 
 tion but meer Ufurpations. Neither do we feek toabolifhPapal Authority, but 
 to reform it from accidental abufes, and reduce it to its firft inftitution. The be ft 
 Inftitutions Divine or Humane , may fometimes need fuch reformation. Here i9 
 nothing like proof, but his Jforld of Witneffes , and his immemorial Tradition^ prefu- 
 ancd not proved. 
 
 To (hew that no Nation fuffered fo much as England, under the Tyranny of the 
 Koman Court, he faith I produce nothing , but the pleafant faying of a certain Pope. 
 Well would he have a better witnefs againft the Pope , than the Pope himfelf ? 
 liahemm conftentem reum. He was pleafant indeed , but 
 
 Ridenieni dicere verttm 
 
 ^uid vet at ? — 
 
 What hinder eth that a man may not tell the truth laughing? He asketh whether thofe 
 lefiimonies which I produce, he demonjirative or rigorous Evidences ? I think he would 
 have me like the unskilful Painter, to write over the Heads of my Arguments, 
 this is a Vemonjiration. It would become him better to refute them , and (hew 
 that they are not Demonftrative , than to trifle away the time with fuch frivolous 
 
 Queftions. 
 
 I (hewed, that \_England is not alone in the (eparation , fo long as all the Eajl- 
 ern Southern , 'Northern , and fo great a part of the JVeJiern Church , have fepara- 
 ted themfelves from the Court oiKome, and are feparated by them from the Church 
 of Home as well as we.J In anfwer to this, he bids me ^evp that thofe I call Chili- 
 ans have any infallible or certain Rule of Faith , &c. This is firft to hang men up, 
 and then to examine their caufe ; firft to excommunicate four parts of five of the 
 Chriftian world for their own Interefts, becaufe they will not fubmit their necks to 
 the Roman yoke , and embrace their upftart Ufurpations, with as much Devotion 
 as the genuine Legacies of Chrift and his Apoftles. It behoved the Court of Rome 
 to have weighed the ca(e more maturely , before they gave fuch a temerarious (en- 
 tence, againft the much greater part of Chriftendom , in fo weighty a caufe. But 
 fox their rule of Faith, they have a more certain and authentick rule than he him- 
 (elf , by as much as the Apoftles Creed is a more authentick rule of Faith, than 
 Pius the Fourth's Creed i and the Holy Scriptures a more infallible ground , than 
 particular fuppofititious Tradition , which wanteth both perpetuity and univcrfali- 
 
 , I faid , that [_ we defircd to live in the peaceable communion of the Catholick 
 Church , as well as our Anceftours , as far as the Roman Court will give us leave.3 
 He anfwereth, that ^f h^oweth very rveVvpe rpould be glad , that the Church of Rome 
 mould ovpn lis for hers, &c. TW Jack Straw, or Wat Tiler, after they had rebelled ;, 
 had no mind to be hanged ■> That it U no charity orcourttfie to us , hut a requejl of an it>t- 
 reafonable favour from tlnm , to admit us into their Communion ^ and ifould be mojt ab' 
 furd in Government, &c. Whether they hold us for theirs or not , is not muchma- 
 
 tcrr
 
 3P 
 
 -> 
 
 Discourse IV. Scbifm Guarded. 
 
 terial i if they did , it were the better for themfelvesj if they do not , it is not the 
 worfe for us : fo as Chrirt own us for his, it skilleth not much whether they lay , 
 Cotne ye bhlJed , or go ye curfed'^ whether we be the wheat or chaff, their tongues 
 muft not winnow us. Although he fnuff at our defire of Union, yet God Ahnigh- 
 ty fets a greater value upon it. He is not out of the Church , who is within it in 
 the defires of his heart, and implicitly in the preparation of his mind. Obferve, 
 Reader, who are the procreative and conferving caufes of this Schifm. They 
 frighted us from them with new Articles and Ufurpations, they thruft us from them 
 with new cenfures and excommunications i and if we had a mind to return, they 
 tell us it were abfurd in Government to readmit m. But my chiefeft wonder is , that 
 he who was the other day , by his own vote, an Arch Kebel, fliould talk fo fud- 
 denly of Hanging. Sudden changes are always dangerous , and for the moft part 
 perfonated. 
 
 He asketh , whether our Ancefiours did renounce the Popes Authority as head of the 
 Church ? If he mean a head of Order , they did not , no more do we : if he 
 mean a head of Sovereign power , they did and fo do we. Whac I granted once 
 I grant always, it is for Turncoats (o tak^ their Srptngs. I wnte femper idem , of^ 
 the fame Religion wherein I was Baptized : can he do the fame i* But he urgeth , 
 that J makg in the lop of my Climax , that our Ancejiours threatnedto ntakg a wall 
 of feparation bettreen the Court of Rome and them , tvhich fljetveth that they 
 did it not : hut it is evident , that roe have done what they onely threatned to do , and 
 plead for excufes , that Tve have more experience than our Ancejiours had. I made it the 
 top of my Climax indeed •, honei^ mens words are as good as deeds. But doth he 
 think that our Ancelloui^ljfc onely make counterf^cit Grimaces , and threaten that 
 which they could not Lawfully have performedM^/rf.The Laws and the threatning 
 are eafily reconciled. Our Anceftours made very (evere Laws againft the Ufurpati- 
 ons of the Court of Rome , as I have (hewed in particular throughout : but they 
 did not execute them fo rigoroufly , but connived at many innocent or not perni- 
 cious encroachments , in hope the Court of Rome and their EmifTaries, would have 
 kept themfelves within fome tolerable bounds of moderation. But they found by 
 experience, and we by much longer and furer experience, that all our hopes were 
 vain , that the Avarice of the Roman Court was not to be (atiated or to be Ainted, 
 that if we give them leave to thrufl: in their head they would quickly draw 
 in their body after. And therefore our Anceftours finding this true in a great 
 part, did threaten them to mdkc a wall of feparation^thu is, to execute their Laws ri- 
 goroufly , to ufe no more indulgence or connivence , to take away their Coadive 
 power in the Exteriour Court altogether , which the Laws have taken away before 
 fufficiently. And we being confirmed by much longer and furer experience, have 
 accompliftied what they threatned. So this threatned wall of Separation xs no new 
 Law , but a new mandate to execute the old Laws; and our experience , and our 
 Anceftours materially is the fame , but ours is more grounded and more fure i their 
 feparation and ours was the fame to point of Law , but not of Execution. And 
 the reafon why our Ancejiours remedies were not Sovereign or fufficient enough, was 
 not want of virme in the remedy , but want of due application. Thus all Mr. 
 arc Serjeants hopes are vaniflied, and his contradidtions tumbled to duft. Great is., 
 truth and prevaileth. 
 
 Yet he keepeth a great ftir and buftling , about our experience more than our An- P-t£. 5:8. 
 cefiours , and prayeth me in his Scoffing manner , Good my Lord tell m what this new 
 experiment was \ and defpairing as it were of fuccefs in his requeft , he addeth, fmci 
 you are refolvedio make afecretof this rare experiment. Now I have told him the 
 fecret , what good will it do him ? as much as he may put in his eye and fee never 
 a jot the worfe. I told him this rare fecret before , inthefe words, we have more _ tattl- 
 experience than our Ancejiours had , that their remedies were not Sovereign or fufficient 
 enough , that if we give him leave to thruji in his head , he will never reji until he have 
 , drawn in bis whole body after, whileji there are no Bonds to hold him but National Laws, 
 But I was not bound both to write him a Ledure and find him eyes. 
 
 Now Readers look to your (elves, out commeth the great Monfter , thathith 
 been fo long threatned, ( as he phrafeth it (curriloufly ) in the lik;nefs of a dru'tk^tt 
 
 Dutch"
 
 'm Gnarded. TOME I. 
 
 nnrrhman fnaki^'iL IndenUtres with hH Legs : fo faith he my difcourfefl aggers , now 
 rrr lor^ iotL other , far d.Hamfde of the contradmon. The Reader (hall find 
 'rhat the tault is not in the Innocent Vutchman , who goeth ftraight enough ; but 
 • 1 e prevaricators eys , who feeth double. Either he did never know , or he hath 
 f" lottcn what a contradidion is. The itch or humour of contradifting hath 1j 
 f r^poffelfed him , that he regardeth not what the rules of contradiction are. The 
 Fi'rll contradidion is, that the Laws of our Anceftours were not remedies fnfjicient e- 
 muph \'CX I maintain jioutly that in the fefaration ^ no new Law was made ^ that is 
 ( as he'colledeth ) the fame Laws were both Juffcient and not fufficient. Is this the 
 Monftrous contradiftion which he promifed to (hew the Readers /or ;)f wee a piece? 
 fThe fame Laws were not fulficient in the days of our Anceftours , and yet the 
 lame Laws were fufficient in the days of Henry the Eighth] hath no fliew of a 
 contradidion in it , nor of any the leall oppofition , which ought always to be 
 made according to the Rules of Logick , at thejame time. I will (hew him a hun- 
 dred of thcfe contradidions, every day in the week for nothing. Mr. Serjeant 
 was no Ro»w«-Catholick , Mr. Serjeant is a Koman-CzthoYick , is juft fuch another 
 contradidion ; or the fame Plaifter was not fufficient to cure fuch a fore at one 
 time yet it was fufficient at another time when the body was better difpofed. All 
 his contradictions end in fmoak and laughter. 
 
 The Second contradidion is , thatlfaid the Laws of other Countries were equi- 
 valent to thofe of England ■■> but I acknowledge elfewhere that the Laws of other 
 Countries were fufficient i and here I fay that the Laws of England were infufficient : 
 So they were equivalent and inequivaknt. Here is another coptradidlion , like the 
 former. The fame Laws proved fufficient to Francwff^t proved infufficient to 
 England. It is another rule in Logick , oppofition ought to have the fame Subjed and 
 the fame Fredicate without ambiguity : but here the predicate is diverfe , fufficient for 
 France , not fufficient for England , and ambiguity more than enough. He might as 
 well argue, the fame medicine will work upon a child , which will not work up- 
 on a man : therefore the fame medicine is not equivalent to it felf. 
 
 The Third contradidion is , that I fay all Catholick^ Countries did maintain their 
 privtledges inviolate , hy means which did not maintain them , or by Laws which were 
 not [undent to do it. Where did I fay this? It is his colledion not my alTertion, 
 but let it pafs mufkt for once. Here is a contradidion deferves a Bell and a Bablei 
 Catholick Countries did maintain their priviledges inviolate by fuch means , at one 
 time not at another , in one place not in another , in one degree not in another, in 
 one refped not in another. 
 
 The la(t mock contradidion is , that I fay the Laws which denied the Tope all Au- 
 thority , and were aUually in force ^ that is, aHually left him none , were not fufficient 
 remedies againji the abufes of that Authority , which had quite tak^n them away. This 
 is not finding of contradidions , but making of them. Give him leave to ufe 
 this [ id ejl , that U ] and he will make a Hundred contradidions in every page 
 of the Bible •> as here , aUually in force, that is , which adually left the Pope no Au^ 
 thority , or which had quite takgn his authority away. If this [ id efi that w ] be mine, 
 then he may objed the contradidion tome, if it be not , then he may keep the 
 contradidion to himfelf , fuch as it is. He knoweth , and all the World know , 
 that aLawisfaid to be adually in force , whileft it is unrepealed ■■, in this fen(e I 
 did , and all men but himfelf do ufe that exprellion. And here he committeth 
 a Third grofs fault againft the rule of oppofition , which ought to be ever b-jS; tS 
 avTi , in the fame refpeB. The Law taketh away abufes as a rule : but the Magi- 
 ftrateby due execution , as an Artificer. The Law is fufficient , Svhenitis fuffi- 
 ciently penned and promulged : but the effi;d followeth the due execution. The 
 not oblerving of this obvious and eafie truth, hath made us all this ftir about ima- 
 ginary contradidions ; as I have (hewed in my anfwer to his laft paragraph, which 
 alone is a fufficient anfwer to all thefe pretended contradidions .• but whether it 
 will be fo adually in force to procure his affent , is more than I know^ if it do not , 
 it detradtth nothing from the fufficiency of the anfwer. Go Mr. Serjeant, go, 
 bring us lefswind and more weight. 
 
 Sdipiw
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Gnarded. 
 
 I Sipius in libra memoratur Perfiut uHo- 
 
 ^uam levis in tota Marjitt Amazoiiidc. 
 
 . In the laft paragraph is nothing but a calumny againft Henry the Eiehth 
 which he is not able to prove : and if he were, it neither concerneth us no^ 
 the queftion. 
 
 SECT. VII. 
 
 Ihat the King and Church of England /rocfe<if</ with due moderation. 
 
 TTHis Sedion doth not much concern either us or the merit of the caufe A 
 "■• Reformation might be juft and neceffary , although the reformers did exceed 
 the bounds of due moderation i neither are we anfwerable for their fucceffes far- 
 ther than we ourfelves do maintain them.I pafsby his pleafant To/icjl^^unfaluted as be- 
 ing impertinent,and having nothing in it deferving theleaftftay of a ferious Reader". 
 I reckoned this as the Firft Branch of our moderation , that we deny not to 
 other Churches , the true being of Churches nor poffibility of Salvation nor fe- 
 parate from Churches , but from accidental errours. For all his fcoffing ' if their 
 Church would ufe the Uke moderation, it would fa ve the World a great' deal of 
 needlefs debate; Againft that which I fay , he objedeth thus , Now the- nutter of 
 faU haih evidenced undeniably , that they ( the Protefiants ) feparated from thofe points 
 which were the principles of Vnity both in faith and Government, he hath brought his 
 matter of FaB and his pinciples of Vnity fo often upon the Stage already, and they 
 have been fo often clearly anfwered, that I will not infill upon fuch a thred bare 
 fubjecl, or trouble the Reader with an irkfome repetition. We have feen how far 
 his principles of Vnity , or his fundamental of fundamentals is true , and ought to be 
 admitted ; and in a right fenfe , we adhere much more firmly unto them than 
 the Church of Kome it felK , ' 
 
 He proceedeth , that the Church of England defines , that our Church ( the Church 
 of Kome ) erreth in matter of Faith Artie, ip. The words of the Articles are 
 Nonfolum quoad agenda & ceremoniarum rituf ^ verum etiam in iis qu£ credenda funt^ 
 that is , Not onely in practical Obfervations and ceremonial rites , but alfo in thofe things 
 which are to be believed , that is ( to ufe Cardinal Cajetans diftindion, ) not in thofe 
 things which are de fide formaliter , in neceffary fundamental Articles ( for we 
 acknowledge that the Church of Rome doth Itill retain the Eflentials of Faith ) but 
 in thofe things which are fidei materialiter , in inferiour queftions which happen 
 in things to be believed , that is to fay opinions^ wherein himfelf acknowledgeth 
 that a particular Church may err. That this is the right fenfe of the Article 
 appeareth hence V that the contradiftinguifh Credenda or things to be believed not to 
 Opinions , but to agenda things to be prad:ifed. 
 
 He urgeth , that we have declared fur points of their Faith to be vain fictions 
 contradiCiory to God's fFord, Artie. 22. That is to fay , their Dodtrine of Purgatory ' 
 Indulgences i their adoration of Images and Relique, invocation of Saints. Rieht' 
 four points of their new Faith , enjoyned by Pins the Fourth , but no Article of the' 
 old Apoftolical Faith , and at the beft onely Opinions. Yet neither doth he cite our 
 Article right, which doth not define them to be contrary to Scripture, but onely 
 befides the Scripture, or not well grounded upon any Texts ofScripture. 
 
 He addeth, the lik^ charaUer if given of another pointy Art. 28. That is , Tranfub- 
 flantiation. Our higheji AB of Devotion^ Art. ^i. U ililed a bla(l>hemous fidion and 
 pernicious impofture; that is, the propitiatory Sacrifice of the Maft. Concerning 
 Tranfubrtantiation what is our opinion , I refer him to my Anfwer to Militier m 
 the very beginning of it. And concerning their propitiatory Sacrifice of the MzCs 
 to the fame Anfwer, pag. 35. The true ftate of the Controverfie was not fb clearly' 
 underftood at firft on either fide , as it is now. He cannot go one ftep farther than 
 we do in that caufe , without tumbling into dirtd Blafphemy.
 
 Schifm Guarded. TOME J. 
 
 It followeth , y4>id Art. 33. that tbofe reho are cut off from the Church ptblkkly ^ 
 nioulA he held as Heathens and Publicans. Well, here is no diftin<ftion between Ko- 
 wa^-CathoIicksandProteftants-, and Fraticifcus hjanHa Clara ^ in his Paraphrafti- 
 cal Expofition of the E;/g//> Articles, giveth this judgment of this Article, T^bis 
 Article is CatholicK-, and agreeable Oi well to Holy Scripture, as to Antiquity. Then 
 why doth he fnarle at this Article which he cannot except againft > Becaufe he con- 
 ceiveth that the Article meaneth Catholicks , or at leaji doth include them. Judge, Rea- 
 der what a fpirit of -contradidion doth polTefs this man, who when he is not 
 able to pick any quarrel at the Words of the Article , calumniateth the meaning , 
 upon his own groundlefs fufpicion. 
 
 But nothing tvos more common in the mouths of our Freachers , thatt to call the Pope 
 Antichrijl , the Church of Rome the Whore 0/ Baby Ion, idolatrous , fuperflitious , bla- 
 fpemous : and to mak^ up the meafure of his Forefathers fins , the Btfl^op calls here the 
 Tiro principles oj "Unity in Faith and Government , errours and falfhoods. If any of 
 cur Preachers being exafpcrated by fome fuch Boutifeus as himfelf , have in their 
 Pulpits ufed any virulence or petulance againft the Church of Rome ; let him make 
 ufe of his ftile againft them, who will furnifli him with Lettuce fuitable to his lipsi 
 what is that to the Church of England ? what is that to us ? ^id immeremes In- 
 cites vexat canU — Ignavus adverfm lupos? Let him but obferve what liberty he him- 
 felf taketh, without any manner of Provocation. But as for my (elf he doth me 
 notorious \/rong , I did not mention any principles of Unity in this place , nor fo 
 much as drcim of them, but that he mult needs bring them in by head and (boul- 
 ders , in every Paragraph. All I faid was this, that we do not feparate from other 
 Churches , but from their accidental errours : but fome men are like nettles, touch 
 them gently and they fling you. 
 
 The Firft part ofour moderation was,not to cenfure other Churches for no Churches 
 nor deny them pollibility ofSalvation,nor thruft them from our Communionv which I 
 fhewed in the example of St. Cyprian. In anfwer to this he (heweth the unlawfulne(s 
 of communicating with Idolaters , which is reconciling Chriji with Antichrift. Was not 
 this impertinent , if he himfelf were Judge ? 
 
 I faid , it might be very lawful in fome cafes , to communicate with material Idolaters 
 Heretickj and Schifmatickj , ( that is fuch as err through ignorance and frailty, not 
 obftinacy ) in Religious Duties. And for proof hereof, I produced the inftance of 
 the primitive Chriltians , communicating in fome cafes with the Heretical Arrians 
 and the Schifmatical Nciz/^fWK/. ■ He demands Firft who forbids them to go vifit the 
 fch^? I add , or pray with them alfo ? which was as much as I faid there , but be- 
 cau(e he fallcth with fuch violence upon the point , I will now take the liberty to 
 exprefs my (elf more fully. Firft , it is to be remembred that I did fpeak onely of 
 material Idolaters, Hereticks or Schi(hiaticks , not formal. Secondly, of Pious 
 Offices, not of Idolatrous ads, nor any thing favouring Herefie or Schifm. Third- 
 ly, I do now exclude ca(e of Scandal , for juft (candal may make that Ad to be 
 unlawful , which in it felf is lawful. Fourthly , I except ca(es of Juft Obedience , 
 the prohibition of a lawful Superiour, Civil , or Ecclefiaftical , may make that 
 Ad to be unlawful , which was indifferent. Laftly , I diftingui(h between per(bns 
 learned and grounded in Religion , and perfons unlearned and ungrounded i the 
 former may and ought to communicate with Idolaters , Hereticks , and Schifma- 
 ticks , as far as they can with a good confcience , to gain them to the truth i the 
 latter are obliged not to come over neer to pitch , leaft they be defiled. 
 
 The Queftion being thus ftated , I believe the main point hath no great difficulty 
 in it. For they who are Idolaters, Hereticks, or Schifmaticks onely materially, 
 not formally , that is , againft their meanings , refolutions, and intentions , are 
 no Idolaters , Hereticks , or Schifmaticks , in the eyes of God or difcerning men : 
 neither are they out of the Pale of the Church , or out of the way of Salvation, 
 De fundament, as the BiOiop of Chalcedon faith moft truly , IFe allow all thofe to have fxving Faith , to 
 c: a. fa£. a.l f^^ j^ ,;^^ Church , in way of Salvation, for fo much as belongeth to Faith , who bold the 
 fundamental points, and invincibly err in not'Fundamentals. But all Idolaters, He- 
 reticks, and Schifiraticks, who are onely materially Idolatrous, Heretical,or Schifma- 
 tical,do err invincibly: for if they erred vincibly, then they were formal Idolaters , 
 Hereticks, or Schifmaticks. Thus
 
 ^9l 
 
 Discourse IV. Schism Guarded. 
 
 Thus much I lay down for certain •■, the reft I onely propole , that akhough they ' — ~" 
 
 •were formal Hcreticks or Schifmaticks , yet they are not altogether out dt the Pale 
 
 of the Church , but onely in part , ex ea parte in texture compjge detinemttr in c£- 
 
 tera fafi fiint , So far they are rvoven into the rocb , for the reft they are divided] as St. "^xfl- I- '--^e 
 
 yiitjhn iaith , and BeVarmine out of him acknowledgeth that they are abfolutely in ^"'"'^ ""'' 
 
 the Church , until they go out of it by obfiinacy ( which they who are onely ^°"^'' 
 
 ma- 
 
 as 
 
 tcrial Hcreticks or Schilmatickx do not : ) and after they are gone out of the Church 
 by obrtinacy , yet they are ftill in the Churcli fecmdum aliquid mn fimplidter not 
 abfolutely but refielTuvely or in part. And after he hath vapoured a lon«5 "me to no BeHJe Ecde 
 purpofe , thus much is acknowledged by himfelf , as longas Schifmaticl^r are not har- I- 3: c 4. 
 dened into an obftinacy ( as no Schifmaticks are , who are onely materially Schifma- ■^"^'5^5' 
 tical ) ihere is a prudential Latitude allorved by the Church , delaying her cenfurers c 
 long asjhe canp(fibly , rvithout rvronging her Government ■■, as teas de i^fko pramjed in 
 England till the 7enih of ^een Elizabeth. This is full as much as I faid , tiiat it 
 may be lawful to communicate in fome cafes with material Schifrnaticks. 
 
 And whatfoever I faid, was rather to make charitable confirudtion of their ma- 
 terial Idolatry , than out of fear that they (hould be able , to attaint us of any 
 Schifm either material or formal : if he had any thing of reality to obiecfl aeainft 
 us, he would be afhamed to intimate our inclinations to favour Arrianifm which 
 he himfelf knoweth our fouls abhor, and which he himfelf knowcth to be ex- 
 prefly condemned , in the fecond Article of our Church. He may finde my In- 
 ftances of the primitive Chriftians , communicating with the Arrians and Novati- 
 ons in Church-Offices , in my Anfwer to the Bifliop of Chalcedon's Preface, pag;. i "57 
 if he have any thing to fay to them. Neither was it at the firft fprouting of the 
 Arrian Herefie , but after they had formed feveral Doxologies to themfelves ■■, not 
 at the firll beginning of the Novatian Schifm , but towards the conclufion of it. 
 i cited St, C)frij« for no other purpofe, but to fhew, that his moderation in ab^ 
 ft^ining fr6tn cenfuring , did preferve. him free from Schifm, although he was in 
 anerrour. When O/'^mw called the Z:>ci«attyir his Brethren ^ he did not mean hi$ 
 Brethren in Adam , but his Brethren in Chrift, and wonders why his Brother Par- 
 menian ( a Donatiji ) tpould rank^ himfelf mth Hereticl{s , tvho rvere falfififrs of the 
 Creed. If this be the infallible mark of an Heretick, let Fius partus and his party 
 look to themfelves. 
 
 I diilikcd a Pofition of his, which the Reader fhall have in his own words, lean- 
 not fay my Religion if trxe , hat I mull fay the Oppofite U falfe i mine is good^ but I 
 mujifay the Oppofneis naught ; mine necefiary , but I muji judge that vohich is inconfi- 
 jient carries to damnation. 'Therefore reho does not cenfure a contrary Religion , holdf ' 
 not his orvn certain , that is^ bath none. Upon this he purfueth me with a full cry 
 that the common principle of Nature £ if any thing he true , t\x oppofite is falfe ^ 1 or 
 j^ a thing cannot both be and not be at once "] is denied by the Bipop. Stay Mr. Ser- 
 jeant., be not fb fierce, the Bifhop knoweth as well as your felf, that the difjundt- 
 pn of contradidtories is eternal > and it feemeth by what paffed lately between us 
 that he underftandeth the rules of oppofition or right contradidrion , better than 
 your felf 
 
 Firft , The Emphafis lieth not in the word Q trtte,'] but in the words £/iy1 and 
 £ cenfure. ] Cannot a man believe of hold his ovi^n Religion to be true, but he mull 
 neceffarily fay or cenfure another mans , which he conceiveth to be oppofite to it, to 
 be falfe. Truth and falfhood are contradictory , or of eternal difjundtion j but 
 there is a mean between believing , or holding mine own Religion to be true and 
 laying or cenfuring another mans ( which perhaps is oppofite J to be falfe, both 
 more prudential and more charitable , that is, filences to look circumfjsecftly to my 
 felf, arid leave other men to ftand or fall to their own Mafter. St. Cyprian did be^ 
 lieve or hold his own Opinion of Rebaptifation to be true , yet did not cenfure 
 the oppofite to be falfe , or remove any man from his communion for it. Rabp^a- 
 kih was more cenforibas than Hezekiah , and downright Atheifts than conlcioha- 
 ble Chriftians. 
 
 Secondly, That which he calleth his Religion, is no more in truth than hisopi- 
 nlon ; and different Opinions are ftiled different Religions. In Opinions it is noi;' 
 
 T t 2 neceP-
 
 391. 
 
 Schifw Guarded. TOME I. 
 
 ncccffarv to hold with any party , much Icfs to cenfjre other parties. Sometimes 
 OemiiiR different opmions are both true , and all the oppolition is but a contention 
 b 1 It words , and then mutual ccnfures are vain : fometimes tbey are both falfe , 
 ^ d dicn there is more ufe of mutual charity than mutual cenfures i and evermoire 
 ' whether true or falfe, an errour againlt charity , is much greater than a meer fpe- 
 culative errour in judgment. Prejudice and felf-love are like a coloured glafs, which 
 makes every thing we difcern through it, to be of the fame colour : and on the 
 other fide , rancour and animofity, like the tongue infeded with choler, maketh 
 . the fwceteft meats to taft bitter •, in each refped cenfures arc dangerous , and his 
 ' principle pernicious , that he tvho doth not cettfure every Religion rvhich he reputeth con- 
 trary to his own , hath no Religion. 
 
 \ fet down fome principles, whereof this is the firft, [^ particular Churches may 
 fall into errours. 3 He anfwereth , 'tw true , if by Errours he means Opinions ontly. 
 JiJo I mean Fundamental Errours alfo ; and not onely fall into fome Fundamen- 
 tal Errours but aportate from Chrii\ , and turn T«r<^s , and change their Bible in- 
 to the Alchnran s whereof we have vifiblc experience in the World. He anfwers , 
 that Frinciple if not fo undeniable as J thinly., in cafe that particular Church adhere firm- 
 ly to her rules of Faith ^ immediate Tradition. Well , but we fee vifibly with our 
 eyes that many particular Churches have not adhered to any Tradition , univer- 
 fal or particular , mediate or immediate , bnt have abandoned all Apoltolical Tra- 
 dition then to what purpofe ferveth his Exception , in cafe that Church adhere 
 firmly to immediate Tradition, when all the World feeth, that they have not adhered 
 firmly to Apoftolical Tradition? His prefcrvative is much like that, which an old 
 Seaman gave a Frefli-water paflenger , when he was to go to Sea , to put fo many 
 pibble ftones into his mouth , with affurance that he fliould not caft, whilefi he held 
 them between his teeth. What fort of Tradition ought to be reputed Apoftolical , 
 what not , I have fhewed formerly. 
 
 My fecond Principle was , that \_ all Errours are not EfTentials or Fundamen- 
 tals."] He demands, what is this to his Propofition tvhich f^aks of Religion ^ not of 
 Opinions ? Very much, becaufe he maketh Opinions to be EfTentials of his Religi- 
 on ( as we fee in the new Creed of ?iw the Fourth, ) fo do not we. To the third 
 Principle we agree thus far , that an Errour de fide formaliter , or in thofe things 
 which are Efientials of Faith , doth deftroy the being of a Church. I add , that 
 Errours in thofe things, qu£ funtfidei materialiter , that is , in inferiour Queftions 
 which happen in or about things believed, or which are not in Effentials , howfo- 
 cver they may be lately crowded into the catalogue of Effentials , do not deftroy 
 the beeing of a Church. 
 
 My fourth Principle was , that [ every one is bound according to the juft extent 
 of his power, to free himfelf fiom fuch Errours as are not in Effentials. ~\ He an- 
 fwereth lV})y fo my Lord ? if thofe Errours he not Effential ^ they leave according to 
 your own grounds juffcient means of Salvation , and the true bein^ of a Church •, Hon> 
 trove you then you ought to break.Church-Communion .? &c. As it no Errours ought 
 to be remedied , but onely thofe which are abfolutely exclufive from all hope of fal- 
 vation v as if thofe Errours which are onely itnpeditive of falvation , ought not 
 to be efchewed. The leaft Errour maintained or committed againft the didate of 
 Confcience is a fin ; every good Chriftian ought to do his uttermofi endeavour to 
 free himfelf from fin i it is not lawful to do evil tiiat good may come of it. Yes, 
 faith he , bnt not to breali^ Church Communion which is efkntially dejiruGive to the being 
 (if a Church , or to endanger our fouls where there is no necefjity. Firit , they who free 
 themfelves from known Errours , do not thereby break Church-Communion : but 
 they who make their Errours to be a condition of their Communion. Let him 
 hear the conclufion of the Eifliop of Chalcedon. In cafe a particular Church do re- 
 B i fS rver ^"'^^ profejfion of her Herefie , of a condition of communicating with her , divifon fiom. 
 (itp.a.f, 4. '•-'<''' "* ''•"■f ^4^ '^ '^° Schifm or fin, but virtue and necejfary ; where he fpeaketh onely 
 of material Herefie. It was they who made their Errours the condition of their 
 Communion , and therefore the Schifm and fin lyeth at their doors. Secondly , 
 Schifm doth not deftroy the being of a Church , for the Church continueth a- 
 .Cliurch ftill, after the Schifinatieks are gone out of it: but it deftroyeth the Schif- 
 '^ maticks
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. 
 
 399 
 
 niaticks themfelves. Laftly , to free our felves froni known hrrours , when thev" 
 arc made conditions of Communion , is fo far from being dangerous to Salvatio 
 that as the Eifliop confeffeth truly , it is virtue and neccjfary. "' 
 
 The fecond proof of our moderation was our charity , that we left them as one 
 fhould leave his Fathers Houfe , whileft it is infeded with fome contagious fick 
 jiefs, with an hearty defire to return again fo foon as it is cleanfed. This charita' 
 ble defire of ours, I proved by our daily Prayers for them in our Litany that God 
 would bring them out of the way of Errour , into the way of truth • 'and parti 
 cularly by our Prayer on Good Friday for them. That God vPould have mrcy upon ai 
 Hereticks, and fetch them home to his Flock, that they may be faved amona the remmni 
 of true Ifraelites, and be made one fold under one Shepherd Jefus Chriji our Lord A d 
 this our charity is the more confpicuous by this , that in bulla ctena that is the 
 next day before , anniverfarily , they do as folemnly curfe and anathematize us 
 To this he aniwereth i Firrt , that they do more for us , and hazard their lives dail'v 
 to convert us.' They hazard their lives to ferve a forreign intereft , not to convert 
 but to pervert as many as they can i not to fow good feed in the Lord's Field ' 
 but to fuperfeminate , or fow Tares above the Wheat. We fhould thank thern 
 more to Ihy at home , than to compafs Sea and Land to gain Profelyiv? as i\ f 
 Pharifees did , and made them two-fold more the children of Hell than ihcmfelves^ 
 He faith, that this is the folemn cujiom of their Church every Good Friday. Let it be 
 fo : but they have not the fame incentive and provocation which we have we do 
 not curfe and anathematize them the day before , as they do us. This advantage 
 we have over them , that we render blelfing for curling, which they do not. 
 
 Heretickj-., Firft , he- 
 Heretical; Secondly, 
 Flock. To the firft 
 
 I anfwer, that a particular Church which is onely materially Heretical not for- 
 mally , doth itill continue a true Church of Chrilh The Bifliop of Chalcedon un- 
 derftood thefe things much better than himfelf, this is confclTed by him in the place 
 formerly alledged , A particular Church may be really Heretical or SchifmaticaL and yet Brief Survey 
 morally a true particular Church ^ becaufe Jhe u invincibly ignorant of her Herefxe or cap: i. [(8: 4. 
 Schifm. We agree with him wholly in the fenfe , onely we differ in the exprdlion 
 What he calleth really Heretical , v/e Mc materially Heretical; and what he called* 
 morally a true Church , we ufe to ftile Mctaphyftcally a true Church , that is bv 
 truth of Entity , not of Morality. Secondly, I anfwer. That the Flock ofChrift 
 is taken varioufly , fometimes more largely, fometimes more ftridly i more large- 
 ly , for all thofe that are in domo , by outward profeifion ; more Itritftly, for thoft 
 who are ex domo ••, fo in the Churchy that they are alfo of the Church by inward 
 Sandtification. And our Colled: hath reference to this later acception of this word 
 L Floch^: ] So fetch them home , hleSed Lord , to thy Floc\^ that they may be Ca- 
 ved. -' 
 
 He taketh it ill , that our Church hath changed thefe words in the MifTal f reca'l 
 them to our Holy Mother the Catholick and Apojiolick^ Church,"] into this dmndlitr pu- 
 ling , puritanical exprejjion, of [ one Flock^, and one Fold, under one Shepherd. "1 Whe- 
 ther it be becaufe he hath a pick againlt Scripture Phrafes , as founding too Preach- 
 er-like i or rather, becaufe our Church did prefume to name the right Shepherd 
 Jefiii Chriji , and not leave it to their Gloffes to entitle the Pope to that Office' 
 But certainly , the Authority of the Catholick Church , is not formidable at all to 
 any genuine Sons of the Church of England. 
 
 I do readily acknowledge, that it is the duty of each Orthodox Church to ex- 
 communicate Formal Hereticks , and them who fwervc from the Apoftlcs Creed 
 as the Fvule of Faith : but this doth not oblige the Church of England to excom- 
 municate all material Hereticks, who follow the didate of their confcience in infe- 
 riour Qucftions , which are not Effentials of Faith , and do hold the truth impli- 
 citely in the preparation of their minds. Neither do I ever know, that the Church 
 oi: England did ever excommunicate Papifts in grofs, qua tales 'hut onely fome 
 particular Papifts, who were either convifted of other crimes, or found puilty of 
 contumacy. It were to be wiflied , that the Court of Rome would ufe the fame 
 
 mode-
 
 40 
 
 o 
 
 Schifm Guarded. TOME I. 
 
 moderation , and remember how Ir£iieus reproved Pope FiSor, 7hat he had not done 
 
 V rb lib riohtly , to cut ojffrom the Vnity of the Myjlical Body of Chrijl , fo many and fu great 
 
 cap V- CAmnhes of God. This is that great non-fenfe , which this egregious Prevaricatour 
 
 ' j^jtli found in our Colled-, that f/;(? Englifh C/j/<rc/? Mwzot reconcile herVnUrine and 
 
 her pradice together. Let him not trouble his head with that , but rather how to 
 
 reconcile himlelf with his own Church. He will have Prayers to be onely words, 
 
 Pae 590: no works : but his Church maketh Prayer , Fafting and Alms, to be Three fatisfa- 
 
 dory works. 
 
 My third proof of our moderation was, that we do not challenge a new Church, 
 a new Religion , or new Holy Orders : but derive our Church , our Religion , our 
 Holy Orders , from Chrilt and his Apoftles by an uninterrupted Succellion i we 
 obtrude no innovations upon others. All this is quite omitted by this great pre- 
 tender to fincerity , and yet he knoweth or may know , that there have been pre- 
 tended Reformers , who have committed all thefe excefTes. But he catcheth hold 
 of two words of my defence , that we have added no thing I wifh they could fay 
 as much ) nor tahn away any thing but errours. To the former part he excepteth , 
 that he who pofitively denies , ever adds the contrary to what he tak^s away j He that 
 mak^s it an Article there is no Purgatory , no Mafs^ no Traytrs to Saints ■, hath as ma- 
 ny Articles as he who holds the contrary. I have taken away this Anfwer before, 
 and demonftrated , that no Negative can be a Fundamental Article , or neceffary 
 Medium of Salvation, becaufe it hath no Entity ■■> That there are an hundred great- 
 er Difputes and Contradidions among themfelves , in Theological Queftions , or 
 in thefe things qu£ funt fdei materialiter, than thofe Three are between us and 
 them; Yet they dare not fay, that either the Affirmatives or Negatives are Arti- 
 cles of Faith. The Chriftian Church for Fifteen hundred years , knew never more 
 than Twelve old Articles of Faith , until Piuf the Fourth added Twelve new Arti- 
 cles. And now this young P)'/fc<jgoMj will make us more than 1200 Articles , Af- 
 firmative Articles , and Negative Articles s Fundamental Articles , and Superftru- 
 dive Articles. Every Theological truth {hall either be a Fundamental Article , or 
 an indifferent and uiiconcerning Opinion. 
 
 He faith , Our 22. Article defneth the Negative to Purgatory ■, yet I ^ tikg an iU-tu- 
 P^i- 59i toured child, tell my old crafie Mother the Church of Enghnd , that Jhe lyes. I hope 
 by this time the Reader knoweth Efficiently , that his Pen is no flander. If the 
 Church of England did ever ill , it was when (he begot him. Neither do I tell the 
 Churcli of England Jhe lyes , nor diffent in the leaft from the Definition of the 
 Church of England; neither doth the Church of England define any of thefe Que- 
 ftions as neceffary to be believed , either neceffitate medii , or nece0tate pr<eceptiy 
 which is much lefs, but onely bindethher Sons for peace-fake not to oppofe them. 
 But he himfelf can hardly be excufed from lying , where he telleth us , the good fm- 
 fk Minijiers did fwear to maintain them. Perhaps he was one of the fimple Mini- 
 liers, did he ever fwear to maintain them? did he ever know any man who did 
 fwear to maintain them ? For him to urge fuch falflioods , after they have been lb 
 bften det<-ded , is douhlcEffiontety, periijjefuto cut pudor per Ht. He inferreth far- 
 ther. By the Bijhops Logich^, thefe Propofnions , that there are not "two Gods , that the 
 "Devils Jh all not befaved, nor the Saints in Heaven damned •> that there is no Salvation^ 
 hut through ChriH '■, mu^ ceafe to be Articles of Faith , and become indifferent unconcer- 
 fiing Opinions , becaufe they are Negative. I wifli no more difparagemcnt to any 
 man , than to be the Authour of fijch an abfurd AfTertion , Either they are Funda- 
 mental Articles , or unconcerning Opinions. How (hould they ceafe to be Articles , 
 which never were Articles ? That there is one God , and one Saviour Jefus Chrilt, 
 that the life of the Saints is everlafting , and the fire of the Devils everlafling , are 
 Articles of Faith i but every thing which may be deduced from thefe, is not a di- 
 rtind Article of Faith. 
 
 To the later part of my Plea , that we too\_ nothing away hut teeeds, he pleadethi 
 Firft, tha.t it is but a felf-fuppofition, or a begging of the Quefiion. By his leave, 
 I have demonftrated , that all the Branches of Papal power, which areincontro- 
 verfie between them and us, are all grofs ufurpationsand weeds, which did never 
 fprout up in the Church of England until after i loc years-, no man can fay with- 
 < out
 
 401 
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. 
 
 out (hame , that fuch were planted by Chrill: or his Apoftles. Secondly , he exce- ~ 
 
 pteth, th-it totally away Errours, is arequifue a& of JujUce, not a proof of Moderati- 
 on: On the contrary , therefore it is a proof of Moderation, becaufe itisaregui- 
 fite ad of Jullice ■■, all virtue confilleth in the mean , or in a moderation. It is ijot 
 his particular , pretended , fuppofititious Tradition , which doth fecure us that 
 Chrift was , and that the Holy Scripture is the genuine Word of God : but the 
 univerfal and perpetual Tradition of the Catholick Church of Chrift. 
 
 My laft proof of our moderation was , that we are ready in the preparation of 
 our minds to believe and pradife , whatfoever the Catholick Church of this pre- 
 fent Age doth believe and pradife. And this is an Infallible prefervative to keep a 
 man within the Pale of the Church: whofoever doth this cordially, cannot pollibly 
 be a formal Heretick or Schifmatick , becaufe he is invincibly ignorant of his Here- 
 fie or Schifm ••> No man can have ajtiji caufe tofeparate his Commmnon , a Communi- 
 one orbis Terrarum , jrom the Communion of the Chrijlian IForlJ, If he would have *"'" ^f''-4i 
 confuted this , his way had been to have propofed for.iething which the Chriftian 
 World United doth believe or pradife , which we are nor ready to believe or pra- 
 dife. This he doth not fo much as attempt to do , but barketh and raileth with- 
 out rythm or reafon. Firft he telleth "us we fay that there is no Vniverfal Church 
 Chufe Reader whether thou wilt believe him or our Leiturgy , wherein we pray 
 daily , that God tvitl injpire the Vniverfal Church rvith thejpirit of Truth, Vnity, and 
 Concord. He telleth us, that they do not doubt but ree have renounced our Creed. 
 Chufe Reader whether theu wilt believe him or our Leiturgy , wherein we make 
 profelfion daily of the JpoftoUck^, Nifene , and Athanafian Creeds. He telleth us 
 that we hz'V&renounced our reafon. If he had faid onely that we had loft our reafon' 
 it is more than any man in his right witts would fay : but to fay we have renounced 
 our reafon , is incredible. 
 
 The reafon of all this is , becaufe vce give no certain rule to h>totv a true Church from 
 an Heretical. Hefuppofeth, that no Heretical Church is a true Church. The Bi- 
 (hop of Chalcedon may inftrud him better , that an Heretical Church U a true Church 
 rphileji it erreth invincibly. He faith that he hath lived in circumftances, to be at rvell 
 acquainted with our DoUrine as moji men are: Yet he profefleth that if his life were at 
 ftaki , he could not determin abfolutely upon our conflant pounds , whether Trefbyterians 
 Anahaptijlf , or ^akgrs are to be excluded from the Vniverfal Church or no. The near- 
 er relation that he hath had to the Church of England , the more (hame for him to 
 fcoffe fo often at the fuppofed nakednefs of his Mother , and to revile her fo viru- 
 lently, vvithout either ground or Provocation , which gave him his Chriftian beinf. 
 He hath my charitable Judgement of Prefbyterians , in my reply to the Bifhop of 
 Chalcedons Epiftle. And for the other Seds , it were much better to have a little 
 patience and fuffer them to dye of themfelves, than trouble the world fo much about 
 them : they were produced in a ftorm and will dye in a calm. He may be fure they 
 ■will never molefthim at any Councel , either General or Occidental. It is honour 
 enough for them to be named in earneft by a Polemick Writer. 
 
 But what manner of difputing is this, to bring Queftions inftead of Arguments? 
 As what new Form of Difcipline the Proteftants have introduced ? What are the 
 certain conditions of a right Oecumenical Council ? What is the Univerfal Church, 
 and of what particular Churches it doth confift ? What are the notes to know a 
 true Church from an Heretical .■? We have introduced no new Difcipline , but re- 
 tained the old. Our conditions of a right Oecumenical Council , are the fame 
 they were , not altogether fo rigoroufly exaded in cafe of invincible necellky. We 
 are readier to give an account of our felves , than to cenfure others ; either to in- 
 trude our felves into the Office of God, to diftinguifli perfedly formal Schifmaticks 
 from material ; Or into the Office of the Catholick Church , to determine precifc- 
 ly who ought to be excluded from her Communion , who not. We exclude all 
 thofe whom undoubted General Councils have excluded , the reft we leave to God, 
 and to the determination of a free Council as General as may be. But becaufe I 
 would not leave him unfatisfied in any thing, 1 am contented to admit their own 
 Definition of the Univerfal Church , that is, the company of Chrijiians ki>it together 
 by the profefjion of the fame Faith , and the Commmnon of the fame Sacraments ^^inda- 
 
 the
 
 4o2 
 
 Scbifm Guarded. TOME I. 
 
 the Govtrnment of lawful Pajhurs. Taking away that purple patch , which they 
 ■ u^ye ajded at the latter end of it , for their own interclt , and efpeciaVy of the Ro- 
 an Bipop "^ ''-'^ ""^b ^''^"^ °( ^'-""'^^ "/""* ^^'''^' -^""^ '^ ^'^^y ^^ ftinted at a 
 Priinacy of Order, or beginning of Unity , Ifhouldnot have excepted againft 
 
 ' He objecfteth , that Troteftants have no grounds to dijiinguijh true believers from falfe. 
 That were ftrange indeed , whileft we have the fame Scriptures, interpreted by the 
 fame perpetual Tradition of the Univerfal Church, according to the fame Analogy 
 of Faith ( wherein we give this honour to the Fathers , not to be Authors but wit- 
 jiefles of Tradition > ) whatfoever grounds they have to diftinguiQi true believers 
 from falfe, we have the fame. But becaufe-.! made the Apoftles Creed to be the 
 rule cf Faith , he objedteth, Firlt , then the Puritans who deny the Article of Chrijis 
 defcent into Hell , muji be excluded quite from the Vniverfal Church. If they be fo , 
 what is that to the Church of England ? if they be turned out , yet let them be 
 heard Firft. They plead that the manner of Chrilts defcent is not particularly deter- 
 mined : but let it be determined or not , they ought to be turned out of the Uni- 
 verfal Church by a General Council i and it may be they will fubmit to the Au- 
 thority of a General Council, then there will need no turning out. Secondly he 
 objedieth , fo a man may rejf S all Government of the Church , the proce^on of the Holy 
 Ohoji , all the Sacraments^ aVthe Scriptures^ and yet continue a Member of Gods Church. 
 Why fo ? when I faidthe Creed was afufficient rule of Faith , or Credendnrum of 
 things to be believed , I neither faid nor meant , that it was regtila agendorum , a 
 rule offuch things as are to hepraUifed--, fuch as the Ads of Diicipline and of the Sa- 
 craments are. The Creed contained enough for Salvation , touching the procellion 
 of the Holy Ghoft , before the words {_ Filioque ] were added to it : and there is 
 great caufe to doubt , that the contentions of the Eafternznd J^efffrw Churches about 
 this Subjed , are but a meet Logomachy or ftrife about words. The Scriptures and 
 the Creed are not two different rules of Faith , but one and the fame rule , dilated 
 in the Scripture , contraded in the Creed ; the end of the Creed being to contain all 
 fundamental points of Faith , or a fummary of all things neceflary fo Salvation, to 
 be believed Necefjitate medii : but in what particular writings all thefe fundamental 
 points are contained , is no particular fundamental Article it felf , nor contained in 
 the Creed , nor could be contained in it i finceit is apparent out of the Scripture it 
 felf, that the Creed was made and depofited with the Church as a rule of Faith , 
 before the Canon of the new Teftament was fully perfeded. Arrians and Socinians 
 may perhaps wreft the words of the Apoftles Creed , to their Heretical fenfe : 
 but not as it is explained by the Firft Four General Councils , which all Orthodox; 
 Chriftians do admit. He faith they and we differ about the fenfe of Two Articles 
 of the Creed , that is the defcent of Chrift into Hell , and the Catholick Church , 
 but fetteth not down wherein we differ. He hath reafon to underftand our differ- 
 ences , having been of both Churches : but I for my part do rather believe , that 
 he underftandeth neither part right. Howfoever it be, the different fenfe of an 
 Article doth make an Heretick, after it is defined by the Univerfal Church , not 
 before. 
 
 He faith , he hath already petved in the foregoing Sedion^ that the Proteflanti grounds 
 have left no Order and Subordination of Vniverfal Government in Gods Church. But 
 he hath neither (hewn it in the foregoing Sedion , nor any where elfe , nor is able 
 to fhew it. We have the fame fubordination that the Primitive Church , of Inferi- 
 our Clergy- men to Bifhops , of Bifhops to Archbifhops , of Archbifhops to Patri- 
 archs , and of Patriarchs to a General Council , or as General as may be. Let him 
 fhew anyone link of this Subordination that we have weakened. I faid £ we ac- 
 knowledge, not a Virtual Church, or one man as Infallible as the Univerfal 
 Church : ] He rejoyneth , nor they neither. I wifh it were fo Generally ; but the 
 Pope and Court of Rome , who have the power of the Keys in their hands ( whom 
 onely we accufe in this behalf ) do maintain the contrary i that a General Council' 
 without the Pope may err i that the Pope with any Council General or particular 
 cannot erri that the Infallibility of the Church is radicated in the Pope , by Virtue of 
 Chrifts Prayer for St. Peter, that his Faith fljould not fail , not in a company of Coun- 
 
 fellcrs , 
 
 •i
 
 I J IS COL' USE IV. Schifm Gnarded. 
 
 i ^ 4° 3 
 
 Iclkrs, nor in a Council of Bifhops v that the Pope cannot define tcmerarioully ^ ' 
 
 in matters of Faith or good manners , which concern the whole Church. What' 
 a General Council is,and what the Univerfal Church is, and who ought to be exclu- 
 ded from the one or the other as Hereticks , I have (hewed already ■■, namely all 
 thofe and onelythofe, who do either renounce their Creed , the bad c^e of their 
 Chriftianity , the fame Faith whereinto they were Baptifedi or who differing about 
 the fenfc of any Article thereof, have already been excluded as Hereticks by the 
 fentence of an undoubted General Council. ' 
 
 Howfoever he fleighteth the Controverfies which they have among themfelves 
 concerning the lad refolution of Faith , as if they were of no momenta yet they are' 
 not of fb little concernment to be fo fleighted. What availeth it to fay they have 
 the Chiirch for an infalhble Judge , whileli; they are not certain, or do' not know 
 what the Cliurch is , or who this infallible Judge is? May not a man fay unto 
 them, as E/ijj/j faid untotheij9<zf//7fj, JVl.y hah ye betrpeen two Opinions ? or ra- 
 ther, why halt ye betwixt five or fix Opinions ? If the Pope alone be infallible 
 Judge, follow him-, if a General Council alone be this infalhble Judge follow it- 
 if the Eflential Church be the infallible Judge, adhere to iti if the Pope and a Ge- 
 neral Council , or the Pope and a particular Council, or the Pope and his Conclave 
 of Cardinals be this infallible Judge , follow them. 
 
 He telleth us , that their Vniverfal Church U at vifible as the Sun at Noon-day to 
 vpit , thofe Countries in communion tpith the See of Rome. Without doubt they are 
 vifible enough, but it is as vifible, that theyare not the Univerfal Chujch. What 
 fhall become of all the reft of the Chriftian World > they are the elder Chriliians 
 and more numerous four for one, both Patriarchs and people. Icisagainft reafon 
 that one fingle Protopatriarch (hould caft out four out of the Church, Jnd be both 
 Party and Judge in his own Caufe. But here it ends not i if the Pope will have 
 his vifible Church to be one Homogeneous Body ', he muft caft our a great macy 
 more yet •, and it is to be fufpeded , this very Dijpatcher himfelf among the reft, for 
 all his (hews. They flatter the Pope with General terms of Head , and Chief Go- 
 vernour , and Fir/f Mover , which fignifie nothing-, but in reality , they would have 
 the Pope to be no more, than the Duke oi Venice is in the Venetian Commonwealth 
 that is, lefs than the Senate , but greater than any fingle Senatour : or, that which r i, j 
 a general Maifter is in a Religious Order i above all Priours and Provincials, but lib.\.cah"v- 
 fubjeift to a Congregation General. Wherein do thefe men differ from us > 
 
 SECT. V 1 1 L 
 
 "that all Princes and Kepublick/ of the Roman Communion , do in efftd the fame thina 
 rvhich Henry the Eighth did , rvhen they have occafmt , or at leaji do tkad 
 for it. 
 
 THis was the Title and this is ray fcope of my Fifth ground -, which I mids 
 good by the Laws and Decrees of the Emperours , with their Councils, and 
 Synods, and Electoral Colledge, by the Laws of France , the liberties of the 
 Galican Church , the A<ftsof their Parliaments , and declarations of their Univcr- 
 fities : by the praftice of the King oi^ Spain , his Councils , his Parliaments, in Si- 
 cily, in Cajiile , in Brabant and Flanders : by the fighs of Portugal, and their bkatings 
 and the judgement of the Univerfity of Lisbone : by the Laws and Proclamations 
 of the Republick .of Venice. This I made good , in every particular branch of 
 Papal power which we have caft out of England -, the Patronage of the Enghfl> 
 Church, the right to call and confirm Synods, to confer Bifhopricks, to receive 
 Tenths and Firft-fruits and Oaths of Fidelity , and concerning the Supreme Legi- 
 ilative Difpenfative and Judiciary power, in all things pertaining to the External 
 Regiment of the Church. To all this, neither the Bifhop of Chalcedon nor Mr. 
 Serjeant, either in his former Ai\fwer, or in this Rejoynder ( although provoked, ) 
 have offered one word of Anfwer. 
 
 This Plea doth utterly deftroy their prefienfe of Divine right and of uninterrupted 
 
 U u Tradi-
 
 404 
 
 Schifm Guarded. TDME L 
 
 -~ ~ ji thefc Branches of Papal power. Can any man be fo Aupid as to 
 
 7rjdiuo„ ior an ^^^.'^^^ .^, ^.^^^^ ^ ^,^1^^ was Fiift tacked into the Church , with 
 
 T'^^'hi Oppolltion, after Eleven Hundred years .? or that to be grounded upon 
 "ctual and Univcrfal Tradition , which hath been oppofed in all Ages f.nce it 
 '^^'^'^dcvifcd in all places , by all forts of pcrlons •, Kmgs and their Parliaments 
 ^ d Councils Synods , and Univcrfities , Divines , and Lawyers ? what (hameful 
 Tcrdverfation is this, which no Ingenious Adverfary could be guilty of, but out of 
 ■ vincible necellity ? thus he ferved me where I produced all ourdld Englijh Laws, 
 Thus" he ferved me where I produced their own Authors to teftifie the intolerable 
 'Extortions and Ufurpations of the Ro»wJ« Court, thus he fervethme here,and in place 
 of fo many Laws and Proclamations, and Placacts,and Synodal Adts,and Judgments 
 of Univcrnties,he fliufflcth in fo many of his fiddle-faddle contradidions , which are 
 notall worth a dcafNut.lf it were not thatlhave proceded fofar already,&fofo devorato 
 hove.iurpe cjl in cauda dtficere,\ would not vouchfafe to anfwer them but with contempt. 
 Thus he begins , Nine or ten jelf-comradiCiioni in one SeUinn. He fpeaketh mo- 
 deflly , i^ there be one , there is nine hundred. This word [ in effedt ] faith he , 
 deftrve) a Comment. It hath a Comment , wherein his feigned contradidions were 
 fatisfied , before they were hatched by him •, the more uningenuous pcrfon he , to 
 take no notice of it.Hc may rind it in my Reply to the Bifnop oiChakedon, chap- 7. 
 / 2.Pag. 228. Other Princes of the Koman Communion, have made Laws as well 
 as we to renounce and abrogate all thofe Branches of Papal Authority which we 
 caft out , that is , onely Papal Ufurpations -, but neither they nor we ever defined 
 affaii'jl Effential right. We deny not to the Pope a Superiority of Order above the 
 Archbifliop of Canterbury, but we deny him a Superiority of Power in the Exte- 
 riour Court , that is , we deny him the Supreme Judiciary Power : fo did they. 
 King Henry the Eighth abolijhed the JurifdiUion of the Bijhop of Rome rpithin hii Do- 
 tninions, hut the Emper ours did not fo\ If they did not fo, yet if they pleaded for 
 it , or juftified it , it is as much as I faid : and if they did it by parcels f as I have 
 fliewed they did 3 though they did it not in grofs , it is the fame thing in effed. 
 Om Ance(tours threatned the Tope , to makg a rvaV of Separation between him and them , 
 not by making a new Law , for it was the Common Law of England , but by de- 
 claring the Law , by executing the Law : And though they had threatned him to 
 make one general Law , againlt all his Ufurpations in grofs •, yet formerly having 
 made fingle Laws againft the fame in particular , it was but the fame in effed. This 
 fucking Contradidion hath been anfwered fufficiently in the laft Sedion. He faith, 
 our Controverfie U not about the extent of Fapal potPer , but about the right it felf. The 
 jufi contrary is true •, our controverfie is onely about the extent of Papal power, or 
 about thofe particular Branches of Papal power which we have caft out. He loves 
 to hover in Generals, but we {hall bring him willingly , or againft his yvill , to de- 
 fcend to particulars. 
 
 He taketh notice here, of my complaining that they anftver not particulars, and J 
 ajiure the Keadtr , that if their caufe would have born it , they would have anfwered 
 them. Obferve but how tame he is upon this provocation, that ufeth to be fo fierce 
 ■without any provocation. All the Anfwer it doth extort from him is. Was ever 
 manfo ignorant of the common Laws ofVijputing? Needs any more Anfrver to be given to 
 particulars which one yields to, than to jay he grants them ? If he be overmuch ac- 
 quainted with the Laws of Difputing , reddat mihi minam Diogenes , Let him who 
 taught me Logick , give me my Money again. But it is well we have his concede 
 omnia , &c. We grant aV hU particular Injiances of thefe contefts between Kings and 
 Topes: yet notfo very well neither, for what he granteth with one hand, he ta- 
 keth away with the other , not entring into that Vijpute , how far they were donejuji- 
 ly , how jar unjufily , which vs little to our purpofe , fince the Authority it j'elf is acknow- 
 ledged on both fides. It is little to their purpofe indeed , but it is much to ours. Is 
 the Papal power acknowledged , where the Popes Soveraign power , his Legifla- 
 tive power , his Judiciary power , his Difpenfative power are all oppofed ? Much 
 good may his dry Fapacy ( as he pleafeth to call it fometimes ) do him. In every 
 one of thefe Inftances , befides meer matter of Fad , there is an Inference to mat- 
 ter of Right. The common Laws oj Uijputing require , that he (hould have anfwe- 
 red
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. ^q^ 
 
 red that , as w.^Il as granted the other. If his Dif^atches be fuch as this, he may 
 difpatch more Anfwers in a day , than St. Anjlin could have made Oppofitions in a 
 year. 
 
 when I faid, what ? Is the Ground of Iiis Exception ,_ nothing but a contradi- 
 <ftion? he urgeth , that Imah^ account a contradiUion is a matter of nothing. No, but 
 I meant, that his vain objeding of Imaginary contradidions, is a matter of no- 
 thing. Twenty of them will not amount to one Flea-biting, and I (hewed him , 
 that this ridiculous contradidion which he bringeth here, is fuch an one. The 
 pretended contradidicn is this, that their DoCirine concerning the Pope , is injurious 
 to ?ri}i«es , and prejudices their Crorcns i and yet , that they hold , and do the fame in 
 (ffeci , againjithePope^ that Proteiiants do. A doughty contradidion, both parts 
 are as true as can be, referenda fvtgulj finguUs , referring what I faid to the right 
 Subjed , as I applied it. The Dodrine of the Pope , and Court of Rome, is in- 
 jurious to Princes , ( of whom I fpeak exprefly , and no others : ) and yet, Sove- 
 raign Princes and their Councils have held and done the fame things againft the 
 Pope , in effed , that Protefiants do. Juft fuch another contradidion as this : The 
 Cuelphes a.ic for the Pope , againft the Emperour, yet the Cibellines are for the Em- 
 perour againft the Pope, and both Fadions Ko^WiZH-Catholicks. Thus he changeth 
 Subjeds, and Predicates, and times , and refpeds, and all Rules to make a con- 
 tradidion. But his defence is more ridiculous than his pretended contradidion , 
 That the fuhjiame of the Pope's Authority is the point n^hich belongs to me to impugn. 
 So the contradidion lieth not in what I did fay , but what I Hiould have faidi or 
 rather, what he would have had me to have faid. when his fubjiance of Papal Au- 
 thority, hath loft all its extent ( which he gives every man leave to queftion, ) it is 
 znJndivifihle'mAtti. His (econd Exception is juft fuch another. 1 pleaded that 
 Q I fpeak exprefly of the Pope and Court of Rome : ~\ He rejoyneth, Ni my Lord, 
 but I would not let you change the SubjcCt of the whole ^eftion. If he will change my 
 fenfe, he muft take the contradidion upon himfelC Theie are the common Rules of 
 Diluting with this great Didator in Logick. 
 
 I chanced to fay, that [ our Religion and theirs is the fame. ] He bids me an- 
 fwer j'erioufly , whether the Roman Religion and ours do not differ in this very point of 
 the Pope's Supremacy f If the Roman Religion be the Chriftian Religion , then our 
 Religion is the fame. Every difference in this point or another point, doth not 
 make a diverfc Religion. A Garden weeded , and a Garden unvveeded , is the 
 fame Garden. We efteem it an honour to be Chriftians, and no diftionour to us 
 that we are no Papiftss what they think of us concerneth themfelves , not us. We 
 do gladly admit the old Apoftolical Rule of Religion , but we like not their new 
 Rules or new Creeds. And we are ready for peace fake, to attribute as much to 
 the Pope , as many of their own Dodors do , that is , a Primacy of Order , or be- 
 ginning of Unity \ and the not accepting of this, renders them guilty of Schifm , 
 and breaking the Unity of God's Church. 
 
 He demandeth , If thefe rigorous Afiertions be not the General tenet of their Church, 
 rrJwm do we impugn ? We impugn the Pope and Court of Rome , whofe Tenets 
 thefe rigorous Aftertions are , upon which they grounded their manifold Ufurpa- 
 tions , which we have caft out defervedly , and for fo doing , they have excom- 
 municated us, and fo broken the Unity of the Church. The fubftance of the Pope's 
 juft authority , is no more than a Primacy of Order , or beginning of Unity at the 
 moft , this we have not caft out. And this Ad we can juftitie by better Logick,^t\\3.n 
 he can oppofe it. We know the Pope hath fometimes remitted of his rigour, when 
 he was not able to make good his fentence by force : but it will trouble him to find 
 one inftance of a Pope , who hath ever retraded his unjuft cenfures out of pure 
 confcience, or acknowledged his unjuft Ufurpations. Whether he did or no, we 
 do not much regard , being done with an erring Key. Many millions of Chrifti^ 
 ans are faved , which are out of his Catholic)/^ world. 
 
 Next follow Two heavy contradidions , able to make Mihes back crack with 
 their weight. Take them in his own words , for they are even abfurd enough 
 without any aggravation. The Biftiop faid, that aW Catholi\ Kings , abetted by 
 iheirVoVtors And Cafuijis, did refijl the Pope in his Ufurpations, but here to fhew how 
 
 U u 2 fomc
 
 4'.)6 
 
 Schifm Guarded. TOME l» 
 
 lo^injoctors at lomctimcs cfa^ the Popes Clutches , he faith , that the Tofemd 
 h^Com bjvefomethhtg elfe to do , tlu>ito enquire after the 7enets of ^tvateVoCms. 
 ■vvh av not this grow to be a contradidtion in time ? It is no conciliation al- 
 rea/v "^ The other contradiction is yet more filly. I faid , perhaps fome of thofe Vo- 
 Qors lived about the time nf the Comcilf of Conftance and Balile: that is one enuntia- 
 f'on ' what is the other > Nay there is none at all of mine. Yet he cryeth /core itp 
 Jmhtr (elf contradiajon. How ? A contradidion of one propofition > a contradi- 
 dion with a perhaps ? fuch a contradidion was never heard of in our days , nor 
 in the days of our Forefathers. But though it be not a felf mttradiVtion , yet per- 
 haps it may contradid the truth: no truly , it contradids the truth no more than 
 it fclf. I vvill take away the [ perhaps ] to give him Line enough. Some of the 
 Oppifrs lived in thU hjl Age : Yet the Bidiop faith /mw of them lived in the time of 
 the Cototcils of ConlUnce. This is the Firft time that ever a contradidtion was pre- 
 tended betwixt Two particular propofitions fuch as thefe. He faith , thsXnone can 
 teU tvhat J mean hy their living out of the Popes reach: I to"d him my felf , there being 
 protected by So'veraign Power i My Lord the Emperour ^ defend me with the Sword ^ 
 and I »"iii defend thee with the Ten. 
 
 He faith , what the Sorbon VcSors thcjfght if the Court of Rome , concerns not 
 me nor the ^ejiion. They ever valued the Popes Supremacy as a point of Faith, for the 
 not doing of which , we arecaji out of the Church. He will rind , that it doth con- 
 cern m.e and the Queftion. If the Court of Rome had not obtruded another manner 
 of Supremacy , than the Sorbon Dodlors allowed , this Schifm had never been. 
 For all the Popes Supremacy , they icadicated Ecclefiaftical power in the Church j 
 they fubjeftcd the Pope to the Church ; they made him no Sovereign Prince but a 
 Duke of Venice , Jefs than the Senate , that is , lefs than a General Council. All 
 that they allowed him was a beginning of Unity : where have we difalowed that ? 
 
 He accufed , Our hloudy Laws and bloudier Execution. I referred him to my Re- 
 ply to the Eifliopof Chalcedon , where this QuelHon is clearly Ihted , and fully dif- 
 cuffed : and I expedted an account from him , of that he had to fay againft itfolid- 
 ly and fully , but I fee 
 
 Omnibus hoc vitittm efl Cantoribus , inter amicos 
 Vt niinquam inducant animum cantare rogati , 
 Jn']t'.^t mmquam defijiant. 
 
 He delightcth altogether in Generals ; and I Love to have controverfies circum- 
 flantiated , ^ti pauca confiderat facile pronunciat. I bring more than pretended fears 
 and Jealoufts c^n our part , to Juftirie our Laws > even grofs Treafon by the Law 
 of Nations on their parts. 
 
 He (aith , that in my 48. page^ I clear their 'Religion from defiroying fubjeUion to 
 Princes. All I fay is this [ their Fvtligion is the fame with ours, that is Chriftian , 
 and neederh not to be cleared from being a Source of Sedition, or an incentive to 
 Rebellion. 3 Here is fomething to clear Chrillian Religion , but not Popery qua 
 talis ^ as it is obtruded. Well, but he faith he will fupply that defedt , Ijubfiime i 
 'Eut the Sufremacy of the Pope is to tu a point of Faith, therefore the holding of it , is ac- 
 cording to him no ways injurious to Princes. Obferve Reader it is he fubfumes, not I; 
 fo \i is he that clears them qua tales , as they are Papifts , not I. And how doth 
 he clear them .? by a Syllogifm as memorable as his contradidions. His Affump- 
 tion is : but the Supremacy of the Pope is to us ( Kovazn-Catholicks ) a point of Faith : 
 tbertfore the holding of it U according to him ( the Bilhop of Terry ) no way injurious 
 to Princes. Stay Sir here is a Syllogifm with a vvitnefs , which hath more in the con- 
 clufion than there was in the premiffes , namely , according to him. Who taught 
 you this Logick , tc affume for your felf, and conclude for me ? 
 
 Here he prefents the Reader with Two new Contradidions of mine, as filly and 
 fenflefs as the reft. They are thefe, that I fay the Inflances cited by me, were before 
 the d/jloyal Opinions of //:»? Romanifts, andyetfome of my Jnfianees were in Cardinal 
 Richlieu'x^j)'/, and f nee very lately : Adding, that I contradid my fdtyetonce 
 m.re, affrming, that I hope thofe f editions VaCirines^ at this day, are almoft buried. 
 
 What
 
 the 
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. ,^« 
 
 . i . 407 
 
 what fatisfaffion doth this man owe to his Reader , to conceal from hTm all the 
 Prelidents , Laws, Sentences of Emperours, Kings , Common-weaJths Univer- 
 fities, and to prefent him nothing but fuch fopperies as thefe > I will not'vouchafe 
 to fpend any time about them , but onely give the Reader an Anadaes clew to 
 guide him out of this imaginary Maze. I have (hewed him , what thefe feditious 
 opinions were , where they were hatched , and when ■■, namely , in the becinnine 
 of Queen EltzabetFs Reign. And though fome few of my Inftanccs were after ^'^'^ '* -' 
 that time , yet die main body of them was much more ancient ■■> as in the Empire rt7 "^ 
 from Charles the Great to Charles the Fifth , and in France from Carolus Calvus U t ''' ^' 
 downward. So 1 might truly fay that the Lijiances cited by me , wfr^ lone before 
 thefe dijloyal Opinions were hatched : and yet they are not fo lately hatched"" but / 
 hope they are almojl buried at this day. A man would have thought that I deVcrved 
 thanks for my charity , not to be traduced. But it is all one, let the Reader judge 
 who it is that trippeth up his own heels. ' ° 
 
 When I fard. It k-.w great pity that he tvm not one ofChrijVs Comfehrs when he for- 
 med his Chirrch : It did not fuppofe that Chrift had any Counfcllors , but to tax 
 him who takes upon him fo Magifterially to didate, what was necefTary then for 
 Chrift to do. This I called /iwci«f/r, and jullly. Good Chriftians f as I told him for- 
 merlyj ought to argue thus: Chrift formed his Church thus, therefore this is the beft 
 Form,' not thus, this is the beft Form, therefore Chrift formed it after this manner 
 The onely reafon why I cited that Text of St. Paul , One Body , one Spirit one 
 Hope, one Lord, one Faith, one Baptifm , one God and Father of aV wzs thisi'that ^^^^^^'^' 
 St. Paul reckoning up feven Bonds of Unity , fliould omit this which Mr. Serjeant 
 makes to be the onely Bond of Unity , namely, Vnm Papa , one Pope, or one Bi- 
 (hop of Kome. Cfrriji fare it neceffiry to mak,e a Bond of Vnity between the Churches 
 and that for this reafon he gave the Principality to St. Peter , and confequently to the Bi- 
 fhops of Rome. All this he fuppofeth on his own Head , but doth not go about to 
 prove any thing : if St. Paul had been of the fame mind , that was the proper place 
 to have recorded it , and doubtlefs he would not have omitted it. This Areu- 
 tnent which onely I ufed, he doth not touch, but fancieth that I make thefe fe- 
 ven Bonds of Unity, or obligations to Unity, or means of Unity, to be feven 
 marks of thofe which be in the Church , which I never dreamed of and tiiere- 
 fore I pafs it by as impertinent i onely adding , that our Ground for Unity of 
 Faith is our Creed ■, and for Unity of Government , the very fame Form of Difci- 
 pline , which was ufed in the Primitive Church , and is derived from them 
 
 to us. 
 
 when I wiflied that he had exprejfed himfelfmore clearly , whether he be for a be- 
 ginning of Order and Vnity, or for a fingle Head of Power and JnriJdi£iion , I fpake of 
 St. Peter , of whom the cafe is clear , that he had no more power over liis Fellow- 
 Apoftles, than they had over him , and that the Supremacy of power refted in the 
 Apoftolical Colledge: All that St. Pffer had , was a beginning of Unity, what 
 St. Peter had , the Pope may pretend a claim to i what he had not, the Pope hath 
 no pretence for. Ndtheijohn, Patriarch oi Conftantinople, nor 2ny other a.T\cknt 
 Biftiop , nor yet St. Grt-gorji himfelf , did ever dream of fuch a fingular Headjhip of 
 Power as he me;itions , that is , that no Bijhop in the Church jhotdd have power but he : 
 Although the Court of Kome , and their Adherents , come very near it at this day 
 deriving all the power of Jurifdidion of all other Biftiops from the Pope. That 
 power which John affeded , and St. Gregory impugned then, and we impugn now 
 is the power of Univerfal Jnrifdiftion in the Exteriour Court •, if that were an 
 Herefie in him ( as he confefleth, ) let them look to themfelves. Neither is the Bi- 
 fli ops Primacy of Order , fo dry a Primacy as he pretendeth, nor deftitute of thofe 
 Priviledgcs which belong to a Primate of Order by the Law of Nature to call 
 Aflcmblies fub poena Spirituali , or to intimate the necellity of calling them to pro- 
 pofe Doubts, to receive Votes, and to execute fo far as he is trufted by the Church: 
 This is the fingle power of a Primate of Order , but befides this , he hath alfo a 
 conjoint power in the Government of the Church. What he faith to the prejudice 
 of General Councils, I have anfwered formerly. 
 He asks me , Iflut other Succefour St. Peter had , who could fretend to an Head/hit/ 
 
 of
 
 Scbifffi Guarded TOME I, 
 
 Since he is Co great a friend to the School of Sorbon. , he cannot well be ignorant 
 xvhat their learned Chancellour hath written exprefly upon this Subjedjin his Book 
 de Juferibilitate ?af£ , not the taking away of the Papacy but removal of it. 
 . And what BeHarmine confelTeth, that neither Scripture nor Tradition doth prove , that 
 the Apoftolical See is fo fixed to Rome that it cannot he removed , He urgeth , that then 
 the Church jlmtld remain without thk principality at the Death of every Pope, vmill all 
 the Churches in Japan , China , and India had given their conjent : yet 1 acknowledge 
 it to be of perpetual mcejjity. Firlt he dotli nae wrong , I did not fay pofitively that 
 it is of perpetual necefity : but that I like it well enough, and the reafon being of 
 perpetual neccffiiy feemcth ftrongly to imply the necellity of the thing. Secondly I 
 Anfwcr , that there is no need to exped fuch far fetched fuffrages , fo long as the 
 Primacy may remain fixed where it is, unlefs a General Council or one as General 
 as may be, think fit to remove it:and if a General Council remove it:it will take or- 
 der for the future fuccellion. and this fame reafon doth clearly take away his anfwer 
 to my inilance, that as the Dying of fuch aBifliop Lord Chancellour of England , 
 doth not perpetuate the Chancellourlhip to that Biftioprick , bccaufe there is a 
 Sovereign Prince to cled another : fo the dying of St. Peter Bifliop of Rome^ 
 doth not perpetuate the Primacy to that Bifhoprick , becaufe a General Council 
 ■when it is inbcing,hath power to transfer it to another See,if they find it expedient 
 for the publick good. 
 
 The Bifliop knoweth right well , that the Church of Chrill is both his Spoufe 
 and hisFamily.hoih the Governefs and the Governed-, the Supreme Governefs in re- 
 fped of its reprefentative a General Council , to which all Eccleliartical Officers 
 higher or lower , whether conftituted by Chrift , or fubftituted by the Church , 
 do owe an account •, and the Governed in refpedl of that Vniverjality of Chri{\ians 
 which he mentioneth. And this founds much more fvveetly in Chrirtian ears , than 
 to make either the Pope the Mafter, or the Church of Rome the Mijirifi of the 
 Church. 
 
 He brought an argument for the fuccellion of the Roman Bifliop , drawn from 
 the Vicillitude of Humane affairs. I retorted it upon hin:i^felf , that Rome it felf was 
 as much fubjed to this Vicilljtude, as any other place , [ it may be deftroyed with 
 an Earthquake. '] He faith, it muji be an unheard of Earthquake, which can fwalloro 
 up thewholeViocepif the City be defiroyed^yet the Clergy of the Roman Viocefi can eleCi to 
 themfelves a new Bijhop. But this new eleded Bifliop , fliall be no more the Bifliop 
 of Rome after it is deflroyed , but that which concerneth him and the caufe more is 
 he propofeth my Objedion by halfsi I faid it might be deftroyed by wars ajfo , that 
 is both City and Diocefs , and became a place for Satyrs to Vance in , and Owls to 
 fcriech i». As great Cities as Rome have run that Fortune, in that cafe what will 
 become of his eledion. I added [ it may become Heretical or Mahumetan. ] He 
 aiifwereth, true, fo may the whole Churchy ifithadpleafedGodfotoOrdercaufes. 
 No, by his leave notfo , Chrifl hath protnifed that his llniverfal Church fliall never 
 fail : but he hath not promifed that Rome fliall never fail. I faid , [ the Church 
 never difpofeth fo of her Offices , as not to be able to change her Mefnagery, ac- 
 cording to the Vicillitude of Human affairs. ~\ He oppofeth , that 7 granted in the 
 foregoing Page , that Chrift himfelf and not the Church infiituted this principality or Pri- 
 macy." and bids mcjfjew, that the Church bath authority to change Chrift s Jnftitution. 
 I did not grant it but fuppole it; but whether granted or fiippofed it is not material 
 to the purpofe. The Church hath no power t© change Chrifls inliitution in Effen- 
 tials ; but all Ecclefiaftical Officers Whatfoever are her Officers, and flie hath power 
 to difpofe of them, and govern them, and to alter what is not Eflfential. 
 
 I know there are other means between Tyranny , and Anarchy , bcfides A- 
 riflocracy, even all Lawful forms of Government , as Monarchy and Democracy : but 
 in the Government of the Catholick Church Monarchy and Democracy had no place , 
 unlefs it were in refped of particular Dioceffes or Provinces •, and therefore to have 
 named Monarchy here, had been fuperfluous and impertinent. But t-lie Govern- 
 ment
 
 Discourse 1 V. Schtfm Cuardel. ~" ' 
 
 mcnt of the Primitive Church,in the Apollks and their Sacceirours,was ever -^riUocra" 
 tical, Firrt,by an equal participation of power in the ApoUIesi and then, by a fubor- 
 dination ot Bifhops in their SuccefTours , and this as well out of General Coun- 
 cils, as in them; as well before there were General Councils , as after.^ It is no't 
 my want ot memory , but his want of judgement, to purfue fuch (hadows as thefe 
 and nickname them contradidions. ' 
 
 He asks , hotv jh.mld a Fnmate of Order ^ rrho hath no prrer to AH at aV in order 
 to the Vniverfal Church , have more poiver to prevent her good^ or procure her harm 
 .then one Who hath Sovereignty of power > This is his perpetual pradice to difoute 
 from that which is not granted. St. Feter was a Primate of order among the Ann 
 iiles , and no morei yet he had power alfo to ad fingly as an ApoAIe : and as a Pri' 
 mate , among the ApoRles , he had power to adt jointly with the Apoftolical Col" 
 ledge , fo have all other Primates of Order. Whatfoever Mr. Serjeant thinks our 
 Saviour thouglit this Form of Government as conducible to the good of his Church 
 both to procure her good , and to prevent her harm , as an abfolute Soveraigntv' 
 I do not feaj} the Reader roith contradiUions , nothing is more true than my Afferti- 
 on , but he abufeth his Reader with notorious Fi(ftions. 
 
 If the Papacy be the Bridle in the mouth of the Church , then without perad- 
 venture the Pope is the Rider : though the Papacy be not , 1 faid enough before to 
 let him fee the unhtnefs of his ludicrous Allegory , and taxed him for it : if he de- 
 light in it , let him purfue it , Nos h£c a fcabie tenemus unguer. How the Church 
 doth both govern , and is governed , I have fliewed him formerly. 
 
 In his Anfwer he fell into a large Encomium of the Papacy , demanding amone 
 other things , 10}at Chnftun Prince can chufe but be glad , to have an Arbitrator fo 
 prudent , fo pioui , fo difinterejfed , as a good Pope Jhould be , and if this Authority 
 rvere duly governed? I told him , that to look upon men as they jhould be was to 
 write dreaming. He rejoineth, that /:>e hoh^r not upon men at all in this place but 
 /peaks of the Office itfelf, and challengeth me, what fay you to the Office it felf? I 
 anfwer , Firft , he faith not truly , for he did looli^ at men in this place , otherwi(e 
 why did he add this condition , as a good Pope Jhould be? And this other if this 
 Authority were duly governed ? Certainly he who looks upon an Arbitratour fo pru- 
 dent , fo pious , fo difinterefTed as a good Pope fiiould be, looketh fomcthing up- 
 on men. And fo in truth he ought to do : but his fault is , that he looks upon 
 them 2iS they Jhould be ^ and not as they commonly are, which is the fame fault I 
 tax him with , to write dreaming , not waking. 
 
 Now to his Queftion , iVhatfayyou to the Office it felf ? I fay firft , that though 
 he hath ftated it pag. 62^. yet he hath not ftatcd it at all , neither ( I fear j dare he 
 ftatc it , nor is willing to Itate it. He telleth us indeed fometimes of the fubjiance 
 of the Papacy , but wherein the fubftance of the Papacy confifts ( except fome Ge- 
 neral unfigniHcant Exprelfions of an Headfhip ^ ox Chief Govcrmurjhtp ^ or firj} Mo- 
 verjhip , ablaut which we have no controverfie with them , and which are equally 
 appliable to a Primacy ofOrder,and a Soveraignty ofpower)he {aith nothing. Whe- 
 ther the Pope be an abfolute Monarch , or a Duke oi Venice , inferiour to the whole 
 Senate ; Whether he have a coacftive power in the Exteriour Court, throughout all 
 other Princes Dominions , without their leaves ? Whether he have the ri^^ht to con- 
 fer Bilhopricks , convocate Synods, impofe Penfions, forbid Oaths of Allegiance 
 and require new Oaths of Allegiance to himfelf, fet up Legantine Courts receive 
 Appeals , make Laws, difpenfe with Laws at his pleafure , he faith nothing: yet 
 thefe are the onely Controverfies we have with them, to ask what we fay to the 
 Pope's Authority , without ftating of it , without ftinting of it, is an unreafona- 
 ble demand. 
 
 I fay fecondly , That he ought to explain himfelf, by what right he doth chal- 
 lenge this authority,Divine or Humane, or onely out of prudential reafons. If he 
 challenge it by Divine right, or Humane right , he ought to prove the right , ac- 
 cording to the jult extent of that authority which he doth challenge , and not wave 
 the extent, as a thing indifferent. If he challenge it out of prudential reafons it 
 ought to be confidered , whether the hopes or the hazards, the advantages or diG- 
 advantages, the conveniences ox inconveniences of fuch a Form of Government 
 
 409 
 
 par-
 
 4IO 
 
 Schifm Guarded, 1 O M t. i. 
 
 rifpcaknot of the Key of Order , as may overweigh all thofe difad vantages 
 which they have fuftained , by the Extortions , and Ufurpations , and malignant 
 influence of the Papacy. If he attribute no more power to the Pope , than all 
 ^om'in-Catholtch^ Vniverfally do approve , ( Which is the onely rule that he giveth 
 us fo know what is the liibltance of Papal Authority , ; he need cot be'fo impe- 
 tuous, this QuelUon is neer an end. 
 
 He asks whether wt-, a>fd the Kz{[ern , Southern, and Northern Chriftians ,be 
 under the Cntermientof Fatriarchs or any other common Government ? I anfwer we and 
 they are under the fame common Government , which the Primitive Church was 
 under from the days of the Apoftles , long before there were any General Councils-, 
 that was the Government of Bifliops under Primates or Patriarchs. For as I have 
 faid formerly , a Protarch and a Patriarch in the Language of the Primitive 
 Church are both one. We have as much opportunity to convocate Synods as they 
 had then , before there were Chriftian Emperours , and more: yet by fuch Coun- 
 cils as they could congregate , though they were not General , they governed the 
 Church. If there be not that free communication of one Church with another 
 that was then , either by reafon of the great dilknce , or our mutual mifunder- 
 ftanding one of another , for want of the old Canonical Epililei or Liters formats , 
 the more is the pity; we are forry for it , and ready to contribute our uttennoft 
 endeavours to the remedy of it. 
 
 With thefe Wejiern Churches which have (haken of the Koman Yoke , we have 
 much more Communion, by Synods , by Letters , by publifliing our Confellions : 
 and we might jullly hope for a much nearer Union yet both in Do{3:rine and Dis- 
 cipline, if God would be gracioufly pleafed to reflore un happy Peace. That we 
 have it not already in fo large a meafure as we might, is their onely faults , who 
 would not give way to an uniform Reformation. Sometimes they acciift us for 
 having too much Communion with them , at other times they will not grant us 
 to have any at all. 
 
 Concerning the reft of the Wejiern Churches which fubmit to the Papacy , we 
 have the fame Rules both of Dodtrine and Difcipline which they had. We have 
 the fame that they have, faving their additional Errours. We have broken no 
 Bonds of Unity , either in Faith or Difcipline > we have renounced no juft Autho- 
 rity , either Divine or Humane i we adhere to the Apoftles Creed , a5 the ancient 
 and true Rule of Faith , into which alone all Chriftians ( that ever were ) have 
 been Baptized , and we renounce the upftart additional Articles of Tim the Fourth. 
 We are willing for Peace fake to give the Pope the fame Primacy of Order , which 
 St. Teter had above his Fellow-Apoftles : but the Supremacy of Power was not in 
 St. Teter , but in the Apoftolical Colledge i neither is now in the Bifhop of Home , 
 but in a Council of Bifliops. 
 
 He faith rve maintain a larger Brvotherhood than they , hut never go about tojhew any 
 •vifible lye of Government. We (hew them the fame badge or cognifance of our 
 Chriftianity, that is, the fame Creed, and the fame Dilcipline or Government , 
 that is , the fame colours , derived down from the Apoftles by an uninterrupt- 
 ed fucceflion ■■, the fame Dodtrine, and the fame Difcipline is Tye enough. To take 
 an cxaft view , it is neceffary the Organ fliould be perfed , the medium fit , and the 
 dijUnce convenient •, if any one of thefe were defeftive in Mr. 'R.offes view, he might 
 ^ell miftake; but I may not do him that wrong to truft your Teftimony, without 
 citing his words. 
 
 He urgeth , if Chri0: have left any Vnity of Government in his Church and com- 
 manded it to be k^pt , and we have iakin a courfe to leave no fuch Vnity , than we have 
 rebelled againft Chrill and his Church and falfy pretended to have him our fpiri- 
 iual head. I admit this : now let him afTume. But you ( Proteftants ) have 
 takiu a courfe to leave no Vnity of Government in the Church , which Chriji left and cm- 
 manded to he kept. I deny his affumption altogether : and he faith not one word 
 to prove it. This is his Enthymematical manner of arguing. 
 
 He
 
 Discourse I V. Schifm Guarded. 
 
 Ht proccdcth , That to have a Generall Council for an Ecclefiajtical Head is to 
 
 411 
 
 con- 
 
 fcfi that there is no ordinary Vniiy of Government in Gods Chnrch^ bttt extroardinjry onely 
 
 when a Council fits. I deny this prppofition altogether, and the reafon is evident j 
 
 becaufe befides a General Council which fitte-th but rarely , neither is it needful that 
 
 'it fliould lit often , nift dignus vindtce nodnf inciderit , there are particular Councils 
 
 which in leffer exigents ferve the turn as well as General i There are Patriarchs 
 
 and Bifhops , which are ordinary and perpetual. In an Arijlocracy , it is not ne- 
 
 ceffary that the Governours (hould be evermore adually affembled. In the Firft 
 
 -Three Hundred years, there were no General Councils held , there was lefs hope 
 
 of ever holding them then , than now : yet there was an ordinary Vnity of Govem- 
 
 ■ ment in God's Churdy in thofe days , for which they were not indebted at all to 
 
 ^ny vifible Monarch. But when a General Council doth fit , the Supreme Ecclcfi- 
 
 aftical power refts in if. 
 
 He wonders why I Jhould mak^ the King onely a Folitical Head, contrary to our 
 common affertion. It feemeth that though he hath been bred amone us yet he 
 hath not been much verfed in our Authors 5 no man that ever underiiood himfelf 
 made him otherwifc. Yet this Political Head, hath great influence wpon Ecclefia- 
 llical caufes and perfons , in tlie External P>.egiment of the Church. He demand- 
 eth , is there any orderly common T'ye of Government , obliging this Head to corrcfhond 
 with the other Head ? If not , where is the Vnity .? I anfwer , yes, the diredtion of 
 the Spiritual Guides , that is, the Bifliops and Synods > if this method be fo great 
 a rarity with him , it is his own fault. He had faid more properly , to correfbond 
 rrith the other Heads thzn Head. 
 
 He faith, itisfalfe to fay , that they have fometimes 'Two or "Three Heads fince there 
 can be hut one true , or rightly chofen Tope. True, but the Eledlion may be uncer- 
 tain , that no man living can know the trne Pope : fo whether there be Three 
 Popes , or One Pope and Two Pretenders , yet if the right Pope cannot be made 
 appear, it is all one relatively to the Church-, if the Trumpet give an uncertain found 
 who (hall prepare himfelf to the Battel. He telleth us farther , that when the See of 
 Rome is vacant , the Headf^np is in the chief Clergy whom they call Cardinals asfecure 
 a conrfe as mans wit can invent. As chief as their Cardinals are , the much ereateft 
 part of them, were but ordinary Parifli Priefts and Deacons of old. The Cardi- 
 nals indeed have to do with the Church of Rome in the vacancy : but whatprctenfe 
 have they from St. teter} what have they to do with the Univerfal Monarchy of 
 the Church ? before he told us , that their Headfhip was Chrifts own Ordination ■ 
 row he telleth us that this Headfhip is fometimes in the Colledge of Cardinals 
 and that is aifecure a courfe as mans wit can invent. What a contraMffioH would he' 
 make of this .<* 
 
 He demandeth , doth tJje Harmony of confeffions fhew , that we have one common 
 certain rule of Faith , or any particular fort of Government , obliging us to an Vnity 
 under the Notion of Governed? I do (hew him one common certain rule of Faith e- 
 ven the Apollles Creed : and a particular fort of Government , even the fame was 
 ufed in the Primitive times. What am 1 the better ? he will take no notice of them 
 becaufe I will not fix upon that rule of Faith , and that Form of Government 
 which he fancieth. Yet I am for Tradition as well as he, but it is Univerfal and 
 perp)etual Tradition : fuch a Tradition is the Creed , and indeed is that very Tra- 
 dition which is fo renowned in the ancients. 
 
 He chargethme with (aying, that Hereticks can have no Baptifm. Let him either, 
 make his accufation good , or fuffer as a falfifier. All that I fay is , Turkf , Jews 
 Heretickj , and Chrijiians , have not the fame Baptifm. The reafon is plain , becaufe 
 Turks and Jews have no Baptifm at all. Secondly , we ought to difiinguifh be- 
 tween the Baptifm of Hereticks, and Heretical Baptifin i if the Baptifm it felf be 
 good , the adminillration of it by Hereticks doth not invalidate it all : but if 
 the Heretick Baptife after an Heretical Form , as without due matter or not in 
 the name of the Trinity i fuch Baptifm is Heretical and naught. But all this is 
 needlefs to underftand the right fcope of my words, I faid that a Body confillin^-' 
 of Jews, Turks, Hereticks,^ni Cbri{iians,hzd not the fame Baptifm; I did not fay thai 
 every one of thefe wanted true Baptifm-, He might as well charge me with fiyin* 
 fhat Chrijiians can have no true Baptifm, X x I
 
 12 
 
 Schifm Guarded. TOME i» 
 
 Semen .. 1 have manitedcd elfewhere , that the Creed is a Lid of all Fundamentals , and 
 
 'itX. in the fame Sedion and Chapter the Reader (hall hnd, that the Bi Jop ,s not a Fal- 
 
 fiHcr but Mr. Serjeant is both an egregious Calumniator and Fallifier of the Coun- 
 cil of EphefiK. I took the word Tagamjm , in the ancient primitive fenfe , for infi- 
 delity as it is contradiOinguifhed to Chriiiianity. The true reafon of that appella- 
 tion was, becaufeCountrey Villages diJ. continue long in their infidelity, after Ci- 
 ties were'converted to Chriftianity. So. the liirhs are the onely Pagans which we 
 have now in this part of the World. What a piece ofGoteham rvifedom is thisi to 
 quarrel about names, when we agree upon the things, tmh^ and Pagans in my 
 fenfe were the fame thing , both Infidels. 
 
 But he inftruds the Learned Bijhops, that the Turks ackytorvkdge a God. So did 
 thePd^iJWJ'alfo, if LaCiantm (zy true, Non ego ilium lapidem colo quem video , fed 
 Jervio ei quern non video. He addeth, that I affirm the Council of Ephefus held in the 
 Tear 430, ordered fomething concerning Turks , vehich jfrang }iot up till the year 6^0. and 
 cateth thU goodjport. If there be any fport , it is to fee "his childi(h Vanity. If I li- 
 fted to play with words , I could tell him , that the Mahumetans {piy^ng up about 
 the year 6-^0^ the lurk^ many Ages after. But the anfwer is plain and cafie , the 
 Council oiEphefuf did give order for all ages enfuing concerning Infidels: but lar/y 
 are Infidels , and fo it gave order concerning Tmk^f. 
 
 Socinians and Arrians may admit the Apojiks Creed interpreted their own way , but 
 they ought to admit , as it is interpreted by the Firft four General Councils , that 
 they do not, and fo they believe not all Fundamentals as they fhould do. What 
 he objedeth farther , that Puritans hold not the Article of Chriji's defcent into Hell 
 znd the Kom^n-Cathcfltck^ and Fretefiants differ about the fenfe of two other Articles ^ 
 hath been anfwered formerly. The Puritans will tell him , that the man- 
 ner of ChrilFs defcent hath not been determined hitherto: and I doubt much, he 
 underftandeth not the Komifh and Englifi Tenets fo well as he (hould. 
 
 S E C T. I X. 
 
 That the Tope and Court of Rome are mojl guilty of the Sehifm. 
 
 MY firft Charge was this , That Member of any Society which leavcth its 
 proper place , to afTume an higher place in the Body , is Schifmatical. But 
 the Pope and his party do not content themfelves , that the Church o^Kome (hould 
 be the Sifter of other Patriarchal Churches , and the Mother of many Churches , 
 unlefs (he be Lady and Miftrils of aJl Churches i or that the Pope (hould be the 
 Brother of other Biftiops , or a Fellow of other Bi(hops ( as he was ftiled of old,) 
 unle(s he may be the Lord and Mafter of all Bilhops. That the former is his pro- 
 per place, I clearly proved by Letters , not of himfelf to other Bilhops, that might 
 be condefcenfion , as for a General to call his Officers Fellow-fouldiers : but of 
 other Bilhops to him, no Under-ofHcers durft prefume to call his General Fellow- 
 fouldier. That he afliimeth the other place to himfelf, is proved out of the New 
 Creed of Tim the Fourth s I ack>ton>kdge the Roman Church to be the Mother and Mi- 
 firifs of ali Churches : and I promile and fwear true obedience to the Bijhop o/Rome, 
 rfj to the Vicar of Jefm Chrifl. And in the Oath of Allegiance , which all Bilhops 
 fwear to the Pope , J A. B. Bijhep^ &c, will be faithful to St. Peter , and to the holy 
 Apoftoiical Church of Rome , and to our Lord Tope Alexander, &c. There is a great 
 diftance between the old Brother-Bi(hop , and Fellow-Biftiop, and this Oath of Al- 
 legiance to the Pope , as to their Liege-Lord. 
 
 Firft , he chargeth me , that I do flatly falfifie his words , which do never deny 
 hr to be a Mother , but a Sifier onely. Either I falfified his words , or he falfiried 
 mine. My words were thefe, firji , they mak^e the Church of Rome ^ to be not one- 
 ly the Sijier of all other Tatriarchal Churches , and the Mother of many Churches , hut- 
 to be the Lady and Miflrifs of all Churches. The two former Branches of Sifter and 
 Mother, are both acknowledged, the laft onely of Lady and Miflrifs is denied. He 
 falfifieth my words in his Anfwer thus, becaufe Jhe tak^s upon her to be Mifirifs ^ 
 
 vehett
 
 D 5. s COURSE IV. Schifm Guarded. ,^ 
 
 3 
 
 rpherejhe is but Sijier to other Churches, You fee the word Mother is left out and 
 becaufe I bring it in again as I ought , to mal<e the Argument as it was before his 
 curtailing of it , 1 ann become the f alllfier with him , and he who is the Falfifier in 
 earneft is innocent. 
 
 I cited the words of St. Bernard , to prove that the Pope was not Lord or Ma- 
 ner of other BilTiops, and the Roman Church a Mother of other Churches , not a 
 Lady or Mijirefs. He diftinguiflieth between T>omiiiam and Magijham , an Imperioiif 
 frond Lady Mijh-efs, md a Schoolmiftrijs or leacherefs ; adding, -that they uje the 
 tvord Magillram in the later fetife. So they fay no more tlian we , we d6 acknow- 
 ledge the Church of 'Rome to be a leacherefs , and the Pope a teaebe-r , as it is an 
 Apoftolical Church , and he an Apoftolical Eilliop : but all the Queftion is of the 
 other word Vominum^ which the Pope taketh to himfelf, as well as Migiftrum: as 
 we have feen in the Oath of Allegiance, which he makes all Billiops to fwear. 
 Neither doth St. Bernard oppofe proud Imperious Dominion to gentle Dominion 
 but he contradiflinguifheth Dominion to no Dominion : and thy felfnot a Lord of 
 other Bijhops , hut one of them. Not a Lord of other Bifliops , faith St. Bernard: A 
 Lord of other Bifhops, faith the Oath of Fidelity , I mU he faithful to our Lord Pope 
 Alexander. 
 
 Hi; urgeth, that the Bijhop hath brought a Teflimony^ vehich averts the Church of 
 Y\QTaz to be the Mother of other Churches^ and fo of the Church of England too. St. 
 Bernard afferteth the Church of Rome to be the Mother of other Churches, fo did 
 the Bifhop : but not to be the Mother of all other Churches, no more did the Bi- 
 Ihop, particularly not of the Church of BWi^w , which was ancienter than the 
 Church of Rome ^ and fo could not be her Daughter. Let them prove their right 
 that they arekour Mother , and we are ready to do our Hlial Duty, faving always 
 that Higher duty which wc owe to our Mother Paramount , the Univerfal Church. 
 But neither can they prove their right that they are our Mother, neither is that 
 fubjeftion which they demand, the fubjedion due to a particular Mother , but to 
 an univerfal Lordir" 
 
 But Schifm involves in its Notion difubedience, &c. And fo the Bifliop concludes the 
 Mother Schifmatical , becaufe ^e is difobedient to her Vaughter, His rirft errour is , to 
 make the Church of Rome to be our Mother. The fecond , to think that a Mo- 
 ther may challenge what obedience (he lifteth of her Daughter. The third, that 
 SchiCn coniifteth altogether in the difobedience of Subjefts. Caufal Schifm may 
 and doth ordinarily confift, in the unlawful injundrions of Superiours. 
 
 My Second reafon to convince them as guilty of Schifm , was the new Creed (et 
 out by Pius the Fourth , this he callcth a Calumny. He cannot fpeak lower than • 
 calumnies^ abfurdities^ co'ntradi&ions , falfif cations , &c. A high cj/«w??y to flander 
 them with a matter of truth i it is fuch a calumny diS they will never be able to fhake 
 off. He referreth the Reader to what he hath fa id in the Firft Sedion, and I to my 
 ,anfwer there. He faith it is known that each point in that profeffion of Faith C that 
 'is the Twelve new Articles ) was held of Faith by the former Church. How •" held 
 of Faith? as an Eflential of Faith. And this known ? to whom? to the man in 
 the Moon ? But here is the maddeft contradidion that ever was , and might well 
 Kave become his merry Stationer. It is a contradidinn to pretend that he ( Pius the 
 Fourth ) made a nevp Creed , nH it bepervn , that any of thefe points was not formerly 
 of Faith , and be proved fatisfaUorily , that the Apojiler Creed contained aVneceJJary 
 points of Faith. A contradidlion .? I fee many men talk of Ro!>i« HW, who never 
 fhot in hisbowe ; talkof contradidions, who know not what they are. Obferve 
 the equity of thefe men, they vifiblyinfert Twelve new Articles into the Creed, 
 and then would put us to prove, that they were not of Faith before, and that all necejfiry 
 points of Faith are contained in the Apoflks Creed. He is refolved to keep Two Ikings 
 to his bo we , and knoweth not which of them to truft to. Hear you Sir, if they 
 be Articles of Faith now, as you have made them, then they were alvVays Ar- 
 ticles of Faith : and all thofe were damned which did not believe them i but that 
 you dare not fay. 
 
 My Third charge of Schifm was , becaufe they maintain the Pope in his Rebellion 
 againft General Councils ; here he diftinguiflieth between a Schoolman and a con- 
 
 X X 2 trovertift ,
 
 774 "^chifm Guarded TOME 1? 
 
 trovcrtifi to no manner of purpofe , for itis altogether impertinent. There is 1 
 no man vvho invcigheth fo much againfi «;«r^/>?g and ^ibling as himfelf , and yet ! 
 the world hath not a greater mrder or ^tbkr than he is. 
 
 VN'herefore to prevent the Pvcaders trouble and mme own , and his fliifting and 
 flinchin" , and to tyehim within his Compafle perforce •, I made bold to reduce my 
 Aro'ument to a Syllogiftical Form. They who fubjedt a General Council , which 
 is the higheft tribunal! of Chriftians , to the Pope, are guilty of Schifm ; but the 
 Pope and. Court of Kome , with all their maintainers , ( that is , much the greater 
 part of their Writers , ) do fubjed a General Council to the Pope. Therefore the 
 Pope and Court of 'Rome with all their Maintainers , that is the much greater 
 part of their Writers , are guilty of Schifm. 
 
 Here he fhould have anfwered punctually to the propofition o r affumption, either 
 by denying , granting , or diftinguifhing : but for all his calling for a rigorous Ve- 
 moiflrative n>jy , heliketh it not , becaufe he cannot makefuch impertinent, ex- 
 travagant excurfions as he ufeth to do , which are the onely help he hath at a 
 dead lift. All the Anfwer he giveth is this. He (the Bi(hop) u accufed of a con- 
 tradiUion and nonfenfe^ and to clear himfelf he tels us, he rvill nove lay afide the one part 
 of the contraction , and eudeavour to tnak^ good fenfe of the other. To what propo- 
 fition , to what term doth he apply this Anfwer ? I fee no contradidtion , I fee no 
 nonfenfe in my difcourfe , nor any body living but himfelf^ Ifaid no fuch thing 
 as he pretendeth. What doth the man mean by thefe reaves of brainkfs hutterd 
 Fijh, heterogeneous incoherent fopperies, and C/^iw^erafj which have no exigence 
 but in his own part ? if he mean to anfwer , let him do it clearly like a SchoUar ; 
 fincc I hav^ found this way to tye him to his matter , and reftrain his torrent of 
 words , I (hall put it in pradlice oftner. Yet if I meet with any fuch thing as is 
 fubftantial among his vapouring cxpreffions , which hath but the leaft refemblance 
 of an anfwer, though it be not reduced into form, I will glean it out, and 
 examin the weight of it. © , 
 
 Such is this which followeth, rt>as it for this opinion of the Pope ahove the Council, 
 &c. How mere they guilty of Schifm for this ? tinlefs they had denyed you Communion 
 for holding the contrary , or preji upon you an unconfcientious approbation of it, vohich yoa 
 h^ow they did not. fool not your "Readers my Lord-, it was not for this "Tenet which you im- 
 pute to the Court of Rome , but for that of the Popes Headjhip or Spiritual JurifdiCiioit 
 over all Gods Church held by all Catholick^ , &c. Fortchich you are excommunicated. 
 It is true they did not deny us Communion for holding this opinion, nor prefs up- 
 on us an unconfcientious approbation of this opinion diredtly , for any thing that 
 I know : but neverthelcfs , they have by their power fubjeded a General Council 
 to the Pope , they have procured it to be defined ( though not exprefly ) in the 
 Council of Florence, and to be exprefly defined in the Council of Lateran uuder 
 Leo the Tenth. Hence it is ■■, that all the Councils fince the Councils of Conjiance 
 and Bafle , and the Two Pifan Councils , have wanted conciliary freedom , and 
 been altogether at the difpofition of the Popes •, to prorogue them, to transfer them, 
 to ftint them , what matters they might handle , and what not , to defer their de- 
 terminations, untill he had formed or created a party , or wrought fome of the 
 difienting Bifliops to his will , to ratifie or rejedl their Decrees at his pleafure. 
 When or where was it ever heard before , that there was Twice as many Bifliops 
 of One Nation in a General Council , as of all other Nations in the World ? 
 Hence was that complaint of the Fathers in the Council of trent , that the Synod 
 was guided by the Holy Ghoft , fent from Rome in a Male. If it had not been for 
 this thing , but the Fathers had been permitted freely to have proceeded in the 
 Council ot 7rent , in the refolution of that noble Quehion , concerning the refi- 
 dence and Divine rights of Bifhops , in all probability, this great rent had been 
 made up , and he and I had not needed to have difputed this Queition at this 
 day. 
 
 Thus by this opinion , and by their finifter pradtifes to eftablifli it , they are cau- 
 fally and formally Schifmatical : and have been both the creating and conferving 
 caufe of this great Schifm i the procreating caufe , by altering the Hierarchy, and 
 difordering the members, which doth receflarily produce a difturbance and Schifm 
 
 m
 
 D is COURSE IV. Schifm Guarded. 41^. 
 
 in the body i and the conferving caufe , by deftoying the freedom of Councils 
 which are the proper remedies of Schifm. Whether thefe latter Councils were 
 Oecumenical, or occidental, or neither, is not the point in debate i They are 
 thofe which they call General ■, They were as General as tliey would permit them 
 to be i and to conclude , it was their fault that they were not more General. So 
 though this were not the very caufe alledged by them , why they did excommuni- 
 cate us : yet it was one of the caufes of the Schifm, and confequently of our Ex- 
 communication. 
 
 I leave every man free to judge for himfelf ; but for mine own part I am fo great 
 a Lover of the Peace of Chrillendom , that I (hould not oppofe the Bifhop of 
 Komes HeadOiip of Order , if he would be content with it i and that is as much 
 as many whom he liilcth his own Sons do yield him. But though that be fufficient 
 for the Catholick Church,it is not fufficient for the Court oiKome to fill their coffers 5 
 they love not fuch a dry Fa^acy. I difpute onely whether the Popes right be Divine 
 or Humane , or mixed ( as Cerfon thought i ) either fcore may juftly challeno^e 
 duty : But I am very pofitive , that whatfocver the Bifhop of Rome hath more than 
 this Primacy of Order , or beginning of Unity , he had it by Humian right , and 
 by Humane right he may lofe it. Neither do I go about to deprive the Eilliop of 
 Rome , or any Bifhop whatfoever of any Jurifdiction purely Spiritual , which was 
 left them as a Legacy by Chrift or His Apoftles : but I deny that Apparitors, or 
 Purlivants , or Prifons are of Chrilt's InlHtution > I deny that Chrill or his Apoltles 
 did ever , either cxercife themfelves , or grant to others Authority to exercile 
 Coadlive Jurifdidlion in the Exteriour Court , over the Subjects of other Princes 
 within their Dominions , and without their leaves. If Subjeds fubmit , volenti 
 fton fit injuria , but then it is not Coadtive ; If Princes give leave , ( as they have 
 done in all Ages, fo far as they judged it expedient for the publick good , then 
 it is very Lawful ; but without the Subjedls SubmilTion , or the Princes leave 
 there may be indeed a Spiritual kind of Coadtion in the Interiour Court of confci- 
 ence , but no true Coadtion in the Exteriour Court of th^ Church. 
 
 I fee he underftandeth not the fenfe of that Logical refiridion , the Papacy as it 
 is fuch ■■, which figniheth not the Papacy as it ought to be, or fo far as all Roman' 
 •Catholicks do agree about iti but the Papacy as it is qualified in prefent , or as 
 it is owned , or obtruded , or endeavoured to be obtruded by the Pope and 
 Court of Rome. So the Tapacy as it is fitch ^ is oppofed or contradillinguifhed to 
 the ancient Papacy in the purer and more Primitive times , which vvas not 
 guilty of thofe Ufurpations which the modern Popes have introduced. Thus 
 11 my contradidion doth end in his mifunderflanding. 
 My Fourth and lafl charge of Schifm upon the Pope and Court of Rams 
 was thus. They who take away the line of Apollolical Succeifion , throughout 
 the world except in the See of Rome , who make all Epifcopal Jurifdidtion 
 to flow from the Pope of Rome , and to be founded in his Laws , to be im- 
 parted to other Bifhops, as the Popes Vicars and Coadjutors, afTumed by 
 them into part of their charge, are Schifmaticks : but the Pope and 
 Court of Rome , and their maintainers do thus ; therefore the Pope and Court 
 of Rome , and their maintainers , are Schifmaticks, 
 
 To this argument , he vouchafeth no Anfwer at all it?-dae form as it ought 
 ! to be , and I have no reafon to infift long upon his voluntary Jargon. All 
 I the Anfwer which he intimateth is this , that this 'tenet is not General among 
 \ihem, but points of Faith are held generally. There is an Anfwerlefs Anfwer, 
 ' without confelling or denying either propofition ; fuch an Anfwer doth not 
 I become one , who maketh himfelf fo great a Mafter in the Art of Difputing v I 
 j charge not their whole Church , but the Pope and Court of Rome , and all their 
 Abetters and Maintainers , with the crime of Schifm. I conclude no more than 
 I affume. He Anfwers , that the rehole Church do not hold thefe tenets. What is 
 that to the purpofe ? as if a particular perfon , the Pope , or a particular Society, 
 as the Court of Rome , or the greater part of a Church , as all their Abetters and 
 Maintainers, could not be Schifmaticks, except the whole Church be Schifmati- 
 cal, which is mofl abfurd. I am free to charge whom I will, if he will not An- 
 fwer
 
 Schifm Guarded. TOME I, 
 
 ■7~J^r^^:^^^rj^^vhc lilenTTbl^nThT undertake to be their Advocate , kt 
 him defend them in due Form as he ought , and not tell us , that he is not concern- 
 edK a Controvert , to defend any thing hnt pomtr of Faith Which is neither better 
 rinr worfe in plain Englijh , than to run away from the Queftion. All our contro- 
 v'^rlie is whether fuch and fuch pretended Priviledges be Papal rights , or Papal 
 ufurpatio'ns: If he dare not maintain them to be jurt rights , either by Divine Law 
 or Humane Law , and refufe to contend with us when we prove them to be ufur- 
 pations , to what end doth he intereft himfelf, and break other mens heads with 
 the clattering noife of his Sabots. 
 
 S E C T. X. 
 
 An'Ahftverto their OhjedionSi 
 
 THeir firft Objection was , that we had feparated our feWes from the communi- 
 on of the Cathofick Church. I anfwered, That we hold communion with 
 thrice fo many Catholick Chriftians as tliey do, that is, the Eajiern , Southern, and 
 Northern Chrirtians , befides Protedants. He interpreteth thefe Chriftians , with 
 whom we hold communion to be numherlefs multitudes of Manichees , Gncftick^, Car- 
 pocrations, Arrians, Nefiorians , Eutychians^&c. A^ddiug, th^it he p-otejteth moji fjith- 
 fuVy, he doth not think, that I have any jolid reafon to refufe communion to the ivorji of 
 them. Reader, Learn how to value his /iiiffc/«//'rciff/?iJtw«j- hereafter. I fliew that 
 we all dcteft thofe damned Herefics , and complain of his partiality , and want of 
 ingenuity , to abufe the Reader with fuch lying fuggellions, which he himfelf 
 knoweth to be moft falfe , and challenge him to (hew , that any of us are guilty 
 of any of thefe Herefics ; now fee what he produceth to free himfelf from fuch an 
 horrid calumny. 
 
 Firfi: he faith , that the Bipfpi tas\is evidently this , tojhetvfome folid reafons why 
 he admits fome of thefe , and re]eBs others. This is not the purging of his old ca- 
 lumny , but the twifting of a new calumny to it. I abominate and anathematize 
 them all, and he will have a reafon of mc, why I admit fome of them , and rejed, 
 others. Well done brave Difputant ! 
 
 /Secondly he urgeth , Suppofe he could not charge the Church of England , or any of 
 thefe other Churches with any of thefe Herefes , are there no other Herefies in the world 
 but thefe old ones ? Or is it impojfible that a new Herefie (hould arife ? There are other 
 Herefies in the world , and it is pollible that a new Herefie may arife: but what 
 doth that concern the Church oi^ England ? unlefs he think there is no Herefie in the 
 world, nor is poliible to be, but the Church of England muR be guilty of it. Wor- 
 fe and worfe. 
 
 He proceedeth , that he accufed not the Church of England or the Bifhop , for holding 
 thofe material points , but that having no determinate certain rule of Faith , they had no 
 grounds to rejed any from their Communion , who hold fome common points of Chrijiiani- 
 ty with them. It is well , habemus confrtentem reum. Mr. Serjeant retrafts his chargej 
 the Church of England dind theBilhop are once declared innocent of thofe old He- 
 refies, which he made a Mufter of, to no pupofe. To let him fee that I fay no- 
 thing new , and how he thrafheth his own Friends blind-fold: Feter Lombard, 
 'Thomas a Jefu , Cardinal Tolet and many others , do make the Queftion about the 
 procelfion of the Holy Ghoft , to be verbal onely without reality i and that the 
 Grecian expreflions of Spiritus Filii , the Spirit of the Son , and per F ilium by the 
 OiiHthr'tHi in Son , do fignifie as much as our Filioque , and from the Son. And of the Nejlorians ^ 
 vttajutii UT- Onttphrius giveth this Judgment , Thefe Nejlorians dofeem to me , to have retained the 
 '"' name of Neltorius the Hereticl^^ rather than his erroitrs : for I find nothing in them that 
 
 -J 7 r favoureth of that ScU. And for the fuppofcd Eutychians , Thomas a Jefu giveth us 
 
 ^^'"■/.''^.p^" ample Teftimony, that the fufpicion did grow upon a double miftakc. They were 
 i: c/i. 3. «Sr 11 fufpeAed of Eutychianifm becaufe they retained not the Council of Chalcedon; and 
 they received not tlie Council of Chalcedon, becaufe they fufpefted it of Nefiorianijm; 
 but yet they accurfe Eutyches for an Heretick, and fo did the Council of Chalcedon 
 
 ana- 
 
 I
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. 
 
 anathemarize Nejiurm. The fame is aflerted by Brerervood , out of theconfeilio ~ 
 of the Jacobitey , Ntjiorians , Armenians^Cophites znA Abyfines. To his OLjcdtio 
 I anfwer: Firft, that though we had no fuch certain rule of Faith, yet it was not 
 prcfentfy neccfTar^' , that we mult tumble headlong into fuch abominable errours 
 as many of thcfe Hereticks held, which the difcreeter Heathen did deteil. Second- 
 ly , We have a certain Rule of Faith , the ApoiHes Creed dilated in the Scriptures 
 or the Scriptures contracted into the Apoftles Creed : and tor that ugly Fardlc of 
 Hcrcfies , which, he mentioneth , we can fhew that they are all diametrally oppo- 
 fite- to the Apoftles Creed, as it is explained in the four firft General Councils. 
 Reader , have a care to preferve Efidem his jewel , Remember to difiruji fuch* 
 faithful, or rather, feigned /'roff/?a«o«j-. 
 
 He argueth , All thoje Heretich^ had the fame rule or Grounds of Faith that Prote- 
 flants have , namely, the Holy Scripture ; therefore they are all of the Frotejiant Commtt- 
 ttiof!. In good time. All thofe Hcrcticks had the fame rule or Grounds of their 
 Faith, that R(7>Kja-Catholicks have, namely, the Holy Scriptures i therefore they 
 are of the Koman-Cztholkk Communion. If he except , that the bare Letter of 
 the Scriptures , is not the Ground or Rule of Faith to Roman-C:itholkks but the 
 Scripture Interpreted according to the Analogy of Faith and Tradition of the 
 Church : the Church of England faith the very fame for it felf So if this be the 
 fource of all errour to abandon The Tradition of the Church , we are far e- 
 nough from the fcurce of all errour. This is the onely difference in this particular 
 between me and Mr. Serjeant , what he attributeth to the Tradition of immediate 
 Forefathers , I afcribe to the perpetual and Vniverfal Tradition of the Cathohck Church. 
 Who would believe, that this man himfelf had deferted the Tradition of his Im- 
 mediate Forefathers. 
 
 That which he addeth,Q the 'Tradition of immediate Forefathers, it the onely 
 Gronnd of Faith's certainty , and the denying of it more Fejlikntial than the denying 
 of the Godhead of Chrijl , or the ajferting the rvorji of thfe errours which any of thoje 
 old Eereticks held , as there are Two Gods , a Good God, and an Evil God i "1 is 
 moft falfe and dangerous , to tumble into a certain crime for fear of an uncertain. 
 What he addeth concerning SeCis nero fj/rung up in England , and Luther and Ca- 
 rolofladius , concerneth not us , ncr the preftnt controverfic. 
 
 I faid , that fome few Ealiern Chriftians were called Nejlorians, and fbme others 
 by reafon of fome unufual expreilions fufpedec" )f Eutychianifm, but moft wrone- 
 fully : and in our name, and in the name of all thofe Churches which >h(Ad Com- 
 munion with us, I accurfed all the errours of thofe Hereticks. Notwithftanding 
 all this , he faith that nothing is more right than to call them fo^ that what J fay here U 
 contrary to the public]:^ and beft intelligence tve have from thofe remote Countries thit I 
 have a mind to cling in very Brotherly and Lovingly , rritb the Neftorians and Eutvchi- 
 ans, though ] fay I will not , that J/?ro^? th«fe errours which I accurfe ^ ^ith a (gentle 
 hand, fiiling them but unufual expreffions. Firft , for fo much as concerneth my (elf 
 I have renounced thofe errours , I have accurfed them : if yet he will not credit me* 
 there is nothing left for me to do , but to appeal to God the fearcher of all hearts' 
 that what I fay is true, and his accufations are groundlefs calumnies. But as to 
 the merit of the caufe he addeth , that thefe unufual exprejjions were onely thefe that 
 Chriji had Two diJlinCi perfons, and no dijlinCl natures. Thus he faith but what 
 Authors, what Authority doth he produce, that any of thefe Churches are guilty 
 of any fuch exprelfions r" None at all , becaufe for all hit good intetligenee , he hath 
 none to produce nor ever will be able to produce any , and fo hps good intetlicrence 
 mnH end in fmoke and ftink , as his mojl faithful proteftation did before. I will con- 
 clude this poiot to his fhame,with the Dodlrine of the E>fg/i/& Church Art. 2. That 
 the Two Natures , Divine, and Human, are perfeQly and infeparably , conjoyned in 
 the Unity of the Perfm of Chriji. Doth this agree with his counterfeit expreifions 
 Chriji hath Two dijiind Perjons , m dijiinCi Natures. 
 
 When I ufed this exprelfion [, the beft is, we arc cither wheat or chafFe of the 
 Lords Floor, but their Tongues mutt not winnow us , ~\ thefe words [ the beft is 1 
 had no fuch immediate relation unto the words immedlatly following f we are et- 
 fhcr wh^at or chaffe ,] but to the laft words [their Tongues muit not winnow 
 
 us, 3 
 
 4V
 
 ,8 
 
 Schifw Guarded. 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 us, 
 
 1 making this tlic compleat fenfe , n>e are either rvheat or duffe , but the beji is , 
 -hctherwcbewheatorc'-'^' ^''''' • 
 boyi(hi"ciy«fr/»_2isthisi' 
 
 whether wc be wheat or chaflfe , their tongues mud not winnow us. What poor 
 
 Cyrily 
 3> 
 
 ad Int 
 
 Priw, refp, 
 cap,6,Ciiy- 
 
 In niv Reply to the Bifliop ofChalcedm, occafionally I (hewed the agreement of 
 theCwIchurches with the Church of £m^/j«</, in the greateft Queaions agitated 
 between us and the Church of Rome, out of Cyrill late Patriarch of Gmftantinople , 
 which he taketh no notice of, but in requital , urgetli a paffage out of Mr. Rofs , 
 in his Book called a View of all Religiom. It is an unequal match, between Mi.Rofs 
 a private Stranger, and the Patriarch of Conftaminople , in a caufe concerning his 
 own Church. I meddle not with Mr. Rof!e, but leave him to abound in his own 
 fenfe I know not whether he be truly cited or not : but with Maftcr Ser]ea.nt , 
 I fliaU be bold to tell him , that if he fpeaketh ferioufly , and bona fide , 
 he is millaken wholly \ Neither do the Greekes place mmh of their Devotion 
 in the JForJhip of the Virgin Mary , and painted Images. Hear Cyrill the 
 Patriarch , IVe give leave to him that will ^ to have the Images of Chriji and of 
 the Saints , hut we difallow the adoration and wmpip of them , as prohibited by 
 the Holy Ghoji in Holy Scriptures. And another , Jhey giye great honour to the Virgin 
 T\iity the Mother of Chriji , but they neither adore her ^ nor implore her aid. And for 
 the Interctfjion^ Prayers , help and merits of the Saints , f taking the word [ Merit ~\ 
 in the fenfe of the Primitive Churcli , that is not for Vefert , but for Acquifttion^ ) 
 I know no difference about them, among thofe men who underftand thcmfclves-, 
 but onely about the laft words , which they invocate in their letnples rather than 
 Churches. A comprecation both the Grecians and we do allow , an ultimate Invo- 
 cation both the Grecians and we deteU : fo do the Churcli of Rome in their Do- 
 ctrine, but they vary from it in their praftice. It folio weth, "they place Jitjiifica- 
 tion not in Faith, but in works, mort falfly ; Hcare Hieremy the Patriarch i we mtiji do 
 good work^ , but not confide in them : And Cyri^ his Succeffour , JVe believe that man 
 is jufiified by Faith, not IVorks. 
 
 Before we can determine for whom thofe Eafiern , Southern , and Northern Chri- 
 flians are , in the Queftion concerning the Sacrifice of the Mafs : it is neceffary to 
 know what the right ftate of this Controverfie is. I have challenged them to go 
 one ftep farther into it tlian I do , and they dare not , or rather they cannot,with- 
 out Blafphemy. 
 
 The next Inftance concerning Purgatory , is fo grofs and notorious a miftake , 
 rhat it were a great (hame to confute it > ihey believe , that the fouls of the Dead are. 
 bettered by the prayers of the living. Which way arc they bettered ? That the fouls 
 of damned are releafed or eafed thereby , the modern Greeks deny , and fo do we: 
 That there are any fouls in Purgatory to be helped, they deny, and fo do we: That 
 they may be helped to the confommation of their Bleffcdnefs, and to a fpcedier U- 
 nion with their Bodies by the refurredlion thereof, they do not deny , no more do 
 we : We pray daily, 7hy Kingdom come, and come Lord Jefm, come quickly : and 
 that we , with this our Brother , and aV other departed in the Faith , may have our per- 
 fe& confmnmation and blifs both in body and foul. They hate Ecclefialtical Tyranny , 
 and lying fuppofititious Traditions, fo do we i but if they be kx the Authority of 
 the Church, and for genuine Apoflolical 'traditions , God's bleffing on their hearts , 
 fo are we. Laftly , The Grecians know no Feaft of Corpus Chrijii , nor carry the 
 Sacrament up and down , nor elevate it to be adored. They adore Chrift in the 
 ufe of the Sacrament, fo do we : They do not adore the Sacrament , no more do 
 we. 
 
 Yet from hence he inferreth , that there U not a point of Faith wherein they difient 
 from the Church of Rome , except that one of the Pope's Supremacy. It is well they 
 will acknowledge that. Yet , the Grecians agree with us , and differ from them , 
 in his two Rules or Bonds of Unity. In the Rule of Difcipline , the Grecians and 
 we have the fame Government of Bifliops under Patriarchs and Primates. Second- 
 ly , in the Rule of Faith ■-, the Grecians and we have both the fame Canonical Books 
 of Scripture, both rejed their Apocryphal Additions from the genuine Can(jn. 
 They and we have both the fame Aportolical Creed, both rejed the new Additi- 
 ons of Piu( the fourth. In fum , they and we do both deny their Tranfubflantia- 
 
 tion ,
 
 Discourse IV. Schifm Guarded. *jq 
 
 tion , their Purgatory , their jurtirication by Works in fenfu forenfi , their Dodlrine 
 of Merits and Supererogation , their Septenary number of the Sacraments theif 
 Image-wordiip , their Pardons , their private MafTes , their Half-communion-, and 
 to be brief, the Grecians do renounce and rejeft all thofe Branches of Papal power 
 '•which we have call out of the Church of England. As the Pope's Sovereignty o- 
 ver the Catholick Church by Divine right, as Niluf faith-. It is intolerable that the 
 Roman Bifhop rvillnot beftthjeB to the Canons of the Fathers , fwce he had his dignity 
 from the Fathers. Secondly, his Legiflative power , as Peter Stexcart, Vice-Chan^ 
 cdlor o{ Ingoljlad , witnefleth, that the Grecians oW]e£i it as an errour to the Li^- 
 tines, that they make the Pope's Commandments to be their Canons and Laws. Thirdly 
 his Judiciary power , equalling the Patriarch of Conftantinople to the Patriarch of 
 Rome, or rather preferring him. Laflly, his Difpenfative power ^ i?cc«/iw/;ij-Prfr- 
 dons and Vijpcnfations as things that open a gate to all kind of villany. I am glad that 
 Nilui is in his good grace , to be ftiled by him one of thegraveji Eifhops and Authours 
 of that party, for one moderate exprellion wherein he faith no more than we fay. 
 His friend Po^'evine calls him a virulent Adverfary ; and if ever Mr. Serjewt read him 
 throughly, it is ten to one he will change his note. Thus much for my communion 
 with the Eajtern Churches, it is the fame with the Southern and Northern Churches 
 all which do plead better Tradition than himfelf 
 
 Whereas he faith that my Alfertion, that the Creed contained all points necejfary ta 
 he believed, is grounded onely upon my falfifying of the Council of Ephe[n5 ; he be- 
 wrayeth his ignorance both in the Fathers, and in his own Authours. The Scri- 
 pture is none of thole particular Articles which are neceffiry to Salvation to be be- 
 lieved : but it is the evidence whereby thole Articles are revealed, and wherein they 
 are comprehended : the Creed was compofed before the Canon of Scripture was 
 perfeded. They have not onely changed from their Anceliours in Opinions , but they 
 have changed their own Opinions, into necefTary Articles of Faith , which is 
 ■vvorfe. 
 
 I denied that the Council of 7rent was a General Council , as wantini> the re- 
 quifite conditions of a General Council , which they themfelves judge to be neceflTa- 
 ry. The Summons ought to have been general , but it was not. The great Patri- 
 archs ought to have been prefent , but they were not, neither the Patriarchs of 
 Conjiantinople , Alexandria , Antiod) , and Bierufalem , nor any of them •-, nor yet 
 the Patriarchs of y^rwewi.i , Abifjina , Mofco, MuffaV , &c. nor any of them. He 
 znCwcrcth, they had no right to be fummoned thither, unlefs tn be called to the Bar ai 
 Velinquents, nor to fit there, nor are to be accounted Chrijiians. It had need to be a large 
 Bar indeed to hold them all. Was it ever heard before , that a Fifth part of a 
 Council did call Four parts to the Bar ? Their anceftours had right to be fummon- 
 cd to a General Council , and to fit and vote there as well as the bell ; how have 
 their pofierity loll this right? Had they been heard and condemned in a General 
 Council > No. But he urgeth, rphat need hearing , when themfelves in the Face of 
 the whole world , publickly confeffed and maintain their imputed fault. How ? ^vhat 
 needed hearing i O jult Judge ! He that giveth a right Sentence , yet if he give it 
 without hearing , is an unrighteous Judge. T'hey confejfed their imputed fault : but 
 did they confefs it to be a fault ? No I warrant you , he cannot fay it for (liame. 
 Or how flwuld they confefs it in the Face of the whole Chnlhan world ? They are the 
 Chrillian world themfelves , and your Roman world is but a Microcojme in compari- 
 fon of them. 
 
 The cale is lb evident and notorious, that no man can doubt of it. The con- 
 tinent hath not left St. Peters Boat, but St. Peters Boat hath left the continent. 
 The innovation orfwerving from Apollolical Tradition, was not in the Chrillian 
 World , but in the Court of Rome , who would have advanced their Arillocrati- 
 cal power to a Sovereign Monarchical power : but the Chrillian World would not 
 give way to it, if this were an errour in them , all their Anceliours were guilty of 
 it as well as they. But the Court of Rome being confcious to themfelves that they 
 were the Innovators , to free themfelves from Tear of being cenfured by the Chri- 
 llian World , adventured to give the Firll blow , by cenfuring the whole Chri- 
 llian World it felf. This was a bolder A<ft than that of Pope Vi£lor , which Jr^nxHs 
 mifliked fo much,- Y y Ha
 
 420 
 
 Schifffi Guarded. T O M E l- 
 
 H^ will never leave his Socr^tkal manner of difputing by Qucrtions s rrhat cer- 
 K /f have »-f to /l'"'«' , ^l'''* ^'^^ """^ "f ^'-"^ ^'''"■''' •'' Although I needed not , 
 ""r" I have anfwered this demand formerly. All thofe are of the Church who wear 
 Ihl badRC and cognifance of Chriftians , that is , the Apoftlcs Creed as it is expli- 
 d bv the Four Firlt General Councils , as all thofe Churches do , and have not 
 Ten calt out of the Church by the Sentence of a General Council , as none of 
 thde Churchec have =. no nor yet by the fentence of the Roman Church it felf, if we 
 av trurt the Bifliop of Chakedon's Survey cap. 8. Neither doth the Roman Church 
 ^Excommunicate aU the Chrijiiaus of Aifrick , Afia , Greece and Rullia, but <mely fuch 
 as do vincilly orfwfitVy err. He addeth , that there are innumerable who are not for- 
 mal Hereticks, but onely Iner^ticif ccedentes. Thcfe connnue good Chrillians ftill, 
 and are Churcle; ftill, and ought not to be excluded from General Councils, 
 though fuppofcd to be materially in an errour •, much lefs being innocent and in no 
 Hcrclie or Schifm , either formal or material. 
 
 I pleaded that though it were true, that all the other Fairiarchs rr>ere fuch material 
 Hereticks , y^t of aV others they ought ejpecially to have been fummoned. The reafon is 
 evident, becaufe they that are iick have more need of the Phyfitian, than they that 
 are in health. Hence he inferreth , that it is more neccifary that Hereticks be called 
 to a General Council , than Orthodox Fathers. Not fo ^ both are neceflary , the 
 one to cure , the other to be cured : but the efpecial confideration , or end of a 
 Council , is for thofe that err , that they may be reduced. 
 
 1 faid r the Pope hath not that authority over a General Council , that the King 
 hatk over a Parliament. 3 He anfwereth , that he ii fo plain a man , that he under- 
 liandeth not rvhat the j4utbority of Kingor Tarliament fignifies. I will help him. The 
 King may diflblve a Parliament when he pleafeth ; fo may not the Pope a General 
 Council againrt their wills. If the Kirig dye by whofe writ it was called , the Par- 
 liament is diflolved: fo is not a General Council by death of the Pope. The King 
 hath a Negative voice in Parliament: fo hath not the Pope in a General Council. 
 I urged , that the Proto-Patriarchs are not known or condemned Rebels. He 
 Anfwereth Firft , this is onely faid again ?iot proved. He is always ftumbling upon 
 the fame block : it doth not belong to me to prove they were not condemned i but 
 to himfelf who accufeth them , to fliew when and where they were condemned. 
 Secondly he Anfwereth, that their errours have been condemned by Councils , and far 
 the moji part jome' of their orvn party beingprejent. But the condemningof their er- 
 rours is no fufficient warrant for the excluding of their perfons out of General 
 Councils. Neither were thefe Councils General Councils , or fuch as had any ]u- 
 rifdidtion over the Protopatriarchs. Moreover , they condemn Papal errours as 
 well as he condemneth their errours : whether is more credit to be given to the 
 Pope , in his own caufe charging all the Patriarchs in the World , or to all the 
 other Patriarchs unanimoufly condemning his Ufurpatious in the name of the Ca- 
 
 tholick Church ? 
 
 He demands , whether there might not be a Parliament of England , rvithout having 
 the Fifth Part of the members found in that Council , and yet be a laijfful Parliament .<' 
 I dunk there mi^ht , if the abfence of all the reft proceeded from their own ne- 
 gkd^ : but not if it proceeded from want of fummons , as the abfence of the Pro- 
 topatriarchs did. 
 
 He bids me rub up my memory , he believes I will find an Englifh Larv, that Sixty 
 Members is a fufficient number to mah^ a Lawful Parliament. I have done his com- 
 mands , and I know no fuch Law , nor he neither : and then he mult be a very 
 confident man to cite fuch a Law. Perhaps he hath heard of fome Ordinance of 
 the Houfe of Commons, how many Members at the leaft muft be prefent at doing 
 of fomc Inferiour Afts ; but neither is this Ordinance an Englijh Law , nor that 
 Houle an Englifh Parliament. 
 
 He faith , J excepted againjl the fuperproportioned multitude of Members out of one 
 Province , tphich never Lanful Parliament had. Superproportioned indeed , where 
 there were double the number of Italian Bifliops to all the other Bilhops of the 
 Chriliian World, (this is no equal reprefentative : ) and tliefe alfembled thither 
 not to difpute , as he fancieth vainly , but mcerly to overvote the Iramontanes. A 
 
 few
 
 Discourse IV. Schiftu Guarded. ^^ i 
 
 few Bifhops had fufficed to relate the belief or Tradition of Italy , as well as the 
 reft of the World; but that had not fufficed to do the Popes work, that was, to 
 overfway the reft of the Chriftian World , with his Sitperproportiofted multitude of 
 Italian Bifhops. He faith , perhaps 1 tviU pretend that had the Catholick^ Bijhops out of 
 their Provinces been there , they pcould have voted againji their Fellorc Catholick^ ^ in he- 
 half oj Luther and Calvin , tvhich were a tPife anjvper. I heed not much what he 
 calleth wife or foolifli : I do not onely pretend , but I fee clearly , that if the Ei- 
 fhops of other Countries had been proportioned to thofe of Italy^ they had carried 
 the Debate about rcfidence and the Divine Right of Epifcopacy, and that had done 
 the bufinefs of the We\hrn Church , and undone the Court of Rome. 
 
 But he qujte omitteth the moft material part of my difcourfe , concerning his 
 refemblance between a Parliament and a General Council ■■, that [ the abfcnce of 
 whole Provinces and the much greater part of the Provinces , either of England or 
 of Chriftendom , for want of due fummons, doth difable fuch a Parliament or fuch 
 a Council , from being a General reprefentative of the whole. "] He might even as 
 well fay , that an Affembly of the Peers and Burgeffes of If^ales upon fummons 
 without any appearence or fummons of all the reft of the Kingdom of England , 
 was a lawful Parliament of all England ; as fay the Council ot Trent was a General 
 reprefentative of the Chriftian World, which was never fummoned. 
 
 I proved , that the Council of Trent was no General Council , becaufe it was 
 not Generally received , no not among the Occidental Churches •, particularly, by 
 the Church of France in point of DifcipUne. He anCvrercth that notwithftanding, 
 they ack>toit^ ledge it to be a LaTcfttl General Council , and receive it in all Determinations 
 belonging to faith. Adding , that the Difciplinarian Laws of a General Coun- 
 cil , dn bind particular Countries onely in due circumjlances , and according to their conve- 
 niences. Bu: the contrary is moft apparent , that Councils truly General , being 
 the Supreme tribunals of the Catholick Church , do bind particular Churches as 
 ■well in point of Dilcipline as of Faith. The General Councils of Conjiantinople 
 and Chakedon , did fct the See of Conjiantinople before Alexandria and Antioch ^ and 
 equal it to Kome , notwithftanding the Pope's oppofition. What oppinion the 
 King and Church of France had of the Council of Trent in thofe days , appcareth 
 by the folemn Proteftation of the French Ambafladour, made in the Council in 
 the name of his Mafter and the French Church , that feeing all things were done at 
 Kome rather than at Trent , and the Decrees there publifhed , were rather the Decrees 
 of Pius the Fourth thjn of the Conncil of Trent , ire denounce ( faid he ) and proteji ^°^'^' '*• J- 1" 
 hifore you all^ that whatfever things are Decreed and publijhed in thif ajjembly by the 
 tneer will and pleafure of Pope Vius , neither the moft Chriftian King will ever approve ^ 
 nor tlx French Church ever acknowledge to be the Decrees of a General Council. 
 
 That the Council of Trent was not a free Council I proved , Firft by the Tefti- 
 inony of Sleidan ■■, Secondly, by the bitter complaint of the Fathers in the Council 
 of Trent ^ that it was guided by the Spirit fent from Rome i« a Male > Thirdly , by 
 • the Popes creating not onely new Bifhops , but new Bifliopricks in the time of the 
 Council , to make his party able to overvote their Oppofers. To the Firft he faith, 
 that Sleidan was a notorius lying Author of our own fide. Who fitter to relate the 
 Grievances of the Proteftants than a Proteftant ? which he did not fay in a corner, 
 but publiftied to the World in Print , when they might have refuted it if they could. 
 To the Second he anfvvereth , that it w^k a jeering expreffion. Yes , it was biting 
 as well as jeering. 
 
 Kidiciilum acri I 
 
 Fortiut & melius magnas plerumquefecat res. 
 
 The French AmbafTadour ( whom he thought to pafs by in filence ) did not jeer; 
 yet he faid the fame thing in fad earneft. To my Third Argument , he faith it is 
 nothing to the purpofe. How nothing to the parpofe , for the Pope, when his af- 
 fairs were going retrograde , and his party like to be overvoted ■, to create new Bi- 
 Ihopricks , to ordain new Bi(hops , and pack them away prefently to the Council 
 to ailift his party, and by that means to gain a plurality of Voices .? Is this nothing 
 
 Yy 2 to
 
 4'22 
 
 w 
 
 or 
 
 Schifm Guarded, TOME 
 
 'to the purpofc.n his"opinion>It may be he thinks that Italy had not Bifhops enough 
 ihcre r veuhev had two Thirds of the Council before: ) or that thefe new Bifhops 
 drundVrVand the Tradition and Belief of M^ better than all the reft. ^ 
 
 If it be his mind to wave the Pope s Patriarchal power , I am contented ■■, other- 
 ife Iiis proof will not weigh much , unlefs w€ admit Strangers ( who know little 
 ^.' nothing of our Priviledges , more than we know the Cyprian Priviledge, before 
 the Council of Ephefuf ) to be competent Judges, and will interpret a W^hrn Pa- 
 triarch to be tiie oncly Patriarch of all the Weji. The Archbifliop of TorH^is Pri- 
 mate oiEngland , and yet all England is not fubjedl to his Jurifdidlion. Forfeiture 
 and Quitting are two diHind charges : an Office is forfeited by abufe , and quitted 
 by alTuming a.new Office inconfiftent with the former^ as I have (hewed the Papacy 
 and a Patriarchate , that is, a Soveraign and Subordinate power to be. But a Pa- 
 triarchate and a Bifiioprick , being both fubordinate to a General Council, are not 
 inconfillent : and much lefs the Office of a King , and Mafter of a Family, the one 
 being Political , the other Oeconomical. But an univerfal Monarchy by Divine 
 right , and the Prefidency of a particular Province by Humane right , arc inconfi- 
 ftent ; i gave him my reafons for it , and he nketh no notice of them. 
 
 He excepteth againli my ftiling Patriarchal authority , a Tatriarchd Arijlncratical 
 dignity , which he calleth my timce-refeated Nanfenfe. It is well he did not make it 
 a contradiction. Hisreafonis, becaufe a Patriarchate is a Government by one , an 
 Arijiocracy by many. The anfwer is obvious and eafie ; a Patriarch is a Monarch in 
 the Government of his own Patriarchate, yet fubordinate to a General Council : 
 but in a General Council, or in the Government of the Catholick Church, he is but 
 one of the Optimater , or a Fellow-Governour with other Bifhops. He faith , it 
 rctis never pretended by Catholickj^ that the Pope tpm the King of the Church. I won- 
 der that he is no better acquainted with the Sorbone Difputcs, whether the Regiment 
 of the Church be an abfolute Monarchy tempered with an Ariftocracy. 
 
 We have a meritorious Sacrifice , that is , the Sacrifice of the Crofs ■■, We have a 
 commemorative and applicative Sacrifice , or a commemoration and application of 
 that Sacrifice in the Holy Eucharifi. A fuppletory Sacrifice , to fupply any want or 
 defeds in that Sacrifice , he dare not own , and unlefs he do own it , he faith no 
 more than we fay. 
 
 What I fpake of our Regiflers, I intended principally of that Kegifler of the right 
 Ordination of Proteflant Bijhops, that he may fee when he will for his love , and have 
 the Copy of any Adt in it for his Money: but he had rather wrangle about it, than 
 take fuch pains i if he will have a little patience, I will eafe him of that labour and 
 expences. It is no infuperablc difficulty , nor any difficulty at all to us , to find 
 out that Catholick^ Church which we have in our Creed : but to find out his Roman- 
 Catholick. Church, is both a contradidtion i« a^/^S" :> ^"^ an Apple of contention , 
 ferving to commit him and his Friends together among themfelves, which he knpw- 
 eth , and therefore declineth it. 
 
 I called not the ancient Bifhops of Italy either Epifcopelles , or the Pope's hungry 
 Parafitical penfioners, but the Flatterers of the Roman Court , and principally thole 
 petty Bifhops , which were created during the Council of "Trent, to ferve the Pope's 
 turn. If he think that Court free from fuch Moths , he is much miftaken. Neither 
 are thefe expreflions mine originally, 1 learned them from the ancient Bifhops of Ita- 
 ly themfelves , who gave them thofe very names of Epifcopelles, &c. Neither did I 
 tax any man in particular. 
 
 He defires me to examine my conference , rvhether I do not get my living by preaching 
 that Vodrine which J put in my Book^ , which, hove many notorioui Falfifes , contradiUt- 
 ons , and tergiverjations they have in them , may be judged by thii prefent Worl^. Yes , 
 if he and his merry Stationer may be my Judges. Now his Work is ended and an- 
 fwered , I will make him a fair offer ■•> If he be able to make but one of all his con- 
 tradidtions , and falfifications , and abfurdities good, I will be reputed guilty of all 
 the refl : if he be not , I defire him both to examine his own confcience and difcre- 
 tion , what reward he dcferveth both at the hands of God and man , for fo many 
 notorious calumnies. As for his faults , I fhall rather leave them to the judgement 
 of the Reader , than trouble my fclf with the recapitulation of them. 
 
 tn
 
 Di;s COURSE IV. Schifm Guarded. 42-' 
 
 "In the clofe of my Difcourfe I Anfvvered an exception of his , that I cited Ger- 
 (bn again^ my felf. The words of Gerfon ( or rather of the Eajient Church when 
 they feparated from the Roman ) are thefe , Potentiam tiiam recognojcimus , avari- 
 tiam tuam m^lere non pojjumns , vivite fer vos ■■, JVe know thy forver , we cannot fa- 
 tisfie thy covetoufnefs ^ live by your felves.- They knew that he had a Patriarcfial 
 power , and that he was the Firft or chief of the Patriarchs; but this power we 
 deny not , that power whfch we deny, is a Supremacy of fingle power, and that 
 by Chrirts own Ordination. The Queftion is , whether the Grecians did acknow- 
 ledge fuch a power due to the Pope in thefe words. That they did not , I prove, 
 Firil , by the Pradice of moft of all the Eajiern Churches , who excommunicate 
 the Pope yearly as a Schifmatick for challenging this power. Secondly , I prov? 
 it by the Teftimony of all their writers , efpecially the modern Greeks , as Hirrany 
 and Cyril , the Two fucceeding Patriarchs of Canfiantinople , and Nilus an Arch- 
 bilhop , &€' who all deny this power to the Pope in the name of the Gref^ Church. 
 Thirdly , I prove it by his own confellipn in this very Chapter , 'there is nd one 
 point produced by him , vphich our Church loolq upon as a point of faith , in vehich they 
 dijfent from us and confent rcith the Troteiiants , except that one of denying the Papers 
 Supremacy. How > do they grant the Popes Supremacy , and deny the Popes Su- 
 premacy , and yet continue the fame without variation ( as they have done ) I 
 do not fay this is a contradidlion , but let the Reader Judge. 
 
 His reafons are meer prevarications , not reafons. Firft , here is no Oppofition be- 
 tweenpower and covetoupiefs ^ unlefs he mean all Affirmatives and Negatives ( what- 
 foever be the Subjeds or Predicates , ) are oppofites i and if they were , it figni- 
 fieth nothing. Secondly , he demands vehat potper had the Pope over them except 
 Spiritual Jurifdtdicn ? I anfwer , he (hewed them fufficiently at the divilion of 
 the Greeks Empire i and then they flood in need of his ailiftance againft the 
 Turk. 
 
 His Third , Fourth , and Fifth Arguments, may be reduced to one , and when 
 they are twifted , they will not have the weight of one fingle hair. The difference 
 vcas about undue Subfidies and Taxes , but the demanding Subfidies feems incredible , 
 had there not been fome preacknomledged Povcer to ground fuch demands upon^ Yes, there 
 •was his Protopatriarchal power , and that tendered and ftretched out to the uttcr- 
 moft extent : and' when he would have extended it yet higher , the Grecians cafr 
 out his Ufurpations. I fee he doth but grope in the dark , I will help him to fbme 
 light. Peter Steward upon Caleca tells him what thefe undue Subfidies and Exadi- 
 0ns were , rvhen the Popes Legates brought yearly tJje Chrifnt from the Apjioliek^See to 
 Conftantinople , they rvould not depart from thence ttalejs they had Eighty pound TPeight 
 of Gold , befides o.ther gifts beftovoed upon them. 
 
 Laftly he addeth , Gerfon concludes that upon this confederation , they might proceed 
 to the Reformation of the French Churches , notvfithjianding the ContradiHion winch per-^ 
 haps fome of the Court of Rome would mah^ j which evidenceth that the acknowledgment 
 of the Popes jitii power was retained , and encroachments on their Liberties onely denyed. 
 Concedo omnia. His Protopatriarchal power was acknowledged , his Sovereignty 
 of Jurifdidion was denyed as an encroachment ; and this is the fame method, 
 which we obferved in England. 
 
 And fo Mr. Servant concludes his Kejoynder , that the Bijhop began like a Bowler 
 and ends likg one of thofe Artificers^ who going to mend one hole , ufe to makg other three. 
 Juft Mr. Serjeant , juft, as your mind think^th , fo the bell clink^th. If there be any 
 of thofe Artificers here , it is your felf, whofe conftant cuftom is to make hole* 
 where there are none , and out of an eager defire of contradicting others , to plunge 
 your felf irrecoverably into real contradidion. With {currility you began this Ko 
 juynder and with fcurrility you end it. 
 
 That which followeth is a di(h of Thrice fodden coleworti , or a vain recapi- 
 tulation of his own imaginary achievements , which the Reader hath been troubled 
 withal too often already. 
 
 1 have done with Mr. Serjeant^ Kejoynder , and have but one fhort requeft to the 
 Readers That if he meet with any thing iji this Treatife, which is not becomeing 
 that gravity or civility which one Scholar oweth to another, efpecially in Theolo- 
 gical
 
 4^4 
 
 Schifm Guarded. 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 Ti^al Inquifitions SdM rcfponfum non d,a»m efe. He wi 1 be pleafed to conhdcr , 
 fha i Tha d?y poiLblc to anfwcr fo much petulance, without (bme tartnefs For 
 hff arc ifMr.5rr>.Mt have any thing to fay upon this Subjeft let him fay it 
 Lomcallv ' and he will not have caufe to complain that he is neglcded i but it he 
 nurfuc this way of quMttg and rvording, ( which he complaineth of in others with- 
 out a caufe and pradlifeth himfelf) I (hall make bold to cull out and anfwer what- 
 foever I judge material , and leave the reft to a younger Pen , which will attend his 
 Motions.
 
 DISCOURSE \ 
 
 T 
 
 THE 
 
 Confecration 
 SUCCESSION 
 
 Of Protestant Bishops juftified. 
 
 The BISHOP oh 
 
 D U R E S M E 
 
 Vindicated. 
 AND THAT 
 
 Infamous Fable 
 
 Of the OrdinatIon at the 
 
 NAGS-HEAD 
 
 Clearly confuted. 
 
 By JOHN BRAMHALL D» D, Bifliop 
 
 of D E R R y» 
 
 Nfcf/Je e/f , ut lancem in libra ponderibiis im^ofiiis deprimi , fie animum ter^iculs 
 cedere. 
 
 D V B L I N, 
 
 Printed AnnoDom* M. DC. LXX. V,
 
 4^7 
 
 
 THE 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CHAPTERS. 
 
 G H A P. I. 
 
 ^r^ H E Occafton of this Treatife. Page ^^^ 
 
 G H A P. 11. 
 
 7he VindicaHon of the BiJJjop of Durefme. Paag a^q 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Three Reafom agaiajl the Nags-head Confecration. i . From the contradi- 
 £fio»s of the Relaters. 2. From the latenefs of the Difcovery. 2. From 
 thefiriSnefs of our Laws, Page A"? 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 The fourth and fifth Reafons agaiuji thk improbable Fi^ion , fiom the no- 
 tieceffity of it , and the lefs advantage of it, l>agg ..^ 
 
 C H A P. V. 
 
 Thejixth andfeventh Reafons , that all the Records of England are dia- 
 metrically oppofite to their Relation^ and do ejiablrp onr Relation. 
 
 rage 447 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 The eighth, ninth, and tenth Reafons againftthat fahuloui Relation , fiom 
 the Authority of our Statute , the Bool^of the Lives of the ArchbiJIoops 
 of Canterbury , and all forts of mtneffes* Page 455 
 
 Zz CHAP,
 
 4^8 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 rhe Nags-head Ordin/ition U hut a late device. Of the Earl of Notingham, 
 g/J/jop Bancroft , Dr* Staplcton, the Statute tf . EHzab. and the ^eens 
 VifpenfatioH. Page 463 
 
 C H A P. V 1 1 1. 
 
 of Eijlj0p Booner , the Reordination of our Clergy , the quality of their 
 Witntjfes ^ Mr. Fitz-Uerbett's fufiicions , tieTeftintomes of their Do* 
 Sors^ and the puhlijlmg of our Regifter before Mr. Mafon, Page 466 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Vr. Whitaker, and Dr. Fulke defended, Bifiop BarlowV Confecration ju» 
 fiified , of John Stow's tefiimonie , and the Earl of Notingham, &(. 
 
 Page 473 
 
 C H A P. X. 
 
 , 7he fathers iifjifi too much upon the Authoritie of their own Tar tie , why 
 Confecration is not mentioned m rejiitutiou 5 the exa&neft of our Re- 
 cords jujii^d. Page 48 1 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Of our Forms of Epifcopal and Friejily Ordination , of Zuinglianifm , of 
 Archbijhop Laud , of Ceremonies, Out ajfurance of our Orders* 
 
 Page 484 
 
 k 
 
 DIS-
 
 DISCOURSEVT 
 
 C H A P. I 
 
 The Occafion of this Treatife* 
 
 H E faireft Ears of Corn are fooneft blafted ; fo the more cor- 
 fpicuous the Church of England was among the Reformed 
 Churches ( as not being framed according to the brainfick di- 
 <^ates of fome feditious Oratour,or the giddy humoursof a tu- 
 multuous multitude, but with mature deliberation , and the 
 free confent and concurrence of all the Orders of the King- 
 dom, ) the more it was fubje(Sed to the envy and groundlefs 
 calumnies of our Countreymen of the Koman Communion : 
 But of all the llanderous afperfions caft upon our Church, 
 that lying Fable of the Nagges-head Ordination doth bear the Bell away. Thofe 
 monftroas Fictions of the Cretian Bulls and Minotaurs , devifed by the Athenians 
 to revenge themfelves upon Minos King of Creete ) who had fubdued them in a 
 juft War, and compelled them to fend their Sons to him for Hoflages , ) were not 
 more malicious , nor the (hamelefs lye of Kentilh Longtails more ridiculous. The 
 tirft devifcr of it doth julHy deferve the charader of a man of a brazen forehead , 
 and leaden heart. If the impartial Reader , after he hath perufed this Treatife , 
 think I do him wrong , I do willingly fubmit my felf to his cenfure. This pro- 
 digious Fable received its deaths wound from Mr. Mafon's Pen , and hath remained 
 ever fince for the fpace of Thirty years buried in deep oblivion. And thofe a0ayes 
 which it maketh now to get wing again , by the allirtance of two Jgnatian Fathers, 
 are but the vain attempts of a dying Caufe. Neither would I have troubled the 
 Reader or my (elf to bring Oivls to Athens , or to confute a Caufe which hath been 
 fo demonftrativdy confuted to my hand , but for two new Additions lately fpread 
 abroad. The one by Oral tradition , which concerneth my felf, That Father T. 
 and Father B. had foco'ifnted the Bijhop of Deny in the pre fence of the King, that he 
 faid he perceived his Father had made me a Lord^ but not a Bijhop ■, and that after- 
 tvards , by my power , I bad procured thofe Itpo Jefuites to be prohibited that prefence : 
 fo that iphereas Father Talbot ufed to be the Interpreter in the Spanifh Treaties , mtv he 
 was not admitted , and Von John would admit no other. 
 
 So the Bi(hop of Verry is accufed not onely to have been publickly baiflcd , but 
 alfo to have been a difturber of publick affairs. Yet I know nothing of all this , 
 which concerneth my Cdf. I never heard of any fuch conference , or any fuch 
 words , I never knew that Father 7albot was dehgned to that imploiment. I was 
 never guilty of having any fuch power '-, much left of any endeavour to turn out 
 any man. If the Fathers (eemed too pragmatical to thofe who were intrufted , or 
 to involve the intereli of their Religion into civil Treaties, what is that to me ? If it 
 were true, they may thank themfelvesj ifit were falfe, they may thank them who did 
 it. Whether true or falfe , I never had a hand, nor fo much as a little finger in it. 
 
 All the truth thai I know is this. Hearing that thefe two Fathers had fpoken 
 largely in the Court of the Succelfion of our Englifh Bifhops, but never in my pre- 
 fence , I ibught out Father B. and had private conference with hitti about it in the 
 ]efuites Colledge at Bruges, and afterwards fome difcourfe with Father T. and him 
 together in mine own Chamber. Whatfocver they did fay, they put into writing, 
 to which I returned them an Anfwer , fhewing not onely that there was not , but 
 that it was morally irapolhble there (hould be any fuch Ordination at the Nags-head; 
 from that day to this I never heard any thing of it , that concerned my felf. Now 
 if a man fhould fearch for an Authour of this fabulous Relation, he Iball be fure to 
 have it fathered upon fome very credible perfons, without names, who had it from 
 John an Oaks whileft he was living, and he had it from John a Stiles, and he had it 
 from Nobody, but feigned it himfclfout of a good intentions according to that 
 
 Z z 2 cafe, 
 
 4^9
 
 4 
 
 :;o 
 
 Confecratmi of Proteftant TOME !♦ 
 
 cafe Theology which he had learned, of Machiaiel, 7o advance the credit of Religion, 
 
 by all means pollihie true or falfe. i . x, , p-n c -n r 
 
 The other Addition concerneth the Learned and Pvcvercnd Bifliop ot Vurejm , 
 one of the ancienteft Bifliops this day living in the Chriftian World , being 95 years 
 old at leaf!. That he owned and jultified the Nags-head Ordination in publick Par- 
 liament, in the HoLife of Peers: It is very well, we cannot delire a better place 
 where to have it fpoken , than the Houfc of Parliament •, nor better Witneffcs than 
 the Lords Spiritual and Temporal. Wc have no man of the Epifcopal Order , . 
 whofe memory can reach fo near thofe times, or in whofe integrity we do more 
 conhde than the Bifliop of Ditrefme-, he might hear many things either from the 
 perfons pretended to have been then confecrated , or from the Notaries or Witnef- 
 fcs who were then prefent at that imaginary Confecrations or at the leart he might 
 receive the Tradition of that Age from fuch as were Eye-witneires of what pafled. 
 Let it be put to his Teftimony if they think fit, ( without doubt he is the fame 
 man he was then J or to the TeHimony of any other of his age and reputation, 
 whom they can produce : we refufe no fort of proof but onely vain kear-fay, which 
 as our Ewg/^y^-' Proverb faith, is commonly , and in this cafe moft undoubtedly, a 
 }yer. Nay, we would not refufe the Teftimony of Mr. Neale himfelf , though a 
 protcfltd enemy, who was the onely Founder of this filly Fable, fo he might be 
 examined upon Oath, before equal Judges , but compel him to (hame the Devil , 
 and eat his own words \ or to run himfelf into fuch palpable abfurdities , contra- 
 dictions, and impollibilities , that no man of reafon , how partial foever, could 
 give any credit to him. My firft Task fhall be, before 1 meddle with the Fable it 
 felf, to vindicate the Bifliop o( Vttrejine, and the truth which is wounded through 
 his fides , with this intimation to the Reader, that if this branch of the Legend be 
 proved apparently to be falfe , which is pretended to have been publickly aded in 
 a full Houfe of the Peers of the Realm , we can expcdl: no truth from the volunta- 
 ry report of one fingle , mean , malicious enemy, to his own party, and withal, 
 a confefTed Spy, of what was done at the N^gs-head. Break ice in one place , and 
 it will crack in more. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 'The Vindication of the Bijho^ of Durefme. 
 
 TO vindicate the Bifliop of Durefme , I fliall firll kt down the Relation of this 
 PafTage in the words of the Fathers themfelves. 
 hi the beginning of the late Parliaments fame Presbyterian Lords prefented to the Vp- 
 per Houfe a certain Book^^ proving , that the Proteftant Bifhops had nofuccejfjon or confe- 
 cration , and therefore were no Bifhops , and by confequence had no right to fit in Farlta- 
 ment. Hereupon Dr. Morton ^ pretended Bipop 0/ Durham , rvho U yet alive ^ made 
 a Speech againji this Boo]^ in hk oxvn and all the Bifhops hehalf then prefent. He endea- 
 voured to prove Succeffion from the laji Catholick^ Bifliops , rvho (faid he ) by impofniun 
 of hands , ordained the firfi Proteflant Bijhops at the Nags-head in Cheap-fide , as veat 
 notoriim to aV the World ■, therefore the aforefaid Book^ought to be looked upon Of a ground- 
 less Libel, IhU WiK told to many by one of the ancientejl Peers of England , prefent in 
 rarliament nhen Morton made his Speech , and the fame he is ready to depofe upon his 
 Uath: Nay , he cannot believe that any wiH be fo impudent , ai to deny a thing fo notori- 
 ous , rchereof there are as many Witneffes livings as there are Lords and Bifhops that were 
 that day in the Vpper Houfe of Parliament. 
 
 Here are three PalTages i One concerning a Book prefented to the Upper Houfe, 
 agamfi the Succefhon oiEnghfl, Bifhops , by fome Presbyterian Lords. The fecond, 
 concerning the pretended retutacion of this Book by the Bifliop oi Vurefme.Thc^KvxA, 
 F^^ft f T?^^'^ ^'^^■^^ allegations by the tefiimony of an ancient Peer oi England. 
 Firft for the Book. It is moft true there was a Book written about that time 
 by a fingle Lord againfi Epifcopacy, and dedicated to the Members of both Houfes 
 of Parliament. No wonder. How often have the Parliaments in the Reigns of 
 
 Queen
 
 Discourse V. Btfljops Vindicated. ' ^^j 
 
 Ci,ieen Elizabeth and King James been troubled with fuch reqiteiis and refrejentuti- 
 ms. It is no Itrange thing that a weak eye fhould be offended with the light of the 
 Sun. We may juitly afcribe the reviving of the Aerian HereHi: in thefe latter days , 
 to the difpenfations of the Court of Kome , who licenfed ordinary Priefts to ordain' 
 and contirni , and do the moft Eflential Offices of Bifliops. So their Schools do 
 teach us , a Frieft may be the extraordmary Mhiijier of Priefthood , and hfmour Orders 
 by the delegation of the Fope. Again the Fope may confer the forcer of confirmation upon 
 a fimple Prieft. By fuch exorbitant pradifes , as thefe they chalked out tJie way to 
 innovators. And yet they are not able to produce one precedent of fuch a difpen- 
 fation throughout the Primitive times. A good Chriftian ought to regard more 
 what the whole Chriftian World in all ages hath pradtifed , then what a few con- 
 ceited perfons in this laft age have fancied. Among all the TEajlern , Southern and 
 Northern Chriftians , who make innumerable multitudes', there neither is nor ever 
 was One formed Church that wanted Bifhops. Yet thefe are as far from fubmit- 
 ting to the exorbitant power of the Koman Bifliop as we. Among ail the JVeflern 
 Churches and their Colonies, there never was one formed Church for isoo Years 
 that wanted Bifhops. If there be any perfons fo far poffelTcd with prejudice that 
 they chufe rather to follow the private didates of their own phrenfie, than the per- 
 petual and Univcrfal pradife of the Catholick Church , enter not into their fecrets 
 O my Soul. 
 
 Thus far we agree , but in all the reft of the circumliances , ( though they be 
 not much material ) the Fathers do pitifully miftake themfelves , and vary much 
 from the Teftimony of their witne(s, and much more from the truth. Firlt the 
 Author of this Book was no Prefbyterian Lord , much lefs a company or cabal of 
 Prefbyterian Lords in the plural , but my Lord Brookes, one that had as little favour 
 for Prefbytery as for Epifcopacy. 
 
 Secondly , the Book was not prefented to the upper houfe. It might be brought 
 into the houfe privately, Yet not be prefented to the Houfe publickly. If it had 
 been publickly prefeiited , the Clerks of the Parliament, or fome of them muftneeds 
 have known of it , and made an Ad of it , but they know no fuch thing. The 
 Lords Spiritual and Temporal could not all have forgotten it, but they remember 
 no fuch thing, as by their refpedive certificates prefently (hall appear. 
 
 Thirdly , as the Author is miilaken , and prefentation miftaken. So the Sub- 
 jed likewife is miltaken. Sit liber Judex , let the Book fpeak for it felf. Thus an 
 able friend certifieth me. J have got my Lord Brooks Book^ which he wrote againji the 
 Bifljops^ with much labour ,and perufed it rvith no lefs patience. And there is not in it 
 the leaJiJhadoTP of any argument^ that the Bifhops ought not to fit in Parliament be- 
 caufe they had no fuccejjion or confecration. What did my Lord Brookes regard fuc- 
 cellion , or confecration, or Holy Orders, who had a Coachman to be his Preacher, 
 The lefs Canonical the Ordination had been , the more he would have applauded 
 it. Time , and Place , and Form , and all were agreeable to that Chriftian liber- 
 ty which he dreamed of, it was not want of coiifecration , but confecration it felf 
 which he excepted againft, as all men knew who knew him. And in this quarrel 
 he loft his life , after a moft remarkable and almoft miraculous manner, at the liege 
 of Lichfield Church , upon St. Ceaddas Anniverfary day , who was the founder of 
 that Church and Bifnop of it. 
 
 I know the Fathers will be troubled much, that this which they have publiftied 
 to the view of the World, concerning the Bifhop of Durham , as a truth fi evi- 
 dent which no man can have the impudence to deny , (liould be denied , yea denyed po- 
 fitively and throughout, denyed not onely by the Bifhop of Durham himfelf but 
 by all the Lords Spiritual and Temporal that can be met with , denyed by fome 
 Lords of their own Communion, who underftands themfelves as well as any a- 
 mong them , though their names are not fubfcribed , to the certificate , denyed by 
 the Clerks of the Parliament , whofe Office it is to keep a diary of all the Speeches 
 made in the Houfe of the Peers. For proof hereof , Firft I produce the proteftation 
 of the Bifhop of Durefm himfelf, attefted by witnefs in the prefence of a Publick 
 Notary. Take it in his own words. 
 
 A a a IVljereas
 
 43' 
 
 Confecration ofFroiejiaat 
 
 T O M E 1. 
 
 mer,- IS J Ji>i nioli injitrinupy andfmdemfjiy traduced, by a namelfjs Aitthour , cal- 
 low himfelf N. ^-'tn a B^okp'd *<> be Primed at Rouen 1657. intituled [ a Trcatifc 
 ot the nature of Catholick Faith and Hcrefie ] as if upon the frejemittg of a certain 
 Book. I" the Vpper Houfe, in the beginning of the late Parliament , proving , as he fiith, 
 the Prottftant B'jliop had no Succefton nor Confecration , and therefore vcere no Bifhops , 
 and by confeqtieme ought not to fit in Parliament , IJhould make a Speech againji the fatd 
 'p,oo]i^ in my orvn and all the Bipopj behalf, endeavouring to prove Succeffion from the bli 
 Cjiholick^BiJhops ( as he iberejiiles them , ) who by impofition of hands ordained the fir\i 
 Profejiant Bifhops , at the Nagges-head in Cheapfide , as was notorious to all th* 
 
 IForld, ^c. 
 
 I do hereby in the pre fence of Almighty God, folemnly protejl and declare to all the 
 reorld that rehat this Authour there affirms concerning me , is a mofl notoriotts untruth , 
 and a grnfs fjnder \ for to thebeli of my knowledge and remembrance , no fuch Book^ as he 
 there mentions teas ever prefented to the Vpper Houfe in that or any other Parliament, 
 that ever I fate in ■-, and if there had , T could never have made fuch a Speech as is there 
 pretended , feeing I have ever Ifinkgn according to my thoughts, and alwayes believed that 
 fable of tlj£ Nagges-head Confecration to have proceeded from the Father of lyes , as the 
 Authmtique Records of the Church flill extant , tvhich roere fo faithfully tranfcribed, and 
 publijhed byMr. Ma(bn , do evidently feihfre. And wherets the fame impudent Libeller 
 •doth moreover fiy , that xfhat he there affirms rvM told to many , by one of the ancienteji 
 Peers of Ens,hnd , prefent in Parliament , vohen J made this pretended Speech , and that 
 he is ready to depofe the fame upon his Oath , and that he cannot believe any tpiII he fo im- 
 pudent, to deny a thing fo notorious, rvhereof there are as many Witneffes living, ai there 
 are Lords and Bijhops that rvere that day in tlye Vpper JJoufe of Parliament, Sec. Jan- 
 frver, that lam very unrvilling to believe any Peer ofEughadJbouldhavefo little fenfe of 
 his confcience and honour , as either to ftvear, or fo much its affirm fuch a mtorieus un- 
 truth. And therefore for tlye iuftifrcation of my (elf , and manifeftation of the truth in 
 thU particular, J do freely and rvillingly appeal ( as he d'treds me ) to thofe many Ho- 
 nourable perfms , the Lords Spiritual and lemporal yet alive, who fate in the Houfe of 
 Peers in that Parliament, or to as many of them us this my protejiation (hall come to, for 
 a true certificate of what they li^iow or believe concerning this matter ■■, humbly defiring 
 them, and charging it upon their fouls, as they will anfwer it to God at the Day of Judge- 
 ment , that they will be pleafed to teftifie the truth , and nothing but the truth herein , to 
 the bejl of their kjtowledge and remembrance, without any favour or affe&iun to me at all, 
 1 cannot reajonably be fitj^eHed by any indifferent man , of denying any thing that J know 
 or believe to be true, jeeing lamfo Jhortly , in all probability , to render an account to 
 the Searcher of hearts, of all my words and a&ions, being now ( at the leafi ) upon the 
 Ninety fifth year of my Age. And J acknowledge it a great mercy and favour of God , 
 that he hath referved me thus long, to clear the Church of England and my felf of this 
 mofl notorious fiander , before he tak^s me to himfelf. For I cannot imagin any reafon 
 why this jhamelefs Writer might not have caji the fame upon any of my Reverend Brethren 
 as well as me, but onely that I being the Eldeji , it was probable I might be in my grave, 
 before this untruth could be tah^en notice of in the world. And now I thankfiad I can, 
 chearfully fmg my Nunc dimittis , unlefs it pleafe him to referve me for the lik^ fervice 
 hereafter ; for I define not to live any longer upon Earth , than he Jhall be pleaded to mak^ 
 me his infrrument to defend the "truth , and promote his glory. And for the more folemn 
 and full confirmation of this my free and voluntary proteliation and declaration , J have 
 hereunto fet my hand and Seal, this 17. dayof]u\Y , Anno Dom. 1^58. 
 
 THOMAS "DURESME. 
 
 Signed, jealed, puhlifloed and declared in the pre fence of Tho: Sanders /f/?. Tho: 
 Sanders JK«. John Ear wick C/fri^. R: Gray. Evan Davies.
 
 Discourse V. Bifiops Vindicated. .-- 
 
 J Tobias Holder PK/)/ic^ Notary , bein^re(]tte^edhy the Kight Reverend Father in 
 God Thomas Lord 'Bijliof of DurcTm, at the Houfe of Thomas Sanders Efq; in the 
 Parijh if Flamfkad, in the County of Hartford , in the tear of Our Lord , Moneth 
 md Day above f^cd fed ^ vras then and there perfonaHy prefent ^ where and rvhen the fuid 
 Reverend Bifl^of didfgn , pthlifh , and declare thU h'n Froteftation and Declaration above 
 Written^ to be h'n AH and Deed, and didcaufe his Anthentick^Epifafsl Seal, to be 
 there to affixed , in the prefence of the Witmfier , whofe Names are thereto fubfcribed. 
 And did there and then , lik^rrife pgn , pHbltfj , and declare as hU Ad and Deed ' 
 - another of the fame Tenor IVritten in paper , vehich he jtgned xvith his Manual Seal, in 
 the pre fence of the jame IVitneffes. All this I heard ,fan> , and therefore kiwiv to be 
 dine ItTejiimony whereof I have fnbfcrihed , and thereto put my ufnal and accujiomed 
 Notaries Sign. 
 
 Tobias Holder Puhlick^ Notary. 
 
 How doth this fo folemn Froteftation agree with the former Relation of the Fa- 
 thers , that the Bifhop ot Vurrham affirmed publickly in the upper houfe that the 
 Firfi Protejiant Bijhops were confecrated in the Nagges Head , that they were not confe- 
 crated at Lambeth , that this was notorious to all the World, that it is not credible that 
 any will be fo impudent as to deny it, that all the reji of the Bipops approved his affertion 
 "by their f.lence , and were glad to have fuch a retiringplace againji the Pre/by lerians that 
 jione of the Bijhops did give credit to Mr. MafonS newfound Kegijlers , Even as liaht 
 and darknefs , or truth and fallliood , or Two contradidtory propofitions do agree 
 together. This is the Firfl: Witnefs whom any of that party hath adventured to 
 cite publickly and diredtly for that infamous ftory whileft he was living. And they 
 fee the fuccefs of it. 1 hope they will be wifer hereafter , than to cite any more 
 living witnefles. 
 
 But it may be that they who do not ftick to fupofe that our Archbifhops mak^s 
 filfe certificates , may objed this is but the Teftimony of the Bithop o^Durrham in 
 Jiis own caufe. Let us fee whether the other Bidiops dilTcnt from the Bifhop of 
 Vurrefm. Take the Teftimony of them ail , who fat in that Parliament which 
 are now living, except the Bifhop of Bangor , whofe abfence in Wales is the onely 
 reafon vvhy he is not a fubfcribcr with thereil. 
 
 Jfhereas we the furviving Bijhops of the Church of England , wh) fat in theParlia- 
 ment begun at Wei\m\nl\cT the Third day of November 1^40, Are required ly our 
 Reverend Brother the-L^rd Bijhopnf Durefm, to declare and atteji the truth , concernincr 
 an imputation cajl upon him in the pamphlet of that namelefs Author , mentioned in hU 
 protejiation and declaration here prefixed. And whereas we are obliged to perform what he 
 requejieth, both for the ]uftifi cation of the truth, and for theckaring of our felves of ano- 
 ther (landerous ajjerfon, which the fame Author cajleth upon us, as if we had heard onr faid 
 Reverend Brother mah^ fuch a Speech jf is there pretended , and by our filence had approved 
 what that Libeller falfy affirmeth was delivered in it. JFe do hereby folemnly proteji and 
 declare before Cod and all the World , that we never k^ew of any fuch Book^prejented to the 
 Houje of Peers , as he there pretendeth , nor believe any fuch was ever prefented : and 
 therefore could never hear any fuch Speech made againji it , as he mentioneth , by our [aid 
 Reverend Brother or any other , much kfs approve of it by our filence. And if any fuch 
 Book^had been prefented , or any fuch jpeech had been made , there is none among us fo ig- 
 norant or negligent of his duty in defending the truth , but would have been both able and 
 ready to have confuted fo gronndkji a fable , as the pretended confecration of Bijhops at the 
 Naggs head , out of the Authentick^ and k>iown Regijlers of the CflmrchftiU extant , 
 mentioned and faithfully tranjcribed and publijhed by Mr. Mafbn/o long before. For the 
 confirmation of which Truth, and attellation of what ourfaid Reverend Brother hath here 
 Kfitb protefied and declared , we have hereunto fet our hands. Dated the ipth. day of 
 July , Anno Domini 1^58. 
 
 London. A/. Eli. Br. Sarum. Bath. & Wells. Jo. Roffens. Oxford. 
 
 If allthefe proofs feem not fatisfadory to the Fathers,they fhall have more. Let them 
 take the Tctiimony of the^Principal Peers now living, who fate then in Parliament. 
 
 A a a 2 jre
 
 "^^^^ C^fecranon ofFrotcftant T O M E T. 
 
 JVe of ihe Lords IcmPorjl , whnje names are here nnderivritten , who fat in the Parli- 
 
 anicit heoun ^» VVdhnindcr the Third day ./November 1640, Bei^g defired by the 
 Bifhop of DincCm to tefiifJe our knoifledge concerning an imputation caji upon him, about 
 a Speech pretended to be made by him in that Parliament, more particularly mentioned 
 aJ difavoired in hU prefixed protejiation , do hereby tefiifie and declare, that to the beft 
 0^ our prefcnt kiion^ledge and remembrance , no fuch Booh^ agaiftji Bijhops as is there men- 
 tioned , nux prefenttd to the Ihufe of Peers in that Parliament. And confequently that 
 tio fitch Speech as w there pretended , was or could be made by him or any other againji it. 
 In "Teliimony rvhereof n>e have figned this our attejiation mth our own hands. Dated the 
 ipth. day of July Anno Domini , 1658. 
 
 Dorcheller. Rutland. Lincolne. Clieveland. Dover. Lindfey. Southampton. 
 DevonflMre. Monmouth. 
 
 To this proof nothing remaineth that can be added , but onely the Teliimony 
 of the Clerk of the Parliament , who after a diligent fearch made in the Book of 
 the Lords Houfc , hath with his own handwritten this (hort certificate , in the 
 inargent of one of your Books pag. p. over againft your relation, Vpon feareh made 
 in the Book^of the Lords lioufe , I do not find any fuch Book^prefented , nor any entry 
 of any fuch Speech made by Bifhop Morton. 
 
 Henry Scobel Clerk of the Parliament. 
 
 And now methinks I hear t!ic Fathers blaming of their own credulity , and ra(h- 
 nefs, and overmuch confidence. They had forgotten Epi&etus his rule , remember 
 to dijiruih I judge them by my k\i^ , Homo fum , humani a me nihil alienum puto.. 
 One circumltance being either latent or miftaken , may change the whole drift and 
 fcope of a relation. But though we would be contented to lend a skirt of our 
 coat , to cover the fault of them who calumniate our Church , yet this relation 
 can never be excufed in any man from a moft grievous miftake , where both the 
 perfon , and the whole fcope of his Difcourfe is altogether miftaken. This is ai- 
 med as great a miftake as the Naggs-head Ordination it felf , where a confirmation 
 dinner was miftaken for a folemn conlecration. But thofe who cherifii fuch mi- 
 ftakes for advantage, and deck them up with new matter, and publiQi them to the 
 World for undoubted truths , cannot be excufed from formal calumny. 
 
 The laft thing to be confidered in this Firft part of this Difcourfe , being the 
 
 vindication of the Reverend Bilhop of Vurefm , is concerning the witnefs, whom 
 
 as the Fathers do forbear to name , fo fhall I. Of whom they fay four things , 
 
 that he is one of the ancient Peers 0/ England , that be was prefent in Parliament when 
 
 Morton made this Speech , that he will tak^ his Oath of the truth of it , and that he 
 
 cannot believe that any will befo impudent to deny it. We have no difpute concerning 
 
 the antiquity of Peerage , let that pafs ; but I am confident whatfoever his prefent 
 
 judgement had been, either of the Speaker or of the Speech, your witnefs would 
 
 have abftained from uncivil Language , as to ftile the Reverend Bifliop of Vurefm 
 
 a pretended Bifhop , and plain Morton , without either welt or gard , he would not 
 
 have forgotten all his degrees, both in the Church and Schools. He will not charge 
 
 all them with down right impudence , who tell him that he was doubly miftaken: 
 
 nor call that notorious to all the World, which he himfelf acknowledgeth that he never 
 
 heard of before in his life. He is not guilty rof thofe inferences , and eo nominees 
 
 which you have added. I do not believe that he doth, or ever did know the 
 
 Eifliop o( Vurefm , fo well as to fwear this is the irian : nor doth take himfelf to 
 
 be fo exadtan Analyfer of a Difcourfe, as to be able to take his Oath what was the 
 
 true fcope of it, pro or comra i efpecially when fome thing is ftarted that doth 
 
 quite divert his attention , as the found of the Market bell did the Philofophers 
 
 Auditors. 
 
 This is my charity. And my ground for it is this. When I had once confer- 
 rence with him about this relation , he told me the name of the Naggs-head did 
 flirpruchim, and he betook himfelf to inquire of another what it meant. And 
 
 when
 
 Dis COURSE V, Bt flops Vendicated. 4.0,^ 
 
 when r urged to him , that it was incredible that any Proteftant Bifhop fhould 
 make fuch a Speech , unlefs he ufed it onely by way of fuppoiltion , as argumen- 
 turn ad hnminem , a rcafon fit for my Lord Brookf , that fuch a confecration as that 
 was , agreed well enough with his principles , he told me he knew not that : the 
 Bifliop might anfwer fo for himfelf. 
 
 To conclude , I have heard the Bifhop of Lincolne did once mention the Fable 
 of the Niggs-head in a Speech in Parliament , but with as mnch detelhtion of it, 
 as our Anceftours ufed to name the Devil, why might not the miftake both of the 
 perfon , and of the drift or fcope of his Speech , be the occafion of this relation ? 
 I had rather out of charity , run into Two fuch right handed errours , than con- 
 demn a Noble Gentlenan of whofe ingenuity I never had any reafon to doubt of a 
 malicious lye. Take it at the very bell , the miflake is great enough, to miftake 
 both the perfon of the fpcaker , and the fcope of his Speech. I hope they will all 
 do that which in confcience they are obliged to do, that is acquit the Bifhop ofPwr- 
 refm and crave his pardon for their miftake. if they do not, the World will quit 
 him , and condemn them. But the greateft miftakes of all others was , to 
 publifli fuch a notorious untruth to the World , fo temerarioufly without bet- 
 ter advife. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Ihree rejfons againfi the Naggs-Head Confecration, 1. from the contradiUions of 
 the Kelateri^ 2. from the latenefs of the Vifcovery ^ ^. from the StnUnefs of out 
 Laws, 
 
 NOw having beaten down the Pillar about their cars : which they had let up 
 to underprop their Naggs-head Ordination , it remaineth next to affault the 
 main fable it felf, as it is related by thefe Fathers. Having told , how the Prote- 
 Ibnt Dodlors who were defigned for Bifhopricks in the beginning of Queeu Eli- 
 zabeths Reign , had prevailed with Anthony Kitchin Bijfjop nf Landaffe , to give them a 
 meeting at the Naggs-head in Cheap-fide, in hope he would Ordain them Bishops there. 
 And how the Eifiiop of Landaffe through Bipop Bonners threatnings refufed , ( all 
 which (hall be examined and laid open to the view of the World in due Order , 
 how it is ftuffed with untruth and abfurdities. ) they add, that being thus deceived 
 cf their expuration , and having no other means to come to their defires ( that is , to ob- 
 tain confecration ) they refdved to ufe Mr. ^cories help , an Apojlate Religious Frieji , 
 who having born the name of Bifhop in King Ed ward the Sixths time , was thought to 
 have fu^cient power to perform that Office , ejpeciaVy in fuch ajirait neceffity as they pre- 
 tended. He , having cali off together with his Religious habit all fcruple of conjcience , 
 willingly went about tlx matter , which he performed in this firt, having the Bible in 
 Hand^and they all hrieeling before himjhe laid it upon every one of theirtleads orShoulderss 
 faying , tali^ thou Authority to Preach the word of God fincerely. Andfo they rofe up Bi- . 
 Jhops of the new Church of England. "This Narration of the confecration at the Naggs- 
 head C they fay) they have taken out of Holy wood, Conftable , and T>r. Champ- 
 neys works. They might as well have taken it out of i^fobs Fables, and with as 
 much credit or expectation of truth on our parts. 
 
 So the controverfie between them and us is this. They fay that Archbifliop Par- 
 ker , and the reft of the Proteftant Bifhops in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's 
 Reign, or at the leaft, fundry of them were confecrated at the Nagges-head in Cheap- 
 fide together , by Biihop Scory alone , or by him and Biftiop Barlow jointly , with- 
 out Sermon, without Sacramenf, without any Solemnity, in the year 1559. fbut 
 they know not what day,nor before what Publick Notaries,) by a new phantaftick 
 form. And all this they fay,upon the fuppofed voluntary report ot Mr. Neale,(a. fingle 
 malicious fpy ) in private to his own party , long after the bufinefs pretended to be 
 done. 
 
 We fay Archbifhop Parker was confecrated alone , at Lamheth , in the Church ,^ 
 by Four Bifhops , authorifed thereunto by Commillion under the Great Seal ot 
 
 England ,
 
 eTm/W, withScrmon, ^vith Sacrament with all due Solemnities upon the ly 
 
 day o(Vccemher,Amo , 5 5?. before Four of the moft emment pubhck Notaries m 
 eZ/W, and particularly the fame pubhck Notary was pnnc.pa Acluary 
 boti^ at Cardinal r<;/f/Confecration, and ArchbilhopP^r^erj-. And that all the 
 l\ of the Bilhops were confccratedat other times, fome in the famemoneth, but 
 not upon the fame day, fome in the fame year, but not the fame moneth-, and 
 fome the year following. And to prove the truth of our Relation , and falfliood 
 of theirs"", wc produce the Regiller of the See of Canterbury, as authentick as the 
 world ha'tli any , the Rcgiikrs of the other Fourteen Sees then vacant, all as care- 
 fully kept by fvvorn Oflicers , as the Records of the Vatican it fclf. We produce all 
 the Commilfions under the Privy Seal and Great Seal of England. We produce the 
 Rolls or Records of the Chancery , and if the Records of the Signet-office had not 
 been unfortunately burned in King James his time , it might have been verified by 
 thofc alfo. We produce an Ad of Parliament exprefs in the point , within feven 
 years after the Confccration: We produce all the controverted Confecrations pub- 
 liflicd to the world in Print, ^W2o 1572. three years before Archbifhop P^r^r's 
 death , while!! all things were frefli in mens memories. Thefe bright beams had 
 been able to dazzle the eyes of Mr. Neak himfelf, whileft he was living, and have 
 made him recant his lewd lye, or confefs himlelf flark blind. 
 The Firft rca- • The firft reafon which I bring againrt this ridiculous Fable , is taken from the 
 for), palpable contradicftion? , and grofs abfurdities and defedls of thofe Koman-(Z3,i\\o- 
 
 lick Writers , who have related this filly Tale of a Tub , and agree in nothing but 
 in their common malice againfl the Cliurch of England. It is no flrange matter for 
 fuch as write upon Hear- lay, or rely upon the exadt truth of other mens Notes or 
 Memories,fo to millake in fomeinconfiderable circumftance,as to (et down the name 
 of a place amifs, which may be the Tranfcribers fault , or the Printers , as well as 
 the Authours: or to fay two Suffiragans for one , when there were two named in 
 the Commifiion , and but one prefent at the Confecration. Such immaterial diffe- 
 rences which are fb remote from the heart of the Caufe , about indifferent circum- 
 ftances, may bring the exadlnefs of the relation into queftion, but not the fubfkn- 
 tial truth of if. Such petty unfignificant variations, do rather prove that the Re- 
 lations were not made upon compadt or confederacy, efpecially where there are ori- 
 ginal Records taken upon the place by fworn Notaries , whofe Names, and Hands, 
 and Ad:s are as well known to every man verfed in the Records of thofe times , as a 
 man knowcth his ownHoule. To which all Relaters and relations muft fubmit , 
 and are ready to fubmit as to an infallible Rule. 
 
 But he who fhould give credit to fuch a filly fenflefs Fable as this is , which is 
 ■wholly compofed of abfurd, improbable, incoherent, inconfiftent, contradidtory fi- 
 dlions, had need to have a very implicite Faith. The greateft fhew of any accord 
 among them is about the Coniecrater, yet even in this they difagree one from ano- 
 ther. The common opinion is , that Bifhop Scory alone did confecrate them. But 
 Mr. Conjiable, one of their principal Authours, fuppofeth, that Bifhop Barlotv might 
 joyn with him in the Confecration. And Slanders, whofe Pen in other cales ufeth 
 to run over, one who had as much malice as any of them , and had reafon to know 
 the paifages of thofe times better than all of them , lea veth it doubtful, when, or 
 where, or by whom they were ordained , ^omodocunqxe faUi Jam i\li Pfeudoepifco- 
 fi\, by what means foe ver they were ordained. 
 
 But they difagree much more among themfelves , who they fhould be that were 
 ordained. Firft , Mr. VVaddefworth ( whole ingenuity deferveth to be commend- 
 ed ) doth not fay that any of our Bifliops were adually confecrated here, but onely 
 that there teas an attempt to confecrate the Firji of them , that was Archbifhop Parker. 
 But that which del^roycth the credit of this attempt is this, that it is evident by the 
 Records , that Archbifhop Parker was not pcrfonally prefent at his Confirmation in' 
 Bootes Church, or at his ConHrmationtDinner at the Nagges-head, which gave the 
 occafioD to this merry Legend, but was confirmed by his Prodtor Nicholas BulltHg- 
 ham Dodtor in the Laws, upon the Ninth of December , Anno 1 55^. A man may 
 be confirmed by proxy, but no man can be ordained by proxy. It is a ruled cafe 
 in their own Law, Non licit Sacramentum aliqmd fritter matrimcfiiim abfemi admini- 
 
 firare
 
 Discourse V. ^ifhops Vindicated. ^^7 
 
 ^' ..,■■.- .1.. ■■ ■ ■■ ■ .- — . ■ . , 
 
 firare. So if there was an attempt to confecrate any man at the Nuggs-head , it 
 mult be Dr. BHVingham , it could not be Archbifhop Parker. 
 
 Ochers fay there was more than an attempt , that one or more of them were a- 
 dually ordained there : but they name none. Others name fome, but they accord 
 not one with another in naming of them. Some (ay , jFfWf/, Sandr, Horn^ Crin- 
 dah where was Archbifhop Farl^r ? Others fay , Parker^ Grindal ^ Horn , SxyJs. 
 LaHIy , others (hy , they were all ordained there , who were named to Billiopncks, 
 and number Fifteen of them. Thefe Fathers {peak indefinitely , Parker a>:d his 
 feUojvf. But they feem to extend this woTdfeVoivs as far as Dr. Champiieys fifteen: 
 for they tell us , that they all k^teeled down before him^ and he hid the Bible upon every 
 one of their heads or Jhnclders. Thus thefe Cadmean Brethren , like thofe (Mc wit- 
 nelTcs which tellihcd againit Chrift , deflroy one another with their mutual contra- 
 didlions. 
 
 Thirdly, the time is a principal circumftance in all confecrations , and is ever- 
 more moll pundtually recorded by the adluaries , or Publick Notaries. But in this 
 fabulous relation , the time is concealed. It (eemeth the Forger was no good adtu- 
 ary , and either did not know how material that circumftance was : or had for- 
 gotten it. Onely Dr. Champney telleth us , that it was before the Ninth of Sep- 
 umber Anno 1559. But this is not precife enough for an Adt; and moreover , it 
 is moft apparently falfe and impollible. For whereas there are Two CommitliQns 
 under the great Seal of^ England, for tlie confirmation and confecration of Arch- 
 bifhop Parker , both recorded in the Rolls i the one which was not executed , da- 
 ted tlie faid very Ninth Day of September •■, and the other which was executed, da- 
 ted the Sixth Day of December following : if Dr. Champney faid true, Archbifhop 
 Parkp" was confecrated beforQ he was confirmed , yea before there was any com- 
 milfion out, either for his confecration or confirmation i which is one of the drow- 
 flefl dreams that could drop from an Englijh pen. 
 
 Laftly , every confccration muft be performed before one or more Publick No- 
 taries. ( We (hall fhew them Notaries enough of great eminence , beyond all ex- 
 ception , for Archbifhop Parkers true confecration. ) And indeed what could a 
 confecration avail any man , without a Publick Notary to Record it , to make an 
 authentick certificate of it under the Seal of the Principal confecrater ? Now who 
 Recorded the Naggs-head conkcntioa ? Who drew it up into Ads? Who certified 
 it ? No body , becaufe the filly Forger did not underftand what things were re- 
 quifite to a confecration. Onely as the Athenians (bmetimes faid of Metio- 
 chus , Metiochus grinds the corn, Metiochus bak^s the bread, Metiochus mends 
 the high ways, Metiochus doth all , an evil year to Metiochus : fo we may fay of Mr. 
 Neak •, Mr. Neale was the fpie , Mr. Neale was the witnefs , Mr. Neale was the 
 Publick Notary, Mr. Neale was the chief Enginer of Forger , Mr. Neale was all, 
 what honours are due to Mr. Neale ? 
 
 §ui tot /{{jiinjiit, qui tMta negotiafolm. 
 
 So they fain a confecration without a Publick Notary , or ( which is all one ) no 
 man ever knew who that Publick Notary was i at a time impoffible, or elfe no 
 man knoweth at what time ; without any certainty who confecrated, whether 
 Scory alone, ot Scory znd Barlotv together, or God knoweth whoi and yet with 
 much lefs certainty who were confecrated , whether none at all , but onely an at- 
 tempt was made , or one , and who that one was i or fome indefinitely , with- 
 out naming who they were , or how many they were •, or Four exprelly , but dif- 
 fenting one from another , who thofe Four were. Here is a ftory compofed alto- 
 gether of uncertainties and contradiiftions , like a man and no man , hit a bird and 
 no bird , on a tree and no tree , with a flone and noflone. To make this uncertain , 
 groundlefs , contradidtory humour, to be the touchftoneof truth, and to ovcr- 
 ballance all the authentick Records of the Kingdom , in a matter of fuch publick 
 concernment , is juft to make the Parifh clock go truer than the Sun , b:caufe the 
 Clerk who fets it is our Friend. 
 
 My Second reifbn againft this fenfeleft Fable , is the late difcovery of it to th( 
 
 World 
 
 Second reafon
 
 — 7p ' ''C^iif^cr auon oj Protefrant TOME 1. 
 
 woild and the long concealing of it in holes and corners before they durft ad- 
 venture to prefent it to the view of the World. Can any man who is in his right 
 . wits be i'o fiLipid as to imagin , that the Naggs-head Ordination happened in the year 
 cc;9. and (if thefe Fathers fay truly ) v/z^ mtor'mify kilorvn to all the world -, and 
 that It (liould never once peep into the Light for almoll a whole age after it was 
 pretended to have been done , that is till after the year Sixteen Hundred > we ufc 
 to (ay a Monfter is but Nine days vv'onder : but this ugly Monger was not taken 
 notice of in the World until after Forty years. The reafon is evident ; either it 
 was then but newly hatched , or it had been kept all that time at dry nurfe in a 
 ■ clofet. If it h^d been fo notorious to aV the world from the Year i55p. as the Fa- 
 thers fain , all the Windows in the Na^gs-head would have been full of it, and 
 the Room would have ben (hewed to all their Guefls , where fuch a prodigions pa- 
 geant had been Aded. 
 
 I dare appeal to the Judgments of thefe Fathers thcmfclves , whether it be cre- 
 dible , that this ftory (hould be notorioufly known to the World , in the begin- 
 ning of Qiicen Elizabeths Reign, and yet neither Stapkton, nor Harding^ nor 
 BrijiofP, nor Alan , nor Txeynolds , nor Parfoits^ nor any one of all the Koman-CiL- 
 holick Writers, fhouldfomuch as mention it for Forty years enfuingv efpecially 
 Writing fo much as they did upon that very fubjcdl, the validity or invalidity of 
 our Ordination. How could their filence have been excufed from betraying of 
 their caufe , to loofe fuch an egregious advantage ? Was it pcradventure out of 
 affedtion to us , to conceal the defeds of the J'roteftants i" No , they had will e- 
 nough , but they durft not avouch fuch a Monfirous untruth in earneli , ( if ever 
 they did hear of fuch a vain rumour, which I cannot cafily believe , ) fo contrary 
 to the knowledge of that age. 
 
 Efpecially let them tell me how it cometh to pa(s ^ that Nicholas Sanders , who 
 profelTeth to write the Ecckftaftical Hiftory of England , from the One and Twentieth 
 Tear of Henry the Eighth s until tlie Eight and Twentieth Tear of ^leen Elizabeth 
 then currant , in his Three Books of the Original and frogrefs of the Englifh Schifm^ 
 hath not One Syllable of the Nags-head Ordination} He wis never accufed of partiali- 
 ty for the Protcftants,(but as malicious againfl theProteftaoits as any man could wifh:) 
 nor of concealing truths to their advantage,but of devifing Fables to tlicir prejudice. 
 He having related the form of our Englijh confecrations , partly true and partly 
 falfe, proceedeth to this Firrt Ordination of Froteftant Ei(hops, in the beginning 
 of Qween Elijaheths Reigni alledging that the CatholickJBijhops refufed to imfofe hands 
 D Sch'(m "^°^' '^•"''" ' '^^^ *^^^ ^^'^^ '•"''^ ^"^ ofihemfehes Two or Three Eijhops , orfo much as one 
 AHti'l: i-.'f: Metropolitan. What a (hameful untruth is this , that there were not Two or Three 
 400 Edit: Protellant Eiftiops, when the Queens Commillion under the great Seal of England 
 Rom: Recorded in the Rolk , is diredled to Seven Proteftant Bifhops, exprefly by their 
 
 names and tittles? 
 
 He addeth , that they were very injiant with anlx'iih ^rchbijhop to have prefded at 
 their Ordination , hut he would not. He miftaketh the mater altogether , they might 
 have had Seven Jrijh Archbifhops and Bifhops if they had needed them •, where the 
 proceedings were not fo rigorous , whera the old Bifhops complied and held their 
 places, and joyned in fuch Ecclefiaftical Adis, until they had made away to their 
 kindred , all the lands belonging to their Sees. We found one Bifhoprick reduced 
 to Five Markes a Year by thefe temporifers, another to Forty Shillings a Year, and 
 all of them to very poor pittances for Prelates. But by this means there wanted 
 no ordainers : never did any manqueftion the Ordination of the Firll Protellant Bi- 
 fhops in Ireland until this day 
 
 Then he telleth , how being tlius rejeded by the Catholick Ei(hops, and the Lijb- 
 Archbilhop , they applied themfelves to the Lay-Magijlrate in the enfiiing Parliament 
 for a confirmation , from whence they were called Parliamentary Bifhops. By whom 
 were they called fo > By no man but himfelf and his Fellows. How many Ordina- 
 tions were pafTed over, one after another , before that Parliament > Was there any 
 thing moved in this Parliament , concerning any the leaf! Eflential of our Epifcopal 
 Ordination? Not at all, but onely concerning the repealing and reviving of an En- 
 glifh Statute •, Enghfh Statutes cannot change the Effentials of Ordination , either to 
 
 make
 
 Discourse V. Bipjops Vindicated ^29 
 
 make that Confecrarion valid which was invalid i or that iiwalid which was valid. ' 
 
 The validity or invahdity of Ordination , depcndeth not upon Humane Law bur 
 
 upon the Inftitution of Chrrft. Neither did we ever llnce that Parliament , change 
 
 one fyllable in our Form of Ordination. Then what was this Contirmation which 
 
 he fpeaks of? It was onely a Declaration of the Parliament, that all the objcvflions 
 
 which thefe men made againft our Ordinations, were flanders and calumnies i and 
 
 that all the Bifhops which had been ordained in the Queens time, had been rightly 
 
 ordained , according to the Form prefcribed by the Church oi'Engla>id, and the 
 
 Laws of the Land. Thefc men want no conridence, who arc not aihamed to cite 
 
 this Statute in this cafe. But we (hall meet with this Parliament again. 
 
 In all this impertinent Difcourfe , where is the Fable of the Nags-hejd Ordinati- 
 on !* It had been a thoufand times more material than all this Jargon. And you may 
 be fure it had not been miliing , if there had been the leaft grain of trUth in it or if 
 there had but been any fufpicion of it when that was written. It was not then full 
 thirty years after Axchbifhop Varh^r's Confecration , and there were flore of Eye- 
 witnelies living to have hifled fuch a (enflefs Fable out of the world. And therefore 
 Saiiders very prudently for himfelf, after fo many intimations, pafleth by their Or- 
 dination in a deep filence , which was the onely work he took in hand to (hew. 
 ^akfcHH(jue fuerhtt , aut qmmodocnnqtte fa^i fitnt ijH Ffmdoepifcofi^ 6cc, What man- 
 ner of perfons foever thej'e Falfe Bijhopsivere, or after what manner foever they rvere or- 
 dained,&cc. If Bifl^op Scory had ordained them all at the Nags- head , by laying a 
 Bible upon their heads, and this Form of words, lake thou Authority to preach the 
 Word of Gad fuKerely ^ Mr. Sanders needed not to have left the cafe fo doubtful how 
 they were ordained. And if there had been .the leail fufpicion of it j he would have 
 blown it abroad upon a filver Trumpet ■■, but , God be thanked , there was none. 
 The univerfal iilence of all the Kipiijh Writers of that Age , when the Nags-head 
 Ordioiation is pretended to have been done, in acaie which concerned thera all fo 
 nearly, and which was the chief Subject of all their Difputes, is a convincini^ 
 proof to all men , who are not altogether polTefled with prejudice , that either k 
 was deviied long after, or was fo lewd a lye, that no man dared to own it whilcit 
 thoufands of Eye-witne(res of Archbifhop Parker^ true Coniccration at Lambeth 
 were living. 
 
 A Third reafon , again(t this ridiculous Libell of the Nags-head Confecration is 
 taken from the itridnefs of our Laws , which allow no man to confecrate or be ^''^ ^^^^'^ ^^^' 
 confccrated, but in a facred place, with due matter and form, and all the Rights '°"" 
 and Ceremonies prefcribed by the Church oiEngland. No man muft be con(ecra- 
 ted by fewej: than Four Bifliops , or Three at lea(t i and that after the Election of 
 the Dean and Chapter is duly conhrmed , and upon the Mandate or Commidion of 
 the King, under the Great Seal of England, under the pain of a Premmire that 
 is, the forfeiture of Lands , and Goods, and Livings, and Liberty, and Prote- is H,8. c.io: 
 <ftion. They allow not Confecration in a Tavern , without due matter and form 
 without th£ Ceremonies and Solemnity prefcribed by the Church , without Elcdli- 
 on, without Confirmation , without Letters Patents , by one llngle Biihop, or two 
 at the moft , fuch as they feign the Nags-head Ordination to have been. Who can 
 believe, that two Archbi(hops , and thirteen Bifhops, having the reputation of 
 Learning and prudence , fhould wilfully thruft themfelves into an ippaxcnt premuni- 
 re , to forfeit not onely their Archbilhopricks and Bifhopricks, but all their Eltates 
 and all their Hopes , for a phantaftick form , and (candalous Confecration: when 
 the Queen and Kingdom were favourable to them , when the Form prefcribed by 
 the Church did pleafe them well enough, when there were Protefhnt Bilhops of 
 their own Communion enough to confecrate thera, when all the Qiurches in the 
 Kingd.om were open to them , unlefs it had been Midfummer-Moon in December 
 and they were all Itark mad, and then it is no matter where they were confccra- 
 ted ? 
 
 In criminal caufes, where things are pretended to be done againft penal Laws 
 fuch as this is , the proofs ought to be clearer than the Noon-day-light. Here is 
 nothing proved , but one fmgle Witnefs named , and he a profelTed Enemy, who 
 never tel\ihcd upon Oath, or before a Judge , or fo much as a publick Notary or 
 
 B b b 
 
 to
 
 440 Confecration of Protejiant T O M E !♦ 
 
 to the bcc of a Protcaant, but oncly whifpered it m corners ( as it is faid by Ad- 
 verfaries) among fomeof his own party. Such a Teftimony is not worth a deaf 
 nut in any cau(c- between party and party. If he had been a Witnefs beyond all 
 exception, and had been duly fworn , and legally examined, yet his Teftimony in 
 the mod favourable caufe had been but half a proof, though an hundred did teftifie 
 it from his mouth , it is l\ill but a fingle Teftimony : And as it is, it is plain prittle 
 prattle , and ought to be valued no more than the {hadow of an Afs. To admit 
 fiich aTcftiomony, or an Hundred fuch Teftimonies , againft the publick Authen- 
 tick Records of the Kingdom , were to make our felves guilty of more madnefs , 
 than they accufe the Biftiops of. If St. Paul forbid 'Timothy to receive an accufation 
 againft a lingle Presbyter , under Two or Three witnelTes , he would not have us to 
 condemn Fifteen Bifliops of fuch a penal crime , upon a ridiculous rumour, contra- 
 ry both to the Laws and Records of the Kingdom. The feverity of our Laws 
 doth deftroy the credit of this Fable. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 The Fcttrth and fifth reafons againji th'n improbable fiBion , from the no necejfny of it ^ 
 and the lefs advantage of it. 
 
 M 
 
 Fourth Plea is , becaufe there was no need to play this counterfeit Page- 
 _ ant. We ufe to fay , Necelhty hath noLaw, that is, regardeth no Law. 
 In time of War, the Laws are filent, but this was a time of peace. Firft, there 
 could be no neceffity why they (hould have a clandeftine Confecration , without a 
 Regifter or publick Notary , when they might have had an Army of publick Nota- 
 ries ready upon their whiflle, even under their elbows at 'Bowes Church , out of the 
 Courts of the Arches , and the Audience , and Prerogative, Secondly , there was 
 no necelhty why they (hould anticipate the Queens Letters patents for their confecra- 
 tion , by whofe gracious favour they were elected , and of the accomplifhmcnt 
 whereof in due time they could not doubt i unlefs they would wilfully deftroy 
 their own hopes , by fuch a mad prank as this had been,that is , unlefs they would 
 themfelves hew down the bough where upon they flood. Thirdly , there was no ne- 
 celhty that they fhould chufe a common Tavern for the place of their confecration , 
 when the Keys of all the Churches in the Kingdom were at their command. Fourth- 
 ly , there could be no necelhty why they fhould defert the form of Ordination 
 prefcribed by the Law , which was agreeable both to their judgements , and to 
 their defires,and totheir duties, to omit the EfTentials of Ordination, both matter and 
 form, which they knew well enough,to be confecrated after a new brainllck manner. 
 Then all the necelhty which can be pretended , is want of a competent number 
 of Ordainers. Suppofe there had been fuch a neceffity to be ordained by Two Bi- 
 (hops, or by one Bifhop, this very neceffity had been a fufHcient difpenfation with 
 Rth. Int. 8. the rigour of the Canons , and had juftified the Ad. As St. Gregory pleadeth to 
 Auiufl. ' ' Augtijiine^ In the Englifh Church wherein there is no other Bijhop but thyfelf, thou canji 
 not Ordain a Bijhop othermfe than alone. And after this manner , our Firft Englijb 
 Bifhpps were ordained. And fo might thefe Proteftant Bilhops have been validly 
 Ordained , if they received the EfTentials of Ordination. But what a remedy is 
 this, becaufe they could not have a competent number of Bifhops, according to 
 the Canons of the Church , and the Laws of England , therefore to rejedt the Ef^ 
 fentials of Ordination , for a defect which was not Effential , and to caft of obedi- 
 ence to their Superiours , both Civil and Ecclefiaftical ? This had been juft like 
 little Children which becaufe they cannot have fome toy which they defire , caft a- 
 way their Garments , and whatfoever their Parents had provided for them. Want 
 of Three Bifhops might in fome cafes make a confecration illegal or uncanonical , 
 but it could not have rendered it invalid , as this filly pretended Ordination 
 
 Rot Id P / ^'^^' 
 
 -. Elifab. But now I come up dofe to the Ground-workof the Fable,and I deny pofitively 
 
 that there was any fuch want of a competent number of Bifhops, as they pretend. 
 
 And
 
 Discourse V. Bifhops Vendicated, 
 
 And for proof hereof , I bringuo vain rumours or uncertain conjed-ures, but the 
 evident and authentick Teftimony of the Great Seal oi 'England ^ affixed to the 
 Queens Letters F.itentr , for authorifing the confirmation and confecration of Arch- 
 bifhop Tartar , Dated the Sixtli day of December , Anno 155^. Direded to Seven 
 Protcrtant Bilhops , namely , Anthony Bilhop of Landaffe , iViHiam Barloip fome- 
 times Bifhop of Bjf/; and JVelh , and then eleil Bifliop of Chichejier, John Scory 
 fometimes Bifhop of Chichejier , then Eled Eifhop of Hertford , Miles Cover dale 
 fometimes Bifhop of Exceter , John Suffragan Bifhop of Bedford , John Suffragan 
 Bifliop of 'thetford , and John Bale Bifhop of Off',y in Ireland. Three are a Cano- 
 nical number , if there were choifc of Seven , then there was no want of a com- 
 petent number to ordain canonically. I add, that if it had been needful , they 
 might have had Seven more out of Ireland , Archbifliops and Bilhops , for fuch a 
 work as a confecration. Ireland never wanted frore of Ordainers. Nor ever yet 
 did any man objeft , want of a competent number of confecraters , to an Irifi 
 Protel^ant Bifhop. They who concurred freely in the confecration of Protcltant 
 Bilhops at home, would not have denied their concurrence in England^ if they had 
 been commanded. Which makes me give no credit to that vain report , of an 
 Irip Archbifhop Prifoner in the Tower, who refuted to comply with the deGres of 
 the Proteftant Bifhops, /or h'a liberty and a large reward. But thie Archbifhop wanteth 
 a name , and the Fable wanteth a groundi the wirnelTes and perfwaders are all un- 
 known. And if there had been a grane ot" Truth in this relationi yet in this cafe 
 one man is no man , one mans refufal fignifies nothing. 
 
 Againft the evident truth of this affertion. Two things may be oppofed out of 
 the Relation of thefe Fathers. The Firlt is particular , concerning the Bifhop of 
 Landaffe , that he was no Protenant , but a Roman Catholick until his Death. So 
 they fay indeed, that he was the onely man of all the Catholick^Bipjops, that took^the 
 Oath of Supremacy. Obferve how prejudice and partiality doth blindfold men of 
 learning and parts i they confefs he took the Oath of Supremacy , and yet elteem 
 him a good Koman Catholick. I fee cenfures go by favour , and one may fteal an 
 horfe , better than another look over the hedge. I am well contented , that they 
 reckon him for fo good a Catholick. . ^ 
 
 They add , that he k^ere Parker and, the refi which were to be ordered Bijhops to be 
 Heretickf , and aver fe from the Voclrine of Komm-Cathfflick^Church ,_ rchich he conjiant- 
 ly adhered unto , ( the Supremacy onely excepted") during his life. And a little after 
 they tell us, that he defired to be numbred among Catholick^. Now what if the Bifliop 
 of Landaffe after all this fhould prove to be a Proteftant ? Then all the Fathers flo- 
 ry is quite fpoiled. And fo*^ was. If he knew Parker and the reft , to be Here- 
 ticks , he knew himfelf to be one of their Brother Hereticks. His daily Mifs was 
 the EngUjh Leiturgy , as well as theirs , He adhered conftantly to a Proteftant Bi- 
 flioprick during his life , as well as any of them , and if he did not hold it as long 
 as any of them , it was Deaths fault , and none of his fault. 
 
 They fay thty prevailed with him to give them a meeting at the Nags-head in Cheap- 
 fide , where they hoped he would ordain them Biffyops^ dejpairing that ever he would do it., 
 in a Church, becaufe that would be too great and notorious a fcandal for' Catholicks. They 
 were too modeft. They might eafily have prevailed with him , or have had him 
 commanded to joyn in their confecration in a Church , after a Legal manner. He 
 who did not flick at renouncing the Pope, and fwcaring an Oath of Supremacy to 
 His Prince , would not have liuck at a Legal Ordination , upon the juli com- 
 mand of his Prince. But to defire him to do it in a Tavern , in a clandefiine man- 
 ner, without the Authority of the great Seal , before their eledtion was confirmed, 
 was to defire him out of courtefie to run into a Tremunire , that is to forfeit his Bi- 
 fhoprick of Linda fe , his eftate, his liberty. Is it become a more Notorious fcan- 
 dal to Catholicks, to Ordain in a Church, than in a Tavern , in the Judgement 
 of thefe Fathers? There may be fcandal taken at the former, but notorious 
 fcandal is given by the later. 
 
 Here Bifliop Bo//w fteppeth upon the flage, and had well near prevented the 
 whole pageant , by fending his Chaphin to the B'ljhop of Landaffe , to forbid him tin- 
 der pain of Excommunication to exercife any fuch power of giving Orders in his Viocefs^ 
 
 B b b 2 w^fe 
 
 44.1
 
 44 
 
 •QWe^^fi./^ rfP r^T^/^^^ T O M E I 
 
 ';;i;tnmth the'M>i^ei>fg ternfied, a>id othertpifi moved in confaatce njujed tn pro- 
 ed Biauip BomuT was always very herce which way foever he weat : It Acworth 
 fi'v "true he e(cjpcd once very narrowly in 'p.ome , either burning or boiling in 
 Acvpitih com- |-y ^^ I , ^^^ j^^jj^^ ^y violent before the Aflembly of Cardinals, againft the 
 rnr.S! SS onthe'bchalfofKcv/r^theEight if he had not fecured himfelf by ftight. 
 ' aftervvards he made fuch Boneriresot: Protcftants, and rendered himfelf fo odious, 
 
 that his Prifou was his onely fafeguard from being torn in pieces by the People. 
 But that was , dnm (fetit Ilium & htgetts Gloria Teucrorutn , whileft he had his Prince 
 to be his lecond, Now he was deprived , and had no more to do with the Eifho- 
 prick of London than with the Bilhoprick oiConjlantinople^ he had the habitual power 
 of the Keys, but he had no flock to exercife it upon* If he had continued Bifhopof 
 London lull, what hath the Bifliop of London to do with the Bilhop oi' Landaffe? Par 
 in pjretn non bjbet Jiotejiatem. Thirdly, Bon'' J" Church which is near the Nags- head, 
 wherein the Ecclefial^ical part'of this ftory , fo far as it hath any truth in it, was 
 really adted, ( that is the confirmation of Arch-bi(hop Parkers election ) though it 
 be in the City of London , as many Churches more , is not in the Diocefs o{ London, 
 but a peculiar under the Jurifdidlon of the Archbifhopof C^wtfrWj. 
 
 Laltly , the Fathers fay , that when Parker and the refi fee that he had refufed , they 
 reviled the Poor Old Man , caliin^r him doating Fool , and fome of them faying , nis old 
 Fool think^th that we cannot be Bijhops , unlefy ree begreafed. The contrary is evident 
 by the Records of the confirmation , that Archbifliop Parker was not prefent in per- 
 fon ; fo this whole narration is compofed of untruths, and miftakes, and incon- 
 gruities , and contradidlions. But that which difcovereth tlie falfity of it appa- 
 rently to all the world is this, that the Bifhop of Landaff lived and died a proteftant 
 B;fliop , in the reign of Queen Elizabeth as he had been formerly in the Reign of 
 King Edward, for proofe whereof I produce two of their own Authours,The one is 
 '^'Tv' / Szndeis^Btn the Btfl'ops^tvbo had bene created out of the Church in thofe moji wicked times, 
 n'^j'so'' ' ' ^^'' bad none repented from their hearts of their Scbifme,being not contented with this com~ 
 mon difpenfation and confirmation^ did each of them partictilarly crave pardon of their former 
 prievnjis fault from the See Apoftoltck,, and Confirmation in their Bifiioprickj, excepting the 
 Bijhop of Landaffe^who omittingtt rather out of negligence then malice^did onely relapfe into 
 Schijme in the reigne of^ueene Elifabetb, as we interprete it by the juji judgment of God, 
 Cerfut, Apol, He3cknowlcdgeth,that hebeeame a Proteftant again, that is in their language rf/ij/^jf^ 
 parte 6, c, i, j^^g Schifme, The Other is cited by Dodtor Harding, iVe had onely one foole amoug us 
 ( We fee whofe livery the fool was , } who now J kiiow not by what entifments is become 
 yours, being unworthy the name of a Lord and a Bifhop, whofe learning n very little, and 
 hh credit by this adion much loft.T\\\\s writeth Dr. B^rdingo^ ihe Biihop o(Landaffe 
 about the Fifth year of Queen Elizabeth, at which time he was living, and continu- 
 ed Proteftant Biftiop of Landaffe. 
 
 A Second Objedtion againft the truth of that which hath been faid of the com- 
 petent Number of our Proteftant Bifhops to make a Canonical Ordination , is ari 
 exception againft all the Seven Bifhops named in the Letters Patents, that they were 
 no true Bifhops , becaufe all of them were ordained in a time of Schifm: and two 
 of them in King Edwards time, according to a new form of Ordination, and 
 confequently they could not ordain. 'Ihat Ordination which was injiituted by Ed- 
 Brookf ^'veh ^vard the Sixth, was judged invalid by the Cathotick^ , and fo declared by publick^jndg- 
 C^/fJp <«f"» ^f„, ly^ 6)ueen Maries Reign , in fo much as leafes made by King Edwards Bifhops, 
 though confirmed by Vean and Chapter rvere not ejieemed available , becaufe they were 
 not ( fiiti) the fintence ) confecrated, nor Bifliops. 
 
 To the Fir[\ part of this Objedion , that our confecraters were ordained thcm- 
 fclvcs by Schifmaticks or in a time of Schifm, I Anfwer Three ways. Firft this ar- 
 gument is a meer begging of the Queftion. The cafe in brief is this. If thofe 
 branches of Papall power which we caft out oi England by our Lawes at the Refor- 
 mation, were plaine ufiurpation , then our Reformation is but a reinfranchifcmentof 
 our felves,and the Schifme lieth at their doore, then they may queftion the validity of 
 their owne Ordination upon this ground ,not ours: But we-are ready to maintain 
 to all the world that all thofe branches of Papall power , which we caft out by our 
 lawes at the Reformation, were groiTe ufurpations, Firft introduced into England a- 
 
 bove
 
 Discourse V. Bijhops Vindicated. . ^ 
 
 ■■ — TT.'S 
 
 bove eleven hundred yeares after Chrift. So this part of the Objedion concerneth 
 them not us. 
 
 Secondly, thefe Fathers know well enough, and cannot but acknowledge , that 
 according to the Prhiciples of the Catholick Church and their own practice, the 
 Ordination not onely of Schifmatlcks , but of Hereticks if it have no Eirential de- 
 fedt is valid , and the pcrfons fo Ordained ought not to be Reordained , but onely 
 reconciled. Many Orthodox Chriftians had their Holy Orders from Heretical 
 Arrians. . liCranmer ^ and Latimer , and BarJoxp , and Hodglqas , were no true Bi- 
 (hops , besaufe they were Ordained in a time of Scbifm ■■> then Gardhier , and Bsn- 
 ijer , and "Tunjial , and 'Thwlehy , &c. Were no true BiQiops , for they were Or- 
 dained in a time of Schifm likewife ; then Cardinal Pole , and Bifliop JFatfon and 
 Cbrijiophorjon , and all the reft of their Bifhops were no true Bidiops who were Or- 
 dained by theft. So to put out one of our eyes ( like the envious man in the Fable) 
 they would put out both their own. 
 
 Thirdly I Anfwer , that it was not we who made a difcrimination between our 
 Bifhops and their Bifhops , as to the point of Ordination , but the Marian Billiops 
 themfelves , who made a mutual compacft , one and all ^ that none of them Oiould 
 impofe hands upon any new eledted Bifliops i thinking vainly , there conld no o- 
 ther confecraters have been found out , and that by this means they fhould both 
 preferve their Bifhopricks and bring the Qiieen to their bent : but they found thcm- 
 felves miferably deceived. Many Bifhops who had been chafed out of their Bifho- 
 pricks in Qo^cen Mariet days, did now return from exile , and fupply the place of 
 Confecraters. Then conjiirationis eos penit/iit ^ The Bijhops repejited of their confpiracy. 
 Mnlti ad indices recttrmnt , 8iC Many oftbem ran to the Judges , cinfijjed their ob:ii- s^and I ""^ 
 vacy , and defired leave to tak^ the Oath of Supremacy. Thus VVriteth Acrvorth an Au- fag: 107.' ' 
 thor of good account in thofe days. If this foolifh confpiracy had not been. We 
 had had no difference about our confecrations. 
 
 To the fccond part of this objedion, that the form of Ordaining ufed in King 
 Es/irj/'J/ days , was declared invalid in Queen Maries days, I Anfwer Firfl, that 
 we have no reafon to regard the Judgement of their Judges in Queen Maries days , 
 more than they regard the Judgement of our Judges in Queen Elizabeths days. They 
 who made no fcruple to take away their lives, would make no fcruple to take away 
 their Holy Orders. 
 
 Secondly , I anfwer that which the Fathers call a fentence , was no fentence. 
 The word h .Vicitur ^ it is faid or it is reported ^ wi decretumefl , it is decreed. 
 Neither were Queen Maries Laws proper rules , nor Queen Maries Judges at com- 
 mon Law the proper Judges, of the validity of an Epifcopal confecration , or 
 what are the Eflentials of Ordination , according to the inftitution of Chrilt. They 
 have neither Rules , nor grounds for this in the Common Law. 
 
 Thirdly , I Anfwer that the Queltion in Queen Maries days was not about the 
 validity or invalidity of our orders, but about legality or illegality of them , not 
 ■whether they were conformable to the inftitution of Chrift, but whether fhey were 
 conformable to the Laws of England. 
 
 The Laws of England can neither make a valid ordination to be invalid , nor aij. 
 invalid ordination to be valid , becaufe they cannot change the inftitution of Chrift. 
 In fum , King Edtvards Bifhops were both validly ordained according to the in- 
 ftitution of Chrift, and legally ordained according to the Laws oi England. But 
 Queen Mary changed the Law , thit that form of ordaining which had been allow- 
 ed in King Edwards days fhould not be allowed in her days. Notwithftanding 
 Queen Maries Law , they continued ftill true Bifhops , by the inftitution of Chrift, 
 but they were not for that time legal Bifhops in the eye of the Law o( England ^ 
 which is the Judges rule. But when Qiiecn Elizabeth reftored King Edrvards Law, 
 then they were not onely true valid Bifliops , but legal Bifhops again. 
 
 That corollary which the Fathers add , info mitcbas leafes made by King Edwards 
 ■Hfliops thouq}} confirmed by the Dean and Chapiter were not ejleemed available , becaufe 
 they were not confecrated or Bifliops ^ that is in the eye of the Ensjifh Law at that time, 
 figniheth nothing at all. Leafes concern the benefice of a Bithop , not the Office of 
 a Bifhop. A Bifhop who is legally ordained , though he be invalidly ordained , 
 
 may
 
 444 
 
 Confecration ofProtcfiant T O M E 1. 
 
 may make a leafe which is good in Law. And a Eidiop which is validly ordained 
 if he be illegally ordained, may make a leafe which is void in Law. 
 
 Concerning Bifliop Bomiers Confcience ,.that he loft his Bilhoprick for his confci- 
 ence , and therefore it is not probable that he would mak^ himfelf guilty offo much fa- 
 a-Hedge as to declare Khig Edwards form of Ordination to be invalid for the profit of neve 
 Leafes i it belongcth not to me to judge of other mens confciences. But for Bifliop 
 D? Schil""'tt 5„„„f^j confcience I refer him to the Teftimony of one of his friends, Mc/70/iW San- 
 ' V ^Rm' ^^^^ 5 ^^'l^o fpeaking of Bifliop Gardiner , Bifhop Bonner , Bifliop 7unjiall , and the 
 "'" Bifliops of iVorceficr and Chichejier, concludeth with thefe words. Jimide ergo reftite- 
 ritmpieri Kegis prituatui jfirituali , imo fimpliciter fnbfcrifferunt , & in omnes c£terai 
 innovatiiines , qux non videbantur ipfis continere apertam H^refim^ ne Epifcopatus & ho~ 
 mres terderent^ vel ultra, vel contra confcientiatn coaUi confenferunt, 'therefore they refjled 
 the (piritual Primacy of the King being but a boy faintly , yea they fubfcribed to itfunply, 
 andtheycoiifented to all the reii of the innovations ^ which did not feem to them to contain 
 manifli h£refie , cither of their own accord , or compelled againji confcience , leaji they 
 fljould hfe their Bipoprtckj andhonours. We fee they had no great reafon to brag of 
 Bifliop Bomiers Confcience , who fometimes had been a great favorite of Cranmer 
 and CromireV. He got his Biflioprick by oppofing the Pope , and loft his Biflio- 
 prick by oppofing his Prince. But if rcordination be fuch a facriledge , many Ro- 
 mamp are guilt^' of groffe facriledge , who reordain thofe Profelytes whom they 
 fcduce from us, with the fame Eflcntials , matter and form , impofition of hands, 
 and thefe words Receive the Holy Choji ; wherewith they had been formerly ordain- 
 ■^ ^d by us. 
 
 Laftly , I anfwcr , ( and this Anfwer alone is fufficient to determine this contro- 
 verfie, ) that King Edward^s Form of ordination was judged valid in Queen Maries 
 dayes ^' all Catholicks, and particularly by Cardinal Ponk , then Apoftolical Le- 
 gate in England, and by the tlien Pope Paul the Fourth, and ty all the Clergy and 
 Parliament of England. The cale was this. 
 
 In the Act for repealing all Statutes made againft the See of Rome , in. the firft 
 an4 Tecond years of P/'i/ip and Marj', the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parlia- 
 ment affembled , reprefenting the whole Body of the Realm of England^ prefented 
 their common requeft to the King and Queen , that they would be a means to the 
 Legate to obtain fome Settlements by authority of the Pope's Holinefs , for Peace- 
 fake, in fome Articles, whereof this is one v 7hat Jnftitutions of Benefices, and other 
 promotions Ecclefia{iical , and Difpenfations , made according to the Form of the AU of 
 Parliament , might be confirmed. Inftitutions could not be confirmed , except ordi- 
 nations were confirmed •, for the greateft part of the Englip Clergy , had received 
 both their Benefices and their Holy orders, after the cafting out of the Pope's ufur- 
 ped authority out of England, and both Benefices and Holy orders are comprehen- 
 ded under the name of Ecdefiaftical promotions. This will appear much more 
 clearly by the very words of the Cardinal's Difpenfation , Ac omnes ecckfiajiicof fecu- 
 lares , feu qucrumtU ordinum regulares prfonof , qn<e aliquaf impetrationes , dijpenfatio- 
 nes , concejfiones , gratias & indulta , iam or dines quam heneficia Ecckfiajiica, feu alias 
 ji>>rituales maierias, prjitenfa authoritate fupremitatis Ecclef£ Anglicans, licet nulliter 
 & defjcio ohtinuerint , & ad cor reverfa Ecclefia unitati refiitut£ fuerint , infuis ordi' 
 ttihuf & beneficiis ^ per nofipfos feu a nobis ad id deputatos mifericorditer recipiemus, pro- 
 tit pm mult« recepx fuerunt , fecumcjue fuper his opportune in Domino dijpenfabimus i 
 And we rviV gracioufly receive '( 01 cntctta'm) by our felves , or by others deputed by us 
 to that purpnff , ( as many have already been received) in their Qrders , and in their Be- 
 nefices, aVEcckfiafiical perfnns , as well Secutar as Regular , of whatfoever Orders, which 
 have obtained any Suits , Vifpenfations , Grants , Graces and Indulgences , as well in 
 their Eccl(fiajUcal Orders , as benefices and other fpiritual metiers , by the pretended au- 
 thority of the Supremacy of the Church of England , though ineffeHually and onely de fa- 
 fto,Jo they be penitent , and be returned to the tmity oj the Church. And we will in 
 duefeafon difpenfe with them in the Lord for thefe things. 
 
 Here we lee evidently , that upon the requeft of the Lords Spiritual and Tem- 
 poral , and Commons , being the reprefcntative Body of the Church , and King- 
 dom oi' England, by the intercellion of the King and Queen, the Pope's Legate did 
 
 receive
 
 Discourse V. Eijhops Vindicated. 
 
 receive all p^rfons, which had been ordained or beneficed , either in the time of 
 King Henry , or King Edward, in their refpecftive orders and benefices , whi^h thcv 
 were aduaily ponTelTcd of, at the time of the making of this difpenfat'ion or 
 
 445 
 
 con- 
 
 hrmation, without any exception or condition , but onely this, that they were re- 
 turned fo she unity of the Catholick Church. Neither was there ever any one of 
 them who were then returned , either deprived of their Benefices , or compeUed to 
 be rcordained. From whence I argue thus, either King H:nry 'the Eigirh's Bi- 
 IhopsandPrierts, and like wife the Biihops and Priefts ordained in Kinc^ Edrvard 
 the Sixth's time, had all the Effentials of Epifcopal and Prieftly ordination which 
 were required by the Inftitution of Chrift , and then they ought not to be rcordai- 
 ned , then C in the judgement of thefe Fathers themfelves j it is a grievous Sacri- 
 ledge to reordain them : or they wanted fome Effential of their refpedive ordina- 
 tions , which wa.s required by the Inftitution of Chrirt ■■, and then it was not in the 
 power of all the Popes and Legates that ever were in the world , to confirm their 
 refpedive orders , or difpenfe with them to execute their Fundions in the Church. 
 But the Legate did difpenfe with them to hold their orders, and exercife their fe-' 
 veral Fundtions in the Church, and the Pope did confirm that difpenfation. This 
 djDth clearly deftroy all the pretenfions of the Komamjis againft the validity' of our 
 orders. 
 
 It may perhaps be ob; ded , that the difpenlative word is recipiemuf , rt>e mU re- 
 ceive , not we do receive. I anfwer , the cafe is all onev If it were unlawful to re- 
 ceive them in the prefent, it was as unlawf il to receive them in the future. All 
 that was done after , war to take a particular abfolution or confirmation from the 
 Pope or his Legate , which many of the Principal Clergy did , but not all •, No not 
 all the Bifhops, not the Bifhop of Laadaf^ as Sanders witneflethi yet he enjoyed ^^ ■^'^*^/w. I- 
 his BiOioprick , fo did all the reft of the Clergy, who never had any particular *''*"*°'"- 
 confirmation. It is not material at all , whether they were confirmed by a eeneral 
 or by a fpecial difpenfation , fo they were confirmed or difpenfed with at all to 
 hold all their Benefices,& to exercife their refpedive Fundions in the Church which 
 ijo man can deny. 
 
 Secondly, it may be objeded , that it is faid in the Difpenfation, Licet mlliter 
 &■ defaCto ohtiriHerint , Although they had obtained their Benefices and Promotions in- 
 cfeUually, and onely in fa^ , without Pvights , which doth intimate , that their or- 
 ders were void and null , before they had obtained this difpenfation, I anfwer 
 That he ftiled them void and null , not abfolutely but refpedively , qmad exerciti- 
 jim, becaufe by the Koman Law they might not be lawfully exercifed without a di- 
 fpenfation •, but not quoad charaderem, as to the charader. If tiiey had wanted any 
 thing neceflary to the imprinting of the charader , or any thing eflential by the 
 Inftitution of Chrift , the Pope's difpenfation and confirmation had been but like a 
 Seal put to a blank piece of Paper. And fo the Cardinals difpenfation in general 
 and particularly for Benefices and Eccleliaftical promotions i Difpenfations and 
 Graces given by fuch order as the Laws of the Realm allowed and prefcribed in 
 King Henry's time and King Edward's time , was then and there ratified by Ad of 
 Parliament. 
 
 Laftly , that this difpenfation was afterwards confirmed by the Pope , I prove ^ 
 
 by the confeilion of Sanders himfelf^ though a malicious Enemy. He ( that is Car- 
 dinal Pole , in a publick Inftrument fet forth in the name and by the aiuhorl'' of the 
 Pope ) confirmed all Bijhops which had been made in the former Schifm ^fo they tvere Ca- 
 lif«lick. in their judgement ofKeligion^and the fix new Bijhoprick^ which King Henry bad 
 ere&ed in tlx time of the Schifm. And this writing being affixed to the Statute^ was pub- 
 lijhed with the reji of the Decrees of that Parliiment , and their minds were pacified. 
 All which things were ejiahliped and confirmed afterwards ^ by the Letter ofPopePznl 
 the Fourth. 
 
 We have feen , that there were a competent number of Proteftant Bifhops beyond 
 exception to make a Confecration i and fo the neceflity, which is their onely bafis or ^' ^'>>if»*. /• 
 Foundation of xh^Nags-head Con£zcxniov\., being quite taken away, this prodigi- *"''"J'°' 
 ous Fable having nothing elfe to fupport the incredibilities and inco'n'fiftencies of it, 
 doth melt away of it felf like Winter-ice. 
 
 The
 
 Confecration of Proteftant 
 
 TOME I. 
 
 re, r.n The Fi»th Rcifon is drawn frcmi that well-known principk in Rhetorick,- Cui 
 Afif,h Karon ^ J';^ f;';;^,^^^^';'^;,';,^3gc couM fi,ch a Confecration, as the Nags-head Confecrati- 
 on is Drctendcd to have been, bring to the Confecraters , or the perfons confecra- 
 t d God and Nature never made any tiring in vam. The hair of the Head, the 
 Is upon the Fingers ends , do ferve both for ornament and muniment. The 
 leafs ddcnd the blolToms, the bloffoms produce the fruit, which is Natures end. 
 In Senfitives , tlie Spider doth m)t weave her Webs, nor the filly Bee make her 
 Cells in vain.' But efpecially intelledtual creatures have alwayes fome end of their 
 ^dions. Now confider, what good fuch a Mock-confecration could do the per- 
 lons fo confecrated ? Could it help them to the polTeflion of their Bifhopricks by 
 the Law of Ei(?«/J«^-'' Nothing leis. There is fuch a concatenation of our E«g/i/& 
 Cuftomes and Records , that the counterfeiting of any one can do no good, except 
 they could counterfeit them all , which is impoflible. 
 
 when any Bifliops See becometh void, there ifTueth a Writ out of the Exchequer 
 to (eifc the Temporalties into the King's hand, as being the ancient and well-known 
 Patron of the Ewg/# Cliurch , leaving the Spiritualties to the Archbifliop, or to the 
 Dean and Chapter, according to the cuftom of the place. Next , the King grant- 
 ed his Co)ige d' EJlire , or his Licence to chufe a Bilhop , to the Dean and Chapter ■■, 
 upon the receipt of this Licence , the Dean and Chapter, within a certain number 
 of dayes, chufe a Biibop , and certiric their Eleifiion to the King , under the com- 
 mon Seal of the Chapter. 
 
 Upon the return of this Certificate , the King granteth out a Commiffion under 
 the Great Seal oi England to the Archbifliop , or in the vacancy of the Archbiflio- 
 prick, tofo many Bifliops, to examine the Eledion » and if they find it fairly 
 made , to confirm it , and after Confirmation , to proceed to the Confecration of 
 the pcrfon eledbed , according to the Form prefcribcd by the Church of England. 
 This Commiilion or Mandate mufl pafs both through the Signet-office and Chan- 
 cery , and be attefted by the Clerks of both thofe Offices, and figned by the Lord 
 Chancellor and Lord Privy Seal, and be inrolled. So as it is morally impolfibJe there 
 (hould be any forgery in it. 
 
 Upon the Receipt of this Mandate , the Biflxops who are authorifed by the King, 
 do meet firrt at Borves Church in London , where with the alliltance of the -Chief 
 Ecdcfialtical Judges of the Realm , the Dean of the Arches, the Judges of the 
 Prerogative and Audience, with their Regifters to aduate what is done, they do 
 folemnly in Form of Law confirm the Ele(ftion. Which being done, and it being 
 late before it be done , the Commiilioners and Judges were and are fomerimes in- 
 vited to the Nags-head to a Dinoer , as being very near Borpes Church , and in thofe 
 dayes the onely place of note. This Meeting led Mr, Neale ( a man altogether un- 
 acquainted with fuch Forms,) into this fools Paradife i Firlt , to fiafped, and upon 
 fufpicion, to conclude , that they were about an Ordination there j and Lafily , to 
 broach his brainfick conceits in corners , and finding them to be greedily fwallow- 
 ed by fuch as vviflied them true, to affert his own drowfie fufpicion for a real truth. 
 But the mifchief is , that Dr. Parker who was to be confecrated , was not prefent in 
 perfon , but by his Proxy. 
 
 After the Confirmation is done , commonly about three or four dayes , ( but as it 
 happeoed in Archbifhop Fark^r's cafe nine dayes,) the Commiilioners proceed to the 
 Confecration s for the moft part out of their refpedl to the Archbifhop, in the Chap- 
 pel at Lambeth, with Sermon, Sacrament , and all folemnity requifitei according 
 to the Form prefcribed by the Church of England , in the prefence of publick No- 
 taries or fworn Officers , who reduce every thing that is done with all the circum- 
 fiances into Ads , and enter them into the Regifter of the See of Canterbury; where 
 they are carefully kept by the principal Officer in a publick Office , as Records , 
 where every one who defireth , may view them from time to time , and have a 
 Copy of them if he pleafc. And it is to be noted , that at any Confecration,efpc- 
 cially of an Archbifhop, great numbers of principal Courtiers and Citizens are pre- 
 fent i fo as it is no more pollible to counterfeit fuch a Coufccration, than to walk 
 invifible upon the Exchange at Noon-day. 
 
 After the Confecration is done , the perfon confecrated is not prefently admitted 
 
 to
 
 Discourse V. Bi^jops Vindicated. a^j 
 
 to his Bilhoprick. Firlt the Archbilliop maketh his Certihcate of the Confecration 
 with all the circumftances of it , under his Archiepifcopal Seal ; thereupon the King 
 taketh the new Bifliops Oath of Fealty and commands that he be put into the adtual 
 pofTeffion of his Biflwprick: then he is inthroned , and at his Inthronifation his or- 
 dination is publickly read : Then he injoyeth his fpiritualities ; then iffueth a Writ 
 out of the Exchequer to the Sheriffe , to reltore him to the Temporalities of his 
 Eilhoprick. This cuftom is fo ancient , fo certain, fo general , that no E^^/i/?;- 
 man can fpeak againll it. 
 
 Here we fee evidently how all things do purfue one another , and what a nccef- 
 fary and EfTential connexion there is between them. So as the Itealing of an E- 
 ledtion , or the (kaling of a confecration , can get no man a Biflioprick , as Mr, 
 Neale dreamed. He that would advantage himielf that way, muft falfirie all the 
 Records both Ecclelialtical and Civil. He murt falfifie the Records of the Chancery, 
 of the Signet Office , of the Exchequer , of the Regifteries , of the BiOiop , of 
 the Dean and Chapter. He muft counterfeit the Hands and Seals of the King , of 
 the Archbifliop , of the Lord Chancellour , the Lord Privy Seal , of the Clerks 
 andPublick Notaries, which is not imaginable'. If Mr. Neal ^ who Firft devifed 
 this drowfie dream ( or feme body for him ) had had more experience of our En~ 
 glijh Laws and Cuftoms , he would have fained a more probable tale, or have held 
 his peace for ever. 
 
 Anfwer me , they who are calumniated to have had their Confecration at the 
 Nags-head , did they mean to conceal it and have it kept (ecret > then what good 
 could it do them ? Ve mn exiftemibiu & non apparentibus eadem eft ratio : If it were 
 concealed , it was all one as if it had never been. Or did they mean to have it pub- 
 liflicd? Such an Ordination had been fo far from helping them to obtain a Bifhoprick, 
 that it had rendred them uncapable of a Biflioprick for ever: and moreover fubie- 
 dted both the confccrarers and the confecrated to deprivation , and degradation 
 and a Fremmire , or forfeiture of their Lands , Goods and Liberties , and all that 
 were prefent at it to excommunication. Rome is a fit place wherein to publifh fuch 
 Ludlbrious Fables as this i where they can perfwade the people , that the Prote- 
 ftants are llupid creatures, who have loft their Religion , their reafon, and fcarcely 
 retain their human Ihapes. It is too bold an attempt, to obtrude fuch counterfeit 
 Wares in England. 
 
 C H A P. V. 
 
 the Sixth and Seventh reafoni , that all the Kecords of England are diametrally oppofite 
 to their Relation , and do eftahlifh our Relation. 
 
 Hitherto we have been taking irt the outworks : now I come diredly to aflauk 
 this Caftle in the air. That which hath been faid already is fufficient to per- 
 fwade any man , who is not brimfal of prejudice and partiality : the other Five 
 reafbns which follow next , have power to compell all men , and command rheir 
 affents. 
 
 My Sixth reafon is taken from the diametral oppofition which is between this fa- 
 bulous relation of the Nags-head ordination , and all the Records of England^ both 
 Eccleiiaftical and Civil. Firft, for the time. The Romamfls fay , that this ordina- 
 tion was before the Ninth of September Anno. 1559, but it is apparent by all the 
 Records of the Chancery, all the diftindt Letters Patents or Commiffions of their 
 refpedive Confirmations , and Confecrations , whereupon they were confecrated 
 did iffue out long after ■-, namely , Archbiihop Varlt^rs Letters Patents ( which were 
 the Firft ) upon the Sixth day of December following. Next the Commiiiions for 
 Grindal , Cox d.nd Sands, then (ov BuVingham, Jewel , zn& Vavies. Then for Bf«7 
 tkim and Bar%y : and in the Year following for Horn , AVey , Scambhr , and P//- 
 Iqnton. He that hath a mind to fee the copies of thefe Commiffions, may find them 
 Recorded Verbatim both in the Rolls of the Archbifliops Regifter, and in the Rolls ^^'- ■'''"'• »4« 
 of the Chancery. To what end were all thefe Letters Patents , to authorife fo 
 
 C c c many
 
 44 
 
 8 Confecratim of Frotejiant TOMEl* 
 
 — ' "many Conhrmaticms and Confccrations , if the Coniecrations were done and palt 
 
 lone before / No mans Election can be confirmed in England , but by virtue of the 
 Kings Letters Patents. Therefore the Letters Patents muR proceed the Conhrma- 
 tion and Confccration , not follow after it Three Moneths, or Four Moneths , or 
 Six Moneths , and in ibme of them above a year. 
 
 And as by the Records of the Chancery, fo their relation is proved to be a Notori- 
 ous Fable , by all the Ecclefialtical Records i Firlt , of their feveral and diftind 
 Confirmations , whicli purfued their Cemmillions punctually i then of their feve- 
 ral and diltind coufecrations which purfued their confirmations pundually. He 
 who defireth to fee thefe, may find authentick Records of them all , both con- 
 firmations and confccrations , in the Regifler of the Archbifliop of Camerbtiry. It 
 is not the forging of one Record that would ferve the turn: either all thefe Records 
 mull bt forged , or the Nags-head Ordination is a fillie (enfelefs Fable. 
 
 LalHy, after the Confecration followeth the inftallment or intlironifation, which 
 is to be found in the Regifter of the Dean and Chapter : and the reftitution of 
 the new Bifhop to his Temporalities by virtue of the Kings Writ , mentioning the 
 confirmation and oath of fealty to tlie King , as being Temporal things. Obferve 
 how every one of thefe do purfue another. Axchbifhop Tark^rs Commillion iffued 
 Vecember the Sixth , his confirmation followed December the Ninth , his confecra- 
 tion December the Seventeenth , his inthronifation forthwith , and the rellitution to 
 his Temporalities the Firft of March enfuing , that is , at the latter end of the very 
 next Term : but by their Relation , the Confecration was long before the Eledion 
 was confirmed , which cannot be i the Letter Patents to licenfe the confirmation 
 and Confecration , come out Three moneths after the Confecration was done , 
 which is incredible. As for the confirmation , Mr. Neale who was theiir contri- 
 ver , knew not what it was. The inftalment followed Three moneths after the 
 Confecration , and the reftitution to the Temporalities Six moneths after ■■, which 
 have no probability. 
 
 Thus for the time , next for the place. Their lying relation faith , the f ledled 
 Bifhops were Confecrated at the Nags-head : All the Ecclefiaftical Records fay they 
 were confecrated at Lambeth. The Kings Commiffion injoyneth a Legal Confecra- 
 tion according to the form prefcribed by Law : fuch a Legal Confecration curs at 
 Lambeth was » fuch a Legal Confecration theirs at the Nags-head was not , neither 
 for the place , nor for the rites, nor for the EfTcntials of Confecration. And with- 
 out good affurance that the Confecration was legal , neither the perfon Confecra- 
 ted could have been inthroned , nor made his Oath of Fidelity to the King , nor 
 have been reftored to his Temporalities , but he was inthroned , and did his fealty, 
 and was refiored to his Temporalities , that is as much as to fay , that his Confe- 
 cration was Legally performed at Lambeth , not illegally at the Nags-head. 
 
 Thirdly , for the confecrater. That Fabulous F>.elation faineth that there was 
 but one Confecrater , or at the mof\ Two : the authentick Records of the Church 
 oi England teltifie, that there were Four Confecraters, the Letters Patents, require that 
 there fhouldbe Four Confecraters, and without an authentick certificate that there 
 were four Confecraters , the Kings Writ or reftitution had not iffued. 
 
 They fain that they impofed hands mutually , Scory upon them , and they upon 
 
 Scory, but the Records witnefs that Scory was folemnly ordained bifhop in King 
 
 Edwards time, the Thirteenth day oi' Juguli Anno. 1 551, by the Archbifhop of 
 
 Ktt> Can. Canterbury , the Bifhop of London , and the Suffragan Bifhop-of Bedford i and 
 
 /■«/. J j4- needed not to be reordained at the Nags-head. 
 
 Laftly, for the perfons confecrated , fome of them fain that all the Eleded Bi- 
 tnops , and all of them fay that many of them , were Confecrated together at one 
 time with Archbifhop Partner : but all the Records both Civil and Ecclefiaftical do 
 teflifie the contrary , that they had feveral Commiffions , feveral confirmations , 
 feveral Confecrations , upon feveral days , in feveral moneths , infeveral Years, 
 feveral Confecraters, as appeareth moft evidently not onely by the authentick Re- 
 cords of the See of Canterbury^ , but alfo by the Records of the Chancery, and par- 
 ticularly by the feveral CommilGons directed exprefly to Archbifhop Parker, as a 
 Bifhop adtually confecrated , for the Confecration cf all the rell , the Three Firfl 
 
 of
 
 Discourse V. Bijhops Vwdicated. . 
 
 of which Commillioiis or Letters Patents , bear date the Eighteenth of December 
 An. 1559. that is the very next day after Archbi(hop Parker's confecrationi for the 
 confirmation and confecration oiGrindM^ Coxe , and Sands ^ three of thofc elcdtcd 
 Bifhops. He that doubteth of the truth of thcfe Letters Patents, may find them 
 recorded verbatim , both in the Archbifhops Regiftry, and in the Rolls. If they were 
 confirmed and confecrated by Archbifhop Turk^r , then they were not confecrated 
 together with Archbifliop PurJ^fr, as in that lying relation is affirmed i and with 
 this their fubfcquent Inftalbments and Rclfitntions do exadly agree. Either all the 
 Records of England mull befalfe , or this filly Fable of the Nags-head is a prodio^i- 
 ous forgery. 
 
 Thus we have fcen , how the Records of England , Civil and Ecclefiartical , do The feventh 
 contradidt this Tale of a Tub. My (eventh reafon fheweth , how the fame Re- reafon. 
 cords do confirm and efiablifh our relation. We fay firft , ( that the See ot'Canter- 
 bury being void by the Death of Cardinal ?ok , ( who died , as fome fay , the ve- 
 ry lame day with Queen A/jry , others fay, the day following, ) the Queen grant- 
 ed her Conge d'Ejlire to the Dean and Chdi'piQt o£ Canterbury to chufe an Archbilhop. '^'^^ ''<^''^"* 
 This is clearly proved by the authentick Copy of the Conge d' Ejlire it felf in the '^^^ ^"' 
 Rolls. Regina dtkdis fibi in Chrijio Vecano & Ca^itulo Ecclefi£ Metro^olitiae Cantua- ^'"' ^'** ^* 
 rienfis fahftem^ &c. *• ^^'f' 
 
 Examinatur 
 
 Richard broughton. 
 
 . Secondly , we fay , that the Dean and Chapter having received this Licence, did 
 chufe Dr. Mattherv Parker for their Archbifliop. This is apparent by the Queens 
 Commilfion tor his confirmation and reftitution, wherein there is this claufc; And 
 thefaid Dean and Chapter , by virtue of our Licence , have chofsn our beloved in Chriji 
 Matthew Parker Profejfor of 'theology , for Archbipo^ and Paftor to them and the afore- 
 faid Churchy M by their Letters Patents direUed to m thereupon, it appear eth more 
 
 Thirdly, the Queen accepting this Election, was gracioufly pleated to ilTue out 
 two Commiliions tor the Legal confirmation of the faid Eledlion, and confecratin» 
 of the faid Archbifhop. The former, dated the Ninth of September , Anno 1559. 
 diredled to Six Bifhops , Cuthbert Bithop of Durham , Gilbert Bifhop of Bath , Da- 
 vid Bifhop of Peterborough , Anthony Bithop of Landaff, William Barlorv Bifhop, and 
 John Scory Bifhop , in thete words. 
 
 Elizabeth Dei gratia , Angli:t, &c. KevcrendU in Chrifto patribits , Cuthberto Fpi- 
 fcopo Dunelmenfi, Gilberto Eathonienfi Epifcopo , Davidi Epifcopo Burgi Sandi Pe- ,, \i^J' ^ 
 . trl , Anthonio Landavenli Epi/copo, Willielmo Barlow Epi/copo , €> Johanni Scory 
 Epifcopo , falutem. Cum vacante nuper Sede Archiepijcopali Cantuarienli , per mortem 
 iiaturalem Domini Reginaldi Pole Cardinal'^ , tdtimi & immedijti Afchiepifcopi & Pa- 
 jioris ejufdem^ ad humilem petitionem Decani & Capituli Ecclefx nojir£ Cathedrals & 
 Metropoliticx Chrifti Cantuarienfis, eifdemper Liters noftras Patentes licentiam concef[e- 
 rimm , aliumfbi elifrendi in Archiepifcopum & Paflorem Sedis pndiU^. Ac iidem De- 
 caniif & Capitulum vigore & obtenttt licenti£ no(ir£ prxdiCta , dileCtum nobis in Chrijio 
 Magiflrum Matthxum Parker , Sacrx 7beologi£ Profeprem, fihi & Ecclifi£ pradiVtx ele- 
 geruntin ArchiepiJcopum& Pajhrem , prout per Literas fuas Patentes, Sigillo enrwn 
 communi fgillatas , nobis inde direUas , plenim liquet & apparet. Nos eleCfionem illam 
 acceptantes, eidem ekViioni Kegium nujlrum affenfum adhibuimtts pariter & favorem, & 
 hoc vobis tenore prxfentium fignifcamuf. Kogantes , ac in fide & diledione qttibus nobis 
 ienemini firmiter pr£cipiendo mandantes , quatcnm eundem Magiflrum Matthxum Par- 
 ker, inArchiepifcopum & Pajiorem Ecclefi£ Cathedrahs & MetropoIitic£, ChrijH Can- 
 •tuarienfis pr£diU£ , fie ut pr£fenur eleUum , ek&ionemque pr£di6tjm confirmare , & 
 ewtdem Magijlrum Matthseum , in Archiepifcopum & Pa^orem Eccltfi£ pr£di&£ confccra- 
 re, c£teraque omnia & futgHla peragere , qu£ veftro in hac parte incumbant Officio Pajh- 
 rali ^ juxtaformam Satutorum in ea parte edit )r urn & proviforum , velitis cum effe&. 
 
 C c c 2 Jit
 
 4^ o Confecration of Frotcjiant TOMET. 
 
 In cum rci u{iimommt,&c fejie Regina afnd Kedgrave, Now ^/V Scptembris , Anm 
 2vf£«; Elizabethan Anglix, e^cpn*""- 
 
 Ter breve de frivaio Sigillo 
 
 Examiiiatwr 
 
 RI: B ROUGH TON. 
 
 Now if any man delire a reafon why this firft Commilfion was not executed, the 
 bcft account lean give him is this. That it was diredted to Six Bifliops, without 
 an [ aut mimif^ or at the kajifour of you:'] Co as if any one of the Six were fick ot 
 abfent, or refufcd , the rcrt could not proceed to confirm, or confecrate. And that 
 fome of them did rcfufe , I am very apt to believe , becaufe three of them not long 
 after were deprived. But the Reader may note , Firft , that there were three Pro- 
 teftant Bifliops in that Firft Commillion. They who were fuch punctual obftrvers 
 of the Law of England , that they would not proceed to confecrate without a 
 Fourth , in the vacancy ofboththe Archiepifcopal Sees, certainly would never give 
 way to a private profane ordination at the Nags-head, by one fingle Bifliop. And 
 fecondly , that for all their pretended intelligence, our Englijh-Komijh Writers are 
 great ftrangcrs to the truepaflfagcs of thole times , knowing nothing but what they 
 hear at Rome , or Kbemes , or Voway. if it were other wile, we Ihould have heard 
 of this Commilfion Iboner. 
 
 The fecond Letters Patents which were executed , were dated the fixth of De- 
 cember following, directed to Anthony Bifhop oiLandaff^ iVilliam Barloip fometimes 
 Biftiopof E^//', now Eledl B'lihop oC Chichejier , John 5cor)» fometimes Bilhop of 
 Chichejier , now Eledt Bifhop o( Hereford, MUes Cover dale fometimes Bilhop of Ex- 
 ceter , Richard Suffragan Bifliop of Bedford, John Suffragan Biflwp of "thetford , and 
 John Bale Bifnop oiOjiory in Ireland , in thefe words. 
 
 Regina, &c. Reverendis in Chrijio Vatribiu, Anthonio Landavenfi Epifcopo , Wil- 
 lielmoBarlow quondam Bathonienfi Epifcopo , nunc Ciceftrenfi eledo , Johanni Scory 
 quondam Cv:e?ixcT\Ci Efifcopo , jrio/c f /f ^o Herefbrdienfi , Miloni Coverdale quondam 
 Exonienfi Epifcopo , Richardo Bedfordenli , Johanni Thedfordenfi , Epifcopis Suf- 
 fraganeis, johanni 'Ba.h OffoiknCi Epifcopo , falutem. Cum vacante nuper Sede Ar- 
 chiepifcopali Cantuarienfi , per mortem naturakm Domini Reginaldi Pole Cardinality ul- 
 iimi& immediati Archiepifcopi & Taftoris ejufdem, ad humikm petitionem Decani & 
 Capituli Ecckfi£ nojir<e Cathedralis & Metrcpolitic£ Chrifti Cantuarienfi?, eifdem per Li~ 
 teras noflras Fatentes hicentiam concefierimui aliumfihi eligendi in Archiepijcopum & Pa- 
 ftorem Sedis pr£did£\ Ac iidem Decanus & Capitulum vigore & obtentu Licemia mftrx 
 pr^diftx , diledum nobis in Chriflo Magijlrum Matthsum Parker , facr£ Iheologix Tro- 
 fe^orem , fihi & Ecclefi£ pr^diBa elegerunt in Archiepifcopum & Fajiorem, prout per Li- 
 teras fiias Tatenfes nobis inde direlias , plenim liquet & apparet. Nos ekdionem illam 
 acceptantes , eidem eledioni Regium nqftrttm ajfenfitm adhibuimus pariter & favorem, & 
 hoc vohis tenore prxfentium fgnifcamus. Rogantes ac in fide & dileCiione quihus Nobis 
 teneniini frmiter prxcipiendo mandantes , quatenus vos aut minus quatuor vellrttm , eun- 
 dem Matthacnm Parker in Archiepifcopum & Paftorem Ecclefa Cathedralis & Metropo- 
 litic£ Chrijii Cantuarienfis pr£did£ ficut pr£fertur eleUum, ele&ionemque pr£diUam con- 
 prmare , & cmidem Magiftrum Matthsum Parker in Archiepifcopum & Tajhrem Eccle- 
 Ji£ pr£diti£ confecrare , c£teraque omnia & fingula peragere , qu£ vejlro in hac parte in- 
 aimbant Offcio Tajiorali, juxtaformam Statutorum in ea parte editnrum & proviforum , 
 velitis cum effeBu. Suppkntes nihilominm fuprrma Authoritate mfiraRegia, ex mere 
 motu & certafciemia no\\ris , f quid aut in his qu£ juxta mandatum nojhum pr£diUum 
 ptr vos pent, autmvobis, aut veftrnm aliquo , conditione , fiatu , facuttatevejiris, ad 
 pr£miJJaperfciendadtfitautdeeriteorum, qu£ per Statuta hujus Regni nofiri , aut per 
 Leges Ecchfijlticas in hac parte requirwuur, aut neceffaria fitnt, temporis ratione & re- 
 rum necefitjte id pojhilante. In cujusrei , &c. Tefte Regina , apud Weftmonallerium 
 fexto die Dccembris , Anm Regni Regina Elizabeth:^ Anglic, &c. fecundo. 
 
 Examinatur RI: BROUGHTON. 
 
 Before
 
 Discourse V. Biflops Vendicated. a!^i 
 
 Before I proceed further , to prevent cavils , I muft acquaint the Reader , that 
 the Suffragan Bifhop of Bedford is mifnamed Kichard in the Rolls i by what miftake 
 or errour , after fb long time it is folly to inquire. We may conjedure how it 
 might eafily , and moll probably did come to pafi : but to fay pofitively how it did 
 come to pafs ) whether it was the errour of the tranfcriber , or the miltake of him 
 who gave the inftrudions , or it was no fault at all , (he might have two names, 
 as many had , and many have and own them feverally ) it Is not pollible. In the 
 Ecclefiartical Regiftcr ot the Church , he is always Uiled by his right name John, 
 throughout all the Adts of conhrmatioo and Confecration of Archbifliop Yark^. 
 Once his name had been written Richard , but it was correded, and my friend af- 
 fureth me , that it is the onely word in that long narration which is expungeu or 
 iuterlined i fo exad is that Record. This is certain , his right name was John , 
 as it is in the Regifter. To this the Records of his own Confecration, and Twen- 
 ty other Records do bear witnefs. 
 
 But as to the validity of the Ad or Ordination, it is not material whether his 
 name were John or Richard , or both, or neither. So he was truly ordained him- 
 felf) and did truly concur in ordaining, it is no matter how he is ftiled in the com- 
 mitfion, or in the Regifler. Regal commillions are noEfTentials of ordination. Nota- 
 rial Ads arenoEiTentials of ordination. The mifnaming of the Baptizer in aParifh 
 Regifler doth not make void the Baptifm. WhenPopes do Confecrate themfelves, fas 
 they do fometimes,) they do it by the names of PW, or Alexander, or Vrhanm, or 
 Jnnocenuuf:)Kith.&k are not the names which are impofed upon them at theirBaptifms 
 or at their confirmations , but fuch names as themfelves have been pleafed to aflumei 
 But to come to more ferious matter. 
 
 There are two differences between thefe two Commiffions. The Firrt is an [_aut 
 minus , or at the kajl four of you, "] which claufe is prudently infcrted into all com- 
 millions, where many Commiliioners are named , leaft the fickneft, orabfence, 
 or negled of any one or more , might hinder the work. The queliion is , why 
 they ate limited to Four , when the Canons of the CathoHck Church require but 
 Three. The Anfwer is obvious , becaufe the Statutes of England do require Four, 
 in cafe one of the Confecraters be not an Archbifliop , or deputed by one. Three 
 had been enough to make a valid Ordination , yea to make a Canonical ordination; 
 and the Queen might have difpenled with her own Laws: but flie would have 
 the Archbifliop to be ordained both according to the Canons of the Catholick Church 
 and the known Laws of England. 
 
 The Second difference between the Two commillions is this, that there is a Sup- 
 pkntes in the latter commillion , which is not in the formci. £ Supplying by our So- 
 vereign authority all defeds either in the Execution , or in the Executores of this Commif- 
 fwn , or any of them. ] The Court of Kbme in fuch like inflruments have ordina- 
 rily fuch difpcnfative claufes , for more abandant caution , whether there be need 
 of them or not , to relax aHyentences , cenjures , and penalties infli&ed , either by the 
 Lapp or by the Judge. 
 
 But ftillthe queitionis, to what end Was this claufc inferted .? I Anfwer, it is. 
 end enough , if it ferve ( as the Court of Rome ufeth it , ) for a certain falve to 
 help any latent impediment , though there be none. Afuperfluous claufe doth not 
 vit^ ;te a writing. Some think it might have reference to Bifliop Cnverdales 9pD^ 
 tDOllcn gotone » which he ufed at the Confecration toga lanea talari utebatur. That 
 Wis uncanonical indeed , and needed a difpenfation for him that ufed it, not for 
 him who was Confecrated. But this was fo flender a defed , and fo far from the 
 heart , or Effence of Ordination i efpecially where the Three other Confecraters , 
 ( which is the Canonical number ) were formally and regularly habited , that it 
 was not worth an intimation under the Great Seal of England. This Miles Cover- 
 dak had been both validly and Legally ordained Bifliop , and had as much power 
 to ordain as the BiOiop of Kowae himfelt If he had been Jlowj«-Catholick in his 
 judgement , he had been declared by Cardinal Tool as good a Bilhop, as either 
 Bonner , or Thirhby , or any of the reft. 
 
 Others think , this claufe might havd relation to the prefcnt condition of Bifliop 
 Barloiv and Bifliiop Seory , who were not yet inthroned into their new Bifliopricks. 
 
 It
 
 4";^ 
 
 CWm^^^^^Tg P^^^^^ T O M E I. 
 
 — i — 7—7 — KTiTirTt was fo it was a great miftake in the Lawyers who drew "p 
 
 'I ;"?omn^ilhon The Office'and the b1r.efice of a Bifhop are two dihindi things ; 
 rlinationisan AdtoftheKcy of order, and a Bi(hop uninthroned, may ordain 
 ^ veil as a Biflwp inthroned. The ordination of Suffragan Bifhops, who liad nO 
 ^^ \,liar Bilhopricks, was always admitted and reputed as good in the CathoUck 
 ^\^ rch ( if tlic Sutfragan had Epifcopal ordination , ) as the ordination of the 
 crcatell Bilhops in the World, 
 
 But lincc tliis claufe doth extend it felf both to the Confecration and the Con- 
 f-craters I am confident that the onely ground of it was that fame exception, or 
 rather cavil which Bifliop Bonder did afterwards make againll the Legality of Bi- 
 fliop Hiiyiie''s Confecration i which is all that either Stapkton or any of our Adver- 
 farics had to pretend againft the Legality of the Ordination of our Firft Proteftant 
 Bifhops i that they were not ordained according to the prefcript of our very Statutes. 
 
 I have fct down this cafe formerly in my Replication to the Bifliop of Chalcedon; 
 but to avuid wrangling, I will put it down in the very words of the Statute. 
 Kini Edward the Sixth in hit time by authority of Parliament, caufed the Book^of Com- 
 mon Prayer and Adminifiration of Sacraments and other Kites and Ceremonies in the 
 Church of England , to be made and fet forth , not onely for one Vniform Order of Ser- 
 vice Common Prayer , and Jdminiftration oj Sacraments to be tfjed reithin this Kealm , 
 Ittt alfodid add and put to the j aid Boo^, a very Godly , Order , manner and form, how 
 Jrchbijhops , Priefis, Deacons and Minifters , Jbouldfrom time to time he confecrated, 
 made , and ordered, within this Kealm. Afterwards it followeth , that in the time of 
 ®«ff«Mary, the feveral Ads and Statutes made in the Second, "Third, Fourth , Fifth, 
 and Sixth years of King Edward , for the authorifing and allowing of the faid Boo]i^of 
 Common praier and othr the premises , were repealed. Laftly the Statute addeth, thBt 
 by an AU. made in the Firft yeax of ^een E\ha.heth,entituled an Ad for the Vniformity 
 of Common Prayer and Service in the Church , and Adminifiration of Sacraments , the 
 fud Book^of Common Prayer and Adminifiration of Sacraments , and ether the faid Or- 
 ders , Kites and Ceremonies before mentioned , and all things therein contained , is fully 
 ftablijhed and authorijed to be ufed in all places within the Kealm. 
 
 This is the very cafe related by the Parliament. Now the exception of Bifhop 
 Bonner , and Stapkton , and the reft , was this. T^he Book^of Ordination was expre- 
 fly ellablifhed by name , by Edward the Sixth , and that Ad: was exprefly repealed 
 by Queen Mary : but the book^of Ordination was not exprefly reftored by Queen Eli- 
 zabeth , but onely in General terms under the name and notion of the Book of 
 Common Prayers and Admiftration of Sacraments, and other Orders, Rites, and 
 Ceremonies. Therefore they who were ordained according to the faid form of 
 Ordination in the beginning of Queen E/iza^f///s time, were not Legally ordained. 
 And thofc Bifhops which had been ordained according to that form in King Edwards 
 time, though they were Legally ordained then, yet they were not Legal Bifhops 
 now , becaufe Queen Maries Statute was ffill in force ,<and was not yet repealed. 
 
 Is this all > Take courage Reader , here is nothing that toucheth the validity of 
 our Ordination , bnt onely the Legality of it , which is eafily fatisfied. Firft 1 An- 
 fwer that Queen Maries Statute was repealed fufficiently, even as to the book of Or- 
 dination ; as appeareth by the very words of the Statute which repealed it. And 
 ■ that thejaid book^, with the Order of Service , and of the Adminifiration of Sacraments, 
 Kites , and Cm-monies , Jhall be after the feaji of St. John Baptift next in full force 
 and cffeU , any thing in Queen Maries Statute of repeal to the contrary in any wife not' 
 withftanding. That the book of Ordination was a part of this book , and printed 
 in this book in King Edwards days, befides the exprefs Teftimony of the Statute in 
 the Eighth of Queen Elizabeth we have the authority of the Canons of the Church 
 C*n.35' ^^ England , which call it fingularly the book^of Common Prayer , and of ordering Bi- 
 fhops , Priefis and Deacons. It is our form of Prayer upon that occafion , as much 
 as our form of Baptizing, or Adminiftring the Holy Eucharift, or our form of con- 
 firming , or marying , or vifiting the fick. 
 
 Secondly , it is aifo a part of ourform of Adminiftration of the Sacraments. Wc 
 deny not Ordination to be a Sacrament, though it be not one of thofc Two Sacra- 
 ments, which are generally neceflary to falvation. 
 
 Thirdly ,
 
 Discourse V. Bi/hopf Vindicated. /c-^ 
 
 Thirdly, although it were fuppofed that Ordination were no Sacrament , nof 
 the book of Ordination a part o(" the book of Common Prayer ; yet no man can 
 deny that it is a part of our Ecclefiaftical Rites and Ceremonies , and under that 
 notion fuflicicntly authorifed. 
 Laftly , 
 
 EJKJ efl^ Legem inter pretari cuius ell condere. 
 
 They who have Legiflative power to make a Law, have Legiflative pow- 
 er to expound a Law. Queen Elizabeth and Her Parliament made the Law, Qiicen of/ 
 Elizabeth and Her Parliament expounded the Law,by the fame authority that made it ' ' '''^' '* 
 declaring that under the book ot Common Prayer, the form of ordination was com- 
 prehended, and ought to be undcrftood. And fo ended the grand cavil of Bilhop 
 Bonner and Dr. Stapleton and the reft, of the illegality of our ordinationj (hewing no- 
 tiiing but this,how apt a drowning caufe is to catch hold of every reed. 
 
 That the Supflentes or this difpenfative claufe had Relation to this cavil , ( which 
 as it did break out afterwards into an open Controverfie, fo it was then whifpered 
 in corners , ) is very evident by one claufe in the Statute: tint fonhe avoiding of all 
 qtielUons and ambiguities that might be ebje&ed againji the Lawful Confirmations in- 
 vefling^ and Confecrations of any Arekbijhops ^ Bijhops ^ 8cc. The ^een in Her Let- 
 ters Fattents had not onely ufedfuch words as had heen accujhmed to be tifed by Kmcr 
 Henry and King Edward , but alfo diverje other general tvord , whereby Her Highnefs 
 by Her Supreme power and authority , hath dijpenfed with all caufes and doubts of any 
 imperfedion or difability that could be objected. The end of this claufe and that Sta- 
 tute was the fame : and this was the onely Queftion or Ambiguity which was 
 moved. 
 
 Yet although the cafe was fo evident , and was fo judged by the Parliament 
 that the form of Confecration was comprehended under the name and notion of 
 the Book of Common Prayer, &c. Yet in the indidtment againft B'lfhop Bonner 
 I do commend the difcretion of our Judges , and much more the moderation of the 
 Parliament. Criminal Laws fhould be written with a beam of the Sun , without 
 all ambiguity. 
 
 Laftly , before 1 leave this Third confideration , I defire the Reader to obferve 
 Three things with me. Firft , that this difpenfative neither hath , nor can be con- 
 ftrued to have any reference to any Confecration that was already part , or that was 
 afted by Biihop Scory alone i as that filly Confecration at the Nags-head is fuppo- 
 fed to have been. 
 
 Secondly , that this difpenfative claufe doth not extend at all to the inftitution 
 of Chrift , or any Eflential of ordination , nor to the Canons of the Univerfal 
 Church : but onely to the Statutes and Ecclefiaftical Laws of England. Si qtad de- 
 fit aut deerit eorum qu£ per Statuta hujus Regni mjiri , aut per Leges EcclefiaJiicM re- 
 quiruntur. 
 
 Thirdly , that the Commiffioners authorifed by thefe Letters Patents to confirm 
 and confecrate Archbiftiop Parker , did make ufe of this Suppkntes or difpenfative 
 power in the confirmation of the Eledtion , which is a political Adt , ( as by the 
 •words of the confirmation in the next paragraph fliall appear, ) but not in the con- 
 fecration, which is a purely Spiritual Ad, and belongeth meerly to the Key of 
 order. 
 
 Fourthly we fay , that by virtue of thefe Letters Patents of December the Sixth, 
 Four of the Commillioners therein named did meet in Bowes Church , upon the 
 Nintli day of the fame moneth : and then and there with the advile of the chief Ec- 
 clefiaftical Lawyers of the Kingdom , the Dean of the Arches , the Judges of the 
 prerogative and audience , did folemnly confirm the Eleftion, This is proved 
 by the Records of the Confirmation or Definitive fentence it felf, in thefe 
 words. 
 
 In Dei nomine , Amen. Nos Wilelmus quondam Bathonienfis & Wellenfis Epifco- 
 pus nunc Ciceftrenfis eleSlus , Johannes Scory quondam Ciceftrcnfis Epifcopus nunc ele- 
 Ifue Herefordenfis , Milo Coverdale quondam Exonienfis Epijcopus, & Johannes Bed- 
 
 / ford ,-
 
 4^4 
 
 Confecration of Protefiant T Q M E f. 
 
 
 (orAEptlcopus Suffrjgaiieut, medianlibits Uteris CortmifioHaHbus Ilujiriftm^ llegina 
 fid,, Vefexjatncis , &c. Comm>irio>uw mm hac claujuh, viidiu-t l^na cum Jo- 
 hanne Tlictfordcnfi Suffraganeo , & Johanne Bale OlTonenfi Efi/co/^o, ] Et euam aim 
 h I claufnla f ^uatetius voi ant ad mims quatuor vejirnm, ~\ Nee mn & hac adjedione 
 \"suppkntes nihilominuf. Sec. ] jpecialiter & legitime deputati , &c. Jdcirco nos Com- 
 „„ffiu„arii KegH antediUi , de & cum ajjetifii Jurijperitorum , cum qttibus in hac parte 
 urnmiaiicaviims , prxdiViam eleUionem fuprema authoritate diCi£ I>omi>t£ ttofir* Kegin£ 
 nobis in hjc parte commijfa confrmamus. Supplentes ex fnprema authoritate Kegia , ex 
 niero priitcipis motu , & certafcientia nobis delegata, quicquid in hac eleSione fuerit de- 
 feCxiini, turn in his qu^jnxta mandatttm nobis creditum a nobis factum & proceffum eji. 
 ant ill nobis aut aliquo nojtrnm , conditione , (?«»«, facultate, ad hdc perficienda deeji aut 
 decrtt. Turn etiam eorum qu* per Statuta hujus Kegni Angliac, aut per leges Ecckfia- 
 IliciK i'l hac parte requifnajunt aut necefiaria , prout temporis ratio^ & rerum pr^feittium 
 necelfitai idpojiulant , per banc nojiram fetitentiam definitivam, five hoc nojirum finale de- 
 cretum. Sec. 
 
 I cite this the more largely , that our Adverfaries may fee what ufe was made of 
 thcdifpcnfation, which they cavil fo much againft ; but in the confecration, which 
 is an ad of the Key of order, they made no u(e at all of it. This is like wife clear- 
 ly proved by the Queens Mandate for the reftitution of Archbifliop Farker to his 
 Temporaltics , wherein there is this claufe. [_Cui qnidem eledioni &■ perfona^ fie ele- 
 U£ 'R.egium a^enjum noftrum adhibuimw & favorem ^ ipfiufq-, fidelttatem nobif debitam 
 pro dido Archiepifcopaturecepimiu.'] 
 
 Fifthly , we fay that Eight dayes after the confirmation, that is to fay , the 17. 
 oi December , Anno 1559. the fame Commilfioners did proceed to the confecration 
 of Archbilhop Farker ^ in the Archiepifcopal Chappel at Lambeth , according to the 
 Form prescribed by the Church of England , with folemn Prayers and Sermon, and 
 the Holy Eucharift s at which, great numbers of grave perfons communicated with 
 him at that time , \_frequens graviffimorum hominum cxtm. ~\ This is proved evident- 
 ly by the authentick Records of the Confecration , as they arc flill , and alwayes 
 have been to be feen , in the publick Regillry of the Archiepifcopal See of Canter- 
 bury. 
 
 Regifirum Tieverendiftmi in Chrifto Fatris & Domini , Vomini Matthsi Parker,^''*: . 
 Ret. Park.'* Jrnjcipio SaceVum tafetibm adOrientem adornabatur ^ folum vera panno rubra injhrneba- 
 ^'^' *' tur Sec. And fo hrft fetting down , both how the Chappel was adorned for the 
 
 Confecration, and what Habit and Garments , as well the Confecraters, as the 
 perfon who was to be confecrated did wear , both at the Prayers and Sermon , as 
 likewife at the Holy Sacrament and Confecration , it proceedeth to the Confecrati- 
 on it felf. Fifiito tandem Evangelio, Herefordenfis eUrius , Bedfordcnfis Sttfragane- 
 us & Milo Coverdale Archiepifcopum coram Ciceftrenfi ehcto apud menfam in Cathe- 
 dra fedente , hit verbis adduxerunt. Kevtrende in Deo Fater , hunc virum pium pariter 
 atque dvUum tibi nfferimm atque pr<£fentamuf , ut Archiepifcopus confecretur. Fojiquam 
 h£c dixiffent , proferebatur iHico Kegium Diploma five Mandatum pro confecratione Archi- 
 epifcopi^ quo per Dominum DcUorem Yale legum DoSorem perleUo ^ Sacramentttm de 
 Tiegio primatu , five fuprema ejus authoritate tuenda , juxta Statuta primo Anno Kegni 
 Serenijfim£'Regtn<enoftr£E\\Z3hahxedita& promulgata, ab eodem Archiepifcopn exi- 
 gebaiur. gwo cum iJle folenniter taUis corporaliter facris Evangeliis , conceptis ver- 
 bis pr^jtit/JJet , Ciceftrenfis eleUus populum ad Orationem hortatus, ad Letaniof decantan- 
 dM Choro ref^ondente fe accinxit. ^ibus finitis , pofl qu£\liones aliquot Archiepifcopa 
 pf r Ciceftrenfem e/tfl«w propofjfrff , & pojl orationes &fuffragta qu£dam juxtj jormam 
 Ubri authoritate Farliamenti editi apud Deum habita , Ciceftrenfis , Herefordenfis , 
 Suffraganeus Bedfordcnfis , & Milo Coverdallus , manibus Archiepifcopo impofnis , 
 dixerunt ■■, Accipe Spiritum SanOum , & excitare memineris gratiam Dei qu£ in te eji 
 per manuum impofitionem. Dedit enim nobis Deus Spiritum non timoris , fed potefiatis , 
 charitatis, &fohrietatis , &c. 
 
 This is fo evident, that our Adverfaries have nothing to fay , but to cry the Re- 
 cords are forged. Forgery of Records is a grievous crime , and ought to be ma- 
 
 nifcftlv
 
 Discourse V. Bifjops Vindicated. ^hh 
 
 nitdtly proved , or the accufer to luffer for his calumny. Let them tell us who 
 Forged them , and when and wlicre they were Forged. But they know nothing 
 ofir. Did any of the fuccceding Proto-Notaries complain that they were Forged? 
 <ir fo much as an under-clerk of the Office , or any man thathad once occafion to 
 view them , and afterwards found fome change in them? 
 
 No fuch thing. Exainin all the Officers , and Notaries , and Clerks living 
 whether ever they obferved any change in them during their remembrance i and' 
 they will all anfwer. No. And Co would all their predcceflburs fince Archbifliop 
 Pjrjl^frj time have anfwercd, if they had been put to their Oaths. Who are they 
 then that accule them of Forgery ? they are the Adverfaries of the Church of E«^- 
 iand^ who never read one word of them, nor know much what belongeth to fuch 
 Records: but they wifh if they be not Forged, that they were Forged. What would 
 you have men do> If they could anfwer them other wife, they wouldibut they cannot 
 and therefore they cry them down as Forged. 
 
 It is polliblc to forge private Ads done in a corner : but to Forge a Confecration 
 done publickly at Lambeth , in Queen Elizabeths time , and to Forge it fo early as 
 this was publilhed to the World , is incredible. Surely thefe Fathers do not know 
 the cuftoms of the Church , that all things which are done at pnblick Confecrati- 
 ons , areprefcntly drawn into Adlsby Principal Notaries , and kept in publLckRe- 
 giltries , and the cullody of them committed to fworn Officers. And this pradtife 
 was not begun in England upon this occafion , but hath been obferved throughout 
 both Provinces for time immemorial. I fhould not waft one pcnful of ink upon an 
 EngUJh man , who either doth know or ought to know what credit the Law of 
 England doth give to thefe Records ; but for the fatisfadion of ftrangers , who are 
 mifled by fuch bold calumnies, I will take leave for once to prove that which 
 like the common principles of Arts, ought to be taken for granted, and de quo nefw 
 eli diibitare. Let us try whether they can fay more for the Vatican Records than 
 we can fay for thefe. 
 
 For the prefent , I produce Six grounds to convince all thofe who gainfay them* 
 The Firft is that value and refpcd which the Laws of the Kingdom do give them. 
 .that is to allow them to be authentick proofs i efpecially in cafes of this nature con- 
 cerning Spiritual Adts belonging to the Key of order. If a Clerk have loft his 
 Letters of orders , a ccrtiricate out of this Regiftrie , under the Seal of the Arch- 
 bifhop, or the hand of the I^otonotary , is an authentick proofi Shall Two or 
 Three adverfaries , who are ftrangers and know little of our aifairs , altogether 
 unacquainted with our Laws and Records, dare without any ground to defame 
 that for Forged , which the Laws of the Kingdom do allow for authentick .? ei- 
 ther thefe Records are authentick , or Chriftendom never liad an authentick Eecle- 
 liaftical Record. The very Ads of our Synods or convocations aic not more un- 
 doubted , than thefc are. 
 
 My Second proof is taken from the credit of the Publick Notaries, who did fe- 
 fiirte this individual confecration , and draw it up into Ads. The Teftimony of 
 Two Publick Notaries , for matter of fad maketh full proof over all Europe : but 
 here at leaft Four Publick Notaries were prefent at this confecration , and teftified' 
 the truth of thefe Ads i whereof Two of them were the principal Publick Nota- 
 ries in England^ that is , Anthony Htife protonotary of the See of Canterbury , and 
 Thomas Argal Regifter of the Prerogative court, affifted in aduating this confe- 
 cration , by "Thomas Willet and John Jucent Publick Notaries. Who can make 
 doubt of a matter of fad fo attefted ? 
 
 But it is farther obfervable that thefe Four Publick Notaries were the fame who 
 did draw Cardinal Voles confecration into Ads , and atteft them. Either let thefe 
 Fathers deny that Cardinal ?ole was confecrated , or let them grant that Arch- 
 bifliop Varli^r was confecrated. Aut utrumque negate , aut utrumque concedite There 
 are the fame proofs for the one and for the other. There needeth no moxe to be 
 done to fatisfie any man that hath eyes in his head , but to compare the one Regi- 
 fter with the other. 
 
 We owe a third ground to the Queens extraordinary care , who was fo folitici- 
 ous leaft fome circumftance in the Political part might be defedive in fome funUilk 
 
 Ddd of
 
 Confecration of Protejiant 
 
 TOME 1. 
 
 -Zri^ by rcalon of the frequent change of the Statutes in the Reigns of Her 
 
 Father Brother SiAcr and Her felf, that She caufed the Letters Patents to be 
 carefully perufed by Six of our mod eminent Lawyers , who all with one unani- 
 mous confent did certirie, that the commilhon was good in Law , and that the 
 confccraters miglit proceed Legally to confecration upon it i which certificate fub- 
 icribed with their own hands is preferved in tfie Records. S<J' if theft Records 
 be Forged , not onely the Ads of the Principal Notaries of England , but alfo the 
 hands of the Principal Lawyers of England muft be Forged for company , which 
 is incredible. 
 
 The Fourth ground is irrefragable , taken from the teftimony and authority of 
 the Parliament of E«g/(««^ , in the Eighth year of Queen Elizabeth^ that was a- 
 bout fix years after this confecration was aftcd i which fpeaking of the great care 
 was taken in and about the Eledions , confirmations , and Confecrations of Arch- 
 bifhop Tark^r , and the reft of thofe Firft Bifhops in Queen Elizabeths time , for 
 , proof thereof referreth us to thefe very Records, (As the Records of Her Majeflies 
 8. £/. f» f .^ fathers and Brothers time, and alfo her ovpn time rvill more plainly telUfie and declare.) 
 Doth the Parliament refer Subjedts to Records which are Forged > You fee the con- 
 trary that: it mentioneth them as authentick, undoubted, undeniable proofs of what 
 was really done. 
 
 Tothisunanfwerable rcafon, thefe Fathers pretend to give Two Anfwers .• but 
 they are fuch as are able to fatisfie any man , that no Anfwer is to be expedted. 
 The Firlt Anfwer is, in their Printed Book pag. i6, that the word Records is but a 
 General 'term. As if truth ought not to be regarded in generals i as well as in 
 particulars. Yet the terms whidi are added to Records, thzt is, \_ of Her Fathers ' 
 time. Her Brothers time , and Her time ~\ are no general but reftraining terms. 
 
 They add , that it is a word of courfe , which men do rather Juppofe then examine , 
 when they mention things that have been pradifed informer times. What latitude thefe 
 Fathers may allow their conjitents in cafe Theology for words of courfe, I do not now 
 examin i but what have words of courfe to do in a Printed Law > They might 
 as well tell the Parliament in plain terms , that they lyed , or that they fpake they 
 knew not , or regarded not what ; as tell them that there words were bnt words of 
 courfe. If thefe words of courfe were not true , why did not they confute them 
 then , when all things were frefh in mens memories ? No man can believe that 
 they did forbear out of afFedtion to the Parliament , but becaufe they could not 
 then oppofe Co evident truth. 
 
 Yet they conclude it to be evident, that there were no fuch Records of Parkers Con- 
 fecration. This is more than words of courfe , to charge the Parliament diredlly 
 with an untruth. But how is it evident that there were no fuch Records? becaufe 
 they were never produced to thofe Romzn-Catholick^'DoCiors , who defred to fee feme evi- 
 dence of Parkers Confecration. This is wonderful , they were cited in Print , they 
 were alledged by the Parliament in the Publick Laws of the Kingdom, of which 
 no man can plead ignorance i and yet they tell us they were never produced. But 
 to fatisfie their very pretenfions. Their exceptions in thofe days were of another 
 nature, either againft our Englijh Ordinal , or againft the Legality of our Bifliopsi, 
 which later exception hath been anfwered already , and the former fhall be Anfwer- 
 ed in due place. The reafon why Bifhop Jewel, and Bifhop Horn, and others did 
 not cite thefe Records more exprefly , was no dread at all leaft they fhould be 
 found to be counterfeit, but becaufe they had no need to cite them, to anfwer any 
 thing that was objedted againft them. Either the Rowii«-Catholick Writers of thofe 
 days were falfe to their own intereft , to fmoother a thing which (ifit had been 
 true) had been fo much to their advantages which no rational man can imagin : 
 Or the Nags-head Ordination was altogether unknown and unheard of in thofe 
 days-, which is mofl certain. 
 
 But now the Fathers change their note , could they not be Forged as well in ^ueen 
 Elizabeths time as in King James his Reign .? This isto blow hot and cold with the 
 fame breath. Before they demanded , how it was pojjible they fhould be extant then 
 and not produced? Now they tell us , they might be extant then , and yet Forged : 
 Nay, fuch a dexterity they have in turning all which they touch into Gold , that 
 
 they
 
 I — — ^— — 11 — ■ ■ t 
 
 Discourse V^ Bi/hops Vendicated. 
 
 they were forged. Therefore they were not produced , bqcaufe in ^em Eliza- 
 beth'/ time many were livings tvho would have p-oved them to be forged. 
 
 Obferve hrft , what honour and refpedl our Countreymen do bear to our Princes 
 and Parliaments united. Before they did as good as give them the Lye , and now 
 they make them at the leart AccefTaries to Forgery, fo far as to avouch and jullify 
 forged Records. Secondly obferve , with what confidence and confcience tliey fay 
 that thefe Records were never produced •, and yet confefs that they were cited in 
 Print , and alledged in our very Statutes* If Bifliop JeweU and Bifliop Hmte had 
 cited them, ( as they would have cited them if they had had occafion,; they could 
 have done no more than was done. Did any man upon this publication , go about 
 to convince them of forgery ? No I warrant you, the cafe was too plain to be con- 
 vinced. The Parliament , and the Book of the Lives ot the Seventy ArchbiOiops 
 of Canterbury , Printed by John Vay , Anno 1572. have fpoiled the Fathers Argu- 
 ments , Q 7hey were not produced, therefore they were forged^~\ and furniflied us with 
 a demonllrative proof of the contrary. They were produced and cited in Priot 
 and neither convinced , nor fo much as acculed of forgery ■■> therefore they were not 
 forged. ^ 
 
 It feemeth this Anfwer did not fatisfy the Fathers themfelves ; and therefore the 
 one of them hath added a fecond Anfwer in the Margin , with his Pen in thefe 
 words ; the AU of Parliament relates onely to the Records of the Queens Letters Fa- 
 tents , and not to the Records of the Bifhops conjecration or ordination. They fay that 
 Glofs is accurfed , which corrupteth and contradideth the Text , as this Glofs 
 doth egregioully. The Statute fpeaketh exprefly , of the Records of Etedions, and 
 Confirmations , and Confecrations , which are all of them Ecckfiaftical Ads , and 
 none of them recorded in the Rolls of Chancery , or any other civil Court of Re- 
 cords, but onely in the Ecdefiaftical Regifters of the Archbifliops , Deans and Cha- 
 pters refpedively. This Anfwer is a groundlefi evafion. 
 
 My Fifth ground , to prove that thefe Records were not forged , is taken from 
 that Book of the Lives of the Seventy fucceeding Archbifliops of Cantefbury, Print- 
 ed in London in the year 1572. wherein the Authour , ( that was Archbifliop Par- 
 ker himfelf , } having defcribcd the confirmations and confecrations of Bifliop Grin- 
 dall, E\(hop Sands, Bifliop Jewell, Bifliop jHorne , and all the refl of thofe Firft 
 Proteftant Bifliops , he addeth in the Margin, H* confirmationes & confecrationes in 
 Regijlris apparent j "thefe confirmations and confecrations do appear in the Regijlers. 
 Then the Regifters were then extant , and not onely extant , but publickly Print- 
 ed , whileft all things werefrefti in mens memories , yet no man did or durit ex- 
 cept againft the truth of them j fo free they were, not onely from corruption , but 
 from fufpicion. 
 
 The fixth and lafl; ground , to prove that the Records were not forged , is taken 
 from the agreement and concurrence of our civil Records f which no mm ever 
 doubted of J with our Ecclefiaftical Regifters. We have (een the Queens Letters 
 Patents , direded to Seven other Bifliops , for the confirmation and confecration of 
 Archbifliop Par%r, dated the fixth of Pfcemtfr, Anno 155P. Therefore upon the 
 fixth oi^ December 155P. he was neither confirmed nor conlccrated. We have leen 
 the Ecclefiaftical Records , how by virtue of thofe very Letters Patents , he was 
 confirmed upon the ninth day , and confecrated upon the (eventeenth day of the 
 fame Moneth. We find Three other Letters Patents , direded to Arclibiihop Par- 
 ker himfelf, as a confecrated BiHiop, for the confirmation and confecration of other 
 Bifliops i namely , Richard Coxe , Edmund Grittdall, and Edwin Sandes , dated the 
 Eighteenth of December , that is the very next day after Iiis confecration : therefore 
 he was then confecrated. And this agreeth exadly with the Ecclefiaftical Regi- 
 fter. 
 
 Elizabetha Dfi^M/ij, Anglix, &c. ReverendiJJimo in Chrijlo Patri , & Domino 
 M^Ltthxo Archiepifcopo Cantuarienfi, totius Anglic Frimati & Metrnpolitano , &c. 
 Salutem. Rogantes , ac in fide & dikUione quibus nobis tenemini firmiter prdcipiendo 
 mandantes , quatenus enndem Magiftrum Edmundum Grindall, in Ef'ifcopnm Pajiorem 
 Ecckfi* Cathedralis Divt Pauli London. pddiU* , fic ut pr£fertur ele&um, ekCuonem- 
 
 D d d 2 que 
 
 4-7
 
 -Tg TmfecratioH of?roteJiant T O M EI 
 
 Que prtdiUam conjimare , & ewtdem Magiftrum Edmundum Grindall , in Epifcopim. 
 ^ Tajhrem Ecclefu prsdiCl^ confecrare, cdteraq^omnia & ftnguh peragere, qnd vejho 
 in hac parte incumbunt Officio Fajiorali , &c. Jefte Kegina , apud Weftmonafterium 
 dedmoMavodieDtccmbxi, ^»w Hfgi«« Elizabeths , AngUs , Scc.fecundo. 
 
 Th€ Eighth 
 reafon. 
 
 Examinatur per 
 RI: BROllGHTON. 
 
 ConfmiHahrevia, ( eifdem forma & verbis , mutatU folummodo mutandis) direUa 
 futtt eidem Matthxo Archiepifcopo Cantuarienfi , pro confrmatione ekSiionif , & confe- 
 cratme Richardi Coxe , facr* 'Iheologi* Frofefior'n in Epifcopum Elienfem ; & Edwi- 
 ri Sands , facrd 'Theologit ProfeJJbrit in Epifcopum Wigornenfem, omnia fub data prxdi- 
 Cio & in kotulo fupradiUo. 
 
 « Examinatur pet 
 
 • RI:BROUGHTON. 
 
 There cannot be a clearer proof in the world , to prove that Archbifhop Farker 
 was neither confirmed nor confecrated upon the Sixth o(T>eeember , Anno 155^. 
 and that he was both confirmed and confecrated , and commanded to confecrate 
 others, upon the Eighteenth of the fame Moneth. Neither doth the King , or 
 Church, or Laws of England,take notice of any man as a true Archbifhop or Bi(hop, 
 until hands be impofcd upon him, but alwayes with this addition \_ EJeU'] as in 
 the Book of Ordination i Ego I, N. EccUfi* atque SedU N. eledus Epifcopus profite- 
 er : and in the Litany -, Ti? rogamus , ut huic Fratri nojiro ekRo Epifcopo , bemdihionem 
 & gratiam tuam largiri digner'vs-, 
 
 Laftly, by the Laws of England^ a Bifhop cannot be admitted to do his Ho- 
 mage, or fwear fealty for his Bifhoprick, nor be reftored to his Temporalties , un- 
 til he be legally confecrated : but it is apparent by the Queens Letters Patents , da- 
 ted the one and twentieth day of March following , ( that was at the end oi Hillary 
 Tearm , as fpeedily as could be ) he had done his Homage , and was then refto- 
 red to his Temporalties -, which proveth clearly , that he was legally confecrated , 
 that is to fay, according to the Regifter. Such a perpetual agreement there is, be- 
 tween our Ecclcflaftical Records , and our civil Records. 
 
 CHAP. V L 
 
 Ihe Eighth , Kmth , and 'tenth Reafons againft that Fabahus Relation , from the Au- 
 thority of our Statute , the Boolt^of the Lives of the Archbijhops of Canterbury, and 
 all forts of TPitneffes. 
 
 THe Eighth reafon to prove the Nags-head Ordination to be a Fable , is taken 
 from the Authority of the Statute in the Eighth year of Queen Elizabeth , 
 which is thus entituled. An AH declaring the manner of mailing and confecrating of the 
 Archbijhops and Bijhops if this Realm , to be good , lawful , andperfeQ. [_ An A£f de- 
 claring ^ not enafting or making i \_ the manner of making and confecrating the Arch- 
 bijhops and Bijhops of this Realm 3 that is , thofe in the beginning of Queen Eliza- 
 beths \\mt^ as appeareth by the whole body of the Afti \_tohegocd^ lawful^ and 
 ferfeCl,'] The Title of the Statute alone is fufficient to confute this Fable-, but there 
 is much more in the body of the Statute > as where it approveth the makjng and con- 
 fecrating of the fame Archbijhops and Bijhops to he duely and orderly done , according to 
 ihe Lares of this Realm. If it was done duely and orderly according to the Laws 
 of this Realm , then it was not done at the Nags-head, nor after fuch a filly ridicu- 
 lous manner , as thefe Pathers do relate it. That form diifereth frorT>our form in 
 all things. In the confecrater , or Minifter of the confecration .• We muft have 
 
 Tiircc
 
 Discourse V. Bi/hops Vindicated. 
 
 —^—z J-59 
 
 Three Bifhops at the leaft , there was but one. In the matter : our matter is im- 
 polition of hands, their matter was the laying the Bible upon the head or (houlders 
 of the perfon confecratcd. In the form : our form is receive the tioly Ghoji &c. 
 Their form was , Ti^e thou Authority to Preach the word of God fmcerely. 
 
 The Statute proceedcth , that they were Eleded , made and mifecrated Archbijhnps 
 and Eipopi , according to fiich Order and Form , and withfucb Ceremonies in and about 
 their Conjecrations ^ as were allowed and fet forth by the [aid J&s, Statutes , and Orders 
 annexed to thefaid book^ of Common Frayer before mentioned. This is plain enough. If 
 the Parliament fay truly , then they were confecrated in a Church, not in a Tavern 
 not according to the Brainlick whimfies , of a felf conceited Fool, or rather the 
 ludibrious devife of an arch-enemy, but according to the form prefcribed by the 
 Church and Kingdom. The Parliament had more reafon to know the truth then 
 thefe Fathers , for there were perfonally prefent , both the perfons who did confe- 
 crate, and the perfons who were confecrated, and many Lords and Gentlemen who 
 were eye-witnefles of the Confecration. Chufe Reader , whether thou wilt truft 
 the tale of a fingle, obfcure , malicious fpie, tatling in a corner : or the afleverati- 
 on of the Parliament of England, in the face of the Sun , publiflied to the World 
 in Print. 
 
 The Parliament teftifieth further , that it is and may be very evident and appa- 
 rent , that no caufe of Scruple ambiguity or doubt can or tnay jiijily be obje&cd , aaainji 
 the faid EleSions , Confirmations or Confecrations. Do they think the Parliament ' 
 
 would have given fuch a Teftimony for the Nags-head Confecrations. And fo they 
 conclude, thzt all perfons which had been or Jhould be ordered or confecrated , after the 
 form and Order prefcribed in the faid Fnglijh Ordinal , were in very deed , and by au- 
 thority of Parliament were declared and enacted to be rightly Ordered and Confecrated. 
 The fcope of the Parliament and of this Ad , was to confirm the Confecration of 
 Archbifhop Parli^r and the reft of the Bifhops , and to free them from cavils and 
 objedlions : but they confirm no Ordination at the Nags-head , neither can their 
 words be extended any way to fuch a ridiculous Confecration : therefore the Ordi- 
 liation of Archbifliop Parh^r and the reft , was no Nags-head Ordination. 
 
 My Ninth Fveafon to prove that Nags-head Relation Fabulous and counterfeit , 
 is taken from the Teftimony of that book formerly inentioned , of the lives of the 
 Seventy Archbiftiops of Canterbuty s wherein the Confecrations of Archbifhop Par- 
 ksr and all the reft are particularly related. That which was publiflied to the World 
 in Print , above Thirty Years before the Death of Queen Elizabeth , was not 
 lately Forged : but the Legal Ordination of Archbifhop Pjr/^r and the reft, ac- 
 cordihg to the.Regifter, was publifhed to the World in Print, above Thirty 
 Years before the Death of Queen Elizabeth. Again , that which was pubhf] cd to 
 the World in Print with the allowance of Archbifhop P^rj^?- , or rather by Arch- ■ 
 bifhop Park^ himfelf , was not intended by Archbifhop Parkier to be fmoothered or 
 concealed. Men do not ufe to publifh their Forgeries in Print i cfpecialiy fo fijon, 
 and of fuch publick Adions , whileft there are fo many eye witnefTes living. That 
 the Relation was not confuted , that the author was never called to an account for 
 it , that no man ftood up againft the Regifters , nor on the behalf of the Nags-head 
 Ordination in thofe days , that Mr. Neal was fo tame to endure the lye in Print and 
 all his party fo filent , at that time when the truth might fo ealily have been difco- 
 vered , as if it had been written with a beam of the Sun , ( as it was indeed ■■, )is 
 an evident proof that our Relation is undeniable, and the Relation which thefe 
 Fathers make , is but a drowfie dream , which could not indure the light of 
 the Sun. 
 
 The Tenth and laft Reafon to prove our Relation true, and theirs Fabulous , is yj, -. ^ 
 taken from all Ibrts of witnefles , ours and theirs indifferently. Mr. Ahfm reckon- reafon. 
 eth up Seven of our Writers , who had juftified the Legality of our Ordinations , 
 and cited our Regifters as authentick Records , before himfelf i Bifhop Jewel, Bi- 
 fhop Hall , Bifhop Goodwin , Dr. Callings , Mr. Camden , Mr. Shelden , and one 
 who was then living when this Queftion was fb hotly debated in King James his 
 time , and had been an Eye-witnefs of Archbifhop Parkers Confecrations at Lam- 
 beth , that was the Earl of Nbm;ig/7«w. One that was, well ftored with our £'/- 
 
 gUfl,
 
 i 
 
 460 ' Confecration^fProtcft^ TOME I. 
 
 \lijh Writers in Queen Elizabeth time , might add many more : but that cannot 
 
 well be expected from me at this diftance. r rr a . , . 
 
 Wc may produce as many of theirs , who have confefled of been convinceed of 
 the truth of Arcbiihop Far^rs Confccration. Firft Mr. Clerk whofe Father was 
 Reeiiler to Cardinal Fole in his Legantme Court , and he himfelf an aftuary under 
 him when Theophilns B^girts fled out of England to St Omars, or VoxPay , ( I 
 remember not well whctlier. ) There he met with this M. Clefk^ who falling into 
 difcourfe with him concerning his Rcafons why he had forfaken the Church of E«- 
 oUnd , Mr. Higg'"^ told him , that one of them was that faying of St. Hierome , 
 Jt U HO Church which hath no Friejh ■■, refleding upon this Nags-head Confccration. 
 Mr. C/^rk approved well of his caution , becaufe In dubijs tuttor pars fequenda : but 
 withal he wiflied , that what their Authors had Written concerning that point , 
 could be made good : confelling that he himfelf was in England at that time , ( the 
 witnefs doth not pofitively remember whether at the Confccration or not. ) But 
 Mr. Clerks faid that he himfelf was prefent when the advocate of the arches, whom 
 the Queen fent to perufe the Regifter after the Confecration , and to give Her an 
 account whether it was performed Canonically , returned Her this Anfwer , that 
 he had ferufed the Kegifter ; and that no jitjl: exception could be made againji the Confe- 
 cration , but ( he faid ) fomething might have been better , particularly that Bifhop 
 Coverdalc was not in his Kochet , but he affured Her , that could make «" defe£i in the 
 Confecration. Here we have, if not an Eye- witnefs , yet at leaft an ear- witnefs in an 
 undoubted manner , of the Legal Confecration , ajid of the truth of the Regifter, 
 and of the judgement oi the Advocate of the Arches , concerning the Canoni- 
 calnefs of the Confecration. Thus much Mr. Biggins was ready to make Faith 
 of, whileft he was living , and Mr. 'Barmc]i^z perfon of very good credit , from 
 him at this prefent. 
 
 The fecond witnefs is Mr. Higgins himfelf, who coming afterwards into England 
 had a defire to fee the Regifter , and did fee it, and finding thofe exprefs words in 
 it \_ Milo vera Coverdallus non nift tega lanea talari utebatur, ] and remembring wi'l?- 
 all what Mr. Clerh^ had told him , whereas the Canonical Garments »of 
 thereft of theBi(hops, are particularly defcribed : he was fo fully fatisfied of the 
 truth of the Confecration, and Lawful fucceffion of our Englijh BiQiops, that he faid 
 he never made doubt of it afterwards. 
 
 My Third witnefs is Mr. Hart , a ftifFe 2v.owiJ«-Catholick , but a very ingenuous 
 perfon , who having feen undoubted copies of Dr. Reynolds his Ordination by Bi- 
 (hop Freaky, and of Biftiop Freakj Confecration by Archbiftiop Farh^r , and Laftly 
 of A'rchbifhop Fark^rs own Confecration : he was fo fully fatisfied with it , that 
 he himfelf did rafe out all that part of the conference between him and Dodor 
 Reynolds . 
 
 My Fourth witnefs is Father Oldcorn the Jefuit. This Teftimony was urged by 
 mc in my Treatife of Schifm in thefe words, thefe authentic]!^ evidences being upon 
 occasion produced , out of our Ecclefiaflical Courts,, anddeliberatly perufe d and viervedby 
 Father Oldcorn the Jefuit , he both confejied himfelf clearly convinced of that rvhereof 
 he hadfo long doubted , ( that was the legitimate fuccefft an of Bijhops and Friejis in our 
 Church ) and wijhed heartily towards the reparation of the breach of Chrijlendom , that 
 all the World were fo abundantly fatisfied as he himfelf was , blaming us as partly guilty 
 of the graft miftuke of many , for not having publickly and timely made l{tiown to the 
 ■world , the notorious falfhood of that empty , but farf^read ajpertion againji our fuccejjion. 
 To this the Bifhop of Chalcedon , who was better acquainted with the paflages of 
 thofe times in England , than any of thofe perfons whom thefe Fatliers ftile of un- 
 doubted credit, mak^s this confejjion. Ihat Father Oldcorn being in hold for the Powder 
 Snrvcjc^.p^ Treafon , and judging others by himfelf , fhould fay , thofe Kegijiers to be authentici^, is 
 III* no marvel. 
 
 A Fifth Witnefs is Mr. Wadfwonh, who in an Epiftle to a friend in England doth 
 
 teftifie , that before he Uft England he read the Confecration ofjrchbifiop Parker in our 
 
 Regijiers. This made him fo moderate above his fellows , that whereas fome of 
 
 bEp.adam- t'^^tn tell of Five , and the moft of them of Fifteen, which were confecrated at 
 
 B.5. the Nags-head ^ he faith onely that the (^onfecration of the Firfl Frotfjiant Bifhop was 
 
 attcm-
 
 J^ IS COURSE V. Wifhops Vindicated. "" "^ ^ T~ 
 
 1_ _^^ 40 1 
 
 attempted there , but mt acccmi>hjhed. If it were onely attempted nocT^^^inpWh^ 
 
 then the Nags-bead Ordination is a Fable. But it falleth out very unfortunateiv to 
 
 Mr. jr«^/«-OT/;/ attempt , that of all thofe Firft Protertant Bifhops whofe Ele 
 
 dhons were all conHrmed at Bowes Church about that time , ( and it' might be all 
 
 .,t them , it is very probable , fundry of them had a confirmation Dinner at the 
 
 hugs-head ) not one was conHrmed in perfon , but all of them by their Proxies • 
 
 Aichbifliop Tark^r by Dr. BuHmgham , Bi(hop Barloro and Bifhop Scory by Walte'r 
 
 Jones Bachelonr of Law , Bifhop Gc/Wj/ by 7homas Hinl{_Du of Law BiflioD 
 
 Cax by Edward Cajcotn , Bithop &ands by Thomas Bentham , bed As appeareth bv 
 
 the authentick Records ot their confirmation. Bifhops are ordinarily coufirmed 
 
 by Proxie, but no man was ever confecrated, no man was ever atempted to be con- 
 
 fecrated by Proxie. 
 
 The Four next WirnefTes are Mr. Colllnton , Mi. Laithwait , Mr. Fairecloth and 
 Mr. Leak^^ two of them of the fame Order with thefc Fathers^ to whom the 
 Archbifliop of Canterbury caufed thefe Records to be fhewed , in the prefence of 
 himfelf , the Biihops of London , TfHrham , Ely , Bath and Weh Lincoln and 
 Kochelhr. They viewed the Regirter , they turned it over and over', and perufed 
 it as much as they pleafed , and in conclufion gave this fentence o'f it that the 
 hook^was beyond exception. To fay, that afterwards they deiircd to have the Records 
 into Prifon, to pcrufe them more fully, is ridiculous. Such Records may not eo 
 out of the prefence ot the Keeper. But thefe Fathers may fee them as much as 
 they I'll} in the Regiftry , if they feek for fatisfadion , not alteration. 
 
 Laftly , Bifliop Bonner had a fuit with Bifhop Horn ^ and the itfue was whether 
 Bifhop Horn were Lega!ly,confecrated Bifliop.uponthat fcruple,or rather cavil which 
 I have formerly mentioned. If Mr. Neale who they fay was BiOiop Bomiers Ch'aplain 
 and fer.t on purpofeto fpy what the Bithops did , could have proved the Ordination 
 ofBiOiop HormtthcNags-head, he might not onely have cleared his Matter but have 
 turned Bifhop Horn defervedly out of his Bifhoprick. But he was loath to forfeit his 
 ears, by avouching fuch a palpable lye. The Nags-head Ordimtion was not talked of 
 in thofe days. How fliould it, before it was Firlt devifed? Mr. Sanders Dedicated a 
 book to Archbifliop Parker , which he called the Koc\of the Church: If the NjTS-head 
 Ordination had been a ferious truth , how would he have triumphed over the 
 poor Archbifhop .? 
 
 To conclude , if Faith ought to be given to concurring Records Ecclefiaitical 
 and Civil , of the Church and Kingdom of England, if a full Parliament of the 
 whole Kingdom defcrvc any credit , if the Teftimony of the mott eminent publick 
 Notaries in the Kingdom , if witnefles without exception, if the filence or con- 
 tradidtion, or confcliion of known adverfaries , be of any force, if the'.troneert 
 prefumptions in the World may have any place , that men in their' right w'itts will 
 not ruin themfclves wilfully , without necellity , or hope of advantage if ail thefe 
 grounds put together , do overballance the clandeftine Relation of a tingle malici- 
 ous fpy , without either Oath , or any other obligation : then 1 hope every one 
 who readeth thefe grounds will conclude with me, that the Regifter of the Church 
 of England is beyond all exception , and the malicious Relation of thcNags-head 
 Ordination , a very tale of a tub, and no better v fo full of Ridiculous foHy in it 
 felf, that I wonder how any prudent man can relate it without laughter. 
 
 Who told this to Blitet ? Neale. Who told this to Haberley > Neale. Who told 
 it to the reft of the Prifoners at If^isbich ? Neat'? onely Neale. Who fuo-geited it to 
 Neale? The Father of lies. Neale mzde the Fable, Neale related it 'In corners 
 long after the time it was pretended to be aded. If his Matter Bifhop Bomer'hzd 
 knovvn anything of it , we had heard of it long before. That the Archbtftiop 
 fhould leave Lambeth to come to London to be confecrated i that he fhould leave all 
 thofe Churches in Lmdott , which are immediatly under his own Turisdidion to 
 chufe a common Tavern , as the fittcft place for f ich a work i that Bifliop Bonner 
 being deprived of his Bifhoprick , and a Prilbner in London , fhould fend N;ale 
 from Oxford, and fend a command by him to one over whom he never had any luri'* 
 fdidtloni that the other Bifliop being then a Proteftant , fhould obey hirn bein» a 
 2lo«zj«-Catholick, when there were fo many Churches in the City to perform that 
 
 work
 
 Confecration of Troteftant TOME I . 
 
 ^^l^^jg jh£. Bilhop of U»don never pretended any Jurifdidioni that thefe 
 Tte (hoald be treated , and concluded and executed all at one meeting •, that 
 P (^ Tomer did forefee it would be fo, and command his Servant to attend there 
 bilhop /> ^^^ ^^ ^^j ^^ ^j^^^ bufinefs v That the Birtiops being about Rich a 
 ^\A (Hue work fhould fuffer a known enemy toAay all the while in their com- 
 ' is incredible. MNeale had feigned that he had heard it from one of the 
 n'awcrs boyes , it had deferved more credit , than this filly, improbable , incon- 
 nicnt relation i ' which looketh more like an heap of Fidtions made by feveral Au- 
 Aours by Starts, than a continued relation of one man v 
 
 ^kquid ofiendiU mihi fie increduliis odi. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 'The Nags-head Ordination is but a late device. Of the Earl of Nottingham , 'Bijfjo^ 
 Bancroft, VoBor Stapleton, the Statute 8. Elizab. i. and the ^eem Vij^en- 
 fation. 
 
 NO W having laid our grounds , in the next place let us fee what the Fathers 
 have to fay farther for themfelves. Ihti fiory of the Nags-liead n>as jirfl con- 
 tradiUedhy Mafon, in the year i6i^.yetfo weakly "i^d faintly , that the attentive Rea- 
 der may eafily perceive he feared to be caught in a lye. Firft, the Fathers feem to ar- 
 Eue atter this manners Many y4f/;e«w« Writers did mention the Cr^f j« Bulls, and 
 Minotaurs ^ and Labyrinth; but no Crff<j« did write againft them-, therefore thofe 
 ridiculous Fables were true. Rather, the Cretans laughed at their Womanifh re- 
 venge , to think to repair themfelves for a beating, with fcolding and lying : fuch 
 ridiculous Fidlions ought to be entertained with fcorn and contempt , Spreta exo- 
 lefcunt , (i irafearU agnita videntttr. Secondly, it might be (for any thing 1 know 
 to the contrary ) Mr. Mafon was the firft who differed this lye , and laid the falfi- 
 ty of it open to the world : but he was not the Firft who avouched and juftified 
 the Canonical confecration , and pcrfonal Succeflion of our Proteftant Bifhops , 
 which is the fame thing in effect: i the Bifhop of Hereford did it before him, and 
 Dr. Reynolds before the Bifhop of Hereford , and he that writ the Life o[ Archbiftiop 
 Tar]iir before Dr. Reynolds , and the Parliament before him that writ Archbifhop 
 Tar]i^rh Life , and the publick Regifters of the Church before the Parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 Thirdly , they would make us believe that this Fable was ancient , and publifli- 
 cd to the world from the beginning of Queen Elizabeth^ time in Print , and unan- 
 fweredbythe Proteftants , until the Thirteenth of King James; but there is no 
 (uch thing. For their credit, let them produce one Authour that mentioneth it in 
 the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's time, or if they cannot do that , for forty years 
 after, that is , before the year i6oo. or other wife the cafe is plain, that it is 
 an upftart lye , newly coined about the beginning of King James his time , the Fa- 
 thers would not have us anfwer it before it was coined , or before it was known 
 to us. 
 
 Where they fay that Mr. Mafon did handle this Controverfie rveakjy and faintly, 
 they know they do him wrong i he hath fo thraflied their Authours, Fits-Herbert^ 
 and Fttz-Simon^zni. Holywnod,a.nd Conftable^znd KeVifon and Champney^thzt the caufe 
 hathwanted a Champion ever fince , until thefe Fathers took up the Bucklers. But 
 whereas they add , that Mr. Mafon was affraid to be convinced by fame aged perfuns 
 that might then be living , and remember vphat pajied in the beginning of ^een Eliza- 
 beth'j Reigit, is fo far from truth, that Mr. Mafon nameth a witnefs beyond all ex-, 
 ception , that was invited ro Archbiftiop Park^r^s Confecration at Lambeth^ as being 
 his Kinfman , and was prefent there i th^Ezi\o( Nottingham Lord High Admiral 
 of England. 
 
 Why did none of their Authours go to him, or imploy fome of their Friends 
 to inquire of him? The cafe is clear , they were more affraid of convidion, and 
 
 to
 
 Discourse V. Bifhops Vendicated. 4^^ 
 
 to be caught in a lye , than Mt. Majon ■■> who laid not the foundation of his Di- 
 fcourfe upon loofe pritflc^prattle, but upon the firm foundation of original Re- 
 cords. 
 
 They fay , in the year 1^03. none of the Troteftam Clergy durft call it a Fable, a^ 
 fnme now do. I am the man , I did call it fo , I do call it fo. Such a blind relation 
 as this is , of a bufinefs pretended to be aded in the year 1559. being u ' ; - 
 
 fequence, as whereupon the fuccelfion of the Church of England did 
 and never publifhed until after the year \6oo. as if the Church of EnoL 
 neither Friends nor Enemies, deferveth to be fliled a tale of a 7ub , aiTd no obi- 
 ter. 
 
 They add , Bancroft Bifhop of London, being demanded by Mr. William AlabaRer 
 hoTv Parker and his CnVeagues vcereconfecrated Bijhops ? anfwered. He hoped that in cjfe 
 of neceffity , aTrieji (alluding to Scory _) might ordain Bijhips. Thk Anfcver of his 
 was objelied in print by Holy wood, againji him and all the Englifli Clergy^ in the year 
 160^. not a tpord replied ^ ^incro(t himfelf being then living. And why mieht not 
 Holyrvood be mifinformed of the Bifhop of London^ as well as you your felves 'vere 
 mifinformed of the Bifhop of Vurrham ? This is certain, he could not allude to 
 Bifhop Scory , who was confecrated a Bifhop in the Reign of Edward the Six'I' , 
 as by the Records of thofe times appeareth , unlefs you have a mind to accufc all 
 Records of Forgery. If you have any thing to fay againfl Bifhop Scarfs confecra- 
 tion, or of any of them who joined in ordaining Archbifhop Par i^r , {pare it not 
 we will not feek help of an Acft of Parliament to make it good. 
 
 In fum, I do not believe a word of what is faid of Bifhop Bancroft^ fub modo , as 
 it is here fet down , nor that this accufation did ever come to the knowledge of 
 that prudent Prelate •, if it did, he had greater matters to trouble his Head withal, 
 than Mr. Holyrvood's babbles : but if ever fiich a Quertion was propofed to him , it 
 may be after a clear anfwer to the matter of Fadt , he might urge this as argumen- 
 tum ad hominem-f that though both Bifhop Scory, and Bifhop Coverdale had been but 
 fimple Prierts, ( as they were compleat Bifhops, ) yet joining with Bifhop Barlrnv, 
 and Bifhop Hodgskings , two undoubted Bifhops ( otherwife Gardiner , and Bonner^ 
 and Junftall , and Thurlehy , and the refl were no Bifhops,) the Ordination was' as 
 Canonical , as for one Bifhop and two Mitred Abbats to confecrate a Bifhop , 
 C which you allow in cafe of neceflity,) or one Bifhop and two fimple Presbyters 
 to confecrate a Bifhop by Papal difpenfation. So this Queftion will not concern us 
 at all , but them very much , to reconcile themfelves to themfelves. They teach , 
 that the Matter and Form of ordination , are EfTentials of Chrift's own Inliitution. 
 They teach , that it is grievous Sacriledge to change the Matter of this Sacrament. 
 They teach , that the Matter of Epifcopal ordination , is Impofition of Hands of 
 three Bifhops , upon the perfon confecrated •■> and yet with them , one Bifhop and 
 two Abbats, or one Bifhop and two fimple Priefis extraordinarily by Papal difpen- 
 fation , may ordain Bifhops. The EfTentials of Sacraments do confift in indivifbili, 
 once EfTential alwayes EfTentiali whether ordinarily, or extraordinarily , whether 
 with difpenfation , or without. So this Quef^ion , whether a Prieft in cafe of ne- 
 cellity , may ordain Bifhops , doth concern them much , but us not at all. But tor 
 my part, I believe the whole relation is feigned , for fo much as cpncerneth Bifhop 
 Bancroft. 
 
 They add , or the one of them , IhaveJpoJi^n with both Catholick^ and Troteiiants^ 
 that remember near %o. years , and acknowledge , that fo long they have heard the N.;^?^ 
 head jlory related as an undoubted truth. Where I wonder ? fooner in Kcmn , or 
 Rhemes, otVoway, thin in England ; and fooner in a corner , than upon the Ex- 
 change. You have heard from good Authours of the Swan's finging , and the Fel- 
 lican's pricking ofherbreafl with her billj but you are wifer than 10 believe fuch 
 groundlefs FiAions. I produce you feven of the ancient Bifhops of England, fbme 
 of them near an 100. years old, who do teftirie , that it k ^ groundlefs Fable -^ yet 
 they have more reafon to know the right value of our EcclefialHcal Records , and 
 the truth of our affairs , than any whom you converfe withall. 
 
 The Authours proceed, this Narration of the Confecratinn at the Nags-head , have 
 Jf%«(iMt o/Holywood, Conftable, <»«£/ Dr. Champnie's IVurh^f. They heard it 
 
 E e c from
 
 -^ C^fecratto nofP^otejiant T O ME 1^ > 
 
 -ta many ./ tU ancient CUr^J\ r^ho r^ere Pnfoners for.theCatboluKRehgionZ 
 Wsbvch cVii asMr.B\cwet,Vr. W^tCon , Btjhof of ,Unco\n and others. Thj^ 
 Ijd it from the fjid Mr. Ncale, and other Cathohclq prefent at Vzxkets Conficrathn m 
 the Nigs-head , ^s Mr. ConiUble a^m/. Here is nothing but hearfay, upon hcar- 
 fav fuch evidence would not pafs at a tryal for a lock of Goats wool. Holywood 
 and the reft had it from feme of the Wishych Prifoners: and rhe Wisbych Prifoners 
 heard it from Mr, NeaU and others. 
 
 What others Z had they no nan:ies .? did Bifliop Boww?" fend more of his Chaplains 
 than one to be Spectators of the Confecration , and they who were to be Confe- 
 cratcd , permit them being Adverfaries to continue among them , during theCon- 
 fccratio'n , fuppofed to be a clandeftine Adlion. It is not credible , without a Plot 
 between Nf^/f and the Hoft ofthe N<2gJ-fcf^^, to put him and his fellows for that 
 day into Drawers habits , leaft the Bifliops (liould difcover them. Here is enough 
 faid to difgrace this Narration for ever , that the Firft Authors that published it to 
 the World, did it after the Year idoo > until then it was kept clofein Lavender. 
 Birtiop JVatfon lived fplendidly with theBifhops of Ely and Rochefier , at the time of 
 Arciibi(hop Parhers Confecration , and a long time after , before he was removed 
 to Wisbych Caltle. If there had been any fuch thing really ad:ed , and fb notori- 
 oufly known , as they pretend , Bifhop Ifatfon and the other Prifoners, mull needs 
 have known it long before that time, when Mr. 'Neale is fuppofed to have brought 
 them the Firft news of it. The whole ftory is compofed of inconfiftences. That 
 which quite fpoileth their ftory , is , that Archbifliop Tarh^r was never prefent at 
 any of thefe Confecrations , otherwife called confirmation Dinners : but it may be 
 themerry Hoft fhewed Mr. lieak Dr. BttUinghatn for Archbiihop P4rj!;fr , and told 
 him what was done in the withdrawing Room , which ( to gain more credit to 
 his Relation ) he feigned that he had feen , out of pure Zeal. 
 
 Howlbcver, they fay the ftory was divulged to the great grief of the newly Con- 
 fecrated, yet bei>fg fo evident a truth , they durfi not contradiCi it. We muft fuppofe 
 that thefe Fathers have a priviledge to know other mens hearts , but let'that pafs. 
 Let them tell us how it was divulged by word or writing, when and where it was 
 divulged , whileft they were newly Confecrated , who divulged it , and to whom.? 
 If they can tell us none of all this , it may pafs for a great prefumption, but it can- 
 not pafs for a proof. 
 
 But they fay, that not onely the nnllity of the Consecration , hut alfo the illegality of 
 the fame was ob]eUed in Print againfi them not long after , by that famous Writer JJr. 
 Stapleton and others. We look upon Dr. Stapleton , as one of the moft Rational 
 Heads that your Church hath had fince the feparation : but fpeak to the purpofe Fa- 
 thers , did Dr. Stapleton Print one word of the Nags-had Confecration. You may 
 be fure he would not haVe balked it , if there had been any fuch thing , but he did 
 balk it , becaufe there was no fuch thing. No , no , Dr. Stapletons pretended il- 
 legality was upon another ground , becaufe he dreamed that King Edwards Statute 
 was repealed by Queen Mary , and not reftored by Queen Elizabeth , for which we 
 have an exprefs Aft of Parliament againft him in the point : and his fuppofed in- 
 validity was becaufe they were not Confecrated ritu Romano. If you think Dr. 
 Stijp/fton hath faid any thing that is material , to prove the invalidity or nullity of 
 our Confecration , take your bows and arrows and fhoot over his fliafts again, and 
 try if you do not meet with fatisfaftory Anfwers, both for the inftitution of Chrift, 
 and the Canons of the Catholick Church , and the Laws of England. 
 
 You fay , Parker and the reft of the Proteftant Bijhops , not king able to Anfwer the 
 Catholick^ arguments againft the invalidity of their Ordination , &cc. Words are but 
 wind. The Church of England wanted not Orthodox. Sons enough to cope with 
 Stapleton and all the reft of your emifTaries : nor to cry down the iltgal and extrava- 
 gant manner of it at the Nags-head, How fhould they cry down , that which never 
 had been cryed up in thofe days ? We condemn, that form of Ordination which 
 you feign to have been ufed at the Nags-head, as illegal and extravagant, and (which 
 weigheth more than both of them ) invalid, as much as your felves. 
 
 They were forced to beg an Ad of Parliament, whereby they might eijoy the temporali- 
 ties , notwithftanding the k»owH defeOs of their Confecration , &e. O ingenuity ! 
 
 whither
 
 Discourse V. Bijhops Vindicated. .^ 
 
 whither art thou Hcd out of the world ? Say , where is this Petidon to be found, 
 in the Records of Eittopia ? Did the Parliament ever make any fuch eliablifliment 
 of their Temporalities, more than of their Spiritualities ? Did the Parliament ever 
 take any notice of any Defeds of their Confecration > Nay , did not the Parliament 
 declare their Confecration to have been free from all defedts ? Nay , doth not the 
 Parliament quite contrary , brand thefe reports iox jlanderous Jpeeches , and jufiifie 
 their Confecrations to have beeu duly and orderly done , according to the Ljtps of this '' ^''^ *'^* '* 
 Kealm : and that it is very evident and apparent , that no catife of fcruple , ambiguity 
 or doubt ^ can be juftly objeCled againft their Eletflions, Confirmations, or Confe- 
 crations. 
 
 Yet they give a reafon of what they fay , or albeit Edward the Sixths riteof Or- 
 dination was re-ejiablijhed by AH of Parliament in the Firfi year of ^een Elizabeth : 
 yet it was notorious that the Ordination at the Nags-head woi very different from it, and 
 formed ex tempore by Scories Furitanical Spirit , &c. I take that which you grant 
 out of Sanders , that King Edrvard's Form of Ordination , was re-eftabliflied by 
 Adl of Parliament i. Elizabeths ; wherein you do unwitingly condemn both Bi- 
 fhop Banners and Stapletons plea of illegality. The reft which you fay is partly true 
 and partly falfe. It is very true that there is great difference between the Englifh 
 form of ordaining , and your Nags-head Ordination , as mucli as is between the 
 head of a living horfc and the fign of the Nags-head , or between that which hath 
 a real entity and an imaginary Chimsra ( Mr. Mafnn was the BeJlerephon that deftroy- 
 ed this Monfter: ) but that the form of the Nags-head Ordination was framed ex 
 tempore by Scories Puritanical Spirit , is moft falfe > that Po[lumiii brat was the Miner- 
 va or IfTue of Mr. Neds brain, or fome others who Fathered this rapping lye upon 
 him. 
 
 Then they repeat the words of a part of the Statute ^ and thence conclude , 
 by which AS appears that not onely King Edwards rite , but any other ufedfntce the be- 
 ginning of the ^eens Reign , upon Her CommiJJion was enaSedfor good , and confe- 
 quently that of the Nags-head might pafs. Cujus contrarium verum eft. The contra- 
 ry to what thefe Fathers infer , doth follow neceflarily from thefe words which the 
 Fathers cite. The words of the Adl are theft, [^by virtue of the Queens Letters 
 Patents or Commiffion : ~\ every one of the Letters Patents is extant in the Rolls 
 not one of them did ever authorife any form but that which was legally eltablifhcd « 
 
 that is , the form of E^wjr^ the Sixth. Firft, the Queens Letters Pattents or Corn- 
 million hath an aut minus in it , or at the leaft 7hree or Four of you : but to juftifie the 
 Nags-head Ordination, the aut minus muft be altered to at the leaft one or two of 
 you. Secondly, the Queens Letters Pattents have always this claufe in them Juxta 
 formam & efftdum Staiutorum in ea parte edttorum & proviforum ; Accordint to the form 
 and effeH of the Statutes in that cafe made and provided : but the Statutes allow no Icfs 
 number than Four , or at the leaft Three to ordain , at the Nags-head ( you fay 
 there was but one Ordainer. Our Statutes prefcribe impufition of hands as the Eften- 
 tial matter of Ordination , and thefe words , Receive the Holy Gboft as the form of 
 Ordination: but your Ni^gJ-Z^f^ii Ordination is a meer phantafm , without matter 
 or form i our Statutes allow no (iich Fanatical and Fantaftical forms , as your 
 form of the Nags-head. And fo your conlequence , \_ confequently that of the Nags- 
 head might pafs , ~\ is foundered of all Four , and can neither pafs nor repafi , unlefs 
 you can rafe thefe words \_ by virtue of the Queens Letters Pattents "] out of the Sta- 
 tute , and infert thefe {_without the §^teens Letters Patents : ~] and likcvvife rafe thefe 
 words out of the Commillion \_ according to the Fwm and effeQ of the Statutes, 1 and 
 infert thefe [^ contrary to the Form and efe£i of the Statutes.^ A iingle Falljtica- 
 tion will do your caufe no good. Two poifons may perchance help it at a dead 
 lift. 
 
 It is in vain to tell us , that Mr. Mafon fee this over clear to be denyed, who know 
 better that Mr. Majon did not onely deny it over and over again , but fqueefed t!ie 
 -poor Fable to dirt. I have (hewed you particularly what was tlie end of the 
 Qyeens difpenfitions , the fame which is the end of Papal difpcnfations , to meet 
 with late obje(flions or cavils. I have (hewed you what that cavil was i which 
 needed no difpenfition in point of Law , but onely to ftop the mouths of gain- 
 
 E e e 2 flyers.
 
 466 Confecration ofProteftant T O M E I. 
 
 fayers. But where you add , that the ^eens dijpenfjtion was given , not tn conditi- 
 onal but in very abfolute Terms: you are abfolutely miftaken. The Queens difpenfa- 
 tion was both in General Terms , which determin nothing , ( not like the Pope's 
 difpcnfations, y^ quihttfvii excommmicationU fuf^enfwnii & interdidi fentemijs : )and 
 aifo in thcfe conditional Terms , fi quid, &c. defit aut deerit eormi qux per Statuta 
 Im'jM Regni noflri , aut per leges Ecclefiafiicaf in hac parte requirmtw : if any thing j*, 
 or pall he wanting , vchich are required by the Latvs Civil or Ecdefiaftital ofthU Ktngdum. 
 You fee it 'i% conditional , and hath reference onely to the Laws of England. 
 
 They go on , the truth w , all the World laughed at the Nags-head Confecration, and 
 held it to be invalid , notfo much for being performed in a Tavern , as for the nerv Form 
 invented by Scory. If all the World did laugh at it in thofe days, they laughed 
 in their fleeves , where no body could fee them laugh. It had been too much to 
 laugh at a jeft before it was made, nay before it was deviled. The Reader may 
 well wonder , how all the World came to get notice of it fo early as the beginning 
 of Queen Elizabeths Reign , and we onely in England (hould hear nothing of it for 
 above Forty Years after ? but affoon as we did hear of it , we laught at it as well 
 as they, and held it as invalid as they could do for their hearts ■■> but they laught at 
 it as Eifliop Scories invention , and we laught at it as theirs. 
 
 C H A P. V 1 1 1. 
 
 Of Bift'op Bonner , the reordination of our Clergy , the quality of their mtneffes , Mr 
 Fitz-Hcrberts fujpicioMS , the Tej^imony of their VoUors , and the Fublijhing of our 
 Kegijier before Mr. Mafon. 
 
 THeir next inftance is in Bifhop Banners cafe, who rt>as indited by Mr. Horn', one 
 of the Firji Troteftant Bifhops consecrated hy Mr. Parker , or together vcith him, for 
 refufingtotak^ the Oath of Supremacy. The Firft errour might be pardoned , as be- 
 ing onely a miftake in a word , to fay that Bifliop Bonner was Indited by Mr. H'r«, 
 whereas he was onely fignified by Bifhop Hor«; but the Second miftake is fatal, that 
 after all this confidence , and this great notoriety of the Ndgz-^fizti Ordination <o 
 all the World , thcfe Fathers themfelves are ftill uncertain , whether Bifhop Horn 
 WM conjecrated by Archbipop Parker , cr at the fame time vcith him , that is as much 
 as to fay, they know not certainly what was done at the Nags-bead, but they 
 wifh that if the Confirmation Dinner were not a Confecration , it had been one. 
 It could never end better, for Mr. Neale to feign an Ordination , without 
 an a<ftuary to Record what was done. Bifhop Watfon and Mr. Bluet and the refl 
 were much to blame , that ( fince he had the fortune to wear Gyges his ring and 
 walk invifible) they did not caufe him to play the publick Notary himfclf, and 
 draw that which was done there into Ads i then we might have known as cer- 
 tainly as he could tell us , whether Dr. Fark^r had been Confecrated there by his 
 Vtodiox Dr. BuVingham. It may be , fbmc very credulous Reader, who like the 
 old Lamix , could take out his eyes and put them in again when he pleafed, would 
 have given more credit to Mr. Neales pleafant Fable, than to the publick Rolls and 
 Regiifers of the Kingdom. 
 
 I have handled Billiop Bonners cafe before : and thefe Fathers themfelves have 
 unwittingly given fcntence in it againft him i that King Edwards Furm of Ordinati- 
 on , vias re-ejiabltjhed hy AU of Farliament in the Firft Tear of ^ueen Elizabeth. But 
 final fentence there was never any given , until the Parliament gave a final fentence 
 in it , that Bifhop Horn and all the reff were Legal Eifhops. To admit a Plea 
 to be tryed by a Jury, and the verdicft of the Jury, are Two very diftindt 
 things. 
 
 They tell us , he roas a man ejpeciaVy jhot at. Rather he was a man gvacioufly pre- 
 ferved by the Queens mercy , from the rage of the Common People againfl him. 
 If they hzd Jhot at him,they could have found ways enough to have tendered the Oath 
 of Supremacy to him,without Bifhop Horn. I profefs I am no gieatPatron of fuch 
 Oaths, men have more dominion over their Anions than over their judgements : 
 
 yet
 
 Discourse V. Bifhops VendicMed. ^s-j 
 
 yet there islefs to be faid for BiOiop 'Bonner^ than for other men. He who had fo great 
 a hand in framing the Oach^ie who had talten:"it himfelf, both in King Umrie's time, 
 and King Edtvard's time, and made fo many others to take it, he who had been fo 
 great a Itickler in Rome for the King's Supremacy , who writ that Preface before 
 Bifhop Gardiners Book de vera Obedientia : if he had fuffered by the oath of Supre- 
 macy , had but been fcourged with a rod of his own making. 
 
 Their next Reafon to prove the Nullity of our Holy Orders , is taken from tl?e 
 conftant pradice of the Kormn-Catholicks , to Keordain Protejiant Minijhrs , mt con- 
 ditionally but ahfolutely , which they call an evident argument of our meer Laity. A 
 doughty argument indeed , drawn from their own Authority, Can any man 
 doubt , that they which make no (cruple of taking away our lives , will make 
 • confcicnce of taking away our orders ? This is that which we accufe them of, and 
 they do fairly begg the Queftion. IfReordinationbe facriledge ( as they fay it is, ) 
 we are ready to convince them of grofs Sacriledge , or iterating all the Effentials 
 of Ordination , the fame matter and the fame Form that is for Epifcopacy , the 
 fame impofition of hands by Three Bifliops , and the fame words Receive the Holy 
 Ghoji , &c. Some were of the fame mind withthefe Fathers in Queen M^nVj time; 
 but Paul the Fourth , and Cardinal Pool were wiftr , who confirmed all Ordinati- 
 ons in Edward the Sixths time indiiferently , fo the perfons profefled but their 
 Conformity to the Roman Religion. How doth this confift with your pretended 
 Nullity. 
 
 They fay , our Records were produeed by Mr. Mafon in the Tears i6i^. fifty Tears 
 after they on^n to have been pewed. They forget that they were publiflied in 
 Print in Archbifhop Parkers life time , that they were jufiified by the Parliament 8, 
 Elizabeths , that all of them go hand in hand with our Civil Records. 
 
 He faith , it cannot be teftified by any lavcjul witneffej ( produced by us ) that they 
 vpere not forged. This is their method , Firft, to accufe us of Forgery , and then 
 to put us to prove a Negative i where learnt he this Form of proceeding? By all 
 Laws of God and man the accufer is to make good his accufation : yet we have 
 given him witneffes beyond exception. They fay , there cannot be a more evident 
 mark^ of Forgery , than the Concealment of Regijiers , if they be ufeful and neceffary to 
 the perjons in whnfe cujhdy they are. The proof lyeth on the other hand. Tell us how 
 they were concealed , which were publifhed to the World in Print , by a whole 
 Parliament , by private perfons , and were evermore left in a publick Office, where 
 all the World might view them from time to time , who had cither occafion or 
 defire to do it ? That our Adverfaries did mfult and triumph over us , is but an em- 
 pty flourifh without truth or reality , as we fhall fee prefently. 
 
 They fay, it if not worth refuting , which fome modern Proteftants fay ye have no 
 witneffes of the ftory 0/ tk Nags-head , &c, but Rom^n-Catholick^ : we value not 
 their Teflimony^ hecaufe they are h^town Adverfaries. "fhis Anfwer they term ridiculous^ 
 and parallel it with the anfwer of an Officer in Ireland, You will not find this an- 
 fwer fb ridiculous, upon more ferious confideration. Proteftants know thatfome ex- 
 ceptions in Law, do deftroy all credit, and fome other exceptions do onely diminifh 
 credit. An Adverfaries Teflimony may be admitted in fome cafes , but it is fubje^fc 
 to exception and makes no full proof, efpecially in cafes favourable in the Law i as 
 the cafe of perfons fpoiled , ( which is your Irijh cafe. ) fuch witneffes may be ad- 
 mitted ; ante omnia j^oUatm reptui debet : but then they ought to make up in num- 
 ber what they want in weight. 
 
 But you miflake wholy, our Anfwer is not ^thzt you produce no witneffes for the 
 jiory of the Nags- head but Kormn-Catholickj : our Anfwer is that you produce no 
 witneffes at all, neither ilyw^w-Catholicks nor others. For Firil one witnefs is no 
 witnefs in Law , let him be beyond exception ducly fworn and examined , yet his 
 TdVimonY mzkes hat femiplenam probationem , half a proof i efpecially in criminal 
 caufes fuch as this is, it is nothing. One It^itnefi fhall not rife up againii a man for any ^^^^^ ^ ^ 
 iniquity or any fin , at the mouth of Two Witneffes , or at the mouth of Three IFitneffes 
 fhall the matter be fiablifljed. Which Law is confirmed by our Saviour. They were ^y^,^ ,3. j^, 
 never yet able to pretend any Eye- witnefs by name, but Mr. Neale , or fome body 
 that had no name , becaufe he had no being in (he nature of things : all the rell 
 
 had
 
 .g T^4^crati^ ^ TQM El - 
 
 had it from Mr. Neala fingle TdUmony, becaufe they cannot teaifie what was 
 done, but what Mr. Nf^/f laid. r , ■ r 
 
 Secondly, Mr. Neale teftiheth nothing , as a fingle wjtnefs ought to teftifie. He 
 was never fworn to fpeak the truth , he never teftihed it before a Publick Notary, 
 he was never examined before a competent Judge , he was never produced before 
 the face of a Proteftant. Is this the manner of the Komans now a days, to con- 
 demn whole Churches upon the Verbal Teftimony of a fingle witnefs , before he 
 be brought face to face with thofe whom he accufeth ; and fuch a Teftimony which 
 is clogged with fo many improbabilities and incongruities, and incoherences, that 
 no rational impartial man can truft one fyllable of it ? whereas in fuch a cafe as this, 
 againll the Third Eftate of the Kingdom , againft the Records Civil and Eccleil- 
 altical , againrt the Teftimony of a Parliament , an Hundred WitneJTes ought not 
 tobe admitted. 
 
 We regard not Mr. Fitz-Herberts fujpicions zt all. What are the fufpicions of a 
 private Ikanger , to the well known credit of a Publick Regifter ? His fi(Jj>icions 
 can weigh no more than his Reafons , that is juft nothing. He faith thU exception. 
 M no mrv quarrel , but vehemently urged to the Englifh Clergy in the heginnirig of the 
 ^eens Keign , tojhevp hovo and by vehom they were made Vriejis , Bijhops^ &c. You 
 have faid enough to confute your (elves, but you touch not us. If they had known 
 that they were Confecrated at the Nags-head , as well as you would feem to know 
 it , they needed not to urge it fo vehemently , to fhew how and by whom they 
 were ordained i they would have done that for them readily enough , unlefs per- 
 haps you think that they concealed the Nags-head Oxdin^tion out of favour to the 
 Proteftants. But I fee you are miftaken in this as in all other things. There was 
 an old obje(3:ion indeed , that our Confecratcrs were not Koman-Cztholkks^ and 
 that our Confecration was not Ritu Komano , or that we were not Ordained by Pa- 
 pal authority : but the Nags-head Oidinztion is a new Queftion. What might be 
 whifpered underhand , in the ears of credulous perfons of your own party in Cor- 
 nets , we do not know : but for all your contrary intimations , none of all your 
 Writers did dare to put any fuch thing in Print , for above Forty years after Arch- 
 bilhop Parker's Confecration. l( filent JVitneJfes in fuch circumjiances prove more than 
 others , as you affirm, then all your Writers are our Witnefles. But none of all 
 your Doftors did ever urge any fuch thing , as required that we fliould cite the 
 Regifters in prudence, as by a clear Anfwer to all your Teftimonicsrtiall appear. 
 The Water did not ftop there in thofe days ; yet even in Archbifliop Parkers life time, 
 the Confecration of our Bifliops was publiflied to the World in Print v either fhew 
 us as much for your Nags-head Ordination , or hold your peace for ever^ Bifliop 
 Andrews the learned Bifhop of VVinchefier's abfurdities,falfuies , and lies , are eafily 
 talked of, men may talk of Black fwans : but he who hath laid your greateft 
 Champions in the dufi: , requires another manner of difcovcrer than Mr. Fitz- 
 Hcrhert. 
 
 But thefe Fathers are relblved to confute themfelves , without the help of an 
 
 Adverfary. They tell us, that no mention was ever made ofKegijicrs tejiifing Parkers 
 
 Confecration at Lambeth , ttntil Mr. Mafon Printed his booh^ This is not true , they 
 
 were mentioned by the Parliament , mentioned in Print , I think before Mr. Majon 
 
 was born. What though Lambeth were not rncntioned , if the Legality of his 
 
 Confecration were mentioned ? This is enough to Anfwer your Objection i this is 
 
 enough to confute your Romance of the Nags-head. Yet thus much you yout 
 
 felves confefs in the fame Paragraph , that in a book Printed in the Year i5c5 Cthat 
 
 is Eight Years before the Year 1613. Wherein you fay that Mr. M<«/ot Printed his 
 
 book^called Antiquitates Mtannix^thcxt is a Regijier of the Proteftant Bijhops of EnghrA: 
 
 then there was a Regilter of the Confecration of Proteftant Bifhops extant , before 
 
 Mr. Mafon did Write of that SubjeA. You fay , that Regijier doth not mention any 
 
 certain place or Form of their Conjecration. It was not needful i the Law prefcribeth 
 
 xhc Form , and the place was indifferent, Co it were a Confecrated place , which 
 
 the Law doth likewife prefcribe. But you tell us farther , thzt thif Regijhr tvas 
 
 Forged or foifted in ^ and thit your learned but namelefs Friend , fee the old Mantt- 
 
 fcript of that Eook^^ wherein there is m mention of any fuch Regijier^ which you tell
 
 Discourse V. Bifhopf Vindicated. ^5p 
 
 us in your Friends words, xh^t aU the World may fee how this Regifier wm Furled. 
 Why are all the World bound to believe your Friend ? How (hould we give ere-* 
 dit to a man who tells us Three notorious untruths in Four lines > Firll , that it is 
 pretended that Archbijhop Parker vpm made a Bijhop by Barlow, Scory and "three other r 
 by virtue of a Commiiiion from Queen Elizabeth : he was made a Bilhop by Bar- 
 lorv, Scory and Two ethers. Secondly, that this Work was Aded on the 17. day 
 ci September , An- 1555). which was adted on the 17. day oi December ^ I55P- ■''''' '"■ 
 Thirdly, that rpe had no Form then or Order to do Jucb a bufmefi; whereas you your 
 felves confefs , that Edward the Sixths rite of Ordination , veoi re-ejiablijhtd in the 
 t'irjl Tear of G)ueen Elizabeth : and Archbifliop Farh^rs Ordination was in the Se- 
 cond of Queen Elizabeth. He who ftumbles fo thick and Threefold , may err in 
 his viewing the Manufcript as well as the rell. But to gratifie you, fuppofe it was 
 Fo^ed in , what good will that do you ? It muft of necellity be foifted in before it 
 was Printed , it could not be foifted in after it was Printed , and it mult be foilted 
 in by a Protellant, for no KowdW-Catholick would foift it in. So ftill you fee a Re- 
 gilkr ofProteftant Bifhops, was publiflied to the World in Print, Eight Years 
 before Mr. Mafon publifhed his Book. 
 
 Your Friend faith , that thif Printed Bsol{,of Parkers Antiquitates Britannisc is the 
 Firli that mentionetb any fuch pretended Confecration of hifn and the refi. So it might 
 be well , when it was Firft Printed , that was not in the Year 11^05. but in Arch- 
 bifliop Parkers life time , Three years before his death , An. 1 572. So much you 
 might have learned from the very Title-Page of the Book , Printed at Hannotv 
 Hilioria antehac nonmfi jemel ^ nimirum Londini in S-dibut ]oha.nms Day anno i'^j2, 
 excufa : 7hat thU Hijiory rvas printed formerly at London in the Houfe 0/ John Day in 
 the Tear 1572. This doth utterly deftroy the credit of your Friends Relation, that 
 he had viewed the Manufcript of that Book. There needed no Manufcript, where 
 they had a Printed Book for their Copy , ( as the Title-page telleth us they'had : ) 
 and that Printed above Sixty years before your Friend Writ , it is probable before 
 his Birth. If there be any thing of foifting in the cafe , there is rather fomething 
 foifted out of the former Edition , then foifted in v namely , Archbifhop Parkers 
 Life until that time , with the particular Confecrations of our Firft Bifhops, which 
 were in the London edition , and are omitted in this edition of Hannow. This is 
 clear enough by the very Title, An Hijiory of 70 Archbijhops, and there are iu this E- 
 dition but 6p. Archbifliops, becaufe thelifeof Archbifliop Parlor is wanting i which 
 neverthelefs is promifed in the Life of Archbifhop Warrham pag. 312. [m in Mat- 
 thsi Parker Cantuarienfis Archiepijchopi vita inferius dicemus. As wefiali fay hereaf- 
 ter in the Life of Matthew Parker Archbijhop <f Canterbury ~\ You fee ho^v infortu- 
 nateyou are in accufing others of Forgery. 
 
 Your Author proceedeth, a«|)/ man reading the printed Boo\^ rvil! manifillly fee it 
 U a meerly foilhd and inferted thing , having no connexion correfiondence or affinity ei- ' 
 ther With that which goeth before , or fohweth it. Say you fo > There was never any 
 thing more fitly inferted. The Author undertaketh to Write the Lives of 70. fuc- 
 ceeding Archbiftiops of C^y^tfrtary, from Aujitn to Matthew Parlor ^ and havin* 
 premitted fome General obfcrvations concerning the antiquity of Chriftian Religion 
 in Britanny , with the names of fomc Archbifliops of London , and the original and 
 changes of Epifcopal Sees in England , and fome other Generalities concerning the 
 Priviledges of the See of Canterbury^ and the Converfion oi Kept; juft before heen- 
 ters upon the life of St. Auiiin the Firft Archbifliop, he prefenteth the Reader with a 
 fummary view of the Archbiflioprick o^ Canterbury^ at that time when the Book 
 was Firft Printed , in the Year 1572. With the names of all the Bifliops of the Pro- 
 vince at that time, their Countries , their Arms, both of their Sees and of their 
 Families , their refpedive ages, their Univerfities , their Degrees in Schools, with 
 the times of their feveral Confecrations , if they were ordained Bifliops , or con- 
 firmations , if they were tranflated from another See. It is hardly poilible for the 
 Wit of man to contrive more matter into alefTer Room. Then he fets down a 
 like Table for the Province of Torkj. and laftly an Alphabetical Catalogue of the 
 Bilhops , whofe Lives were deicribed in this Book, and among the reft, Arch- 
 bifliop P^irJ^fr , whofe life ( if you calIit/az/Ji»g ) is foifted out of this HimtowE- 
 
 ditioB
 
 470 
 
 c 7nfecraUonofProteJiant TOIME^I- 
 
 "7]^ iTthis^hath no connexion or affinity tvith that vehich goeth before , and foUomth 
 after I know not what connexion or affinity is. 
 
 ' Your Friends laft exception againlt the authority of that Book called Antiquita- 
 Britanni£ is , that it containeth more things done after Matthew Parker hadlFnt- 
 ^un that BookJ So you confcfsthat Arcbiibop Tar]i^r himfelf ( about whom all our 
 Controverfic is , ) was the Author of that Book i wherein I agree with you. The 
 conclufion of the Preface, and many other reafons invite me to do lb. Surely 
 this Author meant that there is fomething contained in this Regifter, which is not 
 within the compafs of the following Lives in the Hannone Eddition , ( that may 
 well be , becaufe Matthew Parkers Liteisfoifted out in this Eddition : ) but there is 
 nothing which was not in the London Edition , much more largely than it is in this 
 Rcgilier , cfpccially for the Confirmations and Confecrations of our Froteflant bi- 
 lboes : there is nothing after the time when this Regifter wris made , which is pre- 
 fixed in the Frontifpice of it in the Hannorf Eddition, with M: P; for Matthew 
 father. Matthew Tarl^r A\t6i May x\\<t 2"]. Anno \ <,"]<,: he Pri; red his Book at L«t- 
 don Three Years before his death , without the Authors name , in the Year 1572. 
 I appeal to the Ingenious Reader , ( let him be of what Communion he will , or 
 never fo full of prejudice ,) whether it be credible, that Archbifhop Parkers own 
 Books (hould be Printed in London by the Queens Printer , in his Life time , and 
 have any thing foifted into it contrary to his fenfe. 
 
 Here then we have a Regilter of Proteftant Biihops , with their Confirmations 
 and Confecrations , publifhed to the World in Print at London, by Archbifliop Par- 
 ker himfelf , ( who was the principal perfon and moft concerned in that Controver- 
 fie, ) as if it (hould dare all the Adverfaries of our Church to except againft it , if 
 • they could. Regifters cannot be concealed , being always kept in the moft publick 
 and confpicuous places of great Cities, whither every one hath accefs to them who 
 will. They need no Printing, but this was Printed ( a work of fuperirrogation. ) 
 They who dared not to except againft it then , when it was frcfh in all mens me- 
 mories, ought not to be admitted to make conjedtural exceptions now. 
 
 Now the Fathers come to fhcw , how tbeir Dodtors did objedl to our Prote- 
 ftant Clergy , the Nullity and Ulegality of their Ordination. If their Dodtors give a 
 caufe or reafon of their knowledge , we are bound to anfwer that : but if they 
 objeft nothing but their own judgement and authority , we regard it not ; their 
 judgement may weigh fomething with them , but nothing at all with us. This is 
 not to make themfelves advocates, but Judges over us, which we do not allow. If 
 I (hould produce the Teflimonyesof Fourfcore Proteftant Dodtorsv who affirm that 
 we have a good Succellion , or that their Succelfion is not good, what would they 
 value it .? 
 
 The Firft is Dr. BrijloWy Confider what Church that is , whofe Minijlers are but very 
 Laymen , unfent , micaVed , uncoafecrated , holding therefore amongji us when they re- 
 pent and return , m other place but of Laymen , in no cafe admitted, no nor looking to 
 Miniftcr in any Office , unlefs they takg Orders which before they had not. Here is Dr. 
 Brijhws determination , but where are his grounds ? He bringeth none at all , but 
 the pradlife of the Koman Church , and that not general. Paul the Fourth and 
 Cardinal Pool and the Court of Kome in tho(c days were of another Judgement, and 
 fo are many others; and fo may they themfelves come to be , when they have confi- 
 dered more feriouflyof the matter, that we have both the fame old Elfentials. That 
 which excufeth their reordination from formal. Sacriledge ( for from material it can- 
 not be cxcufed upon their own grounds , ) is this , that they cannot difcover the 
 truth of the matter of Fadt, for the hideous Fables raifed by our Country-men. 
 But where is the Nags-head Ordination in Dr. Bniiow '< Then had been the time to 
 have objedlcd it,and Printed it, if there had been any reality in it.Either Dr. Brifiow 
 had never heard of this merry Pageant , or he was a(hamed of it. Here we meet 
 with Dr. Fz<% again, and what they fay of him (hall be anfwered in its proper place. 
 Their next witnefs is Mr. Reinolds , There is no hardfman in all Turkey, who doth 
 not undertake the Government of his Heard, upon better reafon and greater right. Order 
 and Authority , than ihefe your Magnificent Apoftles. &c. And why zn Heardsman in 
 TMr1{y, bnt onely to allude to his Title oi Calvino Turcifmus? An Heardfman in 
 
 Turky
 
 IDiscouRSE V. Bi/hopf Vindicated. ^j ^ 
 
 7ttrk,y hath as much right to order his Heard , as an Heardfmin in Chriltendom , " 
 unlels perhaps your Dr. did think , that Dominion was ioanded ,n Grace , no. m 
 nature. This is faying ,^ but we exped proving. It is well knoA'n rhat you pre- ' 
 tend more to a magiiiftcem Apnji.bte , them we. If the Authority of the Holy 
 Scripture C which knoweth no other Eflentials of Ordination ; but impop.mn of 
 hands and thefe words Kfctiw the Holy Ghoji , ) if the perpetual prattife ot the Uni- 
 verfal Church, if the prefcription of the ancient Council of Car//>a?e , and above 
 200 Orthodox Bifhops , with the concurrent approbation of the Primitive Fathers 
 be fulfieient grounds, we want not fnfficient grounds for the exercife of our Sacred 
 Fundions. But on the contrary , there is no Heardjman in Turkey whohathnot more 
 fufficient grounds or alTurance of the lawfulnefs of his Office , than you have for 
 the difcharge of your Holy Orders, upon your own grounds. The litrk^jh 
 Heardfman receives his maftcrs commands without examining his intention : but 
 according to your grounds , if in an hundred fucceffive ordinations there were 
 but oneBifliop who had an intention not to ordain , or no intention to ordain or 
 but one Priefl: who had an intention not to_ Baptife, or no intention to Baptife any 
 of thefe Bifhops , then your whole fucceliion cometh to nothing. But I muft ask 
 ftill where is your "Mags-head Ordination in all this? Mr. Reinolds might have a plea- 
 fant parallel between the Nags-head Ordination and the Ordination of the 7'k/-j<?/& 
 Mufti , and wanted not a mind mifchievous enough againft his Mother the Church 
 of England, if he could have found the lealt pretext : but there was none. You feek 
 for water out of a Pumice. 
 
 Their Third Witnefs is Dr. ^fj/'/e^w, in his counterblaft againft Bifhop Hor«. 
 "To fay truly , yoK are no Lord Winchefter , nor elfervhere , but onely Mr. Robert Horn' 
 If it not mtorious that you and your Colleagues were not ordained according to the prefcript 
 Jrvillmtfay of the Church ^ hut even of the very Statutes? Horv then canyon chal- 
 lenge to your felf the name of the Lord Bifl^op of Winchefter z' Tou are tvithout any eonfe- 
 cration at all of your Metropolitan^ himfelfpoor man being no Bijhop neither. This was a 
 loud blart indeed : but if Dr. Stapleton could have faid any thing of the Nags-head 
 Ordination , he would have given another manner of blaft, that (hould have made 
 the whole World Echo again with the found of it. In vain you (eek any thing of 
 the Nags-head in your writers , until after the year 1600. For anfwer , Dr. Staple- 
 ton raifeth no objedtion from the inftitution of Chrift , whereupon and onely 
 whereupon, the validity or invalidity of ordination doth depend: but onely from 
 the Lavvs of EngLuid. Firft , tor the Canons, we maintain that our Form o( Epif- 
 copal Ordination hath the fame Effentials with the Roman : but in other things of 
 inferiour allay it differcth from it. The Papal Canons were never admitted for 
 binding Laws in England, further than they were received by our felves and in- 
 corporated into our Laws : but our Ordination is conformable to the Canons of 
 the Catholick Church , which prefcribe no new matter and form in Prieftly Ordi- 
 nation. And for our Statutes , the Parliament hath anfwercd that objeif ion fuffi- 
 ciently , (liewing clearly , that the Ordination of our Firlr Proteftanl; Bilhops was 
 legal, and for the validity of it, we crave no mans favour. 
 
 Their laft witnefs is Dr. Harding , who had as good a will ( if there had been 
 any reality in it ) to have fpoken of the Nags-head Ordination as the beft but he 
 fpcaketh not a fyllable of it more than the reft: and though they keep a great ftir with 
 him, he bringeth nothing that is worth the weighing. Firfthe readeth us a profound 
 Lefture , that S^csrdos fignifieth both a Priejl and a Bijhop, Let it fignifie fo and 
 in St. Hieroms (enfe, what will he infer from thence ? Next heasketh Bifhop fevvcl 
 of Bifhoply and Priejily vocation and fending. What new canting Lano-ua^^e is this > 
 could he not as well have made ufe of the old Ecclefiaftical Word of Urdi.ution? 
 Thirdly he taxeth the Bifhop , that he anfwereth not by what example hands tvere laid 
 on him , or who fent him. What doth this concern any queftion between them and 
 us? Hands were laid on him by the Example ofChrift, of his Apoftles, of the 
 Primitive and Modern Church : fo Chrift fent him, the King (ent him the Church 
 fent him , in feveral refpeds. He telleth us , that when he had duly confidered his 
 Proteftant Ordination in King Edwards time, be did not tak^ himfelffr lawful Dea- 
 con in all ref^eUs. If his Proteftant Ordination were a Nullity (as thefe men fiy ) 
 
 Fff then
 
 "^^ e xecration of Prorefiant TONvE|. 
 
 Then he was a lawful Deacon in no refpcd. Pope Paul the Fourth and Cardinal 
 Tool were ot another mind. Then follow his two grand exceptions againlt our Or- 
 dination wherein you fhall find nothing of your Nags-head Fable , the former ex- 
 eption is , that King Edwards Biihops who gave Orders were out oj Orders themfelves^ 
 The Second is, that they miiiijired not Orders according to the right and mamier vf the 
 Catholick^ Church. For the former exception, I refer him to the Council of Carthage 
 in St. Jujiins time , and for both his exceptions to Cardinal Fools Confirmation of 
 King E^rvW/ Bifhops and Priefts, znd Paul the Fourth Ratification of his A(a. If 
 any man have a mind to inquire further into the validity of our Form of Ordinati- 
 on let him leave thefe Fables and take his fcope freely. 
 
 To all this they fay, th^tBipop Jewel a>ija>ers much rvith profound filence ^ yet 
 they add, onelyhe jays without any proof ^ that their Bijhops are made by form and Or' 
 der and by the Confecration of the Archhijhop and other three Bijhops^ and by admijfion 
 of the Prince. I expeded profound filence , but I find a profound anfwer i this is 
 the Firtl time I learned how a man can both keep profound filenee , and anfwer fo 
 pertinently all at once , How doth Dr. Harding go about to take away this anfwer: 
 For Bifliop Jewel wzs thedefendent , and the burthen of the proof did not rell up- 
 on hm? ¥iii\. I ptdiy you. how was your Archhifhop Confecrated ? l{ Dr. Harding did 
 not fee his Confecration , he might have feen it if he would. He asks further , 
 what "Three Bijhops were there in the Realm to lay hands on him? Ask the Queens Letters 
 Patents , and they will fhew you feven. What a weak Socratical kind of arguing 
 is this , altogether by queftions , without any inference? If Dr. Harding could have 
 faid it juftly , ( and he could have faid it if it had been fo , ) he fhould have con- 
 futed him boldly, and told him your Metropolitan was Confecrated in the Nags- 
 head byone fingle Birtiop , in a Phanatical and Phantaftical manner ; but he did 
 not ,,he durft notdo it, becaufe he knew it to be otherwife , and it was pub- 
 lickly known to be otherwife. All his exception is againft our Form, If you had been 
 Confecrated after the Form and Order which hath ever been ufed , you might have had Bi- 
 jhops out '-// Frarce,5r at home in England. It is the Form eftablilhed in ¥iix\^Edwards 
 time, and reliored in Queen Elizabeths time , which Dr. Harding impugneth , not 
 that ridiculous Form which they Father upon Bifliop Scary: and their chief objedtion 
 againft that Form, was that vain cavil,that it was not reftored by Ad of Parliament, 
 which fince hath been anfwered abundantly by an Adt of Parliament. Hereupon 
 he telleth Bifliop Jewel , that his Metropolitan had no lawful Confecration. Though 
 his Confecration had not been lawful , yet it might have been valid, but it was both 
 legal and valid. This is all that Dr. Harding hath, which a much meaner Schollar 
 than that learned Prelate might have adventured upon , without fear of burning 
 his Fingers. 
 
 Their next proof againft our Records , is taken from the contradidions of our 
 Writers, Mr. Malons Kegifters and Records difagrce with theft that Mr. Goodwin 
 vfed in his Catalogue of Bijhops , fometimes in the day , fometimes in the monetb , fome- 
 iimes in the year. And again , Mr. Mafon, Sutclitfe W Mr. Butler, all jpeaking of 
 Mr. Parkers Confecration , do all differ one from another in naming his Confecraterss Mr. 
 "Mziou faith it was done by '&zx]o'w ^ Scory , Coverdale, W Hodgskins. Mr. Sut- 
 cltffe faith, befdes the Three frji there was two Suffragans. Mr. Butkr faith ^ the Suf- 
 fragan of Dover was one , who is not named in the Commijfton. So as thefe men fecm to 
 have had three difagreeing "Regijhrs. I anfwer , Firft , that it is fcarcely poliible to 
 avoid errours in tranfcribing and Printing of Books, in the Authors abfence, e- 
 fpecially in names and numbers. To keep a balling and a ftirr about thefe Errata of 
 the Pen , ot of the Prefs, is like the barking of little Currs, which trouble the 
 whole Vicinage about the Moonfliining in the Water. Such were the moft of 
 thefe. 
 
 Secondly , fuppofing that fome very few of thefe were the real miftakes of the 
 Authors, yet innocent miftakes , which have no plot in them or defign of intereft 
 or Advantage , which conduce neither /^o nor contra ta any Controverlie that is on 
 foot, they ought not to be axaggerated or prefled (everely v It is the Wifdom of a 
 Wife man to pafs by an infirmity. Such are all thefe petty differences. Whether 
 Archbifliop Parker was Confecrated by Three City Bifhops and Two Suffragan, or 
 
 by
 
 Discourse V'^. Bipjops Vindicated* aj^ 
 
 by Three City Bifliops and one Suffragan BiOiop , and whether this one Suffragan 
 were Suffragan of Bfdford or Suffragan of Vover . conduceth nothing to any Con- 
 troverfie which is on foot in the Church , and fignffieth nothing to the validity or 
 invalidity, legality or illegality , canonicalnefs or uncanonicalncfs of his Ordinati- 
 on. All memories are not fo happy, to remember names and numbers after a long 
 dirtance of time , efpccially if chcy entred but by the ear, and were not Ociilkfub- 
 jeUa fidelibus. If any man lliould put me to depofe ( wanting my notes and me- 
 morials, ) what Prieits did impofe hands upon me with Archbiihop Mmhexvs at my 
 PrieiUy' Ordination , or what Bifhops did joyn with my Lord Primate of Ireland at 
 my Epiicopal Ordination , I could not do it exadtly. I know there were more 
 than the Canons do require, at either Ordination: and refer myfelf tothe Regifter. 
 whether Two Suffragans or one Suffragan , is an eafie miftake , when there were 
 Two in the Commiilion, and but one at the Confecration ; fo is the Suffragan of 
 Vover for the Suffragan of Bedford. 
 
 Thirdly, whether thefc were the faults of the Pen , orthePreft, or the Author: 
 yet after retradtation it ought not to be objeded. It is inhuman to charge any man 
 with that fault , which he himfelf had correded and amended. Bifhop Go^dtvin 
 correfted all thefe errours himftlf, without any Monitor , and publiihed his Cor- 
 rection of his errours to the World in Print long fince, in a new Edirion of his 
 Book. Likewife Dr. Sutdiffe acknowledged his miftake , and gave order to Mr. 
 M^fon to publifh it to the World, as he did. 
 
 To ground exceptions upon the errours of the Prefs , or the flips of the Tongue, 
 or Pen , or of the memory , after they have been publickly amended , is like flies 
 to delight in fores , and neglecft the body when it is found. I have the fame errour 
 crept into a Book of mine , of j^ Five ] for {_ Four , ] how it came I know not j 
 for the Book was Printed in my abfence : but I liave correded it in mine own copy 
 and in many copies of my Friends , where I meet with the Book. 
 
 Laftly there is no danger in fuch petty differences, fo long as all parties do fub- 
 mit themfelves to the publick Regifters of the Church, as all thefe Writers do, al- 
 tliough it may be fome of them were better acquainted with Polemick Writers , 
 than with Regiflers , or the pradical cuftoms of the Church of England. The 
 very reference or fubmillion of themfelves to the Regifter , is an implicit retrada- 
 tion of their errours. As in a City , the Clocks may differ, and the peoples judg- 
 ments of the time of the day , but both Clocks and Clerks muft fubmit to the Sun 
 Dyal , when the Sun Shineth out , fo all private memorials muft be , and are fub- 
 mitted to the publick Regifter of the Church. Where thefe Fathers talk of plura- 
 lity of Regifters , they err becaufe they underftand not our cuftoms. Every Bifhop 
 throughout the Kingdom hath one Fvegiftry at leafl , every Dean and Chapter hath 
 a Regiftry. The Ordinations of Priefts and Deacons , and the Inftitution of Clerks 
 to Benefices , are recorded in the Regiftries of the refpedive Bifhops , in whofe \^[- 
 oceffes they are Ordained and Inftituted. The Eledions of Biftiops , and Inthro- 
 nifations , and Inftallations, in the Regiftry of the refpedive Deans and Chapiters 
 and the Cohtirmations and Confecrations of Bifhops , in the Regiftry of the Arch- 
 biftiop where they are Confccrated ■■, except the Archbiftiop be pleafed to grant a 
 Commiilion to fome other Bifhops , to Confecrate the Eleded and Confirmed Bi- 
 fhop in fome other place. But the fame thing cannot be Recorded originally but 
 in one Regiftery. 
 
 C H A P. I X. 
 
 Pr. Whitaker and Vr. Fulke defended, Bijhop Barlows Conjecration jullified , of John 
 Stov/i Tejiimony , and the Earl of Notinghams, &c. 
 
 HEre the Fathers take upon them the office of Judges or Cenfors rather than 
 of Advocates. Mr. Mafon ought to have anfvoered as Mr. Whitaker and Mr. 
 Fwlkc ( they were both eminent Dodors in the Schools ) who had reafoii to be better in- 
 formed of the Kecords than he. How > Nay nor half fo well. They were both con- 
 
 F fiz templative
 
 474 
 
 Cmfecrat ioH of?rotefiant T O M E I^ 
 
 ItiTiDlativc nun , cloTilered up in St. John's Colledge , better acquainted with polc- 
 mick Writers than with Records, they were both ordained Deacons and Pricfts 
 Iceajlv Canonically, according to the Form prefcribed by the Church of England: 
 and were no fuch ill Birds to derilc their own ncfts. If the Records of their Ordina- 
 tion will fatisrie you , that they were no Enthufiafts , ( as you imagin , ) you may 
 quickly receive fatisfadion : but if they had faid any thing contrary to our Laws 
 and Canons , you mult not think to wrangle the Church of England out of a good 
 pofTcilion , by private voluntary fpeculations. Let us fee what theft Dodors fay as 
 you alledge thein , for 1 have not their Books in prefent. Mr. Whitah^r faith 7 rvould 
 not have you ihin^rve mak^fuch recks»ing of your Orders ^ as to hold our own Vocation 
 mlawfttl Tvithout them. You fee Dr. Whitak^r juftifieth our Ordination in this very 
 place as lawful , and much more plainly elfewhere in his writings. That though 
 cur Bilhois aud Minijlers be not ordained by Papijiical Bijhops, yet they are orderly and 
 brvjully ordained: Again, 'Ihe Kom^mi\% account none lawful Vaftors^ but fuch as are 
 created according to thetr Form or Order. Thefc are your two main Objedions againft 
 our Ordination, that we are not ordained by Biftiops of your Communion. That 
 we are not ordained according to the Roman Form. In both of thefc , Dr. JVhi- 
 iak^r is wholy for us againll you , that which he maketh no reckoning of, is your 
 Form o£ Ordination , as it is contradiftind from ours , as it is in many things, e- 
 fpecially in your double matter and Form in Prieftly Ordination. 
 
 You fay , Mr. F«% fpeaks more plainly , let us hear him. Tou are highly decei- 
 ved, if you think^we ejieem your Offices of Bijhops, Friefts and Deacons, better than 
 Laymen : and with all our heart we defie , abhor , deteji and fiit at your jHnking, grea- 
 fie, Antichrifiian Orders. This is high enough indeed, and might have been ex- 
 prefled in more moderate terms i but it is to be expounded , not of the invalidity 
 of your ordination , as if it wanted any Eflential , but partly in refped of the 
 rot ufing or abufing thefe (acred Offices, and partly in refped of the Laws of Eng- 
 land. Excefles may make an ordination unlawful , although they do not make it 
 invalid. Holy orders are an excellent grace , conferred by God for the convcrfion 
 of men •, but if thofe who have them, inftead of preaching truth do teach errours 
 to his people , and adulterate the old Chriftian Faith by addition of New Articles, 
 they arc no longer true Faftors, but Wolves which deftroy the Flock •, and fo they 
 are not onely no better , but worfe than Laymen, corruptio optimi pejjima. In this 
 refped they tell you , that your Priefts and Bilhops are no true Priefts and Bifhopsi 
 ^sMarcellus told his Souldiers, That they were no true Komans ( who were natural 
 B-cmans ) bccaufe they wanted the old Roman virtue. Laftly , you have habitual 
 power to exercife thefc offices , but you want adual power in England , by reafon 
 of the not application, or rather the fubftradion of the matter by our Laws i fo 
 you are no legal Bifhops or Priefts there. This I take to have been the fenfe of thefc 
 two Dodors. 
 
 Now are wc come to their grand Exception, againfl Bifhop Barlow, who was 
 one of the Confecraters of Archbiftiop Parker , whofe confecration is not found in 
 the Archbifhops Regifler > and therefore they conclude that he was never confecra- 
 ted. If this objedion were true, yet it doth not render Archbifhop P^jr^r's con- 
 fecration either invalid or uncanonical, becaufe there were three other Bifhops who 
 joined in that confecration , befides Bifhop Barlow , which is the full number re- 
 quired by the Canons. But this objedion is mod: falfe , Bifhop Barlow was a con- 
 secrated Bifhop above Twenty years before the confecration of Archbifhop Parker. 
 They fhould have done well to have propofed this doubt in Bifhop Barlow's life- 
 time , and then they might have had the Teftimony of his Confecraters, under an 
 Archiepifcopalor EpifcopalSeal, for their fatisfadion i the Teftimony ofthcAr- 
 chiepifcopal Regifier , is a full proof of confecration affirmatively , but it is not a 
 full proof negatively ■■, fuch a Bifhops confecration is not recorded in this Regifkr , 
 therefore he was not confccrated. For firft , The negligence of an officer, or fome 
 crofs accident might hinder the recording. Secondly , Fire or Thieves , or fome 
 fuch cafuahy might dcltroy or purloin the Record. Thirdly , Though it be not 
 recorded in this Regifkr, it may be recorded in another, the Archbifliop may, 
 and Archbifhop Cranmer ufually did delegate , or give commiflion to three other 
 
 Bifhops
 
 Discourse V. Bifbops Vindicated. .-^ 
 
 . i — L __ 4/5 
 
 Bifliops fur confecration. And though the Work be ordinarily performed at Lam- 
 beth, becaufe of the place , where they may have three Bifhops always prefent with- 
 out any farther charge , yet they are not obliged by any Law to confecrate them 
 there. And if there be a fufficient number of Bifhops near the Cathedral which is 
 to be filled , or if the perfon who is to be confecrated do defire it , they may be 
 confecrated either in that , or any of their own Churches. The Bifhops of the 
 Province of T^rJ^, by reafon of the former convenience , are ufually confecrated at 
 Lambeth , yet I have known in my time , Bifliop Swerves of Carlile , confecrated 
 at Tor^ upon his own defire , by the Archbiihop of Torj^, and the Bifhops of Dur- 
 ham , Chefler and Man, A man might feek long enough for his confecration in the 
 Archbifhop of Canterbury''s Regifler, and mifs it , but it is to be found in the Re- 
 gilier at Tori{. So the omilljon of it in that Regifler , though it be no full proof 
 yet it is a probable proof that Bifhop Barlorc was not confecrated there, but it is no 
 proof at all that he was not confecrated elfewhcre. 
 
 And this I take to have been the cafe both of Bifhop Barlorv , and Bifhop Gardi- 
 iier : and although the effluxion of above an hundred years fince, hath rendred it 
 more difficult to rind where it was done, yet by the help of thofe Records which 
 are in the Court of Faculties , 1 fhould not defpair of finding it yet. 
 
 But there are fo many evident proofs that he was confecrated . that no ingenu- 
 ous perfon can have the face to deny it. The iirft reafon is , his acflual pofTefGon 
 of Four Bifhopricks one after another , St. Afafh , St. Davids, Bath and wells and 
 Chkhejier , in the Reigns of three Princes. They feign fomc pretenfes why Arch- 
 bifhop Fark^r was not Confecrated Canonically, becaufe there wanted a competent 
 number of Bifliops, though it were moft falfe : but what can they feign why Bi- 
 fhop Barlow was confecrated in Henry the Eighths time ? was Henry the Eighth 3 
 Baby to be jefted withal .? In Archbifhop Tark^s cafe, they fuppofe all the Bifhops 
 to have been ftark mad , to cai^ themfelves down headlong from a precipic e, when 
 they had a fair pair of flairs to defcend by : but in Bifhop Barlows cafe they fuppofe 
 all the world to have been afleep > except there had been fuch an Univcrfal fleep , 
 it had been impolliblefbr any man in thofe days to creep into a Bifhoprick in England 
 without Confecration. To fay he is adlually pofTefTed of a Bifhoprick therefore he 
 is Confecrated , is as clear a Demorifkation in the Englijh Law , as it is in nature to 
 fay the Sun fhineth , therefore it is day. 
 
 But it may objeftcd , that he held all thefe Bifhopricks as a commendatory, nor 
 in Title , as an Ufufruduary not as a true owner. It is impofhble , Ufufrudtua- 
 ries are not de^ed and confirmed , but Bifhop Barlow was both eleded and con- 
 firmed. The Conge d'EJlire to the Dean and Chapter , the Letters Pattents for his 
 confirmation, thecommifOon forthe teftitution of his Temporalities, do all prove 
 that he was no Ufufruduary but a right owner. This is a Second Reafon. 
 
 Thirdly, The fame Letters Patents that do authorife Bifhop Barlows confirma- 
 tion , did likewife command the Archbifhop withtheaffiftance of other Bifhops to 
 Confecrate him himlelf, cr to give a Commiflion to other Bifhops to Confecrate 
 him , which if they did not perform within a prefcribed time , or perform after a- 
 nuther manner than is prefcribed by the Law , it was not onely a lofs of their Bi- 
 fhopricks by the Law of England, but a Premunire or the lofs of all their Eftates , 
 their Liberties, and a cafUng themfelves out of the Kings Protedlion 25. Hen. 8. 
 c. 20. No men in their right wits would run fuch a Hazard , or rather evidently 
 ruin themfelves and all their hopes without any need , without any end in the 
 whole World. Fourthly , by the fame Law no man could be acknowledged a Bi- 
 fhop in England , but he who was Confecrated legally , by Three Bifhops with 
 the confent of the Metropolitan , but Bifhop Barlow was acknowledged to be a 
 true Bifhop ; the King received his homage for his Bifhoprick ■, The King comand- 
 ed him to be reflored to his Temporalities, which is never done until the Confe- 
 cration be paired. King Henry fent him into Scotland as his Ambaffadour with the 
 -Title of Bilhop of St. Davids ■■> and in his reftitutiou to the Temporalities of that 
 See , the King related that the Archbilhop had made him Bijhop and Fajlor of the Church 
 ef St. Divids. This could not be, if he had not been Confecrated. 
 
 Fourthly, He wjs admitted to fit in Parliament as a Confecrated Bifhop : for no 
 
 mart
 
 "^^5 Co nfecrathn of Protefiant TOME. 1 . 
 
 man can ik there as a Bifhop before he be Confecrated, it is plain by the Records 
 of the Houfc of the Lords, that he did fit in Parhament many times in the 3 1 of Hen- 
 rv the Eighth in his Epifcopal habit , as a Confecrated Bifhop ■■, and being neither 
 a Bifhop of one of the Five Principal Sees , nor a Privy Counfellour , he mull; fit 
 and did lit according to the time of his Confecration , between the Bilhops oi Chi- 
 chefier and St. Afapb. What a ftrange boldnefs is it to quertion his Confecration 
 now whom the whole Parliament , and his Confeerators among the reft , did 
 admit without fcruple then as a Confecrated Bidiop. 
 
 Sixthly , There is no Adt more proper or Effential to a Bi(hop than Ordination, 
 Woat doth a Bifliop that a Triejl doth not ( faith St. Hierom ) except Ordination^ But it 
 is evident by the Records of his own See, that Bilhop Barlovu did ordain Priefts and 
 Deacons from timc« to time , and by the Archbilhops Regifter that he joyned in E- 
 pifcopal Ordination , and was one of thofe three BilKops who impofed hands upon 
 
 Bifliop B^ci^O' ^ Fft. ip. 1541. 
 
 Seventhly , there is nothing that tryeth a Bidiops Title to his Church more than 
 the validity and invalidity of hisLcafes. If Bifliop Tiarlovo had been unconfecrated, 
 all the Leafes which he made in the See of St. Davids , and Bath and Wells , had 
 been void , and it had been the eafieft thing in the whole World for his Succeflbur 
 in thofe days , to prove whether he was Confecrated or not , but they never que- 
 ftionedhis Leafes, becaufe they could not queftion his Confecration. 
 
 Lallly an unconfecrated perfon hath neither AntecelTours nor SuccefTours , be 
 fucceedeth no man , no man fucceedeth him. If a grant of any hereditaments be 
 madeto him and his fucceflburs,it is.abfolutely void; not worth a deaf nutiifhe alien 
 any Lands belonging to his See from him and his SuccelTours, it is abfolutely void : 
 but BilhopBjr/ojp received thePriory of Brfclyioc^from the Crown,to him and hisSuc- 
 celTours Bilhops of St. Davids, and in King Edwards Reign being Bifliop oiBath and 
 JVells,he alienated from him and his SuccefTours to the Crown much Land,and recei- 
 ved back again from the Crown to him and his SuccefTours equivalent Lands. If he 
 had been unconfecrated, all thefe Ads had been utterly void. In fum , whofoever 
 dreameth now , that all the World were in a dead fleep then , for Twenty Years 
 together , whileft all thefe things were ading , is much more afleep himfelf! 
 
 To thefe undeniable proofs I might add as many more out of the Records of the 
 Chancery , if there needed any to prove him a Confecrated Bifhop. 
 
 As a grant to the faid Williatn Barlow Bifhop of St. Davids , to hold in Com- 
 mendam with the faid Bifhoprick the redory oiCaretf in the County of Tembrook^^ 
 Dated Odoh. tlie 29. Anno 38. Ben. 8. 
 
 A Commilfion tor Tranflation oilVi^iam Barlove Bidiop of St. Davids to the Bi- 
 fhoprick of B^t^and Weh^ Dated 3. feh.2. Edv.6. 
 
 A Commillion for the Confecration of Kobert Farrer to be Bifhop of St. Davids, 
 per tranfatignem WiHielmi Barlorv &c. Dated 3 Jul. Anno 2. Edit. 6. 
 
 A Commillion for the reftitution of the Temporalities of the faid Bifhoprick to 
 the faid Kobtrt Farrer , as being void per tranjlationem Willielmi Barlow. Dated i. 
 Augvijii Anno 2. Edv. 6. In all which Records , and many more i he is always 
 named as a true Confecrated Bifhop. 
 
 And Laftly , in Bifhop Goodroins book de prefulihui Angli£ pa. 663. of the Latin 
 Edition Printed at London Anno 1616. in his Catalogue of the Bifhops of St. Afaph 
 num. 3-7. he \^^^^ ^j^gfe vvords. CHlielmus Barlow Canonicorum Regularium apud 
 Bijham prior Confecratus ejl. Feb. 22. Anno i535i Aprili deinde fequente Meneviam tran- 
 flatus eji.VVilliam Barlow prior of the Canons Regulars at Bijham was confecrated the two 
 and twentieth Day of February in the yeav 1535, andin April Following was translated 
 to St. Davids. Which confirmed me in my former conjedure, that he was Confecra- 
 ted in Wales , which Bifhop Goodwin by reafon of his vicinity , had much more 
 reafon to know exadly than we have. 
 
 They fay Mr. Mafon acknowledged that Mr. Barlow was the man who Confecrated 
 Parker, becaufe Modgsk'ms the Suffragan nf Bedford was onely an afftftant in that a- 
 ^ion : and the afiftants in the Trote\\ant Church do not Confecrate. By the Fathers leave, 
 this is altogether untrue. Neither was Bifhop Barlow the onely man who Confe- 
 crated Archbifhop ?ar]i^r -, Neither was Bifhop Hodgskins a meer afliftant in fhata- 
 
 dionj
 
 Discourse V. Bifhops Vendicated. ^yy 
 
 dtion i Thirdly , Who foever do impofe hands are joynt Confecraters , with us as 
 well as them i Laftly , Mr. Mafon faith no fuch thing as they affirm , but dirediy 
 the contrary , that all the Four Bifhops were equally Confecraters , all impofed 
 hands, all joyned in the words , and this he proveth out of the Regilkr it felf , 
 L. 3. c, ^. n. %. & I: :^. c. 10. tt. p. 
 
 They objed: He might as rvell bn proved to have keen a Larvjul Husband, becaufi he 
 had a W'injn anddiverfe Children, as to have been a Confecrated BJJhop hecaafe he or- 
 dained and dijcharged all ads belonging tn the Order of a Bijhop, What was Bilhop 
 Barloivs Woman pertinent to his caufe. Are not Governants, and devotefles , be- 
 fides ordinary Maidfervants, Women ? All which Paftours not onely of their own 
 Communion , but of their own Society , are permitted to have in their houfes. 
 Let themfelves be Judges , whether a Woman a Wife , or a Woman a Govemant 
 or a devotefs, be more properly to be ranged under the name or notion of 
 a-uinnar^f , filch Women as were prohibited to cohabit with Clerks by the 
 Council of Nice. But to leave the Hypothefis and come to the T^hefis, as being 
 more pertinent to the prefent cafe. If a man have cohabited long with 
 a Woman as man and Wife in the General eflimation of the World, and 
 begot children upon her, and dies as her husband without any doubt or dif^ 
 pute during his life and long after, though all the witnefTes of their Marriage 
 were dead , and the Regifler loft , this there conjugal cohabitation and the com- 
 mon reputation of the World during his Life uncontrovertcd , is in Law a fuffici- 
 ent proof of the Marriage i but all the World nemine contradicer.te eikemed Billiop 
 Barlon? as the undoubted Bifhop and Spoufe of his Church. 
 
 They add , Kidley Hooper, Farrer tvere achnorvledged and obeyed as Bifhops in King 
 Edwards time , yet tvere judged by both the Spiritual and Icmparal Court not to have 
 been Confecrated. They millake, they were not judged not to have been Confecrated, 
 ( for their Confecrations are upon Record , ) but not to have been Confecrated rittt 
 Komano, after the Koman Form. And who gave this judgement? Their open ene- 
 mies , who made no fcruple to take away their Lives , whofe unjuft judgement 
 we- do not value a rufh : but Pattl the Fourth and Cardinal Pool, more authentick 
 judges of their own party , gave a later judgement to the contrary. 
 
 They ask, how it is poffible that Barlows Confecration jhottld not be found recorded 
 ( if ever it was , ) ar rvell at his preferment to the Priory o/Bifham , and Eledion and 
 Confirmation to the Bipoprick^of St. Afaph. I anfwer it is very eafie to conceive. I 
 have (liewed him fundry ways how it may be, and one probable way how it was. 
 Idefirethe Reader to obferve the extream partiality of thefe Fathers, they make 
 it impoliible for the Adls of One Confecration to be loft or ftollen, and yet accufe us 
 of forging fifteen Confecrations. It is eafier to fteal fifteen , than to Forge one Ad* 
 
 We have often asked a reafbn of them , why the Protefknts fhould decline their 
 own Confecrations/" They give us one, 7he truth U , that ^2T\ovf as mofi of the 
 Clergy in England in thofe times tvere Puritans, and inclined to Zuinglianifm , there- 
 fore they contemned and re]eUed Confecration as a rag of Rome, and were contented with 
 the extraordinary ca lling of God and the Spirit , as all other Churches are , who pretend 
 Reformation. It is well they premifed the truth is , otherwife there had not been 
 one word of truth in what they fay. Firft how do they know this ? It muit be 
 either by relation , but I am confident they can name no Author for it : or by re- 
 velation, but that they may not do: or it is C to fpeak fparingly ) their own imagi- 
 nation. It is a great boldnefs , to take the liberty to catt afperfions upon the Clergy 
 of a whole Nation. Secondly , How cometh Bifliop Barhrp , to be taxed of Puri- 
 tanifm ? we meet him a Prior and a Billiop , we find him in his Robes, in his Ro- 
 chet , in his Cope, Officiating, Ordaining, Confirming. He who made nofcruple 
 to Ordain and Confecrate others gratU , certainly did not forbear his own Confe- 
 cration with the apparent hazzard of the loCs of his Bifhoprick , out of fcruple of 
 Confcience. Thirdly , This afperfion is not well accommodated to the .times , 
 For firrt Zuinglianifm was but fhort heeled in thofe days , when Bilht)p Barlovo was 
 Confecrated, who fate in Parliament as a confecrated Bifhop 31. Hew. 8. and the 
 Firft Sermon that ever Zuingliuf Preached as a probationer , was in Zwvcl{, in the 
 year 15 10. that was in the 10. or 1 1. year of Henry the Eighth. It there were any 
 
 one
 
 47^ 
 
 'execration of Frotefiant T O M~l > 
 
 i;;;rZ«W/.« in thok daycs u^^n their grounds, it is moll Iikdy to l^ave Bern 
 BiOiop G>^iw , for his confecration doth not appear more than B:Ihop Bar- 
 
 "'fiLi't there is yet a greater miilake in iti it is the Anabaptiils who rrjffl Ordinati- 
 o„ and content themselves with the extraordinary caluig oj the Spirit , not the Zm>t- 
 
 lians. In the Writings oi ZtimgUus ^ we find a Letter of hirh , and Ten other of 
 fhe principal Helvetian Theologians, to the Bifliop of Cmjlance, befecching him in 
 all humility and obfervance , to favour and help jurrvard their beginmyigs'^ m an ex- 
 cellent tvork^, and rvorthy of a Bijhop : They implore his Clemency, wifedom, learning, 
 that he rvnuld be the frji fruits of the German Bifhopj : They befeech him by the com- 
 mon Chrtji, by that Fatherly affedion which he owes unto them , to look^ gracmtfly u^on 
 them &c. They court him to jhew himfelf a Father , and grant the reqtie{l of hit obe- 
 dient Sons. Zttinglius and the Zuhiglians liked Bifhops well enough , if he could 
 have had them. But the Bifhop of Conjiance of another Communion was their 
 
 Biftop. 
 
 Here , Meander-like, they make a winding from St. Afaph back again to Che.ip- 
 fidt , from Biihop Barlow'^ Confecration to Archbifliop Fark^r''s. They fay , that i/ 
 there had been any other confecration of Archbifhop Parker than that of the Nags-head , 
 ]ohn Stow would not concealif in his Annals , who is fo diligent infetting down all 
 that taffed in and about London , andprofffeth perfnal rejpeCi to him , he having related 
 the confecration of Cardinal Pole with fo many particulars. They add out of Doftor 
 Champney , that John Stow acknowledged to many perfons , that the ftory of the Nags- 
 head was true. Their ftory is very low , when they are forced to produce John 
 Stow , who fcarce knew what a confecration was. But what faith he in his Chro- 
 nicles ? Not a word, either of the feigned confecration at the Nags-head , or of the 
 true confecration at LiJwtfffc. But he told it to many perfons by word of mouth , that 
 the ftory of the Nags-head was very true. If he did, he lied notorioufly to many 
 perfons , but we acquit him of that calumny : let it rell upon them , who think 
 it a meritorious ac^ , to advance Religion by any means , true or falfe , we are too 
 well acquainted with their hearfay reports. They who dare wreft his printed 
 Works, ought not to be trufted what he fpake by word of mouth , to fome body, 
 whom no body knows. Their Authour faith to fome perfons , they fay to many per- 
 fons , thus this Snow-ball increafeth. John Stow is now dead, and dead men do 
 not bite j yet let us know to whom he (aid it ? Dr. Champney tells us , they are ti- 
 morous , and would net be named. Gcodreafon, for they have no names; fo John 
 Stow is a fiient witnefs, and they are namelefs witnefles. 
 
 So much for the man i now for the thing I give three Anfwersi Firft, ii John 
 Stow were a lover of the truth, he (hould rather have fet down the Nags-head or- 
 dination C if there was any fuch thing ) than the Lambeth ordination. Men would 
 fuppofe the Lambeth ordination of themfelves, where nothing is faid to the contra- 
 ry , it is prefumed for the Law : but the Nags-head confecration , had been fuch 
 a confecration, as never was before , never will follow after. 
 
 Secondly, Their Authours wreft John Stow abominably.. He was no profeft 
 Writer of Ecclcfiariical Annals. It is true , he mentioneth the confecration of Car- 
 dinal Fole , whether it was his refpedt to his eminence , as being a near Kinfman to 
 the Queen, a Cardinal, the Pope's Legate, and his grand Miniller , for the recon- 
 ciliation of England, or becaufe a toy took him in the head , but not with fb ma- 
 ny particulars as the Fathers intimate : all he faith is this, the 2 it/;, of March, T>r. 
 Cranmer Archbijhop of Canterbury was burnt at Oxford, the fame day Cardinal Pole 
 fang hts firft Mafs at Greenwich in the Fryars Church , on Sunday next he was confecra- 
 ted Atchhijhop of Canterbury f here was fpeedy work , ) and the 2%th. of March , 
 received the PaV with the ufual Ceremonies at Bowes Church in Cheap. Here is ano- 
 ther Nags-head mtttm^ v where he was confecrated , by whom , after what Form, 
 he leaveth the Reader to prcfume : but of all the other confecrations performed in 
 Queen Afdrif J- time, this diligent Authour mentioneth not fo much as one s of all 
 the confecrations in Queen Elizabeths time , I think not one i of all the confecra- 
 tions in England fince the Conqucl\ , not one^ or fo rarely , that they are not to 
 be taken notice of. If the Argument of thefe Fathers were of any value , John 
 
 Stow
 
 IDiscouRSE V. BiJ7:>ops Vindicated. Ajg 
 
 Stojv mentioneth not his confecration at Lambeth^ therefore he was not conlecrated 
 there , we never had a confecration in England^ iince the Conqueft , but Cardinal 
 pj/e's ■-, for he mentioneth none but that which I remember , I am fure if he men- 
 tion any , it is molt rarely. If the Fathers argument were good, Archbifhop ?ar- 
 ^fr was never eledcd, nor coniirmed, becaufe his eledion and confirmation are not 
 recorded by John Stow: but all our Records, civil as well as Ecclelialtical , do te- 
 ftifie the contrary. 
 
 Lallly, If the Fathers would lay afide their 'prejudice, there is enough in ^y^/j;;/ 
 Storp's Annals, to difcover the falfliood of their lying Fable of the confecration at 
 the Njgs-head. JSy their account , the Nags-head conlecration was September 7. An- 
 no I55p. but after this , in relating the folemn Obfequies kept in St. Pj«/'s Church 
 for the French King, John Storv calleth him, Dr. Tar]i^r Archbiflwp of Canterbury 
 eleCl , therefore the Nags-head confecration is a lying Fable •, if he was ftill Elecl 
 he was not then confecrated. But afterward fpeaking of his Death, May ij] 
 1575. which is the next time I find him mentioned , he ftileth him the right Reve- 
 rend Father in God, Mitthew Viikcr Vodor of Divinity , Archbifhop "/ Canterbury^ 
 Here is no more the word Ektt , for after confirmation and confecration, the word 
 Ele£i ceafeth , here he is compleat Archbiflwp of Canterbury. 
 
 They fay, they rvho make no confcience tofjlfjfie Scripture , trill f/rge Records ; and 
 hort> notorioHJIy the Englifh Clergy havefalfijied Scripture , is demnn\lrated by Gre-^ory 
 Martin. I hope none of us did ever atcempt to purge St. ^auVs Epiitles , becaufe 
 there were in them , ^£dam malefanantia , fome things that founded not tvell in the 
 point of Juliification. We defire good words , until they be able to prove their 
 allegation. Rather than be accounted falfifiers of Scripture , we- are contented to 
 rtand to the Vulgar Latin , in any controverfie between them and us. But who is 
 the man doth accufe us of fo many Falfifications ? one Gregory Martin, one of their 
 Fellows, whofe cenfure we do not weigh a button. This is a new inartificial 
 kind of arguing, from the authority of their own Writers. 
 
 Bat they ufe it much , fo it followeth in the next words , It is tvant of charity to 
 ihink^, that Stapleton , Harding, Briflovv, and the reft of the Englifh Catholick^'Do- 
 QoTs , Tcho didforfake aV at home for conjcience jakg , veould publijh to the world in print 
 the nuHity of Parker'/ Ordination , thereby engagingpofterity to commit fo many damna- 
 ble Sacriledges , in reordaining thofe who had been validly ordained already , without due 
 examination of the matter. This plea is much like that of the old Roman , that his 
 Adverfary did not receive the wound with his whole body, that he might have kil- 
 led him fairly. They would have us rather put up the lofs of our Holy orders ^ 
 than the skill of their Dodtors fhould be quelHoned. If Reordination be damnable 
 facriledge, the authority of your ovvn Doftors may be a fit medium to convince 
 your feives of Sacriledge, not us of the invalidity of our Ordination. I hope Ste- 
 phen the Sixth, and Sergiiis the Third, two Popes, were other manner of men 
 than your Englifli Dodtors, and did both pretend to examine the matter as duly 
 and to be as averfe from damnable Sacriledge as you , yet they decreed publickly , 
 and moft unjuftly , ("as you your feives do now confefs ) that all the Holy Orders 
 received from Formofiu were void , and compelled all thofe who had been ordain- 
 ed by him, to be reordained. Bell, de Rom. Pont. 1. 4. cap. 12. 
 
 Mr. Mii/iiw cited the Teftimony of a witnefs beyond all exception, Charles tow- 
 ard Earl of Nottingham , Lord High Admiral of England , who acknowled-^'ed 
 Archbifhop Tarker to be his Kinfman , and that he was an invited Gueft at -his con- 
 fecration at Lj>w&«/?. To this the Fathers reply, If this were true , it proves one Iv 
 that there was a good Dinner at Lambeth , which might well be , to conceal thejhameful 
 confecration at the Nags-head. It proves there was a good Confecration, as well as 
 a good Dinner , the vvords are , to honour his confecration , and the folemnity thereof 
 with his prefence. It had deen fomething uncivil , to encumber the Tavern with a 
 confecration , and not ftay at Dinner there. The Earl was invited to the confe- 
 cration at L.jw^f</j , therefore it was at Lambeth, the Earl was not at the Wjtj- 
 head-y Mr. Neale himfelf, who faw more than ever was adted, or fo much^as 
 thought of, did not fee that. Is it the cuflom when one is invited to a conlecrati- 
 on , to come after it is done to Dinner i or to invite a Nobleman to a confecration 
 
 G S g in
 
 "^ Con fecrationoffroteflant ^OMEI . 
 
 "hTonc place , and then be confecrated in another? This had been fo far from con- 
 cealing the fliamefulnefs of fuch a brainiick confecration, that it had been a ready 
 means to divulge it to all the world. 
 
 They add , befides , wf tnuft tak^ the Earls Friends xvord, for the Earls ^ejhmony , 
 and Mr. Mafo'nV word for hit namekfs friend. That is none of Mr. Mafon\ fault, 
 hixtMr.BiiIyrvoods, Mr. Conjhbles, Mr. Sacrobojcues , Dr. Cham^neys ^ Mr. F/iZ- 
 Jicrherts , Mr. Fiiz-Simons , who ftrft broached this odious Fable. Mr. Mafon pub- 
 lilTied this Relation to the world in Print, while the Earl was yet living, on pur- 
 pofe that they might enquire and fatistie themfelves i if they did not , they can 
 blame no body but themfelves ; if they did by themfelves or their Friends, ( as it is 
 moll likely they did } it is evident the anfwer did not content them , and fo we 
 never heard more of them fince. It had been the greateft folly in the world, to 
 alledge the Tellimony of fuch a Nobleman in his Life-time , contrary to his own 
 knowledge, which might have been difproved from his own authority , and fo 
 have eafily laid Mr. Mafon fiat upon his back. You may remember your own cafe 
 with the Bifhop of 'Durham ; but it was too true to be contradicted then , and too 
 late to be contradicted now. 
 
 They fay, they bring more than one vcitnefs of the Nags-head confecration. Pardon 
 me, you never produced one yet , and which is lefs than producing , you never lb 
 much as named a witnefs, whilrt he himfelf was living. In or about the year i(5c3. 
 you firft named Mr. Neale , and innocent John Stovp^ when they were both deadi 
 youmight as well have named the man in the Moon, as John Stove : onely I con- 
 fefs you named the Bishop of Durham in his life-time , and you fee what is the ifllie 
 of it i and if you had named the others in their life-times , you muli have expeded 
 alikeiffue, either the perpetual infamy of your witnefs, or the utter confufion of 
 your caufe. You (peak much of the learnings and virtue^ and judgment of your 
 hear-fay Witneffes , who h^erv how to dijiinguilh between an Epfcopal confecration , and 
 a banquet. I hope you do not mean , that the Earl of Nottingham did not know 
 how to dilHnguifh between a banquet and a confecration, if he did not, the High 
 Admiralfhip of England was ill committed to him s or that he had not as much re- 
 gard to his Iionour and confcience , as any of your Priefts. We meddle not with 
 their Learning and virtue , but we are no more obliged to take their Teihmonies 
 upon hearfay , than they would take our Tefhmonics. They have given an ac- 
 count to God , and know before this time whether they have done well or ill. 
 
 They proceed, "fhe Friejis and Jefuites^ to whom the Records were jhewed in King 
 James hvs time^ protejied againji them tK forged and improbable ^ of appeareth by the le- 
 jiimony of men yet living , whofe honefty cannot he called in quefiion. Father Fair- 
 cloth one of the imprifoned Jefuits , teftified fo much to many by word of mouth 
 mouth and in writing. Where is the Writing ? Where is the Proteftation ? Why are 
 they not produced ? Still here are no proofs but upon hearfay. One Eye-witnefs is 
 worth an hundred fuch , who can fwear to no more but that they heard it, and 
 God knows through how many Huckfters hands. I hope the Bilhop of Durham's 
 cafe will make them more wary for the future. 
 
 But they are angry with /owe Protejiants^ who endeavour to mak^ thU well-grounded 
 
 jiory a meer Fable , and thereby call many perfons of much more learning , virtue , and 
 
 prudence than themfelves ^ Fools or Knaves. We are plain Macedonians, who call a 
 
 Fable a Fable, without either welt or guards yea , fo notorious a Fable, that (but 
 
 that you tell us the contrary, ) we could not believe that any one of you did ever 
 
 give any credit to it your felves, any more than the Athenians did believe thofe 
 
 monftrous Fables of bulls and Minotaurs, which themfelves had raifed, becaufefome 
 
 of their eminent Citizens had devifed it or related it : but we call no men Fools or 
 
 Knaves, that language is too unmannerly for civil Writers. What new Topick is | 
 
 this , becaufe we cannot believe a man's relation or his judgment , do we ftraight- 
 
 way call him Fool or Knave > Excufe me , there are credulity , and prejudice , 
 
 andmifiakes, and pious frauds in the World, and none of thefe will willingly 
 
 wear the Livery ot Knaves or Fools* We are not of the fame mind with Pope 
 
 Stephen and Pope Sergitu , for the reordaining of thofe, who had been ordained by 
 
 Formofus , yet we do not call them Knaves or Fools, We cannot believe what you 
 
 your
 
 Discourse V. Bi/hopf Vindicated- 48 
 
 your felves have related of my Lord of Durham , yet we are not guilty of fuch ex- 
 travagant expreliions. 
 
 C H A P. X. 
 
 The Fathers ifif.fl too much upon the Authority of their own party ^ vohy Confecration is 
 not mentioned M KeiUtution ^ the exa&nefs of our Records jujiified. 
 
 IT fwcmcth to me , that the Fathers infift too much upon the honefty , and vir- 
 tue , and learning of their own party : In difpute with an Adverfary, virtue 
 U like rire, which preferveth it felf by being covered with afhes: but fpread abroad 
 by ortentation , it is quickly extinguillied i efpecially comparifons are odious , and 
 beget altercation. We fay, there is not a Hill fo high in Lincolnjhire ^ but there is 
 another within a mile as high as it : take you the reputation of learning and pru- 
 dence, fo you leave us the better caufe , and we (hall be able to defend it well 
 enough againft you. But the main defed in this part of your Difcourfc is this , 
 the Biihop of Cbakedon confefleth of Mr. Oldcorn , one of your Order, that he ac- 
 knowledged thcfe Records to be authentick, and the reft of the imprifbned Priefts , 
 who viewed the Records, are charged publickly in Print to have done the fame, 
 by Biihop Goodwin^ by Mr. Mafon--> every thing ought to be unloofed the fame 
 way it is bound. They were all Scholars and could write , if this charge were 
 not true , they ought to have publifhed a Proteftation to tlie world in Print to the 
 contrary , whileft their Adverfaries were living , whileft the Witnefles were living ; 
 but now after they , and their Adverfaries , and the WitnelTes are all {o long dead, 
 to talk of a verbal proteftation to fome of their Friends, upon hearfay , fignifieth 
 nothing. 
 
 Now we muft make another winding , and return to Bifhop Barlove : but I hold 
 to the clue , in hope at length to get out of this fiditious Labyrinth. Henry the 
 EightVs tftters Fatents , whereby Bijhop Barlow was injlalled in ( they would fay 
 reilored to^ the 7emporalities of his Bijhoprick^, make mention of his acceptation and 
 Confirmation ■■, but none of bis Confecration. why (hould this Lift be omitted , if he 
 were really Cojfecrated ? This objedion flieweth nothing, but the unskilfulnefs of 
 the Fathers in our Englifh cuftoms and forms. Let them compare all the reftituti- 
 ons of their friends fo their Temporalities in England , as Cardinal Pools , Bifliop 
 Cardtners and the reft, and they fhall find the Form the very fame with Bifhop Bar- 
 lorvs ■■, I hope they will not conclude thence that none of them were conlecrated 
 The reafon of the Form is very prudent in Reftitution to Temporalties i they take 
 no notice of any Ads that are purely Spiritual , as confecration is ; but one! y of 
 fuch Ads as are Temporal , as acceptation and- and confirmation. 
 
 But if he was reftored to his Temporalities not being Coufecrated, be misAit alfofit in 
 Tarliament without Confecration. The alTumption is underltood , but Bijhop Barlow 
 was rejhred to his Temporalities without Confecration ■■, which is molt falfe. From the 
 converfion of the Nation until this day , they are not able to produce one inftance, 
 of one Biftiop , who was duelyeleded, duely confirmed, and duely reftored to 
 his Temporalities by the Kings Mandate, without confecration , or did fit in Par- 
 liament without confecration. He muft fit in Parliament in his Epifcopal habiti but 
 that cannot be before confecration. It feemeth they think that Bifhops fit in Parlia- 
 ment , as Temporal Barons : but it is a great miftake , Bifiiops fate in the Great 
 Councils of the Kingdom, before the names of Parliament or Barons were heard 
 of in England. 
 
 They bring an argument from the exaHnefs of our Records , and that connexion 
 that is between Records of one Court and another. The firft tfiing necefTary to 
 obtain a Bifhoprick in England , is the Kings Conge djiire ; that appears in the Rolls. 
 Next , the adual Eledion ; that appears in the Records of the Dean and Chapter. 
 Thirdly , the Kings acceptation of the Eledion, and his commilfion to the Arch- 
 biOiop, or four Bifliops in the vacancy , to confirm the Elcdion , and Confecrate 
 the perfon Eleded and confirmed legally ; that appears in the Letters Patents enrol- 
 
 . G g g 2 led
 
 73^ 'CMecratm^ ^ T O M E 1 . 
 
 "kd" Fourthly the conhrimtion of the Eleftion before the Dean of the Arches, 
 but bv the Arcbiftops appointment , ( this is performed always in Bow Church, ex- 
 cept extraordinarily it be performed elfewhcrc by commilliori W this appears in 
 the Records of the Archbifliop. Fifthly, The confccration it felt by the Archbifhop 
 and other Bifliops, or other Bifliops without himby virtue oi his commiilion, this 
 appears in the Records of the Protonotary of the See of Canterbury. Lalily, The 
 rdtitution of the Temporalities v which appears in the Rolls, and his Enthroni- 
 fation in the Records of the Dean and Chapter. Every one of thefe takes another 
 by the hand, and he who willenjoy aBiflioprick in E>;;7/j«i , muft have them all. 
 The Chapter cannot eled without the Kings Conge d'EJltre. The King never grants 
 Letters Patents for confirmation and confecration , until he have a certificate of the 
 Dean and Chapters Eledion. The Dean of the Arches never confirms , until he 
 have the Kings commilfion. The Archbifliop never confecrates until the Eledion 
 be confirmed. And LalUy , The King never receiveth Homage for the Bifhoprick 
 orgiveththe Temporalities , nor the Dean and Chapter Enthrone , until after con- 
 fecration. He that hath any one of thefe Adts, mu(t ofnecellity have all that go 
 before it in this method ; and he that hath the laft hath them all. But this was 
 more than Mr. Neale , or whofoever was inventer of that filly Fable , did under- 
 fland , otherwife he would have framed a more pollible relation. 
 
 Hence they argue , the Records being fo exa£l , hon> is it poffible that no Copies of 
 Barlows Confecration do appear in any Court or Bijhoprick^nf England ? They mifiake 
 the matter wholy , the Confecration ought not to appear in any Court but one, 
 that is that Regiftry where he was Confecrated , which being not certainly known, 
 at fo great a diilance of time, is not fo eafily found, and I believe was never fought 
 for yet further than Lambeth. But all the other A(fts do appear in their proper 
 Courts i The Kings licenfe , the Dean and Chapters Eledion , the Kings Letters 
 Patents , the Confirmation of the Dean of the Arches , which all go before Confe- 
 cration: and his doing Homage , and thereftitutfon of him to his Temporalities , 
 and his Enthronifation , all which do follow the confecration, and are infallible 
 proofs in Law of the confecration: as likewife his fitting in Parliament, his Or- 
 daining of Priefts , his confecrating of Bifliops , his letting of Leafes , his receiv- 
 ing of hereditaments to him and his Succeffours , his exchanging of Lands i all 
 which are as irrefragable proofs of his Confecration , as any man hath to prove that 
 fuch perfons were his Parents , either Father or Mother. And when the right Re- 
 gilier is fought, which rnufl be by the help of the Court of faculties, I doubt not 
 but his Confecration will be found in the proper place, as all the refl are. 
 
 Mr. Mafon alledged , that Bifliop Gardiners Confecration was not to be found in 
 theRegiftcr of Lambeth^ any more than Bifliop Barlows : yet no man doubted of 
 his Ordination. They anfwcr Firfl: , That Mr. Mafon did not feck fo foliticioufly 
 or diligently for Bijhop Gardiners Confecration , as for Bijhop Barlows. Then why 
 do not they whom it doth concern I caufe more diligent fearch to be made ? with- 
 out finding the Records of Bifliop Gardiners Confecration , they cannot accufe Bi- 
 fliop Bar/on? of want of confecration , upon that oncly reafon. Secondly, They 
 anfwer, that if Gardiners Confecration, were as doubtful ^w Barlows ^««/ Parkers , 
 they would tak^ the fame advife they give us , to repair with Jpeed to fome other Church 
 of undoubted Ckr^y. Yes , where will they find a more undoubted Clergy > They 
 may go farther and fare worfc. Kome it k\( hath not more exad Records , nor a 
 more undoubted Succeffion, than the Chmdioi England. There is no reafon in 
 the World to doubt either of Archbifliop Tarkfrs Confecration , or Bifliop Gardi- 
 ners , or Bifliop Barlows. Neither doth his confecration concern us fo much , as 
 the Fathers imagin ; there were Three Confecraters ( which Is the Canonical num- 
 ber ) befides him. 
 
 It is high time for the Fathers to wind up , and draw to a conclufion of this Ar- 
 gument. That which followeth next is too high and can fcarcely be tolerated i to 
 accufe the pnblick Records and archives of the Kingdom , and to infimulate the 
 Primates and Metropolitans of Ew^/^jw^ of Forgery , upon no ground but their own 
 imagination. I doubt whether they durft offer it to a Widow Woman. As to the 
 imppjjfibility of Forging fo many Kegiflers, in cafe there be fo many , it is eafily anfwered, 
 
 that.
 
 D(.s COURSE V. Bijhopf Vindicated. .g. 
 
 ihai It is no more than that the Co>ifecraters and other perjons concerned , JJ^nuld have con- 
 jfired to give in afalfe Certificate , that the Confecration was performed rrith all due ce- 
 rettionies and rites ^ and thereby deceive the Courts or make them dijfer.ible. Should any 
 man accufe the General ot their Order , or one of their Provincials , or but the 
 Rcftor ot one of their Collcdges , of Forgery and counterfeiting the publick 
 Records of the Order i how would they ftorm , and thunder , and mingle Heaven 
 and n.aith together and cry out. No moderate or prttdent perfons can jujj>e£i that fuch 
 perjons (i;onld damn their Souls , that jo many pious learned Divines Jfnuld engage them- 
 felves a*^d their pojierity , in damnable Sacriledges , rvithout fear of damnation. If a 
 man will not believe every ridiculous Fable , which they tell byword of mouth 
 upun hearfay, they call perfons of more virtue , learnings and prudence than themfelves^ 
 Fools and Knaves : but they may inlimulate the principal Fathers of our Church, of 
 - certifying moli: pernicious lyes under their hands and ieals , not for a piece of bread, 
 which is a poor temptation , but for nothing, that is to make them both Fooli and 
 Knaves. Is not this blowing hot and cold with the fame breath ? or to have the 
 faith of cw Lord Jejuf Chrift with re^eCi of perfons > compare the political principles 
 of the Church of England with your own , and try if you can find any thing foper- 
 nicious to mankind and all humane fociety , in ours more than in yours. Com- 
 pare the cafe Theology of the Church of England , with your own , and try if you 
 can find any thing fo deftrudive to Morality , to truth , and Jultice, and conlci- 
 ence , as might lead us to perpetrate fuch crimes more than your felves. We are 
 not affraid of a parralel. You profefs great endeavours to make profely tes , we do 
 not condemn Zeal , yet wi(h you had more light with it: even in prudence , which 
 you your felves extoll, this is not your right courfe , to follow thofe birds, witji 
 noife and clamour, which you dcfireto catch. 
 
 In fum, your anfwer or folution is full of ignorant miftakes. It confoundeth 
 civil Rolls and Ecclefiaftical Regifters. It fuppofeth that our Records are but tran- 
 fcriptions , one out of another » whereas every Court Recprdeth its own A(£ts, 
 and keeps it felf within its own bounds. It taketh notice but of one Confecrater, 
 whereas we have always Three at the leaft , many times Five or Six. It quite for- 
 gctteth publick Notaries , which muft be prefent at every Confecration with us , 
 to draw up what is done hito Adtsv with us every one of the(e Notaries when he 
 is admitted to that charge, doth take a fblemn Oath upon his knees to difeharge 
 his Office faithfully , that is , not to make falfe certificates. Secondly, It is abfurd 
 and unfeafonable , to enquire how a thing came to pafs that never was ; you ought 
 Firlf to have proved , that our Records were Forged , and then it had been more 
 feafonable to have enquired modeftly , how it came to pafs. Thirdly it is incredible, 
 that perfons of fuch prudence and eminence , (hould make falfe certificates under 
 their hands and feals, to the utter ruin of themfelves and all that had a hand in it , 
 and no advantage to any perfon breathing. It is incredible that thofe Records 
 (hould be counterfeited in a corner , which were avowed publickly for authentick 
 by the whole Parliament o{ England in the Eighth year of Queen Elizabeth ■■> which 
 were publifhed to thf World in Print by the perfon moft concerned , as if he da- 
 red all the World to except againlf them: and yet no man oifered to except againft 
 them then. Fourthly , It is impolhble to give in a falfe certificate of a Confecra- 
 tion which was never performed in England, f efpecially at Lambeth ) before lefs 
 than Thoufands of eye-witnefTes : and that at Lambeth , in the face of the Court 
 and JFejiminlier-haV. Surely they think we Confecrate in clofets, or holes , or hay- 
 mows. They may even as well fay , that the publick Adls of our Parliaments arc 
 counterfeited , and the publick Ads of our Synods are counterfeited , and all our 
 publick monuments counterfeited. It is none of the honeftetl Pleas, Negarefa&um, 
 to deny fuch publick Ads as thefe. Fifthly , this anfwer is pernicious to mankind, 
 it is dehrudive to all focieties of men , that Bithops of fo great eminence, fhould 
 confpire with publick Notaries, to give in falfe certificates, in a matter of fuch 
 high confequence as Holy Orders are , without any temptation , without any hope 
 of advantage to themfelves or others. It affordeth a large feminary for Jealoufies 
 and fufpicions. It exterminat^th all credit and confidence out of the World , and 
 inlhudeth all men to truft nothing , but what they fee with their eyes. Laftly , 
 
 It
 
 ^8^ Confecratim of Proteftant T OME, f . 
 
 It is contradidory to themfclves , They have told us I know not how often, and 
 tell us aaain in this Paragraph , that ,/ //'^Nags-head Cw;/fcrj,,,« /;^^i,f;,/4,^,/,,_y 
 
 minht have couvinced it by a tbottfand ri^itnefes : Here ttiey make it an eaf,e thing, for 
 ihtonifi-craierf and other perfnts concerned , to con^ire together to give in afal^e Certifi- 
 ' thJt the Confa-Jtion rt'.M performed with all due Ceremomes and Kites, and therc- 
 
 cjte 
 
 bv deceive tiic Courts , or make them dijfemble. If the World will be deceived fo , it 
 is but rigiit and reafon that it be deceived ; to be deceived by a falfe Certificate , 
 that may be convinced by a thoufand Witneffes, is felf-deceit. 
 
 But they fiy, thi^ ^ """"^ fojftble and more probable, than that all the Clergy (houli 
 conJlire not to produce the jame Kegi\lers , when they were fo hardly preyed by their Ad- 
 verfaries. Thefe are but empty pretences, there was no prelling to produce Regi- 
 fters nor any thing objedcd that did dcferve the produdion of a Regifter. That 
 which was obieftcd againrt our Orders in thofe dayes , was about the Form of Or- 
 dination, publillied by E^w^r^i the Sixth, and the legality of our Ordination in 
 the time of Qneen Ehzabeth : the Nags-head ConCectztion was never objected in 
 thofe dayes. Befides , Regifters are publick enough themfelves , and need no pro- 
 dudion; and yet our Regifters were produced, produced by the Parliament 8. Eli- 
 zabeth, who cited them as authentick Records, produced and publiflied to the world 
 in Print, that was another produdlion. 
 
 They add , Or that fo many CathoUcl^s fhould have been fo foolifh to invent or miin- 
 tain the Story of the Nags-head , infuch a time , when if it had been falfe , they might 
 have been convinced by a thoufand tVitnefes. Fear them not, they were wifcr than to 
 publifli fuch a notorious Fable in thofe dayes i they might perchance whifper it in 
 Corners among themfelves, but the boldeft of them durll not maintain it, or ob- 
 jed it in Print , for fear of (hame and difgrace. It was folly to give any ear to it, 
 but it was knavery to invent it: and to do it after fuch a bungling manner, ( who- 
 foever was the Inventor ) was knavery and folly complicated together. 
 
 If the Fathers write a^ny more upon this (ubjed , I defire them to bring us no 
 more hearfiy Teftimonies of their own party , whatfoever elleem they may have 
 themfelves, of their judgment, and prudence, and impartiality. It is not the 
 manner of Polemick Writers , to urge the authority of their own Dodors to an 
 Adverfary , or alledge the modern pradice of their prefent Church. We have our 
 own (fhurch, and our own Dodors, as well as they. If we would pin our Faith 
 to the fleeves of their Writers, and fubmit to their judgments , and believe all their 
 reports , and let all things be as they would have it, we needed not to have any 
 more controverfie with them ; but we might well raife a worfe controverfie in our 
 felvcs with our own confciences. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 0/ our Forms of Epifcopal and Priejily Ordination , of Zuinglianifm , of Jrchbifhop 
 Laud , of Ceremomes. Our ajlurance of our Orders. 
 
 \7'\7^ have done with the Nags-head for the prefent > that which followeth 
 V V next doth better become Scholars , as having more (hew of truth and 
 reality in it. They objed , that in all the CathoUck^ Rituals , not onely of the Weft, 
 but of the Eaft , there m not one Form of confecrated Bijhops , that hath not the word Bi- 
 fhops in it , or fome other words exprtffing the particular authority and porper of a Bifhop 
 diftinUly. But in our Confecration , there is not one word to exprefs the difference and 
 power of Fpfcopacy. For thefe words Q receive the Holy Ghofl ^ are indifferent to Prieji- 
 hood and Epifcopacy , and ufed in both Ordinations. I anfwer , That the Form of E- 
 pifcopal Ordination , ufed at the fame time when hands are impofed , is the fame 
 both in their Form and ours , \_ Receive the Holy Choji. ] And if thefe words be 
 confidercd fingly in a divided fenfe from the reft of the Office , there is nothing ei- 
 ther in our Form or theirs , which doth dilHndly and reciprocally expreft Epifco- 
 pal power and authority. But if thefe words be confidered conjointly in a com- 
 pounded fenfe, there is enough to exprefs Epifcopal power and authority diftind- 
 ly , and as much in our Form as theirs. Firft ,
 
 Discourse V. Bi/hops Feudicated. 48 «; 
 
 Firil , Two Bifhops prefent the Bifhop Eled to the Archbifhop of the Province , 
 with thefe words i M^l Reverend Father in Chriji ^ we prefent to you this godly and 
 learned man to be confecrated Bijhnp. There is one expreliion. 
 
 Then the Archbifliop caufeth the Kings Letters Patents to be produced and read, 
 which require the Archbifliop to confccrate him a Bifliop. There is a fecond ex- 
 prelhon. 
 
 Thirdly , The new Bifhop takes his Oath of Canonical obedience. I A. B. ek- 
 ikd Bifhop of the Church and See of C. doprofefs andpromife all reverence and due obe- 
 dience to the Archbijhop and Metropolitical Church ofD. and his Succejiours. So God help 
 wf, &c. This is a third expreliion. 
 
 Next , The Archbifliop exhorts the whole Aflembly to folemn Prayer for this 
 perfon thus eleded and prefented , before they admit him to that Office ( that is , 
 the Office of a Bifliop, ) whereunto they hope he is called by the Holy Gholi , af- 
 ter the example of Chrift before he did chufc his Apoltles , and the Church 
 of Antioch , before they laid hands upon Taul and Barnabof. This is a fourth ex- 
 preliion. 
 
 Then followeth the Litany , wherein there is this exprefs Petition for the perfon 
 to be ordained Bifliop •, JVe befeech thee to give thy blejjing and grace to this our Brother 
 eleded Bijhop , that he may difcharge that Office rvhereunto he is called diligently , to the 
 edification of thy Church. To which all the Congregation anfwer , Hear us Lord 
 ree befeech thee. Here is a fifth expreliion. 
 
 Then followeth this Prayer , wherewith the Litany is concluded. Almighty God, 
 the Giver of all good things , which by thy Holy Spirit haji conftituted divers Orders of 
 Minijiers in thy Church , vouchfafe we bejeech thee to loo\ ffacioufly upon this thy Ser- 
 vant , now called to the Office of a Bijhop. This is a fixth expreihon. 
 
 Next, The Archbifliop telleth liim he rauft examine him , before he admit him 
 to that Adminiflration whereunto he is called, and maketh a folemn Prayer for 
 him 5 that Cod who bath conftituted fame Prophets , fame Apoftles, See. to the edification 
 of his Church, would grant to this his Servant the grace toufe the Authority committed 
 to him, to edification not dejhuUion , to dijlribute food in due feafon to the Family of 
 Chriji , ai becometh a faithful and prudtnt Steward. This authority can be no other 
 than Epilcopal authority j nor this Stewardfliip any other thing than Epilcopacy. 
 This is a feventh expreliion. 
 
 Then followeth Impofition of Hands , by the Archbifliop and all the Bifliops 
 prelent , with thefe words, Receive the Holy Choll,8cc. AndLaftly, The traditi- 
 on of the Bible into his hands , exhorting him to behave himfelf towards the Flock^ of 
 Chriji, as aPaJiour, not devouring but feeding the F lock^ All this implieth Epilcopal 
 authority. They may except againd Chrilt's own Form cf ordaining his Apoftles 
 if they will , and againft the Form uled by their own Church: but if they be fuffi- 
 cient Forms, our Form is fufficient. This was the fame Form which was ufed in 
 Edward the Sixth's time, and we have {een how Cardinal Po/f ,and PjuI the Fourth, 
 confirmed all without exception, that were ordained according to this Form j fo 
 they would reunite themfelves to the Ro«;a«-Catholick Church. 
 
 They bring the very fame Objetllion againfl our PriclUy Ordination v "the Form or 
 words whereby men are made Priejis, mufi exprejs authority and power to confecrate , 
 or make prefent Chriji's Body and Blood , ( whether with or without Tranfubjiantiation , 
 is not the prefent controverfie with Protejiants. ) Thus far we accord , to the truth of 
 the prelence of Chrift's Body and Blood i fo they leave us this latitude for the man- 
 ner of his prelence. Abate us Tranfubflantiation , and thofe things which are con- 
 fequcnts of their determination of the manner of prefence , and we have no diffe- 
 rence with them in this particular. They who are ordained Priefls, ought to have 
 power to confecrate the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Chrill,that is, to make 
 them prefent after fuch manner as they were prefent at the firfl Inllitution, whether 
 it be done by enunciation of the words of Chrift , as it is obferved in the Weftem 
 Church i or by Prayer , as it is pradifcd in the Eajlern Church ■, or whether thefe 
 two be both the fame thing in etfed, that is, that the Forms of the Sacraments be 
 myftical Prayers, and implicite Invocations. Our Church for more abundant cau- 
 tion ufeth both Foums , as well in the Confecration of the Sacrament , as in the 
 
 ordi-
 
 4^6 
 
 Confccration of Froteflant TOME K 
 
 :;7dmation of Priclts. In tlie H^Euduna , our Confccration is a repetition of 
 tlut wliich was done by CJui/t, and now done by him that confecrateth jn the per- 
 fon of Chri/l ; othcrwife the Priell could not lay, 7bis ts my body. And likewife m 
 Epifcopal confccration, Rmo imfonit manui ^ Veus largitur gratiam , Sacerdos ,mpo- 
 nit fupplicem dexter jm , Vtus benedicit potente dextera : Man impofeth hands , Cod con- 
 f'rrith m-ace , the Bipop impofeth his fuppliant right hand, God blejjeth with his almigh- 
 ty rtaht hand. In both confecrations Chrift hinnfelf is the chief Confecrater liill , 
 then if power of Confccration be nothing elfe but power to do that which Chrift 
 did and ordained to be done , our Prierts want not power to confecrate. They 
 add', h all Forms of ordaining Friejis , that ever tvere ujed in the Eaftern or Weftern 
 Church , is expnfly fet donrn the rvord Trieil^ or fame other vpords expreffing the proper 
 FunBion and authority of Priejibood, dec. 7he Grecians ufing the word Prieji or Bijhop 
 in their Forms, do jufficiently exprefs the refiedive power of every Order t but our Re- 
 formers did not put into the Form of ordaining Friejis, any vpords exprefftng authority to 
 make Chriji's Body prefent. I anfwer , that if by Forms of ordaining Prices , they 
 underlhnd that Eltential form of words , which is ufed at the fame inftant of time 
 whileft hands are impofed, I deny that in all Forms of Prieftly ordination, the word 
 Prieft is fet down either expredy or equivalently. It is fet down exprefly in the 
 Eajiern Church, it is not fet down exprefly in the JFeJkrn Church. Both the Eafi- 
 ern and Wejiem Forms are lawful, but the iVtjlern cometh nearer to the Inftitution 
 of Chrili 
 
 . But if by Forms of ordaining they underfiand Ordinals or Rituals , or the intire 
 Form of ordaining : both our Church and their Church have not onely equivalent 
 expreflions of Prieftly power , but even the exprefs word Triejl it fcif , which is 
 fuliicient both to diredl , and to exprefs the intention of the Confecrater. Under 
 that name the Archdeacon prefenteth them, "Right Reverend Father in Chriji , Ipre- 
 ftnt unto you thefe perfons here prefent , to be admitted to the Order ofFriejihood. Under 
 that name the Eifliop admitteth them , vpell beloved Brethren , thefe are they whom we 
 purpofe by the Grace of Cod thU day to admit \_ cooptare ~\ into the Holy Ofpct of Prieft' 
 hood. Under this name the whole affembly prayeth for them , Almighty God, vou- 
 chafe we hefeech thee to looj^gracioufy upon thefe thy Servants , which this day are called 
 to the Office of Friefihood. It were to be wiflied, that writers of controveriles would 
 make more ufe of their own eyes , and truft lefs other mens citations. 
 
 Secondly , I anfwer , that it is not neceflary , that the Effential forms of Sacra- 
 ments Ihould be always fo very exprefs and determinate , that the words are not 
 capable of extenfion to any ether matter, if they be as determinate and expreft , 
 as the example and prefcription of Chrift , it is fufficient. The Form of Baptifm 
 is, I Baptife thee in the name of the Father , and of the Son , and of the Holy Chofi : 
 Not I Baptile thee to Regeneration , or for RemiJJtou of Sins. There are many other 
 kinds of Baptifms or wafliings , befides this Sacramental Baptifm : yet this Form 
 is as large as the inftitution of Chrift. And thefe general words are efficacious both 
 to regeneration and remiltion of fins , as well as if regeneration and remillion of 
 Cns had been exprefly mentioned. In this Form of Baptifm , there is enough an- 
 tecedent to direft and regulate both the adlions and intentions of the Minifter ; So 
 there is likewife in our Form of Ordination. 
 
 Thirdly , I anfwer , that in our very Effential Form of Prieftly Ordination , 
 Prieflly power and authority is fufficiently expreffed i we need not feek for a needle 
 in a bottle of hay. The words of our ordinal are clear enough. Firft , Receive the 
 Holy Ghci(l, ( that is the Grace of the Holy Ghoft) to exercife and difcharge the Office 
 of Friejihood, to which thou haft been now prefented , to which thou haji been now accept- 
 ed , and for which we have prayed to Cod, that in it thou mayejl difcharge thy duty faith- 
 fully and acceptably. 
 
 Secondly , in thefe words , whcfefws thou dojl remit they are remitted, that is not 
 onely by Prieftly abfolution , but by Preaching , by Baptifing, by adminif^ring the 
 holy Eucharift , which is a means to apply the alfufficient Sacrifice of Chrift , for 
 the remillion of Sins. He who authorifeth a man to accomplifli a work, doth au- 
 thorife him to ufe all means which tend to the accomplifliment thereof. 
 
 That which is objected, thzt Laymen have power to remit fins by Baptifm, hut 
 
 MO
 
 Discourse V. hi/hop f Vindicated. ^3^ 
 
 no f Offer to Conjecrate ^ ivgmhcih. nothing as to this point. For firll , Their own f'^"-''^ Sam 
 Doctors do acknowledg , that a Laymancannot B^ptife [olemnly ^ nor in the prefence ^ '''"' ^" '* 
 <;/ a Prieji or a Deacon , nor in their abfence , except onely in cafe of ueceffity. St. Au- 
 ftin gives the reafojt , becaufe no man may invade another mans Office. Laymen may , 
 and are bound to inlku(fl others in cafe of necelhty : yet the office of Preaching and 
 inllru(Sing others is conferred by Ordination. The ordinary Office of remitting 
 fins , both by Baptifm and by the Holy Eucharill , doth belong to Bifliops , and 
 under them to Priefts. 
 
 Thirdly, this Prieftly power to confecrate is contained in thefe words , Be thou 
 a faithful dijfenfer of the rvord of God , and Sacraments. And afterwards , when the 
 Bilhop delivers the Holy Bible into the hands of tho(e who are ordained Prie/ts , 
 have tbffu authority to Preach the word of God , and Adminijhr the Sacraments. We 
 do not deny , but Deacons have been admitted to diitributc and Miniikr the Sa- 
 craments, by the command or permilfion of Priefts, or as fubfervient unto them : 
 but there is as much difference between a fnblervient diftribution of the Sacrament, 
 and the dijfenfing or Adminijiring of it , as there is between the Office of a Porter 
 whodiftributeth thealmsat the gate, and the Office of the Steward who is the 
 proper difpenfer of it. Look to it Gentlemen > It your own Ordination be valid , 
 ours is as valid , and more pure. 
 
 They make the cauft of thefe defedls in our Form of Ordination, to be, becaulc 
 Zuinglianifin and Puritamfm did prevail in the Englilh Church in th:fe days. They be- 
 lieved not the real prefence : therefore they put no word in their form expreffitfg firmer to 
 confecrate. They held E^ijcopacy and Priejihood to be one and the fame thing : "Therefore 
 they put not in one wordexprejjing the Epifcopal FunUion. This is called le'^.ping over 
 the iVile before a man comes at it , to devife reafons of that which never was. Firft 
 prove our defedls , if you can : and then find out as many reafons of them as you 
 lift. But to fay the truth i the caule and the etfed are well coupled together. The 
 caufe , that is the Zuinglianifm of our predece0burs . never had any real exiftence 
 in the nature of things, but onely in thefe mens imaginations : So the defecfts of our 
 ordinals are not real but imaginary. Herein the Fathers adventured too far, to tell 
 us that we have nothing in our Forms of Ordaining , to exprefs either the Prieftly 
 or Epifcopal fundion : when every child that is able to read can tell them, that we 
 have the exprefs words of Bifliops and Priei^s in our Forms , over and over again , 
 and maintain to all the World that the Three Orders of Bijhops , Priejis , and 
 T>eacnnr , have been ever from the beginning in the Church of Chrijl. 
 
 This they fay is the true reafon , why Parker and his Colleagues were contented with 
 the N^gs-hezd Confecration , (that is to fay, one brainfick whimfie is the reafon of '" f '*/""''""• 
 another: ) and why others recurred to extraordinary vocation in ^teen Elizabeths time. 
 Say what others > name one genuine Son of the Church of England if you can? Dr» 
 Whitakers, and Dr. Fk%, who are the onely two men mentioned by you , are both 
 profefTedly againit you. Dr. If^ntak^rs faith we do not condemn all the Order ofBifiops, 
 as he faljly (landers us^ hut onely the falfe Bijhops of the Church 0/ Rome. And Dr. 
 Fulk^^for Or da and feemly Government among the Clergy ^ there was always one principal^ Di Ecclef.ctn. 
 to whom the name ofBifltop or fuperintendent hath been applied^which rocw Titus exercifed 2. 9. <.c. g. 
 in Crete, Timothy in Ephefus, others in other places. Adding, that the Ordination, or '" Titumci'. 
 Confecration , by imposition of hands , was always principally committed to him. 
 
 The Fathers proceed , Jf Mr. Lawd had found fuccefs in bis firjl attempts, it is ve- 
 ry credible, he would in time have reformed the Form of the EngVifh Ordination. That 
 pious and learned Prelate wanted not other degrees in Church and Schools, which 
 they omit. He was a great lover of peace , but too judicious to dance after their 
 pipe , too much verfed in antiquity to admit their new matter and form , or to at- 
 tempt to corredt the Magnificat for fatisfaftion of their humours. But whence had 
 they this credible relation •■ We are very confident , they have neither Author 
 nor ground for it , but their own imagination. And if it be fo , what excu(e 
 they have for it in their cafe Divinity, they know befl: but in ours we could not ex- 
 cufc it from down right calumny. 
 
 They have fuch an eye at our order and uniformity, that they cannot let our long 
 Chakj '^nd Swpkffes alone. We never had any fuch animolities among us about 
 
 H h h our
 
 -pg ~~Cmfec ration of Troteftant T OME- I . 
 
 oL.r rinaks as fome of their Religious Orders have had about their Gowns ; both 
 foi the colour of them, whether they (hould be black, or white, or Gray, or the 
 natural colour of the Sheepi and for the faOiion of them, whether they fliould be long 
 or fliort &c in fo much as two Popes fuccellively could not determin it. 
 
 If Mr. Mafon did commend the wifdom of the Englijh Church , for paring away 
 fuperfluous ceremonies in Ordination , he did well. Ceremonies are advancements 
 ot Order , decency , modefty , and gravity in the Service of God, exprcllions of 
 thofe Heavenly dcfires and difpofitions, which we ought to bring along with us , 
 to God's Houfe, Adjuments of attention and Devotion, furtherances of edification' 
 vifible inllruders, helps of memory, excercifes of faith , the (hell that preferves 
 the Kernel of Religion from contempt , the leaves that defend the blofToms and the 
 fruit i but if they grow over thick and rank, they hinder the fruit from coming 
 to maturity, and then the Gardiner plucks them off. There is great difference be- 
 tween the hearty expreliions of a faithful Friend , and the mimical geflures of a 
 fawning flatterer: between the-unafTeded comelinefs of a grave matron , and the 
 phantaiHcal paintings-, and patchings , and powderings , of a garifh curtefan. 
 
 When ceremonies become birirthenfome by exceffive fuperfluity, or unlawfulce- 
 remonies are obtruded , or the fubftance of Divine Worfhip is placed in circum- 
 llances : or the fervice of God is more refpeded for human ornaments than for the 
 Divine Ordinance i it is high time to pare away excefTes , and reduce things to the 
 ancient mean. 
 
 Thefe Fathers are quite out , where they make it lawful at fomctimes to add , 
 but never to pare away: yet we have pared away nothing, which is cither prefcribed 
 orpradifed by the true Catholick Church. If our Anceftours have pared away any 
 fuch things out of any miftake, ( which we do not believe , ) let it be made appear 
 evidently to us, and we are more ready to welcome it again at theforedoor , than 
 eur Anceftours were to cafl it out at the backdoor. 
 
 Enare poJJUmus, hxretici ejfe nolumus. 
 
 To conclude, as an impetuous wind doth not blow down thofe trees which are 
 wellradicated,but caufeth them to fpread their roots more firmly in the carthrfo thefe 
 concuifions of our Adverfaries, do confirm us in the undoubted afTurance of the 
 truth, and validity, and legality of our Holy Orders. We have no more reafon to 
 doubt of the truth of our Orders , becaufe of the different judgement of an hand- 
 ful of our partial Countrey-men , and fome few forreign Dodors mifinformed by 
 them , than they themfelves have to doubt of the truth of their Orders who were 
 ordained by Formofnf^ becaufe two Popes Stephen and Sergius one after another , out 
 out of pallion and prejudice, declared them to be void and invalid. 
 
 But fuppofing that which we can never grant, without betraying both our felves 
 and the truth , that there were fome remote probabilities , that might occafion fu- 
 fpicion in fome perfons prepofTefTed with prejudice, of the legality of our Orders; 
 yet for any man upon fuch pretended uncertainties, to leave the Communion of that 
 Church wherein he was Baptifed , which gave him his ChrifHan being, and to Apo- 
 ftate to them, where he (hall meet with much greater grounds of fear , both of 
 Schifna and Idolatry , were to plunge himfelf in a certain crime , for fear of an 
 uncertain danger. 
 
 Here the Fathers make a brief repetition of whatfoever they have faid before in 
 this difcourfe, ( either out of diftrufl of the Readers memory , or confidence ot 
 their own atchievements , ) of the Nags-head , and Mr. Neale, and the Proteftant 
 writers , andEifhop Bancroft, and Bifhop Morton , and the other Bifliops that fat 
 with him the lal^ Parliament , ( which being the onely thing alledged by them in 
 the Authors life time , and proved fo undeniably to be falfe , is enough to con- 
 demn all the reft of their hearfay reports , for groundlefs Fables ) of our Regifkrs, 
 of King Edwards Eifhops , of Bifhop Barlorv, and of the form of our Ordination", 
 direding him who will clear all thofe doubts, v;hat he hath to do , as if we were 
 . their Journymcn. Let them not trouble themfelves about that, they are cleared to 
 the leait grain. 
 
 But
 
 DiseouRSE V^ Btjhops Vindicated' 
 
 But if they will receive advifc for advife , and purfue a prudential courfe which 
 they prefcribe to others i if they regard the prefent face of the skie, and look well 
 to their own interell: , and the prefent conjundlure of their affairs : they have more 
 need and are more engaged in reputation to defend themfelves, than to oppugn o- 
 thers. 
 
 So they conclude their difcourfe with this (hort corollary , Hjto mfortmately rpos 
 Charles the firjl late King of England , mifinformed in matter ofhk Btjhops and Chr^y? 
 what fmqk could he have had ^ tfhe had kftorvn the tiifth , to give way to the Far Ua- 
 ment , to pnV dorvn Parliament Bijhops , who were fo far from being de jure divino , that 
 they were not fo much as dc jure Ecclefiaftico ? We thank yoK Gentlemen for your 
 good will , the Orthodox Clergy of England are your fear. And you know what 
 commonly folio weth after fear , hate, oderuntquos metuunt. What pittyit is that 
 you were not of King Charles his Council , to have advifed him better > yet we 
 obferve few Princes thrive worfe , than where you pretend to be great minifters. If 
 you had counfelled him upon this fubjedt, perhaps you might have found him too 
 hard for you ■■, as another did whofe heart he burft with down right reafon. If e- 
 ver that innocent King had a finger in the bloud of any of that party, that was it, 
 to choakaman with reafon: but certainly that wife Prince would not have much 
 regarded your pofitive conclufions , upon hearfay premifes. 
 
 We hold our Benefices by human right , our Offices of Priefts and Bifhops both 
 by divine right and human right. But put the cafe we did hold our Biftiopricks 
 onely by human right , Is it one of your cafes of Confcience , that a Sovereign 
 Prince may jultly take away from his Subjeds any thing which they hold by 
 human right > If one man take from another that which he holds juftly by the Law 
 of man , he is a thief and a robber by the Law of God. Let us alter the cafe a 
 little, from our Bifhopricks to their Colledges or their treafures; If any man fliould 
 attempt to take them from them , upon this ground because they held them but 
 by human right , they would quickly cry out with Floiden , the cafe is altered. Be 
 our right Divine, or human, or both, if we be not able to defend it againftany 
 thing the Fathers can bring againft it, we deferve to lofe it. 
 
 DIS-
 
 T O IVI E 1 I. 
 
 DISCOURSE I. 
 
 A 
 
 FA IR WARNING 
 
 To take heed of the 
 
 Scotifli Difcipline, 
 
 As being of all others moft injurious to the Civil Magiftrate, 
 moft oppreflive to the SubjeS, moft pernicious to both- 
 
 By JOHN BRAMHALL D» D. Lord Bifliop 
 
 of Lottdofjdenyt 
 
 LUKE ix. 35. 
 
 No man having drunks old pcme, firaighttfay defireih new-, for he faith , the old it 
 better. 
 
 H O S E A ii. 7. 
 
 J will goe and return to my firji Husband , fir then neat it better Vfith me than 
 
 mm. 
 
 D V B LIN, 
 Printed AnnoDom. M. DC. LXX. V,
 
 492 
 
 
 THE 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CHAPTERS. 
 
 G H A P. I. 
 
 ^T^ H E Oecafthn andftibjeS of this Treatife. Page 493 
 
 X C H A P. II. 
 
 ihat this new Difcipline doth utterly overthrow the Rights of Magifirates^ 
 to convocate Synods, to confirm their Ads^ to order Ecclefajiical affairs, 
 and reform the Church within their Dominions. Page 494 
 
 G H A P. 1 1 1. 
 that this Difcfpline robs the Hagifirate of the lajl /Appeals of his fubje&s. 
 
 page 499 
 
 G H A P* I V. 
 
 ihat it exempts the Minifiers from dnepunipment. Page 500 
 
 C H A P. V. 
 ihat itfnbje&s the fupr erne JUagiftrate to their cenfnresj &c. page 501 
 
 C W A P. VI. 
 That it robs the Magijirate of his dijpenfative power. Tage 502 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 7hat the Difcipl'iHarians cheat the Magiflrate of his civil power in order to 
 Religion. P;^ge 505 
 
 CHAP. VI IT. 
 ihat the Difciplinarians challenge this exorbitant power by Divine Right* 
 
 Page 506 
 
 G H A P- IX. 
 ihat this Difcipline makes a monjier of the Commonwealth. page 507 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 ihat this Vifcipline is moji prejudicial to the Parliament- Page 508 
 
 G H A P. XL 
 ihat this nfiipline is oppreJJJve to particular perfons. Page 509 
 
 GAAP. XII. 
 ihat this Tifcipline is hurtful to all orders of men* ^'age 5 1 1 
 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 Ihat the Covenant to introduce this Tifcipline if void and wicked'-) with a 
 fiiert Couclufton. 1 age 5 1 2 
 
 D I S-
 
 495 
 
 DISCOURS 
 
 TOME II. 
 
 » 
 
 A 
 
 FAIR WARNING 
 
 To take heed of the 
 
 SCOTISH DISCIPLINE. 
 
 As being of all others moft injurious to the Givil Magiftrate , moft op- 
 preffive to the Subjeft, moft pernicious to both. 
 
 CHAP, h 
 
 The Occasion and SubjeCi of this Treatife. 
 
 F the Difciplinarians in Scotland could reft contented to dote upon 
 their own inventions, and magniiie at home that Diana which 
 themfelves have canonifed, I fhould leave them to the beft School- ■ 
 mittrefs, that is, experience, to feel where their (hoe wrings them, 
 and to purchafe repentance. What have I to do with the regula- 
 tion of Forreign Churches to burn mine own Fingers with fnuffing 
 other mens candles? Let them ftand or fall to their own Ma- 
 ikr ; it is charity to Judge well of others , and piety to look well to our felves. 
 
 But to fee thofe very men who plead fo vehemently againft all kinds of Tyranny, 
 attempt to obtrude their own dreams not onely upon their fellow-fubjcds, but up- 
 on their Sovereign himfelf , contrary to the didates of his own confcience , contra- 
 ry to all Laws of God and Man, yea to compel Forreign Churches to dance after 
 their pipe, to worlhip that counterfeit Image which they feign to iiave falbi, down 
 from Jupiter , and by force of Arms to turn their Neighbours out of a poiredioa 
 of 1400. years, to make room for their Trojan horfe of Ecclefiaitical Difciphne , 
 ( a pradice never jultified in the world but either by the Turk or by the Pope ) 
 this puts us upon the defenfive part: they mult not think that other men 
 are fo cowed or grown fo tame, as to rtand itill blowing of their nofes, whilft 
 they bridle them and ride them at their pleafure. It is time to let the world fee 
 that this difciplinc which they fo much adore , is the very quinteflence of refined 
 Popery , or a greater Tyranny than ever Rome brought forth, inconlillent with all 
 forms of civil Government , dcltrudive to all forts of policy , a rack to the con- 
 fcience , the heaviefl: prefTure that can fall upon a people , and fo much more dan- 
 gerous, becaufe by the fpecious pretence of Divine inftitution, it takes away the li^ht, 
 but not the burthen of flavery. Have patience Reader , and I fliall difcover uiito' 
 thee mure pride and arrogancie through the holes of a thred-bare coat, than was 
 ever found under a Cardinals cap or a triple Crown. All this I undertake to de- 
 monilrate, not by fome extraordinary pradifes juftified onely by the pretence of in- 
 vincible necellity , ( a weak patrociny for General Dodrine , ) nor by the lin-^'lc o- 
 pinioas of fome capricious tellows , but by their books of Difciplinc , by the Ads 
 
 111 2 of
 
 494 
 
 Fair Warning TOMEIT 
 
 ^their General andprovincial AfTemblies, by the concurrent votes and writings of 
 
 '''ffn^rSiauhcy'will fuggeft that" through their fides I feek to wound Forreign 
 rhnrchcs No , there is nothing which I fhall convift them of here , but I hope 
 w 1 bedifavowed, though not by air Proteftant authours, yet by all theProtcf>ant 
 Churches in the world. But I mull take leave to demand of our Difciplinariaas , 
 who it is tlicy brand with the odious nan:ie of Erajiiatts , in the Ads of their Parlia- 
 
 ie'iy"' ments and Affemblies , and in the Writings of their Connmidioners , and reckon 
 them with Papifts, Anabaptilts, and Independents: is it thofc Churches who dif- 
 
 Declar- Pari. 3^^ their Presbyteries of the Sword of Excommunication which they are not able 
 
 i6-t8, &c. ^^ ^jgjj ) fo did ErajiM : or is it thofe who attribute a much greater power to the 
 Chrillian Magillrate in the managery of EccletialHcal affairs than themfelves > So 
 did Erajlus , and fo do all Proteftant Churches. The Difciplinariajis will fooner en- 
 dure a Bifhop or a Superintendent to govern them , than the Civil MagiHrace. And 
 when the Magiftrate (hall be rightly informed what a dangerous edg'd- tool (heir Di- 
 fcipline is , he will ten times fooner admit of a moderate Epifcopacy , than fall in- 
 to the hands of fuch Huckfters. 
 
 If it were not for this Difciplinarian humour, which will admit no latitude in 
 Religion , but makes each nicety a Fundamental , and every private opinion an Ar- 
 ticle of Faith , which prefers particular errours before general Truths, I doubt 
 not but all reformed Churches might eafily be reconciled. Before thefe unhappy 
 troubles in Engl^fid, all Proteftants , both Lutherans and Calvinifls , did give unto 
 the Engliil} Church the right hand of Fellowfliip ■■, the Difciplinarians themfelves 
 though they preferred their own Church as more pure , ( elfe they were hard-heart- 
 ed ) yet they did not, they durft not condemn the Church of England^ either as dc- 
 fedive in any neceflary point of Chriftian piety , or redundant in any thing that 
 might virtually or by confequence overthrow the Foundation. 
 tnh Gen Witnefs that Letter which their General Affembly of Superintendents , Paflours, 
 
 aTuo i$56. ' and Elders , fent by Mr. John Knox to the Englifh Bilhops , wherein they rtile them 
 Reverend Paftours, Fellow-preachers, and Joynt-oppofcrs of the Roman Anti- 
 Chrifl. They themfelves were then far from a party , or from making the Calling 
 of Bilhops to be Antichriftian. 
 
 But to leave thefe velitations and come home to the point: I will (hew firft how 
 this Difcipline cntrencheth moft extreamly upon the right of the Civil Magiftrate : 
 Secondly , That it is as grievous and intolerable to the Subjed. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 That this new VifcipUne dcth utterly overtlrrovp the Rights of Magijirates to convocate Sy- 
 nods , to confirm their AUs , to order Eccleftajlical affairs , and reform the Church 
 within their Dominions. 
 
 ALL Princes and States invelkd with Soveraignty of power, do juftly chal- 
 lenge to themfelves the right of Convocating National Synods of their own 
 Subjeds , and ratifying their Conftitution. 
 
 And although pious Princes may tolerate or priviledge the Church to convene 
 within their Territories annually or triennially for the exercife of Difcipline, and 
 execution of Conftitutions already confirmed, ( nevcrthelefs we fee how wary the 
 Synod of Dort was in this particular , ) yet he is a Magiftrate of ftraw , that will 
 permit the Church to convene within his Territories , whenfoever, wherefiiever 
 they lift, to convocate before them whomfocver they pleafe, all the Nobles , ajl 
 the Subjects of the Kingdom, to change the whole Ecclefiaftical policy of a Com- 
 monwealth , to alter the Dodtrine and Religion eftabliftied , to take away 
 the Legal Rights and Privikdges of the Subjcfts , to ered new Tribunals and 
 Courts of Juftice , to which Sovereigns themfelves muft fubmit , and all this 
 of their own heads, by virtue of a pretended power given them from Heaven, 
 
 con-
 
 495 
 
 Discourse I. Of Scot/fli Difcipline. 
 
 contrary to known Laws and lawful cuftoms , the Supreme Magifirate dilTcntin'^ 
 and difclaiining. Syricds ought f be called by the Supreme Magijhate if he be a C/^n^Ench. ran.l. s. 
 Jiijn , occ. Jnd either by himjelf ^ or byfuch as he Jhall pleafe tocboufefor that purpnfe,^^'^- '^'^ecre. 
 he ought toprefide over them. Tliis power the Emperours of old did challenge over Ed^'v^'-^ 
 General Councils, Chrillian Monarchs in the blindnefs of Popery over National 164^ '°%- 
 Synods, the Kings of England over their Great Councils of old , and their Convo- i^i, 
 cation of later times , the Ejfjfe/ of the united Provinces in the Synod of Virt 
 this power neither 2v.o»Jj«-Catholick or Protelhnt in France dare deny to his King.' 
 None have been mere pundual in this cafe then the State of Geneva , where it is 
 cxprefly provided , thzt no Synod or Frefbyter (hall alter the Ecclefiajiical policy ^ or add ^^^ ort^rzi 
 any thing to it , rvithout the confent of the Civil Magijirate. Their elders do not chal- ^'r^' ''''"ted 
 lenge an uncontrolable power as the Commifioners of Chriji , but are ftill called the i<6^2-^'" 
 Commijfioners of the Signiory. The lejfer Council names them with the advife of the pag- 66. 
 Minijiry , ( their confent is not neccflary ) the Great Council oi^ 200 doth approve Pae. 20/ 
 them or rejed them. At the end of the year they are prefented to the Signiory^ who ^^^^ *°*' 
 continue them or difcharge them as they fee caufe. At their admiifion they take an 
 oath, to keep the Ecclefiajiical Ordinances of the Civil Magilirate. The final deter- ^'^' ^ 
 mination of DodVrinal differencesin Religion , ( after conference of, and with the 
 EcclefialHcks , ) is refered to the Magifirate. The Proclamations publiflied with the 
 found of Trumpet , regiltefed in the fame Book , do plainly fliew that the order- pag i . 
 ing of all Ecclehartical affairs is affumed by tlie Signiory. ' 
 
 But in Scotland all things are quite contrary, the Civil Magirtrate hath no iTiore 
 to do with the placing or difplacing of Ecckfiajiical Elders , than he hath in the E- 
 leSoral Colledge , about the Eledion of an Emperour. The King hath no more 
 Legillative power in Ecclefial^ical caufes, than a Cobler , that is a lingle vote in cafe 
 he be chofen an Elder , othervvife none at all. In Scotland Eccleflaflical perfons 
 make, repeal alter their Sandtions every day, without confent of King or Co«n- 
 cil. King James proclaimed a Parliament to be held at Edenburgh, and little be- Oftob. jo 
 fore by his letter required the AlTembly to ah(iain from making any innovations in the i'^97 
 Pilicy of the Church , and from prejudicing the decifions of the States by their conclufions 
 and tofuffer all things to continue in the condition they were until the approaching Tarlia- 
 tnent. What did they hereupon ? They ncgleded the Kings letter , by their own 
 authority they determined all things poiitively , queftioned the Archbifhop of St. 
 j4ndrervs upon their own Canons , for collating to benefices , and voting in Parliament 
 according to the undoubted Laws of the Land. Yea to that degree of {awcinefs 
 they arrived, and into that contempt they reduced Sovereign power , that twenty 
 Presbyters, ( no more atthehighefi fometimes but Thirteen , fometimes but feven ^''^"^''' , 
 or eight) dared to hold and maintain a General AlTembly, fas they mifcalled it ^^^^'^^ 
 after it was difcharged by the King , againfthis Authority, an infolence which ric- 
 ver any Parliament durfl yet attempt. 
 
 By their own authority, long before there was any Statute made to that purpofe, i Bookdifc. t 
 they abolifhed all the Fefiivals of the Church , even thofe which were obferved in head, 
 memory of the Birth , Circumcifion , Refurredtion and Afcenfion of our Saviour. 
 
 Bv their own authority they decreed the abolition of Bifhops , requirint^ them 
 to r(fign their Offices , as not having any calling from Gods rvord , under pain of Excom- 
 mumcation. And to defiji from Preaching until they had a new admiffion from the General 
 Afiertibly. And to compleat their own folly added further, that they ipould difbofe ^^^' ^^^'> 
 of their pofiejfions as the Churches Patrimony in the next Afiembly^ which ridiculous or- ^* ^°' 
 dinance was maintained ftifly by the fucceeding Synods, notwithftanding the Sta- 
 tute , that itfijould be Treafon to impugn the authority of the 'three Efiates , or to pro- 
 cure the innovation or diminution af any of them, which was made on purpofe to con- Pa 1 isCj. 
 trol their vain prefumption. Notwithftanding that themfelves had formerly ap- 
 proved , and as much as in them lay eftablifhed fuperintendents, to endure for term i Book dif.- 
 of life with their numbers , bounds, falaries larger than thofe of other Minillers cip. 4 aad S 
 indewed with Epifcopal power, to plant Churches , ordain Minifters , alh'gn Sti- '''*'*• 
 pends , prefide in Synods , dired the Cenfures of the Church , without whom 
 there was no Excommunication. The World is much mirtaken conccrninc* Epi- 
 fcopacy in Scotland : for though the King and Parliament were compelled by the 
 
 ^^'^ clamours
 
 496 
 
 Fair Warning 
 
 TOME II. 
 
 Anno 50J 
 
 I ('oSAffGbfK, 
 16 10. pail E- 
 derib> 16 12. 
 
 'clamours and impetuous violence of the Presbyters to annex the temporalities of 
 the Crown , yet the Function it felt was never taken away in Scotland , 
 '"' '" " ' " ' ''"'^ ' troubles. And 
 
 AfiT Eilemb 
 
 2 Book <lifc. 
 Chap. 9- 
 
 I Book I'Jfc. 
 head- 
 Ibidem. 
 
 Ibidem, 
 
 Ibidem: 
 
 AIT- Edetnb. 
 1647 
 
 Aff. Glafg. 
 1581: AIT. 
 E<temb-I590 
 All. Edemb. 
 IS91 
 
 2Bo»k difc 
 Chap. 7, 
 2 
 
 Chap. 12. 
 
 from their Firfl Converfion to Chriftianity , until thefe unhappy 
 thcfe very temporalities were reftored by the AH, if rellitution , and their full power 
 was hrll ertabliflied 5y;W«r.ji> , and ai'terwards contirmed by the Three Elktes of 
 the Kingdom in Parliament. , ^ , 
 
 By their own authority when they faw they could not prevail with all their ite- 
 nted indeavours and attempts to have their book of Difcipline ratified , they ob- 
 truded it upon the Church themfelves , ordaining that all thofe rebo had horn or 
 did then bear any Office in the Church pould fubjeribe it , wider pain of Excommunica- 
 
 By their own authority or rather by the like unwarrantable boldnefs they adopt 
 themfelves to be heirs of the Prelates and other dignities and Orders of the Church, 
 fupprelTed by their tumultuous violence , and decreed that aV'tyths , Kents^ Lands ^ 
 Oblations , yea rchatfever had been given informer times , orfioitld he given in future 
 times to the fir via of Cod, n>as the patrimony of the Church , and ought to be coh'eOed 
 and dilhibiited by the Deacons as the JVord of Cud appoints. That to convert any nf thii 
 to their f articular or prophane tife of any perfon , U deteftabk Sacrihdge bifore Gud. And 
 elfewhere , Gentle-men , Barons , Earls , Lords and others muji be content to live upon 
 their jujl Rents, and ftrffer the Kirk^ to be rejiored to her liberty. W hat this liberty is , 
 follows in the fame place , al! things given in Hnjbitaliiy, all Rents pertaining to Priejis, 
 Chanieries , CoVedges , Chuppelries, Frieries of all Orders , the Sijlers of the Seens all 
 which ottcJ)t to be retained jiiV in the ufe of the Kirl^ Give them but leave to take 
 their bre'ath, and expedthe rert. The rvhole Revenues of the Temporalities ofBijhopSy 
 Deans ^ and Archdeans Lands, and all Rents pertaining to Cathedral Kirkj, Then 
 fuppofing an objedion , that the poiTefTours had Leafes and Eftatcs , they anfwer , 
 That thofe who made them were theeves and munherers and had no pojver^ fo to alienate 
 the common good of the Kirk. They dellre that all fuch Eftates may be anulled and 
 avoided , that all collecflours appointed by the King or others, may be difcharged 
 from intermedling therewith , and the Deacons permitted to colled the fame: yea 
 to that height ofmadnefs were they come, asto deiineand determinintheir AC- 
 fernbly , ( judge whether it be not a modeft conftitution for a Synod. ) That the 
 next Varliamenty, the Church Jbonld be fitHy rejlored to its Patrimony , and that nothing 
 fhould be pa^ in Parliament ttntil that was Firfl conftdered and appovred. Let all E- 
 ftates take notice of the(e pretenfions and defigns. If their projedl have not yet 
 taken effed; it is onely becaufe they wanted fufficient ftrength hitherto to accom- 
 pliOi it. 
 
 Laftly , By their own authority, under the fpecious Title of Jefui Chrifl , King 
 of Kings, and Lord of Lords, the onely Monarch of his Church , and under pretence of 
 his Prerogative Royal , they ereded their own Courts and Prefbyteries in the moft 
 parts of Scotland , long before they were legally approved or received as appeareth 
 by their own Ad , alledging tUdit many fuits had been made to the Magijhate for ap- 
 probation of the Policy of the Kirl^, which had not taken that happy effect which good 
 men would crave : And by aaother Ad acknowledging that Prefbyteries were then 
 eftabliflied ( SynodicaVy ) in moft parts of the Kingdom. And Laftly by the Ad 
 of another General Ajjembly at Edenburgh , ordaining that the Difcipline contained 
 in the ACis of the General Ajjemblypould be kept , as well in Angus and Mernis as in 
 the reft of the Kingdom. 
 
 You fee fufficiently in point of pradice how the Difciplinarians have trampled 
 upon the Laws , and juftled the civil Magiftrate out of his Supremacy in Ecclefia- 
 ftical affairs. My next task fliall be to fliew that this proceeds not from inanimad- 
 vertence or paffion , but from their Dodrine and Principles. 
 
 Firft, They teach that no perfons , Magiftrates , nor others , have power to vote 
 in their Synods , but onely Ecclefiaftical. 
 
 Secondly, They teach that Ecclefiaftical perfons have the fole power of convening 
 and convocating fuch Affemblies , AH Ecclefiaftical Aflemhlies have power to convene 
 lawfully together, for treating of things concerning the Kirki They haite power, to ap- 
 poiiU times and places. Again, National Aftemblies of thi'S Co untrey ought always to 
 
 be
 
 Discourse I. Of Scot\(h Difcipline. ,^y 
 
 he retained ht their orvn Liberties^ rvith ^orver to ihe Kiri{_tf) apl>ointiiines and places. 
 Thus they make it a liberty , that is, a priviledge of the Church , a parr of its Pj. 
 trknony^ not onely to convene, but to convocate whomfoevcr, whenloever, where- 
 foevcr. 
 
 Thirdly , For point of power , they teach , that Synods have the judgment of true _ 
 and falfe Keligion , of Vodrme , Ikrefie , ccc. the eleSion , admiffmn , fuf^enfion ^ iff'l^'^^' 
 depTtvation of Minifters , the determination of aU things that pertain to tlye I)ifdpli)ie of ' 
 
 ihe Church , the judgment if Ecdefajiical matters , caufes beneficiary^ matrimniijl, and 
 others. Jurifdittion to proceed to excommunication againji thoj'e that rob the Church of 
 Its patrimony. They have legillative power to make rules and con(}itutions fir keeping a- Sock, difci 
 gnud order in the Kirk. "They have ptver to abrogate and abolifj) all Statutes and Crdinan- ^''^P- 7, 
 ces concerning.Ecclefiajiical matters^ that are found not fom and unprnjt table, and agree 
 n:t with the time, or are abufed by the people. And all this rvithout aiy reclamation or 2. 12 
 appellation to any Judge , Civil or Ecclefiajhcal. 
 
 Fourthly, they teach , That they have thefe Priviledges not from the Magiftrate 2 Book dT 
 or people, or particular Laws of any other Countrey. The Magijlrate cannot exe- chip. i. "^' 
 cute the cenfures of the Church , nor prefcribe any rule Irorv it Jhmild be done , but Ecde- 
 fajiical power florveth immediately from God , a>!J from the Mediatonr Jefiif ChrijK And 
 yet farther , The Church cannot be governed by others , than tijofe Mini{hrs and Stewards 
 fet over it by Clrrifl , nor otherwife than by his Lares. And therefore there is no power ^^^""'mata > 
 in earth that can challenge to it felf a command or dominion upon the Church. And j l* ^^^' ^' 
 again , It is prohibited by the Law of God and of Chriji, for the Chrijiian Magijirate to Jecma ^sL 
 invade the Government of the Church , and confequemly to challenge to himfelf tl^e right of noii Thetr. 4. 
 both Swords, Spiritual Mid Temporal. And if any Magiftrate do arrogate fo. much to ^^^»r 8. 
 himfelf, the Church Jhall have caufe to complain and exclaim that the Pope is changed , 
 but the Papacy remains. So if Kings and Magiltrates Hand in their way , they are 
 political Popes as well as Bifhops are Eccldlaltical. Whatfoever thefe men do, is in 
 the Name of our Lord Jefus , and by Authority delegated from htm alone. Theor. 62 
 
 Lartly , they teach , That they have all tliis power , not onely without the Ma- 
 giftrate , but againft the Magiftrate , that is , although he diffent , and fend out his ^nformariou 
 Prohibitions to the contrary , Parliamentary ratifications can no way alter Church Canons Scotland 
 
 concerning the IForfljip of G^d. For Ecclefiaftical Difcipline ought to be excrcifed ^^* 
 whether it be ratiried by the Civil Magiftrate or not. The want of a civil Sandtion. 
 to the Church, i'ihwt\'vkt lucrum ceffans, mn damnum emer(Tens\ as it adds nothin^^ Th a 
 to it , fo it takes nothing away from it. If there be any clafhing of Jurifdidions, ^ 
 
 or defecft in this kind , they lay the fault at the Magiftntes door. It is a great fin 
 or wickednefs , for the Magiftrate .to hinder the exercife, or execution of Ecclefia- TTicor. 82 
 iUcal Difcipline. 
 
 Now we have feen the pernicious pradices of their Synods, with the Dodlrines 
 from which they flow v it remains to difpel umbrages, wherewith they {eek to hide 
 the ugUncfs of their proceedings and principles from the eyes of the World. We 
 ( fay they ) do give the Chriftian Magiftrate a political power to convocate Sy- 
 nods , to prefide in Synods , to ratitie the Adts of Synods , to reform the Church. 
 We make him the Keeper of both Tables. Take nothing and hold it faft, here 
 are good words , but they fignirie nothing. Truft me , whatfoever the Difcipli- 
 narians do give to the Magiftrate, it is alwayes with a faving of their own ftakes, 
 not giving for his advantage , but tlu'ir own. For f hey teach , that this power of 
 the Chriftian Magiftrate is not private and deftrudive to the power of the Church ^ 
 but cumulative , and onely auxiliary or allifting. Theor. 96. 
 
 Bcfides the power which they call abufively authoritative , but is indeed minifte- 
 rial of executing their decrees, and contributing to their fcttlement , they afcribc 
 to the Magiftrate concerning the Ads of Synods, that which every private man 
 hath, a judgment oi difcretion , but they retain to themfelves the judgment oi Ju- 
 rifdiaion. And if he judge not as they would have him , but fufpend out of con- 
 science the influence of his political power , where they would have him es?rci(e 
 it , they will either teach him another point of Popery , that is an implicitc faith , 
 or he may perchance feel the weight of their Church-cenfiu-es , and rind quickly 
 what manner of men they be , as our late Gracious King Charles , and before 
 
 K k k 2 him
 
 ^9^ 
 
 Fair ff'armifiZ TOME- II. 
 
 Inm his father , his Grandmother , ;ind his grear Grandmother , did all to their 
 
 Then in pl.iin E>/^//y^-' , what is this political power , to call Synods, to prcfidc 
 in S\nods , and to ritirie Synods , which thefegood men give to the Magiltrate, 
 ancrmasni'ficfomuch? I Ihall tell the truth. It is a duty which the Magiftrate 
 owes to^ the Kirk, when they think neceffary to have a Synod convocated , to 
 Ihcoi')^') ^ jintM;he>i ihcir Siimnmns by a civil SMdinn, to ftcwe them in coming to the Synod , 
 a'ld returiiiiig f'om the Synod , to provide them good accommodation , to proted them from 
 dMt'icrs^ til dtfend their Kites and Priviledges, to compel ohjlinate perfons by civil Lawt 
 aiid'^pioiijhmenti to fithmit to their ceitjurei and decrees. What gets the Magilirate by 
 all this to himfcif Z He may put it all in his eye , and fee never a whit the worfc 
 '^'■^ For they declare exprtfy ^ that neither all the porver , nor any part of the power ^ which Sy- 
 
 nods have to dctibtrate of, or to define Ecchfiajiical things , ( though it be in relation to 
 theirown Siibjc<fts J) doth flow fi-om the Magijirate , hut becaufe in thofe things which 
 belong to the outward man , ( mark the reafon ) the Church Hands in need of the help 
 of the Magillratc. Fair fall, an ingenuous confeffion, they attribute nothing to the 
 Magiitratc , but onely= what may render him able to ftrve their own turns , and 
 fupply their needs. 1 wifli thele men would think a little more of the diftincS^ion , 
 between habitual and adual Jurifdidion. After a School- mafter hath his licence to 
 teach , yet his adtual Jurifdidion doth proceed from tlje Parents of his Scholars. 
 And tiiough he enjoy a kind of Supremacy among them , he muft not think that 
 this extinguiflieth , either his own filial duty , or theirs. 
 
 Like this power of prefiding politically in Synods , is the other power which 
 they give him of reforming the Church , that is when the ftate of the Church is 
 corrupted , but not when it is pure, as they take it for granted , that it is , when 
 the Jurifdidlion is in their own hands. " Although godly Kings and Princes, fome- 
 aBookofdifc. 55 fi''"^ ^Y t^"''' ^wn Authority , when die Kirk is corrupted, and all things out c£ 
 Chap. 10. „ order, place Minifters , and reflore the true fervice of the Lord, after the cx- 
 „ ample of fome Godly Kings of Judah , and divers Godly Emperours and Kings 
 „ alfo in the light of the New Teflament ■■, yet where the Minifhy of the Kirk is 
 „ once lawfully conltituted, and they that are placed , do their Office faithfully, 
 „ all Godly Princes and Magiflratcs ought to hear and obey their voice, and reve- 
 „ rcnce the Majeffy of the Son of God fpeaking in them. Leave this jugling-, who 
 „ fliall judge , when the Church is corrupted i the Magiftrates or Church-men ? If 
 „ the Magiftrates , why not over you , as well as others ? If the Church-men , 
 „ why not others as well as you .«' here is nothing to be anfwered , but to beg the 
 „ qucftion , that they onely are the true Church. Heare another witnefs .• In evi! 
 „ and troublefome times , and in a lapfed ftate of affairs, when the order inftituted 
 5, by God in the Church , is degenerated to Tyranny , to the trampling upon the 
 Tl-eor. 8/, „ true Religion , and opprefling the profefTours of it, when nothing is found, the 
 and 85. „ Godly MagilUate may do fbme things, which ordinarily are not lawful, &c. 
 
 „ But ordinarily and of common right , in Churches already conf^ituted, if a man 
 „ flic to the Magiftrate complaining that he is injured , by the abufe of Ecclefiafti- 
 „ cal Difcipline , or if the fentence of the Presbyteries difpleafe the Magiftrate , ci- 
 „ ther in point of Difcipline or of Faith, he muft not therefore draw fuch caufes 
 Ibidem 55 to a civil tribunal , nor introduce a Political Papacy. And as the Magiftrate hath 
 „ power in extraordinary caufcs , when the Church is wholy corrupted , to reform 
 „ Ecclel'.aftical abufesi fo if the Magiftrate fhall Tyrannife over the Church, it is 
 „ lawful to oppofe him, by certain ways and means, extraordinary v however or- 
 „ dinanly not to be allowed. This is plain dealing , the Magiftrate cannot law- 
 fully reform them , but in cafes extraordinary » and in cafes extroardinary they 
 may lawfully reform the Magiftrate , by means not to be ordinarily allowed , that is by 
 force of arms. See the principles from whence all our miferiesi and the lofs of our 
 gracious Mafter , hath flowed, and learn to deteft them •, They give the Magijlrate 
 Thcor. 4 J. *^^ ^"^°^y "^ '^'"'•' '-^^'''^ > ^o they do give the fame to themfelves: they keep the fe- 
 cond tabk , by admoniftiing him; he keeps the Firft table by alfift'ing them; they 
 reform the abufes of the Firft table by ordinary right ■, of the fecond table extra- 
 ordinarily. He reforms the abufes againft the fecotid table by ordinary right; and 
 the abufes againft the firft table extraordinarily. But
 
 Discourse I. Of Scotifb Diffctpliae- 499 
 
 But can the M-igilhate , according to their learning call the Synod to an account 
 
 for any thing they do ? can he remedy the erroursot a Synod either in Doiitrine or Theor. 97. 
 
 Dilciplinc ? W^ if Magijirates had power to change ^ or dimtniflj ^ or rejirain the Rights 
 
 of the Church ■■, the condition of the Church , Jljutld be rvorfe , and their liberties lefs , 
 
 tinder a Chrijiian Mjgijirjte , than under an Heathen, For ( fay they ) Parliaments 
 
 and Supreme Senates , are no more I,if alible than Synods , and in matters of Faith a^d 
 
 Vifcipline more apt to err ■■, And again ^ the Magiftrate n not judge of Spirit utl caups '•""tor. 08. 
 
 controverted in the Churclh And if he decree any thing infuch bufmeffes^ according to the , „ 
 
 tvifdomoftheficllj, and not according to the rule of Gods l-Ford^ and the rvifdom which U 
 
 from above , he muft give an account of it unto God. 
 
 Or may the Supreme Magilhate oppofe the execution of their Difcipline pradi- 2 
 
 {ed in their Presbyteries , or Synods, by Laws or prohibitions ? No, It m n>ickjd- 
 neft: if he do fo far ahufe his viUory , good Chrijiians mujl rather fuffer extremities , Theor. 8t. 
 than obey him. 
 
 Then what remedy hath the Magiftrate , if he find himfelf grieved in this cafe .'' 3 
 
 He may defve and procure a revieve in another National Synod , that the matter may be 
 lawfully determined by Ecclefujiicaljudgement. Yet upon this condition, that nottvith- Theor.jl pi. 
 Handing the future revierv , the firjifentence of the Synod be executed without delay ^ 
 This is one main branch of Popery , and a grofs incrochment upon the right of the 
 Magiftrate. 
 
 C H A P. 1 1 1. 
 
 'Ihat 'this Vifcipline robs the Magijlrate of the laft appeal of his SuhjtCls. 
 
 THe Second flows from this. The laft appeal ought to be to Supreme Magiftrate, ^ 
 
 or Magiftrates, within his or their Dominions, as to the higheft Power under 
 God. And where it is not fo ordered, the Common-wealth can injoy no tranquil- 
 lity, as we fliall fee in the Second part of this Difcourfe. By the Laws of England, 
 if any man find himfelf grieved with the fentence or confiftorial proceedings of a * 
 Biftiop , or of his Officers, he may appeal from the higheft judicatory of the Church 
 to the King in Chancery , who ufeth in that cafe to grant Commiliions under the 
 great Seal , to delegates expert in the Laws of the Realm, who have power to give 
 him remedy and to fee Juftice done. In Scotland this would be taken in great Icorn, 
 as an high indignity upon the Commiliioners ofChrift , to appeal from his tribunal^ 
 to the judgement of a mortal man. In the year 1582 , King James by his Letter, 
 by his meftenger , the Majier of Kequelis ^ zndhy an Herald at Arms, prohibited '*8^ 
 the A(Jembly at St. Andrews to proceed in the cafe of one Mongomery , and Mongo- Afs-St- ^n. 
 mery himfelf appealed to Caefar, or to King and Council. What did our new Ma- <iTtwi. 1582. 
 fters upon this } They fleighted the Kings Letter , his MefTenger, his Herald , re- 
 jedted the appeal, as made to an incompetent judge, and proceeded molt violently 
 in the caufe. About Four years after this, another Synod held at St. Andrews^ pro- 
 ceeded in like manner againft the Bifliop of that See, for voting in Parliament ac- ,^^' ^'^ g"" 
 cording to his confcience , and for being fufpeded to have penned a Declaration , ^^^' •* 
 publillied by the King and Parliament at the end of the Statutes, notwithftanding 
 that he declined their judicature , and appealed to the King and Parliament. Wh-n 
 did any Bift\ops dare to do fuch Ads ? There need no more inftances , their Book 
 of Vifcipline it felfbeing Co full in the cafe; from the KirJ^ there is no reclamation^ or ap- 
 pellation, to any Judge Civil or Ecdefiaftical , within the Realm. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 — Fair Warning TOMEU^ 
 
 T 
 
 CH A P. IV. 
 
 "that it exempt' <'^f Mintjhrs from due pinijhmdtt. 
 
 »HirdIy, If Ecckfiaftick perfons in their Pulpits or AlTemblics , Chall leave 
 their Text and proper work to turn incendiaries , Trutnpeters of Sedition, 
 ftirrmg up the people to tumults and dilloyal attempts, in all well ordered 
 Kingdoms and Common- wealths, they are puniftable by the civil Magiftrate, whofc 
 proper Office it is to take cognifance of Treafon and fedition. It was well faid by 
 a Kint* of Trance to fome fuch feditious ShebiW , that if they would not let him a- 
 lone m their Pulpits , he would fend them to Preach in another climate. In the 
 Vnited Trovinces , there want not examples of feditious Oratours who for con- 
 trolling their Magiftrates too fawcily in the Pulpit , have been turned both out of 
 their Churches and Cities , without any fear of wrefting Chrifis Scepter out of his 
 hand. In Geneva it felf , the correiftion of Ecclefiaftical perfons ( qua tales , ) is 
 Ecd.Ord. exprcfly referved to the Signiory. So much our VifcipHnarians have out-done their 
 F8- ^4- pattern, as the pallionate writings of heady itien out-do the calmer decrees of a 
 Ihyed Senate. 
 
 But the Miniftcrs of Seotlaad have exempted themfelves in this cafe from all fecu- 
 <8a- l^'" judgement, as King James (who knew them beft of any man living) witnefleth. 
 They faid , he was an incompetent jttdge in fuch cafes , and that matters of the Pulpit 
 ought to be exempted from the judgement and correCiion of Princes. They themfelves 
 fpeak plain enough. It is an abfurd thing , that fundry of them , ( commifTaries ) 
 2 Book difc. having nofunUion of the Kir\^ Jhould be Judges to Minifters , and depofe them from their 
 Chap. II- rooms. The reafon holds as well againft Magiftrates , as CommifTaries. To pafs 
 by the fawcy and feditious expreffions of Mr. Dury , Mr. Melvil , Mr. Ballcan quail., 
 and their impunity. Mr. James Gibfon in his Sermon taxed the King for a perfecu- 
 At Edemd. ^^^ ^ ^^^ threatned him with a curfe , that he fliould die ChildleJ!, and be the laft of 
 *^ his race, for which being convented before the Aflembly , and not appearing he 
 
 was onely fufpended during the pleafure of his Brethren , ( he fhould have been 
 fufpended indeed , that is hanged. ) But at another Aflembly , in Jugujl fol- 
 lowing , upon his allegation , that his not appearing was out of his tender care of 
 the rights of the Church , he was purged from his contumacy , without once fo 
 much as acquainting his Majefty. 
 n *i</ The cafe is famous of Mr. VavidBlak^ Miniijer of St. ^;?^rf rrj , who had faid 
 B/fli^f. 1596. « in his Sermon, that the King had difcovered the treachery of hU heart , in admit- 
 „ ting the Popifh Lords into the Country. That all Kings were the VevUs barns , 
 „ that the Devil was in the Court , and in the guiders of it. And in his Prayer for 
 „ the Queen , he ufed thefe words , we muft pray for her for fafhion fake , but wc 
 „ have no caufe , {he will never do us any good. He faid that the Queen of En- 
 ■i-, gland ( Queen Elizabeth ) was an Atheiji , that the Lords of the SelHon were 
 „ mifcreants and bribers, that the Nobility were degenerated , Godlcfs, Diflem- 
 „ biers , and enemies to the Church , that the Council were holly glaffes, corraa- 
 „ rants , and men of no Religion. I appeal to all the Eftates in Europe , what pu- 
 . nifliment could be fevere enough for fuch audacious virulence ? The Englijh Am- 
 bafladour complains of it ■, Blak^ is cited before the Council. The Commiffioners 
 of the Church plead , that it rvill be ill taken., to bring Minfjlers in que^ion upon fuch 
 triffing delations ., as inconfiftent with the liberties of the Church. They conclude 
 that a Veclinatour (hould be ufed and Protejiationmz.de againft thofe proceedings, fay- 
 ing it was Gods caufe^vcherein they ought to (land to all hazards. A^ccord'tngiy a Declina- 
 tour was framed and prefented. Blak^ defires to be remitted to the Presbytery , as 
 his Ordinary. The Commiliioners fent the copy of the Veclinatour to all the 
 Presbyteries , requiring them for the greater 'corroboration of their doings , to fub:- 
 fcribe the fame, and to commend the caufe in hand in their private and publick 
 Prayers to God , ufing their be(\ credit with their flocks for the maintenance thereof. 
 The King juflly incenfed herewith, difchargeth the meeting r^i' the C.'>mmifii)ners. 
 
 Not-
 
 Discourse I. Of Scot\(h DifcipHiie. t^oi 
 
 Notwithftanding this in]HnCuon they ftay ftill , and fend Delegates to the King , to 
 reprelent the inconveniences that might inliie. The Kin^ more defirous to decline 
 their envy , than they his judgement offers peace. The Commilhoners refufe it ^ 
 and prefent an infolent petition , which the King rejefts defervedly , and the caufe 
 was heard the very day that the Prinajs Elizabeths, ( novv Queen g^ Bohemia ) was 
 Chriftened. The witnefTes are produced , Mr. Kohert Po>;te in the name of the 
 Church makes a Protejiation. Blak^ prefents a Second VecUnatour, The Council 
 decree that the caufe being Treafonable , is cognofcible before them. The good 
 King Hill feeks Peace , fends meffcngers, treats, offers to remit i but it is labour 
 in vain. The Miniffers anfu-ere peremptorily by Mr. Robert Price thSic Prolocutor, 
 that the liberty ofChrijis Kingdom had received fuch a tvound , by this Vfarpatto;: of the 
 rights of the Qmrch , that if the Lives of Mr. Blake and twenty others had been tak^n, 
 it rvould not haue grieved the hearts of good people Jo much , as theje injunons proceedings. 
 The King ffiU wooes and confers. At laff the matter is concluded, that the King 
 lliall make a Declaration in favour of the Church , that Mr. B/jJ^e (hal! one'y make 
 an acknowledgement to the Qaeen,and be pardoned.But M.'c-Blikc refu'eth to confefs 
 any fault, or to acknowledge the King and Council to be any judges of his S.:rmon. 
 Hereupon he is convidled , and fentenced to be guilty of falje and ireafonable fandert^ 
 and his punifhment referred to the King. Still the King treats, makes propofitions 
 unbefeeming His Majefty, once of twice j the Minilkrs rejed them, proclaim a 
 Faff, raife a tamult in Edenbnrgh , petition , prefer Articles ; the King departeth 
 from the City, removeth his Courts of Jufiice^ the people repent, the Minilters per- 
 fiff, and feek to engage the Subjedts in a Covenant for mutual defence. One Mr. JFaljh 
 in his Sermon tells the people , that the King was poffeffed with a devil ; yea , rvith fe- 
 ven devils -■, that the Subjebs mi(rln larvfully life and take the Srvord out of his bands. 
 The feditious incouraged from the Pulpit , fend a Letter to the Lord Hamilton, to 
 come and be their General. He nobly rcfufeth , and flieweth their Letter to the 
 King. Hereupon the Miniffers are fought for to be apprehended , and fly into E;/g- 
 laud. The Tumult is declared to be treafon by the Effates of the Kingdom. I 
 have urged this the more largely , ( yet as fuccindrly as I could ) to let the World 
 fee what dangeroLis Subjeds thefe Difciplinarians are , and how inconfiffent their 
 Principles be, with all orderly Societies. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 that itfubjeUs the Supreme Magijhate to their Cenfures, 8cc. 
 
 Fourthly, They have not onely exempted themfelves , in their Duties of their 
 own Funcftion , from the Tribunal of the Soveraign Magiftrate, or Supieme 4 
 
 Senate , but they have fubjeded him and them, C yea even in the difcharge of the 
 Soveraign truft ; to their ownConfiftories , even to the higheft cenfure of Excom- 
 munication, which is like the cutting of a member from the Body natural , or the j ^^^^ jj(j. « 
 out-lawing of a Subjed in the Body politick , Excommunication , that very En- head 
 gine , whereby the Pojies of old advanced themfelves above Emperours. To difci- 2 Bank difc; 
 pline muli all the Ejiates within this Realm be Subjed, m well Rulers, as they that are Chap. 12. 
 ruled. And elfewhere , All men , as well Magijlrates as Inferiours , aught to be fubje6l 
 to the judgment of General Ajimbl'us. And yet again. No man that is in the Church, Theor. 8, 
 ought to he exempted from Ecclefiajiical cenfures. What horrid and pernicious mif- 
 chiefs do ufe to attend the Excommunication of Soveraign Magiffrates , I leave to 
 every mansjnemory , or imagination. Such courfes make great Kings become cy- 
 phers, anl^urn the tenure of ft Crown coppy-hold , ad voluntatem Pominorum. 
 Such Dodlrines might better become fome of the Roman Alexanders , or Bonifaces , 
 or Cregoriuf, or Pius ^intus , than fuch great ProFelfours of humility , fuch great 
 difclaimers of authority, who have inveighed fo bitterly againft the Bifhops for 
 their Ufurpations. This was never the pradice of any orthodox Bi(hop : St. Am~ 
 brofe is miftaken; what he did to 'theodfius was no ad of Ecclefiaffical jurifdidi- 
 on, but of Chriftian difcretion. No , he was better grounded, Puwc/faid, .^gjiwff 
 
 thee
 
 5°' 
 
 — Fair warning TOME il. 
 
 thee ondy have J famed , becauje he was a King. Our Difciplinarians abhor the name 
 of Authority , but hug the thing , their proteilion of httmilhy, is juft hke that Car- 
 dinal's haaging up ot a Fifliers net in his Dining-room , to put him in mind of his 
 dcfcent : but fo foon as he was made Pope , he took it down , faying , "The fip was 
 caught , tioTf there was no more need of the net. 
 
 C H A P. VI. 
 
 "that it robs the Magijhate of hit I>ij}enfative poreer. 
 
 F''Kchly , all fuprcme Magiftrates do afflime to themfelves a power of pardoning 
 oifences and offenders , where they judge it to be expedient. He who believes 
 that the Magiltrate cannot with a good conTcience difpenfe with the punifhment of 
 a penitent malefadour , I wifh him no greater cenfute , than that the penal Laws 
 might be duly executed upon him , until he recant his errour. But our Difciplina- 
 rians have rdlrained this difpenfative power , in all fuch crimes as are made capital 
 by the judicial Law , as in the cafe of Blood , Adultery , Blafphemy , e^'c. In which 
 cafes , thfy Jay the Offender ought to fuffer death , as God hath commanded '■> and , if 
 1 Book difc. the life bejpared, as it ought not to be to the Offenders, See. And^ the Magijhate ought 
 head 9. ^g prefer God's exprefs commandment before his otvn corrupt judgment , ejpeciaty in pu- 
 
 ^''''^fh' niff^ing thefe crimes which he commandeth to be punifhed with death. When the then 
 
 < 4-p i ■ P^P'^^ E^i\so( Angus , Htntley, and Erroll, were excommunicated by the Church, 
 Ed^»<o4'' ^"^ forfeited for treafonable practices againft the King ,it is admirable to read with 
 what wifedom,and charity,and fwectnefs^hisMa jefty did feek from time to time to re- 
 claim theirtfrom their errours , and by their unfeigned converfion to the Reformed 
 Religion , to prevent their punifhment. Wherein he had the concurrence of two 
 Conventions of Eftatcs , the one at Falhjand , the other at Vuttijermling. And on 
 the other fide , to fee with what bitternefs and radicated malice , they were profe- 
 cuted by the Presbyteries , and their Commiflioners, fometimes petitioning, that 
 they might have no benefit of Law, as being excommuttieaud ■■, Sometimes threatning, 
 that they were refolved to p»rfue them to the uttermoji^ though it pould be with the lofs 
 of their lives in one day. "That if they eontinuid enemies to God and aV his truth, the Coun- 
 treyjhottld mtbrooh^ both them and the Lords together. Sometimes prefling to have their 
 eflates confifcated , and their lives tak^n away '-, alledging for their ground , that by 
 God's Law they had dejerved death. And when the King urged , that the bofom of 
 the Church (hould be ever open to penitent finners , they arfwered, that the Church 
 could not reftfe their fatisfaUion , if it was truly offered , but the King was obliged to 
 do jujiice. What do you think of thofe that roar out, Juflice , Jujiice, now-a-days, 
 whether they be not the right fpawn of thcfe Blood-fuckers. Look upon the exam- 
 ples of Ciji«, E/i«, IJhmael, Antiochus , Antichrifl: , and tell me, if you ever rind 
 fuch fupercilious , cruel , blood-thirfty perfons , to have been pious towards God, 
 but their Religion is commonly like thtmkhts, fiarh^naught > Curfed be their anger, 
 Gtn. 4J. 7. for it was fierce i and their wrath , for it was cruel. 
 
 Thefe are fome of thofe encroachments which our Difciplinarians have made up- 
 on the rights of all Supreme Magiftrates ; there be fundry others , which efpeci- 
 ally concern the Kings of Great Britain , as the lofs of his Tenths , Firlt-fruits , 
 and Patronages , and which is more than all thefe , the dependancc of his Sub- 
 jedls ; by all which we fee , that they have thruft out the Pope indeed but re- 
 tained the Papacy. The Pope as well as they , and they as well as the Pope , 
 (neither barrel better herings, ) do make Kings, but half Kings, Kings of the 
 bodies , not of the Souls of their Subjedts ; They^allow them fome fd%of Judge- 
 ment over Ecclefiaftical perfons, in their civil capacities, for it is little ( according 
 to their rules ) which either is not Ecclefiaflical , or may not be reduced to Ecclefi- 
 aftical. But over Ecclefiaftick perfons , as they are Ecclefiafticks , or in Ecclefiafti- 
 cal matters , they afcribe unto them no judgement in the world. They fay it c;in- 
 VindicOTOB of" not Aand with the word of God : that no Chriftian Prince ever claimed , or can 
 jomtmsfioners" claim to himfclt fuch a power. If the Maaillrate will be contented to wave his 
 June 1 04s ° 
 
 ** power
 
 Discourse I. Of Scot\(h Difcipliue. (^oq 
 
 power in Ecc'efiiftical matters, and over Ecclefiaftical perfons, ( as they are f.ich, ) 
 and give them leave to do what they lift , and fay what they lilt in their Pulpits , 
 in their Confiftories , in their Synods , and permit them to rule the whole Com- 
 mon-wealth , in order to the advancement of the Kingdom of Chrift ; If he will 
 be contented to become a Subordinate Miniftcr to their Affemblies , :o fee their de- 
 crees executed , theiiit may be they will become his good Mailers , and permit him 
 to injoy a part of his civil power. When Sovereigns are made but acceffaries, and 
 inferiours do become principals, when (Ironger obligations are deviled, than thofe 
 of a Subje<ft to his Sovereign , it is time for the Magiilrate to look to himfejf, thefe 
 are prognofticks of infuing itorms , the avant curriers of feditious tumults. When 
 Supremacy lights into firange and obfcure hands, it can hardly contain it felf 
 within any bounds. Before our Difciplinarians be well warmed in their Ecclefia- 
 ftical Supremacy , they are beginning , or rather they have already made a good 
 progrefs in the iavalion of the Temporal Supremacy alfo. 
 
 CHAP. V I T. 
 
 Ibjt the Difciplinarians cheat the Magijirate of hU Civil Fon>er in Order t3 Re- 
 ligion. 
 
 T Hat is their Sixt incroachment upon the Magiftrate, and the vertical point ot 
 Jefuitifm. Confider Firrt how many civil caules they have drawn diredly ^ 
 
 into their confiftories , and made them of Ecclefiaftical cognifance , zs fraud in har- 
 ^aining , falfe weights and meafures , ofl>rej}i}ig one another , &c. and in the cafe of , bpok jifc. 
 Minifters, Bribery, Perjury, Theft, Fighting, Ufury , &c. 7 head. _ 
 
 Secondly, Conllder that all offences whatlbever are made cognofcible in their 2 bookdifc. 
 Conliflories , in cafe of fcandal, yea even fuch as are punifliable by the civil fword ^"'P" ^» 
 „ with death: If the civil fword foolifhly fparethe life of the offender,yet may not the okdifc. 
 Kirk be negligent in their Office, which is to excommunicate the wicked. « head and' 
 
 Thirdly , They afcribe unto their Minifters a liberty and power to dired the xheor. 47; 
 Magirtrate , even in the managery of civil affairs: to govern the Common-wealth, 
 ,, and to cfiablifh civil Laws is proper to the Magiftrate : To interpret the word of 
 „ God , and from thence to '(hew the Magiftrate his duty , how he ought to go- 
 „ vern the Common-wealth , and how he ought to ufe the fword , is comprehend- 
 „ ed in the Office of the Miniffer, for the holy Scripture is profitable to (liew what 
 „ is the beft government of the Common- wealth. And again all the duties of the 
 ,, Second table as well as the Firft , between King and Subjed, Parents and Chil- Theor ^y.^^. 
 „dren, Husbands and Wives, Mafters and Servants ^6^c. are in difticult cafes a 
 ,, Subjed of cognifance and judgement to the AfTemblies of the Kirk. Thus they 
 arerifcnup from a judgement ofdiredtion to a judgment of Jurifdidion, and if ^jj,,j|„f com. 
 any perfons , Magiftrates or others , dare ad contrary to this judgement of the Af- p. ^, 
 fembly , ( as the Parliament and Committee of Eftates did in Scotland in the late 
 „ expedition ) they make it to be an unlawful ingagemcnt , a fmful War, con- 
 ,, trary to the Teftimonies of Gods Servants , and decree the parties fo offending 
 to be fajfendtd from the Communion , and from their Offices in the Kir}{. I confefs Mi- 
 nifters do well , to exhort Chriftians to be careful , honeft , induftrions in their 
 fpecial callings : but for them to meddle pragmatically with the myfterics of parti- 
 cular trades , and much more with the myfteries of State , which never came with- ^no,We<fgc' 
 in thecompafsof their (hallow capacities, is a moft audacious infolence , and mearOftob. 
 an infurterable prefumption. They may as well teach the Pilot how to fteer his 51648. 
 courfe in a Tempcft, or the Phyfitian how to cure the diftempers of his Patient. 
 
 But their higheft cheat is that Jefuitical invention ( in ordine adfpiritnalia , ; they 
 affume a power in Worldly affairs indiredly : and in order ro the advancement of 
 the Kingdom of Chrift. The Ecclefiajiical Minilhy if converfant jpiritiuHy about civil 
 things. Again mttll not duties to God whereof the fecurhig ofKeligioii is j main one , have Thcor 6\. 
 the Supreme and Ftrjl ^lace, duties to the Kmgafubsrdinate and Second place? The cafe Vindication, 
 was this. The Parliament levied forces to free their King out ofprifon.A meer civil du- P.5 
 
 1. 11 ty
 
 S04 
 
 Thcnr. 63- 
 Vindication 
 p. 5. 
 
 Humble advife 
 Edend. June 
 10. 2648-. 
 
 Vindication 
 p. 8. 
 
 A(s. Dunil. 
 
 Fair ivaniing 
 
 TOME IK 
 
 AIT- Edemb. 
 '597- 
 
 2 Book difc- 
 ch 7- 
 
 Vindicaiion 
 p. 1 1, p. 10 
 
 Tv^Sutthe Commillionersotthc Allcinbly declare againft it, unlcls the King will Firtt 
 cive alTurancc under hand and Seal by Solemn Oath , that he will caablifli the co- 
 venant the Presbyterian Difcipline , 6-c. in all his Dominions , and never indea- 
 vour any change thereof, leall other wife his liberty might bring their bygone fro- 
 ceedims about the League and Covenant into queftion, there is their power in or- 
 dir.c jd Jftritualij. " The Parliament will reAore to the King his negative voice. A 
 meer civil thing. Il^e Commiffioners of the Church oppofeit^becanfe of the great dangers that 
 ,nay thereby come tuReligioft. The Parliament name Officers and Commanders for the ar- 
 my!. A mcer civil thing. The Church will not allow thetn^becaufe they want fuch qua- 
 lihcationsas Gods word requires , that is to fay in plain terms, becaufe they were 
 not their confidents. Was there ever Church challenged fuch an omnipotence as 
 this > Nothing in tiiis World is fo civil or political , wherein they do not intereft 
 thcmfelvcs, in order to the advancement of the Kingdom of Chrifi. 
 
 Upon this ground their Synod enadled , that no Scotifh Merchants fhould from 
 " (henceforth traflique in any of the Dominions of the King of Spain , untilhisMa- 
 " jelly liad procured from that King fome relaxtaion of the rigour of theinqiiifition, 
 upon pain of excommunication. As likewife that the Monday market at Edenburg 
 (hould be aboliflied ,. it feems they thought it miniftred fome occafion to the breach 
 of the Sabbath. The Merchants petitioned the King to maintain the liberty of their 
 trade, he grants their requert but could not protedl them , for the Church profecu- 
 ted the poor Merchants with their cenfures , until they promifed to give over the 
 SpJriiJ}; trade , fo foon as they had perfeded their accounts, and payed their credi- 
 tors in thofe parts. 
 
 But the Shoemakers , who were moft interefted in the Monday markets with 
 their tumults and threatnings compelled the Miniftersto retradt, whereupon it be- 
 came a jell in the City , that the Soitters could obtain more at the Minifters hands, than 
 the King. So they may meddle with the Spanijh trade or Monday markets , or any 
 thing in Order to Religion. 
 
 Upon this ground they afTume to themfelves a power to ratifie Aifls of 
 Parliament , So the Aflembly ^.i^'Edenhurg enadted , that the Ads made in the 
 Parliament at E^fwW^ the 24 oi Augufl. 1560, ( without either Commiflion or 
 Proxie from their Sovereign , ) touching Religion , &c. fliould have the force of 
 "a publick Law. And that the faid Parliament, fo far as concerneci Religion, 
 " (hould be maintained by them , &c. and be ratified by the Firfi Parliament that 
 " fhould happen to be kept within that Realm. See how bold they make with Kings 
 and Parliaments , in order to Religion. I cannot omit that famous fummons which 
 " this AfTembly fent out, not onely to entreat , but to admonifh aU perfons truly pro- 
 '■ felling the Lord Jefus within the Realm , as well Noble-men as Barons as thofe 
 of other Eflates , to meet and give their pergonal appearance at Edenhtrg the 20 
 of July enfuing , for giving their advice and concurrence in matters then to be pro- 
 poned , efpccially for purging the Realm of Popery , eftablifhing the policy oi the 
 Church , and reltoring the Patrimony thereof to the juft pofleiTours. AlTuringfuch 
 as did abfent themfelves, that they fhould be efteemed dilfimulate profeiTours , un- 
 worthy of the fellowlViip of Chrifts flock : who thinks your Scotifh Difciplinarians 
 know not how to ruffle it ? 
 
 Upon this ground they aflurre a power to abrogate and invalidate Laws and Adls 
 of Parliament , if they feem difadvantagious to the Church. Church Affemblies 
 " have power to abrogate and abolifli all ftatutes and Ordinances concerning Eccle- 
 " fialiical matters , that are found noyfom and unprofitable , and agree not with 
 " the times or are abufed by the people. So the Ads of Parliament 1584. at the 
 " very fame time that they were proclaimed , were protefted againft at the market 
 "crofs of Edenburg by the Minifters , in the name of the Kirk of Scotland. And a 
 " little before , whatfoever be the Treafon of impugning the authority of Parlia- 
 "ment, it can be no Treafon to obey God rather than man. Neither did the Gene- 
 " ral AfTembly oC Glafgnn> j6^^. e^c. commit any treafon , when they impugned 
 "Epifcopacy, and Perth-articles, although ratified by Ads of Parliament, and 
 " (ianding Laws then unrepealed. He faith fo far true , that we ought rather to 
 obey God than man , that is , to fuffer when we cannot Ad ; but to impugn the 
 
 autho-
 
 Discourse I. Of Scot'iih Difcipline. hqc 
 
 authority of a lawful Magillratc, is neither to obey God nor man.God Comtnands Us 
 to dye innocent rather than to live nocent, they teach us rather to live nocenr, than 
 dye innocent. Away witii thefc feeds of fedition , thefe rebellious principles 
 Our Mailer Chrill hath left us no fuch warrant , and the unfound pradiice of an ob- 
 fcure conventicle is no fafe patern. The King was furprized at Kuthen by a compa- *5£2. 
 ny of Lords and other confpirators ■-, this fadt was a plain Treafon as could be lau- 
 gined , and fo it was declared i ( I fay declared , not made ) in Parliament. Yet ,c;o,, 
 ^n Pi.ffcmb]y Gcmv2.\ ( m man gam-fayhtg } did jifilijie that Treafin in order to Relig^ion 
 as good and acceptable Service to Ood ^ their Sovereign , and Native Cnuntrey^ requiring ^'^^- Edtu''j 
 the Minifters in all their Churches to commend it to the people , ind exhort all men to con- '5^2. 
 cur with tlx AUors , as they tendredthe Glory of God ^ the full deliverance of the Church 
 and perfid Kefortnation of the Common-wealtb , threatning all thofe rvho fttbjcrihed not 
 to their '-judgement rvitb Excornmunication. We fee this is not the Firft time that Dif- 
 ciplinarian Spcdacks have made abominable Treafon to (ecm Rcli'^ion if it ferve 
 for the advancement of the good caufe. And it were well if they could re!i here 
 or their Zeal to advance their Ecclefia,ftical Sovereignty, by foirce of Arms , and 
 effuHon of Chriftian blood , would confine it felf within the limits of Scoilind: No 
 thofe bounds arc two narrow for their pragmatical Spirits : And for buOe BilTiopsin 
 other mens DioceJTes , fee the Articles of Sterlings that the fecuring and Jetling Re- ^^^'^' *7i^48 
 ligion at home ^ and prom ting the work^of Reformation abroad, /« England a;?^ Ireland '^ 
 be referred to the determination of the General Affemhly ( of the Kirk,) or their Com- 
 mijjioners. What, is old Edenburg turned new Rome, and the old Presbyters youn^- 
 Cardinals, and their confiftory a conclave , and their committees a jun&o for propa- 
 gating the Faith ? Themfelves ftand molt in need of Pvcformation i If there be 
 a mote in the eye of our Church , theix is a beam in theirs. Neither want we at 
 home God be praifed , thofe who are a Thoufand times fitter for learning , for 
 piety , for difcretion , to be reformers^ than a few giddy innovators. This I am 
 fure , fince they undertook our cure agaifift our wills ^ they have made many faE 
 Church-yards m England. Nothing is more civil , or Effential to the Crown, then 
 the Militia , or power of raifing Arms. Yet we have feen in the attempt at Ritthen 
 in their Letter to the Lord Hamilton , in their Sermons , what is their opinion. 
 They infinuate as much in their Theorems , It ps lawful to refiji the Magijirate by cer- 
 tain extroardinary ways or means, not to be ordinarily allowed. It were no difficult ''^heor 84. 
 task out of their private Authors, to juftifie the barbarous A«2:s that have been com- 
 mitted in England. But I fliallhold my fclf to their publick actions and records. 
 A mutinous company of Citizens forced the Gates of Halyrood-hou(e , to fearch for a 
 Prieji , and plunder at their pleafwe. Mr. Knox W.W charged by the Council to have 
 been the Author of the fedition ; and further , to have convocated his MajejUes Subjects .#„„. 11^52. 
 by Letters mijjive when he pleafed. He anfwered that he was no Preacher of Rebel- " 
 lion , but taught people to obey their Princes in the Lord •, [ I fear he taught 
 them likewife , that he and they were the competent judges , what is obedience 
 in the Lord. ^ He confefled bU convocating of the SubjeHs by virtne of a command 
 from the Church, to advert ife the brethren when hefaw a necejftty of their meeting , ejpe- 
 cial'v if he perceived Religion to be in peril. Take another inllance. The Ajiembly having 
 received an anfwer from the King , about the Xryal of the Popifh Lords , not to their con- ^^•- Eden 
 tentment , rejdve all to convene in Arms at the place appointed for the Tryal ■■, whereupon ^''^' ^593' 
 fame wsr.e left at Edenburg to give tinuly adverdfement to the reji. The King at his re- 
 turn gets notice of it , calls the Minifrers before him , (hews them what an undutiful part 
 it was in them to levy Forces , and draw his Subjeds into Arms without bis warrant. 
 The Minifters pleaded , that it was the caufe of God, in defence whereof they could not 
 be deficient. This is the Presbyterian wont, to fubjedt all caufes and perfons to 
 their confiltories , to ratifie and aboliOi civil Laws, to confirm and pull down Par- 
 liaments , to levy Forces , to invade other Kingdoms, to do any thing refpeAve- 
 ly to the advancement of the goo i caufe , and in Order to Religion. 
 
 L 11 2 C ri A P,'
 
 TOME n. 
 
 CHAP. VIII 
 
 Ihtt the VifiiplifiariaHS chalknge this exorbitant Tower by Vivine Jxight. 
 
 BEliolJ both Swords , Spiritual and Temporal , in the hands of tlie Presbyte- 
 ry i the one ordinarily, by common right, the other extraordmarily j the 
 one beiont'ing diredly to the Church , the other indiredly, the one of the King- 
 dom of Chrill, the other for his Kingdom, in order to the propagation of Religi- 
 on. See how thefe Hocas pocafes , with Gripping up their lleeves and profcilions 
 of plain-dealing , with declaiming againft the Tyranny of Prelates , under the 
 pretcnle of humility and Minillerial duty , have wrerted the Scepter out of the 
 hand ot'Majelly,and jugled themfelves into as abfolute a Papacy, as ever was within 
 the walls of Rome. O Saviour , behold thy Vicars , and fee whither the pride of 
 the Servants of thy Servants is afcended. Now their confiftorics are become the 
 trlburtah of Chrijt That were ftrange indeed ! Chrifl hath but one Tribunal , his 
 Kingdom is not of this World. Their determinations pafs for the Sentences of 
 Chriji. Alas there is too much fadrion , and paflion, and ignorance in their Presby- 
 teries. Their Synodal Afts go for the Ljiv/ 0/ C/;n/?. His Laws are immutable, 
 mortal man may not prefume to alter them , or to add to them , but thcfe men are 
 chopping and changing their conftitutions every day. Their Elders muft be look- 
 ed upon as the Commi^onen of Chrift, It is impoflible ! Geneva, was the hril City 
 where this Difcipline was hatched , though fince it hath lighted into hucklkrs 
 hands. In thofe days they magnified the platform of Geneva , for the pattern 
 jherved in' the Mount. But there, the Presbyters at their admillion take an Oath , to 
 obfcrve the Ecclefiaftical Ordinances of the fmall , great , and General Councils of 
 that City. Can any man be fo Itupid, as to think , that the high Commillioners of 
 Chrili fwear fealty to the Burgers of Geneva ? Now forfooth their Difciphne is be- 
 come the Scepter of Chriji , the Eternal Gofpel. ( See how fucccfs exalts mens de- 
 fires and demands. ) In good time , where did this Scepter lye hid for 1500. years, 
 that we cannot find the lealt footfteps of it in the meanell village of Chrillendom ? 
 This world draws towards an end ■■, was this difcipline fitted and contrived for the 
 world to come ? Or how {hould it be the Eternal Gofpel ? When every man (ees 
 how different it is from it felf , in all Presbyterian Churches, adapted and accom- 
 modated to the civil policy of each particular place where it is admitted, except 
 ondy Scotland , where it comes in like a Conquerour, and makes the civil power 
 Hoop and ftrike topfail to it. Certainly , if it be the Gofpel, it is the Fifth Gofpel, 
 far it hath no kindred with the other Four. There is not a Text which they wrcft 
 againlt Epifcopacy , but the independants may with as much colour of reafon , 
 and truth , urge it againft their Presbyteries. Where doth the Gofpel difiinguilh 
 between temporary and perpetual Rules i" Between the Government of a Perfon , 
 and of a Corporation? There is not a Text which they produce for their Presby- 
 tery, but may with much more reafon be alledged for Epifcopacy , and more a- 
 greeable to the analogy of Faith , to the perpetual pradice and belief of the Catho- 
 lick Church , to the concurrent expofitions of all Interpreters , and to the other 
 Texts of Holy Scripture , for until this new model was yefterday devifed , none of 
 thofe Texts were ever fo underftood. When the pradife ufhers in the Dodtrine 
 it is very fufpicious , or rather evident , that the Scripture was not their rule of 
 their reformation , but their fubfequent excufe. This (juredivino) is that which 
 makes their fore incurable, themfelves incorrigible, that they Father their own 
 brat upon God Almighty, and make this Mufliroom which fprung up but the other 
 night , to be of Heavenly defcent. It is juft like the Dodtrine of the Popes Infa- 
 libility, which (huts the door againft all hope of remedy. How fhould they be brought 
 to reform their errours, who believe they cannot err, or they be brought to renonnce 
 Ant 1599. their drowfie dreams, who take it for granted, that they are divine Revelations < 
 
 And yet when that wife Prince , King James, a little before the National Afftm- 
 b'y at Perth , publifhed in Print ^5 Articles or Queftions , concerning the uncer- 
 
 taintv
 
 Discourse L Of Scou(h D/piplwe- ^^ j 
 
 tainty of this Difcipline, and the vanity of their pretended plea o'i Divine right ^ 
 and concerning the errours and abufes crept into it , for the b "ttcr preparation of 
 all men to the enfuing Synod , that Minilkrs might fiudy the point beforehand 
 and fpeak to the piirpofe ■-, they who Hood atfeded to that way , were extremely 
 perplexed. To give a particular account , they knew well it was impollible i but 
 their chiefeft trouble was , that their foundation of Vimne right , which they had 
 given out all this while to be a folid rock , (hould come now to be quelHoned for a 
 Ihaking quagmire \ and fo without any oppofition they yielded the bucklers. Thus 
 it continued , until thefe unhappy troubles , when they ftarted afide again like bro- 
 ken bovves. This plant thrives better in the midft of tumults , than in the time of 
 peace and tranquillity. The Elm wliich Tupports it , is a fadlious multitude, but a 
 prudent and couragious Magillrate nips it in the bud. 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 "that th'u Vifci^Une mal^s a mmjier of the CommmTvealth. 
 
 WE have feen how pernicious this Difcipline ( as it is maintained in Scot- 
 hud, and endeavoured to be introduced into England by the Covenant ) 
 is to the fupreme Magillrate , how it robs him of his Supremacy in Ecclellaltical af- 
 fairs , and of the laft appeals of his own Sub)eds , that it exempr-s the Presbyters 
 fromthepower of the Magillrate, and fubjedts the Magillrate to the Presbyters, 
 that it rellrains his difpenfative power of pardoning , deprives him of the depen- 
 dence of his Subjedrs, that it doth challenge and ufurp a power paramount j both 
 of the Word , and of the Sword ■■, both of Peace and War , over all Courts and 
 Eftates , over all Laws Civil and Ecclefiatlical , in order to the advancement of the 
 Kingdom of Chrift , whereof the Presbyters alone are conftituted Rulers by God, 
 and all this by a pretended Divine right, which takes away all hope of remedy , 
 until it be hilfed out of the world : in a word , that it is the top-branch of Popery, 
 a greater tyranny than ever Kome was guilty of. It remains to Hiew how difadvan- 
 tageousit is alfo to the Subject. 
 
 f iril , to the Commonwealth in general, which it makes a monfter, like an 
 Amphifhbaina , or a Serpent with two heads, one at either end. It makes a co- 
 ordination of Soveraignty in the fame Society, two Supremes in the fame King- 
 dom or State, the one Civil, the other Ecclefiaftical , than which nothing can be 
 more pernicious, eitlier to the confciences , or the Eftates ofSubjedls, when it falls 
 out C as it often doth J that from thefe two heads iffue contrary commands i Jf the 
 Irumfet give ad uncertain found , tr>ho JhaH prepare himfelf bo the battel? Much more 
 when there are two Trumpets , and tl>e one founds an Alarm, the other a Retreat, 
 what (hould the poor Souldier do in fuch a cafe ? or the poor Subjedl in the other 
 cale > if he obey the Civil magillrate , he is fure to be excommunicated by the 
 Church ; if he obey the Church, he is fure to be imprifoned by the Civil magillratev 
 What ftall become of him > I know no remedy , but according to Solomon's fen- 
 tence, the living Subjedt mull be divided into two , and the one half given to the 
 »'one, and the other half to the other. For the oracle of Truth hath faid , that one 
 man cannot ferve trvo Majiers. But in Scotland , every man mull ferve two inafters 
 and ("which is worfe ) many times difagreeing mafters. At the lame time, the 
 Civil magiftrate hath commanded the Feaft of the Nativity of our Saviour to be 
 obferved,and the Church hath forbidden it.At the fame time,the King hath fummoned 
 the Bifhops to fit and Vote in Parliamei>t, and the Church hath forbidden them. 
 
 In the year 1582. Monfieur La-mot , a Knight of the Order of the Holy Ghoft, 
 with an alTociate, were fent Ambafladours from Fr^?;ee into Scotland : The Mini- 
 fters of Edenburgh approving not his meflage, ( though meerly civil, ) inveigh in 
 their Pulpits bitterly againft Iiim, calling his rphite Crop the badge of Antichrijl ^ 
 and himfelf the Ambaffadmr of a murtherer. The King was afhamed , but did not 
 know how to help if, the Ambaffadours were difcontented,and defued to be gone, 
 the King willing to preferve the ancient amity between the two Crowns , and to 
 
 difipift 
 
 I Cor. I4.1.
 
 ^o8 
 
 Fair Warning 
 
 TOM fell- 
 
 Fcbr: 1 6. 
 
 At St Gllet 
 Church-, 
 
 difmifs the Ambaffadours with content , requires the Magiftrates of EcUnhurgh to 
 f-aft them at their departure i To they did : But to hinder this Feaft, upon the Sun- 
 dav Drecedine the Miniftcrs proclaim a Faft to he kept the fame day the Feaft was 
 aDDOintedi and to detain the people all day at Church, the three Preachers make 
 three Sermons, one after another, without interiniffion, thundring out curfes 
 aeainft the Magiftrates and Noblemen which waited upon the Ambafladours by the 
 I^ncs appointment. Neitiier ftayed they here , but purfued the Magiftrates with 
 the cenfures of the Church, for not obfcrving the Faft by them proclaimed, and 
 with much difficulty were wrought to abftain from excommunicating of them s 
 which cenfure , how heavy it falls in Scotland^ you (hall fee by and by. To come 
 vet nearer, the late Parliament in Scotland enjoyned men to take up Arms , for de- 
 livery of their King out of Prifon •, the CommilBoncrs for the Aflembly difallowed 
 it and at thi<; prefent, how many are chafed out of their Countrey? Hov^ many 
 are put to publick repentance in fackcloth? How many arc excommunicated, for 
 being obedient to the Supreme Judicatory of the Kingdom, that is, King and Par- 
 liament ? Miferable is the condition of that people, wlicrc there is fuch clafhing 
 and interfering of Supreme Judicatories and authorities, if they fliall pretend that 
 this was no Free Parliament -, Firft , they affirm that which is not true ■■, cither that 
 Parliament was free, or what will become of the reft > Secondly, this Plea will ad- 
 vantage them nothing y for ( which is all one with the former ) thus they make 
 themfelves Judges of the validity or invalidity of Parliaments. 
 
 itfarch 22- 
 
 Bedar. 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 'that this Vijcipline is moft Jvejudiiial to the Varliament. 
 
 FRom the Effential Body of the Kingdom we are to -proceed to the reprefenta- 
 tive Body , which is the Parliament. We have already fecn, how it attributes 
 a power to National Synods to reftrain Parliaments , and to abrogate their Adts , 
 if they (hall judge them prejudicial to the Church. Wc nsed no other inftance , to 
 (hew what fmall account Presbyteries do make of Parliaments , than the late Parli- 
 ament in Scotland. Notwithftanding that the Parliament had declared tlieir refolu- 
 tion to levy Forces vigoronjly , and that they did expeB as rvcV from the Synods and Fre- 
 sbyteries , its from aU other His Maj^ies good SubjeSs , a ready obedience to the Com- 
 mands of Farliament^ and Committee of l^ates. The CommilHoners of the A(rem- 
 bly not fatisfied herewith , do not onely make their Propofals , that the gmmds of 
 the War , and the breaches of the Teace , might he cleared: fhat the union of the King- 
 doms might be preferved : that the Popijh andPrelatical party might bs f»pprejfed : that 
 His Majefiies Offers concerning Religion might be declared unfatisfaUory : that before his 
 Majefties rejiitution to the exercife of his Royal power , hefhallfrr{} engage himfelf hyfo- 
 lemn Oath under his hand andfeal , to pafs Ads for the fettlement of the Covenant and 
 Tresbyterian Government in all his Dominions , &c. And never to oppofe them , or 
 endeavour the change of them,(an Ufurer will truft a Bankrupt upon eatiertearms, 
 than they will do their Soveraign, and Laftly, that fuch pcr(bns onely might be 
 intruded , as had given them no caufe of iealoufie , ( which had been too much ,- 
 and more than any Eftates in Europe will take in good part from half a dozen 
 Minifters. ) But afterwards by their publick Vetlaration to the whole Kirk^and King- 
 dom , fet forth that not hdng fatisfied in thefe particulars , they do plainly difient and 
 difagree , and declare that they arc clearly perfwaded in their confciences , that the En- 
 gagement iiS of dangerous confequence to true Religion ; prejudicial to the liberty of the 
 Kirk^, favourable to the malignant party , inconfiftent with the Vnion of the Kingdom : 
 contrary to the word of God and the Covenant^ wherefore they cannot ahw either Minifters 
 or any other whatfoever to concur and cooperate in it , and trttfl that they will k(ep them- 
 felves free in this bufinefs , and clxofe afjlitiion rather than iniquity. And to fay the 
 truth , they made their word good. For by their power over the Church-men and 
 by their influence upon the people, and by threatning all thofe who engaged in 
 that aftion with the ccnfures of the Church , they retarded the Levies , they de- 
 terred
 
 Discourse f. Of Scot/fli Difcipline. ^oo^ 
 
 tencdall Preachers from accompanying the Army to do Divine Offices! And when 
 
 St. Peters Keys would not fervethe turn , they made ufe of St'. Pauls fword , and 
 gathered the Country together in arms at Machken-moor to oppofe the expedition. 
 
 So if the high Court of Parliament will (et up Presbytery , they mull lefolve'to 
 introduce an higher Court than themfelves , which will overtop them for eminen- 
 cy of authority , for extent of Power , and greatnefs of Priviledges , that is a 
 National Synod. ' ' 
 
 Firll, for Authority, the one being acknowledged to be but an humane convention 
 the other affirmed confidently to be a Divine inltitution. The one fitting by virtue' 
 of the Kings writ, the other by virtue of Gods writ. The one as Councellers of 
 the Prince , the other as Ambafladours and Vicars of the Son of God. Tne one as 
 BurgeiTes of Corporations , the other as Commiliioners of Chrift. The one Judg- 
 ing by the Law of the Land , the other by the Holy Scriptures. The one taking 
 care for this Temporal life , the other for Eternal life. 
 
 Secondly , for power, as Cunm faith, ubi multiiudo vana religione capta eji mc 
 liiis vatibus fuif qitam dncibus paret , where the multitude is led with fuperitition 
 they do more readily obey their Prophets than their Magiftrates. Have they not 
 reafon? pardon us , OMagiffrate, thou threatneff us with prifon , they threaten 
 us with Hell- fire. Thy fentence deprives us of civil protection , and the benefit of 
 the Law , fo doth theirs indiredly , and withal makes us Ifrangers to the common- 
 wealth oilfrael. Thou canft out-law us , or horn us , and conhlcate our Ellates 
 their Keys do the fame alfo by confequence , and moreover deprive us of the prayers' 
 of the Church , and the comfortable ufe of the BlefTed Sacraments. Thou canfl 
 deliver us to a Purfevant, or commit us to the Black Rod, they can deliver us 
 over toSathan, and commit us to the Prince of darknefs. 
 
 Thirdly, for Priviledges, the Priviledges of Pariiament extend not to treafon 
 felony, or breach of Peace : but they may talk Treafon, and Adt treafon , in tlieir 
 Pulpits and Synods without controlment. They may fecurely commit not onely 
 fetihrcinyhut Burglary^ and force the door of the Palace Royal. They may not 
 onely break the peace, but convocate the Subjedts in Arms, yea give warrant to 
 a particular perfon , to convene them by his Letters millives , according to his 
 difcretion, in order to Religiot. Of all which we have feen inffances in this difcourfe* 
 The Priviledges of Parliaments are the Graces and concelfions of man , and may be 
 taken away by human Authority , but the priviledges of Synods they fay are from 
 God, and cannot without Sacriledge be taken away by mortal man. The Two 
 Houfes of Parliament cannot name Commiliioners to fit in the ititervalls and take 
 care ne quid detrimenti capiat rejpublica , that the Commonwealth receive no preju- 
 dice ■-, but Synods have power to name Vicars-general , or Commilhoners to lit 
 in the intervalls of Synods, and take order that neither King nor Pariiament nor 
 people do incroach upon the Liberties of the Church. If there be any thing to 
 do , they are ( like the Fox in £fops Fables , ) fure to be in at one end of it. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 "Ihat this Vifcipline is opprefftve to particular perfons. 
 
 Towards particular perfons this Difcipline i« too full of rigour , like Vracos 
 Laws that were written in blood. Firft in lefTer faults , inflicting Church jcot. L • 
 cenfures upon llight grounds. As for an uncomely gefture , for a vain word for <? yg "'"'* 
 fufpitionof covetoufnefs orpride, for fuperfluity in rayment, either for colt or fa- 
 fhion , for keeping a table above a mans calling or means , for dancing at a wed- 1 ^°^^ '^''c, 
 ding , or of Servants in the Streets , for wearing a mans hair a-la-mode for not ' ^^*^' 
 paying of Debts , for ufing the leaft recreation upon the Sabbath ; though void 
 of fcandal , and confiftant with the duties of the day. I wilh they were acquaint- 
 ed with the pracflice of all other Proteftant Countries. But if they did but fee one 
 of thofe skirmilfes which are obferved in fome places , the Pulpit, the Confiftory , 
 the whole Kingdom would not be able to hold them. What digladiations have 
 
 three
 
 ■— T-" ^ FairJfarm'^g TOME IT. 
 5 ' ° . — ^ %1 
 
 '^ch^^i^^^^^^^f^^'^ «f f'^^'^ ^'^ '^°"' \"'i '"'J '"'^'',' '^'' J^" ^j''' '''''^? 
 
 D bates which were fometimes among the lranctjcans, about the colour and 
 Va''^ of their Gowns? They do not allow men a latitude of difcretion in any 
 talhion ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^j^^.^ Superiours, muft be their Slaves or Pupils. It is true, 
 1 "v^beein their. cenfures with admonition , and if a man will confefs himfelf a de- 
 1 nquent be forry for giving the Presbyters any offence , and conform himfelf in 
 his hair, 'apparel, diet, everything, to what thefe rough-hewen Cjto's (Viall pre- 
 fcribe he may clcape theftonl of repentance , other wife they will proceed againrt him 
 for contumacy , to Excommunication. 
 
 Secondly , this Difcipline is opprellive in greater faults: the fame man is punlfii- 
 ed twice for the fame crime i Firll * by the Magirtrate , according to the Lawes of 
 God and the Land , for the offence: thefi , by the cenfures of the Church for the 
 fcanda!. To this agrees their Synod , Nothing forbids the fame fault in the fame man 
 Theor 63. ^g y^ puniflied one tvay by the pUtical power ^ another reay by the Ecckfialiical ■, by that ^ 
 under the jorm.dity (f a crime rvith corporal or pecuniary pimjhment ■, by thU , under the 
 formality of fcandal vcith fj>iritual cenfttres. And their Book of Difcipline , Jf the ci- 
 vil Sword foolijhly fpare the life of the offender , yet may not the Kirl^ be negligent in 
 their office. Thus their Liturgy in exprefs terms, JU crimes which by the Law of God 
 I book 5 1C2 deferve death , deferve alfo excommunication. Yea , though an offender abide an aG- 
 ^" ^^ fizc and be abfolved by the fame , yet may the Church injoyn him puhlick^ fatufa- 
 
 Uion: or if the Magiftrate fhall not tliink lit in his judgment , or cannot in confci- 
 Scot-lit. 4 ^^^^^ profecute the party upon the Churches intimation, the Church may admonijh the 
 Maffiflrate publickly : and if no remedy be fomid, excommunicate the offender j 
 ^' frjl for hU crime , and then for being fuffeSed to have corrupted the Jtidge. Obferve 
 firft, that by hook or crook they will bring all crimes Whatfoever , great and fmall, 
 within their jurifdidtion. Secondly , obferve that a Delinquents tryal for his life , 
 is no fufficient fatisfadion to thefe third Cato''s. Laftly obferve, that to fatistie their 
 own humour , they care not how they blemifh publickly the reputation of the Ma- 
 giftrate upon frivolous conjectures. 
 
 Thirdly, add to this which hath been faid , the feverity and extreme rigour of 
 their Excommunication , after which fentence, mperfon{ his wife and Family one- 
 ly excepted ) may have any kind of converfation with him that is excommunicate , they 
 ibookdifc. 7 may not eat with him ^ nor drinl\_ with him , nor buy with him , nor fell with him^ they 
 *''"'^' may notfalute him , norfpeah^ to him, \_ except it be by the licence of the Presbytery, 1 
 
 His children begotten and born after that fentence ^ and before his reconciliation to the 
 Church may not be admitted to baptifm , until they be of age to require it v or the mO' 
 ther , or fame fpecial friend , being a member of the Church, prefent the child, abhor- 
 riniT and damning the iniquity and ohftinate contempt of the Father. Add farther , that 
 upon this ftntence. Letters of Horning ( as they ufe to call them in Scotland ) do 
 follow of courfe, that is , an outlawing of the party , a confifcation of his goods, 
 a putting him out of the Kings protedtion, fo as any man may kill him, and be 
 unpuniflied : yea , the party excommunicate is not fo much of cited ■ to hear thefe fa- 
 tal letters granted. Had not Vavid reafon to pray , Let me fall into the hands of the 
 5^ Articl. Lnrd, not into the hands (f men , for their mercies are cruel. Cruel indeed, that when 
 159^' a man is profecuted for his life, perhaps juftly , perhaps unjuftly , fo, as appearing 
 
 and hanging are to him in effe<St the fame thing > yet if he appear not , this pitiful 
 Church will excommunicate him for contumacy ; Whether the offender be convid in 
 Scot Lit. 49 ptdgment, or be fugitive from the Law , the Church ought to proceed to the fentence of 
 Excommunication, as if the juff and evident fear of death did not purge away con- 
 tumacy. 
 
 C H A P
 
 Discourse I. Of Scotiih Difcipline. en 
 
 C H A P. XII. 
 
 TiE>i* thif Difcipline is hurtful to all orders of men, 
 
 LAHly , this Difcipline is burthenfom and difadvantageous to all orders of men. 
 The Nobiliry and Gentry muli exped to tbilow the fortune of their Prince. 
 Upon the abatement of Monarchy in Kowf, remember what difmal controveriies 
 did prefently fpring up between the Tatridi and Vkbeii. They (hall be fubjeded to 
 the ccnfures of a raw, heady Novice, and a few ignorant artificers •, they (hall lofe 
 all their advowfons of fuch Benefices as have cure of fouls ( as they have lately 
 found in Scotland) for every Congregation ought to choofe their orvn Pajiow ■■, they {hall 
 hazzard iheir Appropriations and Abbey-lands; A facriledge which their National 
 Synod cannot in confcience tolerate, longer than they have f^rength fufHcient to o- 
 vcrthrow it •, and if tliey proceed as they begin, the Presbyters will in a fhort time 
 cither accomplifli their defign , or change their foil. They fhall be bearded and 
 mated by every ordinary Presbyter : witnefe that infolent fpeech of Mr. Robert 
 Bruce to King James : Sir , J fee your refolution is to tak^ Huntley into favour , if you 
 do, I Tvill oppofe ■■, you fhall choofe whether you vciU lofe Huntley or me , form "both you 
 cannot k^ep. It is nothing with them , for a Pedant to put himfelf into theballance 
 with one of the prime and moft powerful Peers of the Realm. 
 
 The poor Orthodox Clergy in the mean time fliall be undone , their ftraw {hall 
 be taken from them, and the number of their bricks be doubled : they {hall lofe the 
 comfortable affurance of an undoubted fucceflion by Epi{copal Ordination, and put 
 if to a dangerous queftion, whether they be within the pale of the Church : they 
 lliall be reduced to ignorance , contempt , and beggery •, they fliall lofe an ancient 
 Liturgy , ( warranted in the moft parts of it by all, in all parts of it by the moft 
 publick forms of the Protertant Churches , whereof a (hort time may produce a 
 parallel to the view ot the World , ) and be enjoyned to prate and pray non-{ence 
 everlaliingly. For howfoever formerly they have had a Liturgy of their own as 
 all other Chriftian Churches have at this day.-yet now it feems they allow no Prayers g v 
 
 but extemporary. So faith the information from Scotland, It is not lawful for a man to i!i'ci!"i7i'. *' 
 tye himfelf, or be tyed by others , to a prefcript form of words in prayer and exhor- 
 tation. 
 
 Parents (hall loofe the free difpofition of their own Children in marriage : if the 
 child defire an husband or a wife , and the parent gainjland their requeji , and have no ^ ^°^^ '^''"*^' 9 
 other caufe than the commmonfort of men have, to wit behoof goods, or becaufe the other ^^^^' 
 party is not of birth high enough , upon the childs defire , the Minifter is to travail 
 with the parents , and if he find no jujl caufe to the contrary , may admit them to mar- 
 riage. For the wor}{_ of God ought not to be hindred by the corrupt affe£iions ofwjrldly 
 men. They who have flripped the Father of their Countrey of his jult ri^^ht , may 
 make bold with the Fathers of Families , and will not Ifick to exclude al! other 
 Fathers , but themfelves out of the Fifth Commandment. The Dodrine is very 
 high , but their pradife is yet much more high. The Presbyteries will compel 
 the wronged parent to give that child as great a portion as any of his other ' 
 children. 
 
 It will be ill news to the Lawyers to have the moulter taken away from their 
 Mills upon ptetence of fcandal , or in Order to Religion , to have their fenrences 
 repealed by a Synod of Presbyters , and to receive more prohibitions from Eccle{i- 
 aftical Courts , than ever they fent thither. 
 
 J II Mjliers and Miiheffes of families , of what age or condition fjever, muji come once 
 a year befre the Presbyter , with their houfhoulds , to be examined perfinally whether ^ ^°^^ ^'^'^' ^ 
 they be fit to receive the Sacrament, in reJpeU of their k^towledge , and otherwife. And ^^^' 
 if they fufer their children orfervants to continue in wilful ignorance ( IFhat if they can- 
 not help its') they mn^ be excommunicated. It is probable , the perfons Catechifed 
 eould often better inlirud their Catechifls. 
 
 The common people (hall have an high Commillion in every parilTi, and groan 
 
 Mmm ' under
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 Fair Warning TOME H. 
 
 "T^^^jTTd^arbitrary decrees of ignorant unexperienced Governours , who know no 
 1 Vw but their own wills, who obferve no order but what they lirt v from whom 
 tirs no appeal but to a Synod , which for the {hortnefs of its continuance can afford , 
 which for the condition of the perfons will affbrd them little relief. If there arifc 
 ivatc jar between the parent and the child , or the husband and the wife , thefe 
 domertical Judges mull know it, and cenfure it. 
 
 Scire volmt fecreta domiu , atque inde timeri. 
 
 And if there have been any fuit or difference between the Paftor and any of his flock, 
 or between Neighbour and Neighbour, be fure it wil' liOt be forgotten in the fen- 
 tence. The practice of our Law hath been , that a Jud^i.e was rarely permitted to 
 ride a circuit in his own Countrey , leaf! private intercil or refpeds might make 
 him partial. Yet a Countrey is much larger than a parilli , and a grave learned 
 Tudee is prefumed to have more temper than fuch home-bred fellows. Thus we fee 
 what a Fandora'i box this pretended holy Difcipline is , full of manifold mifchiefs, 
 and to all orders of men moil pernicious. 
 
 CHAP. Xlll. 
 
 T^hat the Covenant to introduce thU 'Difcipline it void and tvicksd,^ with ajhort Coii- 
 clttfwa. 
 
 But yet the confcience of an Oath ilicks deep. Some will plead , that they have 
 made a Covenant with God , for the introdudion of this Difcipline. Oaths 
 and Vows ought to be made with great judgement , and broken with greater. My 
 next task therefore mull be to dcmonftrate this clearly, that this Covenant is not 
 binding , but meerly void , and not onely void but wicked i fo as it is neceflary to 
 break it , and impious to obferve it. 
 
 The Firft thing that cracks the credit of this new Covenant is , that it was de- 
 viled by Grangers , to the diflionour of our Nation ■■> impofed by fubjeds , who 
 wanted requiiite power upon their Sovereign and fellow- fubjedsv extorted by juft 
 fear of unjuft fufferings. So as a man may truly fay of many who took this Covenant, 
 that they finned in pronouncing the words with their lips , but never confented 
 with their hearts to make any vow to God. 
 
 Again,errour and deceit make thofe things involuntary, to which they are incident, 
 efpccially when the errouris not meerly negative by way of concealment of truth,vvhen 
 a man knows not what he doth, butpofitive, when he believes he doth one thing, 
 and doth the clear contrary, and that not about fome inconfiderable accidents, but 
 about the fubllantial conditions. As if a phyfitian , either out of ignorance or ma- 
 lice, (hould give his patient a deadly poyfon under the name ot a cordial , and 
 bind him by a Solemn Oath to take it , the Oath is void , nccelfary to be broken , 
 unlawful to be kept \ if the patient had known the truth , that it was no cordial , 
 that it was poyfon , he would not have fworn to take it. Such an errour there was 
 in the Covenant with a witnefs, fo gull men with a ftrange , unknown, lately de- 
 vifed platform of Difcipline, moll pernicious to the King and Kingdom, as if it 
 were the very inftitution of Chrift , of high advantage to the King and Kingdom i 
 to gull them with that Covenant which King James did fometimes take, as if that 
 and this were all one : whereas that Covenant ilTued out by the Kings Authority, this 
 Covenant without his authority, againfl his authority i that Covenant was for the 
 Laws of the Realm, this ig againft the Laws of the Realm > that was to maintain 
 the Religion eftabliflied, this to overthrow the Religion ellablilhed.-Butbecaufe I will 
 not ground my difcourfeupon any thing that is difputable,either in matter of Jli^/;f,or 
 ¥aU i And in truth, becaufe I have no need of them, I forgive them thefe advantages, 
 onely with this gentle memento, that when other forreign Churches, and the Church 
 of Scotland it felf fas appears by their publick Liturgy ufed in thofe days) did fue for 
 aid and alHflance from the Crown and Kingdom oi England ^ihty did not go about to 
 
 obtrude
 
 Discourse I. Of Scot'](h Difciplhie. h,^ 
 
 obtrude tlu-ir own DiCiplmc upon them , but left them free to choole for thcm- 
 lelves. 
 
 The grounds which follow are dcmonflrative i Firft , no man can difpofe that 
 by vow, or otherwife , either to God or man , which is the right of a Third 
 pcrfbn without hisconlent : neither can theinferiour oblige himfelf to the prejudice 
 of his Supcriour , contrary to his duty , without his fuperiours allowance : God 
 accepts no fuch pretences, tofeem obfeqiiious to him , out of the undoubted right 
 ot another perfon. Now the power of Arms , and the defence of the Laws , and 
 protcdion of the Subjedls by thofe Arms, is by the Law of England clearly invelt- 
 ed in the Crown. And where the King is bound in confcience to prnted , the 
 Subjed is boutid in confcience to aiiift.Therefore every Ewg/j/feSubjedowes his Arms 
 and his Obedience to his King, and cannot difpofe them as a free gift of his ovvnv 
 nor by any Act of his whatfoever diminifli his Sovereigns right over him , but in 
 thofe things wherein by Law he owes Subjedion to his Prince, he remaineth 
 IHII obliged , notwithltanding any vow or covenant to the contrary, efpecially 
 when the Subjedt and fcopc of the covenant is againlt fhe known Laws of the Realm. 
 So as without all manner of doubt , no Divine or Learned cafuilt in the world dif- 
 (cnting, this Covenant is either void in it (elf, or at leaft voided by his MajelHcs 
 Proclamation , prohibiting the taking of it , and nullifying its Obligation. 
 
 Secondly , It is confclTed by all men that, that an Oath ought not to be the bond 
 of iniquity , nor doth oblige a man to be a tran(greflbur. The golden rule is , 
 in nulls pmmijjis refer nde fidem ^ in turpi voto muta decretum ^ to obferve a wicked 
 engagement doubles the tin : nothing can be the matter of a vow or covenant, 
 which is evidently unlawful. But it is evidently unlawful for a fubjed or fubjecfls 
 to alter the Laws elhbliflied by force, without the concurrence, and againit the 
 commands of the Supreme Lcgillator, for the introduftion ofa forreign Difcipline. 
 This is the very matter and fubjedof the Covenant. Subjeds Vo w to God,andfwear one 
 to another, to change the Laws ofthe Realm,to abolilh the Difcipline of the Church,and 
 the Liturgy lawfullyelhblifhed, by the Sword, (which was never committed to their 
 hands by God or man,) withoutthe King, againft the King, whidi no man can deny 
 in carnell to be plain Rc-bellion. And it is yet the worfe, that is to the main prejudice 
 of a Third Order of the Kingdom, thetaking away whole rights without their con- 
 tents, without making them fatisfadion, cannot be jultitied in pointof confcience/ yea 
 though it were for the greater convenience ofthe Kingdom, as is mollfalfely pretend- 
 ed,)and is harder meafure than the Abbots and Fryers received {lomhienry the Eight 
 or than either Chriftians or Turks do offer to their conquered enemies. 
 
 Laftlv , a fupervenient Oath or Covenant either with God or man , cannot take 
 away the Obligation of a juit Oath precedent. But fuch is the covenant, a fubfe- 
 quent Oath , inconfiftent with, and deftrudive to a precedent Oath , that is the 
 Oath of Supremacy , which all the Church-men throughout the Kingdom , all 
 the Parliament men at their admillion to thehoufe, all the perfonsof quality through- 
 out England have taken. The former Oath acknowledgeth the King to be the onely 
 Supreme head, ( that is civil head to (ee that every man do his duty in his calling. ) 
 And Governour of the Church of England : The Second Oath or Covenant , to 
 f;t up the Fresbyterian Government as it is in Scotland ^ denyeth atl this virtually, 
 makes it a political Papacy, acknowledgeth no Governours but onely the Fresbyters. 
 The former Oath gives the King the Supreme power over all perfons in all caufes, 
 the Second Oath gives him' a power over all perfons, (as they are Subjeds , ) but 
 none at all in Ecclefiaftical caufes -, this they make to be Sacriledge. 
 
 By all which it is moft apparent i that this covenant was neither free nor delibe- 
 rate , nor valid, nor lawful , nor coniillent with our former Oaths, butinforced, 
 deceitful , invalid , impious , rebellious , and contradidory to our former ingags- 
 ments, and conCeqiiently obligeth no man to performance, but all men to repen- 
 tance. For the greater certainty whereof I appeal , upon this itating of the cafe , 
 to all the learned cafuifts and Divines in Europe , touching the point of common- 
 right -■, and that this is the true ftate of the cafe, I appeal to our Adverfaries them- 
 felves. No man that hath any fpark of ingenuity will deny it. No E;!^///?;- man 
 who hath any tolerable degree of judgment, or knowledge in the Laws of his 
 
 M m m 2 coun
 
 '^•4 
 
 'of Scotifli Difcipline. TOME II. 
 
 '7^;^^^, can deny ic , but a: the iamc inltant his confcience mult give him 
 
 ^^^ Thcv who plead for this Rebellion , dare not put it to a tryal at Law , they do 
 not >'iuuiid their defence upon the Laws, but either upon their own groundiefsjea- 
 loulies and tears, of the Kings intention to introduce Popery, to fubvert the Laws, 
 and to cnflave the pwpk. Tiiis is to run into a certain crime, for fear of an un- 
 certain danger. r- ■ r r ■ ■ 
 
 They wlio intend to pick quarrels, know how to teign lulpicions. Or tlicy 
 iiround them upon the fuccefs ot their arms, or upon the Sovereign i ight ofthe people, 
 over all Laws and Magiftntes , whofe reprefenfatives they create tiicmfelves whileft 
 the poor people figh in corners , and dare not fay their Soul is their own , lament- 
 ing their former folly , to have contributed ib much to their own undoing ; 
 Or LalHy, upon Religion , the caufc of God , the worfl Plea of all the reft to 
 make God acceffary to their treafons , npurchers , covetoufncfs , ambition. Chrift 
 did never authorife Subjeds to plant Chrilhan Religion , much lefs their own fa- 
 natical dreams , or fantaifical dcvifes in the blood of their Sovereign , and fellow 
 Siibjeds. 
 
 Speak out , is it lawful for Subjedrs to tatte up arms againft their Prince merely 
 for Religion ? or is it not lawful ■" If ye fay it is not lawful, ye condemn your 
 (elves , tor your Covenant telfitieth to the world , that ye have taken up arms mere- 
 ly to alter Religion , and that ye bear no allegiance to your King, but onely in or- 
 der to Religion , that is in plain tearms, to your own humours and conceits. If ye 
 fay it is lawful , ye juftifie the Independents in E>tgla}jd, for fupplanting your felves", 
 yc ]i\i\ihe the Aiubaptifls m Germany^ John oi Leyden ^ and his crew. Ye break 
 down the banks of order , and make way for an inundation of bloud and confuli- 
 on in all Countreys. Ye render your felves juitly odious to all Chriftian Magillrates, 
 when they lee , that they owe their fafety not to your good will , but to your 
 weaknefs, that ye want fufficient ffrength to cut their throats. This is fine do- 
 dirrine for Europe, wlierein there is fcarcc that King or State , which hath not Sub- 
 jects of different opinions and communions in Religion. Or Laftly , if ye fay it is 
 lawful for you to plant that which ye apprehend to be true Religion by force of 
 arms , but it is not lawful for others to plant that which they apprehend to be true 
 Religion by force , becaufe yours is the Gofpel , theirs is not , ye beg the ^uejiion, 
 and makc-your felves ridiccloufly partial by your overweening opinion, worte than 
 that of the men of C/)i;?a , as if ye onely had two eyes, and all the reft ofthe 
 world were ftark blind. There is more hope of a fool , than of him that is wife 
 in liis own eyes. 
 
 I would to God we might be fb happy, as to fee .a General Council of Chrifii- 
 ans> at leaft, a General Synotl of all Protcftants, and that the firft Ad might be 
 to denounce an Anathema Marattatha , againft all broachers and maintainers of fcdi- 
 tious Principles , to take away the (candal which lyes upon Chriftian Religion, and 
 to (liew, that in the fearch of piety , we have not loft the Principles of Humani- 
 ty. In the mean time , let all Chriftian Magiftrates, who are principally concer- 
 ned , beware how they futfer this Cockatrice- egg to be hatched in their Domini- 
 ons. Much more how they plead for Baal, or Baal-Berith , the Baalinn of the Co- 
 venant. It were worth the inquiring, whether the marks of Antichrift do not a- 
 gree as eminently to the Aflembly General of Scotland , as either to the Pope, or to 
 the T«rl^; This we fee plainly , that they fpring out of the ruins of the Civil Ma- 
 giftrate, they fit upon the Temple of God, and they advance themfelves above 
 thofe whom Holy Scripture calleth Gods. 
 
 DIS-
 
 DISCOURSE II. 
 
 THE 
 
 Serpent - Salve : 
 
 o R, A 
 
 REMEDY 
 
 For the Biting of an 
 
 ASP 
 
 WHEREIN 
 
 The £DbrerV)at0^3? CD'^JOlinDS are difcufled , and plainly 
 difcovered to be unround, feditious, not warranted by 
 the Laws of God , of Nature, or of Nations, and mofi: 
 repugnant to the known Laws and Cuftoms of this 
 Realm. 
 
 For the Reducing of fuch His Majefties well-meaoing Subjedls into 
 the right Way , who have been raifled by that Jgnh fatMus. 
 
 By JOHN BRAMHALL D» D. Lord Bifliop 
 
 of Londonderry^ 
 
 Firft Printed in the Year, i <^ 4 9- 
 
 D V BLIN, 
 Printed Anno Dom* M. D C. L X X. V,
 
 Vl: 
 
 i
 
 To the READER. 
 
 '^T? 
 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 R E A D E 
 
 BEN that fign, or rather meteor, called Caftor and Po!Iiix , 
 appears fmgle to the Sea- faring men , it portends a danpcfnus 
 'Tempeji , beciufe of the denfity or roughnefs of the metier rvhtcb 
 is not eafily dijjolved : and when it appears double^ divided im 
 trvo ^ it prefageth fereniiy and a good Voyage. But it is other- 
 roife in the body politick^'-, when the King and Parliament are uni- 
 ted, it promifetb happy and Haley onian days to the Subbed i and 
 when they appear divided, it threatens ruine and diffipation to 
 the whole Kingdom. "This is our prefent condition , the Heads 
 are drenched with the oyl of difcord , and it runs down to the skjrts of the Garment. Of 
 all Hereticl^r in "theology , they were the worji who made two beginnings , a God of good, 
 and a God of evil. Of all Hereticks in policy , they are the moji dangerous , which makg 
 the Ccmmonwealth an Amphisbsna , a ferpent with two heads , who mak^ two Su- 
 premes without fubordination one to another, the King and the Parliament : that is., to 
 leave a Seminary of difcord, to lay a trap for the fubjeti , tofet up a Rack^for the confci- 
 ence , when Superiours fend out contrary commands ( as the Commijjion of Array , and 
 the order for the Militia. ) If they were fuhordinate one to another , we had a fife way 
 both to difcharge our confcience towards God , and fecure our Ejiates to the world , that 
 it , by obeying the Higher power , according to that Golden Rule, in prsfentia Majoris 
 ccflTat authoritas Minoris. But whilji they mak^ them coordinate one with another, the 
 ejiate , the liberty , the life , the foul of every Sabjed lies atjlak^ ■■> what paffage can poor 
 confcience find between this Scylla and Charybdis j between the two horns of this Dilem- 
 ma ' N" man can ferve two Majiers. 
 
 All great and fudden changes are dangerous to the body natural , but much more to the 
 body politick^ "time and cujtom beget reverence and admiration in the minds of all men : 
 frequent alterations produce nothingbut contempt: break ice in one place it will cracky in 
 more.Mountebankr,Proje£iors,and Innovators alteays promife golden mountains, but their per- 
 formance is feldom worth a cracl^d Groat, "fhe credulous Ajs in the Fable believed , that 
 the IVolf ( his counterfeit Phyfician ) would cure him of all his infirmities, and loji his 
 skin for his labour. Iflpen the Devil tempted our firji parents , he afjured thim of a more 
 happy efl ate , than they had in Paradife : but what J aith our commit proverb. Seldom 
 comes the better. It is the Ordinance of God, that nothingjhould be p^rfeUly bleffedin 
 this world, yet it is our weaknefs to impute all our fufferings to our frefent condition, 
 and to believe a change would free us from all incumbrances. So thought thf Romans , 
 when they changed their Conjul into Confulary Tribunes : So thought the tlorentines, 
 when they cajhiered their Decemviri i both found the difadvantage of their Novelties, both 
 Tvere forced to fhak^ hands again with their old Friends. Other Natio.-:s have uj}d to pi- 
 cture an En'S,\[(h man rt^ith a pair of Sheers in his hand , thus deriding our neivfingled- 
 nefj in attire : hut it is far worfe to be fhaping new Creeds every day , and new Forms of 
 Government , according to each mans private humour. iVhen a fickjnan tofieth from one 
 fde of his bed to another , yet his dijiemper follows him, "fhey Jay our Coitntreyman ne- 
 ver k>tows when he is well , but if God Almighty he gracioufly pleafed once again to fend 
 us p 3;e , I truji we fliall know better how to value it, hi the mean time , let us tak( 
 heed of credulity and newfanglednefs. Tbofe Slates are moji durable , which are moji 
 coKJiant to their own Rules, "the glory of Venice is perpetuated not fo much by thefirong 
 Situation, as by that fan£fion or conjiitution, that it is not lawful for any man to rnaks 
 
 men-
 
 i8 
 
 To the READER. 
 
 ■^„.« ./ a ncr, Lan' to the grand Comal before tt have been firji difcujfed and aJlor^ed 
 by afelcBed company , of thek moft inteUgent tnofi experienced Ctuzens. Among the 
 locLn. no maLught prof ofe a ner^Larc hut r^tth an halter about hts neck, ihp'f 
 he did mtfpecd in bU fmt , be mght prefently f'rftrjingld 7k Lacedemonians dtdjo 
 far abhor from aVfiudy of change , that they banijlied a s^iljul Mufmon, onely for adding 
 one \lrnig more to the Harp. rr , j-r r jj i ■ j- 
 
 J defie that no man wiV interpret what I fay in this dijcourje as intended to the prejudice 
 of the lanfiil Rights , andjuji priviledge's of Parliament. The very name of a Parlia- 
 ment tvM tnufick >» "»'■ '^'■■^ ■' ^' the Summons thereof our hearts danced for joy. It if 
 rather to he feared that we idVized Parliaments , and trufted more in them than in God 
 for our Temporal rvell being. Cod who gave the Ifraelites a King in hU anger , may at 
 hU pleajure give nf a Parliament in his anger. That we reap not the expe&ed fruit ( next 
 to cur fins ) we may thanh^the obfervator , and fmh incendiaries. I confejs myfelfthe 
 mojl unfit of thoufands to defcend into thh Theatre , as one who have lived hitherto a 
 Mute '■) but to fee the Father of our Countrey threatntd and vilified by a common Souldier, 
 14 able to mak^ a dumb manfpea^, as it didfometimes the Son of Crstis. Quando do- 
 lor eft in capite (faith St. Bernard ) when the head ak^s the tongue cries fur a0ance, 
 and the very leafi members , the Toe, or the little finger U afeded. We are commanded 
 to he wife as Serpents. Matth. 10.16. A chief wifdom of the Serpent U in time of 
 Danger to wrap and fold hii head in the circles of h'vs body, to fave that from blows. J 
 pretend not to skjl! in Politicks ■> ^be obfervator may have read more Bookj and more men, 
 but let him not dejpife a wea\Adverfary who ^omes armed with evident truth. Jknow J 
 have the better caufe , the better fecond. The Birds in AnHophzues fancying an aV-fuf- 
 ficiency to themfelves , did attempt for a while to build a City walled up to Heaven ( not 
 much unliks fuch another FiSion of the Apes in Hcrmogenes ) but at lengh the one for 
 fear of Jiipiters Thunder , and the other for want of convenient tools , gave over the enier- 
 frize. Believe it, the frame of an ancient, glorioiu , well-temfid, and fetled Mo- ,-| 
 fiarchy , thoughitmaybe fhali^nfor atime ,wiUmt ^ cannot he blown upfide down , with '' 'i 
 a few windy exhalations, or an handful of Sophifiical fquihs. The World begins to fee fome- ' 
 thing through the holes of thefe mens cloaks , and to efpie through the midji of the miljione. 
 And now that men may borrow a trord edgetvay tvitb them, it will be pealed into their 
 ears daily. 
 
 JpaV deal wore ingenioufly Hvith the ohfervef , than he hath don with hit Sovereign , to 
 catch here and there at a piece of afentence , and pafi by that of mute as a Fijh , to which 
 he had nothing to fay. If his Majefries clear demonjirations ( which to a Jlrong judge- 
 ment feem to be written with a beam of the Sttn , and /% the principles of Geometry do 
 rather compel than perfwade ) did leave any place for further confirmation , the ohfcrvers 
 filence were fufficient to proclaim them unanfwerable. There needs no other proof of hii 
 Majejiies Lenity and Goodnefs than thh , that a fub]eU dare puplifhfuch obfervation in a 
 Monarchy, and maintain argument with hit Liege Lord. Multa donanda ingeniis , fed 
 donanda vitia , non portenta funt. He deferveth, fmall pitty , who prifeth hit word 
 more than his head. King Lewis faid of fome feditious Preachers in France, If tliey fax 
 me in their Pulpits I will fend them to Preach in another climate. PoVio faid of 
 Augufluf, Non eft facile in eum fcribere , qui poteft profcribere. The King of the 
 Bees , though he want afring , yet is he fufficiently armed with Majefty: fo fijould King 
 Charles he to the Objerver and his Pew-fellows if they were profitable Bees , as they are a 
 neji of Wafps and Hornets. 
 
 I find two branches of this family ( ] cannot call them the family of Love ) as averfe 
 one to another as Sampfons Foxes. It is hard to jay whether is the ancient houft ; for 
 they bothfprung up , the one in Spain , the other at Geneva , about the fame time, the 
 year 1 536. The Captains of the one are Bellarmine , Simancha , Mariana , &c. The 
 chieftains of the other , are Beza (if it be his book^ de jure Magiftratus , as is believed,) 
 Buchanan,Stephanus,]unius,«:^c. The former in favour of thePope;the later in hatredof the 
 Pope:yet both former and latter may rife up in Judgement with our incendiaries and condemn 
 them.for if they had had as Gracious a Prince as King Charles, they had never broached fuch 
 Tenets to the World. I have bufied my felf to find out the Progenitors of thefe two different 
 parties: and for the former J cannot in probability derive from any other than Pope Zachary, 
 Whoitfeems(as the Oejiridge) left an egg in the Sand, which after a long revolution of time, 
 
 was
 
 To the READER. 519 
 
 n\K fmitd and hatched by the care (f fome Lojolijls, for thus he in Aventine : A Prince 
 is fubjc<^ to the people , by whofe benefit he reigns , whatfoever power , riches, 
 glory, dignity he hath , he received it from the people, Regem plebs conflituit, 
 eundcm deltitucrc potel}. As for the later ( bccaufe IkpotP they wiil fcorn to afcrihi 
 their original tn a Pope ) J cannot find one of thetr Anceftours in aV the Church of Chrijl^ 
 for ffteeti hundred years ^ until 1 come as high as St.]udt''s dreamers^ or the Pharifees 
 if n'hom ]oCephu^ jaith , that they rpere a Sedl , cunning, arrogant, and oppofitc 
 to Kings. And they have one Pharifaical virtue in great eminency , that is, felf-love 
 and partiality , to maks their orvn cafe different from all other mens , as may appear by 
 theje particulars. 
 
 Firji , a ^eftion is moved concerning the King's Supremacy in Ecclefiafiical Affairs. 
 They give poxver to Kings to reform the Church , jujl as Bellarmine gives to the Pope to 
 depife princes , not certainly , but contingently , in the cafe of an ungodly Clergy (" that 
 is in their jitife , all other but themfelves : ) hut if they be once introduced , neither King 
 mr Parliament have any more to do, but execute their decrees: then the whole Regiment 
 of the Church is committed by Chrift toPaftors , Elders , and Deacons : So Cart- 
 ivright ^ 77.'f7« Magiltrates mull remember to fubjccfl themfelves, fubmit their Sce- 
 pters , throw down their Crowns to the Church i aud as the Prophet fpeaketh, to 
 lick the dult of the feet of the Church , that is , of the Presbytery, what is this but 
 k^fjing <f the Presbyters too ? 
 
 Secondly , vehere they have hope of the King , there the Supreme Magiflrate may, nay 
 he might to reform the Church , yea though the Statutes of the Kingdom be againft it: 
 fi jay the Authours of the Frotefiation , printed 1^05. But rehat if tbe King favour 
 them not ? then he is but a conditional Trullee , it belongeth to the States and re- 
 prcfentative Body of the Kingdom : but rvhat if the Nobility rviUnot joyn , then the 
 people mull , fo faid Field , fince we cannot bring this to pais by Suit , or Difpute, 
 the people and multitude muii Aolt, yea, though it be with blood, a/ Martin 
 threatens in his Protefiation. The people (faith Buchanan) have as much power 
 over Kings, as Kings have over particular pcrfons. Nobility f faith the Book^ of 
 Obedience ) is the bounty of the people to fome pcrfons , for delivering them from 
 Tyrants , which Prerogative, the children kept , by the peoples negligence. And 
 of late, have not the Peers been exhorted to mingle themfelves with the meaneft of the 
 people, and for the procuring a parity in the Church , to confent to a parity in the 
 State , and for the fubduing of the pride of Kings , for a time , to part with the 
 power of Noblemen, for a time, what's that? that is , according to the former T>o- 
 drine , till the people be pleafed out of their bounty to advance them according to their 
 feveral talents, for their 7eal to (bed the blood of the ungodly. Jhe myjlery begins 
 norv to open it felf, and I trufl rvill Jhortly appear in its right colours. By thefe Reve- 
 rend Fathers ( I mean the Rabble ) the Vtfcipline was brought into Gtnevi it felf , 
 againjl the will of the Syndicks , and two Councils : In ilia promifcua colluvie fuifra- 
 giis tuiinus fuperiores, faith Calvin. "Thus thefe men mak^ Kings and Nobles , but as 
 Counters which Jiand fometimes for a pound, fometimes for a peny , pro arbitrio fup- 
 putantis \ juji as ChaucerV Fryer, he l^new how to impofe an eafie penance , where he 
 looked for a good pittance. 
 
 "thirdly , the wheel of Heaven hath not yet wound up one thred more of the clue of our 
 Life, fnce we heard nothing but Encomiums of the Law , treafon againft the Funda- 
 mental Laws , and Declarations againd arbitrary Government. Now the Law is become 
 a Formality , a heshizn Rule ■■, Arbitrary Government is turned to neceffity of State. Jt 
 is not examined what is jufl or unjuji , hut how the party is affeUed or difaffeUed , whe- 
 ther tbe thing be conducible or not conducibk to the caufe : we are governed not by the 
 k^own Laws and cuftoms of tlm Realm , hut by certain far-fetched, dear-bought con- 
 clufwns , or rather collufions, drawn by unskilful Empericl{j , without art or jude^ement 
 from the Law of Nature and Nations , which may be good for Ladies by the Proverb, but 
 not for Englifh Suhjeds. Now we are taught down-right, that the Laws of the Land 
 are but mans inventions , moral precepts, fitter for Heathens than ChriOians i that 
 wc mull lead our lives according to God's Word , ( as if God's iVordand the Law 
 of the Land were oppnfite one to another ) and that notwithjianding the Law , men mull 
 not think , that God's Children in doing the work of their Heavenly Father ( that 
 
 Nnn is.
 
 ^20 
 
 To the READER. 
 
 ~ir reformma Religion ) will tamf m their Duiy ( that i^ m znratfwg arms ) So, 
 farewel Macna charta , a^d the Latins of England /or ever, if thu man may have his 
 will : and xvellcme the judicial Late of Mofes. Now J fee the reafon, n-hy they have 
 tatwht fa lona , that the King cannot fardon any crime condemned by the judicial LaK> ; 
 hecaufeno man can difpenfe rvith the Late of God i but how many Ihoufands have been 
 draten i'tt^ thiiaSion rvhich never dreamed of fuch a bottomltfi Gulf of mijchief, and 
 when tity do fee it , rvill abominate it , and the contrivers of it. 
 
 fourthly , They have cryed Bipops out of Parliament, hecaufe no man that xfarreth mufi 
 tntangle himfelf rvith the affairs of this life : yet they themjelves have been humble mo- 
 tioners both in England and in Scotland , to have a number of veife and grave Mini- 
 nifters admitted into Parliament , injiead of Bijhops. It was the men then , not the thing 
 they mi f iked. 
 
 Fifthly they fay , To be a Clergyman and a Privy Gouncellor, are incompatible --, yet 
 Calvin and Bcza were of the Council of Sixty at Geneva , and the Syndicks and Coun- 
 fellors there of the Ecclefutliical Senate : yea , tuerer home in a great Treaty of late, and 
 vt a Commijjion n w on foot , we have feen a Minijier a Prime CommiJJioner ; and their 
 greateji Privy Counfellors are of their Lay-Elders , which by their new Learning are a 
 part of their EccltfiaiUcal Hierarchy. 
 
 Sixthly , JVe have heard a great noife lately about an Oath decreed in the convocation •,. 
 about another Oath called Ex officio, as if it were again}} the Law of Nature , for a man 
 to acciife himfclf, nenno tenetur prodere feipfum ; and lajlly about the Subfcription 
 which is required to our Articles of Religion : yet for the frft , the Citizens of Gene- 
 vah touh^ the like Oath for their new Vifcifline ( which the Sun had never beheld before ) 
 that WiH jrefcribed here for our old Pifcipline. There every Minijier at his admiffion 
 tak[s an Oath in thefe words , I do promife and fvvear to keep the Eccknaftical Ordi- 
 nances , which are pafTed by the fmall, great, and General Councils of this City. 
 This if a note higher than ours. And of late rCe know who they were , that took, an 
 Oath to j} and to thofe decrees and dicifions , whiibjhould be made in an Ajjembly to come. 
 For the Second, that is , the Oath Ex officio , it is allowed in their Presbyteries'-, Calvin 
 in an Epijile to Farellus acknowledged, that he himfelf adminijired it : and for fubfcripti- 
 ons they are fo familiar among them , that there is not a Miniver admitted to a charge, nay 
 not a Boy matriculated into a CoVedge , but he knows it. Is not thii partiality ? 
 
 Seventhly , they complain , that the Ecclefiajiical Courts did extend their Jurifdittion 
 to civil caufes : yet there u not that offence in the World , from Dancing and Feajiing ta 
 Treafon and Murder , which is either a violation of our piety towards God, or charity 
 towards man , which they do not -(jueftion in their Presbyteries : and which is worfe , 
 their Determinations are not regulated by any k^own Law , but are meerly arbitrary , fe- 
 cunduna fanas confcientias. Neither doth there lye any appeal from them ( as their did 
 from Ecclefiaflical Courts , ) he that dvrft but bring a prohibition to one of their elderfhips, 
 he would quickjy feel , that it was to pull the Scepter cf Chriji out of his hands. 
 
 Eighthly , they groaned hard under the burthen of the High Commifjion : yet them- 
 felves would ere£i an high Commiffion in every par ip; I do not k*iorv whether all their 
 Presbyteries be indowed with the lik^ power , hut fure I am , jome of them have had both 
 their Prijons and their Purfevants. And where' the High Commifjion hire was confeffed to 
 be a temporary injlitution , they plead for the other as a Divine injiitution, Tet fearing 
 ihU Parochial JurifdiBion might not produce an uniform Reformation , jome of them have 
 defired , others accepted general Commifjions , for national-fuperintendency. 
 
 Ninthly , they fight all old Councils, and new convocations, and caV their Canons in 
 fcorn , the precepts of men : yet where they have power to call a Synod or Affemhly , e- 
 very man mu^fuhmit at his uttermoji peril , as if themfelve.s were not men, but a compa- 
 ny of Angels. 
 
 LajUy , they call for Liberty of Confcience ; yet no men impofe a heavier yoak. upon the 
 Confcience. They cry out againjl Martial Law in others , and approve it in themfehes. 
 They hate Monopolijis , but love Monopolies , they condemn an implicit Faith , yet no 
 men more confiding and implicit ; grounding their anions neither upon reafon , Law, nor 
 "Religion , but upon the authority of their leaders and teachers. They magnijle the obli- 
 gation of an Oath , yet in their own cafe , diffence with all Oaths , Civil , Military , 
 Religious, ( witnefs Mr. Marfhall and Mr. Downing J we are now taught that the 
 
 Oath
 
 To the READER. ^^j 
 
 Oaths wc have taken , mult not be examined according to the interpretation of men 
 )io .■? Jrlatv then ? fiirely according to the interpretation of Devils. ' 
 
 "They complained that Excommunication was iij'edfur trivial catifes, yet themfelves (Hck 
 not iccaji abroad this thunderbolt , for Feajiing^ or Dancings or any theleali abberrati- 
 ons. 'They complain of Jeverity againji their Pajiottrs i yet themfelves do teach in their on^n 
 cafe, iiut they are more rigor oufy to be dealt veithal , rcho poyfon the Souls of men with 
 falfe Vodrine , then they that injeUt their Bodies with pnyjon. A falfe principle Iconfefs 
 and repugnant to the practife of all the World : men are vPiVingly ferverted^ but not rvil- 
 lingly poifoned : T^he pmfoner kiwws the power of his poifons\ the falfe teacher doth not 
 alivays k^'oip his oven error : Keper.tarce may be a remedy for the one , hut there is no cure 
 for the other. "The difeafes of the Sonl^ are indeed , greater than the difeafes of the body^ 
 if yoti conftder them in the fame Degree ■■> otherrvife ^ a ftiUen fit of Melancholy ( though 
 an infirmity of the mind ) is not fo terrible as a raging fit of the Stone , yet is it bin an 
 infirmity of the Body, they cry out againji the diforders of our EcclefiajiKal Courts but 
 ' xfiH not fee the beam in their on>n eye , . that in their confijiories the fame man is both Pre- 
 fident and Regifter , the fame parties both accufers , VFitneffes , and Judnes \ the 
 proif fometimes upon Oath , fometimes rvithout Oath , fomnimes taken 
 puhlickjy , fometimes privately , /' as the perfon accufed neither k^iorfs who is his accufer 
 nor rehat is proved s fometimes Records are h^pt , fometimes not k^pt : as for matter of 
 Lmful exception and defence , it is accounted fuperfluous and fuperflitious. I plead not 
 for any former abufes , I defire not to abridge the lavpftil power of any other Church but 
 onelyfhexv the extream partiality of thefe men: yea , tnhat is that which themfelves have 
 condemned in others, that themfelves do not pradife where they have poii>er in a 
 much higher ■ degree ? Is not this fine hocas pocas ? In all riddles there may be 
 fom^ thing in nature which feems to be intermedious , to falve the contradiUion in ffjew 
 but in their cafe no manner of difference to makg the fame thing juft and unjuji^ but 
 felf-love and partiality. Was it treafon in the Northern Rebels to mal^ an infurreCtion 
 for Religion , and is it now become Piety ? I delight not in Domeftical examples , let 
 Its rather caji our eyes beyond Sea , and fee where ever Protejiants were accufed for Rebel- 
 lion , but where either Anabaptifm , or this Vifcipline did tak^ place , and yet none of 
 them ( I except onely Anabaptifis ) were halffo criminous as ours', they had fundry pleas 
 which we cannot mah^ for our felves. As Firji, that they did not rife up againji their 
 lawful Prince , but onely againji a ProteUor to whom they did owe no Allegiance , but an 
 honourable aclqiowledgement ; hut our Laws bind us not onely to owe Allegiance , but to 
 fwear it : or Secondly , that they did not rife up againji the Perfon of their Prince , but 
 againji fome enraged Minijier of his , refervingfiill their Obedience to their Sovereifn in- 
 violate i but we have not onely refjied , but invaded the Kings Perfon : there were more 
 great fhot made at the very place where the King was at Edge-hill, than any where elfe on 
 the fame proportion (f Ground throughout the Field : the very likg curtefie was offered to the 
 ^eeen at Burlington , to welcome Her into England ; Or thirdly , their Princes Jid no 
 about to force their confidences, without Law or, againft Law ; and by an Arbitrary Power jet 
 up an Inquifition among them ; hut Good King Charles w fo far from this, that for the eafe 
 of his Subjeds , he hath tak^n away an High Commijfion ejiablifhed by Statute and is liiU 
 ready to condefcend to any thing that can be reafonably propofedfor the eafe offender confcien- 
 ces.iVhat is it then ? Hath His Majejiy been a hard Malier.? No.Hear a Witnefs that will 
 not violate his confidence to do His M-ijejiy Service. I (ee many here , the moft noto- 
 rioufly obliged , indeed as much as Servants can be to a Malkr, in this good caufe 
 have maftered thofe vulgar confiderations , and had the courage to defpife him 
 C that is the King ) to his tace. A good Panegyricl{^, and His Majejiy may live to requite 
 them, as (Zzni\X.\i^ did EAx'xcMt the traytor , when his Son /^j^/Z^w Edmund Ironlidc, 
 andhefaluted the King with Ave Rex folus , his reward w,k a good Gibbet , Ego tc 
 hodie ob tanti obiequii meritum , cunftis Regni proceribus rcddam celfiorem. 
 
 thefe Seditions and Schifmatical principles , were not the refults ofajfeculative,free, 
 anduningaged Judgement , but rather the exciife of criminous \ or the defence ofi necfjfiated 
 perfons : where praciife prnduceth new Opinions , and Reafon prepojioroufiy followeth the 
 Dictates of the Will, there is fmall hope of truth. When Men of Bd'ul, FaSiious perfons, 
 bjdjhak^noffthe Tk^ of a juji Government , being neither pretenders themfelves m point 
 
 N n n 2 of
 
 f^aa 
 
 ; To the PxEADER. 
 
 of Khht nnr capable f/ Sovereignty by reafon of their ehjcmity , that they might retain that 
 in pM-t ' which they onild not grajf in the rvhok v they broached thefe dejperate devifes af 
 the Omiimencyof the Feofk: rvhen others , or the fame men, either having expelled 
 mhops to\ain their Revenues , upon pretence of S»ferftition , or living under a Sove- 
 raion of another Communion , could mt have Bijhops of their orvii , and yet did find 
 thcnccffuy (fPiJcipline •, then they fancyed the netv form of Presbytcrier ^ in imita- 
 tio)t of the ?(•»-///; Syncdviums throughout their Synnagogucs^ though that he maji un- 
 ccrtaine and all Men kfotc this for certain ^ that the Synagogues ivere but humane JnlH- 
 tutions Aiis i'^. 21. not from the Law ^ but from old-time. JVhich nerv form of Vifci- 
 pline rfiii jo adapted and accommodated to the Polriick^State of the Cifj c/ Geneva, 
 that ( iK it n\is there ejiabliped ) it cannot pofrbly fit any othe-r place , exceft it have 
 four Syniiicks, a greater and a kfjer Council: Then ( as all Seifs are modejl in their 
 beginnings ) they def red their Neighbour Churches onely to cent fie that their Vifcipline 
 tfai not repugnant to the rvord of Cod ■, yet note they xpould obtrude it on the world as the 
 Eternal Goffel. So our neve upfiart Independants , rvhich run gadding about the World 
 lih Laptvings with their jhells upon their heads ^ havingbeen k^pt under the hatches here 
 in old England , performing their Divine Offices in holes and corners , and having no 
 Jjjemblies bui fnch as did of their own accord afioctate themfelves to them , non> deny the 
 name oj true Churches to all Societies butfuch blind conventicles : and pall rvi make their 
 exctifcs to be our gro-unds ? pah' ttoe that live in the moll temperate part of the temperate 
 Zone , and injoy a Government as temperate as the climate it felf^ rve reho cannot com- 
 plain either of tao much Sun , or too little Sun , rvhere the Beams of Soveraignty , are 
 neither too perpendicular tofcorch m , nor yet fo oblique but that they may Tf arm us ,pa11 
 tve go about in a madding humour ^ to difiolve a frame of Government , rvb-ch made our 
 Forc-fithers happy at home , and famom abroad? fhallree vahofe Church vcai the envy and 
 admiration of Chrijiendom ^ neither too garip ^ nor too Jluttip, excelling fame as far in 
 Purity , as it did otlxrs in decency , norv learn Religion out of Tubs , as if the little 
 toes could fee furtlvr than the eyes ? If they have an extroardinary calling , vchere are 
 their miracles ? mendacia video , miracula non video, we hear there lies , notfee their 
 wonders. St. Paul became all things to all men , but that rvas compatiendo non 
 mentiendo , its St. AuCx'mc faith. Shall n>e rrithout need put our lives into tl^e hands of 
 crack:brain d unskilful Umpericks ^ which have taught us already to our lofS ^ that 
 a new Phyftian mtifr have a new Church-yard? Kaf/^fr mutemus clypcos , let us leave 
 j/;f>M oW England , and content our f elves with new England. It will be belter to live 
 in hollow trees , among Savages and JFild Beafis , than here, to be chopping and chang- 
 ing our Religion every new Mooti. Be not deceived , as if thefe men did defre no more, 
 than onely the reUifying of fame former obliquities and irregularities : we are now told 
 in plain Englidi , that it is to fubdue the pride of Kings , Monarchy it j elf is the one- 
 ly oh]eB worthy of thefe mens wrath. May not one here exo!u-,n ( as the great Turk^ did 
 to his Council , when the templers and Hofpitaliers advifrd him by Letter , /^orr Frede- 
 rick the Chrifiian Emperour might be tak^n ) F.cce nctclitas ChriOiauoruyi , behold the 
 Loyalty of our great Reformers 1 But what is this pride of Kings ? If we will believe one 
 of thir Authors in his application ofthefiory of Cleomedes his Va^fghter, to the Dome- 
 fric\cu^om of the Spartan Kings, ( pater , hofpcs manus non habet , ) it is one piece 
 of thdr pride to have a man to pull off their poes, and yet they Kiy the Author had one 
 to hrup his Cloati.'s. Now they j^ick^vot to let us k^tow why they miligned Epifcopacy '-, 
 whikfr Biflmps flood , they could not fill all the Pulpits of the Kingdom with their Sediti- 
 ous Oratours , who might incite tin people that their Zeal to God may not be inter- 
 rupted by their Duty to the King, that by the Chrifiian Labours of their painful 
 Preachers , they may not want hands to bring their wiflifs to pafs , ( ihey are their 
 own words. J h this the reafon , we have not a word of Peace and charity from that 
 party , but at! incentives to war, and to jnyn in making that great Sacrifice to the Lord. 
 let whileji they are fo bufie in getting hands , ( ton many of them perjured hands, ) let 
 them remember B.oAo\^\\\x?, the DmJ;? n/Sweveland hvs hand i;« Cufpinian , who being 
 drawn into a Rebellious War againji the Emperour , and in the battel having his right 
 hand cut off, held out thejrump to thofe that were about him , faying , 1 have a jui]; re- 
 ward of my perjury , with this fame hand 1 fwore allegiance to my Sovereign 
 Lord. Tet the good Emperour buried him Honcurahly-, which being difikcd byfome of hit 
 
 Friends
 
 To the READER. C2i 
 
 friends, he reflyed , utinam oinncs mei AdverQrii eo omatu ftpuki jacere^^ 
 JVe have ffvorn AUegiame as retU as be , ar.d God is the fame he teas, a fsvere avenqic 
 of perjury. Onely Zedckias of all the Kinqs of Judah { a perjured perf-i to Nebu- 
 chadne7zar ) had his eycs put out , becatife ( jnth one ) he had net that God by rvhnm 
 he [ware before hii eyes. Another ifftance oj perjury ree have in Uladidaus , mhen Hu- 
 niades had made truce mth Amiirath/ir len Tears , the King by the incitement of Car- 
 dinal Julian , did break^it ; the lurk^in dijiref j'preads the Articles tnrpards Heavenjay- 
 ing, O Jefus, if thou be a God, be avenged of the(e fajfe ChrilVians i prelently 
 the Battle tnrmd , VladiJIaus rvas fain in the Fight , the Cardinal in flight. JFhcn Cod 
 hadjujily punijhed Corah and his Kehelious Company , the common People murmured a- 
 gainji More5 and Aaron , faying. Ye Iiave kiHcd the Lords people. Numb. i6. ^p. 
 iVhat was the ijjue ? the Lord fent a Tlanue xvhich freept atvay Fourteen 'Thoufand and 
 Seven Hundred of them: So dangerous a thing it is onely to juliife Traytors. Vift thou 
 defire to ferie God purely according to his word? So tbou mayefi wilhiut bcinT a traytor 
 to thy Frince , if our praVtife were but conformable to the truth of our pr(feffion, we might 
 challenge all the Churches in the World. God Almighty lighten the eyes if all thofe that 
 mean Well, that rve may no longer Jhed one anotha^s blood, to effeCt the frantirk^defgns of 
 Fanatical Perjons , and by our contention! , pull dovpn what we all dtf re ij buildups 
 even the Prottjiant Religion, the Law of the Land, and the liberty of the Snh]ea. 
 
 Treafon never yet wanted a cloak^, we are not to judge of B.ehells ly their ]F-rds , but 
 by their deeds ^ their voice is Jacobs voice, but their bands are the ha ids nf Efau. 
 The Adulterous woman eateth and wipeth her mouth , and faith , what have I 
 done.'' yet fometimes God fufers the contrivers of ihefe dijiraciions , unrvittin^rly to dif 
 cover themfelves , that unlefs we do wilfully hood- wink our eyes , we cannot but fee their 
 aims. Among others , that Speech which exhorts us to fubdue the pride of Kings ; to 
 purchafe a parity in the Church with a parity in the State ■■, to Jh;d the Blood of the un- 
 godly i that (liights aH former Oaths and Obligations , and vilifes the Latvs of the Land 
 as the inventions of men , may be afuff.cient Warning-piece to all Loyal Suhje&s and good 
 Chrijiians. And fo may the late petition be , though from meaner hands to a Common- 
 Council , wherein they do tul^dly and profejfedly fall upon His Ma]ejUes Perfm withjUt 
 any Mask^, and fare cily , and trayteroufy , propofe the alteration, of the civil Guvsm- 
 tnent , which every true hearted Engli(h-f«J« will detefi. Say not thejc are poor vit'.gar 
 Fellows : Ihefe have been the intelligences that have of late turned the Orbe of our State 
 about , or at l<.a\ithe vifble AVxors. And who fees not' that this is ca\x abroad thw by 
 the cunning of their fublimated and mercurial prompters , to try /;«» it will rellifi) with 
 the pallate of the people, as an Jntroduciion to their aCiuil defgn , ihat when it comes 
 to pafs , the world may not wonder at it as a prodigie. So was it given out Among the 
 people by Richard the third , that His Wife was dfad, when fhe was in good health : 
 but Jhe wifely coftcluded what was intended by Her Iqnd Husband to be her next part. 
 Where are our Englifh hearts ? why do we not at lajl all joyn together , to i^'% a fevere ac- 
 count of them who have hlemifhed our Parliament , fubjeUed ottr perfons and E',iaies to 
 their arbitrary povper , who have fought to dethrone our Sovereign : and to rohh us of our 
 Religion , Laws , and Liberties ? But now to the Obfervator. 
 
 DIS:
 
 Discourse II. 
 
 The Serpent-Salve. 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 DISCOURSE II. 
 
 T O M E II. 
 
 Obferver. 
 
 N thi( conteftation between Regal and Parliamentary poiver , for method 
 Jak£ , it is requiflte to confjd<r , Firji of Kegal, then of Farliamentary 
 poTcer , and in both to co^tfider the efficient and final caufis , and the 
 means by vehich they are fupported. 
 Anfwer. 
 Stay , Sir before we enter into thefe confiderations,Iet us remem- 
 ber the rule in Rhetorick, cut bom ^ what advantage will this in- 
 quiry bring us > Do you delire to be one oi" the tribune! or Epbm of England to 
 controll your King? or would you have the great Oak cut down, that you might 
 gather fome flicks for your felf > Thus we are told lately the rcifell men mil not think 
 themfelves uncapabk of future Fortunes , if they ufe their mtermojl poiper to reduce him 
 ( that is the King ) to a neceffity of granting. Or would you have us play the Guelphs 
 and GibeHines , to cut one anothers throats for your paftime ? pardon us Sir we 
 cannot think it feafonable now when poor Ireland is at the laft gafp , and England 
 it felf lies a bleeding, when mens minds are exafperated by fuch Trumpeters of Se- 
 dition , to plunge our felves yet deeper in thefe domeftick conteftations i what 
 could the Tri/fe Pv.ebels defire more? comparifons are always odious, but conteftati- 
 ons , are worfc , and this between a King and his Parliament worft of all. This 
 difmal quel\ion did never yet appear in this kingdom, but like a fatal Screech-owl , 
 portending blood , Death, and publick ruin. This was the Subjed of the Barons 
 War , the confequent of this in the wrong offered to a lawful Prince, was the foun- 
 tain of thofe horrid diffenfions between the red rofe and the White, which purpled 
 all our Englijh foil with native Blood, we have had toe much of this already. Half 
 of that money which of late hath been fpent, of that blood which hath been flied 
 about this accurfed Controverfie, would have regained Ireland, and difmgaged 
 England ■■, whereas now the {(:)re fefters daily more and more under the Chirurgeons 
 hands. Our Forefathers have fetled this queftion for us , we defire to fee what they 
 have done , before we go to blindmans buffet one with another : if it hath been 
 compofed well, or but indifferently, it is better than civil War : and though it 
 had not , when the jarring firings of mens minds are turned again , it is probable 
 it may lleep for ever. It were much better to put it off as the Areopagites did knot- 
 ty quelHcas, to a very long day , or with the Jervs for Elias to refolve when he 
 comes. 
 
 But good Sir , if it may be without offence fatisfie me in one doubt, what Scffl 
 you are of? whether fome newly fprung up Mufhrome, or you derive your (elf from 
 thofe Nonconformifts, vvhich were in the days of Queen Elizabeth and King James. 
 They have folemnly Protefted in Print, that noChrijlians tinder Heaven, dogive inthc?rtrzce. 
 more to the Kegal Supremacy than they : yea, tvithout Limitation or qualification that P^S' '• 
 for the King mt to ajfume fuch a porver , or far the Churches rvithin his Dominions to P^8-»' 
 deny it, is dtmnablefin ( mark it 3 although the Statutes of the Kingdom fh>uld deny 
 it him ( and Statutes are more than bare votes. ) 7hat it it not tyed to their Chriflia- 
 
 fiily
 
 TheSfrpent^Sa^ TOME LI. 
 
 T fi,^cmrn jri'in rvhich no Subjed or SHbjeds have pon>er to feperate it. If 
 """"^' S 1 iL-dts collccfrivcly, then not one or both Houfes. But they go farther, and 
 r« 4 rnrav vou make it one of your Obfervations, that thoitgh the King command any 
 
 h , contrary to the Word of God ^ yet we ought not to reftji , but peaceably forbear obe- 
 *J"fce and (ta for Grace, and rvhen that cannot be obtained meekjyjubmit our felves to pu- 
 tulbment. How you have pradtifed this of late , the World fees, and this Kingdom 
 jupeiS j^^.[,_ Xhey declare, that it if utterly unlawful for any Chrijiian Churches by armed 
 
 toTv'er agatnji the will oj the civil Magi\}rate ^ tofct upinpublick^ the true worfljip rfGod, 
 or fftpprefi any fuperjlition , or Idolatry. They abjure all Dodrines repugnant to 
 thefe as Anabaptijlical and Antichrijhan. They condemn all pradifes contrary to 
 ''^'^'^^8 thefe,' as Sedition diud fmful. 1 forbear fundry other things avouched by them in 
 
 '^'^^ the fame Protellation , as that the King onely hath power within his Dominions to con- 
 
 P»8^ 6 ;.f>,f Synods of Minijlers , and by his authority Koyal , to ratifie their Canons, yea that 
 
 if it (liould picafe the King and civil State to continue Bifhops, they could be cbn- 
 ''*^' tent without envy , to fuffer them to injny their State dignity, and to live Of Brethren , 
 
 with thofe Minijiers that jhould ack>fewledge homage unto them. By this time 1 fuppofe 
 you have enough of the Proteftation , my quaere is but {hort , whether you can 
 change your dodrine as the C/wm^ /io« her colours, according to the prefent exi- 
 aence ot atfairs ? or will acknowledge your opinions to be Anabaptijiical and An- 
 'tkhrilMan , your pradice Seditious and finful , in the judgement of your predecef- 
 
 fours. 
 
 And yet I am not ignorant , that both before , and after , and about the time of 
 this Proteftation, a cockatrice egg was hatching-, when a fubjed durft ftile the 
 Ep 40 S'^'^'^^ Senate under which he lived , tumultuoja perditorum hominum faVtio , a tumul- 
 mci'ep- fo tucus Fadion of defperate men i and the Judges difcordiarum Duces : then the my- 
 ftery began to work clofely, but (hortly after it fhev,?ed it felf openly , when his 
 DC jureAfiRift fuccelfour did publifh to the world , that;/ Kings obferve not thofe paVi ions to which 
 pagciir/S 7? they were fworn Jubordinate Ma0rates have power to oppofe them ^ and the Orders of 
 the Kingdom to punijh them if it be needful , tilt all things le rejiored to their former efiate. 
 'that what power a General Council hath to depofe a Tope for Herefte , the fame the People 
 have over Kings , that are turned Tyrants. A woful argument drawn from an ele- 
 dive Pope, to an hereditary King, from a free and oecumenical Council, tea 
 company of limited and fworn Subjeds, from an Adion grounded on known 
 Law to an arbitrary proceeding. The Kings Crown fits clofer , the Councils 
 power is greater, the like Law is wanting. Others teach that the people mujl bridle 
 Buch. Ae jure p^j,,^ ^ j. ;y j/,f ]<[ubility will not. Our countrcyman Cartwright fpeaks very fufpicioufly, 
 Regni p. $7 ^ 'j-^ think, tf^^ Church muji be framed according to the Commonwealth , and the Church Go- 
 f /(^^pagc i8i. vernment according to the civil Government ., U as if amanjhouldfafhion hU houfe accord- 
 to his hangings ; whereas indeed it is clean contrary v that as the hangings are made fit 
 for the houfe , fo the Commonwealth mujl be made to agree with the Church , and the 
 Government thereof with her Government. Add to this their other tenet ', that the 
 Government of the Church with them is democratical , or at beft but Ariftocrati- 
 cal , and what will follow > that the civil Government muft be the fame , or at 
 the leaft if it be inconfiftent with the form of Difcipline which they fanfy, it mult be 
 regulated and conformed thereunto. I omit the Trayterous opinions of Goodman , 
 Gilby, JFlntingham , teaching Shcrriifs and Jailers to let loofe them whom they call 
 Siintsj teaching Subjeds to reduce their Sovereigns into order by force , yea , to 
 depofe them ; or put them to death. But thefe feditious principles were fupprefled 
 then by the learning and authority oVGrindal, Sands, Parklmrjl ^ Jewel, Beacon, 
 Nowel , Cox , Barlow , &c. who being exiled for Religion , at franckeford accufed 
 Knox of high Treafon about them , and put him to make ufe of his heels. Let 
 this very confufion of them in this matter be a warning to us , how we have the 
 ]aai« 2. I: f"ji//j of our Lord J(fus Chrijl in refpeU of perfons, or be fo glued to the perfons of 
 our Teachers , that we fuck up their errors as greedily as their good LeflTons , for- 
 getting that they were but men , and that particular relations and ingagements , 
 have an incenfible influence upon the befl temper'd minds. 
 
 Obferv. The King attributes the original of his Royalty to God and the Law , making 
 no mention of the grant, confent , or truji of man therein ; but the truth is , God is no 
 
 more
 
 Discourse II. The Serpsnt Salve ^ ti-j 
 
 more the Juthoitr of Kegal ^ than of Ariibo'jiical porter , mr offupreme^ more than of 
 fjibordhiate command. Nsy , that dominion rvbkb is ufurpcd and not jitji , yet rvhile it 
 remains dominion , and till it be again legally divefled , refer s''to Cod , as to the Authour 
 and Donor , as much as that which is hereditary,. 
 
 Anfiv. That Royalty and all lawful dominion confidcred in the abftradl , is from 
 God, r,o man can make any doubt , but he who will oppofe the Apolile, Iheporv- 
 ers that be, are ordained of God : and God himfclf who (aith , by me Kings retgn, and ^^^- '?^_ 
 Princes decree Jitjlice. But the right and application of this power and intereft in '^°^' '*' 
 the concrete lo this particular man , is many times from the grant and confcnt of 
 the people. So God is the principal Agent , man the inftrumental ; God is the 
 root, the Fountain of power, man the Ilream , the bough , by which it is deri- 
 ved ; the cffence of power is always from God , the exiftence fometimes from God^ 
 fometlmes from man: yet grant and confent differ much , and confent it felt is of 
 feveral kinds, explicite or implicite , antecedent or fubfequent; a long continued- 
 prelcription or pofTellion of Soveraignty, without oppolition or reludtation , im- 
 plies a full confent , and derives a good Title ot inheritance, both before God 
 and man. Thefe grounds being laid , take notice of four grofs errours , 
 which the Obferver runs into in this Section. 
 
 Firrt he fuppofeth , that all dominion is from the grant or confent of the people , 
 whereas in truth all dominion in the abftraft is from God. The people could not 
 give what they never had , that is , power of life and death. But true it is , that 
 Magilirates in the concrete, are ftiled the ordinance of man, fubjedively , becaufe i Pet. 2 13. 
 they are men : objedively , becaufe they reign over men : and many times effe- 
 ctively, becaufe they are created or elcfted by men. But this lalf holds not in all 
 cafes , I fay nothing of fuch Kings as were named immediately by God : Thofe 
 whofe predeceflburs or themfelves have attained to Soveraignty by theSword, 
 byconquefl ina juft War, claim immediately from God. Thofe alfo who were 
 thehrii owners or occupants of wafte Lands, might admit Tenents or fubieds upon 
 fuch conditions as they themfelves would prefcribe. Thirdly , thofe who plant at 
 excelTive charge in remote parts o^ America, will give and not take Lawes 
 from their Colonies. Fourthly , upon the fpreading of a numerous Family , or 
 the great increafe of flaves and (ervants, ditU examen domus , how often have the 
 fatherly or magiftral power been turned into Royalty. And though thefe were but 
 petty Kingdoms at the ftrll , yet as great rivers grow from the confluence of many 
 little brooks: fo by wars, marriages , and treaties , they might be enlarged. In 
 all thefe cafes there is no grant of the people. This is one errour. 
 
 His fecond error refts in the Hypothefis : His Majellies original Title to this 
 Kingdom was not ele<aion , either of the perfon, or of the Family , but conqueft, 
 or rather a multitude of conquefls , the very I aft whereof is conHrmed by along 
 fuccelh'on of Four and Twenty Royal progenitors and predecefTors , glorious both 
 at home and abroad, in peace and war , except when this difmal and difaProus 
 queffion, did eclipfe their Luftre , and hinder the happinefs of this Nation, in the 
 days of King John, Henry the Third, Edtvard and. Kichard the Second , or in the 
 bloody Wars between the two Houfes of Tort^and Lancajhr, which were nothing 
 elfe but the fruits and confequents thereof. Neither can the Obferver collea: from 
 hence , that this is to enflave our Nation as conquered VafTals. It is a grofs falla- 
 cy to difpute <i Jifiojiw/j/icitfr j^/ <:/if?Km /fcw^^ww <7«'^' ^f""^ the right ofabfolute 
 Conquerers , to his Majefty now, as if fo many good Laws, fo many free Char- 
 ters , fo many adis of Grace in fo long a fuccefh'on had operated nothing. This is 
 a fecond errour. 
 
 Thirdly , the Obferver teacheth , that fubordinate command is as much from 
 God as Supreme. His MajeHy is much bound unto him , to make his Royal com- 
 mands of no more force by Gods inilitution, than a petty Conftables. We have 
 hitherto learned otherwife, that Kings hold their Crowns and Scepters from God, 
 and fubordinate Magiflrates have their places by commLllion from them. Bur !t is 
 familiar with thefe men , to leap over the backs of intermedious caufcs, and de- 
 rive all their fancies from God , as the Heathens did their Genealogies, whereby 
 they dertroy the beauty and order of the World , and make many fuperfluous crea- 
 
 O o o t^i'TCS,
 
 52b 
 
 The Serp.^nt Salve- TOME U- 
 
 tuvcs whicli God and Nature never mack. In fum, fubordinate commands are 
 frbm God yet neither fo immediately , nor fo rirmly as fupreme i but as a roxv of 
 iron ri>Ms tlitchhte^ one amther , and the firfi touching the Loadftone , in their fiver jl de- 
 Fhih, pfccs ,%nie more" lonfely, feme more remotely than others. The cafe is not altogether 
 like tor Regal and Arillocratical power, one God is the world, one foul in the 
 body, one Maficr in a Family , one Sun in the Heaven, and anciently one Mo- 
 narch 'in each Society. All the firft Govcrnours were Kings. Both Forms are war- 
 ranted by the Law of Nature , but not both in the fame degree of Eminency. Ifan 
 old man had the eye of a young man , he would fee as well as a young man ( faid 
 th.e Philofophcr ) the foul of an Idiot is as rational as the foul of a Statesman, the 
 difference is in the Organ : fo the foul of Sovereign power , which is infufed by 
 God into democracie or Arifiocracie , is the fame that it is in Monarchy ; but feeing 
 the Organ is not fo apt to attain to the end , and feeing that Qod and Nature do 
 a'lways intend what isbert: and laftly , feeing that in fome cafes the exigence of 
 Government as well as the cfTence is from God, who never inftituted any form but 
 Monarchical , the Obferver might well have omitted his comparifon. 
 
 The Fourth and Laft errour is worft of all , \_ that ufurped and unjuji Vominion vs 
 nfernd to God as its Amhcr and Ponor, as much as hereditary. ]] This is downright : 
 we have been taught otherwifo , before » few vain upltart Empericks , in policy 
 troubled the World, that Dominion in a Tyrannical hereditary Governour , is 
 from God even in the concrete, ( I mean the power not the abufe j that fuch an 
 one may not be refilled without fin , that his perfon is ftcred : but contrarywife , 
 that Dominion in a Tyrannical Ufurper or intruder is indeed from God permitting, 
 whereas he could reftrain k , if it pleafed him i or from God concutring by a ge- 
 neral influence, as the earth giveth nourifliment to Hemlocks , as well as Wheat , 
 in him tve live , we move , and have our being , or from God ordering and difpofing 
 it as he doth all other accidents and events to his own Glory i but that it is not 
 from God as Author , Donor, or Inflituter of it. Neither dare we give to a Ty- 
 rannical ufurper the Eflential priviledges of Sovereignty j we deny not that any 
 Subject may lawfully kill him as a publick enemy, without legal evidtion. Much 
 lefs dare we fay with the Obferver, that power Ufurped and unlawful, is as much 
 from God , as power hereditary and lawful. If it be fo, cough out man, and 
 tell us plainly, that God is the Author of fin. 
 
 Obferv. And the Law vphich the King memioneth , if not to he underfiood to he any 
 jpecial Ordinance fint from Heaven ^ by the Minijiry of Atigels or Prophets ^ as amongfi 
 the JtTfs it Jumetimes waf. Jt can be nothing elfe among Chrijiians , but the fadions 
 and agreements , of fuch and fuch corporations. 
 ^^g , Anjiv. There is a double right confiderablc i the right to the Crown , and the 
 
 right of the Crown : the right and title to the Crown is with us undoubted, there 
 needs no Angel from Heaven to confirm it , where no man can pretend againft it. 
 The right of the Crown is the onely fubjedt in queftion. This is from the Law of 
 God , the Law of Nature , and the Law of Nations. That this power in an ab- 
 folute Conquerour may be limited by Statutes , Charters , or municipal Laws , in 
 Court of Confciencc , in Court of JulUce , to God, to his People, I grant, with- 
 out communicating Sovereign power to Subordinate or inferiour Subiecfts , or 
 Subjefting Majclly to cenfure : Which limitation doth not proceed from mutual 
 padions , but from afts of Grace and bounty. I would know to what purpofe , 
 the Obferver urgcth this diftindion of Laws , will it alter the State of the queftion 
 or the obligation of Subjcds ? Nothing lefs. Whether the calling of the Prince, be 
 ordmary or extraordinary , mediate or immediate, the Title of the Prince, the 
 tye of the Subjcds is ftill the fame. Thofe Minifters who were immediately ordain- 
 ed by Chrirt or his Apoftles, did far exceed ours in perfonal perfections : but as for 
 the Mmifterial power, no tradt of time can bring the leafl diminution to it. God 
 was the firft inftituter of Marriage j yet he never brought any couple together but 
 Adam and Eve ; other Marriages are made by free election , yet for as much as it 
 IS made by virtue and in purfuancc of Divine inftitution , we do not doubt to fay 
 and truly , thoje rehom God hath joyned together. His Majefties title is as ftrong , 
 the obligation and relation between him and his fubjedts is the very fame, as if God 
 
 fliould
 
 Discourse II. The Serpent -Sahe* ^20 
 
 .(hould fay from Heaven , take this man to be your King. Again , if the liberty of 
 the Subjedl be from Grace , not from padions or agreements, is it therefore the lefs> 
 or the leis to be regarded > what is freer than gift ? if a Nobleman ihall give his 
 Servant a Farm , to pay a Rofe or Peppercorn for an acknowledgement , his Title 
 is as ftrong as if he bought with his Money. But the Obferver deals with his Ma- 
 jcfty , as Gjme others do with God Almighty in point of merit •, they will not take 
 Heaven as a free gift , but challenge it as purchafers. In a word , the 
 Author of thefe obfervations , would infinuate fome difference betwixt our Kings 
 and the Kings of Ifiael , or fome of them who had immediate vocation , wherein 
 he would deceive us or deceiveth himfelf , for their requelt to Samuel was , mjl^ lif isi s ^ 
 a Ki'tg to Judge MS lik^e all other Nations. • *' 5 
 
 Ob(erv. Totcer is originally inherent in the people, and it is nothing elfe but that might 
 and vigour ^ wohich fiich or fitch a fociety of men contains in it jelf; and when by fuch or 
 juch a LaTP ef cmmon conjent and agreement , it is derived into fuch and fuch hands 
 Gild confirms that Late: and fo man is tlje free and voluntary Author , the Larp k the in- 
 Jirument ^ a;id God is the ejiablifher of both : andvceefee^ not that Frince , which it 
 mofi potent over his Subjeds^ but that Prince which is mojl in his Subje&s , is indeed mojl 
 truly potent i for a King of one fmall City , if he be intrujied with a large Prerogative 
 mjy befaid to be more potent over his Subjeds^ than a King of many great Kea^ions^whofe 
 Prerogative is more limitted: and yet in true reality of power, that King is moji great and 
 glorious , which hath the muji and (Irongeji Subjeds , and }tot he which tramples upon the 
 moji contemptible Vaffals. This is therefore a great and fond errour in fome Princes , to 
 jirive more to be great over their people , than in their people , and to Eclipfe themfelves 
 by impoverifliing , rather than to magnifie themfelves by infranchifing their Suljeds. this 
 we fee /« France at this Day , for were the Peafants there m ire free , they would be more 
 rich and magnanimous , and were they fo , their King were more puiffant \ but now by af- 
 feUing an adulterate power over his Subje&s, the King there lofes a true power in his Sub- 
 jed, embracing a cloud injiead of ]uno. 
 
 Anfw. It hathever been the wifdom of Governours , to conceal from the promi- e R A 
 fcous multitude its own firength, and that rather for the behoof of themfelves than 
 of their Rulers. Thofe bcaits which are of a gentle and tradable difpofition, live 
 fociably among themfelves, and are cherifhed by man .* whereas thofe that are of a 
 more vvild and untamable nature, live in continual perfecution and fear of others and 
 of themfelves j but of late it is become the Mafter-piece of our modern incendia- 
 ries , to magnifie the power of the people , to break open this Cabinet of State, to 
 prick forward the heady and raging multitute , with fiditions Devifcs of bulls 
 and minotaurs. And all this with as much fincerity , as Corah , Dathan , and A- 
 biram faid to Mojcs , and Aaron , you taJ^ too much on you feeing alt the Congregation 
 are holy. I defire the Obferver at his leifure , to read Platoei defcription of an A- ^"'"^* ''^ ^' 
 thenian Sophifler , and he fhall find himfelf perfonated to the life, that one egg is pjatolib e a 
 not liker another : if the Coat fit him, let him put it on. The Scripture phraieth repofa. 
 this to be troubling of a Church, or of a State : it is a Metaphor taken from a ^ K'ng x§ tj 
 Veffcl wherein is Liquour of feveral p;^rts , fome more thick , others more fubtile , * G'J-s.2. 
 which by (baking together is difordered, and the dregs and refidence is litl;ed up 
 from the bottom to the top. The Obferver hath learned how to take Eeels s It is 
 their own rule , they that would alter the Government , mufl: firft trouble the 
 State. 
 
 Secondly, pofito fed non concefjo , admitting, but not granting, that power is o- 
 riginally inherent in the people, what is this to us who have an excellent form of 
 Government eftabliflied , and have diverted our felves of this power? can we play 
 faft and loofe and refume it again at our pleafure ? Lesbia was free to choofe her 
 ftlf an Husband whenflie was a Maid , may fhe therefore do it when fhe is a wife ? 
 admitting that his Majelty were eleded in his predecefTours , yea or in his own per- 
 fon for him and his heirs , is this power therefore cither the lefs abfolute or lefs 
 perpetual? admitting that before election, we had power to Covenant , yea or con- 
 dition by what Laws we would be governed , had we therefore power to condi- 
 tion that they fhould be no longer Laws, then they lifted us ? This were to make 
 our Sovereign not a great and glorious King , but a plain Chriftmafi Lord : or 
 
 O o o 2 have
 
 ;<5 
 
 Th: Serpefit- Sahe. TOME If » 
 
 J^T^^r^^rd^;;;^^^ power It.U torajlc arms to ai^.^ the Laws by force vvlfhout 
 c • , ^nrhnritv> This ieems to be the Obfcrvcrs main fcope, but the conclu- 
 f'fo odious r^s wW^ hath ever been confefTcd Treafon) and the confe- 
 ducrcc li) milerably weak , that he is glad to deal altogether Enthymematically. 
 
 Th'idlv Admitting and granting that the laft exercife or execution of power , 
 that is the \rSe' cmium , orKegm , is in the people, is the right alfo in the people 
 John 19^ 11. orViom the people > Excufc us if we rather give credit to our Saviour, 7hou coiild- 
 e\i have m p^ts^er at all againft me ^ except it rvere ghemhee from above. If Pilate 
 had his power from Heaven , we may conclude Ikongly for K'uig Charles, Nil Jat 
 quod non habet , fome power the people qua tal'n never had, as power of Life and 
 Death it is the peculiar right of God and his Vicegerents. Put the cafe, the King 
 grants 'to a Corporation fuch and fuch Magitirates , with power alfo to them to e- 
 kd new Magiltrates ( which yet holds but fometimes ) from whom do thofe Ma- 
 piliratcshoM their power? Not from the people who eledl them , but from the 
 King wlio creates them. 
 
 fourthly , You tell us that the power of a King is to have powerful Subjedts, and 
 to be powerful in his Subjects , not to be powerful over his Subjedls. Your reafon 
 halts becauie it wantsac^tfry/'mte : feveral Kings may have feveral advantages 
 of greatnefs. The truth is , neither many powerful Subjeds without obedience , 
 nor forced obedience without powerful and Loving Subjeds, do make a great and 
 glorious King, but the concatenation of Supcriours and Inferiours in the Adaman- 
 tine bonds of Love and Duty. When Subjeds are affedted , as SciHurus would 
 have his Sons for concord , diS Scipio had his Souldiers for obedience, which they pri- 
 fed above their Lives, being ready to throw themfelves from a Tower into the Sea 
 at their Generals command, this is both to be great in Subjects, artd over them. The 
 greatcft Vidories, the greateft Monarchies, are indebted for themfelves to this 
 lowly beginning of obedience. It is not to be a King of Kings , nor a King of 
 Jlaves, nor a King of Devils, ( you may remember to whom that was applied , ) 
 but to be the King of Hearts, and Hands, andSubjeds: of many rich, loving, and 
 dutiful Subjeds , that makes a powerful Prince. As for the prefent puiflance of 
 France , can you tell in what Kings Reign it was greater fince Charkmain > Never- 
 thelefs admitting that the peafants in France ( asyou are pleafed to call them ) fuffer 
 much; yet nothing near fo much as they have done in feditious times, when civil 
 Wars raged among them , ( when their Kings had lefs power over them , ) which 
 is our cafe now. God blefs us from Tyranny , but more from fedition. If the 
 Siibjedts of France be Peafants , and the Subjects ot Germany be Princes , God fend 
 us Englijhmen to keep a mean, between both extreams, which our Forefathers found 
 moft expedient for all parties. 
 
 Obferv. But thus ire fee that Foveer is but Jecondary and derivative in Vrinces^the 
 
 Fountain and efficient cajife is the People , and from hence the inferrence if juft , the King 
 
 though he be lliigulis Major , yet is he Univerfis Minor :for if the People : be the true 
 
 efficient cjufe of porver, it is a rule in Nature , quicquid efficit tale eft magis tale. 
 
 And hence it appears that at the founding of Authorities , when the confent of Societies 
 
 conveys rule into fuch and fuch Hands, it may ordain rfhat conditions, and prefix what 
 
 bmnds it pleafes , and that no difolution ought to be thereof, but by the fame power by 
 
 which it had its conjlitution. 
 
 .^^ ^ Aiftp. Thus we fee your premises are weak and naught, your argument proceeds 
 
 from the ftaffe to the corner , and your whole difcourle is a Rope of Sand. Firft, 
 
 your ground-workf that the People is the Fountain and efficient of Power C totters,. 
 
 andisnotunivcrfally true. Power in the abftradt is not atalU Powerin concrete is but 
 
 fometimes from the people,which is rather the application ofpower than power it felfl 
 
 Next , your inference from hence which in this place you call jufl , and a little 
 
 after fay , that nothing is more kitown or aj[ented tintc , that the King is fwgulis Major 
 
 but timverfs Minor , greater than any of his Subjedts fingly confidered , but left 
 
 than the whole collefted body , is neither juft nor known , nor afleuted unto unlefs 
 
 in that body , you include His Majefty as a principal member. And yet if that 
 
 iliould be granted you , before it would do you any good , tbefe univerft , or this 
 
 whole body , muft be reduced to tJie Major or greater part , and this diffufed and 
 
 cflTen-
 
 Discourse II. The Serpent-Sahe. c^i 
 
 effi-'ntial Body mufi be contradcd to a reprefentative Body ( unlefs we may believe 
 yonr new Learning , that the Effential and reprefentative Body are both one. ) 
 But waving all theie advantages , tell me Sir, might you be perfwaded to follow 
 Liciirgitf his advice , to try this Difcipline at home, before you offer it to the com- 
 monwealth ? could you be contented that all your Servants together , or the Ma- 
 jor part of them had power to turn you out of your Mafterfhip , and place your 
 Steward in your roomi or your Children in like cafe depofe you from your Father- 
 hood ? No , I warrant you , the cafe would fbon be altered. And when the great- 
 eft part of the flieep didike their fheepheard , murt he prefently put up his Pipes and 
 be packing ? Take heed what you do , for if the People be greater than the King, 
 it is no more a Monarchy but a Dcmocracy.Hitherto the Chriliian World hathbelie- 
 ved,that the King is pojl Veum fecundiK t\\t next to God,/o/o Veo »zi«or,onely lefsthan 
 God,no perfon,no body politick betweenithat he is vkariiu P«,Gods Vicegerent.The 
 Scriptures fay,that Kings Reign not over perfonsbut nations,that Kings were anointed 
 over Jfiael^not JJraelites onely. Saul is called the Head of the "Xribes ofJfrael.Oax Laws 
 are plain , we have all fworn that the Kings Highnefs is the onely Supreme Head , if 
 Supreme, tlien not fubordinatei if onely Supreme, then not coordinate i and lSa™>'5-*7. 
 Covernour of tint Kealm , His Highnefs is Supreme Governour, that is in his perfon, 
 in his Chamber, as well as in his Court. The ancient Courts of England , were no 
 other then the Kings very Chamber and moveable with him from place to place , 
 whence they have their name of Courts. Supreme Governour of this Kealm colle- 
 dively , and not onely of particular and individual Subjeds. Jn all caufes and over 
 aV perfins , then in Parliament and out of Parliament. Parliaments do not always 
 lit, many caufes are heard, many perfons queftioned,mary Oaths of Allegiance admii- 
 nilhed between Parliament and Parliament.The fame Oath binds us to defend him a- 
 gainji all coJiff'iracies andattempts rvhatfoever^which fliallbemade agaiMJl hUVerfun otCrowtt'y 
 to defend him, much more therefore not to oifend himi againji all canjpiracies and at- 
 tempts whatfoever: that Oath which binds us to defend him againlt all attempts whatfo- 
 ever, prefuppofeth that no attempt againft him can be juftified by Law, whether thefe 
 attempts be againllhis perfon or his Crown. It will not ferve the turn to diilinguifh 
 betvveen his Ferfon and his Oj^ce, for both the perfon and the office are included in the 
 Oath.Let every Subjedl lay his hand upon his heart, and compare his adtions with this 
 Oathin the fear of God. When the great rcprefentative body ofParliament are Aflem- 
 bled, they are yet but his great Council,notCommanders.He calls thcm,he difToIves 
 themithey do not choofe fo much as a fpeaker without his approbation: and when he 
 is chofcnhe Prays his Majefty to interpofehis Authority, and command them to pro- 
 ceed to a Second choife", planeprofter modeftiam,fed nunquid contra veritatem?The fpeak- 
 crs Firft requeft is, for the Liberties and priviledges of the Houfe : His Majefiy is the 
 Fountain from which they flow. When they , even both Houfes do fpeak to him , 
 it is not by way of Mandate, bat humble Petition as thus, moji humbly befeecb 
 your moji Excellent Majefty^ your faithful and Obedient SubjeCif^ the Lords Spiritual and Elizjb- 30. 
 "Temporal and Commons in Parliament afembled, or thus , IFe Tour Majeliies Loving , 
 Faithful, and Obedient Subje&s reprefenting the Three Ejiates of your Kealm c/" England 
 &c. except n>e (hould overmuch forget our duties to Tour Highnefs , &c. do moji htimbly 
 befeech Sec Here the Three Eltates of the Kingdom aiTcmbled in Parliament do ac- 
 knowledge their Subjeftion and the ir duty, do befeech Her Majefiy. Where by the 
 way I defire to know of the Obferver , whether that of the Three Eiktes were a 
 Fundamental conftitution of this Kingdom , and who were the Three Ertates at 
 this time , and whether a Third Eflate have not been fince excluded ? Howfoever, 
 we fee they do but rogare Legem pray a Law , the King enads it, and as he wills 
 or takes time to advife , fo their Ads are binding or not binding. They challenge 
 no difpenfative Power above the Law : he doth. Iii- a word , he is the head not 
 onely of the hand or of the Foot , but of the whole Body. Thefe things are fo e- 
 vident , that all our Laws mufl be burned , befoj-c this truth can be doubted (£ 
 But to ftop the Obfcrvers mouth for ever take an Authentick Teftimony , in the ve- 
 ry cafe point blank , By diuers old Authentic}\Hi\hries and Chronicles ^ it is manififtly 
 declared , that this Kealm of England is an Empire , and fo hath keen accepted in the 
 .lVorld,Governed by one SuPpreme Head and King, baveing the dignity and Koyal Ejiate
 
 ■ Jhe Serpent^sTli e. TO M E 1 1 - 
 
 T'tbe Jmpeual Cromt of the fame , mto tvhom a Body FoliticKcompaa of aj forts and 
 
 »4Hcn.8,capi J. ^^^^i, divided into terms, and by names of Spr,tmlty and temporalty , 
 
 i» h-lo nden indomn next to God a Natural and humble Obedience , he being inflitu- 
 
 tld\J fiirniihcd hv the goodnefs and fuferance of Almighty God with plenary , ivhole , 
 and entire PoJer , Preeminence Authority, &c. Now Sir, obfcrve Firft, that i-ot 
 on-lv individual pcribns , but the whole compared Body Pohtick of the Kingdom, 
 are not oncly kfs than his Majclty , but do owe unto him a natural and humble 
 obedience ( how far is this from that Majefty which you afcribe unto the re- 
 prcfentative Body > ) Secondly , That the Spiritualty were ever an Effential part 
 of this Body Politick. Thirdly , That His Majcfties Power is plenary. Fourthly, 
 That he derives it not from inferiour compads , but from the goodncfs of God. 
 It is true were His Majefty as the Prince of Orange is , or you would have him to 
 be not a true poffcfTour of Sovereign Power , but a keeper onely , as the Roman 
 Dictator or an Arbitrary Prodor for the People, your rule had fome more fliew 
 of reafon.- bnt againftluch evident light of truth to ground a contrary alTertion , 
 derogatory to his Majefty, upon the private authority of BraUon and Fleta ( no au- 
 thentick Authors ) were a ftrange degree of weaknefs or wilfulnefs , efpecially ifwe^ 
 conllder , Firft , upon what a trifling filly homonymy it is grounded , quia comi- 
 ' tes dicuntur quaftfocii Regis , & qui habent focium hahent magifirum. If he had called 
 them the Kings Attendants , orfubordinate Governours of fome certain Province 
 or County , as the Sheritfe vice comes was their Deputy , there had been fomething 
 real in it. Secondly , If vve confidcr, that this affertion is as contrary to the Ob- 
 ferversovvn g,rounds , as it is to truth , for what they ( BraUon and Fleta ) do ap- 
 propriate to the houfe ot Lords curi^ comitum & baronum , he attributes to the 
 colledlive Body of the whole Kingdom, or at the leaft to both Houles of Parlia- 
 ment: that is far from the Obfervers meaning , and nothing to the purpofc. This 
 Catachreftical and extravagant exprellion , with the amphibological ground of it, 
 is cither confuted or expounded by the Authors themfelves, as faying , the King hath 
 no Feer , therefore no companion i that he is Vicarius Vet Gods Vicegerent , that 
 he is not fub homine , under man. And if the words have any grain of truth in 
 them, they muft be underftood not of an authorative , but onely of a confultive 
 power to advile him, or at the moft approbative, to give their aflent to Laws pro- 
 pounded , he having limitted himfelf to make no Laws without them. So we 
 may fay a mans promife is his Mafter ) as if a manfliould fay that the Judges in the 
 Houfe of Peers , who have no votes , but are meer afliftants, yet in determining 
 controverfies in point of Law, are in fome fort fuperiour to the Lords , not in 
 Power which they have none, but in sRill and refpecS of that dependance , which 
 the Lords may have upon their Judgement and integrity. 
 
 Neither will your Logical Axion, quicquid efficit tale eji magU tale, help you any 
 thing at all , for firft your quicquid e^cit muft be quando efficit. If a caufe have fuf- 
 ficitnt vigour and efficacy at fuch a time as the effed is produced , it is not not ne- 
 cefTary that it fliould retain it for ever after , or that the people fiiould retain that 
 power which they have divefted themfelves of by eledtion ot another. To take 
 your cafe at thcbeft , they have put the ftaife out of their own hands , and cannot 
 without Rebellion and fin againft God , undo what they have done. Secondly , 
 for your magU tale , there is a caution in this Canon , that the fame quality muft be 
 both in the caufe and in the effed, which yet is not always , not in this very 
 cafe , it muft be in caufes total Eflential and univocal , fuch as this is not. The 
 Sun is the caufe of heat , yet it is not hot it felf v Sol & homo generant hominem vi- 
 'jentem , yet the Sun lives not. If Two Litigants content to Licence a Third per- 
 fon to name another for Arbitrator between them, he may eleffl a Judge , not 
 be ajudge Yet I (hall net deny you any truth, when and where the an- 
 tecedent confent of free' focittics not preingagcd , doth inftrumcntally confer 
 and convey , or rather apply power and authority into the hands of one or more , 
 they may limit it to what term.they pleafe , by what covenants they pleafe, to what 
 conditions they pleafe , at fuch time as they make their eledion: yet covenants and 
 conditions differ much which you feem to confound ( breach of covenant will not 
 forfeit a Leafe, much lefs an Empire. ) I have feen many covenants between Kings 
 
 and
 
 Discourse II. [he Serpent-Sal've. 1-22 
 
 and their people , fometimesof Debt, and many times of Grace , but I do not re- 
 member that ever I read any conditions , but with fome old elcdlive Kings oi Ar- 
 ragon ( if they were Kings ) long fince antiquated , and one ondy King of ?olo- 
 
 wa. 
 
 You add and truly, that there ought to be no diffolution of Sovereignty, ^«t by the 
 fame pnrcer by rphkb it hadits conjiitmion, wherein God had his (hare at lealt : but 
 this will not fcrve your turn , if you dare fpeak out plainly, tell us , when a King 
 is conftituted by right of conqueft and long fucceilion , yea or by the clcdion of 
 a free people , without any condition of forfeiture , or power of revocation refer- 
 ved ( as the Capuans gave themfelves to the Komans , ) and fo according to your 
 polltion it is ejiablijhed by God . can the people , or the Major part without groft 
 Treafon attempt to dethrone this King , or fend him a writ of eafe ? they that are 
 fo Zealous in Religion , to have every thing ordered according to the cxprefs word 
 of God , let them (hew bur one Text, where ever God did give this power to 
 Subjeds, to reduce their Sovereigns to order by arms. If this were fo. Kings were 
 in a miferable condition. Confider the prefent Eflate of Chriftendom , what King 
 hath not Subje<fts of fundry Communions and profeffions in point of Religion? up- 
 on chcfe mens grounds he mulf be a Tyrant to one party or more. Mnfes feemed a 
 Tyrant to Korah and his Rebellious Company i Queen Elizabeth and King James 
 did feem Tyrants to Efq--, Parry, Sommervil, and the Powder- Traytors. Lycitr- 
 gw of whom Apollo once doubted whether he (hould be numbrcd among the GodS 
 or men , was well neer ftoned , and had his eyes put out in a popular tumult. 
 Thus Barrabbof may be abfolved , and the King of Kings cJbndemned. What 
 Divellifh Plots would this Dodrine prefently raife , if it were received^ what mur- 
 thcrs and aflallinates would itufher into the world ? efpecially confidering that the 
 worll: men are mod commonly adive in this kind , to whom nothing doth more 
 difcommend a King than his Juftice. 
 
 Obferv. As for the final catije of Regal Authority, I do not find any thing in the Kings 
 papers denying , that the fame people is the final which is the efficient caufe of its and in- 
 deed it werejlrange if the people in fubjeding it felfto command, jhould aim at any thing 
 but their ovpn good in the firji and lafi place. Tix true according to Machiavels Politicks, 
 Princes ought to aim at greatnefs , not in but over their Subje&s , and for the atchieving 
 of the fame, they ought to propofe to themfelves no greater good than the jpoiling^ and breaks 
 ing the Spirits of their SubjeSs , nor no greater mifchief than common freedom , neither 
 ought they to promote and eherifh any Servants , butfuch as are moft fit for rapine and op- 
 preffion , nor deprefi and profecute any as Enemies , but fuch as are gracious rvith the 
 populacy for Noble and Gallant AUs , and a little after , his dignity wm ere&ed to pre- 
 ferve the commonalty , the commonalty tPas not created for his Service , and that which 
 is the end, is far more valuable in Nature and policy , than that which is the means. 
 
 Anfpn. Still this Difcourfe runs upon eledive Kingdoms: as for thofe which have 
 had other originals, here is a deep filence, yew tufimulare cuprefjum , quid hoc ? you 
 can paint a Cyprefs Tree, but what is this to the purpoCe > Let it be admitted that 
 in fuch Monarchies, the aim of the People is their own proteftion , concord and 
 tranquillity, 2l«/fr/ are t/;e MinijiersofGodforourgood--, fo on the other fide , So- ^om: i?: 41 
 vereign Princes have their ends alfo , who feedeth a flocks, and eateth not of the milkj- ^°'"' 9 7 
 thereof} fb there are mutual ends, and thefe ends on both fides are lawful and good, 
 fo long as they are confonant to the rules of Juftice. And though Prince and people 
 do principally intend their own refpedive good , yet it were folly to imagin , to at- 
 tain , to fuch high ends of fuch confequence and concernment , without the mix- 
 ture of fome dangers, difficulties, Troubles and Inconveniences: as St. Ambrofe 
 faith , that fince the fall of Adam i thorns often grow without rofes , but no true 
 rofes without thorns : we muft take the rofe with the thorn, the one with the other 
 in good part , for better for worfe, fru^us tranfit cum onere the benefit pafTeth witli 
 the burthen. If we can purchafe tranquillity which we intend , with obedience 
 and Subjedion, which we muft undergo v we have no caufe to complain of the bar- 
 gain- It is a moft wretched Government, where one real fuffering, is not com- 
 penfated with ten benefits and blellings. 
 
 Again, this publick good of the people, is (to ufe your own phrafe) cither 
 
 fnigulo*
 
 " Th ^pent.Sal'z^e. TOM E H . 
 
 /i;w;;;;«77ri^^'->r«;«, publick or pnvate, ot; particular Subieds or ofdie 
 
 rh whole Commonwealth: howfoever the adtual intenlions ot individual Mem- 
 hers of a Society may aim at the private , yet when thcfe two are inconfiftent C as 
 ( etimcs it falls out ; a good Governour muft prefer the publick s and particular 
 lUTibcrs muft not grumble to fufter for the General Good of the Body Politick. 
 "^"^But you fay the end is far more honourable than the means , and the prefervati- 
 on of the Commonalty is the end of Regal Dignity. True , but this prcfervanon 
 mult be undcrrtood , fub modo , according to Law j which is not alterable at the 
 dilcretion of humourous men , but with the concurrence both of King and Sub- 
 ieds. Likcwile this is to be undcrftood , where the ends are not mutual ( as here 
 they are ) the King. for the people , and the people for the King ; and where the 
 end is not partial but adequate ( as this is not. ) Laftly , The end is more va- 
 luable how ? quadras as it is the end in the intention of the efficient, r.ot always 
 in the nature ot the things. If the Obferver had argued thus , the publick Tran- 
 quillity oi King and People is the end of Government , therefore more valuable , 
 his inference had been good , but as he argues now: it is a meer Paralogifm, which 
 1 will clear by fome inlianccs. The Tutor is eledled for the prefervation of his Pu- 
 pil , yet the Pupil qua talis islefs honourable : the Angels are Miniftring Spirits for 
 the good of mankind , are men therefore more honourable than Angels > The P\.e- 
 demption of the World is the end of Chrifts Incarnation , is the World therefore 
 more excellent than Chrift ? 
 
 whether the Obferver cite Machiavel true or falfe , I neither know nor regard ? 
 fuch a charadter might fit Ctefar Borgiof a new intruder, but not King Charles, who 
 derives his Royalty fiom above an Hundred Kingly Predeceflburs , whom malice it 
 felf cannot charge with one drop of guiltlefs bloud , nor with the tear of an ii.no- 
 cent, fuch a Prince as Ff/pijfiiirt , of whom it is faid , thzt jufiuf fstpplicns ihcbn- 
 viavit & higemuit. But I offer two iffues to^the Obferver , out of thefe word? of 
 Machiavel, if he pleafe to accept the challenge. Firff, That more Noble Worthies 
 have been cruflied to nothing by the infolency of the people, ( proportion 
 for proportion ) then by the power of Kings. As in Athens for luliarice , 
 Socrates, Arijiides , Thetnijiocles , Alcibiades , and many more. The Second, That 
 gallant and vertuous Ad:ions do not more often ingratiate men with the people , 
 then a rouling tongue , a precipitate head , vain-glorious profufion , oyly infinu- 
 ations , feigned Devotions, Sufferings ( though deferved ) from Supcriours , and 
 above all oppofition to the prefent State. So that he that is a Favorite to the King, 
 is ipfo fa£io , hated by the people or the major part : and to be fleigted by the 
 Afts 5 37 Prince , is frequently a ready way to be honoured by the people. Judas of Galilee 
 was a great Favorite of the Commons , iiow did he indear himfelf by feditious 
 AflsSio Orations? Who more populous than 5i»MM MiJffi» i* t,'c piya.c fome great one, and 
 this onely with jugling. When Abfolnm fought to ingratiate himfelf with the vul- 
 2Sain.i$ gar, what courfe did he take? to be more eminent in virtue? No fuch thing > 
 but olkntation, lying, flattery, and traducing the prefent State. Who hath not heard 
 how Tijijlratiis and Vionyfms two execrable Tyrants, did cut and flafh themfelves, 
 and perfwadcd the credulous multitude , how it vizs done by the malignants for 
 their 7.eal to the Commonwealth, till by thefe Arts they had firlt gotten a guard al- 
 lowed for themfelves , and after invaded the Government. 
 
 Obferv. To he delicia? humani generis is grown fordid with Trinces , to he pullick^ 
 torments and carnificines , and to plot agaiufi thofe Subjects, whom by nature tbey ought 
 to proteCt , is held Ca:far-/i% , and therefore bloody Borgias by meer treachery and cruel- 
 ty hath gotten room in the Calendar of witty and of fiirited Heroes. And our EnglifK 
 Court of late years hath drunk^too much of this State-poyfoit , for either we have feen Fa- 
 vorites raifedto poll the people , and razed again to pacife the people ■, or elfe ( which is 
 worfe for King and Feopk too ) we have feen engines of mi fchief prefer vcd againjl the 
 the Teople , and upheld againft Law , meerly that mifchicf might not want incourage- 
 ment. 
 
 Seft. 7- . ^"'"■^ ^"* *^^^ ^'"S, ( ^^'•^h the wifemanO no not in thy thought. Thou flmlt not re- 
 
 Ecd. 10 90 vile the Cods , norjpeak^evil ef the Kukr of thy People. Two Apoftles bear Record 
 Exo. 22 28 gj that tncre cannot be a furer note of a Schifmatick than to def}if Vominion , and 
 ^"- 3* y fp(a\i^
 
 Discourse II. The Serpent-Sahe^ ^215 
 
 J^eak^evil of Vignities. Evil Language againft a Sovereign Prince , hath ever been 2 Pet. a. la 
 reputed an injury to all his Subjeds : but this age hath hatched fuch Vipers, which ^"d« ^• 
 dare not onely like feme Kablhak^th , rail againft fome forreign Prince , but caft 
 dirt in the face of their natural Lord i as if they were the coltr of a mid Ajiin the 
 vpilderneji, fubjedt to no man, accountable to no man: and that not onely in thought 
 which Solomon dilliked , or in word , which God did forbid , but even to make 
 the Prefs groan under daily bundles of lies and flanders and fidtitious Fables. I fay 
 the Prefi , which hath been ever efteemed a peculiar priviledge of Supreme Majelly, 
 Nay , one King is not an objedl worthy of their wrath , but as it is faid of Julian^ 
 that he fought to deftroy both Presbyters and Treshyterium , not Priefts onely, but 
 Priefthood itfelf : So it is not one or two Monarchs, but the deftrudion of Mo- 
 narchy it felf which thefe men aim at , witneft our Obferver here , to be ■puhlkktor- 
 ments and carnifcines , is held Csfar-/i% tvith Princes , and one of his friends lately. 
 He errs not much who faith ^ that there is an inbred hatred of the Gofpelin aV Kings , 
 they do mt rcillingly fuffer the King of Kings to rule in their Kingdoms , the Lord hath ^'''"/''''* Pf>i' 
 bU among Kings , but very fext> vie perhaps of an hundred. Increpet te Dens Satan, ''"'''^*' 
 The Lord himfclf will oi.w 1 them to an account for thele Blafphemies againft 
 
 his anointed. Is this a coal taken from the Altar, or rather from the fire of Hell? 
 There is hope our Countrey-men will rob the Jefuits fhortly of their reputation : 
 Anabaptifi-n hath got it loofe to be the Liers and the Rebels Catechifm. Sir , 
 lay afide your eye of envy , which cannot endure the beams of Majefty, and tell 
 us what it is in King Charles which doth fo much offend you ? Take Diogenes his 
 Lanthorn , and look at Noon-day among all his Oppofers throughout your Claflfes 
 and Forms , if you can find one to match or parallel him , for piety towards God, 
 juftice towards man, temperance in his dyet, truth in his word, chaftity in his 
 Life, mercy towards the opprelTed i yea, take your multiplying glafs, and look 
 through his Government from end to end , if you can find his Crown fprinkled 
 with one drop of Innocent blood. He needs not with Caius the Emperour affume 
 Mercuries rod , ApoHos bow and arrows , Mars his fword and Hiield , to make 
 himfelf refemble God , he hath better enfigns of the Diety. Unhappy we onely 
 becaufe we do not know our own good , that might enjoy a temperate and fweet 
 Government , Sun-fliine days under our own Vines and Figtrees, the free profeflion 
 of true Religion , equal adminiflration of Jufiice , Peace and plenty , with a daily 
 growth of all arts that may enrich or civilize a Nation, under the radicated fuccef- 
 fion of a Princely Family. If the Obfervers eyes had not been like the old Lamiss^ 
 to take out and put in at his pleafure , he might have feen a 'litus at Home , a dar- 
 ling of mankind. 
 
 But what is the ground of all this great cry? ibrfooth we have had favorites. I 
 do not yet know any hurt in a good favorite, fuch an one as Jojhua was to Mfes ^ or 
 Daniel to Darius , or Mec£nas and Agri-ppa to Augnfim , or Craterm and f for any 
 thing I know ) Epheflion alfo to Alexander. Wifemen think a well chofen Favorite 
 may bring great advantage both to King and People. But I leave the difcourfe : it 
 is well known , His Majefly is as oppofite to Favorites as the Obferver, and never 
 raifcd any to that height, but they might be oppofed and queftioned by their Fel- 
 low-counfellours. But if the Obferver have a mind to fee fome of thofe Favorites, 
 ( whom he calls Pollers , Engines of mifchief , or Monopolifts ) he may find them 
 moving in another Sphere : to fide with His Majefiy is no ready way to impu- 
 nity. 
 
 Obferv. But our King here doth ach^orvledge it a great bufmefs of his Coronation Oath 
 to proteS us: and I hope under this word proteS , he intends not onely tojlneld us front 
 all kind of evil , but to promote us to all kjnd of Political happinefs , according to kis ut- 
 moji Devoir : and I hope he holds himfelj bound thereunto , mt onely by his Oath , but 
 alfo by his very Office and by the end of his Sovereign Dignity. And though all fingle per- 
 fons ought to look.upon the late Bills pajfed by the King^ as matters of Grace with all thank:- 
 fuhefs and Humility : yet the King himjelf looking upon the whole State, ought to acknow- 
 ledge ^ that he cannot merit of it ^ and that whatfoever he hath granted , tf it be far the 
 projperity of his People , ( but much more for their eafe ) it hath proceeded but from meer 
 duty. If Ship-money , if Star-Chamber ^ if the High Commifion^ if the Votes of Bi- 
 
 P p p jhops
 
 53<5 
 
 TheSerpentSahe- TOME i A. 
 
 "llfops and Fopilh Lords in the upper Hotife be mconfijlent rvith the welfare of the Kingdom, 
 mtoneh Honour , but Juftice it felf challenges that they be ahoU'fht. Ihe King ought 
 not to account that a Profit or Strength to him , which w a lofs or wajhngto the People : 
 or owht he to thinKthat perijhed to him , which is gained to the People : Ihe word Grace 
 Sea. 8. Lnfs better in the Peoples mouth than in His. 
 
 Jnfip. His Majefty is bound in Conlcience both by his Oath and Office , not one- 
 ly to protcd his people committed to his charge in Wealth , Peace, and Godlinefs, 
 but alfo to promote their good : but this protedtion muft be according to Law , 
 this promotion according to Law. Now if a good King at feafonable and oppor- 
 tune times ( To it may not be like the borrowing of a Ihaft for the hatchet to cut 
 down the great Oak , nor like the plucking off one or more feathers out of the 
 Eagles wings , wherewith to feather an arrow to pierce through that King of 
 Birds ) (hall freely according to the didates of his own reafon , part with any 
 of thoCe Jewels which do adorn his Royal Diadem , for the behoof of his Subjects, 
 it is an ad of Grace , not onely to individual perfons , but to the collcdcd body 
 of his People , and fo both Houfes have acknowledged it ■■, yet you fay it is meer 
 duty, that both Honour and Juftice do challenge it from him. It is a 11 range and 
 unheard of piece of Juftice and Duty , which is without and beyond all Law. You 
 fay the word Grace founds better in the Peoples mouth than in his , O partiality 
 how doft thou blind mens eyes! The Obferver fees that Grace founds ill in the 
 Kings mouth, and yet he doth not , or will not (ee how ill duty and meer duty 
 founds in his own mouth , being a Subjed towards his Sovereign. The truth is , 
 it is moft civil for Receivers to relate benefits , fufficit unus hutc operi^ft vis me k- 
 qui , ipfe tace : but where the Receivers forget themfelves, yea deny the favours 
 received ( as this Obferver doth ) it is very comely for the beftowers to fupply their 
 defed. 
 
 Next, To your taking away of Ship-money, Star-chamber , High-Commiffion, 
 &c. It is an eafie thing to take away , but difficult to build up , both in nature 
 and in refped of mens minds , which commonly agree foOner in the deftrudive 
 part than in the conftrudive. All the danger is either in exceeding the Golden 
 mean ( by falling from one extream to another ) or in taking that away , which by 
 correding and good ordering skill , might have been of great ufe to the body Po- 
 litick. We are glad to be cafed of our former burthens , yet we with with all our 
 hearts , that our prefent eafe may not produce greater mifchiefs , that in true real 
 neceffities and fuddain dangerous exigences , the Common-wealth may not be left 
 without a fpeedy remedy. That if the Laws have not fufficiently provided for the 
 fuppreffing of riots and tumultuous diforders in great men , yet the Ordinary fub- 
 jed may not be left without a Sanduary whither to fly from oppreffion. That in 
 this inundation of Seds , which do extremely deform our Church , and difturb the 
 Common-wealth, there may be a proper and fure remedy provided before it be too 
 late, and we be forced in vain to dig up Antigonm again out of his Grave. As for 
 the taking away of Bifliops Votes at this time , I do not doubt but that great Coun- 
 cil of the Kingdom had reafons for it, and may have other Reafons ( when it pleaf- 
 eth God ) to reftore them again : There is much difference betwixt a coercive and 
 a confultive power : no Nation yet that ever I read of, did exclude their Religious 
 from their confultations. To make a Law partly good , Piety muft concur , and 
 who (hall judge what is pious ? fhallthey firfl be excluded from all other profeifi- 
 ons , and then from their own? Britijh Bi(hops have been of note in all great Coun- 
 cils, Forreign and Domel^ick thefe One Thoufand Three Hundred and Thirty 
 Years. It is your own Rule , quod omnes tangit ah omnibus traUari debet i all other 
 profelfions in the Kingdom are capable both of eleding and being eleded > but 
 tor this I do fubmit, and leave it to time to difcover what is good for the Kingdom. 
 Obferv. Tte direds us then to the transcendent Acme of allPolitiks, totheVzxz- 
 mount Law, which Jhall give Lave to all human Laws whatfoever , and that is falus Po- 
 puli. 7he Law of prerogative itfelfisfubfervient to this Law , and were it not condu- 
 cing thereunto , it were not necefiary nor expedient. 
 Seii.p. Anfw. If this Author could commit the Law of prerogative, and this Supreme 
 
 Law of Salus popuU together, as oppofite one to another , he had faid fomething ; 
 
 but
 
 Discourse II. The Serpent-Sahe^ 
 
 but he cannot fee wood for trees : the fame tranfcendent achme which he magnifies, 
 is the Law of prerogative it felf : becaufe a General Lav/ cannot take notice of the 
 equity of all particular circumftances, nor of the neceflity of all particular Occur- 
 rences •, therefore the Supreme Prince is trufted with this Power Paramount, That 
 which the Law of Nature warrants in a private man , as in a fcathfire, to pulldowti 
 a Neighbours houfe to prevent the burning of a City ; to caft another mans corn 
 overboord in a Tempeft i to defend himfclf from theeves, in cafes where he cannot 
 have recourfe to the Magiftrate, or the fuddennefs of the danger will admit no for- 
 mal proceeding in Law : fo publick neceility doth juftifie the like aftions in a Kino-, 
 where the exigence of the State is apparent. If this Power be at any time mifim- 
 ployed, if this truft be violated •, yet the abufeofa thing cannot takeaway the 
 ufe, and lawful and neceffary right , which is grounded upon the Univerfal and 
 perpetual Law of Sahcs populi , which comprehends the good of the Sovereign as 
 well as of the Subjedt. But it is now grown into falhion for Subjects without 'au- 
 thority , equity , or neceifity , to urge this Law upon all occafions. SaliK populi , 
 is like the Fox in" Mfops Fables , it is in at every end , mens perfons are imprifon- 
 ed , their houfes plundered , their Lands fequeftred , their Rights violated with- 
 out the judgment of their Peers , contrary to the known Law , contrary to the 
 Great Charter , and nothing pretended for this, but the Law Paramount. Truly 
 Sir, i( this he Salus populi^ tina falus fanii nullam fperare falutem. A remote iea- 
 loulie or fuppofition is no good ground for the exercize of this Law : as to pull ' 
 
 down another mans houfe , for fear of a fcathfire to come , God knows how or 
 when , perhaps foretold in a prognoftication. The dangers muft be very vifible be- 
 fore this rule take place, not taken upon truft or an implicit Faith, like Scogginl fiery 
 Draggons in the air. All true EngUJh-men will defire to be governed by their 
 known Laws , and not to hear too often of this Paramount Law , the application 
 or mifapplication whereof, hath been the caufe of the paft and prelent diftempers 
 of this Kingdom. Extraordinary Remedies lik^ hot veaters ^ may help at a pang ^ but Sir H vV 
 being too often nfed , fioil thejiomack-. 
 
 Obferv. Neither can the right of Conquefi he pleaded to acquit Prince: of that which is 
 
 due to the People , as the Authors and ends ofaV porver , for meer force cannot alter the 
 
 courfe of nature , or frufirate the tenour of the Law , and if it could , there were more 
 
 reafun why the people might jufiifie force ^ to regain due liberty ^ then the Prince might 
 
 to fubvert the fame. And it is a Jhameful fiupidity in any man ^ to thin]\_that our An- 
 
 cejiors did not fght more noblely for their free cufloms , and Laws , of which the Conquer 
 
 tour and his Succejjours had in part difmherited them by violence and perjury , then they 
 
 vphichput them to fuch conflicts : for it feems unnatural to me , that any Nation Jhould be 
 
 hound to contribute its own inherent puijjance ^ meerly to abet "Tyranny , and fuppott flave- 
 
 ry i and to mah^ that which if more excellent a prey to that which is of kfs worth. And 
 
 que(iionleji a Native Prince if meer force be right ^ may disfranchife UU Suhje& m well as a 
 
 Jiranger , if he can frame a fufficient party , and yet we fee that this was the fooltfh Sin of 
 
 Rehoboam, who having deferted and reje&ed out of an intoVerable infolence the (h-ength of 
 
 len tribes , ridiculously fought to reduce them again with the jirength of two. 
 
 Anfw. This Author intends not to halt on one fide onely in this Difcourfe , qui c n 
 femel verecundia limites tranfiverit, graviter impudentem effe oportet. Firft , that juft 
 Conqueft in a lawful War , acquireth good right of Dominion, a^; well as pofTef- 
 fion , is fo confonant to the Univerfal Opinion and pradtice of ail Nations, yea, 
 to the infallible and undoubted teftimony of Holy Scriptures , that he that denyes 
 it , may as well affirm , Nil intra eli oleam , nil extra eji in nuce durum. Force is not 
 meer force , where juftice goes hand in hand with it , omnia dat qui jufra nenat. 
 Neither is this to alter the courfe of nature , or frujirate the tenour of Law , but it "felf 
 is the Law of Nature and ot Nations. 
 
 Secondly , That Subje<fls who have not the power of the Sword committed to 
 them , after a long time of obedience and lawful fuccellion , after Oaths of Alle- 
 giance , may ufe force to recover their former liberty , or raife arms to change the 
 Laws eftablifhed , is without all contradidion both falfe and rebellious. "They that 
 are overcome(hith Jofephusmotk tra\Y)and have long obeyed^ifthey feek^to (fjah^ off the yo^", 
 they do the part of Vefierate men not of lovers of liberty. Surely if any liberty might 
 
 P P p 2 warraiit
 
 •^a 
 
 ^ rijsSerpent. Sahe. TOME If. 
 
 — :-,,,.„ ,> ;. the liberty of Religion , but Chrift never planted His Re- 
 warrant fuch force , it is t"^ .'^; Z:„1„. U...r «r:rh . n^nrr. ..Aor^.rwL „. fe.„™ ^.. 
 
 warrant »"^n . ' ' D^fciples heat with a (harp redargution , ye l^ivtp not 
 
 . u n <c ''^'°," >n blood. He cooie r .^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^.^^ ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^_ 
 
 Luk. 9 55 "/ f.";. ^"■'7;,; Cluiftians of approved valour) anfwered the bloody Emperor 
 an Legiun , ^^ ^^^^^ Imperator , k^ow Emperour that we are all Chriflians , rve 
 tbmZZUie^othypmr, bnt our free Souls fly to our Saviour mitber our l^wmt 
 rjffe mr'delj'eration itfelfbath armed us againii thee , becaufe tee had rather dye inno- 
 '^""t then live guilty > thoupalt find our hands empty of mapons, but our Brejis armed 
 with the CatholicK Faith. So having power to reilll: , yet they fuifered themfdves 
 to be cut all in pieces. The Obferver is Hill harping upon Tyranny and flavery, to 
 little purpofe i he is not prefently a Tyrant , who hath nnore Power than Nature 
 did commit to him , nor he a flave who hath fubjeded himfelf to the Dominion of 
 another : That which is done to gain prote6i:ion or fuftenance , or to avoid the 
 evils of Sedition , or to perform a lawful ingagement , is net meerly done to abet 
 Tyranny and fupport flavery. 
 
 Thirdly to the Obferver's inftance of our Anceftours in the Barons Wars , I 
 know not whether Wars he intends, the former or the later , or both: This is 
 certain no party gained by them i they proved fatal and dcftrudtive , fomctimes 
 to the King , fometimes to the Barons, fometimes to both , and evermore to the 
 people. And howfoever the name of free Cuftoms and Laws was made ufe of as 
 a plaufible pretence , yet it is evident , that Envy , Revenge , Covetoufnefs , Am- 
 bition , Luft , Jealoufie , did all ad their feveral parts in them. And if there 
 were any ( as I doubt not there were many ) who did folely and fincerely aim at 
 the publick good , yet it cannot be denied , there was too much ftiffhefs and ani- 
 mofity on both fides ■■, a little yielding and bending is better than breaking out- 
 right , and more efpecially Confcience requires it of them who are Subjedts , and 
 of them who contend for an alteration. Fliny relates a Story of two Goats that 
 met in the midft of a narrow plank , over a fwift current i there was no room for 
 one to pafs by another , neither could turn backward ; they could not fight it out 
 for the way, but with certain peril of drowning them both: that which onely re- 
 mained , was , that the one couching on the plank , made a bridge for the other 
 to go over, and fo both were faved. But the fubjeft is fo direful and tragical , 
 and the rernembrancc of thofe times fo odious to all good men ,- that I pafs by it , 
 as not much material to the Queftion in hand: both Parties are dead , and have 
 made their accounts to God , and know long fince whether they did well or ill , 
 neither can their example either juftifie or condemn our adions. It is probable 
 there were fome Shebahs , Trumpetters of fedition in thofe dayes , as this Authour 
 proves himfelf now , yet none fo apt as thefe Catalinet to cry out againft Incendia- 
 ries. It is a good wifh oi Saraviah^ that fuch fcditlous Authours might ever be 
 placed in the front of the battle \ yet thus far the Authour's ingenuity doth lead 
 him , to diftinguilh the Barons then, from His Majcfties Oppofitcs now : the Ba- 
 rons 'then fought for their Laws , not to change the Laws , and alter the Govern- 
 ment both in Church and Commonwealth, which was the very cafe of the Lin- 
 cohijnre , rorkjhtre , and Northern Rebels , in the dayes of Henry the Eighth , and 
 Queen Elizabeth i I wiih none of His Majeflies Subjeds were involved in it at this 
 prefent. 
 
 Fourthly , whereas he urgeth , that a Native Prince may disfranchife his Subjeds 
 by force, if he can make a Party, as well as Strangers j either he intends that he 
 may do it iefaUo^ that is true> fo may a Thief take away an honeft man's purfe: 
 or elfe that he may do it de jure , lawfully and conlcionably , that is moft untrue v 
 there is a vail difference betwixt a juft War, and an unjuft opprcffion : his iniiance 
 of Keboboam IS qviite befide the Cufhion , his errour was threatning and indifcreti- 
 on, the fault they found was with Solomon , T/y Father hath made onr yok^ grievousy 
 and yet it is moft certain , they never had fo gracious , fo happy a Reign, as Solo- 
 iKines lo 27 "'""^ ^^^ ^^'^ peace and plenty, who made lilver as plentiful as fioncsi and Cedars 
 as Sycamores in jFfr«/i/f m. So unthankful we are naturally , fo foon troubled with 
 trivial matters as Human was, and like flyes feed upon fores, leaving the whole Bo- 
 dy which is found. This is fure , that againft Rehoboam , was a meditated Rebel- 
 lion,
 
 5?9 
 
 Discourse II. The Serpent-Sahe. 
 
 lion , witnefs the place chofen , Shechem, in the midft of the Faction i i Kings 123 
 witne{s their Prolocutor Jenboim , a feditiovH Fugitive , and ungrateful Ser- 
 vant of Solomon , by whom he had been preferred; they fent for him out oiEgyp. 
 And howfoever the Authour makes Rf/;jZ'i)jw's attempt ridiculous, yet it proved " Chron' 13 
 not fo fliortly after , his Son Abiph difcomfited Jeroboam , and flew of his Souldi- ^^ 
 ers Five hundred thoufand men ■, the greatert number that we have read offlain at 
 once •> yet had Jeroboam n.\\ the advantages in the World , of numbers , flratagems, 
 and every thing except the juftice of the Caufe i and that which is more for our 
 learning , the Houfe of Judah had many pious and virtuous Kings after this revolt, 
 but the Houfc of Jfrael not one but Tyrants and Idolaters. 
 
 Obferv. J come mrv from the cattfe which conveys Royalty , and that for which it is 
 conveyed , to the nature of the conveyance. "The word Trujl U frequent in the Kinzi'*s Pa- 
 pert^ and therefore I conceive the King does admit , that his Jntereji in the Crown U not 
 abfolute ^ or by a meer Donation of the people, but in part conditionate and fiduciary. 
 And indeed all good Frinces, without any expreff contraS betwixt them and their Snb- 
 ]eUs , have acknowledged ^ that there did lye a great and high trujl upon them ■■, Nay, 
 Heathen Princes that have been abfolute , have ack>iowkdged themfelves Servants to the 
 publick^^ and born for that fervice , and profefed that tliey would manage the publick^ 
 fFeal, its being well fatisfied , populi rem eflfe non fuam: And we cannot imagine in 
 the fury oflFar , ( when Laws have the leaji vigour ) that any Generaliflimo can be fo 
 uncircumfcribed in power ; but that if hejhould turn his Cannons on his own Souldiers, 
 they were ipfo fado abfolved of all obedience, and of all Oaths and tyes of Allegiance 
 rvhatfoever for that time , and bound by a higher duty to feek^ their own preservation ly 
 refjience and defence. JVlnrefore if there be fuch tacite trujls and refervations in all pub- 
 licly commands , though ofmoji abfolute nature that can befuppofed, we cannot but ad- 
 mit , that in all well-formed Monarchies , where Kingly Prerogative hat any limits fet , 
 ihi4 mu\i needs be one necejfary condition , that the Subje£i may live fafe and free. 'The 
 charter of Nature entitles aJijubjeUs of all countries whatfoever to fafety by itsfupreme law. 
 
 Anfw. The Obferver needs not bring any Confelfions of Princes , Chriftian or 
 Heathen , to prove that good Kings account themfelves great , though glorious ^^^' ^- 
 Servants to their Subjefts , like a Candle burning away it felf to give light to o- 
 thers, which a German Prince fiamped on his Coin, with this Infcription, AliU jerviens 
 meipfum contero : Whileit other menilept, Ahafuerop waked, and thoughts trou- 
 bled Nebuchadnezzar's Head. They have many Caufes of care , which private per- 
 fons want , Et patet in curat area lata fuas ; Queen Mary faid , they would find Cal- 
 lice written in her heart. He is very incredulous, who will not believe readily that 
 thele Diftradtions have pierced deeper into the breaft of King Charles , than of this 
 Obferver i and this , becaufe he knows & populi rem ejje & Juam. Yet further, his 
 Ma jelly will acknowledge a truft from his People , a fubfequent and implicite con- 
 fenc implies a truft , but not a gift: But the Inference which this good man ( I can 
 neither call him good Subjed nor good Logician ) makes from hence , that the 
 King hereby admits, that His intereji in the Crown U not abfolute , but a meer Dona- 
 tion i yea , a conditional Donation from the People, is fuch a pretty treafonable 
 ( I (hould fay topical ) Argument , drawn jul\ from Tenterden Steeple to Goodwin 
 Sands, confounding God's truft with Man*s truft ; and in Man's truft , a truft of 
 Donation with a truft of Dependence « a truft revocable , with a truft irrevocable > 
 a truft abfolute, with a truft conditional", a truft antecedent , with a truft conle- 
 quent : I hope the Authour trufts in God, will he therefore make God his Donee , 
 yea his conditionate Donee ? In plain tearms , Sir , your Colledion is found red of 
 all four, and will not pafs current in Smithfield, and may well take your Generalif- 
 fimo by the hand: But good Sir, without oftence may I ask you , What Countrey- 
 man your Generalijjimo was'? for no man that I meet with, will believe that there 
 ever was fuch a Creature in the World ■, but certainly if there was , he was ftark 
 mad. Now Sir in the lirft place, he that fhall go about to fliake in pieces an health- . 
 ,ful and beneficial Inftitution , for fear of fuch a danger, as was never yet produced 
 into ad lincc the Creation of the World, deferves the next Room in Bedlam to your 
 GeneraliJJtmo. The(e groundlefs panical fears , thefelfs and fuppofitions ofincredi- 
 ' '- f1an2,ers , have been the raifers andfomenters of thefc prefent diftradions: Vic 
 
 mihi
 
 ')4^ 
 
 Ibe SerpentS al've. T O M WW 
 
 mihififi^mkoqualHerU? If the Sky (hould fall, what price w,ll Larks bear? 
 Sccondlv It is a piece both of incivility and knavery , for a Servant hrft to with- 
 draw hi5 obedience from his Mailer undutifully , and then to plead fawcily , that 
 fome Marters have been mad. Thirdly , Hath a CeneraUfmo as large an extent of 
 power in all rcfpeds , as unlimitted for a time , as a Sovereign King ? When a Ce- 
 netaliffuno runs into fiich a frantick Errour , it is fit he (hould lole his place : but 
 when an Hereditary King falte into it , it is juft he fhould have a ?mex named, a 
 Deputy or Protedor ( which you will) during his diftradion , alwayes faving the 
 right both to himfelf and his pcfterity. I have read fuch rebellious fuppofitions as 
 this in late Pamphlets , as of a Pilot feeking to fplit his Ship upon the rocks : of a 
 Patient calling to his Phyfician for poifon , but never read one of them urged in a 
 Clallick Authour. Put the cafe a man is to fail by Sea , the Pilot may run mad , 
 and feek to fplit the Ship upon rocks i (hall we therefore make an Ordinance , that 
 it (liall not be lawful for a Pilot to move his Rudder according to the alterable face 
 of Heaven, or different difpofition of Wind and Weather, before he hath confult- 
 ed and gained the confent of all the Paffengers , or at the leaft , of every inferiour 
 Mariner , or of the major part of them ? Interea perit TSlaufragus , before this can be 
 done, the Ship may be caft away i howfoever it leaves fmall hope of a profperous 
 Voyage. If you will prefcribe limits , and bounds , and conditions to Kings, you 
 mull find them written in plainer charafters than any you produce hitherte. The 
 Charter of Nature, Lex nata non data, is indeed to preferve our fclves , as Water 
 contrafls it felf into a globe or circle in a dufty place i an Emblem of AfTociation , 
 which cannot be without Nerves , Bonds , Ligaments , Laws , and Kings. What 
 is this agajnft the Magirtrate , who is the Minilter of God for our prefervation and 
 fafety ? The Subjedt never finds more fafety or more liberty , than under a gracious 
 King , Neque unquam libertas gratior aut iutior extat , quamfub Kege pio. 
 
 But becaufe the Obferver doth fo often prefs the Charter of Nature, even to the 
 diffolving of all Oaths and 'Tyes of jllkgiance , and all 'mutual Compadts and Agree- 
 ments : as alfo to animate Subjeds, toraifc Arms againft their Sovereigns,asa thing 
 that is not onely lawful , but neceflary , to which they are bound by a higher duty , 
 unlefs they will he fellonious to themfelves , and rebellious to Nature : That it is not 
 jujl nor pojfible for any Nation fo far to enflave themfelves , and that there are tacite 
 irufts and refervations in allfuhlic\ Commands. To give him an Anfwer once for all 
 in this point of Refiftcnce : Firft, I affirm, though it be nothing to us, ( who arc 
 free Subjedls, and might well have been omiitted by him, as making nought to his 
 purpofe } that even by the Laws of Nature , ot Nations , and of God , one man, 
 or a Society of men , might enflave themfelves to another for fuflenance or prote- 
 <ftion. All Hiftories, both facred and profane, are full of Examples, and the Law 
 of God is plain, Exod.21.6. Lew>. 25. 47, e^c. And it feems ftrange , that the 
 Obferver (hould (b far over-reach or beat the air to no end at all : this confclTed 
 truth quite overthrows his whole ftru(Sure of tacite trufts, and conditions , and re- 
 bellions againH Nature. 
 
 Secondly, to come nearer our own cafe, I anfwer, that though the Law of 
 Nature cannot be deftroyed or contradidled , yet it may be limited by the pofitive 
 Laws of the Land. And fo it is ; the Ob(crver will not deny it in his own ca(e , 
 tliough he mete with another meafure to His Sovereign. The Charter of Nature 
 intitles mankind indefinitely to the whole earth, will theOb(erver therefore give 
 his Neighbour leave to enter as a Copartener into his freehold ? I believe , not i 
 but would tell him readily there is a new Charter made by which he holds it '■> that 
 is , the Law of the Land. It is ufual with thefe men to divert men of all due re- 
 lations , as if it were the fame to be a Subjcd and a man. A man quh. tails , might 
 do many things , which in a Subjedt is flat Treafon , notwithflanding the charter 
 of Nature. 
 
 Thirdly, Beyond and above both thefe, there is the Law of God , there is the 
 laft Will and Teftament of our Saviour , by which we hold our hopes of happi- 
 nefs : which to Chriftians muft be as the pillar of fire to the Ifraelites , a diredion 
 when to go , where to flay. Here we read of Tyrants , and of the fuffcrings of 
 the Saints , but not a word of auy tacite trufts and refervations , or of any fuch 
 
 rebel- 
 
 «
 
 Discourse II. Ibe Serpent-Sal've. ,^i| 
 
 rebellion againft nature , or difpenfation with Oaths, norof any relilknce by arms. 
 Certainly there is no one duty more prefTed upon Chriftians by Chrift and His A- 
 poftles than Obedience to Superiours. Give unto C£far that rphichU Qefars , faith our 
 Saviour. Submit your f elves to every Ordinance of Man, for the Lords fik^ faith Saine 
 Teter. Put them in mind to be fubjeH to Principalities and Powers , faith Saint 
 Paul : and in that well known place to the Romans , Let every Suul befubje& to the 
 higher powers , tvhofoever refijleth the powers , refijieth the Ordinance of God , and they 
 that refiji JhaV receive to themjelves Damnation. To this evidence of Holy Scripture 
 for want of one good anfwer , the Obferver hath devifed three bad ones , ut qu£ 
 non valeant (mgula , multajuvent, the clearing of which will help to put an end to 
 the controverfie. 
 
 Firft , they fay , The Apoi^le tells w not which power U higheft , but that that pow- 
 er which is the higheft ought to be obeyed. A ikange evafion , the Apoftle elfewhere d^dta^^^^"^' 
 names thefe two together, principalities and powers ■■> yea in this very Text he expref- '* 
 
 feth himfelf , that by the higher powers , he underftands the Magiltrate verj. 3. him 
 that heareth thefword, verf. 4. him to whom tribute is payed verf 7. none of all thefe 
 will agree either to the People or to the Senate , but to the Supreme Magiftrate one- i Pet. 2. 13. 
 ly, which St. Peter tells us , is the King , whether it be to the King as Supreme. 
 
 A fecond Evafion is this , Saint Pauljpeak^s to a few particular difperfed Men , and ^*^- <'^/««<'f*^ 
 thofe in a primitive condition , vt>ho had no meanes to -provide for their own prefervation. It f^'^' 
 skills not whether he borrowed this from the jdvi'its defuerum vires, they wanted 
 ilrength; or oiBuchanan , Finge aliqueme noftris Dodoribus, Jrw^^iw one of our Vom- 
 ers did write to the Chrijiians which live under the lurkg , to poore faint-hearted and un- d l -■ 
 armed men , what other counfel could he give , than St. Paul did to the Komans. Thus "'^ ^^" 
 they transform a precept into a Counfel: I had thought they had allovyed no Evan- 
 gelical or Apoftolical Counfels , and what the Apoftie enjoyns to be done for con- 
 fcience fake verf. 5. under pain of damnation verfe 2. they fay is to be done for dis- 
 cretion fake , under pain of plundering. Do not thefe men deferve well of Chri- 
 ftian Religion to infufe fuch prejudicate conceits into the breafts ofMonarchs? that 
 Chriftians are like the frozen fnake , which if they take into their bofom , fo foon 
 as (he is warmed and inlived , they (hall be fure to feel her fting for their favours. 
 Let Chriftians be guiltlefs , and let the mifchief fall upon the heads of the fcditious 
 contrivers. That it was not weaknefs or want of courage , but ftrength of Faith 
 that kept the Primitive Chriftians quiet under the perfecutions of the heathen Em- 
 perours , TertuVian and the ancients do abundantly witnefi, and it hath been fuf- y, r ja 
 ficiently cleared by our Divines againft the Jcfuits. This is as St. Jude faith , to '^ ' 
 have mens perfuns in admiration, becauje of advantage. 
 
 The Third anfwer whereupon they do moft infift , is that this fubjedlion is due 
 to the authority of the King, not to the Perfon of the King , that this authority re- 
 fideth in his Courts and in his Latps , that the power which Sr. Paul treatctli of, is 
 in truth the Kingly Office , that to levy force or to raife Arms againft the perfonal com- 
 mands of a King , accompanied with his prefence, is not levying War againft the Kiht : 
 but War againft his Authority , refiding in his Courts , is war againft the King. 
 Yet let me give the Obferver his due, he is more favourable to Princes than many 
 of his fellows in this , that he would have the perfon of his Prince inviolable. 
 And good reafbn , for what can the poor Kingdom expedl , where the Peifon of 
 the Prince is not held facred , but combuftion and confufion ? witnefs our own 
 civil Wars , witnefs the Hiftories of the Gothijh Kings, and the Roman Emperours 
 from Julius Cxfar to Conftantine the great , being Five and Forty , whereof Thirty 
 periftied by untimely deaths, diverfe of them good Princes : and all that while the 
 Commonwealth fympathized in the common calamity. No offence can be {o great 
 as that it deferves to be punifhed by parricide. But this is a greater courtelie in 
 fhew than in deed : if an arrow (hot at adventure , did wound the King of Ifrael 
 mortally between the joynts of his harnefs , who fhall fecure King Charles from a i Kin, 22 34?. 
 bullet ? fo all this moderation ends in this , to give the King warning to avoid the 
 field, or other wife to take what falls at his peril. But that I may not deny truth 
 to an Adverfary , I grant three truths in this anfwer. 
 
 Firft , That the perfon and office of a King are diftinguidiable : a good man may 
 
 be
 
 54- 
 
 The Serpent-Sahe. TOME U. 
 
 TTIuTjKinc and a bad man a good King. Alexander the great hadhis twoftiends, 
 vllhon^inrCratem-. the ont sv^s Alexanders friend the other was the Kings 
 f • d • the one lionourcd his perfon , the other his Office : but yet he that loved 
 
 Alexander did not hate the King , and he that loved the King , was no enemy to 
 
 Secondly , I grant in adive obedience , if the King commands any thing which 
 is repugnant to the Law of God or Nature , we ought rather to obey God than men. 
 The Guard of Saul refufed jultly to flay the Priefts of the Lord i and Hananiah^Mi- 
 (hael and Azariah , to worfliip Nebuchadnezzar's golden Image s it is better to 
 A(ii<^.^9i j^ 'than to do that which is worfe than Death: Va veniam^ Imperator ^ Pardon 
 I Sam. 32,i7 j^g ' o Sovereign, thou threatneft me withPrifon, but God vvith Hell. In this 
 cafe' it is not lawful to yield adive obedience to the King. Again , if the King 
 ^"'^'"' commands any thing which is contrary to the known Laws of the Land , if it be 
 
 by an injury to a Third Perfon, we may not do it : As for a Judge to deliver an un- 
 iull fentence , for every Judge ought to take an Oath at his AdmilEon, that he will 
 do right to every perfon, notmth^anding the Kings Letters^ or any other perfon s't 
 there is danger from others , as well as from the King i and generally we owe fer- 
 vice to the King , but innocency to Chrift. But if this command , intrench onely 
 upon our own private intereft , we may either forbear adive odedience , or in 
 difcretion remit of our own right , for avoiding further evil ; fo faid St. Ambrofe , 
 If the Emperour demand our fields, let him tak§ them if he pleafe, I do not give them, but 
 withal Ida not deny them. Provided always , that this is to be underltood in plain 
 cafes onely , where the Law of God , of Nature , or the Land is evident to every 
 mans capacity : other wife if it be doubtful, it is a rule in cafe Dmnitj , Jubditi 
 Ann* i8. *</• tenentur in favorem Kegis & hegvs judicare : It is better to obey Cod than man , but to 
 3.1 tat. 4. disobey the King upon furmifes , or probable pretences , or an implicit dependance 
 upon other mens judgements , is to difobey both God and Man ? and this duty ( as 
 the Protefters fay truly ) is not tyed to a Kings Chrifitanity , but his Crorvn. "tibe- 
 rius was no Saint when Chrift bid give unto Ciefar that which was C<efars. Thus 
 for adive obedience , now for paluve. If a Sovereign (hall perfecute His Subjeds , 
 for not doing his unjuft commands ; yet it is not lawful to refift by raifmg Arms a- 
 gainft him : "they that refift Jhall receive to themfelves damnation. But they ask, is there 
 no limitation ? I anfwer , ubi lexmn dijiinguit nee nos diftinguere debemuf, how fliall 
 we limit where God hath not limited, or dirtingui(h where he hath not diftingui- 
 (hed ? but is there no remedy for a Criftian in this cafe ? yes three remedies. 
 
 The firft is to ceafe from fin, Kex bonus eft dextra, mains finiftra Vei, a good King 
 is Gods right hand , a bad his left hand, a fcourge for our fins : as we fuffer with 
 patience an unfruitful year , fo we muft do an evil Prince as fent by God. "toUatur 
 culpa ut ceffet lyrannorum plaga, ( faid Aquinas,) remove our fin and God will 
 take away his rod. 
 
 The Second remedy is prayers and tears , In that day you JhaV cry unto the Lord he- 
 I Sam. 7. t8.; caufe of your King. St. Nazianzen lived under five perfecutions and never knew other 
 remedy ; he alcribed the death of Julian to the prayers ard tears of the Chrifti- 
 ans. Jeremy armed the J ewes with prayers for Nebuchadnezar , not with daggs and 
 daggers againft Nebuchadnezar. St. Paul commands to make Prayers and Uippli- 
 cations for Kings, not to give poifon to there. St. Teter could have taken vengeance 
 with a word, as well on Herod as Ananias, but that he knew that God referves Kings 
 for his own Tribunal. For this caufe St. Ambrofe a man of known courage refufed 
 to make ufe of the forwardncfs of the people againft Valentinian the Emperour. 
 And when Saul had flain the Priefts of God and perfecuted David, yet faith David, 
 16 ^^" '^"^ i^*"''"^^-' /"'"''■' bii hand againft the Lords anoynted and be guiltlep It was duty 
 I Sam. 2 • 9. and not a fingular defire of perfcdion that held Davids hands i who can ftretch out 
 his hand ? no man can do it. 
 "The third remedy is flight , this is the uttermoft which our Mafter hath allowed , 
 M«t. 10: 2 3. ^^^^ *'^0' perfecute you in one City fly to another. But a whole Kingdom cannot fly , 
 neither was a whole Kingdom ever perfecuted by a lawful Prince: private men ta- 
 fted o{ Domitians cruelty , but the Provinces were well governed : the raging de- 
 fires of one man cannot polfibly extend to the ruin of all. Nor is this condition 
 
 fo
 
 DrscouRSElf. Ihe Serpent-Sal've. -.- 
 
 fo hard for Subjeds : Ihis it thank^ rporthy if a man for coufcience toTPardTcod mdwe i- Pet ~TTrf. 
 
 grief, and // a man fttffer m a Clmjiian , let him glorife God on this behalf. This way 
 
 hath ever proved fuccefsful to Chriliian Religion : the blood of the Martyrs is the 
 
 fcid of the Church , cxdebantur , torqttebantur , urebantur , & tamen multiplicaban- 
 
 tur. 
 
 But all thefe remedies are not fufficient , they are nothing , and they that think 
 otherwife are ftupid fellows in the judgement of the Obferver s unlcfs the People 
 have right to preferve themfelves by force of Arms , yea nottvithjhnding any contrads P^^e if- 
 that they have made to the contrary \for every private man may defend himfelf by force ifaf- 
 faulted, though by the force of a Magijirate ^ or his ore n Father , &c. Firft I obferve 
 how the Obferver enterferes in his difcourfe , for in the Fourty Fourth page he tel- 
 leth us quite contrary , that the King as to his own perfon it not forcibly to be repelled in 
 any iU doing. But palling by this contradidion , I ask two queftionsof him by his 
 good leave ; the firrt is, if a Father ihould go about onely to corred his Child and 
 not to kill him or maim him , whether he might in fuch a cafe cry murther mur- 
 ther , and try malkries with his Father , and alledge his own judgement againft 
 his Fathers to prove his innocency? My Second quefiion is, if an inraged Father 
 fhould offer extreme violence to his Son , how far he might refift his Father in this 
 cafe, whether to give blow for blow , and ftab for itab , or onely to hold his Fa- • " 
 
 rhers hands ? For if it be a meer refiftence without any further adive violence 5 
 
 ( which is allowable , ) if it be onely in extream perils where the life is indangered' 
 and againlt manifeft rage and fjry ■■> what the Obferver gets by this , he may put it 
 in his eye and fee never theworfe. But to give his remedy and his inftance for it 
 a pofitive anfwer, I fay further, that this which he calls a remedy is ten times worfe 
 than the difeafe it felf, even fuch a remedy, as the luke-warm blood of Infants 
 newly (lain is for the Leprofie : and in this refped worfe, that a Leprofie is a dif- 
 eafe indeed , but where fliall a man almoft read in ftory of a Father flaughtering his 
 Son ? except perhaps fome frantick Anabaptift in imitation of Abraham : it will 
 not be difficult to find two Sons that have made away their Fathers, for one Father 
 that hath made away his Son, notwithftanding the Fathers Authority. So this cafe 
 is inter rare aut nunqnam contingentia, and may be reckoned amongft the reft of the 
 Obfervers incredible fuppofitions , which are anfwered before in the beginning of 
 this Scdion. But if the Obfervers Dodrine were once received into the world 
 throughly, for one inftance of a parracide now , we ftiould hear of an hundred. 
 A mifchief is better than an inconvenience : a mifchief that happens once in an ace 
 than an inconvenience which is apt to produce a world of mifchiefs every day •• as 
 where the King is able to make good his party, res facile redettnt ad prijiinumjijtum; 
 or where Forreign Princes (hall engage themfelves , on the behalf of Monarchy it 
 felf, or perhaps do but watch for an opportunity to feize upon both parties as 
 the Kite did on the Frog and the maufe 5 and howfbever, where ambition co- 
 vctoufnefs , envy , newfangledneft , Schifm fhall gain an opportunity to ad their 
 mifchievous intentions, under the Cloak of Juftice and Zeal to the Commonwealth. 
 We are now God knows in this way of cure which the Obferver prefcribes. I 
 may fay it fafely , This Kingdom hath fuffercd more in the tryal of this remedy 
 in one year , than it hath done under all the Kings and Queens of England , fince 
 the Union of the two rofes, I think I may inlarge it, fince theconqueft ( except 
 onely fuch feditious times. } Leave a right to the Multitude to rife in Arms as 
 often as they may be perfwaded there is danger, by the Obferver or fome fuch fe- 
 ditious Oratours for their own ends ; and every Englijh Subjed may write on his 
 door , Lord have mercy upon us. 
 
 Thirdly , I do grant , that to levy arms againft the Authority of the King in 
 the abfence of his perfon is to War againft the King i otherwife we ftiould , have 
 few Treafons. Some defperate Ruffian or two or three Raggamuffins fometimes 
 ( but rarely ) out of revenge, moft commonly upon feditious Principles , and mi- 
 lled by fome fadious Teachers , may attempt upon the perfon of the Prince : but 
 all grand confpiracies are veiled under the mask of Reformation , of removing 
 grieveances and evil counfellours , Fallit enim vitium f^ecie virttttis & umbra. I go 
 yet farther , that when a Kings Perfon is held captive by force and his commands 
 
 Q_q q are
 
 AAsaj. 
 
 ^^^ The SerpenuSahc. TONTETL 
 
 -— mT^^rlv extorted from him bydurefs and fear of further mi(chief, contrary to the 
 
 diftate of his own reafon , ( as it was in the cafe ot Henry thefixth ) there his com- 
 mands are to be eftecmcd a nullity of no moment, as a forced marriage or a bond 
 fealcd per mnaf. But where the King hath Dominion of his own Anions, though 
 he be adliially milled , and much more though he be faid to be milled •, the cafe is 
 far other wife. Thcfc three truths with thefe cautions I do admit in this diftindtion 
 of the Kings Perfon and Office. 
 
 But yet fartlier here are fundry Rocks to be avoided in it. The Firft, is not one- 
 ly to dirtinguilh in reafon , but adually and indeed to divide the Kings Perfon from 
 His Authority i that is, to make the King a Tlatonical Idea without perfonal fub- 
 filknce , or as the FamiUlls do make their Chrift , a quality and not a man; as if 
 the King of England were nothing but Carolm Kex written in Court hand , without 
 flefli blood or bones. To what purpofe then are thofe fignificant folemnities ufed , 
 at the Coronation of our Kings > Why are they Crowned > but tofhew their Per- 
 fonal and Imperial Power in Military Affairs. Why Inthroned ? but to fhew their 
 judiciary Supremacy ; Why iiioyled > but to exprefs their Supremacy in matters of 
 Religion. That the King's Authority may be where his Perfon is not , is mofi: 
 true ; that his Perfon may be without Authority , is moft falfe. That his Office 
 and Authority may be limited by Law, is true: but a King without perfonal Au- 
 thority , is a contradidion rather than a King ■> fuch a King as the Souldiers made 
 of Chrift , with a fcarlet Robe, a Crown of Thorns, a Scepter of a Reed , and 
 Mac. ^7' ^^' a few Courtefies and Formalities. The Perfon of a bad King is to be honoured for 
 his Office-fake : to what purpofe , if his Perfon and his Office may be divided ? 
 how dull were the Primitive Chriftians, that fuffered Co much , becaufe they were 
 not capable of this diftinftion ? By this diftindiion St. Paul might have juftiiied his 
 calling Ananiof whited Wall , without pleading that he k^erp not that he was God's 
 Uigh-Friejl , and have told him plainly that he reverenced his Office , but for his 
 Perfon and illegal commands, he did not refpeft them. When Maximian com- 
 manded the Chriftian Souldiers to facrifice to Idols , this was an unlawful com- 
 mand V yet they chofe rather to be cut in pieces than to refilf. When the fame 
 Maximian and Viockfian , publifhed a cruel edid: at Nicomedia againft Chriftians , 
 That their Churches fliould be demolifhed , their Scriptures burned , their Apoftate 
 Servants infranchifed , ( this was but a Perfonal Arbitrary ediA ) A principal pro- 
 fefTor tore it in pieces , and fuffered death for it ( even in the judgement of his fel- 
 low Chriftians ) defervedly. 
 
 A Second danger is to leave too great a latitude of Judgement unto Subjedls to 
 cenfure the doings of their Sovereign , and too great a liberty, not onely to fufpend 
 their obedience, but alfo to oppofe his commands, till they be fatisfied of the le- 
 gality thereof. As miferable a condition for Princes , as it is pernicious for Sub- 
 jedis, and deftrudtive to all Societies. A Matter commands the Servant an unjuft 
 adt in the opinion of the Servant v yet the Servant muft fubmit or be beaten .' doth 
 not the Mafter himfelf owe the fame fubjedtion to his Prince ? the Mafter denies 
 the adt is unjuft ■■, Co doth the Prince, who fhall be Arbiter ? it were too much faw- 
 cinefs for a Servant to arrogate it to himfelfi what is it then for a Subjedl ? will 
 a ]udge give leave to an executioner to reprive the Prifbner , till he be fatif- 
 fied of the Legality of the Judges fentence> A Superiour may have a juft ground for 
 his command , which he is not always bound to difcover to his Subjedls '■> nor is a 
 Subjedk bound tofift the grounds of his Superiours commands. In fum a Subjedt 
 fhould neither be tanquam fcipio in manu , like a ftaffe in a man% hand , alike apt to 
 all motions ; ready to obey his Prince , though the adt to be done be evidently a- 
 gainft the Law of , God or Nature , nor yet on the other fide , fo fcrupulous as to 
 demurr-upon all his commands , until he underftand the legality and expedience of 
 each circumftance , which perhaps he is not capable of, perhaps reafon of ftate will 
 not permit him to know it. The Houfe of Commons have a clofe committee , 
 which fhews their allowance of an implicit confidence in fome cafes : yet are they 
 but Prodtors for the Commonalty , whereas the King is a poffeffour of Sovereign- 
 ty. But it is alledged , that of trvo evils the leji is to be chofen , it is better to disobey 
 Man than God ; rather of two evils neither is to be chofen : but it is granted that 
 
 when
 
 DtscouRSE 11. The Serpent-Sahe^ - . - 
 
 when two evils are feared , a min (hould incline to the faferpart: now if the Kino'i 
 command be certain , and the other danger but doubtful or difputibk : to difobey 
 the certain command for fear of an uncertain or furmifed evil, ( is as St. JitjUn faith 
 of fome Virgins , who drowned themfelves for fear of being defloured , ) to fsUiH- 
 to a certain crime for fear of an uncertain. 
 
 A Third errour in this diftindion is to limit the Kings Authority to his Courts. 
 All Courts are not of the fame Antiquity , but fome ereded long after others , 
 as the Court of requells ; Neither are all Jurtices of the fame nature , fome were 
 more eminent than others, that were refident with the King as his Council in points 
 of Law i thefe are now the Judges ; others did Juftice abroad for the eafe of the 
 Subjedi zs Jufiices of Afftze ^ Jujlices in Eire , Jujhce: of Oier and terminer , Jn- 
 iHces of Peace. The Barons of the Exchequer were anciently Peers of the Realm, 
 and do Itill continue their name; but to exclude the King out of his Courts is 
 worfe , a llrange Paradox , and againlt the grounds of our Laws , the King alone 
 and no other may and ought to do Jujiice , if he alone rvere fufficient ^ as he is bound by Bra^-H^' 3« 
 His Oath. And again, If our Lord the King be mtfufficient himfelf to determine every cap. 9- 
 caitfe , that his labour may be the lighter , by dividing the burden among more perfons 
 he ought to choofe of his own Kingdom , reife men and fearing Cod , and of them to mah 
 Juliices. Thefe Juftices have power by deputation , as delegates to the King. 
 The Kings did ufe to fit perfonally in their Courts , We read of Henry the Fourth ^"f' '°' 
 and Henry the Fifth , that they ufed every day for an hour after dinner to receive 
 bills and hear caufes ; EdtPard the Fourth fate ordinarily in the Kings Bench : Ri- 
 chard the Third ( one who knew well enough what belonged to his part ) did af- c 
 fume the Crown fitting in the fame Court , faying , he would take the Honour there 
 Inhere the chiefejl part of his duty did lye , to minilhr the Lares : And Henry the Eight 
 fate perfonally in Guild-haU. The Writs of appearance did run coram me vel Jufti- 
 ciariis meis, before Me or My Jufticesi Hence is the name of the Kings Bench, jtfArtini 
 and the tcjie of that Court is Hill tefie meipfo , witnefs our felf. If the King be not 
 learned in the Laws , he may have learned afliflants , as the Peers have in Parlia- 
 ment : A clear and rational head is as requifite to the doing of Jufticc , as the pro- 
 found knowledge of Law ; It is a part of his Oath , to do^ to be kept in all his judg- 
 ments, right Jujiice, in mercy , and truth y was this intended onely by fubftitutes, 
 or by fubiUtutes not accountable to him for injuflice ? we have fworn that he is 
 Supreme Governour in all caufes , over all perfons reithin his Dominions , is it all one to 
 be a Governour , and to name Governours > David exhorts Be rvife novo therefore ugy. j- jv 
 ye Kings. M'fes lequkcsthzt tht King read in the book^of the Larp all the days of his ' 
 ■ Life, ^orfum perditio h£c ? What needs all this expence of time , if all mult be 
 done by iubftitutes , if he have no Authority out of his Courts , nor in his Courts 
 but by delegation i* WhcnMofeshy the advife of Jethro deputed fubordinate Go- 
 vernours under him i when Jehofophat placed Judges City by City throughout J7t- 
 dah , It was to eafe themfelves and the people , not to difingageand exinanite ^Chron, I?.' 
 themfelves of Power. It is requifite that his Majefly fliould be eafed of lelTer bur- 
 thens , that he may be converfant circa ardua Keipuhlic£ , about great affairs of State, 
 but fo as not to divell His Perfon of his Royal Authority in the leafl matters. 
 Where the King is, there is the Court , and where the Kings Authority is prefent 
 in his Perfon, or in His delegates, there is His Court ofjultice. The reafbn is 
 plain then , why the King may not controll His Courts , becaufe they are himfelf; 
 yet he may command a review , and call his Juliices to an accouut. How the Ob- 
 ferver will apply this to a Court , where neither His Majefty is prefent in Perfon, 
 nor by His Delegates I do not underftand. 
 
 The Fourth and lalt errour is to tye the hands of the King abfolutely to His Laws. 
 Firfl , in matters of Grace, the King is above His Laws, he may grant efpecial 
 priviledges by Charter to what perfons , to what Corporation he pkafeth , of His 
 abundant Grace and mcer motion : he may pardon all crimes committed againii 
 the Law of the Land , and all penalties and irregularities impofed by the fame: the 
 perpetual cuftom of this Kingdom doth warrant it. All wife men defire to live 
 under fuch a Government , where the Prince may with a good confcience difpenfe 
 with the rigour of the Laws. Asforthofe that are other wife minded, I wrfli 
 
 Q_q q 2 them
 
 fiel/tof the 
 
 . Serpent-Sahe. TOME II. 
 
 Ih^I^T^othcr punilhmcnt than this that the penal Laws may be executed on 
 them rtridVlv till they reform their Judgements. 
 
 •Scondlv 'in the A(fts of Regal power and juftice , His Majelly may go befides 
 or beyond the ordinary courfe of Law by His Prerogative New Laws for the 
 moll part ( efpecially when the Kmg Iknds m need of Subfidies ) arc an abate- 
 ment of Royal Power. The Soveraignty of a ,uft conquerour, who comes in 
 without pactions , isabfolute, and bounded onely by the Laws of God, of Na- 
 ture and of Nations v but after he hath conhrmed old Laws and cuHoms , or by 
 His Charter granted new Liberties and immunities , to the colledive body of His 
 Suh\c<th or to any of them ; He hath fofar remitted of His own Right, and can- 
 not in confcience recede from it. I fay in confcience , for though human Laws 
 as they are humane, cannot bind the Confcience of a Subjcd, and therefore afor- 
 tiore not of a King who is the Law-giver , yet by confcquence and virtue of the 
 Law of God , ( which {zithjubmit your fe Ives to every ordinance of man for the Lords 
 fali^ , and again Ihoujhalt Love thy Neighbour CK thyself) they do bind , or to fpeak 
 more properly , God's Law doth bind the Confcience to the obfervation of them. 
 This is that which Divines do ufe to exprefs thus i That they have power to 
 F\tU oi mc bind the confcience infe^ fed non afe, in themfelves but not from thcmfelves ; mn 
 Church. ex authoritate Le^f Moris , fed ex aquitate LegU , not from the authority of the 
 
 Law-giver , but from the equity of the Law : many who do not grant that to 
 violate the Law of ma-n is fin univerfally , yet in cafe of contempt or fcandal do 
 admit that it is finful. So then the Laws and Cuftoms cf the Kingdom 
 are limits and bounds to His Majefties power i but there are not precife Laws for 
 each particular occurrence , and even the Laws themfelves , do often leave a lati- 
 tude and a preheminence to His Majefty , not onely for cicrumrtances and forms of 
 Juftice , but even in great and high priviledges. Thefe wc call the Prerogative 
 Royal , as to be the fountain of Nobility , to coyn Money , to create Magiftrates . 
 to grant Protedion to his Debters againft their Creditors , to prefent to a benerice 
 in the right of his Ward being the youngeft Coparcener before the eldeft, not to be 
 fued upon an ordinary writ, but by petition , and very many others which are be- 
 yond the ordinary courie of Common-Law, being either branches of abfolute 
 power or prerogatives left by the Laws themfelves. 
 
 Thirdly , In the cafe of evident neceflity , where the whole Commonwealth 
 lyes at ftake : for the fafety of King and Kingdom , His Majefly may go againll 
 particular Laws. For howfoever fancied and pretended invifible dangers have 
 thruft us into real dangers , and unfeafonable remedies have produced our prefent 
 calamities i yet this is certain , that all humane Laws and particular Proprieties, 
 muft veil and ftrike Top-fail to a true publick neceflity. This is confefled by the 
 Obferver himlelf every where in this Treatife, that Salui ppuU U the tranfcendent 
 Obf. defended ^^^^ ^y ^jj Politicks , the Larc Taramount that gives Law to all humane La-a?s and 
 particular Laws cannot aff contrary to the legifative intent to be a violation of fome more 
 Soveraign good introducible , or fome extreme and general evil avoidable , rchich otherroife 
 mi^ht frvalloTP up both Statutes and all other SanHions. This prefervative power the 
 Obfcrver afcribes to the people, that is to fay in his fenle , to the Parliament in 
 cafe the King Tcill not joyn with them. Though we all know , a Parliament is not 
 ever ready, nor can be fo fuddenly called, as is requifite to meet with a fudden 
 mifchief : and he thinks it llrange, that the King (hould not allow to the Subjed a 
 right to rife in Arms for their own necejiary defence^ without hU confent , and that he 
 ffloould aSume or challenge fuch a pare in the legijJative power to himfelf, as that without 
 hU concurrence , the Lords and Commons Jhould have no right to mahg temporary Orders 
 for putting the Kingdom into a pofiure of defence. Strange Phrafes , and unheard of 
 by Englijh ears , that the Kingpould joyn with the people , or alTume a pare in the 
 legiflative Power. Our Laws give this honour to the King , that he can joyn or be 
 a (barer with no man. Let not the Obferver trouble himfelf about this divifion ; 
 The King like Solomon's true Mother challsiigeth the whole Child , not a divifible 
 fhare, but the very Life of the Legillative power: The Commons prefent and 
 pray i The Lords advife and confenti The King enads. It would be much for 
 the credit ot the Obferver s defperate caufe, if he were able but to Ihew one fuch 
 
 Prefi- 
 
 page 4.
 
 Discourse II. The Serpent-Sahe. 
 
 547 
 
 Prelldent of an Ordinance made by Parliament without the King's confent , that 
 was binding to the Kingdom in the nature of a Law. It is a part of the King's 
 Oath to protcd: the Laws , to preferve peace to his People i this he cannot do 
 without the Power of the Kingdom , which he challengeth not as a Partner , but 
 folelyashisown , by virtue of his Seigniory. So the Parliament it felfacknow- _, . 
 ledged , It belongs to the King , and hU fart it ii , through his Hoyal Seigniory , jirait- ' ''•P'-'^U 
 ly to defend force of armour , and all other force againft his peace ^ at all times when it 
 IJ}.ill pleafe him , and to punij}} them rvhich (hall do contrary , according to the Laws and 
 Vfages of the Kealm , and that the Frelates , Earls , Barons , and Commonalty , are 
 hound to aid him as their Sovereign Lord, at all feafons when need Jhall be. Here is a 
 Parliament for the King, even in the point. Tlie Argument is not drawn , as 
 the Obfervator fets it down negatively from Authority , or from a maimed and 
 imperfedl indudtion , or from particular Premifes to a general Conclufion i ( every 
 one of which is fophiftical : ) as thus. Such or fuch a Parliament did not or durfl not obf. (defended 
 do this or that , therefore no Farliaments may do it : or thus , Some Parliaments not V'i^ ^' 
 comparable to the Worthies of this , have omitted fome good out of fupinenefs or difficul- 
 ty , therefore all Parliaments muji do the fame : But it runs thus, no Parliaments did 
 ever aflume or pretend to any fuch Power , fome Parliaments have exprefly dil^ 
 claimed it , and acknowledged , that by the Law of the Land , it is a Jewel or a 
 Flower which belongs to the Crowns therefore it is His Majcfties undoubted 
 Right, and may not be invaded by any Parliament. Yet farther. It were well 
 the Obfervcr would exprefs himfelf, what he means by /jwe wore Soveraign good 
 introducihle i the neceffity of avoiding ruine , and introducing greater good , is 
 not the fame : Dangers often come like torrents fuddenly , but good may be intro- 
 duced at more leifure , and ought not to be brought in but in a lawful manner , 
 \vc m^y not do evil that good may come of it. Take the Obferver's two inftances , 
 When the Sea breaks in upon a County , a Bank^may be made on any Man''s ground with- 
 out his confent : but may they cut away another Man's Land , to make an Harbour 
 more fafe or commodious without the owner's confent? No, A Neighbours Boufe 
 may be pulled down tojiop the fury of a Scathfire : but may they pull it down to get 
 a better profped , or gain a more convenient High-way ? No, We defire to know 
 what this Soveraign good introducihle means , and are not willing to be brought in- 
 to a Fools Paradife with general infinuations. Let it appear to be fo Soveraign , 
 and we will all become Suiters for it: but if it be to alter our Religion , or our 
 Form of Government , we hope that was not the end of the Militia. Laftly , 
 when neceffity difpenfeth with particular Laws , the danger mull: be evident to all, 
 the concurrence general , or as it were general ■, one or two opponents are no op- 
 ponents : But where the danger is neither to be feen , nor to be named , fo uncer- 
 tain , that it muft be voted whether there be any danger or not , or perhaps be 
 created by one or two odd Votes i this is no warrant for the pradice of that Pa- 
 r amount Law offalus populi. 
 
 By this which hath been faid, we may gather a refolution, Whether the King 
 be under the Law , and how far \ I mean not the Law of God or Nature, but his 
 own National Laws. Firft, by a voluntary fubmilfion of himfelf, Et quodfub Le- d « -j «. 
 ge effe debet , evidenter apparet , citrnfitVeiVicariusadfimilitudinem Jefu Chrijii cujus cap s' * 
 vices gerit in terris : but Chrift was under the Law no other wife, than by volunta- 
 ry fubmillion. Secondly, the Law hatha directive Power over Kings , and all 
 good Kings will follow it for example fake to their Subjeds, for confcience fake 
 to themfelves. 'Lacitits faith of Vef^afan , that being antiquo cultu vi&uque , obler- 
 ving the old cuftoms in his Diet and his Apparel , he was unto the Komans, pr£ci- 
 puus adjiriSii moris Author , an excellent pattern of Frugality. But the Law hath 
 no coercive power over him. This ( befides his power of pardoning and difpen- 
 fnig } may appear by thefe two Reafons : Firft , that no Writ lyes againft him in 
 Law , but the party grieved , hath his remedy by petition or fupplication. Se- 
 condly, that if upon petition he doth not right the wronged party, there is no 
 courfe in Law to compel him , Satis fufficit ei ad p£nam , quod Vominum expeCtet 
 ultorem ■■, and elfe where, Incidit in manm Dei viventis , He falls into the hands of 
 the living God , which the Scripture faith is a fearful thing , witnefs Pharaoh , Se- BraHoP: 
 
 nachs'
 
 o Jhe SerpenuSdlve^ TOME II' 
 
 'ZZhenb Nero Vomitian , Vioclefian , Vecim , Aurelian , Julian, &c. Some 
 fhinbv thcmfelvcs, feme by others, fome drowned,fome fmitten with Thunder, fome 
 /aren with Worms i how feldome do Tyrants efcape puniOiment even in this World ? 
 \l-e not why the Obfervcr fhould be fo angry , that this Doftrine (liould be Pul- 
 ited ( as he phrafeth it, ) or why he (hould accufe it of Hattery i Whether is the 
 greater curb , to rellrain Princes the fear of Man , or of God i of temporal onely, 
 or of temporal and eternal punishment ? 
 
 Si genus humanum & mortalia temnitis arma, 
 Atfperate Veos memores fandi atque nefandi. 
 
 The Obferver acknowledgeth as much in effe(3: , "the King is not accountable fur 
 
 ill done Law hath onely a diredive , no coercive force upon his Ferfon. There is a 
 
 Page 44- f-QUj-th Anfwer to this Text , by diftinguifhing between private perfons and fubor- 
 
 dinate Magiftrate i but becaufe the Obferver makes no ufe of it , I pafs 
 
 by it. 
 ' Obferv. But Freedom indeed hath divers degrees of latitude , and all Countries there- 
 
 in do not participate alih^ v hut positive Laws muft every vchere ajjign thofe degrees. The 
 Charter of England is notftrait in Priviledges to us , neither is the King's Oath offntall 
 firtngth to that Charter-, for that though it be more precife in the care of Canonical Privi- 
 ledges , and of Bipops and Clergy-men ( at having been penned by Topijh Bijhops) than 
 of the Commonalty , yet it confirms all Laws and rightful Cufioms ^ amongji rvhich rve 
 moji highly efteem Parliamentary Priviledges v and at for the VDord eligerit , rvhether it be 
 future or paft , it skills not much i for ij by this Oath , Law , Juflice , and difcretion 
 ie executed amon^tjis , in all judgements , ( m well in as out of Parliaments ) and if 
 peace and godly agreement be imirely k^pt among fl us all , and if the King defend and up- 
 hold all our Laws and Cuftoms , tve need not fear , but the King it bound to confent to 
 new Laws , i/ they he necejiary, of well Of defend old , for both being of the fame neceffi- 
 ty , the publicly, tri^ muji needs equally extend to both > and we conceive it one Parlia- 
 mentary Kight and Cujiom, that nothing necejfary ought to be denied. And the word eli- 
 gerit zf it be in the perfect: tenfe , yetjhews that the peoples eleSion had been the ground 
 of ancient Laws and Cujioms ■■, and why the peoples EleGion in Parliament , Jhould not 
 he now of as great moment as ever , I cannot difcover. 
 Anfw. Momenta fit cinii , diufilva : The Obfervcr hath been long weaving a Spi- 
 Se^ 12. ^tJ-s Web , and now he himfelf fweeps it away in an inftant i for if pofitive Laws 
 muft every where aflign the degrees of Liberty , what will become of thofe tacite 
 trujis and refervations , of thofe (ecret and implicitc , but yet neceflary, limits and 
 conditions of Soveraignty , which if the Prince exceed , the Subjecft is left free i 
 nay , he if bound by a higher duty than Oaths and aU Ties of Allegiance whatfoever , to 
 feek^his own prefervation and defence. Calvin was of another mind , Superior fi pote- 
 flate fua abutitur ^ rationem quidemolimreddetVeo , mn tamen in pr£femia juf fuum 
 In I. Fet,7, amittit. Admitting this Doctrine , that there are fuch fecret refervations and con- 
 ditions , and thefe as general as Safety, Liberty and Necelh'ty , and make the Peo- 
 ple their own judges when neceffity is , What is a violation of Liberty, and what 
 doth endanger their Safety : and all that great and glorious power, which we give 
 unto Princes, will become but like the Pope's Infallibility, and his temporal Do- 
 minion , which his Flatterers do give unto him with fo many cautions and refer- 
 vations, that they may take it away when they pleafe : lak^ nothing, and hold it 
 faji. 
 
 But leaving thefe flegmatick fpeculations, I do readily joyn hands with the Ob- 
 ferver herein , That the pofitive Laws of a Kingdom are the juft meafiire and ftan- 
 dard of the liberty of the Subjed. To fay nothing of the great diftance that is 
 between our European Princes in extent of power over their Subjeds, to come 
 home to our felves : We fee fome Corporations are endowed with more Liberties 
 and Priviledges than others, f thanks to a favourable Charter , not to any antece- 
 daneous pactions O We fee what difference of Tenures is amongft us, fome are 
 Copy-holders, fome are Free-holders i fome hold in Villenage , fome in Knight- 
 fervice, fome infrce-foccage, fome in Frank-Almain: Whence fprings this divcrli- 
 
 ty?
 
 Discourse II. The Serpent-Sahe^ 
 
 549 
 
 ty ? but from ciirtome and the pleafure of the Doner , who freely impofed what 
 conditions he liked at fuch time as he indowed the Anceilours of the prefcnt Pof- 
 feflbrs of fuch and fuch Lands. We have a furer Charter than that of Nature to 
 hold by , Magna Cbarta , the Englijh Man's jewel and treafi.tre , the fountain and 
 foundation ot our Freedom , the Walls and Bulwark i yea , the very life and foul 
 of our (ecurity : He that goes about to violate it , much more to fubvert it in 
 whole or in part , I dare not curfe him ; but I fay for my felf , and let the Obfer- 
 verdo the like, let him prove the (hame and abjedt of Men , and his Pofterity 
 flaves. But do you think it was penned by Vopflj Bijhops ? Fair fall them tor it v 
 certainly they did that as Englifh Bifhops , and as Chrifhan BiOiops , not as Popifli 
 Bifliops : long may their reformed Succeflbrs enjoy the fruit of their labours , if 
 they do not , others may look to themfelves. 
 
 Jam Wa res agitur paries cum proximut ardet. 
 
 It is no new thing to begin with Bifhops , and end with Nobles. It troubles 
 you that they were fo precife in the care of Canonical Friviledges. 'Tis probable 
 they did it out of devotion , or a Prophetical inftindt , as forefeeing or fearing 
 Schifmatical Times. Yet you confefs withal , that it conhrms aU Lares and right- 
 ful Cujioms to all Subjedts indifferently. Now , Sir , we are come to a fair iltue, 
 hold your foot there : your next task muft be to (hew what part of Magna Charta 
 is violated by His Majefly •■, What Liberties there granted, are by him detained from 
 the Subjed' : if you do not this, you have made us a very long Difcourfe to little 
 purpofe. Your Argument contifts of a Propofition and an Alfumption '■> the Pro- 
 poficion is this, All Laws and lawful Cuftoms are confirmed to the Subjedl by Mz- 
 gna Charta , and His Majefties Oath for obfervation thereof. Your Affumption 
 itands thus , but to have nothing ncceflary denied us , is a lawful Cuftom , a Par- 
 liamentary right and priviledge : You amplifie your Propofition , ( as the blind 
 Senatour commended the Fifli ) at dextra jacebat be Una ■■, it is your Affumption, Sir, 
 which is denied, bend your felf the other way, and (hew us in what particular 
 words of Magna Charta , or any other Charter , or any Statute , this Priviledge is 
 comprehended, or by what prefcription or prefident it may be proved : if you can 
 do none of thefe , fit down and hold your peace for ever ■■> the Charter of Nature 
 will be in danger to be torn in pieces, if you ftretch it to this alfo. To be denied 
 nothing? this is a Priviledge indeed, as good as Fortunatus h\s Purfe i or as that 
 old law , which one found out for the King of Ferfa , that he might do what he 
 would. But you limit it, he ought to deny them nothing which is neceffary : 
 What necellity do you mean ? a fimple and abfolute necelhty i" That hath no law 
 indeed ■■, or a necellity onely of convenience ? but conveniences are often attended 
 with greater inconveniences. A cup of cold Water to one who hath a feverifh di- 
 Ikmper , is convenient to afTwage his prefent thirlt , but pernicious to the future 
 habitude of his body. Many things may produce prefent eafe, yet prove deftru- 
 (itive to a State in their confequences. Thefe things therefore muft be carefully 
 ballanced, and by whom> Will you be your own Judge ? or will you permit his 
 Majefty to follow the Didate of his own reafon ? fo it is meet and juft , if you 
 will have him fuperfede from his own Right. Lav your hand upon your heart, 
 if you have any Tenents who hold of you in Knight-fervice , and they (hall de- 
 fire to have their Tenure changed to Free-foccage , as being more convenient and 
 conducible for them, are you bound to condefcend > It is well known to all this 
 Kingdom, that the Kings thereof have ever had a negative voice, ( otherwife they 
 had lefs power than a Mafter of a Colledge , or a Major of a Corporation, ) that 
 no Ad is binding to the Subieft without the Royal affent. That to fay the King 
 will advife, was evermore a futficient ftop to any bill. Yet the ground of this bold 
 demand is but the Authors conceit , IFe conceive it to be one Farliamentary Right-, and 
 his reafons are fuch as may make a fhew , but want weight to beget a very conceit. 
 The former is , that new Laws and old being of the fame necefuy^ the publick^tmli 
 muji equally extend to both. How often muft he be told that the publick truft is 
 onely a truft of dependance which begets no fuch obligation as he conceits , Of- 
 fices
 
 -T- o 7he Serp intSahe- TO ML JL 
 
 ' r TTl . „ ^ »vp r^f/i/T matters that fuimd in ititenfl than in confidence. Nei- 
 
 ^^^^-'^\t;;ft r n th-"^^^^^ 4mc necdnty of ObfcrvingL old Law , 
 
 to wSa KineisbeundbyH^^ His Oath , and of a new Law 
 
 o wh ch ^e hafhnot Given His Royal Affent. If Magna Charta did extend to 
 this it were Charta maxima the greateft Charter that ever was granted : If the 
 Kinls Oath did extend to this , it were an unlawful Oath and not binding : To 
 fwear to conhrm all Laws that fliould be prefented to him , though contrary to 
 the rule of Juflice , contrary to the didVate of his own reafon. Among fo many 
 improbable fuppofitions , give leave to the other party to make one ■, the Author is 
 not Infallible, nor any Society of men whatfoever. Put the cafe a Law (hould be 
 prefented for 'introducing or tolerating of Sociniamfm or Anabapifm^ or the new 
 upltart Independancy i is His Majefty bound to give His Affent > Surely no , not 
 to ajjume Bis jujl Torver of Supremacy ( as your late new Mafters confefs ) were dam- 
 nahle fn. His other reafon is this, it skills not whether the word eligerit ( he 
 {hould fay ekgerit in the Kings Oath be in ihc future tenfe or in the perfcH tenfe , 
 whether he fwears to all fuch cuftoms as the people have choftn, orrfiall choofei 
 for it fliews that the peoples 'EleCiion was the ground of ancient Laws , and that ought 
 to be of as great moment now as ever. It is a rare dexterity which the Obferver hath 
 with Midoi to turn all he toucheth into Gold , whatfoever he finds, is to his pur- 
 pofe, pall or to come all is one , but he would deceive us or deceives himfelf i for 
 the Peoples eledion never was , nor now is the fole caufe of a Law or binding cu- 
 ftome : but the Peoples Eledion was thefocial or fubordinate caufe, and the P>.oy- 
 al Aifent concurring with it , they were ever joyntly the adequate ground of Law, 
 and ftill are of the fame moment that they were joyntly and feverally , which the 
 Obferver might have difcovered with half an eye. 
 h ^"' becaufe His Majefties Oath at His Coronation , is fo much infilkd upon , as 
 ^"'^*'"^* obliging Him to pafs all Bills that are tendred unto him by His Parliament, it 
 will not be amifs to take this into further confideration , which I (hall do with 
 all due fubmillion. 
 
 Firft , It muft be acknowledged by all men , that the King of "England in the 
 eye cf the Law never dies. Waifon zwdi Clark^{ tvjo Priefts ) pleaded that they 
 could not be guilty of Treafon , becaufe King James was not Crowned : The re- 
 folution was , that the Coronation was but a Ceremony to declare the King to the 
 people , fo they were adjudged Traytors. The like meafure in the like cafe fuf- 
 fered the Duke of Northumberland in Queen Maries dayes, onely with this differences 
 Watfons and Clarh^ Treafon was before the Coronation , but the Dukes before the 
 very Proclamation. Confenfus exprefftu per verba de prejenti facit matrimonium , a 
 contradt in words of the prefent tenfe , is a true marriage and indiffolvible : and 
 yet for folemnity fake , when the parties come to receive the benedidion of the 
 Church , the Minifler though he knew of the contraft, yet he asks wilt thou have 
 ibif woman to thy wedded VTife ? There is no duty which our Kings- do not receive i 
 as Oaths of Fealty , of Allegiances no Ads of Royal Power which they do not 
 excercife , as amply before their Coronation as after. And therefore Mr. Dolma 
 ( otherwife Farjons the Jefuit , from whom thefe men have borrowed all their 
 grounds ) erred moft pittifully in this , ( as he did in many other of your Tenets, ) 
 that a King is no more a King before His Coronation, than a Ma'jor of a Corpo- 
 ration is a true Major after his Eledion , before he have taken his Oath. To think 
 a few fcattered people , affembled without any procuration have die power of the 
 Commonalty of England , is an crrour fitter to be laught at than to be con- 
 futed. 
 
 Secondly , The words of the Oath ( which bears marks enough in itfelf, of the 
 time when it was made ) are not to be preffed farther than cuftom and practice 
 ( the beft Interpreters of the Law ) do warrant , otherwife the words quas vulgus 
 ekgerit , cannot without much forcing be applied to the Parliament. But admit 
 the word vulgus might be drawn with fome violence to ilgnifie the Houfe of Com- 
 mons , by virtue of their reprefentation : yet how have the Houfe of Lords loft 
 their intereft , if the King be bound to confirm whatfoever the Houfe of Com- 
 mons fhall prefent > 
 
 Third--
 
 Dfs COURSE II. The Serpent-Sal've. 
 
 5"^ 
 
 Thirdly , It cannot be denyed , that if the King be bound by a lawfUl Oath"to — " 
 
 pafs all Bills , it is not the form of denying it , but the not doing it, which makes 
 the perjury. Therefore the form of the Kings Anfwer Le Koy s'aviftra , cannot 
 excufe the perjury in not doing. Neither doth it prove that the King had no pow- 
 er to deny , but that he is tender of a flat denyal , and attributes (o much to the 
 Judgment of His Great Council , that he will take further advice. This would 
 be itrange Dodtrine , ( indeed incredible ) that all the Kings of England who 
 have given this anfwer have been forfworn , and neither Parliament nor Convo- 
 cation to take notice of it, info many ages, nor in the next fucceeding Pailia- 
 ment after fo long advife to call for a farther anfwer. 
 
 Fourthly , It is confeiTed that in Adrs of Grace , the King is not bound to affenf 
 ( it is well if he have not been reftrained of this Right , ) that in all Ads where 
 His Majefty is to depart from the particular Right and Interelt of his Crown he 
 is not obliged to affent ( and was not that of the Militia fuch a cafe ? ) ladly, 'that 
 thougli he be bound by Oath to confent , yet if he do not conient , they are not 
 binding Laws to the Subjed, Thus far well but then comes a handful of Gourds 
 that poifons the pottage : except in cafes of neceffity. Give to any perfon or focie- 
 ty a Legiflative power without the King in cafe of necelfity \ permit them withal 
 to be fole Judges of necelfity , when it is , how long it lafts , and it is more than 
 probable , the neceffity will not determine till they have their own defires wliich 
 is the fame in effedt as if they had a Legiflative power. Neceffity excufeth what- 
 foever it doth , but hrft, the necellity muft be evident : there needs no fuch great 
 Itir , who fiiall be Judge of necelfity , when it comes indeed , it will fliew it felf i 
 when extreme necelfity is difputable , it is a fign it is not real. Secondly , the A- 
 gent mud be proper , otherwife it cuts in funder the very finews of Government 
 to make two Supremes in a Society , and to fubjedl the people to contrary com- 
 mands : If the T^rumpit give ail uncertain found ^ who paH prepare himfelf to battle ? 
 There can be no neceffity fo pernicious as this very remedy. ^ . i « 8 
 
 Fifthly , the great variety of Forms and prefidents fcems to prove that one pre- 
 cife form is not limply neceflary : and the words adjiciantur qwe jitjla fuerint and 
 King Henry the Eights enterlining it with his own hand , do prove that it is arbi- 
 trary at lead in part. To interline it with his own hand , to "leave it fo interlined 
 upon Record , O flrange!^ If this claufe had been of fuch conlequence we (hould 
 have heard of fome queflion about it, either then or in fome fucceeding Parliament-, 
 but we find a deep filence. T'homaf Arundel Archbilhop of Canterbury , in Parlia- 
 ment chargeth Henry the Fourth with his Oath wliich he did voluntarily make. Stow.p. 53^^ 
 But to the forms. Firft , the Oath which King James and ^ing Charles did take 
 runs thus. Sir ^ npillTou to Grant, to hold and k^ep the Laws aud rightful cujioms 
 Tvhich the commonalty of thU Kingdom have. Here h neither h'ave chofen , nor fhall 
 choofe. The Oath of EdrPard the Sixth was this, Vo Tou grant to maks no ^'^^ 
 Laws, but fuch as JhaS be to the Honour and Glory of God, and to the good of the Com~ 
 monivealth , and that the fame (hall be made by the confent of your people, as hath been 
 accujiomed. Here is no elegerit flill , yet His Age freed Him from the very thought 
 of improving His Prerogative. King Henry the Eight correded the form then 
 prefented to Him thus , And affirm them rvhich the Nobles and People have chofen rvith 
 my confent. Here is , have chofen and the Kings confent added to boot. Dr. Con>et 
 in his Interpreter, recites the Kings oath out of the old abridgement of Statutes 
 fet out in Henry the Eights days much different from this , as that the KingJJwuld 
 keep all the Lands , Honours , Sec. of the Crorvn tvhole without diminution and reaf- 
 fume thofe which had been made aveay. And this claufe in qucilion runs thus. He 
 ^aU grant to hold the Laws and Cujioms of the Realm , and to h'n Power k^ep them and 
 affirm them , which the Folk^ and People have made and chofen •■, and this feems to have 
 been the oath of His Predeceflburs. But perhaps if we look up higher, wefliould 
 find aperfed agreement in this point. Our next ftep mud be to Hatry the Fourth 
 and Richard the Second , a Tragical time when the State runs contrary ways like a 
 whirligigg, fitter for the honour of the Nation to be buried in oblivion than drawn 
 into prefident. But this oath being no innovation, it may ferve well enough. Yet 
 the oaths of two Kings do not agree foexadly as to fettle a certain forme , as to in- 
 
 R r r ftanc«
 
 I 
 
 55' 
 
 The Serpent-Sahe. TOME U. 
 
 l^^i^TT^lv in the claufe in qudtion i He-wry the Fourths Oath rnns thus, cmedif 
 Ldai leaes & confuetudines ejje tenexdas & fromitusjtote e^ ejfe protege >Td as & ad 
 Ho,torem Vei corroborandas quof vulgiis e legem : which laft word fignihes indifferently 
 either have chofen or (ha II choofe. Neither doth the Record fay that this was the 
 verv Form taken by Henry the Fourth, but that it was the ufual Form taken by the 
 KiiLs oC England, and twice by Kichard the Second, and for proof of what it 
 faith refers us to the Regilkrsof the Archbifliops or Bifhops prowt in libris pnnti- 
 ficaliitm Archiefifc. & Epifi. pleniuf continetur , this prout is a clear evidence that 
 this precife Form had no ground in Statute or in Common- Law , but was a Pc-a- 
 tifical rite. The Oath of Kichard the Second , related in the clofe rolls of the firft 
 Year of His Reign , even in this very claufe differs in two material things : one is, 
 that to Julias Leges & confuetudines , there is added Eeclefi£ , the other is , that 
 to ekgerit ii added jujle & rationabiliter , which the people have cholen or (hall 
 choofe juftly and reafonably : which limitation , if the Oath look forward to future 
 Laws, mull of necellity be either expreffed or underftood, otherwife the Oath is 
 unlawful and doth not bind : jusjurandum Hon debet ejfe vinculum iniquitatit. Here 
 alfo the word elegerit is doubtful whether palt or future. If it be urged that to cor- 
 roborate muft be underfiood of fuch Laws as have not paffed the Royal Affent •, 
 is eafie , that the beft confirmation of Laws is the due execution of them. Now 
 from our Englijh and Latin Forms , our laft ftep is to the French, which was taken 
 by Edtvard the Second and Edward the Third , ( as it is faid ) and runs thus. 
 Sire grantes vous a tenir & garder les leys & les cujiumes dmiture les ksquiels la com- 
 munante de vgjire Koyaume aur ejlu & les defenderer & afforcerer al honeur de dieu a 
 voftre poare. Firft, How it (hall appear that this Oath was taken by Et/trdr^ the 
 Second and E^i??^r^ the Third, we are yet to feek. A Bifhops Pontifical, and 
 much more a Heraulds notes taken curforily at a Coronation , do not feem to be 
 fufficient Records nor convincing proof in our Law : and BraUon who lived about 
 the fame times fetsdown the Oath otherwi(e. Debet Rex in Coronatiene fua innomi- 
 BraHon lib.^. tte Jefu Chrijii pr£ftito Sacramento , h<ec tria promittere populo f,bi fubdito v prima fe pr£- 
 cap 9 cepturmn & pro viribus impenfurum , ut pax Ecckfix & omni populo Chrijiiano omni fuo 
 
 tempore objervetur: Secundo utomnes rapacitates & omnes iniquitates cmnibtu gradibuf 
 interdicat : 'tertio ut in omnibus judiciis £quitatem pr£cipiat & mifericordiam. Here is 
 neither have chofen nor (hall choofe. Secondly, though the French do agree with 
 the Latin much for fenfe and fubftance , yet it is not the fame Form. Thirdly , 
 the King grants to defend the Laws and cufloms , but it is no Law till it hath re- 
 ceived Royal Affent , it is no cuftometill it be confirmed by a Lawful prefcriptior. 
 Fourthly, That the word Ek£i is joyned immediately to cuftoms, which feems not 
 fo proper if reddendo fwgula fingulis , it ought to be referred to Laws and not to cu- 
 f\ome. Fifthly , what the Norman French may differ from the Parifxan , or both 
 of them then from that they are now , or both then and now from our Law 
 French , I cannot determine : but take it at the wor(t , the words in queflion aur 
 ejlu make lefs for the Obferver than elegerit it felf , and do fignifie have chojen , or 
 in the molt Grammatical pedantical conftrudtion that can be made (hall have chofen-^ 
 whereas if it were (hall choofe , it (hould be ejlira or efdront. If the Herauld did 
 take his notes as ill as he tranflatcs , his remembrances are but of fmall moment, 
 before all thefe Forms I read of others in late Authors ( for I have not opportunity 
 to fee the original Records , ) as that of King Kir/;(ir^ the Firft , agreeing much 
 with BraUon. 'lo obferve Peace Honour and Reverence to Almighty God , to His Church 
 and to the Minivers of the fame, to adminijler Lart> and Jujlice equally to all, to abrogate 
 evil Laves and Cuftoms and to maintain good. Here is indeed a reference to future 
 Laws , but no dependance upon other mens Judgements. And to this King Johns 
 Oath came neareft of any Form yet mentioned, though not exadly the fame as dif- 
 fering in the Firft claufe in this, 7o love and defend the Catholic\Church. 
 
 To (umm up all then in a word ; Firft , there is no certain Form to be found. 
 Secondly, for thofc Forms that are, the Parliament Rolls refer us to the Biftiops 
 Regifters. Thirdly, few of thofe Forms have the word elegerit or choofe in them, 
 and thofe that have it, have it doubtfully, either have chofen, or Jhall chufe. Fourth- 
 ly , admitting the figpjfication to be future , yet the limitation which is expreffed 
 
 111
 
 Drs COURSE II. The Serpent^Sahe^ -^^ 
 
 ^— ^ ■ ■ =— . — — 111. 
 
 in the o^m oP Richard zhc Second , jujie & ratmiabiliter ^ juftly and reafonably 
 muft of neceilky be underliood in all , other wife the oath is unlawful in it felf to' 
 oblige the King to perform unjuft and unreafonable propolltions , and binds not. 
 Whether it be exprelTed or underftood, it leaves to the King a latitude of Jud^e' 
 mcnt, to examine what is juft and reafonable , and to follow the didate of his 
 own underllanding v the pradice of all Parliaments in all Ages confirms this Ex- 
 pofition. Laltly, admitting, but not granting , the word f/e-^fr/i to be future , 
 and admitting that the Limitation of jujic &'rationabi!iter could be fufpended , yet 
 it would not bind the King to confirm all Laws that are tendered, but onely ex- 
 clufively , to impofi; no other Laws on his Subjeds , but fuch as fhall be prefented 
 and approved in Parliament. It hath been queftioned by fome , in whom the Le- 
 giilative power did reft by Law, Whether in the King ( alone as fome old Forms 
 do (eem to infinuate, ) Concejjimui , Kex cnncedit , Kex ordinal , Rex fiaiuit Do- 
 minus Rex de commimijuo concilia Jhtiiit , Vominns Rex in Parliamento ftatitit )'or in 
 the King and Parliament jointly : And what is the power of Parliaments in Legi- 
 flation , Receptive , Confultive , Approbative or Cooperative : and whether the 
 making of Laws by Parliament be ( as fome have faid ) a merciful policy to prevent 
 complaints not alterable rcithoiet great peril i or (as it feems rather ) an abfolute re- 
 quifiteinLaw, and a matter of nccellity , there being fundry Ads inferiour to 
 Law-making, which our Lawyers declare invalid , unlefs they be done by King 
 and Parliament. Yet howfoever it be , abmdans camela non nocet, for greater cau- 
 tion , it yields more fatisfadion to the people to give fuch an oath , that if the 
 King had no fuch power, he would not ufurp it , if he had fuch a power , yet he 
 ■would not afTumc it. And this is clearly the fenfe of that oath of Edrvjrd the 
 Sixth, That he would make no new Laws , but by the confent of His people . as 
 had been accuftomed. And this may be the meaning of the Claufe in the Statute 
 Sith tlK Larv of the Realm h fitch, that upon the mifchiefs and dammages which happen 
 to this Realm , he is bound by his Oath reith the accord of his people in his Parliament 
 thereof to mak^ remedy and Larc. Though it is very true , that this being admitted' 
 C as then it was ) to be a Law in Ad , the King is bound by another claufe in his 
 oath, and even by this word elegerit in the perfed tenfe hath chofen , as well or ra- 
 ther more than -if it were in the future Jf^jll choofe. And fo it foJIows in that 
 Statute plainly, that there was a Statute-law, a remedy then in force not repealed 
 which the Kin^ wm bound by his Oath to caufe to be kept , though by fe/ferance andne- - 
 gligence it hath beenfince attempted to the contrary. So the Obligation there intended ''' ^^""'^^ 
 is to the execution of an old Law, not the making of a new. Richard the Second 
 confeiTeth , that he was bound by his oath to pafs a new Grant to the Juflices of 
 Peace. But fid^ it appears not that this was a new Bill : Secondly , if it did yet 
 Richard the Second was then but Fourteen years old : And Thirdly , if his ace'had 
 been more mature , yet if the thing was juft and beneficial to the people, without 
 prejudice to the Rights of his Crown, and if his own rcafon did didate fo to him 
 he might truly fay , that he was bound to do it both by his oath and his Office. Yet 
 his Grandfather Edward the Third revoked a Statute , becaufe it was prejudicial to '*"'"' '^ ^'''*"° 
 the Rights of his Crown , and was made without his free confent. '* 
 
 Obferv. Ihat which rejults from hence is , // our Kings receive all Royalty from the 
 people, and for the behoof of the people , and that by a fecial trttfr of fafety and liberty 
 expre[Jy by the people limited , and by their own Grants and Oaths ratified , tben our 
 Kings cannot he faid to have fo inconditionate and high a propriety in all our lives liber- 
 ties and pofrejjions ., or in any thing elfe to the Crown appertaining , iH we have in their 
 dignity or in uur fives i and indeed if they bad, they were not born for the people, but 
 meerly for themjelves v neitkr were it larcful or natural for them to expofe their lives and 
 fortunes for their Countrey , as they have been bound hitherto to do, according to that of 
 our Saviour, Bonus Paftor ponit vitam pro ovibus. 
 
 AnJTc. Ex his pr£mijfrs necejjariofequiturcollufw. All your main pillars are bro- 
 ken reeds, and your Building muft needs fall : For our Kings do not receive all 'S'c^. 13^ 
 Royalty from the people , nor onely for the behoof of the people , but partly for 
 the people , partly for therafelves and theirs , and principally for God's glory ; 
 Thofe conditionate refervations and limitations which you fancy, are but your own 
 
 1< r r 2 drowfie
 
 '^'^4 
 
 7b; SerpenuSahe. T O M E I h 
 
 7731^0 dreams s neither doth His Ma)dUes Charter, nor can His oath extend to 
 any fueh hditious priviledgc as you devife: The propriety which His Majefty hath 
 in our lives liberties and eftates , is ot pubiick Dominion, not of private pof- 
 fellion : His' intereft in things appertaining to the Crown , is both of Dominion 
 and PofTellion : the right which we have in him is not a right of Dominion over 
 him , but a right of Protedion from him and under him : and this very right of 
 Protc'dlion which he owes to us , and we may exped from him , fliews clearly 
 that he is born in part for his people-, and is a fufficicnt ground for him to expofe 
 his life and Fortunes to the extreameft perils for his Countrey. The Authours in- 
 ference, that it is not lawful or natural according to thcfe grounds , is a filly and 
 ridiculous colledion, not unlike unto his fimllitude from the Shepherd , whom all 
 men know to have an abfolute and inconditionate dominion over his fheep , yet is 
 he bound to expofe his life for them. 
 
 Obftrv, Bitt now ofTarliamems. Farliamems have the fame effciem caufe as Mo- 
 narchies , if not higha ■■, for in truth , the rvhek Kingdom is not fo properly the author^ 
 as the effence itfelf of Tarliaments •, and by the former rule it is magis t3.h, becaufe xpe 
 fe ipfum quid quod cfficit tale. And it is I think, beyond all controverfie, that Cod and 
 the Laiv operate as the fame caufes ^ both in Kings and Parliaments ■, for God favours 
 both , and the Larv (ftablijhes both , and the AU of men fill concurs in the fufientationnf 
 both. And not to jiay longer on this , Parliaments have alfo the fame final caufe as Mo- 
 narchies ^ if not greater^ jor indeed publick^fafety and liberty could not be fo effeBually 
 provided fur by Monarchs , till Parliaments were eonftituud^ for fupplying of aH defeds 
 in that Government. 
 
 Aiifff. The Obferver having (hewed his teeth to Monarchs , now comes to 
 ScB. 14. fawn upon Parliaments : the Italians have a Proverb , Be that ^eaki me fairer than 
 he tifeth to do , either hath deceived me , or he would deceive me. Queen "Elizabeth is 
 now a Saint , with our Schifmatical Mar-Prelate •, but when fhe was alive , thofe 
 railing Kahjhak^hh did match her with Ahab and Jeroboam: now their tongues are 
 filvcr Trumpets to found out the praifes of Parliaments , it is not long fince they re- 
 viled them as faft , calling them Courts without confcience or equity. God bleft 
 Parliaments , and grant they may do nothing unworthy of themlelves , or of their 
 name , which was Senatm Sapientum : The commendation of bad men , was the 
 iuft ground of a Wife man's fear. But let us examine the particulars. Parliaments 
 (you fay ) have the fame efficient caufe as Monarchies , if not higher , ( it fecms you 
 arenotrefolved whether) Higher? How fhould that be ? unlefs you have devifed 
 fome Hierarchy of Angels in Heaven to overtop God , as you have found out a 
 Court Paramount over his Vicegerent in Earth. But you build upon your old fan- 
 dy Foundation, that all Kings derive their Power from the people. I muft once 
 more tell you , the Monarchy of this Kingdom is not from the people as the effici- 
 ent, but from the King of Kings. The onely Argument which I have feen prefled 
 with any (hew of probability ( which yet the Observer hath not met with ) is this, 
 That upon deficiency of the Royal Line , the Dominion efcheats to the people as 
 the Lord Paramount. A meer miftake v they might even as well fay , that bcc3u(e 
 the Wife upon the death of her Husband , is loofed from her former obligation , 
 and is free either to continue a Widow, or to ele<fl a new Husband, that there- 
 fore her Husband in his Life-time did derive his dominion from her ; and that by 
 his death, dominion did efcheat to her as to the Lady Paramount: yet if all this 
 were admitted , it proves but a refpedive equality. Yes, you add , That the Par- 
 liament is the very eflence of the Kingdom , that is to fay , the caufe of the Kingi 
 and therefore by your Lesbian rule of (juod efficit tale, it is in it felf more worthy, 
 and more povverful. Though the Rule be nothing to the purpofe, yet I will ad- 
 mit it , and joyn ifTue with the Obferver : Whether the King or the Parliament be 
 the caufe of the other , let that be more worthy. That the King is the caufe of the 
 Parliament, is as evident as the Noon-day-light j He calls them , He diffolves them, 
 they are His Council , by virtue of His Writ they do ( otherwife they cannot ) fit : 
 That the Parliament (hould be the caufe of the King , is as impolfible , as it is for 
 Shem to be NoaFs Father. How many Kings in the World have never known Par- 
 liament , neither the name nor the thing > Thus the Obferver , Jn the infancy of the 
 
 rrorld
 
 Discourse II. T/je Serpent-Sahe. 
 
 555 
 
 world meji Nations did choofe rather to jubmit themfelves to the difcretion of their Lords 
 than to rely upon any limits : And a little after , Tet long it was ere the bounds andcon^ 
 ditions of Supreme Lords , rvere fo wijely determined , or quietly conferved as now they 
 are. It is apparent then , Kings were before Parliaments even in time : our French 
 Authours do affirm, That their Kingdom was governed for many Ages by Kings 
 without Parliaments , happily and profperoufly ; Fhilip the Fair was the rirft Ere- 
 der of their Parliaments of P^rjf and Motmtpelliers. As for ours in England^ will 
 you hear Mr. Stow our Annalilt i thus he in the Sixteenth oi Henry the Firlt, in the 
 name of our Hiftoriographers , not as his own private opinion , 7hU do the Hijiorio- 
 graphers note, to be thefirji Parliament in England , and that the Kings before that time 
 were never wont to call any of their Commons or people to Council or Law-making. It 
 may be the rirft held by the Norman Kings , . or the firft held after the Norman man- 
 ner, or the firft where the people appeared by Prodors ■■> yet we find the name of 
 Parliament before this, either fo called then indeed i or by a Trolepfis, as, Lavi- 
 na littora. And not to contend about the name , this is certain. That long before, 
 in the dayes of the Saxon Kings , there was the Aflembly of Wife men , or Michle 
 Synod , having an Analogy with our Parliaments , but differing from them in ma- 
 ny things. So doth that Parliament in Hewry the Firfi's time differ from ours now> 
 Then the Bifliops had their Votes in the Houfe of Lords , now they have nonei 
 Then Prodlors of the Clergy had their Suffrages in the Houfe of Commons , now 
 they are excluded ; Then there were many more Barons than there are now Bur- 
 geiles i every Lord of a Mannor who had a Court-Baron , was a Parliament-man 
 «atns by right; Then they came on general Summons , after upon fpecial Writ. But 
 both the one and the other were poikriour to Kings, both in the order of Nature ,■ 
 and of Time : How fhould it be other wife ? The end of Parliaments is to temper 
 the violence of Soveraign power , the remedy muft: needs be later than the difeafe , 
 much more than the right temper. Degenerate Monarchy becomes Tyranny , and 
 the cure of Tyranny is the mixture of Governments ; Parliaments are proper adju- 
 ments to Kings i Farliaments were con^ittited to jupply the defeCis in that Government , 
 faith the Obferver himfelf i here you may apply your Rule to purpofe , that the end 
 is more excellent than the means. I deny therefore that the Kingdom is the eiTence 
 of Parliaments ; Tliere is a threefold Body of the State, the effential Body, the 
 reprefentative Body, and the virtual Body : The elTential Body is the diffufed 
 company of the whole Nobility , Gentry , Commonalty throughout the Kingdom: 
 The reprefentative Body are the Lords, Citizens and Burgelfes in Parliament af- 
 fembled and intrufted : The virtual Body is His Majefty , in whom refis the life of 
 Authority , and pov/er legiflative , executive virtually ; yet fo , as in the exer- 
 ci(e of feme parts of it , there are necelTary requifites, the confent and concurrence 
 of the reprefentative Body. From this miftaken ground the Obferver draws fun- 
 dry erroneous conclufions, pofito uno abfnrdo fequuntur niille. 
 
 Hence proceeds his Complaint , "that feverance hath been made betwixt the parties 
 chojen , and the parties choofmg , andfo, that that great Priviledge of allpriviledges, that 
 unmoveable Bafts of all Honour and Power , whereby the Hmfe of Commons claims the 
 intire right of all the Gentry and Commonalty 0/ England, hath been attempted to be 
 paken. A power of Reprefentation we grant refpedive to fome ends, as to con- 
 sent to new Laws , to grant Subfidies , to impeach Offenders , to find out and 
 prefent grievances, and whatfoever elfc is warranted by lawful Culloms i but an 
 intire right to all intents and purpofes , againft Law and lawful Culiome we deny. 
 An intire right i what ? to our Wives and Children , to our Lands and Pofiellions? 
 this is not tolerable. 
 
 Hence alfo he tells Magiftrally enough, of an arbitrary power in the Parliamenti 
 "Xhat there is an arbitrary power in every State fomewhere , it is true , "'tis necejfary , and 
 no inconvenience follows upon it , every man hath an arbitrary power over himfelf ,fo eve- 
 ry State hath an arbitrary power over itfelf, and there is no danger in it i for the fame 
 reafon, if the State intrufl this to one man , or few there may be danger , but the Parlia- 
 ment U neither one nor few , it is indeed the State it felf. Now the mask is off, you 
 Ijave fpun a fair thread , is this the end of all your goodly pretences ? if this be your 
 new learning , God deliver all true EngUJh-mcn from it : Wc choofe you to be out 
 
 Pro-
 
 55^ 
 
 The Serpent ■Sal've, TOME 11" 
 
 "i^aors not to be our Lords : We challenge the Laws oiEjiglaTid as our birthright 
 a] h itance and diflike arbitrary Government much m one but twenty times 
 and J"""^'^^^^ -pj^^jg js „o Tyranny like many-headed Tyranny : when was ever fo 
 ^° I blood-fli'ed and rapine under one Tyrant , as under three in the Triumvirate? 
 "^ d'^the more they are , IHII of necetlity there will be more ingagements of Love 
 ^"d hatred and covetoufnefs and ambitition , the more packing and conniving one 
 with another , the more danger of fadious and fcditious tumults , as if the evils 
 of one form 'of Government were not fufficient , except we were overwhelmed 
 with the deluge of them all i and he that is moft popular d who is moft commonly 
 the worll ) will give Laws to the rert. Therefore it hath ever been accounted fafer 
 to live under one Tyrant than many : The Luft , Covetoufnefs, Ambition Cruel- 
 ty of one , may be fooner fatisfied than of many , and efpecially when the power 
 is 'but temporary and not hereditary nor of continuance: We fee Farmers which 
 have a long term , will husband their grounds welU but they that are but Tenants 
 at will, plough out the very heart of it. No Sir ( I thank you ; we will none of 
 your arbitrary Government. And fuppofing , but no way granting, that the Par- 
 liament were the Eflential Body of this Kingdom , or ( which is all one ) were 
 indowed with all the power and priviledges thereof to all intents and purpofesi yet 
 it had no arbitrary power over it felf , in fuch things as are contrary to the Allegi- 
 ance which it ows to HisMajefty , and contrary to its Obligation to the received 
 Laws and cultoms of thisLand, 
 
 Hence he afcribcs to Parliaments a power to call Kings to an account , hear him- 
 felf 'That Frincej may not be now beyond all limits and Laws by any private perjuns , the 
 whole community in its ttnderived Majejiypall convene to do Juflice, Here we have it 
 exprelly '■, that the Parliament is the whole community , that it hath a Majefiy , 
 that this Majefty is underived , that it hath Power to try Princes, yea to do Juflice 
 upon them. Hitherto we have mifundcrftood St. Peter, Submit your felves to every 
 ' ' ' ' Ordinance of man for the Lords fak^, whether it be to the King of Supreme. It feems 
 the Parliaments which pafled the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance , did not un- 
 derltand their own right , till this Third Cato dropped from Heaven to inform them; 
 and above all, our Non-Conformiit Minifters in their Solemn Proteftation are deep- 
 ell in this guilt , who affirm fo contidently, that for the King not to aflume Supre- 
 macy , or for the Church to deny it , were damnable fin , Tea , though the Statutes 
 of the Kingdom fhoulddeny it unto him. What may His Fellow-Subjefts expe(fi from 
 the Obferver , who is fo fawcy with his Sovereign ? But before I leave this point , 
 I defire to be informed how this new Dodlrine agrees with that undeniable prin- 
 ciple of our Law , 'Ihe King can do no wrong > The Obferver glofleth it thus. That 
 He can do no wrong de jure, but defado he may i which is the drowfieft dream- 
 ing devife , that ever dropped from any mans pen in his right witts: Judas or the 
 Devil himfelf can do no wrong <iej«re , unlefs both parts of a contfadidtion can 
 be true : a fair priviledge to give a Prince, which a High- way Thief may chal- 
 lenge. It may with more probability be expounded thus, that the King is to dif- 
 charge the publick affairs of the Kingdom , not by Himfelf, but by His Officers 
 and Minifters ; therefore if any thing be amifs or unjuft, they are faulty, they 
 arc accountable for it, not He. But there feems to be fomething more in this prin- 
 ciple than thus : for Firft by the fame reafon a man might fay the Kmg can do no 
 right, ifhecando nothing by Himfelf. He is not capable offuch thanks as Tertullus 
 ^gj24,2. gave to Falix : Secondly, it would be very ftrange , that a King (hould be ex- 
 cluded from the perfonal difcharge of all manner of duties belonging to His High- 
 calling , and might occafion the renewing of the Wornans commplaint againft 
 Thilip of Macedon, Why then art thou King ? this were to make His Ma jefty ano- 
 ther Childerick^^ one of the old Ciphers or titulary Kings of France , and put all 
 the power into the hands of a Major of the Pallace , or a Marffiall , or fome other 
 Subjeds. what is it then ? there muft be fomething more in this old Maxime of 
 our Law , that The King can do no wrong. And it is this doubtlefs , that in the in- 
 tendment of Law His Perfon is Sacred , he is freed from all defedls , ( as though 
 he be a Minor or an Infant , yet in the eye of the Law he is always of full age , ) he 
 owes account of His doings to God alone, ^he Law hath no coercive power over 
 
 Him.
 
 Discourse II. The SerpentSaiz/e^ t-i-^ 
 
 Him. This is that which Samuel calls The Lavp of the Kingdom , not to (hew whaj. 
 
 a King may Lawfully do , but what a Subjed: ought to bear from a Lawful King 
 
 To thee alone have J fumed, Ciid David; he had trefpaffed againft "Z^nW; and Bathjhe- 
 
 ba , yet he faith to thee onely have I finned , quia Rex erat , becaufe he was a King, 
 
 and accountable to none but God , as Clemens Alexandriits, Arnobim , St. Jerom, 
 
 St. Ambrofe , Venerable Bede , Euthymiiis , and fundry others do all affirm upon . 
 
 this one place : and Gregory of Torvers , Si quis de nobis, If any one of its Kin<T , 
 
 dopa^the bounds of JujUce, you have porter to corred him , but if you exceed your limits 
 
 Toho fljaH chaftife you ? We may^ea\ to you , ;/ yon lifl not to hearken , rt'ho can cond'-r-'t 
 
 you , but that great God , JFlm hath pronounced Himfelf to be KighteoufnefP And even 
 
 Antoninw Whom the Obferver fo much commends for a renowned and moderate 
 
 Prince, yet is pofitive in this , Solm Veus Judex Principu (fie poteji , God alone can 
 
 be Judge of a Sovereign Prince. In the Parliament at Lincoln , under Edtvardths 
 
 Firlt , the Lords and Commons unanimoufly affirm the fame , with a wonder 
 
 that any man (hould conceive otherwife , That the King of England neither hath an- 
 
 ftvered, nor ought to anfwer for His right , before any Judge Ecclefiaftical or Secular^ ex 
 
 pr£eminentia fiatus fui , by reafon of the preheminence of His Regal Dignity, and 
 
 cuftome at all times inviolably obfervcd. 
 
 To try Princes and to do Juftice > Some man would defire to know, how far this 
 Jurtice may be extended? whether peradventure to depofe them and dethrone them, 
 to exalt them and deprefs them , Conjiituere dejiituere , conftruere dejiruere , fingere 
 diffingere ? But for this they muft expert an anfwer from the Oblerver by the next 
 Port , when he fees how the people will dance after his Pipe, and whether his 
 mifled partners will go along the whole Journey or leave his company in the mid- 
 way i when he hath fufficicnt flrength , then it is time and not before to declare 
 himfelfe : Till then he will be a good child ,and follow Saint Pauls advice in part i 
 Stoppage is no payment in our Law. Suppofe the Prince failes in his duty, are the 
 Subjecfts therefore freefromthat obligation which is impofed upon them by the Law 
 of God and Nature ■* When His Majeity objcds that a depofition is threatned , at 
 leaft intimated , What doth the Obferver anfwer ? he doth not difclaim the power 
 but onely deny the fatft?* Thus he faith , It may be truly denyed that ever free Parlia^ 
 ment , did truly confent to the dethroning of any King of England , for that A& rvhere- 
 by Richard the Second was dethroned , was rather the AVt of Henry the ■ Fourth and Hii 
 viBoriom Army, than of the wh^le Kingdom. Mark thefe words , that any free Parlia- 
 ment. So , it feems that fome Parliaments are not free : And again «/i^ truly confent^ 
 there may be much in th^t word alfoi Firft, whether they who are overawed with 
 power of unruly Myrmidons , may be faid to confent truly znAexanimo} Second- 
 ly, whether they who confent meerly for hope of impunity to efcapc queliioning 
 for their former opprc (lions and extortions, may be faid to confent truly ? Thirdly 
 whether they who confent out of hope to divide the fpoyle, may be faid to confent truly? 
 Fourthly, whereas by the Law of Nations , the rights and voices of Abfentces, do 
 devolve to thole that are prcfent , if they be driven away by a juft and probable 
 fear , whether they may be faid to confent truly ? Laftly , they that follow the col- 
 lier in his Creed by an implicit Faith without difculfion refolving themfelves into 
 the authority of a Committee or fome noted members , may they be faid to conlent 
 truly > that which follows of Henry the Fourth and His Vidorious Army , (hews 
 the Obferver to be as great an Heretick in Policy as ^fJc/'/<^w/ himfelf : he might 
 better have faid the Ufurper and his Rebellious Army. For a Subjedt to raife Arms 
 againlt His Sovereign , to dethrone him C as BuHenbrook^ did ) and by violence to 
 fnatch the Crown to himfelf in prejudice of the right Heirs , is Treafon confeffed 
 by all men , his acquifition is meet Ufurpation , and for any perfon or focicty of 
 men to joyn with him , or to confirm him, is to be partakers of his fin. But Gods 
 Judgements purfuc fuch difloyal Subjedls and their polterity , as it did them. The 
 greateO: contrivers and adors , in that Rebellion , for a ju(\ reward of their Trea- 
 fon, did Firlt feel the edge of-Henries vidorious Sword, and after them Hries 
 Pollerity , and the whole Enghjh Nation fmarted for Richards blood. It is obfer- 
 ved that all the confpirators againll Julius Cefar , perifhed within three years , 
 fome by Judgement of Law, others by Ship- wrack upon the Sea ,other5by battle un- 
 der
 
 55^ 
 
 The Serpent Sahe- TOME Ij 
 
 Tkr tlic Swofd of their conquering Enemies, others with the fame bodkin where- 
 with thcY had ibbbed their Emperouri one way or other vengeance overtook them 
 every man. What others fay of Eichards reiignation , is as weak , which was 
 done by dii'reffe and imprifonmcnt, or at the beft for fear of imminent mifchicf; 
 
 To conclude tliis Scdion ; God and and the Law operate both in Kings and 
 Parliaments ; but not in both alike. God is the immediate caufe of Kings, the 
 remote of Parliaments. Kings and Parliaments have the fame ultimate and Jr- 
 chiwaonkal cud , that is, the tranquillity of the whole body Politick ; but not the 
 fame proper and next ends, which in the Parliament is to advife the King , fupply 
 the King, and in the conftitution of new Laws to concurr with the King: I 
 tyrant ( to ^P^^^^ '" ^'^ Majcfties own words, as more fuU than the Oblervers , ) 
 7hat Tarlumems are f' Iffent'ul apart of the conjiitution of this Kingdom , that rce can 
 attain HO happineff rpitkout them. But to conclude from hence their Superiority 
 above Kings , or equality with Kings , is to fubjed the Principal efficient to every 
 fecundary caufe , fubordinate , inftrumental , or sine qua non, 
 
 Obferv. 'Xrvo tlnngs are aimed at in Farliamsnts, not to be attained to by other means. 
 Firft , that the intereji of the people might be fatisjied , Secondly , that Kings might be 
 better cowifeVed. In the fummonsof'E.dwdirdtheFirji (" clauC iii. 3 dorf. J) we 
 fee thefirji end of Parliaments exprefled : for he inferts in the terit , that vphatfoevtr af- 
 fair if of publicity concernment , ought to receive publick^approbation , quod omnes tan- 
 git , ab omnibus approbari debet or tradtari. And in the fame writ he faith , thii is 
 lex notillima & provida circumfpedtione ftabilita, there is not a word here but it is 
 obfervable , publick^ approbation , confent or treaty U neceffary in all publick^expedients 
 and this U not a meer ufage in England but a Lavf , and this Law is not fubjeci to any 
 doubt or dijpute, there if nothing more k^torvn , neither U this k>t ore n Law extorted from 
 Kings , by the violence and injitjiice of the people , it is duely and formally ejiablifh^t , 
 and that upon a great deal ofreafin, and not without the providence and circumf^edion of all 
 the States. JVere there no farther antiquity than the Reign of Edward the Firft to re- 
 commend this to us , certainly jo there ought to he no reverence withheld from it , for this 
 Frince was Wife^ Fortumte , Jujl and Valiant beyond all his Predecejfours, if not Suc- 
 cefiours alfo , and tlxrefore it if more Salary to our Freedoms that as weah^andpeevifh Prin- 
 ces have moft oppofed tbem , fo that he firft repaired the Breaches , which the conqueft had 
 made upon them. And yet is very probable , that this Law far ancienter than His Reign, 
 and the words Lex ftabilita &; notillima /ffrnj to intimate, that the Conqueft itfelfhad 
 never wholy buried this in the publick^ruin and confufwn of the State. Jtfhuuldfeem at 
 this time Llewellins troubles in Wales were not quite fupprefred , and the French King 
 was upon a defign to invade fome pieces of ours in France , and therefore he fends out his 
 fummons , ad tracftandum , ordinandum , faciendum , cum prxlatis proceris , & 
 aliis incoiis Regni , for the prevemion of thefe dangers. "Lhefe wards tradrandum , 
 ordinandum, faciendum , do fully prove that the people in thofe dayes were fummoned 
 ad confenfum as well iH confilium, and this Law qnod omnes tangit, &c. Jhews the 
 reafon and ground upon which that confent and approbation is founded. 
 ■ Anfw. The Obferver is juft like a Winter Brook , which fwells with water when 
 SeU. 15. there is no need , but in Summer when it (hould be ufeful , is drycd up ; for all 
 the abfurd Paradoxes which he brings in this Treatife , he produceth not one au- 
 thority but his owni and here to confirm a known truth which no man denies, 
 he cites Rolls and adorns them with his glolTes. For my part I know no man that 
 did envy or maligne the honour of Edward the Firft, except Johannes Major , who 
 was angry with him for his Northern cxptditlon^Edwardus Longfhanks cum longistibijs 
 fuis venit inScotiam. But what is this to your purpofe>yes, it makes for the glory of 
 om freedoms, that as wea\and peevifh Prinses oppofed them, fo he repaired the breaches of 
 tbem: How do you know that : by this fummons alfo ? I fee you are dexterous, and 
 can foon make an ell of an inch; but in truth you are very unfortunate in your in- 
 ftances, Edward the Firft was a much greater improver of the Royalty than any of 
 his Predeceffours , in which refped he is ftiled by our Chroniclers the firft Conquerer 
 after the Conquerer. That which was urged to his Father , was never that I read 
 of tendred to him , for the Parliament to have the nomination of the chief Juftice, 
 Chancellour , and Treafurer , but onely once in his whole time , and then being 
 
 reje-
 
 Dfs COURSE II. The Serpent Sal've^ t-^p 
 
 rejjftcd with a frown was never moved more. It is more probable , or rather ap- 
 parent , that the lenity, irrefolution , and mutable difpolition of Princes , have 
 been that which hath imboldencd Subjeds to make infolent and prefumptuous de- 
 mands to their Sovereign. 
 
 Thus for the Mjn , you arc as ample for the Law , that it is lex mtigima , and 
 not onely «flfi/}iff2j , hut (labilita. LzMy^ jiabilita provida circumjpeGiont. A trim 
 gradatipn , ^id tanto digmm feret Obfervator hiatit ? Who reads this , and believes 
 not that fome great mountain is travelling ? yet in very deed it is with nothing but 
 a ridiculous Moufe; pojiquam incmdmt pttgna ^ after the fray grows hot, diflies and 
 trenchers are turned to weapons , faid Erafmiu. Let your Law fpeak it felf , That 
 vohkh concerns all men , ouqIh to be approved or handled by all men. Who denies it r* I 
 iliall eafily grant you , that this Law is not onely ancienter than the firlt Edivard, 
 but even as ancient as the Hrll Adam^ a part of the Law of Nature , at leaft in the 
 grounds of it. But that you may not Ileal away in a mill: of Generalities , f as it 
 is your ufe ) one word of your tangh , another of your approbari dtbet. That rvhkh 
 concerns all men: Sir, all men may be faid to be concerned two ways, either in 
 the conftquents of affairs , or in the management thereof This later concernment 
 gives a right fometimes to counfei onely , fometimcs both to counfel 
 and approve , fometimes both to couniel , approve and ad according to 
 the private conllitutions of Societies , but the former implies no right , T\ti.- 
 thcT ad approbandum ^ not yet ad tradandum. As for example, the meancH: Frefh- 
 mcn are concerned in the Statutes and Orders of the Univerfity , yet are none ad- 
 mitted to debate them but the Vifiters , Heads , and at the loweft the Regent-Ma- 
 irers. And this exception holds in all cafes , where either Inferiours or their Pre- 
 deceffours have legally divefted themielves of this power by their proper a<5t , or 
 where this truft is committed to Superiours , by the Laws divine , natural or nati- 
 onal. 
 
 Secondly, the Counfel, Confent , or Adl of Prodors , Attorn ies, and gene- 
 rally of all Truftees , whether one or more, whether rightfully eledted or impo- 
 fed , according to the latitude of their truft ought to be interpreted as the Coun- 
 fel , Confent , Ad of thole perfons by whom , or over whom , or for whom 
 they are fo trufted , and whofe power virtually they do retain : So as a prefent 
 and poftcriour confent, is not necefTary to His Majefty , for the exercife of any 
 Branch of that Imperial power , which by Law or lawful Cufiom is annexed to 
 His Crown. And therefore Edrcard the Firft his Summons ad tradandum , ordi- 
 nandum , faciendum , which is the fame in eifed with all Summons fincc , will do 
 your caufe no good in the world , unlets you may have leave to do as the Devil 
 did with Chrift, leave out in vt'n tuis : fo you may put out in quibiifdam , and 
 thruit in place thereof in omnibw , as you do in the next page , Jn all things pertain- 
 ing to the people. Leave thefe frivolous thefe falfe fuggellions v your own Confci- 
 ence cannot but tell you , that reddendo fingula fnignlis , in fome things the Houfes 
 of Parliament have power to confent, in fome things to order, in fome things to 
 ad , but in all things they have neither power to ad, nor order , nor confent, and , 
 that will appear by your next Sedion. 
 
 Obferv. It k true ^ we find in the Keign of Edward the Third ^ that the Commons 
 did defxre that they might forbear counfelling in things ^ dequeux ils noun t pas cogni- 
 zance i the matters in debate rvere concerning fome interline commotions ^ the guarding of 
 the Marches of Scotland , and the Seas , and therein they renounce not their right of 
 confent, they onely excufe themfelves in point of counfel, referring it rather to the King 
 and his Council. Hove th'n (hall derogate jrom Parliaments , either in point of confent or 
 counfel , J do not kyiorv , for at lali they did give both , and the King would not be fa- 
 tiff ed without them. And the paffage evinces no more but thU , that the King was very 
 wife and warlike , and had a very wife Council of War , fo that in thnfe particulars , 
 the Commons thought them, moli fit to be confulted , af perhaps the more k^towiifg 
 men. 
 
 Anfw. This is the firft time that the Obferver is pleafed to honour his adverle Se£{. 16. 
 party, with the mention of one objedion , and that with fo ill fucccfs , that he 
 cannot unty the knot again with all his teeth. I will put it into form for him thusi 
 
 S ff That
 
 560 
 
 The Serpent Sal've- ' TOME il 
 
 "That which the Parliament in tlie Keign of Edward the Third had not , that no 
 fnccixdmo Parliament hath, but that Parliament had no univerfa! cognizance. 
 
 therefore fhcfameRuIe holds in this and all other Parliaments. The Propofition 
 ■ ■ falliblv true grounded upon an undeniable Maxim, that quod competh tali qua 
 ^taif competit emit tali , that which is true of one Parliament not by accident , but 
 cflentially as it is a Parliament , muft of necellity be true of every Parliament. The 
 AlTumption is as evident, confefTed by the Parliament it felf , who belt knew the 
 extent of their own power, that there was fome things of which ils nount fas cog-- 
 fiizaHce they had no cognizance. And if we will believe the Obferver, thefe 
 things which did not belong to their cognizance, were the appeafing fome intel^ine 
 or civil Commotions , and the guarding of the Seas and Marches : Why , thefe 
 are the very cafe now in queflion concerning the Militia. And doth a Parliament 
 here confefs , that they have no cognizance of thefe ? Yes : what faith the Obfer- 
 ver to this •• he faith , they do not renounce their right , but onely excufe them- 
 selves in point of Counfd: Moft abfurdly ,as if there were either confentor coun- 
 fel without cognizance. But he faith , they did give both confcnt and counfel , 
 and the King could not be fatiified mthout them. It may be fo , but there is a vaft 
 difference between giving counfel when the King licenleth , yea , and requireth it, 
 and intruding into counfel without calling : between an approbative confent, fuch 
 as the Saints give to God Almighty, the onely Authoritative Judge of Heaven and 
 Earth', and an adtive confent , without which the King's Hands fhould be fo tied, 
 that he could do jufl nothing. The former all good Kings do defire , fo far as the 
 exigence of the Service will give way to have their Counfels communicated : But 
 the later makes a great King a Cypher, and transforms an Emperour into a Chrif^- 
 mafs Lord. You tell us , that the King had a very tPtfe Council of War , and per- 
 haps more knowing in thefe things than the Commons. It were ftrange if they 
 fhould not be fb , if the Commons , who arc Grangers to the affairs and engage- 
 ments of State^ fhould underftand them better than thofc who have ferved fundry 
 Apprenticefhips in thzt wzy : qui pauca conftderat , facile pronunciat^ he that knows 
 not or regards not the circumfiances , gives fentence eafily , but for the mof^ part is 
 miilaken. Ignorance of the true fliate of things , begets jealotifies and fears where 
 there are no dangers i and confidence, where the peril is nearefl: it makes a Held 
 of thiftles an Army of pikes i and an Army of pikes a field of thirties. Let old 
 Statefmeu fit at the Helm fiill , and fteer the Ship of the Commonwealth , the 
 Commons are the befl Counfel in the World for redreding of Grievances , for ma- 
 king new Laws, for maintaining the publick Intereft of the Kingdom abroad, 
 and private Interefl of the Subjedt at home ; Let this be their Work and their Ho- 
 nour. 
 
 Obferv. Now upon a due comparing of thefe Tafiages , vfith fome of the Kings late 
 Tapers , let the world judge whether Parliaments have not been of late much kffened and 
 injured. Tlje King in one of his late Anfveers alledges, that h'vs Writs may teach the 
 Lords and Commons the extent of their Commiffion and "Iruji , which is to be Counfel- 
 lers , not Commanders , and that not in all things ^ but in quibufdam arduis i and the 
 cafe vf Went worth is cited, who was by ^een Elizabeth committed ( the Tarlia- 
 ment fitting ) for propofing that they might advife the ^een in fome things , which pe 
 thought beyond their cognizance , although Wentworth was then of the tJoufe of Com- 
 mons. And in other places, the King denies the Ajlemhly of the Lords and Commons , 
 to be rightly named a Parliament , or to have any power of any Court , and confequently 
 to be any thing hut a meer convention of private men. 
 
 Many things are here ajjerted, utterly dejiruSiive to the Honour, Right and Being of 
 Parliaments. Forfirji, becaufe the Law hath trujied the King with a prerogative to 
 difcontinue Parliaments, &c. 
 SeU. 17. Anfw. Having laid thefe former grounds , the Obferver proceeds to fome exce- 
 
 ptions, againft fome paflages in his Majef^ies Papers , (that's his phrafe ) as if they 
 were old Almanacks out of date , fit for nothing but to cover Muftard-pots, metu- 
 entia carmir.afcombros, aut thus. His firft exception is, that his Majcfiy is trufkd by 
 the Law , ( which the Obferver calls now a formality of Law , with a prerogative to 
 difcoiitinue Parliaments, leaving no remedy to the people in fuch a cafe, which he 
 
 faith
 
 Discourse II- The Serpent-Sahe. :-6i 
 
 iaith is dejint^iive to the Honaur , right and being of Farliamems , and may yet be mif- 
 chievous in the future dijJolutioH of them ^ and nuk^ our "Triennial Parliaments of little 
 fervice ^ if it be not exploded ma^. What is this to the Obfervers grounds of His 
 Majcliics Declaration .? This is rather an exception againrt the Law it felt' than the 
 King: So the Obfcrver and his Pew- fellows deal with Laws and Law-makers i 
 if they make for tlicm , fufpiciirnt ut Aquilof ^ they admire them as Eagles , if they 
 make againit them de^iciitnt tit graciths , they defpife them as daws , the fundamen- 
 tal conltitutions of the Kingdom , mult beltraight exploded , the Law is become a 
 Formality. Are you in earnelt Sir, that this is delkudive to Parliaments ? you 
 might have faid more truly the produftive cauie of all Parliaments , that ever were 
 in England , or of any AiTembly that had an Analogy with Parliaments. I took 
 you onely for a reformer of (bme abules newly crept in ; but it is plain , you intend 
 to be another Lycurgiu , toiilter the whole frame of Government. Truly Sir you 
 begin very high, and jump over the backs of a great many Generations at once : 
 doubtlefs you are either very wile, or have a great opinion of your own Wifdom. 
 But to the point, it is confefled that fometimes fome evils do flow from inconfide- 
 rate trult , but many more from needlefs jealoufie : incommuda nonfolvtint regidam, 
 inconveniences do not abrogate a Law. Reftraint commonly makes paliion more 
 violent. When you have done what you can, there muft be a truft either repo- 
 icd in one or many s and better in one than many. Do but look home a little, 
 without truft a man knows not his owu Father i without trull a man knows not 
 his ovvn Children. Some trull there muft be , and who fitter to be trulied than 
 he that hath the Supremacy of power : unlefs you will make two SupremeJ. You 
 confefs that Parliaments ought to be ufed as Phyfick , not as conflant diet. And 
 the Law hath now fet down a fair term for the continuance of an ordinary Parlia- 
 ment , unlefs you would be continually in a courfe of Phyfick. 
 
 The Second exception is , His Majelly declares , that the Parliament hath no 
 Univerfal power to advife in all things, but in quibufdam arditU , according to the 
 Writ , and cites the prefident o'i Wentreorth , a member of the Houfe of Commons 
 committed by Queen Elizabeth , ( the Parliament fitting , ) for propoling to advife 
 lier , in a matter (he thought they had nothing to do with. The Obferver magni- 
 fies Queen Elizabeth , for Her Goodnefs and Clemency , but whithal he adds 
 Bitt we mu(i not be pref dented in apparent violation of Lave by ^een Elizabeth. A 
 grave Hillorographer tells us ot a dole and dangerous kind of Enemies, taciturn 
 inimicornm genm , fuch as make a mans praifes an introduftion to their venemous 
 inved:ives , as if it were not malice but pure love of truth that even forced them 
 to fpeak fo much : fuch an one is a good man , but &c. So Queen Elizabeth was 
 a good Queen, but in this particular She played the Tyrant. To violate Laws, 
 to violate them apparently, therefore wilfully, to have no refpedf to the Houfe of 
 Commons ( whereof iVentvrorth was a member , ) was no ilgn of Grace and cle-' 
 mency. Certainly Queen Elizabeth ( a wife and merciful Princcfs, one that (b 
 much courted Her people ) would not have done it , but that She thought She 
 had jull grounds : or if She might ery in Her Judgement , yet She had as wife a 
 Council as any Prince in Europe , and a bufinefs of this confequence could not be 
 done without their advife , who doubtlefs were fome of them members of the fame 
 Houfe , or if both She and they fhould be miftaken , yet why were the Houfe of 
 Commons themfelves filent , whileft fuch a known priviledge was apparently in- 
 vaded'' why did they not at leall in an humble Petition reprefent this apparent vio- 
 lation of their liberties, that it might remain as a memorial to plead for them to Po- 
 ilerity, that they were not the betrayers of the Rights of Parliaments ? She that 
 was fo Gracious as the Obferver acknowledgeth , and whole goodnefs was fo per- 
 fed and undiffcmbled , could not choofe but take it well , and thank them for it. 
 Neither will it fufHce to fay She gained upon them by courtefie : fuch an apparent 
 violation, fo prejudicial to the Higheft Court of the Kingdom , pafTed over in 
 deep filencc , (hews as little courtclieon the one fide, as difcretion en ^he other. 
 In brief, as I cannot conceive that thefe words iu quibusdam arduif , are fo rcrtri- 
 dtive that the Houfe may confult of nothing but what fhall be propofed , or was 
 intended at the time of the fummons ; fb on the other fide I do not fee , howci- 
 
 Sff2 ther
 
 ,^ The Serpent-Sal've^ TOME 11* 
 
 ' ' ther tlK commilHon oT^^dbH^^i^^^ Cogd^ 
 
 1 irifdia-ion Queen Elizabeth declared Her felt ottner than once in this point i 
 "^ Her f ira Parliament ( when in reafon She (hould be moft tender ) to the Speaker 
 "id the Body of the Honle of Commons , out of their Loves humbly moving 
 Her to Marriage , She anfvvered that 5/'^ tfloJ;.it wZ/, becaufe it rvas vphlmtt Umitati- 
 cK of pi'i'-e or perfntt , if it had been othervoife , She mufi tweedy have mifliked it , and 
 thoLht it a great frejttm^tion^ for thnfe to tah^ upon them to bind and Itmit, whofe duties 
 
 The Third exception is , the King faith, they muft meerly Counfel and not com- 
 mand ( a ilrange charge if you mark it ) For it U impofible that the fame truii fhould 
 he irrevocably committed to the King and His Heirs for ever, and yet that very truH, and 
 a power above that trn(i be committed to others. The Obferver anfwers , Firft , ( little 
 to the purpofe ) that though there cannot be two Stipremes^yet the King is Univerfis mi- 
 nor hfl than the colkUive Body of HU Subjects, as we fee in all conditionate Princes, 
 fuchiu the Prince of Orange , &c. His Maxime that the King is ftngtUk Major , V- 
 niverfu Minor (except the King Himfelf be included in the Vniverfi) hath been 
 fliaken in pieces before. The Law is plain , the Kings moji Royal Majejiy of meer 
 26. H 8. 2o« droit and very right , is very Head, King , Lord and Kuler of this Realm. And doth 
 he now intend to include the King of England in His &c. among conditionate 
 Princes. Take heed Sir, this will prove a worfed^c. than that in the late Canons. 
 Secondly, He anfwers that though the Kings power be irrevocable, yet it is not 
 Univerfal, the people have referved fomething to themfelves out of Parliament , 
 and fomething in Parliament. It were to be wifhed that he would diftindly fet 
 down the particular refervations i a deceitful man walks in Generalities. Still the 
 Obferver dreams of Elcdtivc Kingdoms , where the people have made choice ei- 
 ther of a perfon or a family : To us it is nothing, they that give nothing can rc- 
 ferve nothing. Trufted and yet referved ? How the Obferver joyns Gryphins and 
 Horfcs together > if trurted how referved ? if referved how truflcd > but how 
 doth the Obferver prove cither his truft or refervation? nay it is a tacitetrufti in good 
 time, fo he proves his intention by a company of Dumb witneffes. In conclufion 
 his proof is , that it is a part of the Law of Nature. A trim Law of Nature in- 
 deed , which is diametraHy oppofite to the Law of God and of Nations. The 
 Obferver deals in this juft as if he had a Kinfman dyed teftate , and he ihould fue 
 for a part of his goods , and neither alledge the Will nor codicil, nor cuftome of 
 the Countrcy , but the Law of Nature onely for a legacy. 
 
 Next the Obferver raifeth a new Argument out of His Majefties words , a tem- 
 porary PoTcer ought not to he greater than that which is lajiing. This is Firlt to make 
 Dragons and then to kill them v or as boyes firft make bubbles in a fliell , and 
 then blow them away without difficulty. The finews and ftrength of His Majefties 
 argument did lye in the words to him and to his Heirs , and not in the word above: 
 but if he will put the word above to the tryal , if he reduce it into right form it is 
 above his anfwer. To give a power above His Majefty , fufficient to cenfure His 
 Majefiy , to a body diflblvable at his Majefties pleafure , is abfurd and ridiculous : 
 as if the King (hould delegate Judges , to examin and fentence the Obfervers 
 feditious paffages in this Treatife , and yet withal give power to the Obferver to 
 disjuflice them at his pleafure } in fuch a cafe he need not much fear the fentence. 
 The Obferver pleads two things in anfwer to his own fliadow. Firft , that then the 
 Romans had done unpolitickiy , to give greater power to a lemporaryViCiator than to 
 the ordinary Confuls. Secondly , that it was very profier bus to them fometimes to change 
 the form of Government , neither always living under eircumfcribed Confuls nor under un- 
 circ7tmfcrihed Vidators. We fee what his Teeth water at ; he would have His Ma jelly 
 a eircumfcribed Conful , and gain an Arbitrary Didtatorian Power to himfelfe and 
 fome other of his Friends. But in the meane time he forgets himfelfe very farre in his 
 Hiftory ; for rirft the power of the Didtator and of the Confuls was not confiftent to- 
 getheribut the power oftheKing and theParliamcntisconfiftent.Secondly the change 
 of Goverment was fo farre from being profperous to the Romans, that every change 
 brought that State even to Deaths door. To inftance onely in the expulfion of their 
 Kings as moft to the purpofe i how near was that City to utter ruine , which owes 
 
 its
 
 Discourse H. The Serpent=Sahe^ , 02 
 
 its fubliltance to the valour of a fiiigle man, Horatiiu Cocks : if he had not after 
 an incredible manner held a whole Army play upon a Bridge , they had payed for 
 their nevvfanglednefs, with the facking of their City. Thirdly, the choofing of 
 a Diftator was not a change of their Government , but a branch of it , a piece 
 refervcd for extremcll perils , their lafi anchor and refuge either againl^ forreign 
 Enemies , or the Domellick feditions of the Fatricii and Flebeii : and is fo far 
 from yielding an argument againft Kings , that in the judgement of that 
 politick Nation, it (hews the advantage of Monarchy above all other forms of 
 Government. 
 
 The Obferver ftill continues His Majefties Objedion , to make the Parliament 
 more than Counfellers , is to make them His Commanders and controllers. To 
 which he anfwers , To confait if more than to Counfel , and yet not altvays fo much ai 
 to command ^ for in infer iour Courts , the Judges are fo Counfellours for the Kina that 
 be may not counurmand their judgement , yet it rvere a harp thing to fay that therefore 
 they are his controllers , much more in Parliament , where the Lords and Commons repre- 
 jent the rvhole Kingdom. If there were no other Arguments to prove the Superiority 
 of Parliament above the other Courts than this, that it reprefents the Kingdom as 
 they do the King i it would get little advantage by it. 7o conjent is more than to 
 Counfel , and yet not always fo much as to command. True , not always , but to coun- 
 Icl fo as the party counfelled hath no liberty left of diiTenting , is always either as 
 much as to command or more: a man may command and go without ■■, but here is 
 onely advifc,and yet they muft not go without. What a ftir is here about confent? 
 If he underftand confent in no other notion than Laws and lawful Curtoms do al- 
 low i it is readily yielded, but makes nothing to his purpofe. One faid oi Arijiotle 
 that he writ waking , but Plato dreaming \ the one had his eyes open and conllder- 
 cd men as they were indeed , the other as he would have them to be: but if ever 
 man writ dreaming , it was this Obferver ? his notes may ferve rather for the Me- 
 ridian of New England than Old England , and of Eutopia rather than them both. 
 He calls the Judges the Kings Counfellors , as if they were notalfo his Delegates 
 Deputies , and Commillioners , what they do is in his name and his Adl : yet if 
 they fwerve from Juftice , he may grant a review and call them to account for any 
 mifdemeanour by them committed, in the exercife of their places i and this either 
 in Parliament or out ©f Parliament. But &ic inference hence, that becaufe the 
 Parliament may take an account of what is done by His Majelly in His Inferiour 
 Courts , therefore much more of what is done by him without the Authority of 
 any Court , feems very weak. It is one thing to take an account of Himfelf, another 
 to take an account of His Commillioners. His Majefty hath communicated a part of 
 his Judiciary power to hisjudges , but not the Flowers of his Crown, nor his in- 
 tire prerogative, whereof this is a principal part , to be free from all account in 
 point of Jurtice , except to God and his ownconfcience. 
 
 The laft Exception is , That the King makes the Parliament without his con- 
 lent , A live lefs convention without all virtue and porper ^ faying, th^t the very name 
 of Parliament is not due unto them. Which Allegation ( faith the Obferver ) at one 
 blow confounds all Parliaments , andfubjeVts its to as unhounden a 'Regiment of the Kings 
 meer Will , as any Nation under Heaven ever fuffered under. For by the jame reafon 
 that the Kings defertion of them mak^s Parliaments virtulefs and void Courts , He may 
 mak£ other Courts void likewife. Here is a great cry for a little Wool! : If he proves 
 not what he aims at, yet one thing he proves fufticiently , that himfelf is one of the 
 greatcft Calumniators in the World , in fuch grofs manner to Jlander the foot-iieps 
 ot" God's Anointed , Agnofcas primogtnitum Sathanx. Where did ever the King fay, 
 that Parliaments without his prefence are virtulefs and void- Courts ? but he deni- 
 eth them the name of Parliaments , which is all one: yes , if a Goofe and a Fea- 
 ther be all one. The name Parliament with us, ilgnifies moft properly the Parly 
 of the King and his People : In a fecondary fenfe it figniiies a Parly of the Subjeds 
 among themlelves i neither of thefe virtulefs , but the one more vigorous than the 
 other. So the Body is fometimes contradil^inguiflied to the Soul , and includes 
 both head and members , fometimes it is contradiftinguiOied to the head , and in- 
 cludes the members onely. It is one thing to be a true Parliament , and another 
 
 ta
 
 S<^4 
 
 The Serpent-Sahe. TOME 1 [ ■ 
 
 —TTT^-oinplcat Parliament, complcat to all intents and purpofes , and particu- 
 br V in rcfpcd of the Lcgiilative power. In this later .fenfe onely his Majelly de- 
 it and in this fcnle the Obferver dares not aftirm it. To dilpute about the 
 n'lmc is a mcer Logomachy , and from the name to infer this heighth of power , is 
 a trirtiiic Hoiw>!ymy. But the Obferver will cither be C£far or no body -, either all 
 power or no power : jnft like a little Child , who if he wants fome one thing he 
 dciircs' throws away all he hath, and tails a crying. To his fear of his MajelHes 
 dcferting his other Courts , he may as well fear his deferting of himfelf. This may 
 iio amongd the reit of his improbable poilibilities , which never were , never will 
 be deduced into Ad. If he will admit no Inllitution which is fubjed to any abufe, 
 he murt feek for prefidents in the new World of the Moon. 
 
 Here he takes occafion to declaim againft our new Mafters of Divifion , whofe 
 Founder is A/jc/>/^i'f/ i their rule, Divide & impera ■■, their rirft eredion was iince 
 ihefhird pf NiivembenS^o. His Majelty is the Principal of the Colledgc, rvhoje 
 Taper s (' faith the Obferver ) are fraigbted fcarce veith any thing elfe , but fmh dodrine 
 of Vivifr'n ■, teiidinir to the fubverfion of oiir Fundamental Conjiitutions ^ yet find Juch 
 applaufe in the rvorld. His plea againrt them confifls of a Fourfold charge : Firft , 
 They have divided between the King and the Parliament. Secondly, Betwixt 
 the Parliament and the Kingdom , withdrawing thcmfelves from their reprefenta- 
 tivesi \et there is nothing Wider Heaven ( if we may trufl him) next to the renottn- 
 cjfirr of "God , can be more perfidioui and more pernicioui to the people than this. Third- 
 ly , By dividing between the Parliament , and a pare of the Parliament. And 
 fourthly , In the major part , between a Fadion mifleading , and a party tniflcd. 
 who reads this , and would not take the Obferver for another Caleb or Conft amine 
 for peace-making, whereas in truth all this is but a perfonated paflage of Demetri- 
 us, or one of his Craftfmen , railing againft the Town-Clerk of Ephefuf , as a 
 Ringleader of Divifion, and a Dilturber of them in their fervice to Diana, the 
 Idol of their own brains , and an hinderer of them in doing God's own Work , 
 that is , fliedding the blood of the ungodly Apoilles , and is done with the very 
 fame grace that Athaliah cried out, "freafon, Ireafon. 
 
 Sic oculos , fie iHa manw , fie or a ferebat. 
 
 He is ever fnarling at his Majefiics Papers , and I do not much blame him : for 
 ^yhcre thefe Fapers have had free pafTage, they have fwayeddown the fcale of mens 
 Judgments with the weight of unanfwerable reafon , that this Obferver , and all 
 his Fellows , may compare their Notes , and put their hands , and heads , and 
 ftioulders , and all together , and never be able to lift it up again to an xquilibri- 
 imi. If they could have purchafed every 'Paper of them at the fame price that the 
 Komans gave for the Sibylls Books, it would have been well beftovved for their 
 caufe , to have them fupprelTed. I plead not forMafters of Divifion, God's abo- 
 mination , the Devils Fadors, the bain of the Commonwealth v Da unum & habe- 
 bU populum •, toVe unum , & hahebis turbam. It was not fhilip , but the diflentions 
 oi Athens , thebes , Sparta , that deftroyed Greece. It was not Scipio^ but the Fa- 
 dions odiannibal and Hanno that deftroyed Carthage : We have had too many 
 fuch Mafters of Divifion indeed. Our Schifms in the Church proclaim it, the 
 Queftion is not now of round , or fquare, or black , or white , or fitting, or 
 kneeling i our burying and marrying , our chriftening, our communicating are all 
 qucftioned , our Churches , our holy Orders , our publick Liturgy , the Lords 
 Prayer, the Creed , our Scriptures , the Godhead of Chrift, the Dodrine of the 
 Trinity , all our Fundamentals are queftioned. It is not Twins , but Litters of 
 Hereticks that ftruggle in the womb of the Church", Difciplinarians, Independents, 
 Brownills, Anabaptifls , Familifts , Socinians, &'c. 
 
 — pndet h£c opprohria nobis, 
 Et did potuijfe , & non potuifie refelli. 
 
 Our Sedition in the State proclaims it , whileft fome are for the King , fomc 
 
 tor
 
 Discourse 1 1. The Serpent-Sal've. c>^^ 
 
 for the Parliament , fome for the Law, feme for Arbitrary Government "(bole 
 for a Monarchy, fome for Democracy. The Superiority of the King or Parha- 
 ment is queftioned , the King's negative Voice is queftioned, the right of the A7i/i- 
 w^isqueitioned, the Priviledges ot Parliament » the Liberty of the Subjed eve- 
 ry thing is queftioned. Thus to ufe the Obferver's words, Thofe rocky i" uundationi 
 are raz^d , upon which th'n State hath been jo happily fettled^ for fo many ages norv paji 
 the pillars of Law and Policy (and Religion) are tak^n away, and the State ' and 
 Church ) fe% upon a new Bafis : each day produceth new opinions, new preiidents 
 new quettions, and woe be to thoie men who are not onely occaiionally , but in- 
 tentionally the Authours of thefe Divifions: they are guilty before God of' all that 
 blood , which is poured out like water upon the face of the Earth of all that 
 Spoil which is committed : better were it for them that a Mill-fione were hanc^ed 
 about their necks, and they caft into the bottome of the Sea. How deep the Ob- 
 ferver's (hare is herein, I leave it to his own confcience. This is certain a man 
 may keep his Pofleffion by force , but he that fliall go about to thruft another out 
 of his lawful Poflellion , is the true Authour of the tumult , and whatfoever he 
 fuffers , he can blame no man but himfclf. 
 
 Now to your Four Charges : Firft , Who divided the King and Parliarhenf. 
 There may be a Query of others ,but it is beyond all queftion,that thofe bafe tumults 
 and diforders at IFejiminJier ^ znd upon the Thames , tending to the danger of his 
 Maiefties Perfon , but much more as they were unfufferable affronts to Sacred Ma- 
 jciiy , and all thofe who are accelTary to them , as Contrivers , Fomenters , or 
 Connivers, are the principal Grounds of this curfed Divifion : they that make 
 Two Supremes coordinate one with another , make a Divifion with a witnefs. 
 Next , for your feparation between the Parliament and the Kingdom. Firft ' 
 Your mouth runs over extremely, vs^hen you call it the moft pernicious thin» that 
 can be , next to the renouncing God i we have ftri<3:er obligations to othcrs°than 
 to our Prodors. Secondly To regulate their truft , according to their firft 'inten-' 
 tions and former prefidents, is not to withdraw reprefentation : if it were who 
 taught it them , but thofe who firft pracftifed the fame to their King > But that you 
 piay clearly difcern who are the Authours of this feparation , hear a near Friend 
 of yours in his plain 'Engltp , or rather plain fedition : thus he , if ever the Parlia- 
 ment Jhould agree to the makjng up of an unfafe iinfatUfyins^ accommodation this roill 
 beget a new ^ueftion , whether in cafe the reprefentative Budy cannot or will not dif- 
 charge their truji , to the fatisfaUion not of fancy , hut of reapm in the people they 
 may refume if ever yet they parted with a power to their mantfejl undoing , and ufe their 
 power fo far as conduceth to their fafety? You (ee the high and ultimate Judicature is 
 neither now the King's , nor the Parliament's. Your third divifion is betvveen the 
 Parliament, and a part of it. Of this charge they are guilty , who made the di- 
 ftin(ftion of good and bad Lords i of well-affeded :md ill-affeded Memljcrs. The 
 Votes of Abfentees doubtlefs by the Law of Nations, devolve to thofe that are 
 prefent: but if the place of the AlTembly be not free, if the abfence be necellitated 
 by unjuft force or juft fear , the cafe is other wife. Your fourth Divifion is be- 
 tween the major part milled , and a Fadlion in the mJj,^r part mifleading. I won- 
 der you Ihould think this fo impoffible. Near inftances may be dangerous 5 let us 
 look upon the great Council of Ariminum , the Qucftion was of no lets confe- 
 quence tlian the Deity of Chrift, the major part of the Council voted for the Ar- 
 rians , and in the major part, the mifleading fadrion were but few, the well-mean- 
 ing party were far the more , but mifled by the fubtile manner of propofing tlie 
 Queftion, Whether they would have Chrift or Homooufos ? which neither being 
 difculTed or underftood as it ought to have been , they voted wrong, and repented 
 at leifure. 
 
 In the laft place , you diftinguifli between deferting and being deferted •, Jfths 
 Wife leaves her Hufband* t bed , and becomes an Adiiltrefs ^ ''tis good reafon fhe If her 
 dowry : but if her Husband caujlefly rejeU her , it is inju'.iice (he Jhould fnifer a-ty detri- 
 ment. Your cafe is true as you propofe iti but fuppofe the Aduitrefs flioald ftay 
 at home , and outbrave her hufband , or by her power in the Family, thriift him 
 good man out of doors; fuppofe (he fhould refu(e to cohabit with him , except 
 
 flis
 
 iy66 
 
 The Serpent. Sahc. T O M E 1 1 
 
 "iiTi^v be Mifter, and do what the will without controllment , and forget her 
 Matrimonial Vow of obedience. This alters the cafe. 
 
 Obferv Notp of that Right , which the Parliamem may do the King by Comifsl , if 
 the Kim could be more tvifely or faithfully advifed by any other Conrt , or if hit fmole 
 ■ d mcnt rvere to befrtferred before aH advice tvhatfoever , it vcere not onely vain , hut 
 ^cxnemely inconvenient , that the whole Kingdom Jhould be troubled to mak^ Ehdions, 
 and that the parlies eleded Jhould attend the publick^bufmejs. 
 
 ' Anftv. We have had both Counfcl and Confenc before , but now we muft have 
 S(U. i8. them again. The Queflions raifcd by the Obferver are of fuch an odious nature , 
 that no good Subjcdt can take delight in them , whofe duty is to pray for the like 
 confcnt among the fevcral orders of this Kingdom , that is fuppofed to be among 
 the fevcral orbs of Heaven. His Majefty is undoubtedly the frimum mobiley(v/hzt- 
 Ibevcr the Obfcrver in fundry parts of this Treatife prattles to the contrary, ) The 
 Two Houfcs of Parliament , the Great and Privy Council , are the lower Spheres, 
 which by their tranfverfe , yet vincible motions, ought to allay the violence of the 
 Iiighclt orb for the good and prefervation of the Univerfc. Where there are no 
 fuch iielps and means of temper and moderation, there Liberty is in danger to be 
 often trodden under foot by Tyranny. And where thefe adjuments , by the un- 
 skilfulnefs or finifkr ends of fome young or ambitious Fhaetons , become impedi- 
 ments , by a ftiffe , froward and unfeafonable oppofition , inftead of a gentle , 
 vincible reludlation , it fets the whole Body politick in a miferablecombuftion, as 
 daily experience fliews. But I muft trace the Obferver. The Calling of Parlia- 
 ments is not vain and inconvenient , but his inference is vain and inconfequenti there 
 are other ends of Parliaments betides Counfel , as confenting to new Laws, fur- 
 nifliing the Publick with Money (the nerves and finews of great adtions ) maintai- 
 ning the interelt of the Kingdom , and Liberty of the Subjedt. From removing 
 one (bcial end to infer , that an adVion is fuperfluous , deferves no Anfwer but fi- 
 lence and contempt. 
 
 Secondly , even in point of advice , there is more required in a good Counfellor 
 than natural wifedom and fidelity ■-, our fancies are not determined by Nature to 
 every thing that is fit for us , as in Birds and Beads , but we muft ferve Appren- 
 ticefliips to enable us to ferve one another. There is a thing called experience, of 
 high concernment in the Managery of publick Affairs. He that will Itcer one 
 Kingdom right, muft know the right Conftitution of all others, their ftrength, 
 their affedions , their counfels and refolutions , that upon each different face of the 
 Sky, he may alter his rudder. The beft Governments have more Councils than 
 one, one for the publick intereft of the Kingdom , another for the affairs of State: 
 a Council for War . and a Council for Peace v and it were ftrange if it were not 
 as requifite to have a Council for the Church. Every man deferves truft in his own 
 Profcllion, many are fitteft for refolving , few for managing. The exigence of 
 things require , fometimes fecrecy , fometimes fpeed. We fee the Houfe of Com- 
 mons , though they be but deputed by the people ( and a Delegate cannot make a 
 Delegate , where their right is in confidence rather than in intereft ) yet they have 
 their Committees, and a Council in a Council. Neither are all Parliaments of 
 the fame temper , if we may believe Sir Henry Wotton ( one that was no Fool , ) 
 thus he , In the Eighteenth of King James , many young ones 'being chnfen into the 
 Jioitfe of Commons , more then had been ufual in great Councils ( who though of the 
 n-eak^l wings , are the higheft flyers , ) there arofe a certain unfortunate , unfruitful 
 Sprit in fume places^ not forcing but picking at every ftone in the Field ^ rather than ten- 
 ding to the general Harveft. 
 
 Thirdly , Let them be as wife and as faithful Counfellers as the Obferver plea- 
 feth , onely let them be but Counfellers. Let their Conclufions have as much cre- 
 dit as the premifes deferve , and if they can neceffitate the Prince to affent by 
 weight of reafon , and convincing evidence of expedience , let them do it on 
 God s Name , necejfe eji ^ m lancem in libra ponderibuf impofitii deprimi ^ fic animnm 
 per^icuis cedere. But I hope they will never defire to do it out of the anthority of 
 their Votes , or obtrude a conclufion on his Majefty , before he underftands how 
 it is grounded upon the premifes This feems to be the fame , which the Difci- 
 
 plina-
 
 Discourse II. The Serpef7tSahe* ,^^7 
 
 plinarians would iinpofc upon the King in the Government of the Church , to 
 be the executor of their decrees : his refped to their judgement ought to make 
 him tender in denying , but infers no neceliity of granthng. 
 
 Fourthly , I wonder the Obfcrver is not aflun^ed to tell of His Majefties prefer- 
 'ring his finglc judgement before all advife whatfoevcr, when the Obferver chargeth 
 him with following the advife of his Cabinet Council , when he hath his Privy 
 Council withhim^ when in the Great Council, if they might meet freely, he belecves 
 that two third partrs approve of his doings. Are the moft part of the Nobility and 
 Gentry of this Kingdom , no Body ? Are the flower of the Clergy and Univerfi- 
 ties , no Body i* are fo many grave and folid Lawyers , no Body ? So many of the 
 Loyal Commons , no Body ? Sir, you do fee, and you will fee daily more, that 
 His Majefty is not fingle in His Courfe. 
 
 Laftly, It is the part of good Counfellers , to preient their whole advife toge- 
 ther , what they defire to remove , and what they defire to introduce i as well 
 what they defire to build up , as what they defire to pull down. So the Obferver 
 himfelf pleadeth in another cafe, before toe demolish old Jiruciures , rve ought to be ad- pj^a obfervai 
 t'ifid of the fajhion of fterv. His Majelly hath required one intire full view of their ;ia^. j. 
 demands, that he might judge more perfedly what to aflent to , arid what to ad- 
 vife farther upon. This is a fure way not to be over-reached , not to cut down an 
 old tree, before there be a new one ready to be planted in its place , many men 
 will agree in the deftrudtive, which will never agree in the conftrudlive part. The 
 old Senators firit of Capua and after of Florence , found this to be true by experi- 
 ence ■> the people did not agree fo well in taking them away , but they difagreed 
 ten times as much in the choife of new : and they that were voted down whileft 
 they looked upon them pofitively , were voted to ftand when they looked upon 
 them comparatively , they were not fo worthy as they defired , but much more 
 worthy then thofe that fhould be_fubintroduced. Toinftancein the cafe of the 
 Church : there are many Schifmatical faftions at this day , never an one of thefe 
 can have their own ends , except the prefent Government be taken away, fo far 
 they agree: yet if it (hould be taken away , not one of fix fhould have his own 
 ends •, here of neceliity they muft fall in pieces , and in probability will cry out 
 with the CapManr and Florentines , "the old vs the better of the ttoo. If every mans 
 fingle fuffrage were afcertained to his proper objed , as it is in the eleftion of out 
 Knights and BurgefTesi we fliould foonfee who would have moft voices ; and per- 
 haps the old C in a free meeting ) might have more than all the new put together. 
 
 Obferv. But little need to be faid ^ J think^every mans heart tells him, that in publick^ 
 confuhations ^ the many eyes of fo many choife Gentlemen of all parts fee more than 
 feveer. 
 
 Anfrv. Tis not fufficient for an advifer to fee , unlefs he can let another fee by •^^"' ^9- 
 rhe light of rcafon. A man ought not implicitly to ground his adions upon the 
 authority of other Mens eyes, whether many or few, but of his own. Many fee more 
 thenferv\ True c£teris paribus, if all things be alike: Or other wife one Phyfician may (ee 
 more into the rtate of a Mans Body than many Empericks, one experienced Com- 
 mander may know more in military affairs ^ than ten frefh-water Souldiers , and 
 one old States-man in his own element is worth many new praditioners , one man 
 upon an hill may fee more than an hundred in a Valley. But yet it all things be a- * 
 like , you will fay many eyes fee more than one ? They do fo commonly , but not al- 
 ways : one Paphnutiuf did fee more in the Council of Nice, than many greater 
 Clerks. How often have you feen one or two Men in the Parliament change the 
 votes of the Houfe ? certainly the eyes of fo many choife Gentlemen fee the 
 grievances of the Kingdom , better than any other Council ■, That is their pro- 
 per objecS". 
 
 Obferv. Andthe great intereji the Parliament has in common J itjUce and tranquillity , 
 and the few private ends they can have to deprave them , mujl needs render ihtir Coitnfel 
 more faithful! , impartial , and Religious than any other. 
 
 Anfrv. The interelt is the Kingdoms- and each Subjedts i To be Parliament men 
 adds to their trult, not to their interefl;. The Obfervers grounds are prefumptuous, SeU. lo* 
 and tend onely to beget an implicit confidence ; what mens private ends are , is 
 
 T 1 1 not
 
 "^58 "^ Jhe Serp^ n^Sal've- T O iM E a I 
 
 Tot known to us but to God above. This wc know, tnat good ends cannot 
 luftifie bad ineans , nor bad adtions. Men may have good ends , and yet be led 
 hoodwinked by others, whofe ends are worfe : and private ends will fteal upon well 
 affcded men. Difcontent works llrongly upon fome , vain glory upon others : 
 delinquents may aim at their own impunity , and timorous perfons at private fecu- 
 ritv. But th»s is to be left to God, that is the fearcher of hearts. 
 
 Obferv. Ihat difliki rehicb the Court has ever conceived agaiMJl Parliaments, without 
 dilpute is a Pregnant proof of the integrity and Jalubrity of publick^advife ^ and is mo di- 
 fparagement thereof, for vee have ever found enmity and antipathy hetrvixt the Court and 
 
 the Countrey. 
 
 Aiiffv. If- you make a ftrift furvey , of the Parliaments party , I believe you 
 Se&. 21. ^^.jj ^^j ^g many Courtiers as Countreymen C proportion for proportion. } To fee 
 the Revenues of the Crown be not diminiflied by needlefs profuiion , to fee His 
 Majefty be not prejudiced in the accounts of his Officers , to take away Monopo- 
 lies , and the like , are the proper Works of Parliaments , and in probability can- 
 not be fo pleafing to fome Courtiers : but this is far from a fancied omnipotence. 
 Here he falls into his old complai'nt of the Peoples not adhering to the Parliament, 
 but we have had this difh oft enough upon the Table. 
 
 Obfcrv. Jhe King fays, Tis improbable and impollible that His Cabinet Coun- 
 fellers , or His Bilhops , or Souldiers , who mufl have fo great a fhare in the mife- 
 - ry , fliould take fuch painesin the procuring thereof, and fpend fo much time, and 
 run fo many hazards, to make themfelves (laves and to ruin the freedom of this 
 Nation. Horv Jirange is this? we have had almojl Forty Tears experience, that the 
 Courtrvay of perfernient , has been by doing publick^iV Offices , and ree can nominate what 
 DukiS , what Earles , what Lords , what Knights , have been made great and rich by 
 hafe differvices to the State, and except Mr, Hollis his rich widdorv , I never heard 
 that promotion came to any man by ferving in Parliament , but I have heard of trouble 
 and imprifonment : but now fee the Traverfe of Fir tune •■, the Court is now turned hontjl 
 tnd there is no fear now, but that a few Hypocrites in Parliament will beguile the Major 
 part. And pag. 23. The whole Kingdom is not to be maftered againjl confent by the "train 
 Bands , nor the "train Bands by the Lords or Deputy Lieutenants, nor they by the Major 
 part in Parliament , nor the Major part in Parliament by Jh^ow not w/^^?* Septemvirat. 
 there is fome myjiery in this whieh feems yet above , if not contrary to nature, but futce 
 the King hath promifed to open it , we will Jujf end our opinion and expeS it as the final 
 ijfue of aVour dilutes. And page 22. We are mw at laji fallen npon an iffuefit to 
 put an end to all other inveQives whatfoever , let its (}ickj:lefe to it. the King promifeth 
 very fhntly a full and fatisfaUory narration ofthofefew perfons in Parliament, whnfe defign 
 is, and always was, to alter the whole fiame of Government both in Church and State , 
 and Subjeli both King and People to their own arbitrary power and Government i a little 
 of this Logichjs better than a great deal of B.hetoric}\, as the cafe now jlands. If the 
 King wiVpleafe now to puhlifl} the particular crimes of fuch as he hath formerly impeach- 
 ed of 7reafon , and the particular names of fuch as now he fets forth in thnft charaUers 
 & will therein refer himfelfto theiirength of his proofs , and evidences of his matter , it 
 is impojfible that any jealoufie can cloud his integrity , or check^his power any longer. Et 
 eadem pagina. By the performance of this promife , he (hall not onely do right to himfelf 
 but alfo to the whole Kingdom , for the difiraSied multitude being at laji by this means 
 undeceived, jhall projirate themfelves and all their power prefentlyat his feet, 
 SeSf, 22. ^ufw. There is no dealing with the Obferver without a Notary publick and 
 
 good fiore of Witneffes. the King fays , So he : the Contrivers of the Declaration 
 fay , fo the King. It is nothing to miftake an Objcdion for a polition : but it is 
 fomething more to thruft in Cabinet Counfellers , Bilhops and Souldiers i though I 
 fuppofe never an one of thefe will love their profeilion the worfe for a dafli of his 
 tongue or pen. Are there none for the King but thofe whom he terms in difgrace 
 Cabinet Counfellers , Bijhops , and Souldiers ? he will find many as eminent for piety, 
 virtue, wifedom. Courage, Nobility, Eftate, as our En/# World affords, fuch 
 as want no Titles, no means that the Condition of a Subjed is capable of: or if 
 they did , need not make ufe of fuch oyly ways to flip into perfcrmcnt. Ad- 
 niit fome few have raifed themfelves by finifter courfes , what are they in 
 
 com-
 
 Discourse II. T/je Serpent^Sahe, 
 
 comparifon of fuch a cloud of Worthies , but as the gleanings to the vin- 
 tage? ^ 
 
 apparent rati nantes in gttrgite vafto. 
 
 He faith he can name Dukes , and Earles , and Lords , and Knightsi if he can, 
 let him look where he hods them now j they that can (erve the time dexteroufly 
 will apply themfelves to one as well as another. I am not Co wilfully blind as not 
 to fee that fome have ingratiated themfelves by diffembled goodnefs , or by fuch 
 fervices as are not warrantable by Law , though then they were juftified by thepro- 
 feiTors of the Law: much lefsam I fo childifhly credulous,to believe all thofc hideous 
 lies , which envy or (elf-love hath cart upon favorites or publick Minifters of State. 
 Now to let us fee he can (hoot (hort as well as over , he tells us that he never heard 
 that promotion came to any man byferving in Parliament. If he did not it is becaufe 
 he hath (topped his ears and hoodwinked his eyes when he looked th^t way: other- 
 wife he might have (een both in this Parliament and former I>arliaments within for- 
 ty years , Honours, Offices, andEfiates, gained either by fervice in Parliament , 
 or dilTervice , or both i though I do not love to particularife as the Obferver doth! 
 Some mens advancements do (hew it is a good way to get perferment , to put tne 
 King to a necellity of granting. Good Woodmen (ay that fome have ufed Deer- 
 ftealing as an introdudion to a Keepers place , and I have feen a Non-Conformiils 
 mouth (lopped with a good benefice , as if he did but (hew them before that if he 
 were not fatished he could gape oi wide as his Neighbours. 
 
 Next , he makes it near a Prodigy , a myjiery above, if not contrary to, nature , that 
 a few Hypocrites (hould beguile the Parliament , or the Major part be maliered by a 
 Septemvirate. I will not argue with the Ob(erver utrum fit whether it be fp ; my 
 reverence to the Great Council of the Kingdom pulls me by the ear : but utrum 
 pojjit whether it tnay be fo. Then for the prefent we will change the Scene to Greece 
 or Italy, And I wonder why theT)bferver Ihould think it (b Ikange that a few 
 (hould have aniniluence upon many , or that affedions and palhons , love, hatred, 
 fear , hope , grief, &c. (hould betray mens judgements. Let him perufe all Hi- 
 ftories , and take a view of all free States and Senates, as Kome , Areopagus , Del- 
 phns , &c. Confular, Tribunitian , Pretorian , &c. of all kinds; and he (hall 
 find fiding, and fadtion, and packing, and conniving, and an implicit dcpendance 
 of many followers upon few leaders. He may be pleafed to remember the bragg 
 of an Atlxnian boy , that his Father ruled all Athens , his Mother ruled his Father, 
 and he ruled his Mother. There are many dames in the World that would think 
 much not to have as great an influence either upon their Husbands or the State, 
 as Madam 7hemijiocles had. Even fay Sir , do you think that private quarrels and 
 ijie memory of former fufferings did never work upon any man? that difcontent 
 and ervy at other mens preferment , ( whom they conceived to be lefs defcrving 
 than themfelves ) did never tranfport fome others farther than the bias of judge- 
 ment did draw them ? That fear of the lafh and a defire to fecure themfelves, hath 
 never forced any men to perfonatc a part from the teeth outwards ? That great Of- 
 fices and Honours have never been a pearle in any mens eyes, to hinder their llpht 
 ( though like lapwings they made lealt noiTe when they were neareh their nefts ? ), 
 That others have never been like Organ pipes to whom the wind of popular ap- 
 plaufe hath onely given a found ? h it never pollible for a party who have premedi- 
 tated their parts , and before their defign be difcovered , to exclude or vote out 
 thofe whom they^conceive to be their oppofites , upon fome pretences or others 
 f fuppofe of an unlawful eledtion , or being Monopolifts or the like?) I fay nothing 
 of the bewitching power of Oratory , nor of that (heepifh humour of following 
 the Drove , ^or of the vehement imprellion that fancied dangers make in fome men^ 
 as of him that dyed in an innocent Bath, when the By-(landers onely told him , 
 that his hearts blood was coraming out now. But you may fay thefe will never 
 hold on to the journeys end:thongh we often fee that when men are too far ingaged, 
 have palTed the Waters of Kubicon and cannot retire with fafcty , they grow de- 
 fpcrate and run headlong upon the mouth of the Cannon: yet confidering the 
 
 T 1 1 2 Gra= 
 
 5^9
 
 '570 
 
 7hs Serpent- Sahe. TOME If . 
 
 ■7^-^,0 I.Cnnllfion ot ciir Dread Sovereign, vvnofc joy it is, as it was his Savi- 
 Graeious f P^ f " °; 'hat was loft, I do verily believe they will not hold on to 
 T\ V'° 1 r I why nfould they lo(e themfelves to be laught at for their labour, by 
 I '^ rhTthnd other ends than they? But yet till this departure be , they make one 
 T liblv when the Body Natural is infelted with contrary diftempers , that 
 ^ h 1 7s ufed as a good Cure tor the one , may be poifon to the other : So in the 
 P c'lVpolitick , they who are aptly chofen for the remedy of one Grievance, fup- 
 fe the violation ot Liberty, may be moft unlit, and never would have been cho- 
 fen for the fcttlemcnt of Religion. In futnme, the Obferver's Argument may be 
 thus paralleli'd , It is not difcernable how the whole City and State of Jthens could 
 be malleredby a Militia^ confiding but of Three thoufand ; or thofe Tiiree thou- 
 fand by the major part of Thirty Tyrants v or the major part of Thirty by Cmiai , 
 and one or two more : or thus , It is not difcernable , how the World fhould be 
 maftercd by hcly , or Italy by Kome , or Rome by I know not what Irittmvirate. 
 A very poor Mercury may reconcile the Obferver's under}} anding in thU , if he be plea- 
 fcd. A Trained Band of Eighty or an Hundred thoufand Fighting men , well 
 armed well exercifed , are able to malkr a greater Kingdom than England : Ar- 
 mies are not fo (bon raifed , armed, difciplined: he that is ready for the Field, 
 may eafily fupprefs another upon his Hrft motion, or but oifering to liir. It is as 
 ealic to conceive how the Trayn-bands may be at the difpofition of their Comman- 
 ders who'pay diem , reward them , punilh them : and ir*is certain, that they 
 who'have the naming of them, will cliufe fnch as they may confide in. The Ob- 
 (erver talks much of Nature, what Arms hath Nature given but teeth and nails? 
 thefe wjU do little fervice at puQi of Pike , or againft a Volly of Mufkets. 
 
 This brings us to the iffue which is propounded by the Obferver , and is acce- 
 pted by his Majeity , which may put an end to all other inveSives : God grant it may 
 prove true , we fee no figns of it yet. The Obferver faith , Let ufjiicl{, clofe to it -, 
 and I fay , he that ftarts from it , let him be reputed guilty of all the innocent 
 blood that is {bed. He adds , which tviU bring the dijiraUted multitude to projirate 
 themjelves at his Majeftics feet. Alas the countenance is not always to be credited , 
 but fpeech is the Arch-deceiver. If this be not a vain flourifh , an empty aiery 
 offer, but meant in good earnelt, there is hope wc may be happy. His Majefty 
 hath Vatisfied this demand long fince , by ihis Declaration of the 12. of Jugtifi, 
 1642. and yet we find not thefe fruits here promifed with fo much confidence ; he 
 that naiTied the parties , he hath fpeciried the crimes. Take the accufation in his 
 own words, i. Of entring into a jolemn combination for altering of the Government of 
 Church and State. 2. Ofdefgning Offices to themfelves and other men. 3. Of folli- 
 citing and drawing down the Tumults to Weflminfter. 4. Of bidding the people in the 
 heighth of their rage and fury go to Whitehall. 5. Of their fcornful and odious mention 
 of hU Majfjiies Terfon. 6. Of a deftgn to get the Vrince into their hands. 'j.Oftreat- 
 ingwith F orreign power to a0 them. He is willing alfo to refer himfelf to the 
 ftrength of his proofs , and evidence of the matter , which is all the Obferver de- 
 fires- Hear him for that alfo , We defire that the L. K. M. H. M. P. M. H. Sir 
 A. H. M. St. M. M. Sir H. L. A. P. and C. V. may be delivered into the hands of 
 Juihce^ to be tryed by their Veers ^ according to the kitown Larv of the Lavd. Jf we 
 do not ^rove them guilty of High 'Ireafon , they will be acquitted , and their innocence 
 will jujily triumph over us. Now if they defire to (hew themfelves great Patriots 
 and Lovers of their Countrey indeed , here is a fair opportunity offered , if they 
 have as much courage as Codrus had , to leap into the gaping gulf of Divifion , 
 and to reduce the Kingdom to its former continuity and unity , if they dare truft 
 to the Touchftone of Jui^icc ■■, and if the Bird in their breaft fing fweetly to them, 
 that they are innocent , here is a courfe provided , whereby they may vindicate 
 their good names , and out of the feigned reports of malignant Sycophants, make 
 themfelves a triumphant Garland or Crown of lafting honour. But we fee no 
 haik , I know not mens hearts. There is an unhappy Story in Plutarch , ( but 1 
 dare not apply it, ) oi' Ferides a Stickler in the Athenian Commonwealth, who 
 being buficand private in his Study , to make his account to the State , was advi- 
 fed by his Nephew Alcibiades , ( it was peftilent Counfel ; rather to Uudy how to 
 
 make
 
 Discourse II. The Serpeftt-Sahe. 
 
 57 
 
 make no Accounts s which he did eifed:, by engaging the Commonwealth in a 
 War, fo as they had no leifure to call for his Accounts after that. There can be 
 nothing pleaded in Bar, to the performance of this propoficion , but the privi- 
 Jedge of Parliament. A great plea indeed', fo the Obferver, 'That none of the 
 Members of the Tarliament may he apprehended in cafe of fu^icion , where no informa- 
 tion or iFttneSes appear to maks gpod the prvfecution^ roithout acquaintinz^ the Farlia- 
 ment , if leave may be conveniently obtained. He adds , that by the fame AU , the 
 whole Hovje might have been fitrprijed. And in another place, that by this means 
 the meet imputation of 'Xreafjn Jhali freeep arvay a whole Parliament : And his reafon 
 is thus grounded , that if way be given to this , fo many Members of either Houfe 
 may be taken away at any time, upon groundlefs pretences , as may make a major 
 part of whom they will , and then farewel to the Freedom of Parliaments. 
 Which truly feems to be urged with great fhew of equity , where the parties are 
 taken away by dozens , or greater numbers, and the tryal is long deferred to fcrve 
 a turn. You (hall rind the lame Argument ufed and preflTed after the fame manner 
 by Stephen Gardiner to the VzrVnmcm, alledging, that nothing could be cf wor/e Anmii^i^. 
 example , than to allow fuch aprefident , that by that means it Jhall be at the pleaftrre of 
 him that ruleth ^ to do the fame in more. But for all that we do not hnd that ei- 
 ther the Parliament did afford him relief , or were fenfible of any fuch danger: 
 doubtlefs it l^ands both with natural equity, and the known Law of the Land 
 that they who have the honour to be the great Council of the King and Kingdom' 
 fhould have all fuch privilcdges and immunities as are conducible to the fartherance 
 of thofc ends tor which they are convocated i fuch are free accefs and recefs to be 
 exempted from attendance upon inferiour Courts , fo long as they are in that im- 
 ployment , to have their Servants free from Arrefts, that whileft themfelves arc bu- 
 ile about the great Affairs of the Commonwealth , their Eibtes and occafions may 
 not fuifer in their ablences and that univerfal priviledge of all Coun(elIors that 
 whilell their intentions are real , they fhould not be queftioned for a ihp of the 
 Tongue , or a miffake m their judgments. We fee ordinary Courts do not onely 
 protecS: their Minifters of Juftice in the exercife of their places , but even thofe 
 WitnefTes which are fummoned to appear before them. A Clerk of the Chancery 
 cannot be called to any other Court to anfwer in any Caufe , that is cognofcible in 
 that Court. 
 
 But here are fundry things confiderable : as Firft , That his Majefty is the true 
 Fountain of thefe Priviledges, not any mutual compads. This is plain by that 
 Petition , which Sir thomas Moore ( then Speaker for the Houfe of Commons ) 
 made in his Oration to King Henry the Eighth, which I think hath been obferved 
 by all Speakers that ever were fince , That if in commnnication or reafming, any 
 Man in the Commons Houfe fhould ^eakjnore largely than of duty they ought to do that 
 alljuch offences Jhould be pardoned. 
 
 Secondly , Thefe Priviledges ought not to be deftrudtive to the EfTence , or Fun- 
 damental Ends , ori right Conftitution of Parliaments : and fuch a priviledge is 
 that the Obferver claims , to be denied nothing. For whereas our Parliament is fb 
 fweetly tempered and compofed of all Ertates , to fecure this Nation from the evils 
 which are incident to all Forms of Government : he that (hall quite take his Ma- 
 jefties Negative Voice away , fecures us from Tyranny , but leaves us open and 
 ftark naked to all thofe popular evils, or Epidemical difeafes which flow from 
 Ochlocracy i as Tumults , Seditions , Civil Wars , and that lUas of Evils which 
 attends them , and feems to reduce the King ( be it fpoken with reverence) to the 
 cafe of the old Woman in the Epigrammatilt, when (he had coughed out her Two 
 lalt Teeth, 
 
 Jam fecura potes tot'u tuffire diebus , 
 
 Nil ilihic quod agat , tertia tuffis hahet. 
 
 From hence appears a ready Anfwer to that Quefiion fo often moved , IVloat 
 great virtue U in the Kings fingle Vote to avert evils from w, that an Ordinance of both 
 Hmfes m ly not be binding to the whole Kingdom without Hit confent ? The cafe is 
 
 plain.
 
 57^ 
 
 The Serpent -Sal've, TOMEJ[I' 
 
 "TTr, ;r i^ of nn ereat virtue as;ainlt the evils of Tyranny , out is a Soveraign 
 remedy againlt "he greater niifchiefs which flow from Ochlocracy, and I truft God 
 will ever pre(erve it to us. <- i i j- • 
 
 Thirdly Thefc Priviledges muft not tranfcend the condition or capacity of Sub- 
 i'dts by making delhudive refervations , or fo as to deck the Temples of inferi- 
 ourVcrfi*ns with the Flowers of the Crown. Such a priviledge feems this to be, 
 which the Obfcrver here claims , a Didatorian immunity from all Queftion , to 
 owe no account but to God and their own Confciences ■■, and yet by this new Lear- 
 ning they may take an account of tlie King. What is this but to make Kings of 
 Sub)cdts, and Subjeds of Kings? When fome Ancients, more skilful in Iheoh^y^ 
 thin in hildfiphy 01 Geography , did hear of the Antipodes^ they reafoned againft 
 ic f as they thought ) llrongly, that then there were penfiles 'hominet , and penfikf 
 arbores^ ixien that did go with their heads downwards, and Trees that did grow 
 with their tops downwards 5 they forgot that Heaven is ftill above , and the Cen- 
 ter below : but what they did but imagine , the Obferver really laboureth to intro- 
 duce, to make whole Kingdoms to walk with their heads downwards, and their 
 heels upwards. 
 
 Fourthly, the juft meafure or ftandard , whereby all Priviledges ought to be 
 examined and tried , is nor now the Law of Nature, which is appliable (though 
 not equally ) to all Forms of Governments this were to put the Cnoz oi Uenuks 
 upon an Infants foot. The Law of Nature may be limited, though not contrari- 
 ed , by the known Laws and Cuftoms of this Realm , as they fhall appear by 
 Charters, Statutes, Frefidents , Rolls , Records , WitnefTes. His Majelly cites 
 a Confellion of the Parliament itfclf, to prove that their Priviledges extend not 
 to the cafes of 'Treafort^ Felony^ or breach of Peace, which heretofore hath been 
 the common belief of all men. And it feems no fatisfadory Anfwer to fay , that 
 therefore they extend not to thefe Cafes, becaufe the Houfes do ufually give way 
 in theft cafes for them to come to tryal , either in Parliament if it be proper , or o- 
 therwife in other Courts. For it is a great doubt , how a Commoner in cafe of 
 Treafon can be tryed in Parliament ^fr Pares by his Peers : and if it be in their own 
 power to give way or not to give way , the priviledge extends to thefe cafts as 
 well as others. The cafe being thus, why do we quarrel one with another ? why 
 do not we all repair to the common Standard (that is the Law of the Land,) and 
 crave the refolution or information of thofe that arc profeffors in that Study i* This 
 will determine the doubt without partiality or blood , and he that refufeth it , let 
 him be accounted as one that defires not to uphold , but fubvert the Fundamental 
 Lawsof the Land, upon a fuppofition of Fears and fuch cafes as never hapned in 
 the World. Now it appears how the former objedrion is not applicable to the cafe 
 in queftion, where the parties are Commoners, and ought to be tryed by their 
 Peers ■■> where his Sacred Majefty is the Informer , where the crimes are fpecihed , _ 
 where a fpeedy tryal , according to the known Law is defired , where the parties 
 themfelves , out of a love to their Countrey , out of a care to prevent the eifufion 
 of Chriftian and of Ettglifl} bloud , out of a defire to vindicate their own reputa- 
 tions , (hould tiiemfelves become Suiters for a lawful hearing , that they might 
 not Hill fuffa- tinder fmh a heavy charge : at which Tryal , they may legally 
 plead the priviledge of Parliament , if there be any fuch Lawful Privi- 
 ledge. 
 
 Oblerv. But let us confider the Lords and Commons of meer Counfellers , without any 
 prver or right of counfeVing or conjenting , yet rve (haV fee if they be not lefs k^oTving 
 Mid faithful than other men ^ they ought not to be deferted ^ inilefs rpe wiU aUorv , that 
 the King may choofe rvhether he vciU admit of any counfel at all or no , in the di^ofmg of 
 our Lives , Lands and Liberties. But the King jays , that he is not bound to re- 
 nounce his own underftanding, or to contradid his own confcience for any Coun- 
 fellers fake whatfocver, 'Tm granted in things vifbie and certain , That Judge which 
 U a fole J udge , and has competent pwer to fee hit own judgment executed, ought not 
 to determine againji the light of Nature , or evidence of Fad. The Sin of Pilate was, 
 ih.It when he might have faved our Saviour from an unjuji Death ; yet ttpon accufations 
 cvmradiHory in themfelves, contrary tojhange Revelations from Heaven , he would fuf- 
 
 fer
 
 Dfs COURSE II. The Serpent-Sal've. 
 
 573 
 
 fer innocence to fall , and pafs fentence of Death , meerly to Jat'afie a blottd-thirjiy ntid- ' " 
 
 titude. But otbermfe it rv,ts in my Lord of Strafford'/ cafe , for the King wx not fole 
 Judge, nay , he XV.K mcapable of fitting Judge at all^ &cc. And there fore the King 
 mirrln therein rvith a clear confcience , havejigned a IVarrant for hii Death, tboifgb he had 
 dijfentedfrom the Judgment. So if one Judge on the fame Bench dijfent from three, cr 
 one Juror at the Bar from eleven , they may jubmit to the major number , thoiizh p^r- 
 bj[;i tefy skilful than themfelves, rvithout imputation of guilt : and if it be thus^in mat- 
 ters ofLiw a fortiori , *m> in matters of State , jvhere the very Jatisfyin^ of a Multi- ' 
 tude , fometimes in things not otherrvife expedient , may prove not onely expedient , but 
 necefiary for the fetling of Peace , andceafingofjlrife, 6cc. where the people by publick. 
 Authority vpill feek^any inconvenience to themjelves, and the King it not fo much imer- 
 effed in it as themfelves, ''t'vs more inconvenience and injujiice to deny thm grant it : what 
 blame U it then in Princes , when they will pretend reluctance of confcience and reafoh in 
 things behoveful for the people. 
 
 Anfw. That which his Majelly faith , that a man may not go againft the didate 
 of his own confcience, is Co certain,that no man that hathhis eyes in his head can de- ^^^- ^3* 
 ny it. The Scripture is plain , he that doubteth n damned if he eat , becaufe he eateth 
 not of Faith ■■, for whatfoever is not of Faith U [^n. Reafon is as evident , that all cir- ^°™" '* ^^ 
 cumftances muft concur to make an acSLon good, but one fingie defed doth make 
 it evil. Now feeing the approbation of confcience is required to every good adi- 
 on , the want thereof makes it unlawful , not fimply in it felf , but relatively, huic 
 hie , mm , to this perfon , at this time , in this place. Therefore all Divines do' 
 agree in the cafe of a fcrupulous confcience , that where a man is bound by politive 
 Law to do any adt , and yet is forbidden by the didates of his own confcience to 
 doir, he mull firft reform his underrtanding , and then perform obedience: and 
 this in cafe , where a thing already is determined by pofitive Liw. But in his Ma- 
 jefties cafe, where the queltion is not of obedience to a Law already conftituted and 
 ertablifhcd , but of the free eledtion or affenting to a new Law before it be enadled 
 it holds much more ftrongly. But yet this is not all, there is a third obligatioti 
 (•'and a Three-fold cord is not eafily broken.) Take one inftance, the King is 
 bound by his Coronation-oath to defend the Church, to prelerve to the Clergy <«// 
 Canonical priviledges, and the free Franchifes granted to them by the glorious King Saint 
 Edward, and other Kings. Now fuppole fuch a Bill fliould be tendered to his Ma- 
 jefty, to deprive them of their Temporal Goods, as was tendered to H^A^ry the 
 Fourth, in that Parliament called the Lay-Parliament : Suppofe that his Maiefty is 
 very fenfible of the obligation of his Oath , but fees no ground of difpenfation 
 with his Oath. Thz CXtx^"} Q^sthzn thomK Arunddl Archbilliop of Cj;nfr^«ry _) 
 are his Remembrancers , and confent not to any alteration i whit fhould a King 
 do in this cafe ? in the one fc ale there is Law , Confcience, and Oath: Ln the o- 
 ther, the tender refped which hz bears to a great part ( yet but a part ) of his 
 p:ople. I prefume not to determine : but our Chronicles tellus whit vvas thee- 
 vent then. That his Mijerty refolved to leave the Church in as good Ihte or better 
 than he found it. That the Knights confefTed their errour , and dellreJ for'-'ive.i.'fj 
 of the fame Archbifhops That when the fame motion was renewed after in the 
 Eleventh year of his Reign , the King commanded them , that from thenceforth 
 they (hould not prefume to move any fuch matter : Even as hi; Predece/Tor Richard 
 the Second, in the very like cafe had commanded the fame Bill to be cancelled. 
 Kings then did conceive themfelves to have a negative voice , and that they were 
 not bound by the Votes of their great Council. 
 
 Thefe grounds being laid , the Obfervers inftances will m:lt away like Winter 
 Ice. Firft, the Oith and Obligation is vifible and certain, but thedifpenfacion or 
 neceffity of alteration , is invifible and uncertain. Secondly, the rule that a man 
 may not contradidt his own confcience for the advife of any Counfeller is Uai- 
 verfal , and holds not onely in adions judiciary, whether fole or focial , but gene- 
 rally in all th£ adions of a mins life. Thirdly , The underlundina; is the fole 
 Judge or Direder of the Will ; the fin of Pihte was not to contradid Revelati- 
 ons ( which he never had , ) but for fear of complaints , and out of a delire to ap- 
 ply himfelf to an inraged multitude , to condemn an innocent perfoa. The Obfer- 
 
 vers
 
 574 
 
 The Serpent- Sd've. T O M E 1 1 • 
 
 "vCTS i.ilbncc in thTEarl of Stra^rd , might well have been omitted , as tending to 
 no ptupofc unlefs it be to (hew his inhumanity and defpight to the dead a(hcs of 
 a man who whilcli he was living might have anfwered a whole Legion of Ob- 
 fcrvcrs': and at his death by his voluntary fubmillion, and his own Petition to his 
 Maielly', did endeavour to clear this doubt and remove thefe fcruples. Take the 
 cafe as the Obfcrvtr States it, yet jufHce is fatisfied by his death : and if it werfe 
 other wife, yet it is not meet for him or me for to argue of what is done by His Maje- 
 ilv or the Great Council of the Kingdom i that rancour is deep which purfues a 
 man into another World. 
 
 But where the Obfervcr adds, that His Majefty was not the fole Judge , and that 
 he was uncapable of fitting Judge at all; I conceive he is much mifkken. His Ma*- 
 iefty may be Authoritative Judge where he doth not perfonally fit.* and *he namjng 
 of a Delegate or High Steward to be a pronunciative Judge , doth not exclude the 
 principal. The inftance of a Judge giving fentence according to the Mayr number 
 of his fellow Judges though contrary to his own opinion, is altogether impertinent: 
 for this is the Judgement of the whole Court not of the Perfon , and might be de- 
 clared by any one of the Bench as well as another. Such a Judge is not an Autho- 
 ritative Judge , but pronunciative onely : neither can he make Law but declare it , 
 without any negative voice. The other inftance of a Juror concurring with the 
 greater number of his fellow Jurors, contrary to his confcicnce , is altogether falfe 
 and diredl Perjury , neither of them are applicable to His Majefiy, who hath pow- 
 er both to execute and pardon. It is true , necellity of State juilifies many things 
 which otherwifc were inexcufable ; and it is as true that it is iK>t lawful to do evil 
 that good m"y come of it, 
 
 His laft alTertion, that where the people by publick^authority n>illfeek^a>iy inconvenience 
 to ihetnfelves , a)id the King is not af much iiitercjfed as themfelves , it if more injufiice to 
 deny then grant it , is repugnant to what he faith a little after, that if the people Jhould 
 he Jo unnatural as to oppofe their oven prefervation ^ the King might ufe dH pojjihle means 
 for their Jafety , and much more repugnant to the truth. The King is the Father'of 
 his People ■■> he is a bad Father that if his Son ask him a ft one inftead of bread , or 
 a Scorpion inftead of a Fifti » will give it him. That heathen was much wifer who 
 prayed to Jupiter to give him good things, though he never opened his lips for fherp, 
 and to withhold fuch things as were bad or prejudicial , though he petitioned ne- 
 ver lb carneftly for them. Suppofe the people (hould defire Liberty of Religion for 
 all Scds ■-, (hould the King grant it , who is conftituted by God the Keeper of the 
 two Tables ? Suppofe they fhould defire the free exportation of arms , Moneys , 
 Sheep, ( which they fay Edwardthe Fourth, for a prclcnt private end, granted to the 
 Kings of Cajiile and Arragon ) and that this (hould be aiTented to by the Obfervers 
 advife , woujd not the prefent or fucceeding ages give him many a black bleffing 
 for his labour ? 
 
 God help the man fo rerapjt in errours endltfi train. 
 
 Firft , To fay that the people may feek to obtain their defires of the Prince by 
 publick authority , is cither too magiftral or flat non(en(e, a phra(e rnufitate te E«- 
 gliflj cars. Henry the fixth was no Tyrant nor awful Sovereign , yet when the Lords 
 and Commons prefented a juft requeft unto him , they did it kneeling upon their 
 knee, ( no fign of authority over him. ) Secondly , The Ki.ng owes a ftrift ac- 
 count to God of his Government , and is bound by his Office to promote the good 
 of his People i to do any Aft that may be impeditive to this end , for the fatisfa- 
 ftion of an humorous multitude , is not confiftent with this Obligation. Thirdly , 
 His Majefty conceives the thing now defired , to be more than a (imple or (ingle in- 
 convenience, that himfelf is deeply intereffed in it, and not himfelf onely : but his 
 pofterity and all fucceeding Kings , and that it is not the defire of all his Subjefts , 
 nor yet of the greater part , much lefs of the founder part who difclaim it ? and 
 therefore even upon the Obfervers ground , he is not bound to give his affent. 
 
 Obferv. So much for the end nf Parliamentary Tower ^ J come now to the true Nature of 
 u, publick^conjent , dec. 
 
 Anffv.
 
 Discourse If. Ihe Serpent-Sal've. 
 
 Anjiv. We had done with confent before , but now we meet with it again : fudT 
 Windings and Meanders there are in tliis Treatife. But though confent be like the 
 title fat upon the outlide of an Apothecaries box, yet if we look into the fubfequent 
 Dif-ourfe ,_ we (hall had little or nothing of it. The Obfervers tells us a long flo- 
 ry , that atter the hll oi Adam the Law writcn in mans breff was not fufficient to 
 mjke him a fociable creature , that without fociety men could not live, and with- 
 out Laws men could not be fociable, that without Magiftrates Law was a void and 
 vain thing : it was therefore quickly provided that Laws agreeable to the Didlates 
 of reafon, fluuld be ratihcd by common confent , and that the execution and in- 
 terpretation of thofe Laws (hould be intruded to fome Magiftrate. To all which I 
 readily aflent with this animadverfion, that the rule is not ^^i „„^, or Univer- 
 fally true. As for the Order of Laws or Magilbates , it is confelTed on the one 
 lide that fometimes the people did choofe their Magiftrate and Law both together 
 and fometime tlie Law before the Magirtrate , efpecially upon the extinftion of a 
 Royal Family : but on the otiier lldc, it cannot be denied that many times very 
 many .times, Magirtrates did either aflume Soveraignty by juft Conqueft, .or were 
 abfolutely eledted without any fuch reftricHion. So much theObftrver confefTeth a 
 little after, tliac m the infancy of the tvorld, mnft Nations did cboofe rather to fiibmit them- 
 f elves to the meer difcretion of their Lords, than rely upon any limits, and he ruled by ar^ 
 bitrary EdiUs , rather than rvritten Statutes , In which cafe it is plain , that the Law 
 is poltcriour to the King , both in order of nature and of time. 
 
 The Obfcrver proceeds to (hew i that intrufted Magiitrates did fomctimes Ty- 
 rannize over their people •, that it was difficult to invent a remedy for this mifchiefl 
 Firlt , becaufe it was held unnatural to place a Superiour above a Supreme. Second- 
 ly , becaufe the refiraint of Princes from doing evil, b/ diminution of Sovereign 
 Power , dothdifable them alfo from doing good , which maybe as mifchievous as 
 the other i that the World was long troubled between thefe extremitiesi That moft 
 Nations did choofe abfolute Governoursj That others placed fupervifors over their 
 Princes , Ephori , Tribmi, Cnratores, (which remedy the Obferver confefTeth to 
 have proved worfe than the difeafe , and that the iflTue of it commonly was to im- 
 broil the State in blood ■■, ) That in all great diftreffes the Body of the People v/as 
 conrtrained to rife and by the force of a Major party to put an end to all inteftine 
 llrifes ; That this way was too flow to prevent fuddain mifchiefs v That it produ- 
 ced much fpoil and effufion of blood, often exchanging one Tyranny for anotheri 
 That at lall a way was found out to regulate the moliminous Body of the People 
 by Parlianaent , where the People may affume their own power to do themfelves 
 right, where by virtue of Election and Reprefentation , a few ad for many the 
 wife for the fimplc, That the Parliament is more regularly formed now than when 
 it was called the Mickje Synod , or where the real Body of the People did throng 
 together i That tlie Parliament yet perhaps labours with fome defe(fls that mi^ht 
 be amended, and that there are yet fome differences and difficulties concerning it 
 tfpecially the priviledges of it , which would be refolved. This is the fum of his 
 Difcourfe here , and little after in the 21. page and the Three pages following , he 
 falls into a needlefs commendation of the Conftitution of Parliaments of their 
 Wifdom and Juftice, how void they are of Danger, how full of advantage to the 
 King and People , how Frinces may have finijler ends , but that it reaf never till this 
 Parliament rvithjiood that a Community can have no private ends to mijieadit. 
 
 In all which there are not many things to be much mifliked , faving fome refalts 
 of his former falfe and feditious Principles i as that the People are the primogenious 
 Subjed of Power, that the ElTential and Reprefentative Body of the Kingdom are 
 all one , ( he might as well fay that a whole County and a Grand Jury are conver- 
 tible terms. ) To place a Superiour above a Supreme is monftrous , and opens a 
 ready way to an infinite progrefs, which both Art and Nature abhcr. I joyn with 
 him in this that to limit a Prince too far is often the caufe of much mifchieftoa 
 State. But the Obfcrver having given a good meal cafts it down with his foot : for 
 after in the 40. page he tells us that the People had better want fome right , than have 
 too much wrong done them. It may befo, it may be otherwife : but ordinarily the 
 futferings of one year in a time of Sedition , are more burthenfbme to the Subjedt', 
 
 U u u than 
 
 575
 
 67^ 
 
 The Serpent-Sahe. TOM E U- 
 
 "ThanThe prcfTures they fullain from a hard Sovereign in a whole Age. A limited 
 Commillion may now and then bring eafe to a Society , but an unlufficient Prote- 
 dtion expofeth them to an iiundred hazards and blows , from Superionrs , Interi- • 
 
 Equals, Forrcigners, Domelticks. The Obfcrver would have /]/c/j <« Prtro- 
 ^^li-fe af hath great forver of TmeUion and link of npprejjton. Can you blame him , 
 he would have his rire able to warm him, but not accidentally to burn him. Pro- 
 tciftion is the ufe, opprellion the abufe of power. To take away Powerfor fear of 
 the abufe , is with Lycurgw to cut down all the vines ot Sparta , root and branch , 
 for fear of Drunkennefs. By the fame reafon he will leave neither a Sun in Hea- 
 ven nor any creature of eminency on Earth. If he will have no Bees but fuch as 
 have no flings, he may catch Drones , and want honey for his labour. To limit 
 Princes too far is as if a man fhould cut his Hawk's wings, that ftie might not fly 
 away fromjj'him : fo he may be fure (he fliall never make a good flight for him. St. 
 Bernard tells us a llory of a King, who being wounded with an arrow , the Chirur- 
 geons defircd Liberty to bind him , becaufe the lighteft motion might procure his 
 Death: his anfwer was non decet vinciri 'Regent , it is not meet that a King fliould 
 be bound , and the Father concludes 
 
 Libera fit KegU & femper falva ^otefias. 
 
 In Two particulars this Third Cato is pleafcd to exprefs himfelf, he would have 
 the dijj>ofition of great Offices , and the power of casing and diffolvtng Parliaments , (ba- 
 red between the King and the People. Yes the great Offices of the Kingdom and 
 the Revenues of the Church have been the great wheels of the Clock , which have 
 fee many little wheeles a going ; doubt you not the Otvfervcr meant to lick his own 
 fingers. Thefe fpeculations might be feafonable in the firft framing of a Monarchy: 
 Now when a power is inverted in the Crown by Law and Lawful culloin, they are 
 fawcy and leditious. Howfoever his bolt is foon (hot , he that is wife in h'vs orvn 
 eyes , there is more hope of a Fool than of fuch a Man. Others as much wifer than he 
 is, almort as he conceives himfelfto tranfcend them, are abfoUitely of another mindi 
 that this were to open a iKicc to facftion and (edition , to roll the apple of conten- 
 tion up and down both Howfes of Parliament and each County and Burrough 
 in the Kingdom , to make labouring for places , and packing for votes , and in a 
 word to difunite and diffolve the contignation of this Kingdom •, This in Policy. 
 They fay farther, that in Juftice , If the King be bound by His Office and fvvorn 
 by His Oath , to caufe Larv , Juftice , and Vifcretion , in mercy and truth to he execit- 
 ted to his People , If he be accountable to God for His Mifgovernment of His Great 
 Charge , that it is all the reafon in the World why he (hould choofe his own Offi- 
 cers and Minifters. Kings are (hadowed by thofe brazen Pillars which Hiram made 
 for Solomon , having Chapiters upon their heads adorned wkh chains and 
 pomgranates. If thefe Sons of Belial may ftrip Majefty *by Degrees of its 
 due ornaments , firft of the Chains , that is the power to punifli evil doers , 
 and then of the Pomegranates , the ability to reward good deferts , and 
 fo infenfibly rob them of the dependence of their Subjeds , the next ftep is, to 
 ftrike the Chapiters or Crowns from off their Heads. But how can this be, except 
 all Parliaments were taken as deadly Enemies to Royalty > Still when the Obfervcr 
 conies to a piece of hot Service, he makes fure to hold the Parliament before him, 
 ^ which device hath faved him many a blow. They that are not haters of Kings , 
 may be lovers of themfelves: We are all Children of Adam and Eve : He would 
 be a God , and She a Goddefs. His inftance , that thii is no more , than for the Ki)<g 
 to chufe a Chancellor or a Ireafurer upon the recommendation of Juch or fuch a Courti- 
 er, is ridiculous i there his Ma jefly is free to difTent , here is a necelh'ty impofcd 
 upon him to grant. Yet faith he , the Venetians live more happily under their condi- 
 tionate Dnh^s , than the Turks under their abfolute Emperors. Ihe Irophees which 
 Rome gained under conditionate Commanders, argue that tlxre could be no dtfed in this 
 popular and mixt Government. Our Neighbours in the Netherlands , being to cope with 
 the mojipuifiant Prince in Chrifiendom , put themfelves under the cnndu^ cf a much hmi- 
 ted General , which {Ireightned Commiftons have yielded 7tothi)jg but Vidories to the 
 
 States ,
 
 Discourse II. The Serpent-Sahe* ^ ^ 
 
 States, and fjlid honour to ■the Prime of Orange. IFere Hannibal, Scipio , &c. the 
 leCf honoured or bihved , becaufe they were not independent ? JKis CccQr the private man 
 L-JsJiKcefful, or leff beloved , than Ciehi the perpetual Dtifator} Whatfoever is more 
 rhin this , he calls the painted rayes of jpurioiu Majejiy, and ths filling of aphanta\H- 
 cal bumiHr with imaginary grandeur. VVhofe heart doth not burn within him to 
 hear fuch audacious expredions ? yet ftill he protells for Monarchy. A hneAfo- 
 narchy indeed , a great and glorious Monarchy , an Arijio-Vsmocracy nicknamed Mo- 
 narchy ^ a circumfcribed , conditic5nate, dependent Mwurcfcy , 3. Mock^M >rtarchv , a 
 A/(7«4rc/'_y without coercive power , able to proted, not to pumlTi j thac is m ef- 
 tedt, neither to proted nor puniih, a Monarch fubordinate to a Superiour , and ac- 
 coLintable to Subjeds , that may deny nothing , a Monarchy in the Rites whereof 
 another challengeth an interelt Paramount, ^orfum h£<: .? He is more blind than 
 a Beetle , that fees not whither all this tends , to advance King Charles to the high 
 and mighty Dignity of a Duke of Venice, or a Koman Canfnl : VVhileft this Gen- 
 tleman might lit like one of the Tribunes of the Common people to be his Super- 
 vifor. It were to be wilhed , that the Obferver would tirli make tryal of this mo- 
 del of Government in his own Houfe for a year or two, and then tell us how he 
 likes it. That Form may fit the City of Venice, that will not fit the Kingdom of 
 England. I believe he hath not carefully read over the Hiftory of that State 
 Though now they enjoy their Sun-(hines , and have their Lucida intervaila ■-, yet; 
 heretofore they have fulTered as much mifery , from their own Civil and Inteftine 
 Diffentions, as any people under Heaven •, and fo have their Neighbonr-Srates of 
 Genoa, Florence, &c. And of f/(7m?ce particularly it is remarkable, that thoucrh 
 their Prince husband his Territory with as much advantage to himfelf , and pref- DaUimtom 
 fare to his people , as any Prince in Europe > yet they live Ten times more happily Survey ofTHf- 
 now , than they did before in a Republick , when a bare-legged Fellow, out of the '''"^' 
 fcum of the people , could raife Tumults , furprize the Senaix , and domineer more 
 than Two great Dukes ; fo that now they are freer , thin when they did enjoy 
 thcfe painted rayes offpurious Liberty. If the Romans had not found a defeil in their 
 popular Government , they had never fled to the choice of a Didator, or abfo!ute 
 Prince , as a facred Anchor in all their greateft extremities. And for the Nether^ 
 lands , it is one thing for a Free People to eleA their own Form of Government-, 
 another, for a people obliged to fhake off that Form which they have elected. Ic 
 is yet but early of the day , to determine precilely whether they have done well or 
 ill. The danger of a popular Government is Sedition i a common Enemy hath 
 hitherto kept them at unity , and the King of Spain hath been their bed Friend. 
 Scipio's opinion , that Carthage fliould not be defboyed , was more folid and weigh- 
 ry than Cato's , ( as experience plainly fhewed. ) Thofe Forreign Wars preferved 
 Peace at home , and were a Nurlery of Souldiers to fecure that State. When the 
 United States come to have peace a while, then let them take heed of fallin-^ in 
 pieces. The condition of the Englijh Subjedl , when it was at the worit , under 
 King Charles (before the(e unhappy broils ) was much more fecure and free from 
 Excifes , and Other Burdens and Impofitions , than our Neighbours the Nether- 
 /j^^^rj under their States. If his Majelly fhould ufe fuch an Arbitrary power as 
 they do, it would fraart indeed. I wonder the Obferver is not afhamed to in- 
 ftance in Hannibal , he knows the Fadlions of H^nno and Hannibal did ruine them- 
 felves and Carthage : whereas if Hannibal had been independent , Rome had run 
 that fortune which Carthage did. How near was Scipin's Conqueft of Jfi-ick, to be 
 difappointed , by the groundlefs fuggeftions of his Adverfaries in the Roman Senate? 
 when he had redeemed that City from ruine , how was he rewarded ? Slighted, 
 called to the Bar by a fadlious Plebeian, and in effedl banifhed from that City, 
 whersof he had been (in a kind) a fecond Romulus or Founder: but if he had 
 been independent , he had been a nobler, gallanter Scipio than he was. And if 
 Cefar's Didatorfhip had not preferved him from the like fnuffles , he might have 
 tafted of the fame fawce that Scipio did , and many others. It is true, he was 
 butchered by fome of the Obferver*s Sed, (a Rebel is a civil Schifmatick i and a 
 Schifmatick an Ecclefiaftical Rebel i the one is togata , the oth^r is armata feditij , ) 
 and fome of them as notorioufly obliged , as Servants could be to a Mailer: bat 
 
 U u u 2 reven-:e
 
 — TTg '~T'hsSerpent. Sal've. TOME H . 
 
 r r. 1 fl„m Tr the heels , as it did Korab and his rebellious Crew ■■, ZmrL 
 
 !5Ip£!Xl;'ri^*W'. >'"'' *'• f'""-"' 'i'n-'l 1"- always a 
 foul ending. _^ ^^^^ altogether, That Parliaments are fo late an invention. What 
 • the Mkkle Synod heiQ but a Parliament ? What were the Roman Senates and Co- 
 ^V/ but Parliaments? What were the Oreaan Jjfemblies , Amphiayonian , Jchai- 
 Dtut. ?;. 4- '",' ''iiotian Pan-A^tolian , but Parliaments > What other was that than a Parlia- 
 ""'^ *■ mcnt M<'fes'c"mmMtded in a Latv , even the inhentance of the Congregation of Jacob. 
 
 Jnd he mis King m Jefurum , tvhen the Heads of the People and Tribes of Ifrael roere 
 withered together : Here is the King and both Houfes with a Legiflative power. Non 
 de poflSnne , fed de terminu ejl comentio ; the difference is not about the being of 
 Parliaments', but the bounds of Parliamentary power. As Parliaments in this la- 
 titude of fignihcation have been both very ancient, and very common: fo if he 
 take the name itriflly , according to the prefent conftitution of our Parliaments , he 
 will not Hnd it fo very ancient here at home, nor a policy common to us with ma- 
 ny Nations: yea, if the parts of the comparifon be precifely urged, with none, 
 not fo much as our Neighbour-Nation. I pray God it be not fome Mens aim ro 
 reduce our fetled Form to a conformity with fome Forreign Exemplars. But if it 
 be underwood to have fuch a fulnefs of power , as he pretends, according to his 
 late found-out art , tn regulate the moliminom body of the people ; it is neither ancient , 
 nor common , nor ours* He may feek fuch prefidents in Republicks , but {hall 
 never find fo much as one of them in any true Monarchy under Heaven. 
 
 I honour Parliaments as truly as the Obferver , yet not fo as to make the name 
 of Parliament a Medufa's head , to transform reafonable men into ftones. I ac- 
 knowledge , that a compleat Parliament is that Panchrejlon , or Soveraign Salve, 
 for ail the fores of the Commonwealth. I do admire the prefumption of this Ob- 
 ferver, that dare find holes and defedls in the very conftitution of the Government 
 by King and Parliament , ( which he (hould rather adore at a diftancc , ) as if he 
 were of the pofferity of Jach^Cade , who called himfclf John amend all. It is law- 
 ful for thcfe men onely to cry out againft innovations , whileft themfelves labour 
 with might and main to change and innovate the whole frame of Government 
 both in Church and Commonwealth. We read of Philip of Macedon ; that he ga- 
 thered all the naughty feditious fellows in bis Kingdom together , and put them 
 all into a City by themfelves , which he called PoneropolU or Badman-Chefler. I 
 Wi(h King Charles would do the like C if a City would contain them , ) and make 
 the Obferver the head of the Corporation , where he might mold his Goverment 
 according to his private conceit. 
 
 And yet it cannot be denyed,but thegreateftandmofteminentCouncils in the World, 
 may be either made or wrought by their Major part to ferve private ends. I omit the 
 Lay Parliament 1404, and Sir Henry Wottons young Parliament i8.jF^co^i:ourHiftori- 
 ans tell us of a mad Parliament of 1258 and theParliament of Batts orBattownsi426 
 a kind of a Weapon fitter for Cavaliers than peaceable AlTemblies. The Statutes of C'x- 
 ford were confirmed by the Parliament at Wefiminfter 1255. and ratified by a curfe 
 againft the breakers of than : (hortly after the King and Prince were both taken 
 Prifoners : yet in the Parliament following at l^inchejier 125^. all the faid ad:s were 
 refcinded and difannuUed , and the King cried quittance with his Adverfaries. In 
 the Reign of Edrvard the Second after the battle at Burton , we fee how the Tides 
 of the Parliament were turned , until the coming of Queen Jzabel , and then the 
 Floods grew higher than ever. In the dayes of Richard the Second , how did the 
 Parliaments change their Sandlions ? as the Camxlion her colours, or as Platina wri- 
 teth of the Popes , after Stephen had taken up the Body oiformofm out of his Grave, 
 Jt became an ufual thing for the Succeffors either to infringe or altogether to abrogate the 
 AUs of their Prf(^feeiro«»'x.TheParliaments of 1386. and 1388 were contradi(£ted and re- 
 voked by the fubfcquent Parliaments of 13^7. and 13^8. andthefe again condemned 
 and difanulled by the Two following Parliaments in I3pc7. and 1400. yea though 
 the Lords were fworn to the inviolable obfervance of that of i3<?7. and Henry Bul- 
 lenbrook^ who was a great Stickler for the King in that Parliament , of 13^7. a- 
 gainft the appealants ; yet in that of 13?^. was elcdted King by the Trayterous dcpo- 
 
 iTrion
 
 Discourse 11. The Serpent-Sahe. ^79 
 
 fition ofKic/w^,and the unjuli pretcrition of the Right Heirs. Parliaments are fublu, 
 nary Courts •, and mutable as well as other Societies. If we defcend a little lower 
 to the times of Henry the Sixth , we (hall iind Richard Duke cf Torj^, declared the 
 Lord Protedor in Parliament , yet without Title to the Crown in 1455. Shortly 
 after we find both him and his Adherents by Parliament likewife attainted of Hjoh 
 Treafon in 1459. The Year following 1460. he was again by Parliament declared 
 not oncly Lord Protedor , but alfo, Prince of Wales and Right Heir to the Crown 
 and all Ads to the contrary made void , and the Lords fwear to the obfervance 
 thereof. It rerts not here , the very next Year 1461. His Son Edward the Fourth 
 not contented to be an Heir in reverfion , afTumes the Imperial Diadem , and in 
 Parliament is recei^d adual King. The end is not yet, Ten Years after this 1471. 
 King Henry is admitted King by Parliament again , and King Edip.^yd attainted of 
 High Treafon, declared an Ufurper, and the Crown inrailed upon King He>iry 
 and His Heirs Males , and for want of fuch ilTue , to George of Clarence'^md His 
 Heirs. But this lafted but a while , dilinherited Edtvard , and C/jm;cf are recon- 
 ciled , and the very next Year, Edrrard is Crowned again, and received King in 
 Parliament. You fee here, 
 
 Signa pares aquilas &pila mbiamia pilU , 
 
 Parliaments againft Parliaments : and this in that very quedion which you fay js 
 properly to be judged by Parliament, who is the Right King > When thcEledion 
 is not of a particular perfon and His Heirs , but of a Perfon and his Family , fo as 
 the people have Liberty to Eled whom they pleafe of that I'lock , (" as it was long 
 lince in Scotland ^t\\\ it was refcinded by Ad of Parliament to take away thofe 
 ftormsof difcord and fadion which itraifed , ) The Parliament was the moll pro- 
 per Judge who fliould fucceed : but where the Crown is Hereditary, there needs 
 little queftion of the Right Heir , which for the mod part every Countreyman 
 knows as well as the Great Council of the Kingdom. How eafily were Queens rai- 
 fed and depofed in Henry the Eights time by Authority of Parliament ? Add to 
 this with what facility Religion was reformed in part by Hemy the Eighth more ' 
 by Edward the Sixth , altered by Queen Mary , and reltored again by Queen Eli- 
 ?:,abeth , and all this by Authority of Parliament within the compafs of a few years; 
 and it will evidently appear out of all that hath been faid, that Parliaments are not 
 excepted from the defeds of all human^jSocieties, Nefcience, Ignorance, Fear 
 Hope, Favour, Envy, Self-love, and the Like , that they may err both in mat- 
 ters of fad , and in point of Right , That it is the incommunicable property of 
 God alone, to ht the fame Tejlerday , today, and for ever, That though we owe 
 a tender refpedto Parliaments, yet we may not follow their diredions as Infallible 
 nor refolve our reafon into their meer Authority , as if their fole advice or com- 
 mand were a fufficient ground for our Adions , which is the main fcope which 
 this Jehu our Oblerver doth fo furioufly drive at in all his writings , that no evil is 
 to be prefumed of the reprefentative Body of the Kingdom. And fo far he is right i it 
 ought not indeed to be prefumed without proof. But he goes farther that it may 
 not be fupofed or admitted , Jt is of dangerous confequence to ftippnfe that Parliaments firflob. fagc7 
 rvill do any in]u\lce , it loofeth one of the firmeji ftnen>s of Law to admit it. 
 
 But/«c/; Communities can have no private eytds. What had tlie Shechemites by 
 the fuggellion of a Worthy Member of their City > Or the Brethren of Jofeph > ]i 
 any man boggle at it , may he not be over-voted , or over awed , as Reuben was ? '^^"' I'*' ^^ 
 What ends had the Romans when they made that arbitrament, quod in medio eft ^'°' ^^' 
 populo Romano adjudicetur ? What had the whole City of Ephefits , being pcrfwad- 
 ed by Vemetriits and his Craftfmen , that there vvas a ikange plot a^^ainlt Diana > 
 The HighPriells, and Scribes, and Elders, and If you add tothefc, Tiljte, Ju- 
 das, the Souldiers and the Devil, all had their private ends. The High Priefts and 
 Elders tofatisHe their envy , Pilate to keep his place , Judits to get the thirty pie- 
 ces , the Souldiers for Chriil's Garments : yet all thefe concurred in a General de- 
 llgn to take away Chrilh Which fhews us thus much , That a Community may 
 have private ends , yea , and contrary ends , all tending to m.ifchief, though up-
 
 ;8o 
 
 Jhe Serpent:Sdhe, TOMEII" 
 
 ^^contrary grounds; and yet all agree well enough fo long as they keep then.- 
 
 felves in a negative or dcftrudive way. I intend thefc inftances no farther than to 
 (hew the werknefs of the Obferver's grounds i Parliaments are more venerable yet 
 till tbii corruptible have put on incorruption , private ends will feek to crowd into the 
 beli Societies. When a Bill was tendred to Kichard the Second to take the tem- 
 poralities of "the Clergy , thefe was old (haring; and Thomas JFalfuigham dith , he 
 himdlf did hear one of the Knights fwear deeply , that he would have a Thou- 
 fand Marks by year, out of the Abby of St. Albans. The very like Bill was put 
 up to King Hwry the Fourth , with this motive or addition, that thofe Temporal 
 pofltllions would fufficc to find an Hundred and Fifty Earls, Fifteen Hundred 
 Knights, Six Thoufand and Two Hundred Efquires, and an hundred Hofpitals 
 more than there was in the Kingdom , ( it had been a great overfight if they had 
 not ftuclj down a few feathers. ) Do you not fee private ends in thofe days ? but 
 even they found themfelves mirtaken in their accounts. And now when the Lord 
 Verulam and fundry others of our moft eminent Countreymen have acknowledged 
 Confideratf. ( I have heard the very fame from Sir Edtvine Sands ) that all the Parliaments fmcc 
 oDS dedicated fh^ 27, and 3 1, of King Henry the Eighth , feem in fame fort to ftand obnoxious and obli- 
 t° King ^^ ^g Q^fi Iff Conscience ^ to do fomeivhat for the Church , to reduce the Patrimony there- 
 
 James. ^^ ^^ ^ competency. Now I fay when the Temporalties of the Clergy are fo inconfi- 
 
 dcrable in comparifon of the Honour of the Nation and the Order of the Church , 
 and fo unable to {atisfie the appetite and expeftation of necclEtous men-, in (b much 
 as I dare fpeak it confidently , that all the Temporalties of the Archbiihops , Bi- 
 fhops , Deans, Archdeacons, Deans and Chapiters, Prebends, Petty-Canons, 
 Vicars Choral , ( which are recited in folio to make a (hew, and of all the Ecclelia- 
 ftical Dignitaries and Corporations whatfoever , let them take matters of Hofpitak 
 in to boot , ( except the two Univerfities and Glebes of Benefices with cure ) do 
 not all amount in penny rent to the Revenues of fbme two Earles , fuch a propo- 
 fition (ecms now to be much more unreafonable than it was then , yet even then 
 the Bill was commanded by the King to be cancelled. I confels the true and utter- 
 moft value, may be double or treble to this, but what is redundant above the rent 
 is in the hands of the Gentry and Commons , who will think much to loofe either 
 their Intereft or Tenent-right. Iconfefs likewifethat befides their Temporalties, 
 they have Spiritualties eonfifting of Tiths and Oblations : but to think of taking 
 thefe away alfb , will highly difpleafe their leaders of the old Edition. Hear the 
 humble motioner, Jt U the duty of the Cammontpealth to convert thofe things rvhith by 
 their foundation rcere meant to the Service of' God to that very ufe , that Reformation he 
 not rather thought a bait to feed our bellies , than to proceed of Godly Zeal. He calls it 
 a plain mockery of God , a fcorn of Godlinefi, the moji Vevillijh Policy in the IVorld, 
 that upon pretence to farther God's Service , menfhould rob and ranfach^the Church. To 
 the fame purpofe Mr. Cartn>rjght , 'tbU is our meaning , not that theji goods (hould he 
 turned from the pojjejji on of the Church , to the filling of the bottomlefi fackj of their gree- 
 dy appetites, rvho gape after tlm prey, and would thereby to their perpetual Jharae purchafe 
 to themfelves afield of Blood. After he calls them Gormortmts, and proteits againft it 
 as plain Sacriledge. A fupply from hence , as it is Sacrilegious in the opinion of 
 their greatefi Reformers : fo it would be inconfiderable either to inrich the Crown , 
 or to difingage the Kingdom , or to fatisfie the appetites or private ends of necef- 
 fitous perfons. 
 
 Obierv. Having now premifed thefe things , J come to the main difficulties lying at thU 
 time in dilute before m , 8cc. 
 Seii. 25. _ Anfrv. We have now done with all the Obferver's grounds •, The remainder of 
 
 his Treatife is either a repetition of the fame matter in a new and diverfe drefs i as 
 the Hoft of C/w/cif ferved TitjM F/tJWiv;;af , when h« gave him feveral fer vices of a 
 tame Hog , and yet by Cookery made him believe he fed upon choife variety of Ve- 
 nifon. Fair fall agoodCook^: or elfe it is fupcrftrudions builded upon the former 
 grounds , which ( the Foundations being fubaradted) remain as Caftles in the air, 
 ready to fall of themfelves without any farther battery : or elfe it is matter of fad , 
 which howfoever it be difguifed byfidlions in this feculent Age , when the Father 
 of lies is let loofe, yet it is well enough known to the greater and better part of 
 
 the
 
 Discourse II. The ScrpentS^jhe^ c;8i 
 
 the Kingdom. Such is the queftion of the- Mi/ifia , fo ofcen iterated by the Oblcr- 
 ver , both in point of right , and in point of fact: fuch is the cafe of the impeach- 
 td. members : and th\t ot the tumults and commotions at London and iVeiiminfier , 
 and that ot' thofe infamous Libels and inved'ives againit his MijetHes Government , 
 bu[h out ot the Pulpit and Prefs , if not with incouragemcnt yet without any re- 
 tiraint , and fome of them not onely againll His Government, but againfi Mo- 
 narchical Government in General , as this very Treatife of the Obfcrvcr's. Con- 
 cerning the Firft , His Miielly hath kt forth an exprefs Declaration of the Firit of 
 July , yet unanfwered : to fay more in this were to bring owks to Athens. Con- 
 cerning the Latter, His MajeftypalHng by ordinary and milled perfons, chargeth 
 the Heads and contrivers of thcfe Diltradions and Libellous Invectives , in his 
 D;;clarations of the 12. of Jnguji , occ. fo as it feemes needlefs to take any farther 
 notice of them. Such others are that of the Scotch Army , and the furprifing of 
 NeTfcJjile^ and the Earl of Straffords cafe: whereas the Obferver knows well enough, 
 that for the two former there i? an Adt of oblivion, and for the Latter iprovifo tliat 
 it (hail not be drawn into prefident, which in etfeCt is as much. He cannot choofe 
 but know , that ofherwife fomething might be faid in thefe cafes which perhaps 
 would trouble him to untwilt : To infult over one that hath his hands tyed , or to 
 brave one who is bound to the Peace , argues a degenerous adverfary. Therefore 
 to omit thefe and the like, and to inlilt upon fuch onely as afford us either new mat- 
 ter , or have more weight of reafon added to them. 
 
 Whereof the principal without comparifbn is the bufinefs ofUiiU or Sir John Ho- of Null and 
 tham , which runs fo much in the Obferver's mind , that he falls upon it nine or ten Sir Jihn Ac 
 times in this little Treatife, and after he profefTeth to have done with it page 30 'ham. 
 yet he relapfeth into it again thrice, in the 33. 35. and 4.3. pages. Ifhall not omit 
 any thing that hath the leaft fcruple of weight or moment to advantage Sir John 
 Hothams caufe. 
 
 Fird , It is confefTed by the Obferver "Ihat to pojfef a Thivn and put the Gates agahiji 
 the King is treajon. A Liberal concellioni he had an hard forehead that fhould deny 
 it. To detain one of the Kings Ships or Callles onely , without danger to his 
 Perfon,is Treafon: what is it then hrlt to intrude forcibly, and then to detain inju- 
 rioufly, not a Pinnace or little Tower, but one of the Prime Ports and Strengths 
 of the Kingdom , and in it the Kings whole Magazine or provifion of War , and 
 toraife His Majelties own Subjedts to keep it with Muskets bent againft his Royal 
 Breft ? They had need to be very faving circumttances that can alter the nature of 
 fuch an A6t , or have virtue to tranfubflantiate Cataline into Camihti , and change 
 Treafon into Loyalty. Who made the Obferver a Diftinguifher where the Law 
 doth not diffinguifh } But let us view his reafons without prejudice. 
 
 Three things are alledged , firft the circumftances of the Adtion, Secondly , the 
 intention of the Adtors , Thirdly , The authority of the Commanders- For the 
 firft he faith , 'Ihe King tpos meerly denyed entrance for the time , hU gener.il right voof 
 not denyed. I do eafily believe , that Sir John meant not to hold Hull for ever : If 
 he did, he is not fuch a Child to fay fo. When the Lord Gray and his complices 
 had plotted to furprife the T'orver or Dover Cajik , and to pofTefs themfelves of the 
 perfons of King James and his Council, it was not their defign to hold thofe forts, 
 or detain them Prifoners for ever : but until they had gained their ovvn conditions^ 
 which were the alteration of Religion , and the Diltribution of the great Oilices 
 of the Kingdom among themfelves i yet it was never the lefs adjudged Treafon , 
 and they condemned for it. 
 
 He adds , No defying Language tvas given to the King. No more did Jud.K give 
 the King of Kings when he cryed , Hail Majler^ and kjffi'd Him. The Propliet com- 
 plaineth , of fome that the words of their motith were fofter than butter^ but JKir nas in 
 their hearts. It was as true as tart a cenfure,' which Johannes Capocim a Noble Kuman, 
 gave of Innocent the Third , who did privately blow the coals betwixt Otho and 
 Frederick^ : Holy Father^ your words are the words of God ( peaceable and pious ) 
 but your deeds are the deeds of the Devil. 
 
 He proceeds , No aUs of violence were ufed , though the King for diverfe hours toge- 
 ther did fiand within Musket Jhst^ and did ufe terms of defiance, znd tb'n mal^s the 
 
 AVt
 
 Saxt. 
 
 ^^8^ ' ^ The Serpe nt Sahe- T O M E 1 i. 
 
 ^a nteerh dtjeufive or rather faffive. PaHive ! how can that be > notwithitanding 
 
 the intrufion of Sir John, the King is liill the pofTeffour , and the detaining is tor- 
 cible in the eye of the Law. This very plea argues a rotten and a Trayterous heart. 
 To liill an innocent and an anoynted King in the fight of the Sun , requires an 
 height of impiety, a longer preparation or partners, and inftrumcnts fleihed in 
 blood and inKchieti He that ftould have commanded fuch a fliot , had need to 
 have given his charge in ambiguous terms , as Edvardum occidere nolite timere bonnm 
 tjl or otherwise might have been thrown over the walls for his Labour. If fuch 
 a (hot had failed , it had been d^lkudive to the Ador and all his partakers ; if it 
 had taken , it would have made them fiink in the Noftrils of all good men •, biit 
 for my parti do not believe there was any fuch intention. Howfoever we have 
 been told in the place of the Barons Wars , we (hould exped the Commons Wars : 
 yet Generally tlie Englijh Nation delights not fo much in Democracy as the Obferver 
 doth i and a more Gracious King they could not have , whofe Death would have 
 dillulvcd many mens hopes. Howfoever as King Alfhonfm anfwered his phylkian, 
 when he perfwaded him not to handle the works of Ltvy ( which were fent unto 
 JEiteai S;/. him by a a great Florentine ) for fear of poyfon , 'The Lives and Souls of Kings are 
 *»«"• fecttre under the Providence and TroteCiion of God : or as a Traytor anfwered the King 
 
 of the PrfMfJ , That he wanted neither mind nor fu^cient means to have tffe£ied his in- 
 tentions , but the ajjifiance and concurrence of God rvof alroays wanting. Which was 
 verified in a confpiracy againft King James , when the murderer fmitten into an a- 
 mazement by God's ]uft Judgement , could neither flirhand nor foot. 
 
 It tollows , How fhould this adminifler to the King any grounds to levy guards at 
 Yorke? See. Vid the King without fear treat with Sir John Hotham as a Traytor 
 in the face of bis Artillery , and offer to enter Hull with Twenty Horfe unarmed , and 
 continue fuch a harfl} Parley fo many hours ■> and yet when he was in York, in a County 
 of fo great affurance ^ could nothing but fo many Bands of Horfe and Footfecure him from 
 the fame Sir John Hotham ? I wonder the Obferver doth not blufli to be His Maje- 
 llies remembrancer , how much he descended from His Royal State that day , in his 
 attendance fo many hours, and his courteous proffers. Is it becaufe he thinks good 
 Subjedts take delight to hear of fuch an audacious affront put upon their Sovereign? 
 or of that ba(e fcandalous pidure fo much gazed at in Forreign parts , of Sir John 
 Hotham Handing aloft armed Cap-a-pe, incircled with Gallants and great Ordinance, 
 like another JchiVes , 
 
 Lnpiger , Iracundtis, inexorabilis , acer ■-, 
 
 Whileft His Sacred Majefty was pidlured below like aChanceryPetitioner with his 
 hat in his hand , pittyfully complaing and fuing to Sir John for admilfion ? But 
 the King called Sir John Traytor , and gave him harfh Language. Did he fo : 
 you may remember what Philip anfwered for the Macedonians ■■, when fome of his 
 own wicked inlkuments complained they called them Traytors ■> that his Countrey- 
 men were plain dealing met^ to cail things by their right names ^ and could not for their 
 Lifes thinkjyne thing and fay another. If Philip a Prince benefited by thofe Creatures , 
 pleaded fo for his Subje(fls \ why might not King Charles who was injured , and a 
 loofer , have leave to fpeak for himlelfto his own Subjedls ? But if the King were 
 fo confident there , why did he raife Forces at Tork^^ a place of more affurance ? 
 Firft , (hew us your Commilfion to take his Majefties anfwer , or at leaft tell us why 
 Sir John began to raife Forces Firll > his Majefty is authorized by God and the Law 
 to raife Forces, and owes no account to the Ob(erver. And to his Majefties con- 
 fidence then , and diffidence after, I can fay nothing pofitively: if it were in another 
 cafe , there might be fundry reafons given. Perhaps the fecond cogitations arc tlic 
 founder-, or men may hope for better meafure than they rind v or the latter day is 
 a Schollar to the former ■■, or a man may defire to furprize him and cannot, whom 
 he hath no defire to kill if he couldi or mifchief grows not to maturity inaninltant, 
 but by degrees. 
 
 But , The King might have prevented this rep»lfe , by fending a Mefienger before hand, 
 or by coming without fuch tonfiderahle Forces in Jo unexpehed a manner. How confider- 
 
 able
 
 DtscouRSElf. [he Serpent-Salve. egj 
 
 able His MajelHes were, and what was his manner of coming to Hh\}^ himfcJf hat/i 
 publiflied in a true Satisfadtory Declaration long fince: if it had been otherwife 
 hovv could His Majclly imagin or exped fuch a rcpulfe againft all Laws , beyond' 
 all Prclidents. An impartial man would rather think that Sir John Hotham fliould 
 have taken it to heart , that His Majerty ihould fo far fufpedl his Loyalty as to fend 
 fuch a meiTage before him. This is certain , if there were an omillion in point of 
 difcretion or good manners , it was on Sir Jvhn Hothams part , who was privy to 
 his own refolutions : and though he had forgotten his allegiance , yet in point of 
 courtefie , he ought to have given His Majeliy a fair advertifement. It is very 
 hard the Obferver fhould go about to reduce His King to the condition of an or- 
 dinary Paflengcr , that muli fend his harbinger before to try whether he may have 
 entertainment at his Inne or not. 
 
 Nondum finim Orejies , his circumftances are not yet done > he adds , the thinqs 
 remaining at Hull in the Kings truji for the uj'e of the Kingdom rpere arms , and by con- 
 fequence of mart danger than other kind of Chattels. If I intruji my Cloaks to anotbers 
 cujhdy^ J may not take it again by force : but if it bemyftvord, and there is jirong pre- 
 Utmftinn that it may be drawn upon me ^ I may ufe any means to fecure it. I wilh all 
 the Obfcrvers f adion had been of his opinion in one point i His Majelly and many 
 of his good Sabjedls have been plundered deeply , and have had both their Cloaks 
 and their Coats , &c. taken away by force , wherein they challenged a right of in- 
 rcreft , which is more than truft. Still the Obferver builds upon his former extra- 
 vagants : His Majefty is not Kex adplacitum^ one that hath meerly the cuftody of 
 K.egal Power , as the Lord Keeper hath of the great Seal, or as the Obferver may 
 give his Cloak to his Neighbour to hold: but he is the very owner and pofTcfTour 
 of Sovereignty to him and to his heirs; and this not by the antecedent trull, nor 
 by the guift of the people, but by the goodnefs of God. It would be known 
 what prefumption the Obferver had, that the fword (hould be drawn upon himv 
 except he that hath given his Superiour a box on the ear may lawfully dilarm hitn 
 when he hath done , for fear leaft being provoked he (hould (kike again. The Ob- 
 ferver intimates no lefs , JVhether is more probable at this time , that the King is incen- f"^' 43f 
 fed againfi the Farliament or the Parliament againji the King ? That very argument 
 which he ufeth here is fu(ficient to convince himfelf. What is the thing detained? 
 The Magazine. To whom doth the right of Armour belong > To the King alone 
 and not to the Parliament", witnefs a Parliament it fclfy* Edvardi primi : much lefs g 
 
 to the Obferver or Sir JohnHitham. Vzza was fmitten dead for prefuming but ^* ^'"^ ' 
 to take hold of" the Ark of God : God will rather have the Ark of the Church or 
 Commonwealth to (hake and totter under his own immediate protedion, than to 
 have fuch men prefume to lay hold on it , who have no calling from him. 
 
 There is onely one faving circumftance left behind, hear it , "The Kings interefl in 
 Hull U not fuch an intereji as in other moveables i neither is the Kings interejl tak^n an>ay^ 
 the fame things are refervedfor him in belter hands: and if it rvere the fame , yet the 
 State hath an intereji Paramount in cafes of publick^extremity. The State hath an in- 
 terert Paramount ; What State ? have we any State in England without the King ? 
 The Obferver is ftill in his old dreams. Well, What is the intercll of this imagi- 
 nary State > an imaginary Intereft, An intereji Paramount in cafes of extremity. 
 What a mixture of pleas is here ? extremity is the plea of private perfons. In cafe 
 of extremity where a man cannot haverecourle to the Magilirate, every man be- 
 comes a Magiftrate to himfelf: an interel\ Paramount is the Right of Superiour Lords. 
 But fixd , here was no fuch extremity , it there had , (till his plea is Rark naught : 
 necellity doth arm a private man againft a Thief, but not authorize a private man. 
 to difarm a Lawful Magiltrate. His other plea of an intereft Paramount is well 
 worfei If the People ( to comply with his own fenfe , ) have an intereji Paramount 
 In whatfoevcr the King holds either jure Corona , or '-jure perfone , then they are the 
 Sovereign, and he but a Subjedt. Batkxpas refervedfor him in better hands. Rc- 
 ferved for the King •' how do you mean' as 'fophet is faid to be prepared for the K/;;^> 
 that is to (hoot at the King at Edgehill or elfewhere; otherwife I do not fee how it 
 was referved for the King. This plea or the like , might ferve a high-way Robber 
 or any opptcttor , to fay it is taken into more needful hands , or into their hands 
 
 X X X that
 
 I 
 
 ""7^7 ■■ The S erpetit-Sahe. TOME 11. 
 
 - - "dTaTknew^better how to life it ■, or that it was but borrowed , and {hould be re- 
 ived ( at tbe Greelt^Calends.. ) None (o tit to judge in what hands a thing Ihould 
 be kept as the true owner of it. But the Kings Ktght U not the fame in Hull that it 
 vi in other tHoveabks. True he hath not the fame Right of property or pofTellion to 
 Icll it or ^'ive it , but he hatii a right of Dominion , and Sovereignty , and Pro- 
 tcdioii which is altogether inconfiftent with his excluiion or (hutting out ofHuH. 
 If he be' held out of ic by force , he is a King dejun , but not de faUo , even as 
 he is Km-' of France , or at leaft of Normandy , Aqtiitaine , &c. or as the King 
 of the KoniMis is King of Kome, The King hath another intereft in BuU befides 
 that of Dominion : other Towns are indebted to the King for their Protection , 
 but this Town for its very Foundation. The Crown purchafed it when it teas ca- 
 pable pf nothiit<i but Birds of Cattel , and flockj "/ Sheep : The Crown builded it , 
 Camden. ^he Qo wn indowed it with priviledges and pofTeflions , made it a diflindl County 
 and able to fupport fucha dignity , the Cro^vn fortified it an i made it fo ftrong as 
 it is : and was all this done with an intent to be thruft out of it ? O that Edivard 
 the third who builded it , or Henry the Eighth who fortified it with Blockhoufes , 
 were but in it for a day or two, with a Regiment of their old Cavaleers to try who 
 (hould be King of HhV and Humber. The proper name of it is not HhV, but King- 
 ilon upon Hui!. The Obferver doth well to decline the right name , for according 
 to his Notions , it may be called Kingftonper Antiphrafm , becaufe it is none of the 
 King's Town. 
 
 If the circumfiances will not juftifie the action , the Obierver flies to the Com- 
 mon Sanduary of Tranfgre(rours ; a good intention : fo he goes on , "Ihe next 
 thing considerable is the Farliaments intentions. If the Farliament have hereupon turned 
 any of the 'torenes men out of their Elates , or elaimed any interejl in it themfelves , or 
 have dijjlifed the King , utterly denying his Kightfor the future , or have made any other 
 ufe of their poj^e^on , but meerly to prevent civil IVar , and to disfurnifh the Kiy^gs Soul- 
 diers of Arms and Amunition , let the State be branded mith "Treafon : but ij none of 
 ihefe things be by any credit, though their Enemies Jhould be Judges, the Effential property 
 of "freafon muji needs here be abjent in this ACi. There needs no Enemies to be made 
 Judges v if it were before a Court of Areopagites , this plea would be laughed at 
 or hi(red out of Court. How (hall we judge of mens intentions bell, by their 
 ThUii words or by their adtions > IVho ever Trochimed in the Streets that he had rotten roares 
 to fell? Who ever confefTed that his meaning was naught? mens intentions may 
 be pleaded at the Bar of Confcience before God for mitigation : not at the Bar of 
 Judice before man for juflification. Neither is it likely that Sir John and his part- 
 ners had all the fame intentions*, their actions fpeak their intentiuns fufficiently. 
 And admitting their intentions were good , yet that cannot jullifie an unlawful a- 
 Gi\ox\ ■■> Iheyjhallput yoH out of the Synagogues , yea, rrhofoever kjHith you , rt^iU think^, 
 John 10. 2- \jedoth Godfervice : Thofc perfecutors had good intentions , but their a(ft!.ins were 
 ftark naught. You fay , they claimed no intereji , yet your felf claim an interejl Para- 
 mount fox them. You fay, they dilTeifed not the King, becaufe they denyed not 
 His Right for the future i as if there might not be a dilTeifure without fuch a deni- 
 al. You fay they made no other ufe of the Poffeffton: The Inhabitants fay , they made 
 other ufe of their houfes and dwelt in them , they made other ufe of their Viftuals 
 and payed not for them : the Merchants fay , they made other ufes of their Wines, 
 Spices, and Wares , and fold them , and took money for them : the Countrcy- 
 men fay they made other ufe of them(elves , and their Servants , and their Goods , 
 and difpofed them as freely as if they had been their own: the whole Countrey com- 
 plains , that H;/ihath been ufed asa Neft and Refuge for feditious perfons , A Se- 
 minary of War , to the Great damage of the Subjedt thereabouts , befides all the 
 bloud that hath been fpilt upon that occafion ■■> Whom (hall a man truft , the 
 Townfmen or the Obferver ? But you fay , they turned none of the Townfmen cut of 
 their Ejiates i Perhaps not fo foon as you writ •, either there are Lyars , or fome 
 mens eyes were more upon Tork^minfier and Caveood-Caflk , than upon Bull or any 
 houfes in H«<l';but fince , that Fadtion hath turned out whomfoever they either 
 diflikedorfufpeded , and have feifcd mens Eftates at their plcafure , and feiit out 
 their Emi(rary Legions roming and plundering about the Countrey, as \i Sathan 
 .' » were
 
 DscouRSE If. The Serpent-Sahe. £585 
 
 were fenc out trom the face of the Lord , to fcourge the World s 'Trojan oxTynun^ 
 Papift or Proteilant , all was fifh that came to their Nets. And if there can be no 
 tbrgivenefs of fin without reftitution , fome of them have a great account to make 
 cither in this World, or in the World to come. He tells us,this was theonely means 
 to prevent civil IFar^and to disfurnifi} the Kin^s feducers of Arms and Ammunition : But 
 the truth is, this hath been the onely Source and Fountain from whence all our Ci- 
 vil Wars have fprung. Whether the King or Kingdom have been (educed, and 
 by whom , the God of Heaven will discover: I would every Englijhmjn had 
 it ingraven in his forehead , how he /lands affefted to the Commonwealth. AVe 
 Beetles did fee no figns of Civil War, but all of Peace and Tranquillity ; but the 
 Obferver and his confederates being privy to their own plots , to introduce by the 
 Sword a new form of Government both into State and Church, might ealily forefee 
 that they fhould ftand in need of all theitrength, both in Hwfl, and Hell^ and Hallifjx 
 to fecond them : whereof yet all true EngUjhmen do acquit the Parliament in their 
 hearts defires > though the Obferver be Hill at his old ward , fliuffling Sir John 
 tiotham out , and the Parliament in , (b changing the ftate of the queltion. But 
 what weight that confideration hath, follows in his next and lalt Allegation. 
 
 Sir John Hotham is to be looked on as the ACtor , the Tarliament m the Author , in 
 holding HwW. And therefore it U much rvondered at, that the Kingfeems more violent 
 againji the A6}or , than the Author : hut through the AHor , the Author mnjl needs be 
 pierced , &c. And // the Parliament be not virtually the tvhole Kingdom it felf. If it 
 be not the Supreme Judicature as tPell in matters of State , oi matters of Latv : If it 
 be not the Great Council of the Kingdom <w Tvell as of the King , to rehom it belmgeth by 
 the confent of all liations to provide in extraordinary cafes , Ne quid detriment! capiat 
 refpublicai Let the brand of Treafon (iich^ upon it : Nay if the Tarliament would have 
 ujed this forcible means , unlefs petitioning vpould not have prevailed , or if the groimds 
 of their Jealoufe were meerly vain , or if the jealoufxe of a whole Kingdom can be counted 
 vain-, Let the reward of Ireafon be their guerdon. Hitherto the Obferver like the wi- 
 ly Fox , hath ufcd all his flights to fruftrate the purfuit of the Hounds : but feeing 
 all his fetches prove in vain, he now begins to aft the cat, and flies to his own 
 great help , to leap up into a Tree , that is , the Authority of Parliament , ut lap- 
 ja graviore ruat , that he may catch a greater fall. By the way the Obferver forgets 
 how the King is pierced through the fides of Malignant Counfellers. 
 
 Three things are principally here confiderable. Firlt , Whether Sir John Hotham 
 had any fuch command or Commilfion from the Parliament. Secondly, if he had, 
 whether he ought to have produced it? Thirdly, fuppofing he both had it , and 
 produced it , whether it be valid againft his Majelly , or whether an illegal com- 
 mand do jutUhe a rebellious Aft. 
 
 To the hrrt of thefe. I take it for granted , That a Commillion , or an Ordi- 
 nance tor Sir John to he a. meet Governour of H?<Z/ , dorh not extend to the Ex- 
 clufion of his Majefty out of Hull; nor Warrant Sir John to (hut the Gates againft 
 his Sovereign : if it did, every Governour might do the fame, and fubordinate 
 Command might trample upon Supreme. Neither can a poikriour approbation 
 warrant a precedent excefs •, for this is not to authorize , but to pardon , the fole 
 power whereof is acknowledged to be in his Majefly , without any (hares. To 
 the firii queftion therefore , the anfwer is , Sir John Hotham had no fuch Warrant 
 or Commillion from the Parliament: he himfelf confeffed , that he had no pofitive 
 or particular order. How (hould he know of Hii Majefties comeing ? by inlUnft, 
 or a Prophetical Spirit ? A negative cannot , ought not to be proved , the proof 
 relts wholy on Sir Johns fide, and can be no other than by producing the Ordinance 
 it felf , or his inlkument, whereby he can receive the ienfe of the Houfe from JP7ji- 
 minjier to Hull in an inftant : if he have not a precedent Ordinance to fliew , it is 
 in vain to pretend the Authority of Parliament. 
 
 To the Second queltion. Admitting, but not granting, that he had fuch an 
 Ordinance, whether could it be available to him , being not produced, when it 
 was called for and demanded fo often by His Majeliy ? Ve non apparentibiis , & nm 
 (xijientibus eadem eji ratio , Whether there was no fuch Ordinance, or no iuch Or- 
 dinance did appear , is all one both in Law and reafbn i He that can read and will 
 
 X X X 2 not
 
 586 
 
 The Serpent :Sat've. 1 O Si V. II- 
 
 not make ulbofhis Clergy fuffers J^'^lV •• j''^ '^'^' hath a w.rraiu and vvill not 
 ti oduce it may cry , Nemo Udimr nifi afetpjo , No man is hurt but by himfeU. A 
 known Orticcrlb long as he keeps himfelf within the fphcre of his own adiviry, 
 is a warrant of himfclf; but he that it imployed extraordinarily , or tranfcends the 
 bounds of common power , muft produce his authority , or take what falls. Sir 
 7„/;« hath not yet gained fo much credit , that his tpfe dixit , his word (hould be 
 a (ufticicnt proof, or his Teftimony in his own cafe taken tor an Oracle. 
 
 Thirdly admitting that Sir jfy^u had fuch an Ordinance , and likewife that he 
 did produce it, ( for if we admit neither, he can prove neither, ) yet the queftion is 
 how valid this Ordinance may be as to this a6t. I doubt not at all of the power 
 of Parliament , that is , a compleat Parliament , where the King and both Houfes 
 do concur : but an Ordinance without the King, againltthe King, alters the cafej 
 this may have the Authority of both Houfes perhaps , but not ot a compleat Par- 
 liament. Secondly , the power of both Houfes is great , efpecially of the Lords as 
 they are the King's Great Council , and in that relation are the Supreme Judicature 
 of the Kingdom : but before the Obferver faid it , I never thought the commons 
 did challenge any (hare of this Judicature , except over their own members , or. 
 Heb 6 i6. preparatory to the Lords: ©r that they had power to adminifter an Oath, which the 
 Apodk hith if the end of ah jirife ■■, who ever knew any Judicature without power 
 to give an Oath ? This makes the Obferver's new devife , of the people meeting in 
 their mderived Mayfly to dojuflice , a tranfparent fidtion. It is not the Commons , 
 but the Lords or the Kings Council that challenge Supreme Judicature. But take 
 both Houfes with that latitude of Power , which they have either joyntly or feve- 
 rally , yet his Majefty faith they have no power over the Militia of the Kingdom , 
 or over his Forts or Magazines : he avoucheth for it the Common- La w , Statute- 
 Law, Prclidents , Prefcriptions , we have not yet heard them anfwered , nor fo 
 much as one inflance , lince the beginning of this Monarchy given for a prefident 
 of fuch an ordinance, or of any new ordinance binding to the Kingdom, with- 
 out his Majefties concurrence , in perfon or by commiilion. If the Obferver have 
 any Law , or Prefident , or cafe , he may do well to produce it : if he have none 
 he may fit down and hold his peace ; his remote inconfequent confequcnccs drawn 
 from the Law of Nature are neither true nor pertinent. Yet I never heard that Sir 
 John did alledge any Authority from theHoufe of Lords,butfrom the Houfe ofCom- 
 mons onely.This brings theParliament flillintoafiraiter roomiasif itwere totumhomo- 
 ger.eum,cvQty part to bear the fame name with the whole; fo he may give the Authority 
 ofParliamentto a ParticularCommittee,or perhaps to a particular memir; r.He faith it 
 is virtually the Kingdom. Not fo, it is virtually the Commonsof the Kingdum.-not to 
 all intents neither , but to fome purpofes. He adds , that it is the Great Council of 
 the Kingdom^ to which it belongs to provide that the Commonvpealth rcceivt no prejudice. 
 It is a part of the Great Council , and (hould provide for its fafety , as the grand 
 inqueft doth for the whole County j by finding out the dangers and grievances , 
 and propofing remedies : but to prattle of a Majefty or plenitude o( Sovereign 
 Power, derived now at this time of the day from the people, is to draw water out 
 of a Pumice , or to be mad with reafon. 
 
 1 have now anfwered all that the Obferver hath brought throughou. his Book , 
 
 either concerning huh or Sir John Hotham. Now will he hear with patience what 
 
 hull men fay ? they fay that Sir Johnhzth been a prime occafion of thefe diftempers, 
 
 1654. and ^^ ^^^ ^^^ fcvere and zealous Colledor of Ship-money that ever was , in Iiis flie- 
 
 }635. rivealty,a prefident to the re(t oftheKingdom,notone!y an executor of the commands 
 
 ot others,but alfo a plotter and contriver of this bufinefs:that he hath had,not a moneths 
 
 mind,but fixteen years mind totheGovernment o{HuU,(cvcv fincc theWars with Spain) 
 
 upon all occafions, and as an introdudion to his defigns,hath gotten theTrain-bands 
 
 ofHw// added to his Regimenf.that his friends have beentTie raifers and fomenters of 
 
 thcfe fears and jealoufies, of the furprifing of Hull , fomctimes by the Lord oiVun- 
 
 harres men, that were trained under ground, (furely they were not men, but Serpents 
 
 teeth that (hould be turned into armed men , ) fometimes by Mr. I'erret a Lincoln- 
 
 Jhire Gentleman and his Troops of Horfe : a fine devife indeed to have furprifed 
 
 Hull on a fuddain , with horfe, and with horfe iioxn Ltncoltijhire ! who knows 
 
 how 
 
 i
 
 DrscouRSE II. The Serpent^Sahe, -g 
 
 ho'.v they fliould have got over HHtnber , unlefs they were winged ? they fay that 
 betbre ever the Kingdom took any notice of a breach between the Kina; and the 
 Parliament, Mr. Hotham openly divided them at H«Z/, I'bey that are fo, t^-r Ki,tg 
 jiand there ^ and th.y that are for the Parliament ftand here ■, did he know notlnng 
 then ? Judge you. They tell who it was that threw away his MajelUes Letter in 
 fcorn , and told the Major of HiiH it was worth nothing : who it was that com- 
 manded the Burgefles upon pain of Death to keep in their houfts , and not to :ip- 
 pear when his Majerty repaired to H«//: who it was that caufed the bonerires to be 
 put out upon the day of his Majefties inauguration upon pretended fear of the Ma- 
 gazines whereas at the fame time his Souldiershad a great fire under the very Walls 
 of it : who it was that defired of the Townefmen of HhH a certihcate to the Parli- 
 ament , that his Majelty came againft HuU in an hoftile manner , with greater num- 
 bers than he had i which was refufed by the greater and founder part , as good 
 reafbn they had,both becaufe it was untrue, and alfo becaufe during all the fame time 
 they were confined to their houfes upon pain of death ; who it was that admini- 
 Itred an Oath or Proteftation to the Townefmen of HM^ fo diredly oppofite both 
 to their Oath of Allegiance , and to the Oath which they take when they are . ad- 
 mitted BurgefTes or Freemen of that Corporation. They fay Mr. [Jothamr Motto 
 of his Cornet is , For the puhlkk^Uberty : but that it was not for the publick liberty 
 either for him to promife the Townefmen that none (hould be troubled with billet- 
 ting Souldiers againft their Wills , and fo foon as he was gotten into HitU to nil 
 their houfes with Billetters, and tell them it was policy of State to promife fair nil 
 they were in poffellion •, or for his Father to hold a Piftol to the breft of the Kings . 
 Lieutenant , to beat and imprifon their Perfons , to banifh them from their habita- 
 tions , to drown their Corn and meddow , to burn their houfes , tc rob them of 
 their goods , and allow the owner but ten pounds out of a Thoufand , for the 
 maintenance of him(elf, his wife, and Children, to fuffer his Officers to charge 
 anhoneft Woman with felony, for coming into her own houfe, becaufe her Hus- 
 band was a delinquent , and Sir John had difpofed his goods. If you delire to 
 know where was the firft forcing of billets.? it was at Hull: where was the rirll plun- 
 dering of goods ? at Httll: the firft drowning of grounds ? (a) at Hull : where was 
 the firft burning of houfes /at Ci_^ Myton near Hull: where was the firft ftiedding of . 
 blood .? at C c)Anlaby near Hull i and to agravate the matter in a time of Treaty and f f'^ ^"'^ ^' 
 expedlation of Peace. They fa y the firft men baniftied from their habitations, were rX ^jj, jl. 
 Mr. Thornton , Mr. Carttvright , Mr. Perkins , Mr. Fairbiirne , Mr. Ker)iy , Mr. ''' 
 
 tofham , Mr. JVatfon , Mr. Vobfon of Hull. They fay the firft impofition of four 
 pound a Tunn upon fome kind of commodities was at Hull : and wifh that the 
 Father had been tranflated into Lmcolnjhire with the Son, that TorJ^fhire might have 
 fung , Litentur Cxli, &c. 
 
 You have feen what they fay, whereof I am but the relater : if it feem to fharp 
 blame the Pellicane and not me. Now I muft crave a word with the Town. Be- 
 fides the Oath of Allegiance which every good Subjedt hath taken or ought to take, 
 every Burgeft of that Town takes another oath at his admiilion, to keep that Town 
 and the block houfes to the ufe of the King and his Heirs,C not of the King and Par~ 
 liament.) I cannot now procure the Copy to a word: but I (hall fet down the 
 like oath for Xork^s and of the two , the oath of HhU is ftridcr. I defire the Lon- 
 doners and all the ftrongTowncs in the Kingdom , who I conceive have taken the 
 fame form of oath , to take it into ferious confideration for their Souls health. 
 
 11ns hear ye my Lord Major , Mr, Chamberlens, and good men , that J from hence forth 
 Jhall be truiiy and true to our Sovereign Lord the King and to this Citty. And this fame 
 City J Jhall fjve and maintain to our faid Sovereign Lord the King , his heirs and Suc- 
 ctffours , ccc. So help me God. 
 
 The oath begins as folemnly as that of the Komm Fscial , hear Jupiter , and 
 thoH Juno , ^iriniu thou , &c' And being affirmative , though it bind not a 
 Townefman ad femper , to be always upon the Walls in Arms i yet it binds him 
 femper^ to be ready upon all necellities , it binds him never to do any thing that 
 
 may
 
 ^88 
 
 may 
 
 Ths SerpenuS ahe. TOME If - 
 
 - — • mTTwi And was not that proteftation contrary, which was 
 
 Obfervc firft what Gudgeons he makes them fwallow. How do they know that 
 the King is fcditccd ? Sir John tells them fo : or that his Majelty intended to make 
 War a^ainrt Hull, unlefs becaufe their confciences told them they had given him 
 iuft gro'unds to do fo ? It was Sir John Hothant , not the Town of Hull, which 
 was accufed by his Majefty. Obferve how he makes his Ad: , the ad of the whole 
 Town rpho have done nothing : and yet the poor men were mued up in their houfes 
 whileft it was a doing. LaiHy , how they affirm that he hath done nothing but 
 by order of Parliament : yet it is certain many who were required to proteft , and 
 were baniftied for not protefling , ( I believe not one of them all^ did ever yet fee 
 this order : i how could they fee that which never was ? ) for thefe men to know 
 that he had an order , to know that he did not exceed his order , is miraculous. 
 Upon thefe feigned grounds they build their folcmn proteftation •, what to do .? to 
 defend Hull againji all oppofition whatsoever , his Majefty is not excepted : and the 
 firrt words, Forafmuch as the King being feduced, &c. fhews that his Majefty is prin- 
 cipally intended. Tofave and defend the Town to Our Sovereign Lord the King and his 
 heirs ; So fa;^h the Oath: "to defend it againfi all oppofition vehatfoever , yea of the 
 King fediicedi fo faith the Proteftation. Now if thefe two be not repugnant dire- 
 dly one to another , if every man that hath taken this Proteftation , be not di- 
 redly perjured , reddat mihi minam Viogenes , let him that taught me Logick give 
 my money again. What is this but to intangle and ingage God in Rebellion , and 
 to put his broad Seal to Letters counterfeited by themfelves? They fuifered much 
 who were banifhed for not protefling ; but they more who ftayed at home with 
 fuch hazard of their Souls. Some men may be fo filly as to ask whether of thefe 
 two ingagements, the oath or the Proteftation ought to be kept ? The cafe is clear 
 the former obligation doth always prejudge the later : the later Will is beft , but 
 the firtt oath ; the Proteftation is plain perjury , and to preferve in it, is to double 
 Amh. tj,£ (^f, . ^„fa promifpo , acerbior folutio^ to make the Proteftation was ill, to keep it is 
 
 worfe i David protefted as much againft Nahaly yet upon better confideration, en- 
 fem in vaginam revocavit , he retracted it. 
 g . Secondly , An oath made by one that is not fuijurU , who hath no power over 
 
 ' '' himfelf , in that which he fwears , is void even when it js made : As for a Child 
 
 or a Wife to fwear againft their filial or conjugal Duty i or for a Subjed to fwear a- 
 gainft his Allegiance , ( and fuch an one was that proteftation, ) this is fufficient to 
 make it void. To which much more might bt ad4ed , as that the former oaths 
 were grounded both upon a natural and a civil obligation , were freely afllimed , 
 but this proteftation was meerly forced : the former were taken before a lawfull Ma- 
 giftrat , the latter before an Intruder, who had no power to adminifter fuch a pro- 
 teftation. But 1 have dwelt long enough on this point: I wifli our great Cities who 
 have taken the like Oath may lay it to heart. 
 
 In theclofcof this point , the Obferver tells us, that if F^«x had fallen by a private 
 mans fvoord in the very injiant when he would have given fire to his train , that aU had not 
 been punijhable. What then > will he compare the Soverain Magiftrate to a powder 
 Traytouri or his undermining the Parliament Houfe with the Kings repairing to his 
 own Towni orhis blowing up His Majefty and the Peeres,with the Kings requiring 
 his own goods. This is falfe and painted fire , the traine was laid the other way. 
 
 ^todcHtq; oftendas mihiftc , incredulus odi. 
 
 Irifli Rebeliai! The next confiderable Obfervation is concerning Ireland : A Tragical Subjcd 
 
 which
 
 DISCOURSE II. The Serpent-Sahe^ ^gp 
 
 which may jufily challenge our tears and prayers. The Obferver falls upon this in 
 the 17, 2p, and ^6. pages of this Treatife , and likewife in his Obferva tor defended, 
 and other Difcourfcs lately publiflied, either without a name, or under another 
 name. The condition ot Ireland is fo much the more to be deplored, by how much 
 the lefs it could then be cxpedted : When Religion began to (hew its beams over the 
 the face of that Kingdom, yea, without any prcffure to the confcience of any man, 
 except fuch as were Introducers of innovations into the publick Service of the 
 Churchi when the Law had obtained a free Current throughout the whole Ifiand -, 
 when the fcale of Equity gave the fame weight to Gold and Lead , and the equal ad- 
 miniftrarion of juliice to rich and poor, did fecure the inferiour Subjefts from op- 
 preHion i when there was a daily growth of all Arts, and Trades , and Civility, 
 when that which was formerly fo great a burthen to this Crown in the ordinary ac- 
 counts every year, was now become able not onely to defray its own charge, but 
 alio make a large fupply to his Majelties Revenue •-, when all the orders of that King- 
 dom had fo lately given an unanimous expreffion of their zeal and devotion to his 
 Majefiies Service : That on a fudden , the Sky (hould be fo totally overcalt , with a 
 pitchy cloud of Rebellion v that all our faireft hopes Ihould be fo unexpededly 
 1 nipped in the bud, deferves a little inquifition into the true reafon of it. 
 
 Some who have long fmce learned , that a dead man cannot bite , are bold to caft 
 it on the Earl of Straffor^s fcore ■■, how jurtly, Jet thefe two confiderations witnefs» 
 Firft, That the prime Adtors in this War, were as great oppofers and profecutors 
 of the Earl : Members of the fame Fadiion may feign Quarrels among themfelves in 
 publick, onely to gain upon a credulous party, and to inable themfelves to doe 
 more milchief; but this never proceeds fo far as blood. Secondly, Look who they 
 are in Ireland , whofe Heroical ad:ions, in fuch a fcarcity of neceffary fuppiies, have 
 maintained the EngUp and the Proteftant caufe , and you (hall find very many of 
 them the intimate Friends of the Earl oi Strafford ^ and principal Commanders in 
 the Irtfh Army called the Popifti Army , which was faid to be intended againrt Eng- 
 land: If you inquire farther into the long Robe for Counfel , you will find the fame 
 obfervation made good. Then let the EarPs afhes reft in peace for this. 
 
 Others ,bred out of the excrements of thofe Gyants, who made war againft Hea- 
 ven , caft this upon his Sacred Majefty. ( To ufe the Obferver's words ) An ahf^t-d, 
 unreafonable , incredible fttp^ofttion ; that he, who may boaft more truly, than Perichs 
 could upon his Death-bed, That never one Athenian did wear black for his fake , 
 now , as if all his former goodnefe was but perfonated , or Nero^s Soul had tranf- 
 migrated into his Body, (hould delight in the blood and (laughter of his Suhjedts. 
 To what end ? to exhaaft his Treafure , lofe his Revenues , weaken his Friends , 
 and deprive himfelf of the certain a(fifi:ance of his Subjedis, at a time when he con- 
 ceives it fit to be (b u(eful for his affairs. They had need be ftrong proofs indeed, 
 that can incline the judgment of any rational man , to fuch a fenllefs paradox. Let 
 us view them. ' 
 
 Firft, "Xhe Rebels faid fo ^ tlyeyf leaded the Kings Anthority, they called thonfehes 
 the §lueent Army. Is not this a doughty Argument ? By the (ame reafon we may 
 accu{c Chrift, as the Patron of all Schifmatical Conventicles, becaufethey fay, here 
 ii Chrill , and there is Chrtji v fome out of a credulous fimplicity , others out of a 
 deep fubtilty : or afcribe the primitive Herefies to the Apoftles , becaufe the talfe 
 Teachers did u(e their Names , to make their Herefies more current : So Sir John 
 Hotham and Serjeant Major Skjppon, do pretend the Authority of King and Parlia- 
 ment, the King difclaims both the one and the other. Many who are now in Arms, 
 againll the King , do verily believe they fight for the King , againft fome bad coun- 
 (ellers, whom they cannot name. The fame Rebels fometimes pleaded an Ordi- 
 nance of Parliament. Nothing is more ufual to Pirates, than to hang out a coun- 
 terfeit Flag. 
 
 A fccond Reafon is, Sundry Commanders of note tvere pafied over into Ireland, by hU 
 Majeftier Warrant , who were feen prefently after in the Head of the Rebels. His Maje- 
 fty hath long fince anfwered this, and demanded reparation of fuch a groundlcfs ca- 
 lumny. I onely add two things : The one, how ignorant our Intelligencers are of 
 the State oi Ireland^ to feign fuch a device of a Brother of Sir George Rtmilton's-, yet 
 
 " Six
 
 $9< 
 
 I 
 
 The Serpent Sal've- TOME J I - 
 
 ■^Geor^eluthm Brother there but S.r Fredenck., who was then and long after in 
 M^noov Ham^lm, as oppollte to tlic Jnfi Rebels as he Obferver himfelf. The o- 
 thcr is if this were true , yet it were but a poor Collection; there are many who 
 have had not oncly Warrants under the King's hand , but Letters Patents under his 
 Broad Seal , who owe their very fubfiltence to his Majeliies bounty, yet harvc made 
 a (liift to creep from his bofome out at his lleeve. If (uch a thing had been , ( as it 
 is an impudent Fidion, ) yet thefe are neither the lirlt nor the laft, that have be- 
 trayed the truft ofa Gracious King. 
 
 The third and laft reafon is , becaufe his Majefiy vvas not fo adtive to reprcfs this 
 infurrcdion , nor lb ready to proclaim them Traytors : So the Obferver , He that 
 irill not accufc the King of want of zeal againfi the Irifh Rebeh,yet he may truly fay, there 
 Obferv. ^ itoithejMne zeal expreffed that rvas agaitiji the Scots, <$"<:. ihe proferedfuppHes of the 
 ^'^' * " Englifh and Scotifh Nation, are retarded, opportunities negleUed , nice exceptionsframed. 
 
 This plea is pertinent to make the King , though not the Contriver, yet the Con- 
 ferver of that Rebellion, but is as falfe as the Father of Lies, from whom it proceeds. 
 Hear his Majefty Himfelf, 7he Iriih Rebels praCfife fuch unhumane and unheard ofuut- 
 Declaration rages upon our miferahle people , that no Chrijiian ear can hear without horrour , mr Sto- 
 upontheRe. fyparalltl. And as rve look^ upon thif , OS the greateli offiiCtion it hath pkafedCod to lay 
 monm^aucc ^^^^^ ^ ^ y^ ^^^^ unhappinefs is increafed in that by the dijiempers at home , fo early reme- 
 ^ ' di(s have not been applied to thofe growing evils , as the neceffity there requires. And we 
 
 ach^iow ledge it a high crime againji Almighty God, and inexcufable to our good SubjeCis^ 
 if n'e did not to the utmofi imploy all our powers and faculties , to thejpeedieji and molief- 
 fiBual a0jnce and prote&ion of that dijtrejjed people. He conjures all his lovingSub- 
 jedts to join with him in that Work , he offers to hazard his Sacred Perfon in that 
 War, to engage the Revenues of his Crown ■> What can the Obferver defire more? 
 perhaps he may fay theft offers came late and unfeafonably. Then let us look back- 
 ward to his Majcfties Proclamation of the firft of January 164 1, Coon after his Re- 
 turn from 5cof/W, in a time of fo great diftradions here at home, when that Re- 
 monflrance which uihered in all our Fears and Troubles, was ready to be publifh- 
 ed. Let them (hew, that any courfe was prefented to his Majefty before this, ei- 
 ther by his Great Council , to whonri he had committed the care of iti or by his 
 Lords Julh'ces and Council of Ireland , who were upon the place ? IVe abhorring the 
 wickid Vifloyalty and horrible Ads committed by thofe perfons, do hereby not onely declare 
 cur jujlindignation thereof , but alfn do declare them , and 'their Adherents , and Abet- 
 tors, and all thofe who fiiafl hereafter join with them , or commit the lik^ a£is on any of our 
 good SubjeOs in that Kingdom , to be Rebels and 'traytors againfi cur Royal Perfon , and 
 Enemies to our Royal Crown o/England and Ireland , &c. Commanding them to lay 
 down Arms without delay , or otherwifc authorizing and requiring his Lords 
 Juftices there , and the General of His Majeftiet Army , to profecute them as 
 7raytors and Rebels with Fire and Sword. But if we look farther ftill , when the 
 firft Tidings of this curfed Rebellion came to his Majefiy in Scotland , he 
 did not fleep upon it , but prefently acquainted both his Parliaments with 
 it, required their afliftance , recommended it to their care , promifed to joyn 
 in any courfe that fhould be thought fit. Neither did His Majefties care 
 reft there , but at the fame time he named fix or feven Colonels in theNorfi^ of 
 Ireland, to raife forces infiantly to fupprefs that infurredtion , which was done ac- 
 cordingly : and they (ay , if fome had been as adive then, as they were made pow- 
 erfully by the confluence of that part of the Kingdom, in all probability that Cock- 
 atrice cggc had been broken fooner than liatched ; before that ever any of the old 
 Englijh , and many of the mcer Natives had declared themfelves. In purfuance of 
 thefe premifes , when the Adt for undertakers was tendered to his Majefiy, he con- 
 difcended freely to give away all his efcheats to this work ( an adt not to be 
 paralelled among all his predeceffours :) yea though fome claufes in that Statute, 
 ( efpecially for the limitation of his Majefties Grace , ) might feem to require a far- 
 ther difcullion. The wants of Ireland, and the prefent condition of Englanddo 
 fpcak abundantly, whether thofe great Summes of Mony , or thole great Forces raif- 
 ed for that end , have been imployed to the ufe for which they were (olely defigned.- 
 yet Rahjhakeh will not want a pretext to raile at good Hezekiah, thoagh Spider like, 
 
 he
 
 Discourse II. The SerpentSal'z/e^ t-pi 
 
 he fuck poifon out of the fweeteft flowers. Surely there muft be fome rire whence 
 all this fmoak hath ri(cn. Perhaps they conceive that His Majefly was net willing 
 without good advife , upon the Hrft motion to put all his llrong Forts in the North 
 of Ireland , into th^ hands of the Scotch Army i can you blame him , confidcring 
 the prcfent State of affairs there ? I dare refer it to any mans judgement that is not 
 wholy prcpolTefTed with prejudice, whether it was expedient at that time, or con- 
 ducibleto the fpeedy Settlement of Ireland^ for them (to make that demand .<' To 
 divide a little army , Oxty miles one part from another , as far as betwixt London- 
 Verry and Cari^fergus, or the Nervry^ where impaflable Rivers and Mountains, and an 
 uncertain paiTage by Sea would not permit one part to allifi: another i was a ready 
 way either to a long War , or certain overthrow , and not to bring it to a quick 
 conclufion. Neither did thefe places fiand in need of any addition of forces to fe- 
 cure themfelves , whofe Service and Vidtories againft the Rebels , may compare 
 with any Forces in the North of Ireland: all their defire was that this Army would 
 but fliew themfelves the Malkrs in the Field , to carry the War home to the Rebels 
 own doors. Or if tiiey had defired more Garrifons , Vwigannon or Charkmount in 
 the heart of Tyrone , had been much more convenient to diflrefs the Enemy , than 
 to have all their Forces lye (cattered up and down the Sea coalK But thefe things 
 were accorded quickly , and Week after Week , and Moneth after Moneth paffed 
 before any Forces moved out of Scotland for the relief of Ireland. 
 
 Or perhaps his Majefly was not willing in a Prpamble of a Bill toPrefs Souldiers 
 for Ireland^to divelt himfelf altogether of the Power of the Militia here in England:wc 
 cannot be contented of late to gather the fruit, unlefs we may break the bough that 
 did bear it,or to quench our prefent third unlefs, we may alter the property of the Foun- 
 tain. Howfoever to extinguifli all queftions, his Majeliy did freely oifer to raife witli 
 fpced loooo Englijh Voluntiers for^hat fervice, or to pafs a Bill without any men- 
 tion of the right , which might do the work without prejudice to any perfon. 
 
 What is it then, which may in probability be thought the ground of this Rebel- 
 lion ? It requires not fo long a fearch as the head oiNilns ■■, for though I deny not, 
 but that the Hen might be ntting,and (bmclrtfh have been long plotting fuch a thing 
 in Forreign parts i yet they fat fo far from their Nejis , that they could never have hatch- 
 edit^ without fome extraordinary helps. Some fay that by weak management, So- 
 vereign Authority was grown contemptibleior that defperateEQatcs or crying debts, 
 did ingage thePvingleaders both in Ireland and elfewhere , into fuch courfesi or that 
 perfonal quarrels and revenge might challenge a (hare. Some fay that there was a 
 general delire to (hake off the 'Enghfh Government; but omitting thefe and the like, 
 there are two grounds vifible enough. The one is the Exampk of the late Cove- 
 nant of their Neighbour Nation: as the Loadftone draws Iron to it , fo Exam- 
 ples efpecially if they be fuccefsful , have an attradlive virtue and influence. I doubt 
 not but the one went upon much fafer grounds than the other in point of policy, nei- 
 ther do I defire to argue the lawfulnefs in point of Juftice , being a meer llranger 
 to their National Laws. This is certain, there was a vaft difference in the manner 
 of profecution , the one being more bloudy than the other ; which whether it be 
 to be afcribed to their feveral principles, or to fome particular and accidental reafons 
 1 leave every man to his own Judgement. This is all I fay , that if the one had 
 not piped , in probability the other had not danced. 
 
 A Second reafon was a general apprehenfion of jealoufies and fears at that time, 
 that the liberty both civil and religious , of the Subjed: and of Confciencc , and 
 the exercife of their Religion fliould be quite taken away from them i occafioncd 
 by fome indifcieet threatnings, and fome high-flying Petitions, and nouriflijd and 
 augmented by turbulent and feditious perfons , who perfwaded the Common peo- 
 ple that there was no fecnrity, to be expedfed , either for Life or for Religion, Soul 
 or Body , without fuch a General Infurredtion. Thus men plunge them.felves in- 
 to real dangers , out of fancied and imaginary jealoufies and fears. 
 
 The next thing in the Obferver concerning Ireland , is the difparity between the 
 proceedings of the true Rebels in Ireland^ and the mifnamed Rebels here in E'lgland. 
 Their Atiions are all blood , Kapne , Torture ; All Ages , Sexes , Conditions hate , 
 tajied of their infernal cruelty '■, Their intentions were to extirpate Keligion, &e. to 
 
 Y y y ^m.f- 
 
 GkUciardtne.
 
 5P- 
 
 7he Serpent Sal've- TOME 1 1. 
 
 "^.crf the Eh;;///?. Nation-, the,r chef leaders are fefmu and meer Bandioes, oc. 
 Far be it from me to ludifie , or fo much as qualihe thofe barbarous Ads , which 
 have been committed in Ireland. Cruelty is an argument of a Coward , not of an 
 Heroical Nature. But it ill becomes the Obferver to inveigh againii the jefuits , 
 until he have Hrit taken the beam out of his own eye. He that fhall compare Vnl- 
 tnan or Tarjo.is the Jefuit with this Obferver , either for dangerous polltions or vi- 
 rulent detractions, imy C^Y aut Philo Platonizat , ant Flato Thilonizat , Good Wits 
 iump. The Obferver doth but fup up what Farfons and fome others had difgor- 
 ccd before , that he might vomit it up again. When once the bankes are broken , 
 it is hard for him that was the caufe of the inundation to prefcribc limits to it. Had 
 the Obferver and his Partners been as much the major part of England as the Pa- 
 pills were of Ireland , we fliould have feen what men they were. In the mean 
 time the Obferver hath given a Caution , that whileft Chrillians remain in a Frimi- 
 iive r.onditm , that is , are the weaker part and want ftrength, it is difcretion (not 
 duty) to conceal themfelves. The 7ri/& Rebellion is againft the Authority of the 
 King, not againft his Pcrfon , this both againft his Pcrfon and Authority : the /;•?/& 
 (eek a Liberty of Confcierice to themfelves , theft not onely a Liberty , but to im- 
 pofe a neccllity >ipon all others ; the Irifh defirc a capacity of preferment , yet at 
 ' nis Majcfties discretion to cull out whom he pleafeth i thefe men will be their own 
 carvers and not leave the King fuch a Latitude : the Irijh tight againft men of ano- 
 ther Religion , of another Nation i we like Wild Beafts Hght Proteftant againft Pro- 
 tcftant , EngliJhmaH againft Effglijhman^ Brother againft Brother , Parent againft 
 Child : they fight for to recover what they had loft, we Hght to loofc what we 
 have : they know what they fight for , the greateft part of us fight for we know 
 rot what: like the two Faduan Brethren , the one fuppofing he had as many oxcu 
 as there were Starrs, and the other fuppofing that he had a Pafture as large as the 
 Heavens \ the mortal quarrel between them was , whether the ones conceited oxen 
 might feed in the others fuppofed ground. But believe it , they that cannot make 
 rational men underftand , why they put them by the ears together , have fccret rea- 
 fons to themfelves , that they dare not manifeft to others. 
 
 The Laft paiTage concerning Ireland is sn anfwer to his Majefties objcftion , that 
 if the rrvijor ^art of both Houfes in Ireland , Jhould vote a danger to their Religion ^ or 
 that Kingdom , and thereupon by Ordinauce fettle the Militia , in the hands pf fuch fcrfons 
 Of they may confide in , of the FvOman Communion ; they had the fame t^rounds and 
 pretences that our men have. The Obferver anfwcrs, that this is imprppcrly urged, 
 /or England and Ireland are the fame Dominion. That fl^ere is as true and intimate an 
 "Union betwixt them , as betroeen England and Wales. And though they do not tncet in 
 one Farliament, yet their Farliaments to fome purpofes , are not to beheld fveral'-, And 
 therefore if the Papijis in Ireland rvere (Ironger and had more votes , yet they would rvant 
 Authority to overrule any thing voted and ejiablijhed here in England. Ihe reafon why 
 the minor part in all fuffr ages fubfcribes to the major, U that blood may not hefhed , for 
 in probability the mz)Ox part willprevail, elfe firife and blood-fhed would be endlefs, where- 
 fore the major part in Ireland ought to fit down and acquiefce , becattfe Ireland it not a 
 fever al Monarchy from England. Nor is that a major part of Ireland and England too , 
 for if it were , it would give Law to us , Of we now give Law there , and their Statutes 
 would be vf as much virtue here as curs are there, &c. 
 
 Such Dodlrine as this, hath helped to bring poor Ireland, to that miferable condi- 
 tion, wherein now it is. Will you hear with patience, what the Irifh themfelves Dy 
 of this? If any ordinance may be impofed upon us, without an approbative, or fo 
 much as a receptive power in our felves, where is our Liberty then ? our Govern- 
 ment is mcerly arbitrary, our condition is flavifh. We had Magna Charta granted to 
 lis as well as England, and fince that time, all other Liberties and Priviledges of the 
 Englijh Subjeft : fhall that, which is ours be taken from us , without our own A(fl , 
 or our own faulf, and we never heard either in our perfons or by our prodtors'* We 
 dcfire the Obferver to remember what he faid before , Ihat which concerns all , ought 
 to be approved by all ; We have no BurgeflTes nor reprefentatives there ; and that it is 
 unnatural for any Nation to contribute its own inherent puiffance , meerly to fupport Slave- 
 ry. Let the Definition be according to the major part of the Votes > but fl,all the 
 
 minor
 
 Ds COURSE II. The Serpe»t-Sahe. 
 
 hUnoT part be denyed a Liberty to difcufs or vote at all > as we deny not but the 
 Kingdom of leland is United and Incorporated to the Crown ot England : So we 
 underftand not , by what right any power derived from the Englifl] Subjed, can ex- 
 tend it felf over us. That power which they have over us is relative , as they are 
 the Kings Council , wherein he confides : or by virtue of his Delegation to his 
 Judges rcprcfenting his own Perfon. Thus they. 
 
 For farther Anfwer. Firrt , this is a mecr trifling and declining of the Force of 
 his Majefties Argument , which lyes not in this, whether Ireland be adilHnd King- 
 dom : but fuppofing it to be a dilUnd Kingdom ( as without doubt it either is or 
 might be, ) whether that in fuch a cafe as is propounded by his Majerty it were 
 lawtul for them to afllime fuch a power contrary to the Law of God and of Nati- 
 ons 5 or \{ Ireland were as much bigger than England as France is , f it is no Grange 
 thing for a greater Kingdom to be Conquered by a lefle , ) whether in fuch a cafe 
 they might give Law to us , or their Statutes be of as great virtue here, as ours are 
 there, meerly becaufeit is fo voted , by the ma'pr part of the reprefentative body. 
 An abfurd incredible affertioni 
 
 Secondly , There is not the like reafon of Ireland ^nd JVakf. Wales is incircled 
 with the fame Sea , a part of the fame Ifland, and originally in the dayes of the 
 Britains , a Branch of the fame Kingdom. Ifales was incorporated to the Realm 
 of England by Adl of Parliament 27. Henrici 8. cap. 26. fo was not Ireland. 
 Wales have their Peers and Burgeffes fitting in the Englijh Parliament : lo hath not 
 Ireland. Wales hath no dillind Parliainents of its own : but Ireland hath. 
 
 Thirdly , As the Irijh readily grant , that their Common Law is the fame with 
 ours : fo they will not eafily believe , that the EngUp Statutes are all of force in 
 Ireland. What all } even to an Adt of Subfidies ? who ever heard that. It is 
 true , there hath been a queftion moved among fome Lawyers , and thofe perhaps 
 who were not the moft concerned or verfed in it , of the Engliflj Statutes , what 
 Statutes and in what cafes , and how far they are binding to the Injh Subjed ? but 
 I have not heard their opinion was fo high as the Obferver's , or that ever the Bell 
 was rung out yet. If a.\[ EngltjJ^ Statutes be oi' kice in Ireland, what need was 
 their for Henry the Seventh to make an exprefs Statute in Ireland to authorife and 
 introduce all the Englijh Statutes before his time to be of force in that Kingdom? 
 this Ad had been fupervacaneous and fuperfluous. And fince that time we (ee ma- 
 ny Statutes of force in England, that are of no force at all in Ireland : and many 
 both before and fince that time of force in Ireland,t\\d,t have no power in England. 
 
 Laftly, This Obferver might be well one of Father G^rwt's Difciples v When he 
 was asked about the Powder Treafon> whether it was lawful to take away fome 
 Innocents with many Nocents ? he anfwered , yes , fo it was compenfated by a 
 greater benefit or profit, which may perhaps be true fometimes ( as in time of war) 
 accidentally, in publick and neceflary , but not in private and voluntary Agents. 
 So the Obferver makes profit and ftrength , to be the onely rule and meafure of all 
 Adionsof State: Juftice and piety are banifhed by an Ojiracifm out of his Entopia, 
 This is to enflave reafon , and crown bodily ftrength j to filence Law and Jufiice, 
 and to deifie force and power. 
 
 The Obferver is every where girding at the Clergy: it is well that his new fiiper- 
 ftition reverfed , will allow them that name. Have they not great caufe to thank 
 , him , as the poor Ferfians did their King , when they were condemned , That he 
 was pleafed to remember them ? Sometimes he {coifs at the Tribe : There were fe- 
 ditious Schifmaticksof all Tribes. Sometimes he derides their Pulpiting, (it may 
 be he likes a Chair better ) becaufe they teach a Divine Prerogative , which none nn- 
 derjiand but thefe ghojily CounfeVers , who ala>ayes exprejs fnfficient enmity and antipathy 
 to piiblick^ads and palis of men. He that accufeth another, (hould firli examine him- 
 felf. I do not believe that ever there was any Divine in the World, that made Kings 
 fuch unlimited Creatures , as this Obferver doth the People. I have read i'ome Di- 
 fcourfes of this Subjed , but I did never fee any one Co pernicious to a fetled Socie- 
 ty of men , or fodeltrudive to all humane compads , as this j'editious bundle ofOb- 
 Jervations , which makes the Law of Salus populi , to be a difpenfation from Heaven^ 
 for the breach of all oaths of Allegiance , and all other obligations whatfoever , 
 
 Y y y 2 which
 
 The Serpent -Sa I've. TOME II' 
 
 -"^ch meafures ]u(Hce by the war P^" ' ^^ "^^^'^ .^'^l^'^ ^"^^ PO^er the'R^ 
 
 of that which is lawful, which gives the People the laR Judgment ot nccellity, and 
 upo nthis Tudgment, a power to rife .n Arms. If any Divme have unwittingly ilip- 
 Dcd into any Rich crrours, in not diftingulhing between an abfolute and refpedive 
 Soveraignty (which I can hardly believe,) yet the Obferver might have held his 
 peace for (hame ; the one is fo intent upon the Law of God, the other upon the Law 
 of Nature that they both forget the known Laws of the Land. 
 ir ,f Efpecial'ly he fliews his fpleen againll: Biftiops, fometimes calling them ?n0, Bi- 
 Shopsnof HjoPs. If Popery were as ancient as Epifcopacy , the Obferver might (hake his ears 
 Popifti. "at it to fmall purpofe. Sometimes he ftiles them the Prf/iJ/iw/ Fa&w. If that be a 
 
 Fadion which is ellablifhed by the Fundamental Law of the Land , and hath ever 
 been a radicated order of the Kingdom , what may a man think of his reverend 
 Coachmen and Button-makers , and the rert of that diverfified Schifmatical Fry > 
 Sometimes lie makes Levi and Simeon , HierarchilU and PapHlj , the Heads of the 
 main Malignants. 1 hope the Obferver will allow fome Government in the Church, 
 either of Councils , or Synods , or Aflemblies , or Confirtories , or Senates, or Pres- 
 byteries, either Dio«;efan , as it is at Genevan or Parochial, as it is in the Low- 
 Comtries : Either of Prefidents , or Moderators , or Viiiters , Pallors, Dodors 
 Curate or not Curate, Elders perpetual or annual , Deacons, Widows, or fome 
 of them ^ for they are not very well agreed about any of thefe : In one place Elders 
 are Commillioners to the Seigniory, are placed and difplaced by the Magillrate, 
 take an oath of obedience to the Magiftrate i in other places the King hath not fo 
 much as the place of a Lay-Elder , except he be chofen. Or perhaps the Obferver 
 is for none of all thefe ways, but as errant an Independent in the Church, as he de- 
 fires to be in the Commonwealth. Here are many things very coniiderable in this 
 bufineft. 
 
 Firft , That in doubtful cafes , melior ed conditia poffidemii , Poflertion is a ftrong 
 plea, efpecially if it be of long continuance, as this of Epifcopacy is , ever fince 
 Chrillianity was planted in this Kingdom. This is certain , Britill} Bilhops have 
 been of note in Forreign Councils , fince the fecond Council of Jrles , which is 
 above Thirteen hundred years: to fay nothing oi ArijiobulHf, mentioned in the Epi- 
 ftle to the Romans , whom fome good Authours make a Bifhop in this Ifland. They 
 that (hall go about to (hake in pieces fuch an ancient Inftitution, which was brought 
 into the Church either by the authority , or at leaft, by the approbation of the A- 
 po(\les, had need to bring clear proofs , not blind conjedures, about which they 
 themfelves cannot agree one with another. Bi(hops flouri(hed long in tliis King- 
 dom, even when the Brifi/& Church enjoyed the CyprwM priviledge, and acknow- 
 ledged no fubjedion to any Forreign See whatfoever. 
 
 Secondly , That wiiich the Obferver faith of Monarchy , that nur Laws are loch;; 
 ed and Calirtetted in it , in fuch manner, that the wounding of the one is the bleeding of 
 the other , ( though he forgets it throughout his Difcourfe,) islikewife true of Epi- 
 fcopacy, that it is woven and riveted into the Body of our Law, Hear a Witnefs 
 Lords Veru-. beyond exception , For the Government of Bifhops, I for my part not prejudging the pre- 
 racTonT" fidents of other Keformed Churches , do hold it rvarranted by the Word of God, and by the 
 praUice (f the ancient Church in the better times , and much more convenient far King- 
 doms , than parity nf Minijiers , or Government by Synods. And prefently after, Jt ii 
 n-onb noting that the Scripture faith ,Tizr]{[3ito Sacerdotio, neceffe e(\ ut & Legis (lat 
 Tranllatio: It is not pnffible in refieU of the great and near fympathy between the State 
 Civile and the State Ecclefiaftical , to mak^ Jo main an alteration in the Church, but it 
 would have a perillom operation upon the Kingdom; and therefore it is fit thn Controverfe 
 be in peace and filence. It would not be forgotten what was cited, before, out of 
 Cartwright , That as the Hangings muft be (haped according to the Houfe, So muft 
 the Civil Government be conformed to the Government of the Church. The Ana- 
 baptilts began with Bifliops, but at length the Emperour was with them but Caro- 
 Im a Gandavo, Charles oi Gant. I' leave it tc others to judge , by what fate or for- 
 tune it comes to pafs beyond the Sea, that wherefbever any other Regiment of the . 
 Church takes place , if the Favourer of it be the major part, and have power in their 
 hands, it either hnds or makes a popular Statci every man's own imagination will 
 
 fup-
 
 Discourse II. The Serpem-Sal've^ 
 
 595. 
 
 fupply him with inlknces. And this may be the reafon why Calvin ( a wife man J 
 
 in an Ep'Me to the King of Poloma , doth reprcTent , not the Difciplinarian , but 
 
 Epifcopal Government as fitter for Monarchies. Having (hewed the Regiment of 
 
 the Primitive Church by Patriarchs , Primates, and Bilhops, he proceeds thus : As 
 
 if at this day one Archbijhop ffjould be over the Jllu{inouf Kingdom of Polonia , not to ^^'^- ^^°'' 
 
 domineer over the reji , or arrogate their right ttnto himfAf ^ but for orders caufe^ Sec. 
 
 And farther, there Jhonld he a Bijhop in each City or Province^ tj attend peculiarly tn 
 
 the prejtrvatton of Order , ( marli his reafon , ) even as Nature it felf doth diilate 
 
 to Hi , that in every Golledge one ought to be chojen , ufon rvhcm the principal, care of the 
 
 Colledge jhoiildrefi. 
 
 Thirdly, Epifcopacy is not onely ancient and cemented into our Laws , bur 
 alfo was Univerfally received , without any oppofition , or fo much as a queRion 
 throughout the whole Chrilkn World, among all forts ofChrirtians of what Com- 
 munion or Profelfion foever they were, Gr<ecian ^ Latin ^ Ru0an , Armenian A- 
 bypfine , &c. yea even among thofe who by reafon of the great diftance and re- 
 motenefs of their Countries , never heard of the Pope , nor of the name of Kome 
 -ever fincc the ApolUes did tread upon the face of the Earth until this lalt century of 
 years i fo far it is from being a Relick of Popery. And the Oblerver is challenged 
 to name but one Church, or fo much as one poor Village, throughout the Whole 
 World, from the days of the Apoliles, till the Year of Chrilt 1500, that ever 
 was Governed without a Bifhop ■, ( I except the Acephali or fuch difordered per- 
 fons that had no Government at all : ) or to name but one Lay-Elder , or one Am- 
 bulatory Bifliop that Governed by turn or courfe in the Primitive times , in the 
 whole Catholick Church, before the Year 153(5. when C^j/ww came to Geneva. 
 We rind the proper and particular names of ApolUcs, Evangelifts , Bifhops , Pres- 
 bytcrsand Deacons , in the Scriptures , in Councils, in Ecclefiaiiical Hiltories , in 
 the Fathers/, if he and all his Friends be not able out of all thefe Authorities to 
 name one particular Lay-Elder or Ambulatory Ei(hopi the reafon mult be, becaufe 
 there never was fuch a Creature in rerum natttra. And his Elders in St. Ambrnfe 
 and St. Jerome , are much milkken i how (hould they be other wife, the one Au- 
 thor being a Bilhop himfelf , and the other deducing Bifliops in Alexandria from St. 
 Mark^^ and telling us plainly (that which we find to be true , ) that rvnhout Epi- Epifl. adEva^ 
 fcopal Authority.^ there rvill be Of many Schifms as Priejis in the Church? The Hierarchies i'^'um. 
 ( as he calls them ) will be contented to wave all other Authors , and b; tryed by 
 either of thefe. The Seven Angels in the Revelation cap. 2. and 3. cannot be the Se- 
 ven Churches , for the Angels and Churches are plainly diftinguiflicd , Rev. i. 20. 
 but it mult be the Seven Bithops of the Churches. Thefe were not Parochial Chur- 
 ches , each of them had many Paftors , and many particular Flocks. Btza confef- 
 feth that theft Angels were Prefidents over the other Presbyters ; but he believes ^"^'*'' '" ^J"' 
 not they had a priority of Power, or that this Prefidency was permanent, but went ^''^ ^' ^ °* 
 by courfe. If the Government went by turns , I would gladly know, why one 
 of them is called an Angel more than the other. Surely he that reads the Seven E- 
 piftles , how (bme of them are commended for their conltancy and perfeverance in 
 their Government, and others reprehended for fuffering Hereticks to continue in 
 their Churches , will find fufficient ground in every one of thefe Epiltles to believe 
 that they were not changeable every week, or Moneth , or Qiiarter of a Year : 
 but conftant and permanent Governours , having power of Jurifdidtion to reprefs 
 abuf-'s ■» otherwife why are they taxed for theabufes done in their DiocelTes if it 
 were not in their power to remedy them? And if he will give credit to the Tefti- 
 mony of the Primitive Fathers , he may find both who fundry of thefe Angels or Bi- 
 fliops were, and alfo who were their SuccciTours. 
 
 Fourthly , though in fuch variety of new Forms of Church Regiment, he hath 
 not exprelTed himfelf to what form he inclines , faving that in one place he fpeakes 
 of a Jundo of Divines, ( I cannot think but himfelf would have the naming of 
 them : ) yet we will fuppofe that which we are far from believing, tint a fe.v 
 green heads fee more than all the Fathers, and Councils, and Schoolmen ■-, and chat>, 
 the Obfervcr's bufie working brain , could mold a Church better than all t!ie A- 
 poftles. Notwithftanding all this, St. Aujiins x\xk to Januarimh veryconlidt- 
 
 rabk ,
 
 r^^6 
 
 7hs Serpent-Sahe. 
 
 TOME H. 
 
 flitic. 37. 
 
 Preface to 
 Chriftian 
 Monarclis 
 
 Df Re(,no 
 ChriflJ. 2 
 cap, 12. 
 
 rabk 
 
 it yuu 
 
 will not err. 
 
 do rliat which I ufeto do, to rohatjuever Church I come. 
 
 , and looks upon his Creatures with all prejudices 
 ^c. Fadion is more offenfive to him , and Breach of 
 
 J apply n,yfeIftoibeCeranomes thereof: He would have added the Difcipiincalfo , 
 if there had been fundry forms, but there was none but Epifcopacy then m the 
 World. God is a Mercitul God 
 oi Education , Habitation , 
 
 Cliaritv more dangerous to the Soul, that] any unknown errour m Difciplinei much 
 more where the errour is but fuppofed or feigned , and the Schifm apparent. Now 
 for the Difcipline of the Church of England , all men know and grant that it hath 
 ever becu Epifcopal. In the publick Liturgy of our Church , confirmed by Ad 
 of Parhament We pray for Bifliops. In our Book of ordination confirmed by the 
 fame Authority , it is direftly affirmed , as evident by Scriptures and Ancient Au- 
 thors that from the time of the Jpnftles there have ever been thefe Orders of Miniliers in 
 Cbrills Church, Bifhofs Friejis, and Deacons-, and that thefe orders are appointed by the 
 Holy Gliort. in our book of Articles, which contains the received Dodtrine ot our 
 Church ( and therefore without doubt comes within the compafs of our late Pro- 
 tcftation,) the fame Book of ordination is maintained , and it is plainly affirmed , 
 That there is nothing contained mit ^rvhich is either fuferjiitioiis or ungodly. In the 
 Apology of our Church , publiflied to the whole Chriftian World , and by all 
 Proteltant Churches approved and applaudeci, We declare that we believe that there 
 be diver fe Degrees of Minijlcrs in the Church , rvhereoffome be Deacons , fame be Priejis^ 
 fimeBifljops. Which being fo, it deferves fome confideration , which King James 
 faith in the later end of his Proclamation for Uniformity , Such it the unquietnefi and 
 wijiedfaiinefi of fome dijpifnions , affeding every year new forms of things , as if they 
 (hould be followed in their uncnnliancy, would maki all aUions of States ridiculom and con- 
 temptible-, whereas the fredfajl maintaining of things by good advice efiahliflied , ii the 
 Tceal of the Commonwealth. I (hould not inlarge my felf any farther about this con- 
 llderation , but for two reafons. The one is , I rind it faid by fome , that fiarce 
 any but Bifhops have hitherto maintained Bijhops. Take onely three Tefiimonies of 
 many ■■> they were all members of the Englijh Church , yet all Grangers , and all 
 had lived in places cppofite to Epifcopal Government, nene of them either Bifliops 
 or their Chaplains , or Expedtants. The firft is King James , the molt Learned 
 of Kings , I have always thought that there ought to be Bijhops in the Church , accord- 
 ing to the Jpnjioltcal injiitution, and (by Confequence ) Divine Ordination. The Second 
 is Learned Bncer^ a Gerrhane , and imployed in the rirft Reformation of this Church, 
 to read Divinity in Cambridge : one that was fo oppofitc to Popery , that after liis 
 Death , his very bones were taken out of his Grave and burned by the Papifts. 
 He is full in many places , take ope. From the perpetual Obfervation of the Churches^ 
 from the very Apofrks themfelves^we fee that itfeemedgoodto the Holy Ghojl^th at among the 
 Miiiiliers to whom the charge of the Church was ejpecially committed, one Jhould under- 
 go a fuigular care of the Churches and the whole Minijiry , and in that care andfollici- 
 tiide WiK before all the reft •, for which caufe the name of a Bijhop was peculiarly attribu- 
 ted to the highefi Procurators of the Church. The Third is Peter Martyr , at the 
 fame time imployed to read Divinity at Oxford •, having exprefled his confent and con- 
 currence with St. Jerome concerning Epifcopacy , he proceeds. So far it U from us 
 Rttp-adGard j^ ^^j^,g confufwn into the Church, that rather we follow the fame way ; for there is no 
 ad')0.ojeit j)ig^^j^ ^j^y j^ ^ or City , where, of many Paftors, there is not fome one chofen excelling 
 tn Learning and experience , whom they call the Superintendent of the Church, Be con- 
 vocates all the refl,he admonifheth them, he governs them according to the Word of God , as 
 the State of things requires. The Second reafon is , that I fee it lately publiOied to 
 the World in Print, that Dr. IVIntakers, Dr.Fulk^, and Dr. Keynolds , were all 
 oppugners of Epifcopacy. Perhaps of Popifli Epifcopacy, that is , the abufe not 
 the thing ; or of an abfolute neceflity by Divine Right of fuch and fuch an Epifco- 
 pacy, indowed with fuch or fuch degrees of Power or Preheminencc, or of fuch an 
 Epifcopacy as is held to differ from Presbyterate in the very power ot Order : but 
 furely not of Epifcopacy it felf. I wonder at the impudence of the man. It is a 
 bad caufe which ftands in need to be underpropped with fuch piom impious frauds , 
 and is onely fortified with hideous and palpable Lies; if he fable in this , let him 
 have the jurt reward of a Lyar not to be trufted in other matters. And rirft for 
 
 Dr. 
 
 jTeface tOMt' 
 Bain.
 
 "^91 
 
 Dfs COURSE II. T/je Serpent-Sat-vc. 
 
 Dr. JFhitak^rs •, Bellar-mine objedts againft the Proteftants , that they take away Bi- 
 fhops : he anfwers , N.'qne ms totum Epifcoponm ordhtem damnamiu^ ttt illefalfi ca-Cont. 2.dt Re 
 Itmniatur , fed pfeudo-Epifcofns tantum Pontificioi. We do not condemn all the order cf^'^f- ?• *• '^' 9- 
 Bijhops , a.r he ( that is Bellarmine , we may fay the Prefacer , ) fajly fanders w , but 
 onely thofifjlfe BiJhops of the Church of Rome. And about the fame place, fpeak- 
 ing of that ancient conftitution , that three Bifliops fhould be prefent at the ordi- 
 nation of a Bifliop, he affirms that it was a good and a Godly fanBion ^ and fit for ^ j- 
 thaje good times. Dr. ¥ul}\, exprefTeth himfelf home , 'that among the Clergy for or- cJf!^!. '"" 
 der and feemly Government , there was always one principal to whom the name 'ofBiJhop 
 or Superintendent hath been applyed , by long ufe of the Church : which room Titus ex- 
 ercifed in Crete, Timothy i>iEphefus, others in other places. 7hat though a Biflfop 
 and an Elder U of one Order and Authority in Preaching the Word, and Adminijlring 
 the Sacraments : yet in Government, by ancient ufe of Speech, he is onely called a Bifhjp, 
 who in Scripture is called r(f,T*tu«it , *»e>'«'"'> »)'»/'«•©•, Rom. 12. 8. i. Tim. 5. 7. 
 Heb. 13. 17. that is the Chief in Government , to whom the Ordination or Confecration 
 by impofition of hands , wjs always principally committed. So accorning to Dr. Fitlk 
 the name is from man , but the Office from God. I befeech thee Reader view the 
 three places cited by him at leifure, and thou (halt fee who are the Rulers and Go- 
 vernours and Ruling Elders mentioned in Holy Scriptures, in the Judgement of 
 Dr. Fulk Laftly , Dr- Reynolds is of the fame mind , that the Elders ordained » ij , 
 by the Aportles , did choofc one among them to be prefident oi" their Company , nlrt.t. 55?- 
 and moderator of their adions, as of the Church of Ephefus thnugh it had fundry 
 Elders and Pallors to Guide it : yet aming thefe jundry , wm there one chief whom our 
 Saviour calleth the Angel of the Church , &c. And this is he whom afterwards in the 
 Primitive Church , the Fathers called Bijhop, 8cc. So that by Dr. Reynolds , though 
 not for the name , yet for the thing Epifcopacy was in the Church, even when 
 St. John writ the Revelatioit,znd. was approved by ourBlefled Saviour from Heaven. 
 Fifthly, In a ditference of ways, every pious and Peaceable Chriftian , out of 
 his Difcretion and care of his own Salvation , will inquire which is via tutijjtmj , 
 the fafell way. Now the Sepiratilb themfelves (fuch as have either Wifdom or 
 Learning , ) do acknowledge that Holy Orders are truly ( that is validly , ) gw^n 
 by the Ordination ufed in our Church , ( I m:an not fuch as either hold no out- 
 ward calling to be needful , as the Anabaptiils, or make the Church a meer Demo- 
 cracy , as the Independents : ) but on the other lide , a very great part of the Chri- 
 ftian World , and among them many Proteftants, do allow no ordination to be 
 right , but from Biflaops. And even St. Jerome , who of all the Fathers makes a 
 leaft differerence between a Bifhop and a Presbyter , yet faith , Wiut can a Bifhip do^ 
 which a Presbyter dnh mt, except Ordination? And feeing there is required to the 
 ElTence of a Church , Hrit, aPaftor, Secondly, a Flock, Thirdly, a Subordina^ 
 tion of this Flock to his Paftor, where we are not fure that theri is right Ordination, 
 what afTurance have we that there is a Claurch ? I write not this toprejud-'-e o ir 
 Neighbour Churches , I dare not limit the extraordinary operation of Gods Spirit, 
 where ordinary means are wanting, without the default of the perfons i he gave his 
 People Manna for food whileft they were in the Wildernefs. Neceifity is a ftron^' 
 plea •, many Proteftant Churches lived under Kings and Bilhops of another Cmu- 
 munion v others had particular reafons, why they could not continue or introiace 
 Bifhops: but it is not fo with us. It was as wifely as charitably faid ofSc. Cyprian 
 If any of my Predecejfours through ignorance or ftmplicity have not holden thit which our 
 Lord bath taught , the M;rcy of the Lord might pardon them , &c. So if any Chur- 
 ches through new necelHty, or ignorance, or newfanglednefs , or Covetoufncfs or 
 pradifeoffome perfons, have fwerved from the Apoltolical rule, or primitive infti- 
 tution , the Lord may pardon them , orfupplythe defed of man, but we muft 
 not therefore prcfume. It is charity to think well of our Neighbours , and good 
 Divinity to lo look well to our felvcs. But the chief reafon is, becaufe I do not 
 now make this way to be fimply necefTary , hixt on?\^ <\izv/ ad hominem , what is 
 fafell where fo many Chriftians are of another mind. I know that there is great dif- 
 ference between a valid and a regular Ordination , and what fome choife Divines 
 do write of cafe of necelfity;and for my part am apt to believe, that God looks upon 
 
 his
 
 c^g^ 
 
 The Serpent-Sahe. TOME IT • 
 
 "hU pcopirii^ mercy, with all their prc)udices,and that there is a great Latitude left to 
 particular Churches, in the conllitution of their Ecclehafiical Regiment, accord- 
 
 iiiii to the exigence of time and place and perfons , fo as Order and his own Inrti- 
 tunon be oblerved. , ^ 
 
 Sixthly, thofe BleHings which the Englip Nation have received from that Order, ^ 
 do defcrve acknowledgment. By them the Gofpel was firft planted in the mol\ 
 parts of England: by their Dodrine and Blood , Religion was reformed and refto- 
 red to us: By the Learned writings of them and their SuccefTours , it hath been 
 principally defended, Cranmer , Jxidky , Latimer , Hooper, were all Bifliop; , Co- 
 verddle cxercifed Epifcopal Jurifdidion. With what indignation do all good Pro- 
 tcltants (ee thofe BIcfled men, (filed now in Print by a young Novice , halting and 
 time firvine^ Prelates , and common jiales to countenance rvith their proflituted Gravities 
 Two books of ^_ Politicl{,fetch. It was truly faid by Seneca, that the moft contemptible pcrlbns 
 Rcfortnition. ^^^^ ^^^^ ^j^^ j^^j-^^^ Tongues. The Obferver confeffeth that Magna Charta was 
 penned by Bifliops i ( no ill fervicc. ) Mirton a Bifliop of Ely was the contriver 
 and procurer of the Union of the two Ro(es i ( a Great Bleliingto this Nation. ) 
 Biiliop ¥ox was the inftrumcnt imployed to negotiate and effed the Union of the 
 two Kingdoms. In former diftradions of this State , Bifliops have been Coiripo- 
 feis and Peace-makers , according to their Office : now they are contemned , and 
 in their rooms fuch perfons are graced, whofe Tongues are like that cwr/ci B.iy- 
 7rfi? which caufed BrawHng and contention wherefoever it came. England owes 
 InjanaLaHrui many of her Churches , Colledges, Hofpitals , and other Monuments of Piety and 
 Charity , to Bifhops. It requires good advife before we expel that Order which 
 of inhdels made us Chrirtians, and that the reafons (hould appear to the World. 
 An Adf of any Society how eminent foever , wherein are none of the Clergy, may 
 fooner produce fubmilfion, than fatisfadion to the Confcience, 
 
 Seventhly, we have had long experience of Epifcopal Government ; if it have 
 been accidentally Subjeft to fome abufes , I defire to know what Government in 
 the world is free from abufes : yet late and dear experience hath taught us, that 
 much of that rigour which we complained of, was in fome fort ncceflary. If the 
 Independents {hould prevail, who are now fo bufie breaking down the Walls of the 
 Church , to bring in the Trojan Horfe of their Democracy , or rather Anarchy > do 
 but imagin what a confufed mixture of Religions we (hould have : Jffricke never 
 produced fuch flore of diverfiricd Monfters. But to pafs by them as unworthy of 
 our rtay , and to infift onely in that Form of Church Regiment, which of all new 
 Forms is mol^ received- I intend not accidental abufes, which from ignorant and 
 unexperienced Governours muft needs be many : but fome of thofe many grievan- 
 ces, which flow efTentially from the Dodine it felf. Firrt for one High 
 Commiliion we fhall have a Presbytery , or young High Commillion in 
 every Parifli. Our Bifliops are bound to proceed according to Law : but this 
 new Government is meerly arbitrary, bounded by no Law but their own Confcien- 
 ces. If the Bifliops did us wrong we had our remedy by way of appeal or prohi- 
 bition : but they admit no appeal , except to a Synod , which in a fliort Sellion 
 cannot hear the twentieth part of juft grievances. Our Law allows not a Judge to 
 ride a Circuit in his own Countrey , leaft Kindred , or Hatred , or Favour might 
 draw him to injuflice: what may we then expe<fl from fo many Domcftical Judges, 
 whofe atfedtions are fo much ftronger than their reafons, but fiding and partiality* 
 yet they bUifli not to tell us , that thif U the Tribunal ofChriji : Chrill hath but one 
 Tribunal in Heaven , His Kingdom ii not of thif World. That thefe are Lares of 
 Chriji : the Laws of Chrift arc immutable , They alter theirs every Synod. That 
 their Sentence if the Sentence of Chrift : alas, there is too much Fadion, and Pallion, 
 and Ignorance. Heretofore we accufed the Pope, for faying that he had one Con- 
 iiltory with Chrilt ; do we now go about to fet up Petty Popes in every Pariili^ and 
 are they alfo become Infallible in their Confil^ories , h leaft in their Conclufion, not 
 onely in matters of Faith , but alfo of Faft ? thefe are general Grievanees. 
 
 In particular, His Majefty fliallloofe His Supremacy in caufcs Ecclcfiallical, His 
 Patronages, His Firft Fruits, His Tenths ( and worfe than all theie ) the dependaiice 
 of His Subjeds i he fliall be Subjrded to the cenfurcs of a raw rude Cato, and a few 
 
 do
 
 Discourse II. Ihe SerpenUSal'z/e. cqq 
 
 Artificers : They (hall lofe their Advowfons ( the people mud eledt their ownMi- \ 
 
 nilters, ) they (hall hazard their Impropriations: the two eyes of the Kingdom, the 
 Univeriities (hall be put out : The Clergy ihall have their ftraw taken away, and the 
 number of their bricks doubled : The people (hall groan under the Decrees of a 
 multitude of ignorant unexperienced Governours , be divided into Fadlions about 
 the choice of their Paltors , be fubjcd to cenfure in fundry Courts for the fame of- 
 fence, be burthened with Lay-Elders , who if they pleafe may expcd, according 
 to the Apoltolical Inltitution ( upon their grounds,) double honour , that is, main- 
 tenance: If there arife a private jar between the Parent and the Child, the Husband 
 and the Wife , they mu(t know it and cenfure it : 
 
 Scire volmtt fecreta dotnttf , atque inde tirtteri. 
 
 All men mu(t undergo the danger of contrary commands , from coordinate * ' 
 
 Judges , than which nothing can be nrore pernicious to the confciences or elktes 
 of men, 
 
 ■ — NuVa hie arcana reve lo, 
 
 Thefe are a part of the Fruits , of their moft received Government who oppofc 
 Bi(hops : if they do not all (hew themfelves in all places, remember the Obferver's 
 caution , They vcanted forver to introduce them as yet. As fome Plants thrive beftin 
 the (hade : fo if this Form of Regiment {hall agree beft with the conlHtution of fome 
 le(rer Commonwealths , much good may it do them, fo they will let us enjoy the 
 like favour, 
 
 Petimmqi damitfque vicipm. 
 
 Eighthly, thofe Arguments which they urge out of Scripture againlt Epifcopa- 
 cy, are mere milUkes, confounding the power of Superiority it felf , with the vi- 
 tious a(fc<Sation or Tyrannical abufe of iti and are none of them to the purpofe. 
 As thofe two Texts that are moft hotly urged, 7he Kings of the Gentiles exercife do- 
 minion over them , hut ye jhaU not be fo : and that of Sf. Pffer , Neither en being Lords Luke 22 2$. 
 over God's Heritage^ but being enfamples to the Flock.y do admit as many Anfwers al- 
 moft as there arc words in each of them , but they are not needful i for no man * ^"" * 5' 
 that ever I read of , did fay , that Bilhops had any (hch Defpotical or Lordly Do- 
 minion annexed to their office , but oncly a Fatherly power ; and if thefe places be 
 to be underftood in that fenfe which they would have them, they do as much over- 
 throw all their new Prefidents, and Moderators, and Viiitcrs, and their whole 
 Presbytery , as they would have them to do Epifcopacy. Neither Chrift, nor S. Fe- 
 ter did ever di(tingui(h between temporary and perpetual Governours: between the 
 Regiment of a fingle Perfon, and a Society or Corporation. They like not the 
 name of Lord, but that of Mafter they love dearly: yet that is forbidden as much as 
 the other. Neither be ye called Majier , for one is your Mafter , even Chrifl. And whilelt w 
 they rejed the Government of a Prefident or chief Paftor, yet they llile their own "'' '^ '°' 
 new devifed Elders, KulingElders , and underftand them lUll in the Scripture by 
 name of Governours. 
 
 Ninthly, Waving all thefe and all other advantages of Scriptures, Fathers, Coun- 
 cils , HKtories, Schoolmen: becaufe it is alledged , that all other Protellant Chur- 
 ches are againft Epifcopacy, I am contented to joyn the ilTue , Whether Bithops or 
 no Bifhops have the major number of the Protefl:ant Votes. Firft, The practice of 
 all the Proteftant Churches in the Dominions of the King of Stveden and Denmark^ 
 and the moft of them in High Germany , do plainly prove it i each of which Three 
 fingly, is almoft as much as all the Proteftant Churches which want Bifhops, put 
 together, ( to fay nothing of hisMajefties Dominions, ) all the(e have their Bifhops 
 or Superintendents, which is all one. But for the point of practice, hear Reve- 
 rend Zanchy, a Favourer of the Vifciplinarian way , In, Ecclefipf Protellatitium non de~ 
 funt reipfa Epifcopi , &c. In the Churches of Protejiants^ Bijhops and Archbifhops are nvi 
 
 %X'L real\
 
 6oo 
 
 The S£rpent'Sahe. T O M E 11. 
 
 tWrl 
 
 ;e,]}y r,anm<r , ( x^hom cha;iging the good Greek names zmo bad L^ivr^^ Nanm ) _ 
 
 aS>iPc^-Ments, and general SHfcnntendemi. IVhere neither the good Greek ^tames, 
 HOT bad Latine nams taki flace, yet there afo there ufe to be fome principal Vcrfo»s , in 
 rvhoie hands almo\i aUthe Authority doth reji. Neither is their praftice difagreeing 
 from their Dodirinc. To begin with thofe who riril were honoured with the name 
 of Protclbnts , who fubfcribed the Augufian Confelfion , among whom were two 
 Dukes of Saxony, two Dukes.cf Luneburge , the Marquefs of Brandbttrge,thQ Prince 
 of Anhalt, and many other Princes , Republicks, and Divines: Thus they , Faci- 
 le pofient fJ'ifcopi leoitimam obedientiam retinere, &c. Bijhops might eafly retain lawful 
 obedience if they did not urge tu to keep Iraditians , which rvith a good confcience cannot 
 ,, l>ek:pt- Again, Nunc non id agitur^ 8cc. Jt vs not non> fought ^ that the Government he 
 »»«fl £"/'/• ta]iin areay from Bifhops ■■, hut th'n one thing U defired ^:"Ihat they tviVfuffer the Gofpel to be 
 purely taught, and rekafe fome fetv obfervances , which cannot be k^pt rpuhout Jin. This 
 eeneral Confellion may Iknd for a Thoufand WitncfTes, under which all the Pro- 
 teliants in Germany did (helter thcmfelves. To this I may add the Apology for the 
 fame Confeffion , Hac de re in hoc Conveittu, &c. iVe have often teftijied of thif matter 
 ^f^'yR^*T i>' '^'^ Mctting, that ree defire rvith aV our hearts, to conferve the Ecclefialiical policy, 
 ' and the Vegrees made in the Church by Humane Authority. Again , T^hU our will,pall 
 exciife us both before Cod and all the World , that it may not be imputed to m, that the Au~ 
 Harm- coufef, thority of Eipops rras rveakiied by our means. The Confellion of Saxony is fubfcribed 
 Self »9.p'29o by Seventeen Superintendents or Bifliops. The 5«mci;,Confetiion is fo far from op- 
 Harm, (orfef, p„j\„„ tjji jfiritual porver of the Frelates , that they do not exclude them fromfecular 
 Sect,ii,t,o<, Qg^,^^y^fy,f -^ and complaineth of great wrong done to their Churches, as if they 
 did feek^to reduce the porver of Eeclefiajlical Frelates to nothing: And molt plainly they 
 declare for the Ecclefiaftical jurifdiftion of Bifliops, in the 33. Chapter of the fecu- 
 lar Magiftrate. I might produce the Articles of the Proteltents , and more Con- 
 feliions , and many Witneffes to this purpofe , if it were needful. But perhaps 
 fome fay. That thefe are ^\\ Lutherans , and no good Protellants. That were 
 ftrange indeed, that they who made the proteftation , and from thence were called 
 Proteftants , keeping tliemielves to the fame grounds, fliould become no Proteftantsi 
 and they who made no proteftation , nor have right to the name, but by communi- 
 on with them , (liould become the oncly Proteftants. But to fatisJie them in this 
 alfo. 
 
 Upon the words of the Auguftan Confeffion , before recited , the obfervation"? fet 
 forth in the name of the French and Belgick. Churches , at the later end of the Har- 
 0*/> I mony of Confelfions , do divide Bifliops into Three kinds, i. Apoftolical, of Or- 
 der not of Degree , common to all the Minifters of the Word. 2. Humane, both 
 of Order and of Degree , which they confefs to be ancient , and defined , and cir- 
 cumfcribed with many old Canons. 3. Tyrannical , in the Church of Kome,wm- 
 dring not onely withoul the Word ot God, hut a.\fo extra Canones £c]uilJtmos,wiih- 
 out thofe moft equal or juft Canons, which laft they abominate •, but of this more 
 J, in the next Confideration. They fay farther , that it is the office of Godly Magi- 
 
 ftrates , to fee how far it may be expedient for Bifhops , to have fome kind of civil 
 QtLi^ Dominion: and upon the Si7W«j«i<,Confeffion they acknowledge, th^it Bijhops may 
 mali^ Lares belonging to order and decency, fo it be not done arbitrarily, but by the judge- 
 ment of a larvful Synod; and what do we fay more? You have alfo feen the confef- 
 fion of the Church of England , direftly for Epifcopacy, which neverthelefs was fo 
 F«,Maft, Ep approved and applauded by the Tigurine Divines, That they made no end of praifmg cf 
 <!(< JevKcllutn, it , that they judged nothing to have been ptihlijhed more perfeU in thofe days, that they 
 promife ihemfehes that the Frotejiant Church jhaH never rvant a Champion, fo long as the 
 Authour thereof did live ■■, yet it was both for Bifhops , and by a Bifhop. Calvin was 
 no Lutheran, yet he fubfcribed the Auguftan Confellion, or the Apology for it, or 
 both. And in his Injiitutions , he defcribeth at large the Pvcgiment of the Primitive 
 Lib. n. cap. 4- Church ^ after the days of the Apoftles , That though the Bipops of thofe tim,s, expref- 
 Sect. 1334. Jed more in their Canons , than rvas exprejied in the Word of God , yet they compnfed the 
 Tchnle Oeconomy of the Church with that caution , that it may eafily appear that it had al- 
 moji nothingjirj.nge from the Word of God: That in each City , the Presbyters did chufe 
 ene of their number, to wham they gave the Title of Bifhop, §ecially leaji dijfenfwn might 
 
 Jfring
 
 DscoURSE II. The Serpent-Sahe. <5oi 
 
 jpringfrom equality, as commonly it comes to pafs. He fhews out of Sf. Jerome , That 
 this InlHtutioii was as ancie/it in Alexandria , as from St. Mark. He proceeds to 
 {hew the end ot ArchbiOiops , and the conftitution of Patriarchs : and concludes. 
 That tbli kjad of Gjvemment fame called an Hierarchy , by a name improper , at ieaji 
 twt ufi'd in theScripture.-but ifrcepafs by the name^and lool^upon the thing it felfrve ffull 
 find that the ancient BJjhaps did go abjut to devife no other Form of novernin/j the Church 
 than that tvhich God hath prefcribed in hh JFord. There might be fundry other places 
 allcdged out ofhis Epiltles, and other his lefs occafional pieces: whereof one I cannot 
 omit, at prefent to be found in that very platform of Reformation which he prefent- 
 ed to the Emperour, Princes, and States AiTembled at Speyr. lakm nobis Hierarchiam^ „^ i*jf. 
 &c. If they produce us I uch an Hierarchy in which the Bifhops are fo above others, that they rehrm.EccU 
 do not refuje to be tmder Chriji,that they depend on htm as their onely headland live to 
 him, in which they fo maintaiu brotherly fellovrfhip, that they are bound together by no other 
 k^iot,than that ofhis truth, then mu\l Jconfefithat there U no Anathema , vehich they are 
 not worthy of, if there be any fitch , who obferve it not with the greatejl obedience. ^'' R^^'^' 
 Zancby delivers the very fame grounds, and adds, That nothing is more cer- ^^a^'l' rj 
 tain than this , 'that Epifcopacy was received into the Church , communi confenfu (fy- otjir'vat' ' 
 rotius Reipublicse Chrilnans, with the common confent of the whole Chrijlian C'mmcn- ineundim /o» 
 wealth : That it was free for them to do fo: That it was done for honeji and iuji caufes : ^'""i' 
 "That it cannot be mifliked : "that thofe things which are defined and received by the Godly 
 Fathers, congregated in the name of the Lord, by the common confent of all, withctit any 
 contradiction to the Holy Scriptures , though they be not of the fame Authority with the 
 Scriptures , yet they are from the Holy Ghnfl. Qux hujufmodi funt , ca ego imjjro- 
 bare ncc velim , nee audeam bona confcientia , Such as he had neither Will, nor confi- 
 dence , nor confcience to difallow. Which very place being urged by Sarravia agamll ^!'f'^^^^ 
 Bez^i, he clofeth with it , A quominime certe diffentimm, cum Epifcpatum iVum mere 
 Vivinum & Apoflolicum, ab humano, mn quaft fuit ilia inter fe repugnantia, fed tantum 
 ut diverja & imparls auUoritatvi dijcernimiis. From which opinion of Zanchy we do 
 not diflent , nor : diltinguilh that Apoftolical and merely Divine Epifcopa- 
 cy, from this other which is humane, as if they were repugnant one to another, P^i'i 
 but onely diverfe and of unequal Authority. The fame Book is full of fuch places 
 ^od fi nunc Ecclefite Anglicans inftaurat£, &cc. If the Englifh Reformed Churches doe 
 now iiand underpropped with the Authority of Bi(hops and Archbifljops , as it hath come to 
 pafs in our memories , that they have had Men of that Order , not onely notable Martyrs, 
 but moft excellent Pajiors and VoCtors ; let them enjoy that fmgular bhjjtng , which I pray 
 Cod may be perpetual to tfjem. And el(e where fpeaking of humane Epifcopacy (as 
 he is pleafed to call it, ) he adds, ^uofane fruantur , &c. tFhich let them enjoy who P-tge I17 
 perfwade themfelves that the right ufe of it may be obferved by them. And again , Ab- pj„ 14. 
 fit ut hunc ordirtem,8cc. Far be it from me to reprehend this Order as raflAy or proudly ere- 
 £ied , though it be not aVivine or fnerely Apoftolical conflitution: whereof rather no man 
 can deny that there may he great ufe, as long as good and holy Bijhops are over the Church'-, 
 let them enjoy it therefore that wiU and can. This & poterint , and can , was well put 
 in : it was not the unlawfulnefs of the Ojrder, but the inconfiftency with the prefent 
 State of Geneva, which excluded it thence. And having fpoken of the Apolloli- 
 cal Canon , and the Superiority of the Archbifhop above his Fellow-Bifliops , he Page^^^J. 
 conclules, ^idaliudhic {}atuitur,5<.<:,What elfe'vf here decreed, hut that Order which 
 toe defire to be reftored in all Churches ? 
 
 It appears then plainly, by the confellions oi Proteftant Churclics, by the Tc- 
 ftimonies of the molt Learned Divines , yea , even of thofe that lived under ano- 
 ther Government , that if Bifliops be not neceffary , yet at the lead they are Law- 
 ful. It appears that three parts of four of the Proteltant Churches , have cither 
 Bifhops or Superintendents, which is all one: and that thofe Churches which have 
 neither , yet they have fome Principal men, Primarios, which have as much Pow- 
 er as Bifhops , viis & modis. But if we fliould be contented to leave three parts 
 of Protcflants to joyn with the Fourth , fhal! we find them unanimous in thi^? No 
 fuch thing. The Helvetian and other Churches afcribe the Government of ths 
 Church to the Magiltrate , and allow no Lay-Elders: but Geneva and her Daugh- 
 ters to their Presbyteries , yet neither the Mother is like the Daughters , nor the 
 Daughters very like one another i as hath been fnewed in part before in this Trei- 
 
 Z z z 2 tifc
 
 ^Q2 Jhe Seipent-^Sal've, TOME II. 
 
 """Tu^-and the independents are for neither of thefc wayes: And all Learned men do 
 
 acknowledge our ^'tglip Epifcopacy to be Lawful , yea even the prefenf Prefidcnt 
 d rartcrs of Geneva do the fame. So if we defire confent either of Proteftants 
 i" particular or of ChrilHans in General , yea of the whole Catholick Symboli- 
 cal Church ,'it is bell: for us to keep us where we are. 
 
 "My Tenth and Laft Confideration raifeth higher, that according to their grounds, 
 who have been the greateft Oppugners of Epifcopacy , the Government of our 
 'EncHlh Bidiops is not onely lawful, but for the moft part necefTary , not onely ne- 
 ccfl'ary but even an Apoliolical and Divine Inftitution. This feeming Paradox is 
 yet moft certain, and their oppofition hath been but beating the air. For the clear- 
 er manifelbtion whereof, we muft know. 
 
 Firfi , that the greateft impugners of Epifcopacy , do not feek to bring fuch a 
 Parity into the Church , but that by the Ordinance of God and Vidate of Nature^ one 
 Eezar defeuf. Presbyter ought to be Prefident above the reft. Ex Dei ordinatione ferpetua , neceffe 
 p<ig.\$l- fiiit , eji & erjt , itt in Fresbyterio quifpiam & loco & dignitate primus ^ adiioni giiber~ 
 }und£ fr£fit, cum eo quod ipft JJivinitm amibtitum eft jure , It was , it is , it ever (ball 
 be neceffary , by the perpetual Ordinance of God , that fome one in the Presbyte- 
 Pai 140. *y ^5 ''^^^^ '^"^'^ •" P'^*-^ ^"^ Dignity , be fet over the adion to govern it. He faith 
 that even then , whileft the appellation of Bifliops and Presbyters was common , 
 yet the Presbytery had /«KW aliquem primum we^sr'w Treshyterum^ Some one to 
 be their ruling or Prefidential Presbyter. He faith St. Jerome did not fo dote as to 
 Pat- 1^0* dream that no one of the Tresbytery rvas jet over the whole company in the ApnftoUck^iimes: 
 and takes it as a great injury , that any man fhould think that they did go about to 
 2ihd\\i\\ omnem uniuf Epifcopen , in velfupra c£terot compresVyteros ^ all fuperfpedrion 
 or fuperintendency of one above his Compresbyters. To the fame purpofc faith 
 ^"^■ji^g^^ ^' Calvine, it is no marvel that the Twelve Apoftlcs had one among them to govern 
 '^ ' ' the reft i this we have from nature , the difpofition of Men requires it, that in eve- 
 ry Company though they be equal in power , yet one (hould be as Moderator. 
 
 Secondly, they teach ( notwithftanding their drowiie, groundiefs , new-hat- 
 ched conceit, that this Prefidency went fuccellively by turns among the Presbyters,) 
 that either in the days of the Apoftlcs, or immediatly from them , this Epifcope or 
 office of fuperintendency , became Eledive and perpetual to one man, ^W certe, 
 Bezae defenj. reprehendi nee potefi nee debet , which certainly neither can , nor ought be blamed y 
 p. 141, 142, efpeciaVy feeing thii ancient Cuftom rvas obferved in the famous Church of Alexandria i 
 ^'*3' Jam hide a Marco Evangelijia , Even from St. Mark the Evangelift:. So as the Of- 
 
 rice is of Divine Inftitution, the Form of Application onely is human : yet not 
 meeily human neither , Hiimanum nonfimpUciter tamen^ fed comparate^ nulla cum Tatrum 
 & tot E,£clefiarum injuria appellavero^ I may call it human tiot fimply ^ but comparatively 
 vpithout injury to the Fathers ^ or fo many Churches: indeed all the Churches in the 
 World , and all the Fathers that ever were. 
 
 Thirdly , This Prefidency of Order , which they give to one man , even upon 
 their own grounds is not deftitute of all kind of Command and Power. He hath 
 )us regend£ communis aUionis , a right to moderate the adion of the Colledge, or to 
 F«i.li4-i87 govern the common adion, and that cfr/ix legibus , according to certain Laws. 
 Firft , a right to moderate the adion , that is , to convocate the Presbyters, to appoint 
 the time and place , to propofe matters , to colled the Suffrages either by himfelf 
 or by fuch as he appoints , to pronounce Sentence. Secondly , certk Legibus , ac- 
 cording to certain Lawsi this brings us to the true queftion where the water fticks-- 
 The Law of God and the Lawful conftitutions of the Church , muft be the juft 
 meafurc and limits of this prcfidents commands, of His compresbyters obedience. 
 So that Tyrannical abfolute Arbitrary power which is ufurpcd by the Biftiop 
 of Kome and his Inftruments , is rejeded by all parties on the one lidc , and all A- 
 narchy , Ataxy and diforder on the other fide \ yet this is not all. 
 
 Fourthly , This Prefident hath another power by Divine Right , or at leaft by 
 QAv. inll.1.4 Divine Right is capable of another power ; that is , not onely to moderate the 
 c- 4. jeH. a, whole adion by his Authority , but alfo to execute that which is decreed by common 
 conjent. Neither can this executive Power in reafon be limited to the meer execu- 
 tion of perfonal Decrees , concerning particular perfons : but every where it ex- 
 tends it felf to preparatory adions and matters of Form. Neither dotli it reft here 
 
 but ,
 
 Discourse II. The Serpent -Sahe, ^^2 
 
 but admits, or at leirt miy admit a greater Latitude , even to the execution of 
 Laws i efpecially where the Law is clear, the Fad notorious or evidently proved , 
 where Succeliion and the pubhck are not concerned , where the prefence of the 
 whole Colledge is not fo lifcful or convenient , and might rather incomber thin 
 expedite the bufinefs ■> and all this more or lefs according to their certain Litvj , the 
 feveral eonftitutions offcveral Churches : always to the whole Body of the Clergy, 
 or thofe who by eledio.i or prefcription do reprefent them , the power of makin^ 
 and altering Laws and Canons Eccleliaftical , and to His Majefty His Royal Power 
 of Affcnting and Confirming , and to the Reprefentativc Body of the Kingdom 
 their power of receiving, principally in cafes of moment : and likcvvife referving 
 to the Clergy, either rural or Cathedral, according to their dillind capacities, 
 their refpedtive power of Counfelling , contenting , or concurring , according to 
 the conlHtutions of the Church , and Laws and Cuftoms of the Realm , which as 
 they are grounded upon Natural reafon and equity , fo they are no way repugnant 
 to the Law of God , whereof there are yet fome footlkps to be feen in our Ordi- 
 nations , our Deans and Chapiters , our Semeftrial Synods, &c. And if thefe old 
 Ti€gleded Obfervations , were a little quickened and reduced to their primogenious 
 temper and conftitution , perhaps it might remedy fundry inconveniences , and add 
 a greater degree of moderation and authority to the Government of the Church, 
 who can be (b ilupid as to imagin , that the State, and Church, and people of 
 Geneva at this day , do not , or may not give to the Prefident of their Ecclefiafti- 
 cal Senate a perpetuity of Government for his Life : or inable him to execute fome 
 Ecclefiartical Laws , fo far as they fhall fee it to be expedient for the good of that 
 Church and Commonwealth , without fwerving from the inflitution of Chrifi: ? 
 This might yet farther be made plain , by thole comparifons and reprefentations 
 which Calvine and Bfza do bring of this Epifcopal or Prcfidentiary power, or a 
 Conful in the Senate , of a Pretor in the Court , of a ProvoR in a Colledge , of a 
 Steward in a family: they ought to look upon him as their Supcriour and Go- 
 vefnour , and he upon them as Brethren and Fellow-Elders. This is that which our 
 Englifh Btfliops claim , whereunto they are intitled by the Fundamental Laws of the 
 Land. How fir the power of the Keys , of Ordination or Jurisdicftion, is appro- 
 priated or committed to them , fingly or joynlly by Divine Ordinance, ( of which 
 Subjed: great Autiiors upon great reafons have declared therafelves : ) yet in our 
 cafe it is not fo queftionable, where another Lawful right is certain : and this clear 
 iatisfidtion of Confcicnce they want, who are (b bulle feeking after new deviled 
 forms of Ecclellaflical Regiment. And herein I may as jullly admire the excellent 
 temper of our Church Government , as the Ohlerver doth of the Civil ; I hope it 
 is not in either of us , tit P iter i Junonii avem^ As boyes praife the Pf jroci^, with 
 a defire to pluck his Feathers, The Clergy prefent , the Bifliops approve , His 
 Majesty confirms, the Parliament receives : all parties have their concurrence , fo 
 as no man can be prejudiced without his own zOc. If we alter this frame, we flaall 
 have a better in Heaven i I fear not upon Earth. 
 
 So then we fee that upon thefe very grounds , which have been laid by the 
 greateft oppofers of Bifhops in this Age, i. There is a fubordination of many Pa- 
 liours to one prefident by Divine Ordinance, 2. This Prcfidency, orSuperinten- 
 dency, or Epifcopacy,( all is one, ) may without violation of Divine Ordinance be 
 fettled upon one man for his life, 3, This Perfon fb qualified, hath a power Ef^ 
 fentially belonging to his place , to rule and moderate the publick Meetings and 
 Adions of the Church : yea to execute the decrees of the whole Colledge , 4. 
 This executive Power may receive a farther Latitude or extent, from the pofitive 
 Laws of men. What is the refult of all this > but that as Presbyterate or the O.^ 
 fice of a Prielt , Presbyter, or Minifler , ( Ifliall wrangle vvith no man about a 
 name , whilell we agree upon the thing ) is of Divine Infiitution , yet ncverthe- 
 lefs there is fomething human annexed to it •, as for inftance the Ailignation of a 
 fingle Palior to a particular Parifh , ( which cuftome was rirR introduced by Ev.i- 
 riilm ^ long after Bifliops were fprcad over the World ) fb likewife Epifcopacy it 
 felf is of Divine right, yet fomething may be added to it , fome extent of Power 
 which is human , and yet very lawful and expedient : wherein every Ciiurch is to 
 
 be
 
 6o4- 
 
 7hc Serpent. Sahe. TOME f I; 
 
 TTiTTnwn ludcc. It' to this which hath been laid of the antiquity, univerfality, 
 ^ot udc (ccudty, of this way, dr.. we (hall add, th.i Arnbrofi , A.jUn, Chryjo- 
 Zle Clpu>,. P4l , ^'I^anafms and very many others, the Lights of their times, 
 wre'noroncly Defenders of Lpifcopacy, but Bilhops themfelves, there can remam 
 no fcriiple to LIS of this Nation, what Church Regiment is to be defired. 
 
 But lomc do fay , Why then do fundry eminent Protellant Authours inveigh fo 
 much a'^ainil Biftiops? I anfwcr , It is not fimply againll; their Fundion, bu! a- 
 cainit tJK: floth of Ibme for not preaching , or the pride and Tyranny of fome par- 
 ilar perfons i and more efpecially , it is againft the Komijh Bifhops. I might cite 
 
 tacLii 
 
 many WitnclTcs to make this as clear as the Sunv take one of many : Neqne vera cum 
 
 Beta re 9. ^^^^ j.^^ j-^^ Tyrannidif eos Epifcopos veram ChrijVt Keligionem profitemes & docentes 
 
 fair lib? jfii(„(l,jl aljlt a me tarn impudens anoganth. Neither vchik I fay thefe things ^ do I ac- 
 
 ciife thofe Bijhops of lyranny , which profefs and teach the true Religion of Chriii ^ far be 
 
 fiicb impudent arrojiance from me. And farther he faith, that they are to be acknow- 
 
 Vage 126 Icdged , obfervcd , reverenced, as faithful Paftors of the Chriftian Church. And 
 
 in an Epillle to the then Archbilhop oi Canterbury , he expreflcth himfelf, that fuch 
 
 invedives were never intended againft the Government of the Englijh Church , but 
 
 againft Antichrijiian Tyranny. 
 
 '^Secondly , It is objedled , That they did put atvay Bijhops. 1 anfwer, That fome 
 Reformed Churches were under Biftiops , who w^re cut of their Territories^ as the 
 Helvetian Churches under the Eifhops of Confiance. Others were under Bi(hops of 
 another Communion , as the French Churches : others could not both continue Bi- 
 {hops , and bring in the Reformation of Religion> as the Church of Geneva: others 
 did retain Bifliops under the name of Superintendents, becaufe the old name had 
 been abufcd by the Tfeitdoepifiopi or falfe Bifhops , in the Church of Home ■■, by the 
 feme reafon, wefliould neither ufe the Name of Chrift, nor Apolile , nor Gofpel, 
 nor Sacrament , becaufe there have been falfe Chrifts , falfe Apoftles, falfc Gofpel^, 
 falfe Sacraments. Laflly, Many retained both the name and the thing-, as the 
 Churches o( England, Sweden , &c. And generally all Reformed Churches were 
 defirous to have retained Epifcopacy , if the Bifliops that then were, vvould have 
 joined with them in the Reformation. This is evident, for the German Churches , 
 by the Augufian Confeflion , and Apology, That Bifliops might eafily have retain- 
 ed their places : if they would , they proteft that they are not guilty of the diminu- 
 tion of Epifcopal Authority. And for the Helvetian Churches , it appears by that 
 Letter of Zuinglim , and Ten others of their principal Divines, to the Bifliop of 
 Conftance, in all humility and obfervancc befeeching him , To favour and helpforrvard 
 their beginnings ,'as an excellent wor^, and worthy of a Bipop.- They call him Father , 
 Kenowned Prelate, Bifhop: they implore his clemency^ wifedom , Learning, that he 
 would be the Ftrft Fruits of the Germane Bipops , to favour true Chrijlianity ^ringing 
 up a^ain , to heal the wounded confcience : They befeech him by the common Chri(l, by 
 • our Chrijiian Liberty , by that Fatherly affeSion which he owes unto them , by whatfoever 
 
 was Divine and Humane , to look^ gracioufly upon them : ur if he would not grant their 
 def res , yet to connive at them. So he (hould maks hU Family yet more iHuJiriom , ajid 
 have the perpetual Tribute of their praifei , fo he would but (Inw himfelf a Father , and 
 grant the rtqueji nfhii obedient Sons : They conclude , God Ahiiihtypreferve your Ex- 
 Epijl'iTi ceUency. Thirdly, For the Frrac/j Churches, it is plain by C^/wz in one of his Epi- 
 ftles , touching a Reformed Bifliop , that fliould turn from Popery : that he may re- 
 tain his Biflioprick, his Diocefs, yea even his Revenues and his JurifdiUion-. 
 
 Laftly , it is objected , That Bifhops have been the Introducers of A ntichriftian Ty- 
 ranny , and all other abufes into the Church. One faid of Phylicians , tiiat they were 
 happy men , for the Sun revealed all their Cures, and the Earth buried all their In- 
 firmities: contrariwife we may fay of Governours , that in this refpedt they arc 
 moft unhappy men, for the Sun reveals all their infirmities^ nay more, all the Enor- 
 mities of the Times, and the aberrations of their Inferiours are imputed to them, 
 but the Earth buries all their Cures. Epifcopacy hath been fo far from being an ad- 
 jument to the Pope , in his Tyrannical invafion of the Liberties of the Church, that 
 on the other fide, it was a principal means to flay and retard his Ufurpation; as did 
 wcllappear at the Council of Tmzr, how little he was propitious to tliat Order, 
 
 and
 
 Discourse II. The Serpent Sal'z/e^ ^o:; 
 
 aod by the example oi'Grojled Bifhop o^ Lhttoln, who was Malleus Komamrmn, and 
 many others: and now much the rather, when Bifhops acknowledge no dependen- 
 cy upon him. No Form of Government was ever fo abfolute , as to keep out all 
 abufcs. .Errours in Religion, are not prefently to be imputed to the Governraenf 
 of the Church , Arrius , Velaghts^ 6^c. were no Bifhops. But on the other fide , if 
 Billiops had not been, God knows what Churches, what Religion, what Sacraments, 
 whai: Chrift we (hould have had at this day. And we may ealily conjecture by 
 thaf inandation of Se<fts , which hath almoft quite overwhelmed our poor Church 
 on a Hidden , lince the authority of Bifhops was fufpended. The prefent condition 
 oi England doth plead more powerfully for Bifhops, than all that have writ for Epi- 
 fcopacy fince the Reformation of our Church. 
 
 I have made this Digreliion , by occafion of the Obferver's fo often girding at Bi- 
 fhops •, he may either pafs by it, or take notice of it at his pleafure. There are fome 
 fmall remainders of his Work, but of no great moment i as tliis. That there if a di~ 
 Jpjrity hftiveen natural Fathers^ Lords ^ Heads, &c. and political. Moft true,'' though 
 the Obferver hath not met with the molt appolite inliances) otherwifc they fliould 
 be the very fame things every like is alfo diflike. He conceives, that there is onely 
 fome fleight refemblance between them: but our Law faith exprefly otherwile. 
 That his Majelly is very Head , King , Lord, and Ruler of this Realm , and that of 
 meer droit and very right. Firft , very Head and Lord , and then of meer droit and ve- 
 ry right: It is impoliible the Law (hould fpeak more fully. But the main difference 
 which may come near the Queflion is this, that the power which is in z Father, 
 Lord, &c. moderately and dirtindly , is jointly and more eminently in a Sovereign 
 Prince , as was long fince declared at Eome , in the cafe between Fahius Maximus 
 and his Son. No Father could deferve more reverence from a Son^ yet he knew 
 that Domeilick command mult veil and fubmit to political •, and that the authority 
 of a Father of a Family , doth difappear in the prcfence of the Father of a Country, 
 as lefTcr Stars do at the rifing of the Sun. But his main ground is , that the King 
 is the Father, Lord, Head,8cc. of his Subjed:s ^ii'i/m , but not coHJunUim , if you 
 take them fingly one by one, but not of an intire colledlive Body. So it (eems his 
 Majefly i<; the King of Peter , and Andrew , not oi England , nor yet fo much as of 
 a whole Town or Village , yet the Obferver himfelf can be contented to be the 
 Lord of a whole Manour. I conceive he learned this Dodtrine out oiSchola Salerni, 
 Anghrum Kcgi, &c. If this afTertion were true, how extremely hath the World been 
 deceived hitherto ? and we have all forfworn our felves in our Oaths of Supremacy ' 
 
 and Allegiance. His Majefly is much bound to him for rnaking him King of fo 
 many petty little Kingdoms: but zs't'ttw ^wf?i«jfaid oi Antiodms his Souldiers, 
 when their Friends did fet them out by parcels, for Armies oi Medes , Eletnites , 
 Cadufians, 8cc. That all thefe in one word were but Syrians. So his Majefly is well 
 contented to reduce all thefe Kingdoms oi Miaocojms , into one Kingdom of Eng- 
 land , if he may hold that in peace. 
 
 Such another Paradox is that which follows , That 7reafon or KebeVion in the Suh- 
 je&s is not fo horrid in nature , as o^pnfion in Suferiours. One of the moll abfurd opi- ^"t^ ^9' 
 nions , and moft deflrudive to all Societies , that ever was devifed. By this new 
 Learning , when the Mafler (hall correft his Servant, without fufhcicnt ground in 
 the Servant's conceit , he may take the Rod by the other end , and give his Maimer 
 lome remembrances , to teach him his office better : if it be a little irregular, yet it 
 is the lefs fault upon thefe grounds. Doth any man think that theObfcrver in(f rucls 
 his Family with this Dodrrine , at Home out of his own Chair > believe it not. By 
 the very equity of this conclufion , it fhould be a greater fin for a man to mifpend 
 what is his own , than to rob or ffeal that which is not his own. The Supcriourj 
 though he abufe his power, yet hath a right to it: but the Inferiour hath none. 
 How difcrepant is this from the judgment of former times ? they thought no crime 
 could be fo great , as that it ought to be puaiifhcd with parricide : or that for dif- 
 covcry thereof, a Servant fhould be examined againll his Mafter i or a Child againll 
 his Parent. The Law of Parricides denied , /?«cfm vivo , fluHuanti mare , njttfrago 
 pnrtnm , morienti terram , defuntln fepulchrtwu TwZ/y faith , They were to be fowed 
 up quick in a Sack, aud fo call into the River : not to the wild beafis , lert the ve- 
 ry
 
 6o6 
 
 The Serpent Sahe- TOME il 
 
 rv Bcartsfliould become more inhumane by fuch nourilhment: not naked , left they 
 (hould pollute that Element which purgcth all thmgs. Our Saviour calleth Ji,cIm 
 a Devil Hjve not Jchofenyou twelve , and one of you vs a Vevil ? Why a Devil? be- 
 caufc he' was a Traytor. Let the Obferver find out a worfe name if he can. 
 
 Such another is his comparifon, between the thirty Tyrants at Athens ^ and the 
 Cavaliers at Tc^'/feComparifons are odious , I defire not to meddle with them. But it 
 is well known what the tliirty Tyrants were. i. They were a Company packed toge- 
 ther by U'fancLr iox his purpofe. 2. They are called oftimi , good Patriots, and 
 Adminilir'jiores ^ei^ublk£ ^ the Adminiftrators of the Commonwealth. 3. They 
 had the pljcing and difpofing of the Senators or Councils. 4. They made the Ma- 
 gillrates oi Athens out of their own FaAion and Clients. 5. They were great Pro- 
 taners of Temples, and contemners of Religion, as appeared by their command, to 
 pull "theramnes from the Altar. 6. They armed 3000. of their own party,and dif- 
 armed all others. 7. They filled all Greece with Athenian Exiles. 8. They killed 
 more in Eight moneths, tlian the Spartan Wars had done in Ten years, p. Conde- 
 hant leges ^ they ufurped both the Legiflative power , and more than that, an arbi- 
 trary power without Law : fo there was need of a Law, that no man , tfhoje name 
 was trritten infuch a Catalogue , fljouldbe jlaiH fine judicio , without lavpful 7ryal , o- 
 ther men might. And yet as if both thefe were not fufficient, they alTumed an ab- 
 folute power over the Law , and againft the Law: Ego vero tie lege hac fe tuerifofjit^ 
 nomen e]us d<ko ^ & morte condemno^ to deprive him of the benefit of this Law, I 
 blot out his name, and condemn him to dye. Laftly, They had their turns, ac- 
 cording to that Prophetick prcdidlion of 'Z/'eMwew/, when he had drunk up the 
 cup of poifon , and caft the fnuife upon the ground , laying , Fropino hoc Cutis: pul- 
 chro, a health to gallant Critias the Archtyrant i ( which Story, faith 'tully in his 7uf- 
 culans, no man can read without tears-,) and (hdrtly after Cri//i«- followed him in- 
 to another world , to give an account of his bloody adminiftration. 
 
 Such flowers as thefe we find ftrawcd here and there in his Booki and fo he con- 
 cludes abruptly, J find my reafon already captivated , I can no farther Whether it 
 
 were done to amufe the World, as if he had much more matter, but that the Prefs 
 prevented himi or that all this while he hath been uttering his myfterious Enthufi- 
 afms and oracles, and now (propiore Veo ) he is rapt into an extafie or trance : or 
 Laflly , Becaufe he was as confident of the fuccefs of his obfervations , as the Spa- 
 Anti-Mack' iiiards of their invincible Armado. Zeno (bmetimes wanted opinions , but never 
 wanted arguments : What weighty reafons did the Trancifcans urge on both lides, 
 pro & contra , and with what fervour , even about the colour and fafhion of their 
 Habits? I have heard of a like ftir at Amjierdam about Starch : When men ilretch 
 and tenter their wits to uphold a party , they will find fomething to fay , though 
 itbe in praifeofHf//e« , or commendation of Fo/Zy. It is dangerous to leave old 
 received Rules, upon probable and fpecious pretences > Kemove rot thou the ancient 
 Prov. a2j8 lo^„j^ ^ which thy Fathers have fet. It is the wifedom of the 5frpf«^ , to Hup her 
 P&I. 58 5. '■'""•'' ■> ''g'^i"fi the voice of the Charmer. It is the wiftdom of a good Chriftian,a good 
 Subjedl , to prcferve his faith to God , and his Loyalty to his Prince , and to blels 
 himfelf from the Magical Spells of all fuch Charmers and Obferwers. 
 
 Page if. 
 
 DIS
 
 DtSCOURSE III. 
 
 607 
 
 
 tr^^yi*^^ 'i'iX ^J ^] 
 
 '^ 
 
 DISCOURSE III. 
 
 T O M E I T. 
 
 Bidiop BR.AMHALL*s Vindication of himfelf and the 
 Epifcopal Clergy , from the Prcbbytcrian Charge of Po- 
 pery , as it is managed by Mr. Baxter in his Trcatife of 
 the Grotian Religion. 
 
 G H A P. I. 
 
 Of Mr. Baxter and his Boohj, and ^equefirations. 
 
 Efore I faw Mr. Baxters late Treatife called , The Grntian Kelmon , 
 it was to me , nee beneficio nee injuria , neither known for good 
 nor hurt. I acknowledge the very Title of his Boook did not 
 pleafe me. Different opinions do not make different Religions. 
 It is the Golden Rule of Juflice , not to do that to another rvhich 
 a man would not not hive done to himfelf. He would take it unkind- 
 ly himfelf to have his own Religion contradilVinguiflied into the 
 Frelatical Keligion , from which he doth not much difTcnt , fo he might have the 
 naming of the Prelates, zn^thtYreshyterianKeligion^ which he doth profefs for 
 the prc(ent i and the Independent Keligion y which he (hiketh kindly by the hindi 
 and the Anabaptitiical Religion^ which challengeth Seniority of all modern Sedb. And 
 then to have his Presbyterian Religion fubdivided, wther according to the number of 
 the Churches, into the E«g/i/^ Religion, and the 5coi//& Religion, and the Gallican 
 Fxcligion , and the Belgian Religion , and the Helvetian Religion , and the AHo- 
 brogian Religions or of all the names of the Reformers, into the Calvinijiical Religion 
 and Bron'«i/f/c<«/ Religion , Z«i«g//j« Religion , zni ErajUan Religion, &c. For 
 all thefe have their differences. And fo himfelf in his Preface to this very Treatife 
 admits thofe things for pious Truths , for which we have been branded with the 
 names of Papijii and Arminians , and have been plundered and fpoiled of all that 
 we had. 
 
 Let himfelf be judge whether this be not to have the Faith of our Lird J efts Chrii 
 n-ith rejped of Ferfons. Jam. 2.1. The Church of Chrill is but one , o:.ie Fold md 
 one Shepheard, ChrifVian Religion is but one, one Lord , one Faith, one HiPe. Then 
 why doth he multiply Religions , and cut the Chrirtian Faith into ihreds , as if e.-e- 
 ry Opinion were a Fundamental Article of Pveligion > Let him remember that of 
 S. Uierome ? Jf yaitjhal! heare thtfe who are [aid to be Chrijlians any where, tj be de- 
 nominated nnt from the Lord Jefui Chrijl , hut from fome other perfon , kjow that this vs 
 not the Church of Chnji , but the Synagogue of Antichrijl. 
 
 So much for the Title of Mr. Baxters Book, now for his defign. His main 
 
 Aaaa fcope
 
 ■g^§ " A Vindkauon of Grotius T O M E 1 1. 
 
 fcope is to llu-w that Gmim under a pretence of reconciling the Proceibnt Chur- 
 c'vs with the Kwu'« Church , hath ac^ed the part of a Coy-duck, willingly or 
 unvvillin>'ly , to lead Prote/tants into Popery. And therefore he held himfelf obli- 
 iicd in 3uty to give warning to Protcftants to bivoareof Grotm bus fohrvers in En- 
 gland , reho under the name of Epifcopal Divines , do frofecute the defign of CaiTandet 
 and Grotius , to reconcile us to the Pope , Fage 2. And being preffed by his Ad- 
 verfary to naiiictliofe Epifcopal Divines ("wr dolofm verfatur in generaUbus ) he gives 
 r,o inltance of any one man throughout his Book, but of my felf. I fhall borrow a 
 \vo\\\ with Iiim of himfelf^a word of GrofSfcf,antI a word or two concerning My felf. 
 firli for hittifclf , he dotii but wound himfelf through Gro//»j- his fides , and in 
 Ivis ccnfuring Crotiuf, teach his own Fellorrfi to ferve him with the fame (siWcc.Grotiiw 
 and Mr. Baxter both profecutethe fame defign oi' reconciliation , but Mr. Baxters oh- 
 ied is the Britijh World , and Grotim his objed is the Chriftian World. Mr. Baxter 
 as well as Grotiiu in profecuting his defign , doth admit many things which the 
 greater part of his own Fellows do rcjed:. As that freterition is an Act of Jufiice 
 in God.Fr^f. Se£l. y.That God giveth fufficient Grace ( in the Jcfuits fenfe ) to thofe that 
 ptrifh , Sell. 8. That redemption is Univetfal , tbey( the Synod of Port ) give more 
 to Chriiis Death for the EkS than we , but no kfithat he k^ows of to hU Death for all 
 than xpe-Seii.xo.Hc is as much for free-will as we,they allprofefs that man hath the natu- 
 ral faculty of p-ee-wiy^Sed.i i.Hc who had all hisotlier Treatifes which I did never fee, 
 in probability might find much more of the fame kind.I do aot dillike him for this, 
 but rather commend him for unwrapping himfcIf as warily as he could without 
 any noife , out of the endlcfs train of crrour. And for other points wherein he is 
 ftill at a default , i hope a little lime and better Information , may fet him right in 
 thofe as well as thefe. But others of his own party do believe all thefe points, which 
 he admits, to be as downright Fop^ji as any is within the Walls of Kowe. And 
 with the fame freedom and reafon that lie cenfures Grotius , they may cenfure fciw, 
 for the Pope'x talking Horfe or Coy-duck to reconcile us to Rome. Neither can he 
 plead any thing for himfelf, which may not be pleaded as ftrongly, or more ftrong- 
 ly for Grotiui. 
 
 He may objedt that thofe things which he admitteth , are all evident truths ■■> but 
 fundry of thofe things, which are admitted by Grotius , are Popijh errours. This is 
 confidently faid : but how is he able to make it good to other men .? Grotius took 
 himfelf to have as much reafon as Mr. Baxter , and much more learnhig and read- 
 ing than Mr. Baxter. But (iill if his Fellows do no more approve of what he faith, 
 than he approveth of that which Grotius faith , they have as good ground to cen- 
 fure him , as he hath to cenfure Grotious. Thole very points, which are admitted 
 by Mr. Baxter ^ are cfteemcd by his Fellows to be as grofs and Fundamental errours, 
 as any of thofe other fupemumerary points which are maintained by Grotius. But to 
 come up clofer to him : What if thofe other points difpu ted betwen Groti^j- and 
 him be meer Logomachies , or contention about words , or mifiaken truths ? He 
 himfelf confelTeth as much now of all the Arminian Tenets , Tref. Sc£l. 15. lam 
 grown to a very great confidence , that moji of our contentions about thofe [_ Arminian 3 
 points are more about words than matter. Again , in the fame Section i "The Dodrine 
 of ihe Divine decrees is rejolved into that of the Divine operations. Let us agree of the 
 hji ^ and we agree of the former. And almojl all the DoCfrine of the Divine operations 
 about which ive differ , dependeth on the point of Free-will , and will be determined with 
 that. And how far we differ (if at all) in the point of Free-will^ Sec. 1 fee truth 
 is the Daughter of time. Now our Arminian Controverfies are avowed to have 
 been but contentions about words. Now it is become a doubtful cafe , and defer- 
 ving an ]f , whether we have any difference at all about Free-will or no. The wind 
 IS gotten into the other door, fince we were profecuted and decried as Pelagians, 
 and Enemies of Grace , becaufe we maintained fomc old innocent Truths which 
 theChurch ofEnglandznd the Catholih^ Church ever taught Her Sons,before Arminius 
 was born. Some of their greateft Sticklers do owe a great account to God , and a 
 great reparation to us , for thofe groundlefs calumnies , which they cal^ upon us at 
 that time. For the prefent I onely lay down this disjundive conclulToni either Mr. 
 Baxter and his Fellows have changed their Judgement from what it was then , 
 
 which
 
 ID rs COURSE III- Aad Epifcopariant from Popery ^ ^qq 
 
 wliica iiuias the diltance iccni lels now, or they did us abominable wrong then i 
 or both thefc propofitions without any disjundiion , are undoubtedly true. Mr. 
 Baxter^ who was fo much miftaken in his Armiman points then , may be as much 
 milbkch in hi? Grotian. points now. 
 
 He notcth the time when he began his Book , April p^ 1558. And when he end- 
 ed it, April 14. 11558. by which account it coft him but fix days inclulively , 
 comprehending both the day when he began,and tlieday when he ended.In my judg- 
 ment this circumftance might better have been omitted. Among thofc who feem to 
 approve his work, fome will afcribe it to the fortune of Augujhis in Suetonius in the 
 life of Chudiuf ^ ToYr Jutox*" 'j ■^?'V^* '™"'^'i« happy men may have Children 
 at 3 moneths. Some others will take it as a Symptom of vain-glory : other men 
 mult dig deep to lay a good Foundation : but Mr. Baxters happinefs is onely by 
 turning the Cock to fpout out whole Pages in an inftant , as if he had found them 
 fet to his hands, and his part had been onely to imprint them. Here was neither 
 mtilta dies , nor miilta litura , neither much time fpent, nor much pains taken in cor- 
 recting. Thirdly , All men will fay that he undervalues his Adverfary, and makes 
 his vidtorv too cheap , without either blood or fweat. 
 
 And on the other iidc , among thofe who diflike his Work , fome will make 
 bold to tell him , that he prefumes too much upon his Readers courtefie to publifh 
 fuch raw undigelled fanfies upon fewer days deliberation than the Poet requires 
 years ^ mnumque premjtttr in annum. Others will not ftick to fay that they knew 
 by the Trcatife it felf, though he had held his Peace, that it coft him no great la- 
 bour. And LalHy , His faddeft and moft judicious Readers will fufpedt that he 
 hath not weighed his citations as he ought. Certainly all thofe Teftimonies which 
 he produces out of Grotius in this Book, if he had examined them as exad^ly as 
 he ought, with their coherence With the Antecedents and Cnnfequents ■■, and com- 
 pared them with thofe Authors whom Grotius doth alledge for confirming of his 
 own Judgement , would have taken up thrice as many days as he affigneth to this 
 Work •■, yea though he had made ufe of Arilhiks 'Ball and his Bajin to keep him 
 waking. 
 
 Before I leave his owri part , I cannot choofe but tell him that I do not , I can- 
 not approve of his defence of Sequejirations. And what he believeth of idJc, ig- 
 norant, unworthy Pafloursthat they are obliged to make reflitution , the fame do I 
 Hrmly believe of his Secjuejirators , that without rellitution according to the extent 
 of their power , they can have fmall hops of Salvation. But hrft I murt crave leave 
 to tell him , that he doth utterly miftake the queftion. Firft, he doth difown the 
 cafting out of able and godly Minijiers , becaufe they are Trelatical ^ or fitppofed Armini- 
 ans , or- interejjed in the late Civil differences. But we know that the greati.it part 
 of fequeftred perfons were fuchi and ejeded for thofe very reafons. So he difowns 
 the queftien. 
 
 And as he difowns the queftlon, fo he diverts it from fequeltred Minifters , to ig- 
 norant, unfufficient, reading Ministers. There was no need why he fhould have put 
 reading Miniftersinto his Apology: znd yet he cannot choofe but know that good ufe 
 may be made ot reading Minilters in a conftituted Church ■■, and that there is much 
 lefs danger of them than of ignorant or kdkious Preachers. Our reading Minilters 
 of all the Clergy were in lealt danger of their Sequejlrators ^ who looked more at 
 the value of the Benefice^ than at the qualifications of thofe perfons who were turn- 
 ed out. He who doubteth of this general truth , upon inquiry into particular ca- 
 fes , may quickly fatisfie hirhfelf. 
 
 And as he difowns the queflion , and diverts the queltiori , fo he begs the que- 
 ftion i that thofe Minifters whom they put in, were incomparably better than thofe 
 they turned out. No , nor yet worthy to be named the fame fame day with them.. 
 Compare thole Proi/o/J/ , :iud Prefidents , znd Profefiors ^ and Ffl/cw/ , :ir\dSchahrs. 
 who were turned out of our Vniverfities , with thofe Bulritfhes in comparifon , 
 whom tor. the moft part they introduced , or read but the Martyrology of the City of 
 London alone with an impartial eye , and confider fadly how many eminent pcrlbns 
 for Learning , Piety, and indultry , have been turned out of their Livelihoods, 
 meerly for thofe reafons which he difowneth,. and dares not juftifie, H.e who fhali 
 
 A a a a 2 do
 
 6io 
 
 A Vindication of Grotius TO ME IT . 
 
 TTthis thing fcriouflyT^^^a^oi^parc them with their crawling Succeffours , wiJl 
 . , r enoudi to write upon the doors of their habitations, dnmus antiqna ! 
 Zm^Man domhraris Vminc? Froto this Foot a man may eafily conjedure the pro- 
 ton ot the whole Body, and what have been the fufferings ot our Orthodox 
 riVixv throughout the whole Kingdom, contrary to the Laws of God and manUiow 
 iiJnv of thcnT have been beggered and necelhtated to turn Mechanicksor Day-La- 
 bourers i how many imprilbncd , or forced to forfakc their Native Countrey, 
 and feck tiicir bread among Grangers •, how many have had their hearts broken , 
 fomertarved, fomc murthercd , and the fpoyi of their houfes given for a reward 
 to the murthcrer. But this is a fad Subjed to dwell upon. God Almighty pardon 
 thciiii who have had a hand .in thefe cruel courfes , and give them true Repentance. 
 In the mean time their Sequelirators, notwithftanding their former cenfures againft 
 all Vluralijis^ and their prefent pretended felf-denial, were well contented to hold 
 pluralities themfelves with confidence enough. 
 
 But now I will fuppofe all that which he defires , and which he is never able to 
 proves yea whkh his own confciencC tells him to be much othcrwife , that all 
 pcrfons who have been fequeftrcd op turned out of their Benefices by them , had 
 been fuch undeferving perfons as he fcigneth : and all thofe who were put in their 
 places ha.d been fuch learned , honeft , and Orthodox Divines i fuch as out qf con- 
 fcience and a defire to do good, did feek as much after the ftipendiary cures of Read- 
 ing Miniftcrs , as after the larger Benefices of more eminent Scholars •, yet thefe fe- 
 quertred perlbns had a juft Title to their Benefices by the Larvs of England. 
 
 That which was theirs by Latp , cannot be taken from them without Law , or 
 againlt Law. Dominion is founded in Nature, not in Grace. Nothing is more 
 hidden than true Grace : we underftand it not certainly in another, hardly in our 
 felves. Therefore if Grace (hould give every one that pretends to it , intereft in 
 that which is another mans lawful Pofleflion , no man's Title could be certain to 
 another , fcarcely to himiclfi from whence muft neceflarily follow an incredible 
 confufion , and an inevitable perturbation of all eftates. 
 
 By the Laws of England they were poffeired of their Benefices, andby the 
 Laws of England they ought to be outed of their Benefices. They who decried 
 Arbitrary Government , lliould not be the onely men to introduce Arbitrary Go- 
 vernment into England. The Law o{ England kT\Dweth no way to out a man of 
 his Benefice but death, ccjjion , or Deprivation. It knoweth no deprivation but for 
 crimes committed againll Law, and that Law more ancient than thofe crimes, 
 rvhere there is no Law , there is no Tranfgrefjinn , and where there is no tranfgrellion , 
 there can be no deprivation. The Law of England knoweth no deprivation but by 
 pcrfons to whom the ancient Law of Englandhzth. committed the power of depri- 
 ving. So every way their Sequeftrations are unlawful, and they who hold them 
 are like Moths which inhabit in other mens Garments. Of all the Commandments 
 the Eighth is moft dangerous i other Commandments oblige to Repentance , but 
 that obligeth both to Repentance and Reftitution. His inftances of a Phyfitian^ and 
 a Commander , and a Pilot , who hold their Offices ad voluntatem Domini , fb long 
 as their Mailers think fit , are not applicable to a Benefice , which is the Inheritance 
 of the prefent incumbent and his Succeffours. Sequeftration may have place during 
 the vacancy of a Benefice , or until the decifion of fome Procefs depending , or 
 for the difcharge of forae duty which by Law is incumbent upon the Benefice i 
 but fuch Lawlefs, Arbitrary Sequeftrations as thefe were , are plain Robbery by all 
 LawsofGodandlvfan. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 DcscouRSE III. And Epifcoparians from Popery^ 5i, 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of Grotius , and tvhiU Communion he vpos of 
 
 NEKt for Grotius and others of his charitable way , I acknowledge freely , 
 that 1 prefer one page of Wicelius , or CaJJander , or Grotius , for true Judge- 
 ment before all the works of tauUrus , and Ten more fuch Authors. Yet I have 
 read fundry of them , and fometimes have approved more of their piety than of 
 their Judgement ■■, and at other times repented of the lofs of my time. Yea , I do 
 preter thele *^'rfc betore an hundred jan'wwg wifhers for Peace j whileft they do no- 
 thing that tendeth to the procuring of Peace : particularly , I do admire the trvo 
 former for this reafon , becaufe their clearer Judgements did pierce fo deep into 
 the Controverfies of Religion , before they were rightly fiatcd. And their free Spi- 
 rits dared to tell the World impartially what was amifs , according to the didates 
 of their Confciences , though with the hazard of their Lives , without any other 
 motive than the difcharge of their duties. And if any of them be reviled for their 
 charity , the greater is their Retpard in Heaven. 
 
 Yet I cannot pin my Religion to any of their Sleeves. Flato is my friend , and 
 Socrates is my friend , but truth is my beft friend. Perhaps I may difapprove fome 
 things in Grotius his works , or fome parts of them , more than Mr. Baxter him- 
 felf. He extolleth his book of the right of the Sovereign Magijlrates in Sacred things: 
 But when I did read it , he feemed to me to come too neer an Eraflian , and to 
 lelTen the Power of the Keys too much : which Chriji left as a Legacy to his Church, 
 It may be he did wrke that before he was come to full maturity of Judgement, and 
 fome other things \ I do not (ay after he was fuperannuated ,but without that due 
 deliberation which he ufeth at other times, wherein a man may defirsGrotius in Gro- 
 tius. Or it may be that fome things have been changed in fome of his works, as I 
 have been told by one of his neareft friends , and that we (hall (hortly fee a more 
 j^uthentick^Edition of them all. This is certain , that fome of thofe things which I 
 dlllike , were not his own Judgement after he was come to maturity in Theological 
 matters. 
 
 But whereas Mr. Baxter doth accufe him as a Papiji , I think he doth him wrong : 
 Nay I am confident he doth him wrong , and that he oweth a reparation to his me- 
 mory. I have read all that he alledgeth to prove him a Papift , but without any 
 conviction or alteration in my Judgement. And I believe that one , who delighteth 
 in fuch kind of contentions , would find it no difficult task to clear all his Obje- 
 diions , and demonftrate the contrary out of the writings of Grotius himfelf , and 
 others of the moit learned and judicious Froteflants. Sometimes he accufeth him of 
 that which is not true at all , fub modo , as it is alledged : Nothing can be fo truly 
 faid , but that it may be depraved by mifrelation or millnterprctation , or inconfe- 
 quent inferences. 
 
 At other times he accufeth him of that fir Popery^ which is no Popery , the great- 
 er, and better, and founder part of Proteftants being Judges. Yet ii Grotius his 
 Genius had been fomewhat lefs critical , and fo much more Scholajiical , he had not 
 lain fo open to Mr. Baxters accufations, 
 
 Vnum hoc maceror & doleo tihi deejje. 
 
 It (hall fjffice me to fay , that he was a perfon of rare parts , of excellent Learn- 
 ing , of great Charity, and of fo exemplary a Life , that his Herceft Adverfaries 
 had nothmg to objedt againlt him of moment: but were forced to rake into 
 the faults of his Family , which whether true or falfe , was not fo ingenioufly 
 done. . 
 
 But lca(\ any man might chance unawares to hit his own Spiritual Mother out of 
 a mi(take , I will endeavour to give him fome farther light , what was the Reli- 
 gion of Grotius. He was in affedfion a friend, and in dellre a true Son of the Church 
 
 of
 
 ■^Ti ^ Vcndicatjo n of Grotius TOME I I . 
 
 ■ ':i%:,Und. And upon his Dcath-kd recommended that Church , as it was legally 
 
 clhbl^lied to his If'fe , and fuch other ot his lamily as were then about him , 
 oblikXin^ them by his Authority to adiiere firmly to it , fo far as they had opportu- 
 nity And both my felt", and many others have (ecn his Wife in obedience to her 
 Husbands commands , which ilie declared publickly to the World , to repair often 
 to our Prayers and Sacraments , and to bring at leall one of his Grand-Children to 
 ' Sir Hichard Browns houfc, then Refident for the King in Fork, to be Baptifed into the 
 Faicii and Commimion of the Church of England, and be made a member thereof, 
 as it was accordingly. If any man think that heknoweth"Gmi«j his mind better 
 by conjedtural confrqucnces, than he did himfelf-, or that he would difTemble 
 with Ins Wife and Children upon his Veath-bcd , he may enjoy his own opinion to 
 himfelf: but he will find few to joyn with him. 
 
 C A P. III. 
 
 No Grotian defign in England. 
 
 ANothcr branch of his Difcourfeis , concerning the Grotian defign in England. 
 He pretends that there was a party n/Grotius his foUorvers in England , vcha 
 priijeaited hU defign of reconciling m to the Pope, under the name of Epifcopal Divines , 
 Tag. 2. That Grotim had a Pacificatory defign, all men acknowledge i and he 
 himiclf extollcth it as much as any of us , Tr. S. 3. For his Pacificatory defign in 
 generj.1 , I talig it to be one of the moft Chrijiian Noble Bleffed tporks that any man can be 
 imployed in. That Grotim was a Stalking-horfe for the Pope , or had any defign but 
 in Order to Peace and Truth i or that he had any party in England , who follow- 
 ed him farther, than he followed the Truth , after all Mr- B^ixffr/ pretences , we 
 have no reafon to believe. This is his own abfurd and groundlcfs prefumption. For 
 certainly Grotius could have no thoughts of introducing any Popiffp errours into En- 
 gland , who looked upon the Church of England , as the right medium of recon- 
 ciliation. Neither were there any genuine Sons of the Church of England who 
 thought upon any change either in T>o£irine cr Vifcipline. We may fafely take our 
 Oaths of the Truth thereof. It was his own Party, onely his own party, who 
 were plotting and contriving a change underhand, and cried out againfi: other mens 
 feigned innovations, to conceal their own real innovations. But how doth he 
 make it appear that Grotim had fuch a party of followers in England, who fought to 
 reconcile us to the Pope ? If it be fufficient to accufe , no man can be innocent. 
 Let him fpeak it out dirtindly , we fear not his charge ■■, would they reconcile us to 
 the Pope and Papacy, as it is now Ef^ablifhed ? Let him not fay it for fhame, they ab- 
 hor it. Or would they reduce the Pope to what he was from the Beginning , and 
 fo reconcile us ? All good Chriftians joyn with them in fo pious an Ad. If his 
 own meaning do agree with his words , he himfelf doth not quarrel the Pope 
 for his yA\ rights , but for his innovations. If he mean it not , it is a double 
 fiiame. 
 
 His Firfl reafon to prove that there was fuch a party of of Grotians in England , 
 who nourifhed fuch a defign , is taken from Grotiiu his own words , P. 5)6. Paris 
 hyjtoxvs , and many throughout France , many in Poland and Germany , not a fevp in 
 England , quiet per fons and Lovers of Peace , that Grotius his labours for Peace , have 
 mt difpleafed many moderate perfons. He addeth , that Rivet agreed better veith the 
 Brownifts , than with the Bijhopsof England. For pity fake let him fhew us wherein 
 the fircngth of his argument doth lye. He may as well perfwade us, that we fee a 
 Dragon flying in the air , as that there is any defign of introducing the Pope couch- 
 ed in thefe words. Doth the ftrength of his argument perhaps lie in this , that 
 there were Lovers of Peace in England ? So there were all over Chrilkndom before 
 Grotim was born. France, Germany, Poland , all Chrifiendom fliake hands with us 
 in this. He himfelf profefTeth that he is refolved to Jpeak^for Peace rvhilefi he^bath a 
 Tongue tn fl'ea}{\ and to write for Peace rchilejl he hath an hand to write , p. 6. Or 
 doth the Itrength of his argument lie in this , that Kivet agreed better with the 
 
 Brcrvn~
 
 Discourse III. And Epifcopjrians- from Popery. <5l-^ 
 
 Broi>?nHis than with the Eifhops of England? Whether he did or did not , whether 
 it be true or falfe , what doth this concern Epifcopal Divines ? Such are his proofs 
 againft Grotiiis always halting on one llde , moft commonly on both fides. I am 
 afraid this great mountain-delign will prove but a ridiculous moufe in the con- 
 clufion. 
 
 He asketh , Jfhat if he had named Eil^Kp Goodman, and all the rabble defn-ibed 
 in the Lcgenda lignea , rvhich are more than Vr. Vane , and Dr. Gofte, and Dr. 
 Baily , and H. P. de Crellie , &c. />, pp. I anfwer , Firft, if he had named 
 thefe for Epifcopal Divines of the Church of England , of whom he held it ne- 
 ccffary to admonifli his Readers , that they might beware of them as promoters of 
 the Grotian defign , he had made himlelf guilty of one of the groflell: and lilHeft 
 calurnnies that ever was. For fome of thefe were dead, and all of them apoftated 
 to the Church ofRome before he gave his warning. And Bifhop Goodman in parti- 
 cular , was branded by the Church of England , for his inclination to Koman Er- 
 rors. 
 
 Secondly , I anfwer , that if he had named thefe , he had wounded his own 
 party more tiian Epifcopal Divines. Abate onely Bifiiop Goodman , whom I did 
 never know , and of the rclt whom he nameth , not one was throughly a genu- 
 ine Epifcopal Divine. Excufe me for telling the truth plainly: many who have 
 had their education among 'Sedlaries, or Non-Conformirts , have apoflatcd to Rome 
 but few or no right Epifcopal Divines. Hot water freezeth the foonelr. 
 
 He addeth , That Grotim bimfelf ajfures him ( vchom he bath reafin to believe ) that 
 there veere not a few fiich among the prelaticalmen. How! not a few fuch as thefe, 
 who have apollated from the Church oi^ England. For ingenuities fake, let him tell 
 us where Grotim faith any fuch thing. Grotim hath not one word to his purpofe , 
 when it is duely examined. But this it is to confute Books in lefs time than vt^ife 
 or modell men would require to read them. 
 
 Hitherto he is not able to (hew us any tolerable reafon of his warning. But he 
 (heweth us the occafion, p. 82. "thofe that unchurch either all or mojl of the Protejlant 
 Chnrchc! , and maintain the Roman Church and not theirs to he true , do call us to a 
 moderate jealojifie of them. This is far enough from proving his bold fuggePion that 
 they hive a defign to introduce the Pope into England. So though all he fay were 
 true : yet he can conclude nothing from thence to make good his accufation or in- 
 finuation. I vvifli he would forbear thefe imperfeft Enthymematical forms of ar- 
 guing , which ferve onely tacover deceit , and fet down both his propofitions ex- 
 preily. His afilimption is wanting , which fiiould be this : But a conllderable par- 
 ty of Epifcopal Divines in England , do Unchurch all or mort of the Proteftant 
 Churches , and maintain the Koman Church to be a true Church , and them to be 
 no true Churches. I can affent to neither of his propofitions, nor to any part of 
 them, as true, fub modo , as they are alledged by him. 
 
 Firft , I cannot affent to his Major propofition , that all thofe who make an or- 
 dinary perfonal uninterupted fuccelfion of Paftours to be of the integrity of a true 
 Church ( which is the ground of his exception ) have therefore an intention , or 
 can be juftly fufpeded thereupon to haveany intention to introducethe Pope. The 
 Ei^ern , Southern , and Northern Churches are all of them for fuch a perfonal fuc- 
 celliou , and yet all of them utter enemies to the Tope. Secondly, I cannot affent 
 to his Minor propofition, that either all or anyconfiderable part ot the Epifcopal 
 Divines in England do unchurch either all, or the mofl parf of the Proteftant Chur- 
 ches. No man is hurt but by himfelf. They Unchurch none at all , but leave them 
 to Hand or fall to their own Mafter. They do not Unchurch the Swedifl), Vanijfj, 
 Bohemian Churches , and many other Churches in Poloni.i., Hiingarid and thofe parts 
 of the World, which have an ordinary uninterrupted Succeliion of Pallours, fome 
 by the names of Bifhops , others under the name of Seniors unto this day, { I 
 meddle not with the Sodnians ) They Unchurch not the Lutheran Churches in Ger- 
 many , who both affert Fpifcopacy in their ConfelHons , and have sdual Supirintei> 
 dents in their pradice , and would have Bijljops, name and thing, it it were in their 
 power- Let him not miftake himfelf, thofe Churches which he is fo tender of, 
 though they be better known to us by reafon of their Vicinity, are fo far from 
 
 being
 
 ■^ ~ "jfl'indicat ion'Tf Grotius TOME 1 1 . 
 
 Tcinft all or the mojt part oj thTF^tejiant Cimrches , that being all put together', 
 thcv amount not to fo great a proportion as the Batannick Churches alone. And 
 it" one fccludcd out of them , all thofe who want an Ordmary {"ucccliion without 
 their own faults, out of invincible ignorance ornecclb'ty , and all thofe who de- 
 fire to have an ordinary fucceliioii cither explicitly or implicitly , they will be redu- 
 ced to a little flock indeed. ^ ^ .„ ,. r . r,. . , 
 
 But let him fct his heart at reft , I will remove this Icruple out of his mind , that 
 he may fleep fccurcly upon both ears. Epifcopal Divines do not deny thofe Chur- 
 ches to be true Churches wherein Salvation may be had. We advife them , as it 
 is our duty , to be circumfpedt for themfelves , and not to put it to more queftion, 
 whether they have Ordination or not , or defert the general pradife of the Uni- 
 vcrfal Church for nothing , when they may clear it if they plcafe. Their cafe is 
 not the fame with thofe who labour under invincible neceUity. what mine own 
 fenfe is of it , I have declared many years fince to the World in Print j and in the 
 fame way received thanks , and a publick acknowledgment of my moderation from 
 a French Divine. And yet more particularly in my reply to the Billiop of Chake- 
 dun , Vref. p. 144. and cap. i. p. 164. Epifcopal Divines will readily fubfcribe to the 
 determination of the learned Bifliop of Ifinchejier ^ in his anfwcr to the Second E- 
 piftlc of Molinetts. Nevertheleji ^ if our form ( of Epifcopacy ) be of Divine right, 
 it doth not follow from thence that there is no Salvation tpithout it , or that a Church 
 cannot confiji without it. He U blind who does not fee Churches confifling without it ; 
 he is hard-hearted who denyeth them Salvation, Ife are none of thofe hard-hearted perfcns, 
 ree put a great difference between thefe things, there may be fomething ahjent in the ex- 
 teriour Regiment , which is of Divine Kight , and yet Salvation be to be had. This 
 miftake proceedeth from not diftingnifhing between the true nature and effence of a 
 Church , which we do readily grant them , and the integrity or perfedion of a 
 Church, which we cannot grant them , without fwcrving from the Judgment of 
 the Catholick Church. 
 
 The other part of his a/Tumption is no truer than the former. We do acknow- 
 ledge the Church of Kome to be Metaphyfically a true Church , as a Thief is a true 
 man, confifting of Soul and Body i fo did BiQiop Msrton^ Bifhop Htii/, Eifhop 
 Davenant , old Epifcopal Divines i fo did Mr.Primrofe , and other Presbyterian 
 Divines i fo doth he himfelf in this very Treatifc. What a weaknefs is it to accufc 
 Epifcopal Divines of that which he himfelf maintaineth. But we all deny that 
 the Church of Kome is morally a true Church , becaufeit is corrupted and errone- 
 ous : we make it to be a living Body , bat fick and full of ulcers. So we neither 
 dcftroy the Body out of hatred to the ulcers , nor yet cherifli the ulcers out of a do- 
 ting affedion to the Body. And therefore he had no reafon in the World to fufpetft 
 Epifcopal Divines of a plot or defign to introduce Popery into England , which 
 they look upon as the very Gangrene of the Church. 
 
 He pleadeth a reafon why he doth not name thofe Epifcopal Divines who had 
 this defign for fear of doing them hurt. Seti. 70. As if it were not lefs hurtful to 
 difcover the nocent , if he knew any fuch , than to Subjed the innocent both to 
 fufpition and cenfure , by his general defcriptions. I cannot excufe his firrt inti- 
 mation of fuch a defign , bccaufe he had no ground at all for it : but I can eafily 
 excufe his filcnce now , upon another reafon , becaufe I am confident there neither 
 are , nor ever were any fuch defigners among the Epifcopal party. 
 
 Whereas he ought to prove his intention that there was fuch a defign , in the 
 place thereof he gives us fome fymptomcs or figns whereby to know the defigncf;. 
 This is one great fault in his Difcourfe. But the worA is , they are all accidental 
 notes , which may either hit or mifs t there is not one elTential mark among them. 
 His firll mark is, Ihey are thofe that aSually were the Agents in the Englifh illegal in- 
 novations , which kjndled all our troubles in this Land , and were conformable to the 
 Grotian defign. Thofe laft words \_ and were conformable to the Grotian defign 3 
 were well added, though they be a (hameful begging of the queftion , and figni- 
 fie the fame thing by it fclf. A Ikangc kind of proof: for without thcfc words all 
 the World will take him and his party to be the illegal innovators , and no body 
 but them. The Epifcopal Divines hold their old Canons , their old Articles , their 
 
 old
 
 Discourse III. And Epifcoparians" from Fopery. 6\ti, 
 
 old Liturgy,their old ordinal, ftill without any change:They took the Protcitationa- 
 gainit innovations without any difficulty , and are ready to take it over and over 
 again. Their fault was that they could not fwallow down New Covenants to in- 
 novate. His party have changed Canons, Articles, Liturgy, all things, and yet 
 have the conhdence to cry Innovators hrlr. 
 
 His Second mark is, T^hey bend the coitrfe nf their writing to make the Roman Church 
 Ixnmurable , and to vindicate them from Antichrifiianifm^ md to make the reformed Chur- 
 ches odious. This is a poor note indeed , as if men were obliged out of hatred to 
 the Church of Rome^ to deny it that honour which is jurtly due unto it , or out of 
 aifedion to the Protelbnt Churches to jultirie their defers. What reward did ever 
 any Ew^/^/feProtcll-ant get from Rome for doing them this honour <* I know no man 
 who honours the Church of Rffwe more than himfelf. He calls C«j(/i,Wfr , Ihaule- 
 riii , Feruf^ Blejjed Souls rvith Chriji : He efteems the French Nation to be not onely 
 an erroneous , but an hnnourahle part of the Church of Chriji , p. lo. Epifcopal Di- 
 vines have learned to di(tinguilli between that great Antichrilt and Icfier Antichri(h, 
 between the Court of Rome and the Church of Rome, which he confounds. 1 
 dare not fwear that the Pope is that great AntichrilV, but I dare fwear that I 
 never had any dclign to bring Popery into England , I hope I never (hall have, and 
 that all genuine Epifcopal Divines may take the fame Oath. 
 
 His Third note of dilKnftion, whergby to know an Effgli/fj Grotian is this, 
 'They labour to prove the Church of Rome a true Church , becaufe of their Srtc- 
 ce^on ^ and the Reformed Churches to be none ^ for want of that Succejjion , Seir. 71. 
 This note is already anfwcred. Elfewhexe he preffeth this point farther thusv that 
 be would gladly kttotv what Church haih power to makganew Canon, the Observation 
 whereof (hall be Ejjential to a Church or Pafior, I anfwer , that he doth doubly mi- 
 ftake the queltion, which is not whether the Catholick Church can make new Ef- 
 (entials , but whether it can declare old EiTcntials. Nor whether the Canons of 
 the Univerfal Church of this Age have Divine Authority^ but whether they do ob- 
 lige ChrilHans in Confcience, and whether it be not temerarious prefumption for 
 a particular perfon or Church to flight the Belief or Praiftice of the Univerlal Church 
 of all fucceeding Ages. 
 
 His Fourth note o{ Grotians is, that they are for a vifible head of the Vniverfal 
 Church , whether Fope or General Council. They who are for the headihip of a Ge- 
 neral Council are no fit inftruments for the introdudion of the Popes Tyrannical 
 power. It fcemcth he rcjedleth the authority of General Councils, either part or 
 to come , as well as Popes : fo dare not we. If under the name of the Univerfal 
 Church he include the Triumphant Church, we know no head of the Univerfal 
 Church but Chriil. If he limit if to the Militant Church , we are as much againft 
 one llngle Monarch as he , we diflike all Tyrannical power in the Church , as well 
 as he : yet we quarrel with no man about the name of Head , or a Metaphorical 
 cxprellion. But if he think that Chrift left the Catholick Church, as the Ortrich 
 doth her Eggs , in the Sand , without any care or provifon for the governing there- 
 of in future Ages, he erreth grofly. So the Catholick Church fhould be in a worle 
 condition than any particular Church , yea than any Society in the World , like 
 the Cyclops Cave , where no man heard or heeded what another faid. Particular 
 Churches have Sovereign Princes and Synods to order them , but there never was 
 an Univerfal Monarch. And if he take away the Authority of General Councils, he 
 leaveth no humane helps to prefcrve the Unity of the Univerfal Church; what is this 
 but to leap over the backs of all Second caufes ? The firrt Council was of another 
 mind, It feemed good to the Holy Ghoft and to us , J£l. 15. 28. And fo hc^ye all the 
 Churches of the World from Chrifts time until this Age. 
 
 His Fifth Note of Grotians , "To deny the fujicieitcy of Scripture in all things mccf- 
 fary to falvation , might well have been fpared , for we all maintain it as well as hci 
 but he (huiflcs into the Quertion fuch impertinent and confufed Generalities about 
 the peace of the Church , and traditions , as deferve no anfwer. The fafficiency of 
 Scripture is not inconllrtent either with prudential Government, or the neceffary^ 
 means of finding out the right fenfe of Scripture. When he exprefTeth himfelf 
 more diitindtiy , he may expeA a Categorical anfwer. 
 
 B b b b ' His
 
 -376 " 'J Vindicati on of Grotius T O lVl¥Ti- 
 
 ^is hit mark is that tbey will not be prfwaded to joyn on any feafinable termei for 
 
 iheheaUnaof ouTfrejem divifwns. This depcndeth upon his own interpretation, 
 what he ludacth to be reafonable terms. We have feen his dexterity in making 
 wounds and would be glad to have experience of his Skill in healing them. He 
 comv)h\n=,onc\'j oi i'S^egal Innovations. Dare he Iknd to the ancient Laws? If he 
 dare the Controverfie is ended. If he like not this, for vvc know their excepti- 
 ons vvere againft the Laws themfe4ves, not againft illegal Innovations i let them 
 name thofe Laws which they except againft , and put ic to a fair tryal , whether 
 there be any thing in any of them , which is repugnant to the Laws of God, or 
 of right rcafon. If they will but do this feriouily without prejudice , the bufinefs 
 is ended. I will make bold to go yet one ftep higher , though our Lawes be un- 
 blamable , yet if the things commanded be but of a middle or indifferent nature , 
 we are ready to admit any terms of peace , which we can accept with a good con- 
 fcience, fo as we may neither fwerve from the analogy of Faith, nor renounce the 
 nece/Tary principles of Government, nor defert the communion, and ancient and 
 undoubted cuftoms oi the Univerfal Church. Such an accord would be too much 
 lofs both to you and us. 
 
 He would perfwade us that there are two forts of Epifcopal Divines in England, 
 the old and the new. And that there U much more difference between the old and the 
 netp, th-m between the old and the Presbyterians , Se8. 6j. O conridcnce whither 
 wilt thou !* what is the power of prejudice , and pride ? The contrary is as clear 
 as the light ■, we maintain their old Liturgy, their old Ordinal , their old Articles, 
 their old Canons, their old Laws , Practices, and Prefcriptions, their old Do- 
 drine and Difcipline againft them. Then tell us no more of old Epifcopal Di- 
 vines , and new Epifcopal Divines , we are old Epifcopal Divines, one and all: 
 out ot his own words I condemn him > Ihe old fort of Epifcopal Divines that recei- 
 ved the ptiblich^'DoBrine of the Nation^ contained in the ^9. Articles , Hnmilies ^ &c. 
 J wholly acquitted from my jealoufies of this compliance ^ Sed. 12, If they be old Epi- 
 fcopal Divines, who maintain the Dodlrine of the 39. Articles and Homilies, then 
 we are all old Epifcopal Divines. In acquitting all them he acquitteth all us. If 
 he can ftiew any thing that I have written contrary to thefe, I retradt it : if he can- 
 not , let him retradl his words. He might have taken notice of my fubmiHion of 
 whatfoever I writ to the Oecumenical ejfential Cbtrrch, and to its Keprefentative^ a free 
 general Council '■, and to the Church 0/ England, or a National Englilh Synod, to the 
 determinations of all which , and each of them rejpeUively , according to the di{tinci de- 
 grees of their Authority , 1 yield a conformity and compliance , or to the leaf: and lowcjl 
 of them an acquiefcence. Vref. to the Heply to Bijh. Chalc. So far am I, and alwayes 
 have been from oppofing the Church o( England wittingly. 
 
 He maketh a (hew, as though he could make it appear , that the Crotian defign 
 was the caufe of all our wars and changes in England: but it is but a copy cf his 
 countenance. How ftiould the Crotian defign be the caufe of all our Wars , when 
 our War began before Grotius him(elf began his defign , or to write of the reconci- 
 liation of Proteftants and Papifts, which was in the year 1641, and 1642. But 
 without all controverfie , either the Crotian defign was the caufe of our Wars ■■, or 
 the defign , and more than the bare defign of his own Party. The World knows 
 well enough, and I leave it to his own confcience to tell him whether of the two 
 was the right Mother of the Child. 
 
 Though he fail in his proofs againft Epifcopal Divines : yet he produceth fundry 
 other reafons , to prove that there was fuch a Plot on foot to introduce Popery in- 
 to England , but they do not weigh fo much as a Feather ; nor fignirie any thing 
 more than this , how cafily men believe thofe things which they wifti. He faith , 
 Francifcui a Sanda Clara's defign , and Grotius h'n defign feem the very fame , and their 
 Religion and Church the fame , Seti. 73. Nay certainly , ( that is more than feeming- 
 ly ) their Religion and Church was not the fame i unlefs he mean the (ame Chri- 
 ftian Religion, and in that fenfe his own Religion is the fame with theirs , but in 
 his fenfe they were not the fame. This is begging of the queftion which he ought 
 to prove , Grotius was not of the French Communion. And for their deligns, the 
 World is fo full of feigned Plots and defigns , that I do not believe tliat either of 
 
 them
 
 DrscoURSE 1 1 L Aad Epifcopctriant from Vopery^ (< 1 7 
 
 them had any dehgn, except tliat general and pacihcatory defign, which he him- 
 felf profefTeth and extollech every where. 1 with every mans Books had as much 
 Learning and ingenuity as A SjnUa Claras have. Yet if he conclude from hence , 
 that I and he arc of the fame Communion , he doth me wrong. JudgCj Reader, how 
 partial men are, to deny that Liberty to another, wliich they affume to them- 
 (elves. 
 
 He proceedeth, tins A Sanda Clara ifJliU the §>uee)ts Chaplain^ &c. Afid roe have 
 reafrn to believe the §ueen to be fo moderate as to be of the fame Religion. Whether 
 he be tlie Queens Chaplain or not, is more than I know. The Queen hath had 
 many Servants of Mr. Baxter's own Communion , who have had more influence 
 upon her Counfels than ever A SanSia Clara had. He hath reafon to believe , that 
 the Queen and he were of the fame Religion : but no reafon to prove that fo feri- 
 oufly and fo weakly , which all men acknovvledge. That either the Queen or he 
 had any hand in the pretended delign oiGrotiuf and his Followers, no man can be- 
 lieve. 
 
 From the Queen he paffeth over to the King i what to do > to accufc him of Po- 
 pery. He cannot prove it , nor all the World to help him. Yea, he profcfFcth 
 openly that/jf believeth no fitch thing. Not onely his Conference with the Marquefs 
 of JForcelier, but his Life and Death , and that Golden Legacy which he left to his 
 Son , do proclaim the contrary to all the World. What is his aim then > To llj;tv 
 hoTV far he was inclined to a reconciliation. That is the duty ofi every good Chnlti- 
 an. But did he prefer peace before truth ? Had he any delign to introduce Papal 
 Tyranny into England ? That is the crime whereof he accufeth thofe, whom he 
 nick-nameth Grmans. The Devil himfclf cannot juftly objeiS anyfuch thing againit 
 him. 
 
 He cites the Articles of the Spanijh and French matches \ but is not able to cite one 
 word out of them which maketh for his purpofe. And this alone, that there is no- 
 thing in them for his purpofe, is a convincing proof againrt him, that all his pre- 
 tended delign is but a dream. I may well call it his de$gn , for it is the phantafir. 
 of his own brain , and never had any cxiftence in the nature of things. 
 
 He mentions the KDtgs Letter to the Fope , xvritten in Spain. If he himfelf had 
 been there at that time, upon the fame condition the King was at that time , he 
 would have redeemed his Liberty with writing three Letters to the Pope , fuch as 
 tliat was , or elfe he had been much to be blamed. Bui; what is there in the Let- 
 ter? Is there any thing of the Crotian deflgn? No I warrant you, Obferve how all 
 his conjedural reafons make diredtly againft himfell^ Perhaps the King calls the 
 Pope Mff/i Holy Father ■■, a great crime indeed , to make fuch a civil addrefs , which 
 the common ufe of the World hath made neceiTary. He who will converfe with a 
 Fryer in a Roman Catholick^Country , muft do little lefs i and he that will write to 
 the G>'Mf TwrJ^^ mull do more. Suchcompellations do not (hew always what men 
 are , but what they ought to be, or what they are , or would be, efteemed. 
 
 Next he tells us of the choice of Agents for Church and State. Very trifles. Kings 
 mult chufe their Agents according to the exigence of their affairs. But if the qua- 
 litications of Agents did always demonftrate the refolutions of Princes , I could 
 more eafily prove King Charles a Presbyterian , than he a Grotian , and bring more 
 inltances for my felf. I am confident he cannot inftance in any one Agent for Church 
 or State , that ever had his Grotian defign ■■, but I can inftance in many who have 
 had contrary and worfe defigns. I fhall not ftick to tell him with grief, that which 
 hath been in a great part the caufe of all our woes. In fome Courts it hath been 
 cfteemed a lingular policy to nouri(h two Parties, upon pretence that the one might 
 ballance the other , and the one watch over the other. But it proveth too otccii 
 true that the one party is diigufted , and ordinarily the weaker and worfer parry 
 doth countenance heterodox and feditious perfons, to augment the number of theit 
 dependants , which evermore tendeth to manifeft fedition. By this means the rents 
 of the Church have been perpetuated and enlarged , and Subje.5l3 have been debau- 
 ched with deltruftive and feditious principles , the evil influeuce whereof, we hav; 
 felt to our coft. 
 
 He proceedeth to the Refi{Ien:e of the Popes Nuncios in England, It may be du- 
 
 B b bb 2 rin^
 
 6i8 
 
 A Vindication of Grotius TO M E II. 
 
 rin^; all the Kings RdiM^^TT^^^^^uncio and his ProAor or DcpTij^T^r 
 two NliikIos at the molt. And it we had never had them , it had been the better, 
 ot (b much for any great hurt they did, but for that opportunity which his own 
 neevilli party got from thence, to raiie jealowfies and Panick fears among the Pxabble. 
 Unlcfs he could have told fotnething that the Popes Nuncio did in England tending 
 to that end, which he pretends, he might as well have inftanced in the King of 
 Morrocco's AmbafTadour , and faid that he came over to convert us to be 7urkj. I 
 thought he would have produced the Popes BuH to his Nuncio to reconcile us to 
 Jiorrie; or at Icaft have difcovered fome fecret cabal , or conferences between him 
 and thofe Epifcopal Divines whomheaccufcth. He knoweth well there was no fuch 
 thing , and therefore it were much better to be filent, than to urge fo many things, 
 and to fail in every one of *them. 
 
 His next inftaxice is in the Jefuits Colledge , which had been much better omitted 
 for his credit. Did the King found the Colledge > No fuch thing , Was he a Be- 
 nefador to it ? Nor that. Did he give the Jefuits Licenfe of Mortmain, to purchafe 
 Lands for themfelves to that ufe ? Not fo much. What did he then, did he know 
 of the Jefuits and the Colledge , and connive at them and it ? O no. So foon as 
 ever it was difcovered , it was fupprefTed. By the fame equity he might accule an 
 Innocent Prince of all the crimes that are committed in hugger mugger through- 
 out his Kingdom , and make him head even of the Presbyterian Rebellion. 
 
 The Lafi of his odious inftances hath le(s fhew of truth in it than any of the reft, 
 how vain or empty foevcr they have been '■> that is , the illegal iyinovations in tvorjhip 
 fo refolvedly gradatim introduced. Perhaps he calls the execution of old Laws , inno- 
 vations, becaufe they themfelves had taken theboldnefs to difufe them. It were 
 better to fpare this charge, left they get a round peal of their own innovations rung 
 out in their cars. Theirs are innovations indeed. 
 
 To conclude, doth he think that fuch diiloyal and uncharitable infinuations as 
 theft , are falved by pretending that he hath not the leaji defire to perfrcade men that he 
 teas a Fapiji ■> or that he would not have other men to believe it ; As if he ftiould 
 fay , here arc violent prcfumptions indeed , that the King had PopHli inclinations : 
 yet my charity will not give me leave to believe it , other men may judge as they 
 find caufe v when all he faith doth not weigh one grain in the Scale of reafon. Our 
 Ca(e-DiTinity will hardly excufe this from downright Calumny. But that is their 
 onely weapon , and their onely Strength ; and their skill hath ever laid in idle and 
 malitious "fuggeftions. 
 
 C H A P. I V. 
 
 7his Plot roeakiy Fathered upon. Epifcopal Divines, 
 
 IMufcd fomc while why he (hould rather farther his imaginary defign of redu- 
 cing the Pope into England upon Epifcopal Divines , than upon any other Di- 
 vines. Forinthefirft place this is certain ^ that both Presbyterian Divines , and 
 Independant Divines, and Millenary Divines , and Anabaptiftical Divines, and 
 each fort of their Divines, ( if any of them may be allowed that Title j have all 
 of them , and every one of them contributed more to the reducing of the Pope in- 
 to England , thaii Epifcopal Divines ever did , or were likely ever to do. Men do 
 naturally prefer Antiquity in Religion before Novelty , Order and Uniformity before 
 confufion, comelinefs , and Decency before fordid uncleanlinefs i Reverence and 
 Devotion before Prophanefs and over-much fawcinefs and familiarity with God •, 
 Chriftian charity before unchriftian cenfuresi conftancy before ficklenefs and frequent 
 changes : they love Monuments of Piety, and delight not in feeing them defaced 
 and demolifhed i they are for Memorials of ancient truth, for an outward fpkn- 
 dor of Religion, for helps of Mortification , for adjuments of Devotion ■■, all 
 which our late Innovators have quite taken away. Nature it felf doth teach us 
 that God is to be adored with our Bodies as well as with our Spirits. What com- 
 fort can men have to go to the Church, where they fhall fcarcclyfte one ad: of 
 
 cor-
 
 Discourse HI. -^nd Epifcoparians from Popery, 5ip 
 
 corporeal DcTotion done to God in their whole lives ? Thefe are the true rcafons 
 why the Ho/wj/z EmifTaries do gain ground daily upon them, why fo many apo^ 
 itate from them. If the Pope have a fairer game in England^ he is beholden to th:m 
 for it , not to the Magistrates Sword , much lefs to Epifcopal Divines. 
 
 Som: may perlups urge that this advantage is accidental to Epifcopal Divines, 
 therefore I propofe a fecond contideration « that Epifcopal Divines cannot be the 
 Popes Stalking Horfes, nor promoters of the Papacy, without deferting their 
 principles about Epifcopacy. Epifcopal rights and Papal claims are inconfiltent. 
 This appeared evidently in the Council of 7rent, in the debating of that great Con- 
 troverlie about Epifcopal right , whether it be divine or human. Thus much the 
 Si>.imfl}^ Pol,r,ua,t, and H'OJg^r/iJ/j Divines fa w well enough, And con ful ting feri- 
 oufly about the Reformation of the Church , they could find no better^round to 
 build fo noble a Fabrick upon, than the Divine right of BilTiops, as the ArchbiHiop 
 of Grj>«>ufo well obfcrved. Hiji. Cone. T'rid. I. 7. p. 588. 
 
 Father Lti'ier the General of the Jefuits faw this well enough , and concluded, 
 that it is a tneer coHtradiCiion to fay the Pope if head of the Church , and the Government 
 Monarchical i and then fay^ that there U a porver or jurifdi&ion in the Church not 
 derived from him , but received from others , that is , from Chrill. Hiji. Cone. Trid. 
 ibid. 
 
 Th(f Popes Legates themfelves found this out at lafl: , when it was almoft too 
 late, /. 7, p. Sop. Odob. ip, iVhen the quejiinn rvjffet on foot in the beginning, the 
 Legates thought that the aim rvas nnely to ma\e great the Authority ofBijfjipf^ and to give 
 them more reputation. But before the fecond Congregation rvas ended they perceived very 
 late by the voiees given and reafons ufed , of what irhportance aud confequence it tvm. 
 For it did imply , that the Keys tvere not given to St. Peter onely , that the Council n>as 
 above the Tope , atd the Bijhop equal to him , n>ho had nothing left but a preheminennce 
 above oihers , &c. the Dignity of Cardinals was quite tak^n axpay , and the Papal 
 Court reduced to nothutg. 
 
 But before the Papalins difcovered this, the party bent for a ferious Reformation, 
 was grown numerous and poterrt in the Council. The Divine Kight oi Bilhops 
 wasinferted into the Anathematifms. Fifty, Nine of the prime Fathers voted for 
 it , befides all thofe whom either an Epidemical or a Politick Catarrh detained at 
 home i notwithltanding allthe difTwafions and perfwafions , threatnings and pro- 
 mifes , and oth;r Artifices ufed by the Papalins : whereof the chiefeft , and that 
 which faved the Court of Kome from utter ruine at that time , was to reprefent to 
 the Italian Bifhops, whofe number was double to all the rert of the Chriftian World 
 in that Council , ( a very unequal compofition ) how much they were concerned 
 in the pfefervation of the Papacy , as being the onely honour which the Italian Na- 
 tion had above all other Nations. This I urge tofhew that Epifcopal Divines can- 
 not be Papalins without betraying their own principles. The very name of Epif^ 
 copal Divines renders this deiign kfs probable. 
 
 Thirdly , In if iling them Epifcopal Divines he doth tacitely accufe himfelf to be an 
 Anti-Epifcopal^ or at leaft no Epifcopal Divine. What odious confequences do ffow 
 from thence , and how contrary it is to the Title o{ Catholick^^ which he gives him- 
 felf in the Frontijpiece of this Treatife, I had much rather he fhould obferve himfelf^ 
 than I colled. Catholick and Anti-Epifcopal are contradidory terms. 
 
 From Chrifts time till this day there was never any one Catholick^ in the Eafiern , 
 Southern , or Northern Churches , who profeflTed himfelf to be Anti-Epifcupal , but 
 oncly fuch as were caff out for Hsretickj or Schifmatickj. The fame I fay of the 
 Wcjlern Church for the tirft 1500. Years. Let him (hew me but one foxmed Church 
 w-ichout a Bifhop , or the name of one Lay Presbyter in all that time , who exerci- 
 fcd or challenged Ecclefialfical Jurifdi(ftion,or the power of the Keys in the Church 
 before Cdvins return to Geneva in the year 1538. after he had fubfcribed the Au^'t- 
 ftiin Confe honand^/>rt/f'^_y for Bilhops , and I will give him leave to be as Antie- 
 pifcopal as he will. I will fhew him the proper and particular names of Apojiles , 
 Evangelifls , Bifhops , Presbyters , Deacons , in Scriptures , in Councils , in Fathers , 
 in H'iiories i if he cannot name one particular Liy-Elder , it is becaufe there never 
 was any f.ich thing in rerum natitra^ for 1500. years after Chrift. 
 
 I
 
 6'io 
 
 A 1 wdication o f Grotius TOME U . 
 
 TZlw ndd one thins more tor the honour of Epifcopal Government , that all tjie 
 1 will anu oiii. I "' D _ I j.,<:,„,i if ;t fU^,, ^^,,u u^„„ i,,j :. c i 
 
 hvll Fcf )nncrs did approve it , and dclired it , it they could have had it. Second 
 Reformations are commonly like metal upon metal , which is falfc Heraldry. 
 After the If'aldexfes, the tirll Retormers, were the Bohemun Bmhxcn : and both 
 thcfe were caretull to retain Epifcopacy. Take their own TelHmony in the Pre- 
 face of their Book called. Ratio T>tjciplin£ ^ Ordiiiifque Ecckfiaftki in unit ate fra- 
 trwn Buhemonim, lately tranllated out of Bohemian into Latin, and publiOied by 
 thcmfelves. Ji'd rvhcrejs the faid Waldenfes did affirm that they had Uwful Bifhops , 
 and a Ltrrfnl umiiterrupted fuccefiou from the Apifiles unto this d'y , they created three 
 ofimr Miiiiliers Bifhops jokmnly ^andconferred upon them power to Ordain Minijiers. From 
 that time this Order is continued in all their Churches until this day. 
 
 The Hcxt Reformers were the Lutherans. Thefe retained Bifhops name and thing 
 in the Kingdoms of Sweden and T)enmarl{^, and the thing under another name of 
 fupcrintcndents in Germany. The Confellion of Saxony is fubfcribcd by feventecn 
 fiipcrintendents. Harm. Conf. Self. ip. p. 2po. The Srvevicl^ Confeliion com- 
 plaineth of great wrong done to their Churches, as if they did jeeh^ to reduce the 
 poivcr of Ecclefiaftical Prelates to nothin^^. SeS. ii. p. 65. And in Chap. 33. Of 
 the rights of the civil Ma^i^rate, they declare molt plainly for the Ecclefialtical Jurif- 
 didion cf Bifhops. There cannot be a more luculent Teftimony for the Lutherans 
 approbation of Bifliops, than the Aumfian confelBon it Q:%cap. 7. de poteft. Ecclef. 
 Jt is not noTV fought that the Government oe tal^en away from Bifliops : but this one thing it 
 dcCired , that they r^iU fuffer the Gofpel to be purely taught , and rekafe fame few Obfer- 
 vatices which cannot be k^pt wi^wtit fin. And the Apology for the fame Confeliion , 
 Cap. de numero & ufu Sacrament. 'LhU our will fhaH excufe us both before God and all 
 the World, that it may not he imputed to m that the Authority if BOfiops was tak^n a- 
 way by our means. 
 
 I need not fay any thing of the Britamnc\C\\uxc\\&i. He knoweth well they ne- 
 ver wanted Bifhops from their firfl Converlion until thefe late Tumults, wherein, 
 our Native Country was purpled with the Blood of E«g/{/fc Subjedts,to take them a- 
 way by force and Rebellion. 
 
 The next Reformation was the Zuinglian or Helvetian in Switzerland , wherein 
 as they erefted no new Bifhopricks, fo they pulled down no old ones. There was 
 a kind of neceHity laid upon them to want Bifhops in their own Territories : be 
 caufe the Bifhop of Conjiance under whofe JurifditSion they were, was of another 
 communion , and lived out of their Territories. Bntthey would gladly have had 
 him to have continued their BiOiop ftill. They made their addreffcs to him, they 
 courted him, they befought him to joyn with them , or but to tolerate them. For 
 proof of this, I produce that famous letter written by ZwiMg/iwhimfelf, and ten 
 others of their principal Reformers , to the fame Bifhop of Conjiance , Recorded 
 in the Works of Zuinglius , in all humility and obfervance, befeeching him to fa- 
 vour and help forward their beginnings , as an excellent work^^ and worthy of a Bifhop. 
 They call him Fi^fkr , Renowned Prelate , Bifhop. They implore /;w c/cwwcy, wife- 
 dvm , learning , that he would be the Firfi-fruits of the German Bifhops, to favour true 
 Ckriftianity giringing up again. They befeech him by the Common Chriji , by one Chri- 
 flian Liberty , by that Fatherly affedion which be did owe unto them, by whatfoever was 
 Divine and Human , to loo\graciotfJly upon them \ or if he would not grant their defines, 
 to connive at them \ fio hejhould mak£ his Family yet more illnftrious , and have the per- 
 l>eiHal tribute (f their praifes ■-, fo he would but (hew himfelf a Father , and grant the re- 
 qitefis of his own obedient Sons. They conclude , God Almighty long preferve your 
 E>^cellency. 
 
 The Laft Rcforrnation of thofe which heapproveth , was thdit of Calvin. How 
 far Calvin and his party were Epifcopal , or Anti-Epifcopal in their defires , let 
 their own Tef\imonies bear witnes. Firft , Calvin himfelf acknowled^eth that he 
 fubfcribcd the Augujian Confeffion formerly mentioned, or the apology tor it , both 
 which are for Bifliops. And in his ipo. Epifilc to the King o{ Pohnia , he rcpre- 
 fenteth Epifcopal Government as tittell for Monarchies i where having fhewed the 
 Regiment of the Primitive Church , by Patriarchs, Primates, Bifhops, in thefe 
 words [_ Ltdeed the ancient Church injiitute^ Patriarchs, and gave certain Primacies to 
 
 par-
 
 Dis CO u RS E n I. And Ep ' i fcoparian^ from Pop^ 5^ 
 
 particHlar Frovi,!ces that B.Jhnps might r'^n bound one to another 'h^imb^;j7Z: 
 
 rnrd. Hc proceedeth thus, As ^f at this day one Archbijhop (hould be over thii^^M- 
 ,us Kingdom ofPo\omz&c. And farther , there fln,uld be aB.jhop in each Chy or P,l 
 vince, to .t<endpecuMy to the prefervation of Order : as nature it felf dnh MClate 
 ,n us , ih.t in every CoVedge one ought to be chofen , upon r.hom the priLL care of he 
 CnlledgeMd^-^li'^nd in h,s .nrtitutions having deC-ribed at large the Re^^iment 
 of the Prmm.ve Church , and fl,ewed the end of Archbifhops , and the con( kuti- 
 on of Patriarchs he concludeth that/3^, called thU kind of Government an HieZ- 
 chy^hyanametrnproperoratleail not ufed ,n the Scripture. But ifr^epafsbythe • 
 name, and koKfon the thing it felf rt>e Jhall find that the ancient B,Jhops did go ahou to 
 devife no other form of Governing the Church , than that n^hicJ, God hath prefcribed in his 
 Word. lib. 4. U^' ^- 4- Sea. 4. t^ '^' '"''' '« *'" 
 
 And in his Exhortation touching the Neceffity of Reformation to the 
 Emperour , Princes , and States of the Empire , affcmbled at Speyr we find 
 a raoft clear profeliion of his Judgment in this caufc. Takm nobis H,crar- 
 chiam , &c. If they make tender of fitch an Hierarchy to m , wherein Bifhops may re- 
 tain their eminence, fo as they refufe not to be under Chriji , and have their dependance 
 upon him as their onely bead , and refer themfelves to him, and ohferve fuch a brotherly 
 Jociety among themfelves , and be bound together with no other bond but the truth then I 
 confejl, that they dejerve all forts of curfes or anathemof , if there be any, who do not obferve 
 it with reverence and the higheil obedience. 
 
 Liy all thefe together, If the Law of Nature, which is Divine Law, written 
 in our hearts by God himfelf, and needing no other promulgation , do didate 
 that in every Society there ought to be one upon whom the principal'care of the 
 Society (hould reft i If the ancient Bifliops devifed no other form of Governing 
 the Church by Patriarchs, Archbifhops , Bifliops, than that which God had pre- 
 fcribed in His Word i If they deferve the fevereft curfes and anathema's , who 
 (hall not regard fuch an Hierarchy with reverence and obedience, where Chrift is 
 . acknowledged to be the onely head of his Church, where the Pafiors are freed from 
 all Oaths and Obligations to the Bifhop oiKome, let him be his of/n Judge what they 
 deferve, according to Calvins fentence, who have deftroycd the Church oi'England. 
 Before Calvin, Farellus offered the Billiop o{ Geneva terms to retain his Bifhoprick 
 if he would give way to the Retbrmation. Beza his SuccefTjur was not for the' 
 Divine Right of Bifliops in exprefs terms by the Evangelical Law : but he was for 
 the Precedency of one Clergy man above the reft by the Law of Nature. 
 
 From Geneva let us pafs over into France , where we find M.mftcur Mouline as 
 high or higher than any of them, in his Third Epiftle to the Bifliop of iFinchejier. 
 I am notfo brazen-faced as to give fentence again(i thofe lights cf the ancient Church Ig- 
 natius, Polycarpus, Cyprian, Auguftine , Chryfoflom , Balll, the ?rro Greg'ories 
 Nyjfene and Nazianzene Bijhops, as againfi men wrongfully created , or as Vfurpers of an 
 unlawful Office. The venerable antiquity of thofe Primitive Ages fhallalrvays weinh more 
 with me than any mans new-fangled Inftitution. And a little after in th^ fame 
 Epiftle , Ifpak^ with honour of the Bifhops c/ England , I derived the Epifcopal dignity 
 from the very cradle of the Church , I condemned Aerius , I affirmed that St. lames wof 
 Bifhop of Hietufalcm , from whom the fucceffion of the Bifhops of that City was derived 
 by a Ions, ^"'^ "f Bifhops. 
 
 Mr. Blondel in his needlefs Apology for St. Hierome made a very necefTary Apo- 
 logy for himfelf, and (ent it to Mr. Rivet to be added as an Appendix to his Book 
 in the irnpreliion of it , by whofe negled it was omitted. And now having men- 
 tioned Dr. Rivet , I fliall make bold to add , that he himfelf did intreat a Noble 
 Eivl, yet living, to procure him a dignity or Prebend in England, as his Brother 
 Mouli-'ie and Vojjim had. The Earl anfwered, that he could not hold any fuch place 
 in E'lgland without fublcribing to Epifcopacy , and the Dodrine and Difcipline of 
 the Englifh Church. And he replied, that he was moft ready to fubfcribe to them 
 both with his hand and heart. 
 
 I conclude that all Divines throughout the Chriftian World , who maintain a 
 ncceliity of Holy Orders, ever were, and ftill are Epifcopal Divines : except {cjme 
 weaker and wilful Brethren j who for their antiquity are but of Yeftcrday and
 
 -^ J Viadication of Grotius T Q M E 11 . 
 
 for their Univcrfality come much Ihort of the very Donatills in Afrkk.^ condemn- 
 ed by all moderate and rational pcrfons of their own Communion. And therefore 
 Mr Baxter might have done better to have given his pretended defigncrs , a lower 
 and more diltindive name than that of Epilcopal Divines. 
 
 It will not help him at all which he faith, pag. 21. Jt U not all Epifcupal Divines 
 rfbich J (uj^eSed of a compliance with Grotius and Caflander , no not all of the later 
 I'lniin , e^c. J extended it to none of the neve Epifcopal Party , but fmh as I there de- 
 fcribed. His dillinftion of Epifcopal Divines into old and new, is but a Chimera 
 of his own brain , without any ground i neither doth he l>nngone grain of reafon 
 to make it good. And by his plain confeflion here , it appeareth that this great de- 
 i;>>n is but his owu fufpicion. To accufe men of a deiign to introduce the Pope into 
 InsAand , merely upon fufpicion , is a liberty , or rather licenfe , to be abhorred 
 oi "ail confcionable Chriftians. 
 
 Yet of the old Epifcopal Divines he nameth many , Bilhop Jewel , Tillqufon , 
 Hall ^ Carlton , Vavenant , htnrton^ Abbot ^ Vfher ^ ? otter ^ Downham ^Grindal^Tar- 
 k^er , Hooper^ Farrar , Cranmer ^ Latimer^ Kidley , and Forty more Bijhfs bere. p. 
 103. as if fo many names blended together confufcdiy in an heap as an hotchpotch , 
 were able liiie a Mcdufas head to transform reafonable men into flocks and Itones. 
 If he had made his Forty up an Hundred, he might have found inftances enough to 
 have made it good, and fundry of them no way inferiour to any whom he nameth, 
 and fuperiour to many. In commemorating (ome, and pretermitting others , he 
 fliewetlifometimes want of Judgment, always refpedl of perfons. What his de- 
 fcription was ot new Epilcopal Divines , I do not know , ( having never feen any 
 Treatife of his , but this of the Grotian Religion v neither (houid I have medled 
 with that, if he had not brought me publickly upon the Stage,) neither do I 
 much regard. But howfoever he defcriteth them , he inlhnceth in no man but 
 my feir, either becaufe he is not able to name any , or becaule he thinks it eafieft 
 to leap over the hedge, where it is lowed. Have I not great reafon to thank him, for 
 being fo mindful of me in my abfencc. 
 
 As for my part 1 profels ingenioufly before God and Man , I never knew of any 
 fuch defign , I am confident there never was any fuch defign , and I am certain 
 that I neither had nor could have an hand in any fuch defign , either for Italian Po- 
 pery ^ or French Popery , or any Popery , unlefs he call the Dodtrine and Difcipline 
 of the Primitive Church Popery , unlefs our Holy Orders , and Liturgy , and Articles 
 be Popery. Other Popery he (hall never be able to prove againft me , nor I hope 
 againlt any true Epifcopal Divines. His defign, like the Ph£nix , is much talked 
 of by himfelf, but never was feen. 
 
 I know as little of any fuch diftindion between Old and New Epifcopal Divines. 
 All the World (eeth evidently, that all the material differences which we have with 
 them , are about thofe Holy Orders , and that Lkurgy , and thofe Articles, and 
 thofe Rites, which we received from thofe Old Epifcopal Divines. 
 
 Non teVuT cymham , teVurem cymha reliquit. 
 
 We have not left our PredccefTourS, but they have left both us and our Pre- 
 decefTours , and the Church of England. And it fareth with Mr. Baxter as it doth 
 with new Sailers, who by the deception of their fight , fuppofe that the Land 
 leaveth them , terr<equ€, urhefque recedunt , when in truth it is they themfelves that 
 leave the Land. In a word , his fuppofed defign and his pretended diflindion , 
 are meer fanfies, which never had any being in the nature of things. Where did 
 thefe defigners ever meet together to contrive their plot ? They are never likely to 
 do any great actions, who want finews to knit them together. When or 
 where had ever any of them any intercourfe or correfpondence with Kome, or any 
 that belonged to Rome , by word or writing? it was a fenflefs filly Plot to defign 
 the introdudticn of the Pope into England^ without his own knowledge orconfent, 
 upon terms never accorded , never fo much as treated upon. Thus have we feen 
 mclancholick perfons out ofa ftrong fantafic , imagine that they fee Ships and Mino- 
 taures in the Clouds. The proofs of fuch accufations as this is , ought to have 
 
 been
 
 Discourse 1 1 1. And'E^ifcopariansfrom Popery ^2' 
 
 been clearer than the Noon-day light , nor ungrounded , nor ill grounded jealou- 
 cies and (ufpicions of credulous and partial perfons. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Ibis Plot tvas as weakjy Fathered on the Bijkop of Derry. 
 
 ANd as he erred in Fathering his imaginary Plot upon Epifcopal Divines in ge- 
 neral , fohe made an ill choice of Mf the meanell: of thofe Epifcopal Di- 
 vines for his onely inftance , who have onely read fo much of Grotiuf , as to enable 
 Me to judge that Mr. Baxter doth him wrong , I hope unwittingly. If ever I 
 fiiould atfempt the reconciling of Controverfies among Chrillians it mulf be in a- 
 nother way than Gr«i«j- taketh, I mean more Scholaftical. ,''.;.';. 
 
 I will confefs that freely which Mr. Baxter neither doth know , nor ever could 
 know but by me, that about Thirty years lince, when my body was flronger,and my 
 wits frelher , when I had fome Book? and Notes of mine own , and could have 
 had what fupply focver I delired , and opportunity to confer with whomfoever I 
 pleafcd , I had then a delign indeed to do my weak endeavour to difabufe the Chri- 
 fiian World, by the right flating and difdnguifliing of Controverfies between the 
 Church of Kome and us* And to fliew : 
 
 Firli, How many of them are mere Lc^ow^c/;/Vx , or contentions about words 
 without any jull ground. 
 
 Secondly , How many of them are SchohjUcal fubtleties , whereof ordinary Chri- 
 ftians are not capable , and confequently no points of Faith. 
 
 Thirdly , How many of them are not the Controverfies of the Churches , but of 
 particular Perfons or parties in thofe Churches,- as well Protejhntt againR Frotejiants 
 and B-oman- Catboliks 3i2,iini\ Koman-Catholkk^ ^ as Protellants againll Koman-Catho- 
 Itckj. Thofe Controverfies which each Church doth tolerate within it felf , oucht 
 not to be any caufe of Schifm between the Churches. 
 
 Fourthly, How many of our Controverfies are about Rites and Ceremonies 
 and things indiifereiit in their own Nature , in the ufe of which every particular 
 Church under the Univerfal Church hath free Liberty in it felf, and Dominion o- 
 ver its own Sons. 
 
 When all thefe empty names and titles of Controverfies are wiped out of the 
 Roll, the true Controver fie between us may be quickly muftered , and will not 
 be found , upon a ferious enquiry , to be either fo exclufive of Salvation to thofe 
 who err invincibly , and hold the truth implicitely in the preparation of their minds 
 nor altogether fo irreconcileable as fome perfons have imagined. The two dange- 
 rous extremes are to clip away fomething from faving truth , whereof I do not 
 find the Church of Borne to have been guilty ■■> and to obtrude erroneons or ( at 
 at the belt ; probable opinions for Articles of Faith , whereof I find manv in the 
 Church of Rome to have been mofi: guilty. 
 
 Next to thefe are the pradical abufes of the Court of Borne. Thelc v/ere ray 
 thoughts in my younger days , which age and experience hath ratlier confirmed 
 and radicated in me , than altered; which if they had been known , I deferved ra- 
 ther to have been cherifhed and encouraged , than to be branded by any man as a 
 Fadlor for the Pope. 
 
 Truly Mr. Baxter could hardly have fixed upon a Subjedt more improper for 
 fuch a charge. When I was commanded to Preach to our Notherii Synod where 
 every one defigned to difcharge that duty, choofeth fome controverfie between the 
 Church of Kome and us, my Subjed was the Popes unlawful llfurpation of Jurif- 
 didion over the B>-ifj/?«/c^ Churches. When I difputed in Cambridne for the De- 
 gree of Dodor , my Thefis was taken out of Kilns ^ that the Papacy ( as it was 
 challenged and ufurped in many places , and as it had been fometimes ufurpcd iij 
 oar Native Countrey , ) was either the procreant or confervant caufe, or both prc- 
 crcant and confervant caufe of all the greater Ecclefiajiical Controverfies in the Chri- 
 ftian Work!, When qur ht^ King Charles (ofBlefled memory ) was in Spain , 
 
 C C C C zf{^
 
 ^24 
 
 A Vindication o f Grotius TOME 1 I . 
 
 "T^XReliiiiun in h»gland Iccmed to our Countrey people ( though without any 
 crrniinJ ) to be placed in ^qailibno , or reduced to a meafuring calt i I adventured 
 til more Zeal than difcrction , to give two of their Koman Champions in our 
 X/krw parts, Mr, Hungate a jefuite , and Ux: Houghton a Secular Pried, one 
 frcr another, two meetings at North- JUertori , and came off, without any diflio- 
 nour to the Church of England , and ftopped the Carreer of the Komip EmilTaries 
 at that time in thofe parts. 
 
 when 1 was lalt in Ireland and the Komanijls had wrefted fomepart of the pow- 
 er of the Sword into their hands, they profecuted no EngUfh Protelhnt more 
 than My fdf-, ^^^ i^'^'^'^^ ^'^^^ ^^^^ ^^^Y ^^'^ thruft me out of the Kingdom , as con- 
 ceiving me to be a great impediment to them in their making of Profelytes. It 
 was but an ill requital, if I had been one of their Fadors. Since I came into ex- 
 ile thefe fixteen years, where have my weak endeavours ever been wanting to the 
 Church of England ? who hath had more Difputes with their Seculars and Regu- 
 lars of all forts , French^ Italian, Dutch , Englifh, in Word, in Writing, to main- 
 tain the honour of the Engliflj Church ? and after all this ami traduced as a Fadlor 
 for Popery , becaufe I am not a ProtejiaHt out of my witsi or becaufe my aflertions 
 of known TrutJi are not agreeable to the gufi of innovators ? Bkffedare we reben 
 men revile its and perfecute its, and fay all manner of evil againji us fafy for Chrjjis fak^ , 
 for great is our reward in Heaven. 
 
 But doth he think in earned: , that my way of reconciliation is the ready way 
 to iniroduce the Papal Tyranny into England ? Nay , diredtly on the contrary , it 
 is the ready way to exclude the 'Sapal 'tyranny out of England for ever •, and to ac- 
 quit us for evermore from all the extortions and Ufurpations of the Koman Court , 
 and to free us from all their EmifTaries , who now make a prey of fuch as are un- 
 fetled among us i by the means of doubtful, and ( give me leave to fpeak my mind 
 freely) impertinent difputations. And this I am ready to m^ke good againft any 
 Innovator of either fide who fhall opofe it. 
 
 This is hard meafure to be offered to me , from him who profeffeth himfclf to 
 be fo great a lover of the Vnity of the Church, p. 6. which is but his duty if it be 
 true , as I hope it is. But let him take heed that his love of Unity prove not to be 
 felf-love , which infinuateth it felf flrangely into the moft holy anions and defigns. 
 All men could be contented to have others united to themfelves , and to chop off 
 or flretch out the Religion of their Brethren , as Frocrufies did his Guefts , accord- 
 ing to the meafure ot his own Bed. I doubt not but he would be well pleafed to 
 have independancy flretched up to an ordained Miniftry , ( as he calleth it , j and 
 Epifcopacy let down to a Presbyterian Parity, or rather to an empty (hew of equali- 
 ty. For I never yet obferved but one or two fingle popular Presbyters ruled the 
 whole confifloryi and had more abfolute arbitrary power than ever any Bifliop pre- 
 tended unto. If this be all his Love and defire of Unity , to have antiquity uni- 
 vcrfality, and the perpetual Regiment of the Church to be levelled and moduled 
 according to private fantafies , it is mere felf-love , no love gf Unity. But I hope 
 better , though I fear worfe. 
 
 If he dare refer all differences between us to be tried by the publick Standard, 
 we (hall quickly fee whether he or I follow Peace and Unity with fwifter paces. I 
 offer him two Standards to be tryed by. 
 
 Firft, the Vo&rine of the Church of England, fet down by thofe old 
 Epifcopal Divines whom he pretendeth to be more propitious to him than to me. 
 If he fubmit to this Standard , all differences between him and me are at an end. 
 And then to what purpofe hath fo much plundering, and fo much effufion of Chri- 
 ftian blood been > unlefs it be to fhake the dregs to the top of the Urinal. 
 
 But if he like not this Standard ( as I much fear he will not } I offer him ano- 
 ther i that is , the Pattern of the Primitive Church , both for Dodlrine and Difci- 
 pline. But it may be he will diflike this more., and when all is done admit no 
 Standard but the Scripture. I am ready to joyn with him in this alfo. But if he 
 and I differ about the fenfe of the Scripture, ( all men acknowledge that the Scrip- 
 ture confifieth not in the words but in the fenfe , ) how fhall we be tried, what is 
 the fenfe, by the Judgement of the Church of England^ that is the Standard of 
 
 the
 
 Drs COURSE III. yiiid Epifcoparians from Popery^ 52 «; 
 
 the place , or by the pattern ot" the Primitive Church, that is the original Standard 
 according to which the Local Standard was made? If he refufe both thcfe , let him 
 not fay that he will betryed by the Scripture, but he will be tryed by himfell^ that 
 is to fay, he himfelf will and can judge better what is the true fenfe of the Scrip- 
 ture , thin either his national Church, or the Primitive and Univerfal Church. 
 This is juft as if a man who brings his commodities to a Market to be fold , (hould 
 refufe to have them weighed or meafured by any Standard Local or Original , and 
 defire to be tried by the Law of the Land , according to the judgement of the by- 
 rtanders. Not that the Law of the Land is any thing more favourable to him than 
 the Standard , but onely to decline a prefent fentence , and out of hope to advan- 
 tage himfelf by the limplicity of his Judges. 
 
 yet Mr. Baxter acquits me , that I am no Papifi in hU Judgement , though he dare 
 not folloiv me , p. 22. Whatfoevcr I am , this is fure enough he hath no authority 
 to be my Judge , or to publifh his ill grounded jealoufies and fufpicions to the 
 World in Print to my prejudice. Although he did condemn me : yet I praife God 
 my confcience doth acquit me , and I am able to vindicate my felf. But if he tak^ 
 me to be no Papifi^ why doth he make me to be one of the Popes Fadtors or Italking 
 horfes , and to have an exprefs defign to introduce him into England. He him- 
 felf and an hundred more of his confraternity, are more likely to turn the Popes 
 Factors than I am. I have given good proof that I am no reed, fliaken. with the 
 wind. My confcience would not give me leave to ferve the times as many others 
 did. They have had their reward. 
 
 He bringeth four rcafons in favour of me why he taketh me to be no Papilh I 
 could add fourfcore reafons more if it were needful. Firit , becaufe Idijorvn the 
 fellotpfhip of that party more than Giotms did. pag. 23. 
 
 It is well that he will give me leave to know mine own heart better than himfelf. 
 Secondly , becaufe 7 give them no more than fame reconcileable members of the Greek 
 Church would give them. And why fomc members ? I know no members of the 
 Gr-ffj^Church that give them either more or lefs than I do. But my ground is not 
 the authority of the Greeks Church, but the authority of the Primitive Fathers and 
 the General Councils , which are the reprefentative Body of the Univerfal Church. 
 Thirdly, hccaaCe I difiivn their Council of Trent ^ and their lajl i^oo. years 'determina- 
 tions. Is not this (Enough in his Judgement to acquit me from all fufpicion of Po- 
 pery? Erroneous opinions whilft they arc not publickly determined , nor a necellity 
 of compliance impofed upon other men , are no neceffary caufes of Schijm. To 
 waue their IjJI 4.00. years determinations is implicitly to renounce all the neceifary 
 caufes of this great Schifme. And torell fatisfied with their old Patriarchal power 
 and dignity and primacy of Order , ( which is another part of my propolition, ) 
 is to quit the modern Papacy both name and thing. And when that is done I do 
 not make thefe the terms of Peace and Unity, as he doth tax me injurioufly enough, 
 ( It is not for private perfons toprefcribe terms of publick accommodations , ) but 
 onely an introdudlion and way to an accomodation. My words are exprefly thefe 
 in the conclufion of my Anfwer to Moniieur Mtliteere , If yon could be contented to 
 rvaveyour laji 400. years determinations , or if you lik^d them for your felves , yet not to 
 obtrude them upon other Churches ■, If you could reji faiisfed rvith your old Patriarchal 
 power and your Principium wiitatis , a primacy of Order , much good might be expeBed 
 from free Councils and conferences of moderate perfons. What is here more than is con- 
 fefled by himfelf, that if the Papijis will reform what the Bijhop requires them to reform^ 
 it wiH nndoubtedly makg way for nearer Concord, p. 28. I would know where my Pa- 
 pillry lyeth in thefe words more than his. They may be guilty of other crrours 
 which I difown as well as their lad 400. years determinations i and yet thofe er- 
 rours before they were obtruded upon other Churches , be no fufiicient caufe o[ a 
 reparation. But what I own or difown , he muft learn from my felf, not fuppofe 
 it, or fufpe<3: it upon his own head. 
 
 His lalt reafon why he forbeareth to cenfure me as a Papift, is my two k^wch^ng 
 arguments as he (iileth them againft the Papal Church. But if he had weighed thofe 
 two arguments as he ought , he fhould have forborn to cenfure me as he doth, for 
 one that had a defign to reconcile the Church of England to tiie Pope, But i will 
 
 Cccc 2 help
 
 ~J^ A Vindication of Gxot'ms TOME 11. 
 
 help Mr Bjx/fr to underltand my meaning better. I meddle not with the recon- 
 ciliation of opinions in any place by him cited, but onely with the reconciliation 
 of i>cifbns that Chrillians might joyn together m the fame publick Devotions and 
 Service of 'chrift. And the terms which I propofed were not thefe , nor pofitively 
 defined or determined , but onely reprefented by way of query to all moderate 
 Chriaians, intheconclufion of my jult Vindication, in thefe words , 1 determine 
 Mothina hut onely crave leave to propofe a quefiion to all moderate Chrjiiians rpho love the 
 Peace oj the Church , and long for the reunion thereof. In the firji flace if the Bilhop of 
 Rome tfere reduced from his Vniverfality of Sovereign JttrifdtSion jure Divino , to hit 
 principium unitatis , and his Court regulated by the Canons of the Fathers , rohich tvm 
 thefenfe of the Councils of Conftancc and Bafil , and is defired by many Komzn-Catho- 
 lickj as mil as roe. Secondly , if the Creed or neceffary points of Faith were reduced to 
 n'hat they were in the time of the four fir^ Oecumenical Councils , according to the De- 
 cree ofthe thirdCeneral Council. ( Who dare fay that the Faith of the Primitive Fathert 
 WM infufficient ? ) Admitting m additional Articles , but onely neceffary explications s 
 A'td thife to be made by the Authority of a General Council or one fo General as can be 
 convocated. And La^Uy fuppofmg that fame things from whence offences have either been 
 given or tak^en , which whether right or wrong do not weigh half fo much as the Vnity of 
 Chrilha'ts , were put out ofthe J)ivine Offices , which would not be refufed if anim'^fnies 
 were tak^n away and charity rejiored s J fay in cafe thefe three things were accorded , 
 which feem very reafonahle demands , whether Clfrijlians might not live in an Hily Com- 
 munion ^ and come in the fame puhlickworfljip of God ^ freedom all Sclnfmatical Jepara- 
 tion of themfelves one from another , mtwith^anding diverftties of opinions , which pre- 
 vail even among the members of the fame particular Churches ^ both with them and 
 
 w. 
 
 Yet now though I cannot grant, yet I am willing to fuppofe that I intended not 
 onely a reconciliation of mens minds , but of their opinions alfo ■■, and that thofc 
 conditions which he irKntioned had been my onely terms of Peace and concord , 
 let us fee what exceptions Mr. Baxter is able to bring againft them. 
 
 C H A P. V I. 
 
 Mr. Baxters exceptions anfwered. 
 
 HE faith, he cannot confent that thefe which I grant fhould he made the terms of V- 
 nion. p3g. 25. What then ? Suppofe I did name improper terms of pacifi- 
 cation , not onely in Mr. Baxters Judgement, which I ought not altogether to de- 
 pend upon , but in very deed. Is there no remedy but I mud needs be the Popes 
 Stalking Horfc prefently , and have a defign to reconcile England to him. This is 
 over fevere. My defign is rather to reconcile the Pope and his party to the Church 
 of England , than the Church of England to the Pope. He may make ufe of my 
 way if it like him. Much good may it do him. If not he ought to thank me for 
 my good will , and propofe a better expedient himfelf if he can. But I mufl tell 
 him before hand that if it be a general one , iike thofe which he hath hitherto pro- 
 pofed, it will (ignifie nothing. Obferve Reader how he is every way mhlaken i I 
 maj\e demands and he calls them grants or conceffions v I propofe fome terms as 
 preparatory to a treaty and he calls them terms of Peace. He faith he cannot confent 
 to thefe terms , and yet he hath confented to them already, that if they would reform 
 what the Bijhop recjuires them to reform , it wiU undoubtedly ma}^ way for nearer concord. 
 To tnake them adequate terms , or conclufive Articles of Peace was never any pait 
 of my meaning. 
 
 All the exceptions which he bringeth againH my way , are taken out of rriy an- 
 fwer to MonfeurMiliiieere. I have feen fome filly exceptions againfl it from a Jefu- 
 it, and have anfwered them, but he is the tirll Proteftant I have met with, who 
 doth difapprove it. If the efficacy or influence of it upon him be different from 
 what is upon others , I cannot help it. Books have their fuccefs according to the 
 prejudice or qualifications of their Readers. On this fide the Seas it hath been 
 
 more
 
 Discourse III. And Epifcoparianf from Popery. 61-7 
 
 more liappy , to confirm many , to convert fome , C and particularly the tranlcri- 
 ber of the Copy which was brought to the Prefs , who was then oneof their Pro- 
 felytes,) to irritate no man but the common Adverfaryes, who vented their fplene 
 againft it weekly in their Pulpits, as thinking that the cafiel\ way of confutation. 
 Thus one fucks honey , and another poifon out of the fame flower. He pretendeth 
 that the old Epifcopal Divines are of his party , fome of them have approved it , 
 and thanked me for if. If they be not of his party, I hope he will not fufpeft them 
 at Gf«f t'J as Fadors for Popery. They have allowed it , and tranflated it into 
 fremh , and Printed it , without any fear of introducing Popery into their City by 
 it. God forbid that wefliould efieem the pradlife of the Primitive times to be Popifli. 
 They who admit that for a conclufion need not wonder if the more rational perfons 
 turn apollates. But it has ever been the trade of this proud and envious race of 
 men to fatten an hated name upon every thing they underttand not. And it is to 
 be feared this great Divine may in time write a Book to prove Grffi^the Language of 
 the Beaft \ and he may as rcafonably do it, as charge me with Popery onely becaufe 
 I pretend to more knowledge in antiquity than he knows himfelf to be guiky of. 
 His firft particular Exception is this , If when he excludeth Vniverfality ofjurijidi&i- 
 on by Chrt\\s injiitution he intend to grant them ( vphkh yet I ktiow not ) an Vniverfa- 
 lity of JurifdiViion by humane injiitution at agreement , then it vpould be but to jet up an 
 humane Popery injiead of a pretended Divine, But this I charge not on him as his judge- 
 ment , though fome n>fllthink^it intimated, p. 25. If he do not charge it on me, 
 then why doth he publifh his own or other mens thoughts in Print to my difadvan- 
 tage. I know not how to acquit the Printing of groundlefs jealoufiesand fufpici- 
 ons of innocent perfons from downright calumny. Efpecially fufpicions of fuch 
 things which the perfons fufpedled had publickly difclaimcd in Print , long before 
 any fuch fufpicion was broached. Thefe are my very words in my Replication to 
 the Bifhop of Chalcedon, p. 2 4.9. h ivere a hard condition to put me to prove againji my 
 conference , that the Vniverfal Regency of the Tope is of humane right , rvho do abfolutely 
 deny both his Divine right and humane right j And in my^Schifm Guarded , p. 1 5. J 
 have made it evident that the Popes Authority rvhich he did fometime exercife in England 
 before the Reformation , Tfhen they permitted him , and which he would have exercifed 
 always de futuro , if he could have had his own will, was a meer Vjurpation and inno- * 
 
 vation. If I deny both the Popes Divine Right , and Humane Right , to Sove- 
 reign ]urifdidion, and regulate his powers by the Canons of theChurchi If I make 
 the Papacy a meer Ufurpation and Innovation , he hath no need to fear my fetting 
 up of humane Popery : but I have jufi caufe to require reparation of him. So his 
 rtrft exception is a falfe groundlefs fufpicion. 
 
 But doth he make no difference indeed between a Divine Papacy and an Humane 
 Papacy ? So it feemcth by his words. If the Pope do hold a Sovereign power in 
 th c Church by Divine inftitution , then whatfoever he doth though he draw millions 
 of Souls to Hell after him, yet it is not in the power of a general Councel to call 
 him to an account , or to depofe him , or to reform him, Butif his right be one- 
 ly humane all this may juftly be done and hath been done. If he have a Soveraignty 
 by Divine right he may give his non objiantes to the Canons of the Fathers athisplea- 
 fure 5 then all power in the Church is derived from him : but if he hold the papacy 
 not from Heaven but from men, then other BiQiops do not derive their power from 
 him fingly , but he from them joyntly, then he is ftinted and limited by their Ca- 
 nons , and cannot difpence with them , farther than the Church is pleafed to confer 
 a difpenfative power upon him , within the bounds of his own patriarchate. A- 
 gainl^ Divine Right there is no prefcription , but againil Humane Right men may 
 lawfully challenge their ancient liberties, and immunities by prefcription. A Pa- 
 pacy by Divine Right is unchangeable, but a Papacy by Humane right is alterable , 
 both for perfon , and place , and power. So an humane Papacy if it grow bur- 
 thcnfome is remediable^ but a pretended Divine Papacy when and where and whilft 
 it is acknowledged , is irtemediable. So much a pretc^nded Divine Papacy is worfe 
 than an humane. 
 
 His Second exception follows , but that St. Peter hatha tertaia fixed Chair, to 
 which a primacy of Order is annexed, and an hea^tp of Unity, U not a truth and therefore 
 
 not
 
 6^8 
 
 AVwdication of Gioum TOME II. 
 
 not a Prviaple neaf.ry to heal the ChfcL^ WhetHex it be truth or no , is i^^T^ 
 material Wc have no controverde with the Church ot Rome about a Priiiiacy of 
 order but about a Supremacy of power. I flial! declare my fenfe in four conclu- 
 f o IS. ' Firll tliat St. Peur had a hxed Chair at Amiuch , and after that at 'Rome , 
 is 'a'truth which no man, who giveth any credit to to the ancient Fathers and 
 Councils and Hilloriographers of the Church , can either deny or well doubt of. 
 
 Secondly, that St. P^ffr had a Primacy of Order among the Apoftks , is the una- 
 nimous voice cf I he Primitive Church , not to be contradided by me , which the 
 the Church of Eitd^Und and thofe old Epifcopal Divines , whom he pretendeth to 
 
 honour fo much ^ did never oppofc. The Learned Bifhop of Jf^;/;c/;f/Jfr ac- 
 
 knowjedgeth as much , not onely in his own name, but in the name of the Church 
 and King of England , both King and Church knowing it , and approving it. 
 Rtj^. ad Jpol. Beilar. cap. i. Neither U it quefiioned among us whether St. Peter had a 
 Tnmacy , hut rthat that Frimacy was , and whther it were fuch an one as the Tope doth 
 mrv cbaUenge to himjelf^ and you challenge tv the Tope. But the King doth not deny Peter 
 to have been the prime and Trince of the Apoflles. He who fhould trouble himlcif and 
 others to opugn fuch a received innocent truth , feemcth to me to have more leifure 
 tlian judgement. But on the other fide it is as undoubtedly true, and confeffcd by 
 the prime Romanics themfelves , that St. Teter had no fupretnacy or fuperiority of 
 power and tingle Jurifdidion over any other Apoftle. To this purpofe I have laid 
 down thefe four grounds in my Book oi Schifm Guarded, page 27. Firft , that 
 each Apollle had the fame power by virtue of Chrifts Commiiiion. Secondly, that 
 St. Teter never exercifed a fingle Jurifdidion over the reft of the Apollles. Third- 
 ly that St. Veter had not his Commiffion granted to him and his SucceiTours as any 
 ordinary Paftor, and the reft of the Apoftles as Delegatesfor term of Life. Fourth- 
 ly , that during the Hiftory of the Adlsof the Apoftles , the Soveraignty of Eccle- 
 fiaftical Jurildidion reft not in any fingle Apoftle, but in the Apoftolical Colledge. 
 Hitherto there is no caufe of controverfie between him and me , or between any 
 perfons of judgement and ingenuity. 
 
 My. Third aftertion is that fome Fathers and Schoolmen, who were no fworn 
 VaffaJs to the Roman Bi(hop do affirm, that this primacy of Order is fixed to the 
 Chair of St. Teter, and his SucceiTours for ever. As for inftance Gerfon for a School- 
 man that learned Chancellour of PiJm , who fided with the Council againft the 
 Pope , and left his enmity to the innovations of the Court oiRome as an hereditary 
 Legacy to the School of Sorhone. Auferibilis non ejl ujque ad confummationem fxcttli 
 vicarius Jponfia Ecclefia. The vicarial Spoufe of the Church Cthis was the Language of 
 that Age , whereby he meaneth not the perfon of any particular Pope , but the Of- 
 fice of the Papacy , ) ought not to be tak^n away until the end of the World. And a- 
 mong the Fathers I inftance in St. Cyprian , whofe publick oppofition to Pope Ste- 
 ven is well known , who feemeth not to diflent from iti in his Epiftle to Antonia- 
 nm \\<i czWs the Sz& oi Rome the place and Chair 0/ Peter. Ep. 52. And in his 55. 
 Epiftle to Cornelius , They dare fail and carry Letters from Schifmatical and prophane 
 perfons to the Chair of Peter, and the principal Church from whence Sacerdotal unity did 
 firing. And in his Ve imitate Ecclef^. Although he give equal power to all his Apojiles 
 after his RefurreSinn , &c. Yet to manifefi an unity he eonjiituted one Chair , and by his 
 own Authority diffcfed the Original of that unity beginning from one. And a little after, 
 Tlx primacy is given to Peter , to demonjirate one Church of Chrifi and one Chair, 
 
 Every one is free for me to take what exceptions he pleafeth ,to the various Le- 
 dlions of any of theft places , or to interpret the words as he pleafeth. Always 
 there feemeth to be enough to me in St. Cyprian to declare his own mind , with- 
 out taking any advantage from any fuppoGtitious paffages. Whether it be a truth or 
 an crrour , it concerneth not me, I am fure it is none of mine errour , if it be one, 
 who neither maintain nor grant fuch a primacy of Order to be due to the Chair of 
 St. Pf ffr and his Succeflburs , by the inftitution of Chrift. But onely difpute upon 
 fuppohtions , that although there were fuch a beginning o( Unity , ( which Calvin 
 and Beza require in all Societies by the Law of Nature , ) and although the Bifliop 
 of Rome had fuch a primacy of Order either by Divine Right , or Humane Right , 
 yet it would not prejudice us , nor advantage them at aJl, Neither in truth is it 
 
 vi'orth
 
 Dt SCOURS E III. Aad Epifcoparian.r from Popery^ 629 
 
 worth conrending about , or to be ballanced with the Peace of the Church , and 
 of the Chriftian World. They who undervalue the Fathers, may ftile their fayings 
 untruths when they pleafe. I have weighed my grounds over lerioufly to (tumble 
 at a llraw. 
 
 My Fourth and laft conclufion , is , that fuppofing IHII but not granting that a- 
 ny fuch primacy of Order or beginning of Unity, T about which, we have no 
 conlrovcrfie ) was due to the Ciiair of St. Peter by Divine Right , or much rather 
 by Humane Right , yet this fuppofed Chair of St. Peter is not fixed to Rome. A^ 
 for Divine right we have the plain confellion of BeVarmine , it is not to be found 
 either in Scripture or Tradition , that the Apoftolick See is fo fixed to Koms , that 
 it cannot be removed , EeV. de Rom. Front. I. 4. c. 4. And for Humane Rif^ht , 
 there needeth no proof. For whatfoever is conliituted by Humane Right , may be 
 repealed by Humane Right. This is my conllant way every where. I do altoge- 
 ther deny a Supremacy of power and jurifdid:ion over us in the exteriour Court , 
 which onely is in controveriie between us and the Pope. And whatfoever Jurifdi* 
 (Sion he hath elfewhere, I regulate by the Canons of the Fathers. I fuppofe a pri- 
 macy of Order, but grant it not farther than it hath been granted by the Canons 
 of the Catholick Church. And as it was acquired by Humane Right , fo it may be 
 taken away by Humane Right. To confound a pritnacy of Order with a Supre- 
 macy of power. Divine Right with Humane Right, a legiilative power with an 
 executive power , is proper to plunderers. So in his two Firfc exceptions ! fuller 
 two palpable injuries. In the Firit exception he chargeth me upon fufpicion , di- 
 rediy contrary to my aflertion. In the Second exception he confoundeth a prima- 
 cy and a Supremacy , order and power , and maketh me to fix that to the See of 
 Rnme , which I maintain to be unfixed. 
 
 His Third exception is this, 'That the Popefhould hold to himfelf and his Church hU 
 lafi 400. years determinations , andfn continue^ as the Bifiop here concludes^ ti be m A- 
 prfiolica! Orthodox^ CatlM/hck^Chnrch, nor to have trite Faith , w an imliksly thing tojtand 
 Toith the Vnity and concord rvhich he mentioneth. IFeflyaU cement but forrily rvithfticb a 
 body as this. It is no wonder if Grotiuf fuffcr wrong by him , when my words 
 are ( at the bed ) fo grofly millaken , who live to interpret my feU. Firli I give 
 no leave to the Pope and Church of Rome to hold to themfelves their laft 400. 
 years determinations. But if they will hold them I have no power to help it, or 
 hinder it. My words are thefe , If you could be contented to n>ave your lajl <\.oo. years 
 determinations ^ or if you lik^d them for your felves ^ yet not to obtrude them upon other 
 Churches. As if one diould fay. If Jeroboam will forbear to commit Idolatry him- 
 felf, or if he will not , yet if he will forbear to compel others to commit Idola- 
 try , I may come to live in Ifrael ^ no moderate man will fay , that he giveth leave 
 to Jeroboam to commit Idolatry. Secondly , he pretends moft untruly that I make 
 theft to be the terms or conditions of a peace which I mention onely as preparatives. 
 My words are not then , we may unite and cement our (elves together , but then 
 much good might be expelled from free Councils and conferences of moderate perfons. He 
 himfelf faith as much as I fay. Thirdly , if they do not obtrude their laft 400. 
 years determinations upon other Churches, then they wave their Legillative power, 
 and take away from their Canons the Nature of Laws , then they make them no 
 longer points of Faith , but probable opinions. It was not the eroneous opinions 
 of the Church of Rowe butthe obtruding them by Laws upon other Churches which 
 warranted a feparation. He who will have no communion with a Church which 
 hath different or erroneous opinions in it , fo long as they are not obtruded murt 
 provide a ladder to climb up to Heaven by himfelf And this is that which I faid 
 exprelly in that very place cited by him, JFe might yet live in hope to fee an Vnion^ 
 if not in all opinions^ yet in charity and aU neceffary points of faving truth Let the 
 Church of Rome do that which I require , that is the Apoftolical Difcipline , and A- 
 poftolical Creed without addition , and it (hall become an apollolical , and Catho- 
 lick Church, and have true Faith 
 
 His Fourth exception is this , Ihat thePopefhould hold his Patriarchal porver ^ is a 
 meer innovation , and Humane injiitution , as is his primacy of Order and fuch privihd- 
 ges. The Council of Chilccion avers it. And therefore it is no neceffary thing to be 
 
 con'
 
 ■JZ^ ' jyhidication of Grotms TOME S I. 
 
 -ZiTcedafor the Churches peace. That the Patriarchal dignity is an Humane inflitu- 
 tion all men who underlbnd themfelves do acknowledge. That it is a mere in- 
 novation ail men who undcrlland themfelves do deny. How fliould that be a 
 mere innovation which was not rtrft conflituted , but confirmed as an andu:t Ec- 
 clciiiliical cultoin in thefirit General Council ofN/ce, and approved by all the Gene- 
 ral fuccccding Councils of the Church , and particularly by the Council of Chalce- 
 don Tohkh he mentioneth , which equalled the Patriarch of Conjiantinople , to the 
 Patriarch of Koive ? This form of Government is allowed by the Canons of the A- 
 poftles as I iiave fliewed elfewhcre. This Patriarchal Government Ca/y/'zhimfelf 
 did nftt onely allow, but aflert it to ht fitch a form as God hath prefcribed in BU iFord. 
 Cal. J"li- /. 4 c. 4 S. 4. What wonder is it if they loofe ground dayly to the 
 B.oma>ii(is , who have the confidence to affirm that Patriarchal power is an innova- 
 tion , and cite the Great Council o( Chalcedon for it. • 
 
 He procecdeth to his fifth exception. Multitudes that live in the WeHcrn Nations 
 of the iVorld will ft ill MJfent both from the Popes Patriarchal pouter ^ and more from his 
 way of exercifing it. Andf) will be forced to fall under the reproach of Sehifmatickj by 
 thefi terms , and that for obeying the Laws of Chrift. If the Pope as Patriarch of the 
 iFeJiJhoMld impofe on m o>iely and not on the Eaft , The Vodrines and JVor^np , and ce- 
 remonies which he now impofeth on the Papijis , ( except the excepted before , ) duth any 
 man ofreafin think^that the Reformed Churches would ever yield to them , or ought to do 
 it ? We wiV unite on Chrifts terms , and that will be a more fure and general Vnion^ and 
 not on fitch Humane devijes as thefe. Let thofe that made the Pope our Patriarch main- 
 tain his power ^ joT Chrijl did not. Still weaker and weaker. Multitudes that live 
 in the IVefrern parts of the World will not onely diflike the Popes Patriarchal pow- 
 er, but this Presbyterian Difcipline , and his Holy Orders , the Creed: the Lords 
 Prayer the Sacraments, &e. muft a man therefore quit his juft right becaufe fome 
 diflike it ? Their diflike is but fcandal taken , but the quitting of that w!iich is 
 right for their fatisfadion Ihould be {candal given. Whether is the worfe? 
 
 By the wayldefire himto confider two things i Fi;-/i, how they are forced to 
 fall under the reproach of Schifmaticks ? If they be forced any way, it is by their 
 own wilful humours or erroneous confcience. Other force here is none. If there 
 be any force it is they which force themfelves. Secondly^ I would have him to con- 
 fider, whether is the worfe and more dangerous condition , for ChrilUans to fall 
 under the reproach of Schifmaticks , which hath no fin in it , bnt is a means many 
 times to reduce men into the fold of the Catholic](jChurch , or for Chriliians to fall 
 into Schifm it felf. Whofoeverfliall oppofe the juli power of a lawful Patriarch , 
 lawfully proceeding , is a material Schifmatick atleafl, and if his errour be vincible, 
 fuch as he might conquer and come unto the knowledge of the truth if he did his 
 endeavour , he is a formal Schifmatick. 
 
 His reafons of their falling under the reproach of Schifmaticks /or o/)fyi;?g */;f 
 Larps of Chrift , I confels I do not underftand. Doth he think that Patriarchal 
 power is contrary to the Laws of Chrift : and that all the Primitive Churches and 
 Councils and Chriftians did tranfgrefs the Laws of Chrift in this particular ? Surely 
 he cannot think it. Or is it his Zeal to admit nothing in the Church grounded up- 
 on prudence and experience and the Law of nature , but onely that which is com- 
 manded by Holy Scripture? If that be it I refer him to Dr. Sanderfcn in his Pre- 
 face before his Twenty Sermons , to whom he profefleth very great reverence. I 
 had rather fufpedl that I underftand him not , than imagin him to be guilty of fuch 
 an abfurd conclufion. 
 
 To his qucftion if the Pope as Patriarch of the Weft jhould impofe tipnn w which he 
 impojeth upon the Papifts , Jhould the reformed Churches yield to them f I anfwer God 
 forbid , but his whole difcourfe is grounded upon a clufter of rniftakcs. Firft the 
 Pope hath no right to the Patriarchate of all the TFeft. Particularly he is not our 
 Patriarch. Other Churches in the JVcft might find out Primates or Patriarchs of 
 their own as well as we , if they fought diligently for them. Se:ond!v a hngle 
 Patriarch hath not Legiflative power to impofe Laws in his own Patriarchate , nor 
 power to innovate anything without the confent of his Biftipps. Thirdly, my 
 former exceptions as he ftileth them , or rather my preparatory conditions, do vir- 
 
 tualh
 
 Discourse 1 11 Aad Epifcoparianr from ?opery^ ^:^ i 
 
 tually comprehend all the grofs errours of the Koman Church , both in DilcipUne 
 and Dodtiine , leaving no difference in nccefTary points of Faith , but oncly m o- 
 pinions. So if my conditions be obferved, there is no place left for any fucn fup- 
 pofition. Laftly, I obferve what an unfound kind of arguing this is , to deny a 
 man his juU right , as Patriarchal power was the Bi(hop of Komes jurt right , for 
 fear led he may abufe it. All fedlions ufe to mifcal their own terms , Chrifis term:; 
 to cancel all Humane Right under the notion of H(/W(?w devij'es^ is both inconfi- 
 lient with the Law ot Chrill , and the welfare of all Societies. They who made 
 the Billiopof 'Kome a Patriarch were the Primitive Fathers, not excluding the A- 
 poitles , and Chriliian Emperours , and Oecumenical Councils. What Laws they 
 made in this cafe , we are bound to obey for confcience fake , ( until they be repeal- 
 ed Lawfully , ) by virtue of the Law of Chrift. Afairer pica than I know any for 
 their own confirtory , where Lay-men ufurp the power of the Keys contrary to the 
 Law of Chrilt. 
 
 His Sixth exception is the fame with the Fifth , onely there it is propofed hypo- 
 thetically [ If the Pope as Patriarch of the Wejl (hould impofe , 3 and here it is 
 repealed categorically, many things in DoUrine and worjhip rrhicb on thefe terms rvcmld 
 be impofed both on Eaft and Weft , and prevail in m'.ft of the Churches at this day , are 
 fins againli God , and therefore how fmall focver they may be , are not to be confenied unto 
 for unity. If there be any grain of truth in this proof, it is fo inderinite , fo con- 
 )e<flurai, and fo accidental, that it requireth no aniwer. How iTiould a man either 
 alfirm or deny or diftinguifli of many things , without fpecifying any one thing in 
 particular > I aflent thus far in General that no man can be obliged to do a 
 Cn againft God , and that whatfoever Hurhane Ordinance doth nccelTarily and Ef- 
 {entially produce lin , is unlawful. But until he tell us in particular what thefe 
 many things arc , or at leaft fome one of them , and prove evidently that it is a 
 finagainftGod, indeed, and not in his opinion onely, and that it is Infallibly 
 true that it would be impofed , which would be an hard task to undertake with- 
 out the gift of Prophefie •, and laftly that the impofition of fome fuch finful thing 
 or things, is not an arbitrary or accidental abule of that Lawful power which I 
 qdmit , but floweth naturally or effentially from it 5 I fay until he do all this , all 
 that he doth fay fignitieth nothing v and fo I leave his many things as juft no- 
 thing. 
 
 And come uuto his Seventh exception , "the Ethiopian and other Churches that 
 tvere jlill rpithout the verge of the Roman Empire, rpill never ach^iorvledge thus much to 
 the Fope , feting that even thofe humane conjlitutions ivhicb c^ave him his Primacy of Or- 
 der , determined of no more than the Roman World , and had nothing to do beyond Eu- 
 phrates. Horv did the Topes lay any claim or meddle any farther ? And abundance j- 
 mong the Eaftern Churches pciH deny thif Primacy. This exception was made in the 
 dark , and therefore the errours that abound in it may more eaiily be pardoned , as 
 proceeding from the not knowing of the true State of the Mthiopich^ and other 
 Eajiern Churches. Both the ^thtopick^ Oinii. all other Eajlern Churches do unani- 
 moufly admit this form of Governitient by Patriarchs^ which I acknowledge. 
 The JEthiopians have a Patriarch of their own , and fo have all the other Eajlern 
 Churches. And particularly the Albuna or Patriarch of Ethiopia is under the Pa- 
 triarch of Alexandria^ named by him, and ordained by him from time to time. So 
 untrue it is, that the Oecumenical Conftitutions of General Councils extended not 
 beyond Euphrates. The ^thtopick^z-nd all other other Eaftern Chuiches do fubmit 
 to the Council of Nice , and other Oecumenical Councils , by which Patriarchal 
 Government was confirmed. They all acknowledge the P<ifr/<«rc/jo/ Rome to be 
 the chief Patriarch , whileft he behavetlj himfelf well , and to have a Primacy of 
 Order among the Patriarchs. They know no points of Faith but thofe vvhich are 
 contained in the ancient Creed , as we find at large in the Hiftorical defcription of 
 JE.thiopia hyFrancis Alvares. They all deny the Popes Supremacy ofpowcr , as we 
 do. And when the Pope fought to introduce it into IS.thinpia , by the meditation 
 of the King of Portugal^ Claudius then Emperour of Ethiopia returned tiii-; anUvcr, 
 Se quidem fraterna in Lufitanum Regem voluntate effe acfore : c£terum nihil fbi minus 
 in mentim venifie , quam ut idcireo a, majorum infiitntis ac totj^cuhrum fpacio crrrob.ifota. 
 
 D d d d Reh-
 
 ■^— ^Vindication of Grotius T O M E I i. 
 
 -^gl i„„f ^(dccret , Thar he oughr^ good tvill to the King of Portugal as hU Brother , 
 
 but It ivas the leaji part- of hU thongtrt therefore to Apoftate , from the orders and 'Religinn 
 of his ^Anceftors , recened and radicated in Ethiopia throughout fo many Ages. Pet.Maf- 
 
 feiHilt.Jud. 1. id. p. 749-. _ . , r • ■ ^ /^/ r 
 
 His Eiglnli Exception is , 7bere a no hope of mittng the Churches on any terms , 
 but rchat are necefury and divine ■-, for its vain to thinly, that things humane and unne- 
 alfjry , fljouldbe c nifnted to by all : Much lefs things (inful. In the Name of God , 
 why is'it not pofiible that the Churches fliould be united uponfomc humane or pru- 
 dential terms? Are there not common principles of natural equity, which reafon 
 did-ateth to all mankind ? That is one mifhke. Secondly , the Law of Nature is 
 a divine. Law. And though patriarchal Regiment be no exprefs principle of the 
 Law of Nature , yet it is very agreeable to it, and grounded upon it. Thirdly, 
 though no humane ordinances be abfolutely necelTary to falvation, as thofe fuper- 
 natural truths which are revealed in holy Scripture are , yet they may be refpedtive- 
 ly necefTary to the well-being of Religion. Laftly , in his conclufion much lefs 
 things finful , he difputes upon that which is not granted, nay more which is abfo- 
 lutely denied. Mr. Baxter will never be able to prove that any thing, which is fin- 
 ful , is conteined in my reconciliatory propofitions. 
 
 His ninth Exception fignifieth as little as the reft, "There k no union to he had^ but 
 upon the terms on which the Churches have fometimes been united. For a new vcay ofu- 
 nion ii not to be expelled^ attempted. But never wot the Church united onfuchconceffions 
 oithefe, and therefore never rvill be. I deny his afTumption altogether. And if I 
 were to chufe a reafon, or medium, whereby to demonllrate my way of reconcili- 
 ation to be good , I could not fix upon a better than this. The Catholick Church 
 hath been united on thefe fame principles which I fuppofe , the fame Faith with- 
 out any addition, the fame EcclefiaiHcal Difcipline without any variation, the fame 
 Form of (erving God publickly j and lince the difperfion of the Church, all over 
 the World , it never was united upon any other principles but thefe, nor can be 
 united upon any other principles but thefe. 
 
 I am come to his tenth and laft Exception , It rvould be an exceeding difhomur to 
 
 God, and in]ury to the fouls of many millions of men , if hut tinder the Popes Patriarchal 
 
 Jurifdidion in the JVefl , the Papijls way of Worfhip vcerefet up , and their Government 
 
 exercifed as mrc. The good K>iV of Rome , or the name of peace rpould not recompenfe the 
 
 lofs of fo many thoufand fouls , as fame one of the Papal abufes might procure-, for injiance 
 
 their driving the ■people from the Scriptures , and other means of k>tonc ledge. AH along 
 
 he buildcth upon a wrong Foundation. It is one thing to fet up , or to approve 
 
 the fetting upofafalfe way of Worfhip, which I do not julHfie i and another 
 
 thing to tolerate it when and where it is not in our power to hinder it, as both he 
 
 and I mult do whether we will or no. I do not only give no confent to the fetting 
 
 up of any unlawful Form of Worfhip where it is not , but I wi(h it taken away 
 
 where it is fet up already. But if it be without the fphere of my adlivity , I mult 
 
 let it alone perforce. If a Shepherd when it is paft his skill to cure his rotten 
 
 Sheep , (hall do his uttermoft to preferve that part of his Flock , which is found 
 
 from infedion, he deferveth to be commended for thofe he faved , not to be accu- 
 
 fed as the caufe why fo many perifhed , that were paft his skill and power to cure. 
 
 In a great Scathtire it is wifedom not only to fuifer thofe Houfcs to burn down , 
 
 which are paft quenching, but fometimes to pull down fome few Houfcs wherein 
 
 tiie Fire is not yet kindled , to free all the reft of the City from danger. If the 
 
 Pope within his own Territories , or other Chriftian Princes by his means within 
 
 their Territories, will maintain a way of Worfhip which I do not approve , mtiil I 
 
 therefore, nay may I therefore, make War upon them to compel them to be of my 
 
 Religion ? So we fhall never have any peace in the World , whilft there are different 
 
 Religions in the World , for every one takes his own Religion to be beft. 
 
 But what certainty hath he , that/y many thoufands, yea millions of Souls are loft, 
 bccaufe they live in fuch places as are fubjedt to the Pope. God is a merciful God , 
 and looks upon his poor (Creatures , with all their prejudices. Or how doth this 
 agree with what he faith elfe where, that the French moderation is acceptable to all good 
 men, And that Nation is an honourable part of the Church of Chrift in his cfhem. It is 
 
 nc
 
 Discourse III. Atid Epifcoparians from Popery, ^22 
 
 no very honourable part of the Church ofChrift^ if fo many millions of Souls run 
 fuch extreme hazard in it , p. 10. His Marginal note oUheir jirearm of bio jd and maf- 
 jacret might have been fpared , for fear ef putting fbme of them upon a parallel be- 
 tween theirs and ours. And for his inrtance of driving the people from the Scriptures, 
 he efcapeth fairly if none of them caft it in his teeth, that the promifcuous licence 
 Avhich they give to all forts of people , qualified or unqualified , not only to read, 
 but to interpret the Scriptures according to their private fpirits or particular fancies, 
 without any regard either to the analogy of Faith , which they underftand not , or 
 to the interpretation ot the Dodors of former Ages , is more prejudicial , I might 
 better fay pernicious , both to particular Chrifiians , and to whole Societies than 
 the over rigorous reftraint of the Romjnilli. Whereof a man need require no far- 
 ther proof, but only to behold the prefent face of the Eftglifh Church. Truth com- 
 monly remaineth in the modell. And fo 1 have (hewed him how little weight 
 there is in his ten Exceptions. 
 
 At the conclulion of his Exceptions he hath this claufe , Eefides moji of the evils 
 that J charged before en the Grotian rvay ( as cenfnres, perfecutions^ &c. ) vpould fiHorv 
 upon thU vcay. It may follow in his erroneous opinion , but in truth and really no 
 inconvenicncy at all doth follow upon what I fay. The third caufe of his diflike of 
 the Grof/ii« way was, Beeaicfe it U tiKeharitahle and cenforinui , cutting ojf from the Ca- 
 iholick^ united Society^ the Reformed Churches that yield not to his terms, and tviH not be 
 reconciled to the Pope of Rome. Let them take heed that they cut not off themfelves, 
 for I neither cut them off, nor declare them to be cut off. If they will not be re- 
 conciled to the Pope of Rome , upon warrantable and juft terms, fuch as were ap- 
 proved by the primitive Church , fuch as thofe are which I propo(e , for any thing 
 he doth fay, or can fay to the contrary , it is his own uncharitablenefs , not mine. 
 Some men vvould call it Schifmatical obftinacy. But this reafon hath been fully an- 
 fwered before. 
 
 The fourth reafon of his diflike of this defign is , Becaufe it is a trap to tempt and 
 engage the Souls of millions into the fame uncharitable, cenforious , and reproachful way. 
 iVhen afjlfe center of the Churches unity is fit up , and impojfible , or unlarvful terms of 
 concord are pretended thus to be tl)e only terms, they that believe this, wiU uncharitably 
 cenfure all thofe for Schifmatick/ or Hereticl^s , that clofe not rvith them on the fe terms. 
 His hrft office fhould have been to have proved , that my way is uncharitable, cen- 
 forious, or reproachful , and that my terms are impotlible and unlawful, which he 
 neither doth , nor attempteth to do, nor ever will be able to do. And until he do 
 it , or go about it , all his reafons are apure begging of the queftion , and no better, 
 and confequently deferve no anfwer. 
 
 The fifth reafon of his diflike is, becaufe it tendeth to engage the Princes of Chi- 
 Jiendnm in a perfection of their Subjecis , that cannot comply with thefe unre arrant able 
 terms. And that is likely to be no jmaU number, nor the ten fer part , hut the faundeli 
 and Tfifeji , and holieji m'n. For if Princes be once perftpaded that thefe be the onely 
 terms, and fo that the dipnters are faCtiom , Schifmatical and unpeaceable men, no K>m- 
 deriftheyfxkncetheMini\ters, and per fecute the people. It is an eafier thing to call 
 them unlawful, and unwarrantable terms twenty times, than to make it good 
 once. It is a fault in Rhetarick^, and in Lfgick^zKo , to ufe common reafons , fuch 
 as may be retorted againft our felves by an Adverfary. Such a reafon is this, and 
 may be urged with as much fliew of reafon againrt all Writers of Controverfieswhat- 
 foever , and againft Mt. Baxter himfelf in particular, with as much colour of truth 
 as he urgeth it againft Grotius or me. That if Princes be once perfwaded , thar 
 thofe terms which he propofcth be true, and the contrary errours , no wonder if 
 they filence the Minilkrs, and perfeatte the people. Or if they be once perfwaded 
 by him, that his new Difciplineis the Scepter of C"hrifl prefcribed in theGofpel.then 
 the Epifcopal Divines, and the Independents are fure to fuffer. This frivolous, 
 prefenfe will fit all caufes whatfbever , though they be never fo diametrally oppofite 
 one to another. 
 
 Secondly, I anfwer, that there is not one grain of clear diftinfl neceiFary truth in 
 this whole Difcourfe , but uncertain fufpicions, groundlcfs perfwafions, confufed 
 gsneralities , and beggings of the quefiion. That the terms are unlawful and un- 
 
 D d d d 2 war-
 
 534. A Vimlication of Grotius TOME II. 
 
 "wanantablc that he and his party are the Ibundeft , and wilcU , and hohelt of 
 Chriitiaus , is groundlcfs prefumption and begging ot the queftion. That the Prin- 
 ces of Ciirilkndom will be perfwadcd themfelvcs, and thereupon condemn the dif- 
 (enters and filence the Miniilers , and perfecute the people , are all uncertain con- 
 ]cdures*, and accidental events. What Princes of Cliriftendom he doth intend or 
 can intend, who are thofe diifenters whom he calleth the foundeii, and wifeit, and 
 jioliell of men i what Minilkrs he meaneth ordained or unordaincd , or 
 bothi and what flocks fuch as they had a Legal title to, or fuch as they have U- 
 furped , are all confufed indehnite generalities , and ought to have been fet forth 
 more dilHndtly. 
 
 In a word mutato nomine de te fabula narratur. Whatfoever he faineth of imaginary 
 Orotijus, is really true of his own party. They have prevailed with perfons of power 
 and authority , and perfwaded them to filence and perfecute , and to chafe away 
 firom their flocks the right Paftors , and have ufurped their Benefices and charges 
 themfelves. And all this while pretended ( (hamelefs men , ) that they are doing 
 God good Service. He is not able to charge any of his imaginary Grotians vyith 
 any fuch thing, 7hif if to bite and tehine^ m the Proverb hath it , to do rerong and to 
 complain of Jjijfering tprong. Popular perfecutions of all others are ever moft ground- 
 lefs , and molt violent. 
 
 The more moderate that mens judgement are , as Gr-o//»f his judgment was, and 
 mine is , the farther off they are from engaging Princes to perfecute their Subjedls. 
 Cowards ordinarily are moft cruel.So weak and wilful perfons are moft apt to promote 
 perfecutions , knov/ing that to be their only defctace againft thofe whom they are 
 unable to anfwer with reafon. There are feditious principles and pradfifes enough 
 in the World to irritate Princes , without any other bad Offices , which have been 
 introduced into the Church under a pretext of Religion , fuch as no man living 
 can juftifie, fuch as are inconfiftent with all Humane Societies. Such as if Gad be 
 pleafed once to reftore men perfectly to their right Wits , they muft be fare in the 
 firfl place to caft out of the World , if they do ever mean to preferve peace and 
 tranquility among themfelves. It were mucli more politick ly done of him to leave 
 this Subje<S , which the more it is ftirred in , the worfe it will fmell to (bme bo- 
 
 In the conclufiou of this objedlion he complaineth thus , ThU w the unhappy 'ijfue 
 of the attempts of Pride. l^lKn men have fuch high thoughts of their oven imaginati- 
 ons'^ and devifes , ccc. Which is moft true in general if he can let it reft there. But 
 if he proceed any farther to examine on what fide this pride doth lie , whether a- 
 mong the Grotian \>3.ny ^ a.s Caffitnder ^ and Wicelim ^ and Grotius, or among his 
 own party , if it were fit to name them , he will quickly find who they are that do 
 cakare fajium majore fajiu , tread down pride with greater pride, tly-ough the 
 holes of whofe Coats vain Glory doth difcover it felf. That ever Presbyterians 
 ftiould complain of pride ! 
 
 C H A P. V 1 1. 
 
 Of Mr. Baxters one way of reconciliation. 
 
 THus having in his own imagination battered down that frame of an Union , 
 which he thought I had propofed , though in truth all his reafons have fcarce- 
 ly force to (hake an Afpin leaf. Yet for our comfort he telleth us that he naiU not 
 leave the bufinefithiis , leji rvhilji he pttVs derpn aV and oprs nothing inftead thereof^ he 
 might he thought an Enemy to peace. It is all the reafon in <he World that if peace 
 be fo defireable as he maketh it , and he {hew his diflike of our ways to procure it, 
 be fliould propofe a better expedient of his own , that other men may have the li- 
 berty to try if they can fay more againft his way , than he hath hitherto been able 
 to fay againft theirs : but I have my jealoufies and fears as well as he , and better 
 founded , that he will never prove a good Archited in this kind, becaufc I never 
 found any man yet who was given to innovation , but his genious was ten times 
 apter for pullijig down than tor building up. But
 
 Discourse III. ^nd Ep'tfcoparians pom Popery^ 53- 
 
 But let lis vie vy his own way or terms of peace without prejudice. In pejieral 
 therefore J fay , thai the terms of an Vniverfal concord or peace mitii he purely DivTw attd 
 not Humane , neceffary and not things imneceffary , ancient according tj the Primitive fm- 
 plictty , and neither new nor yet too Kumerouf , curium^ or ahjiruje. Thefe are Gene- 
 rals indeed , and if they were all confented unto , the peace would not be musli 
 nearer than it is. 1 think fuch general terms or Articles of peace were never feen 
 before in our days. From what hopes am I fallen ? I expedJed that having remedied 
 our ways of reconciliation , he would have chalked us a new ready way of his own 
 free from all exceptions. And he onely telleth us that a way muft be fhort and 
 ilraight beaten , and fmooth , and fo leaveth us to rind out fuch a way for our 
 felves where we can. This is jutt take nothing and hold it fafl. Such general 
 ways are commonly the ways of Bunglers or Deceivers, One of Mercuries Statues 
 though it were dumb could have given better dire<5tions for a way than this. Buc 
 he who will be a reconciler of Controverfies, mult be more particular. 
 
 Yet let us take a particular view of his general diredtions. 7he terms of an Vni- 
 verfal peace mttji be purely Divine not Humane. How purely Divine not Humane ? 
 That is impaUible. That which is purely Divine hath no mixture of Humane in 
 iti but thefe terms of peace muft be made and contrived by men , between man and 
 man, for the ufe of men, and after an Humane manner^ not by immediate infpiration. 
 So thefe terms cannot hz purely Divine. But perhaps his meaning is no more than 
 this , that in an accommodation no Humane Conftitutions ought to be impofed 
 upon the Churches. Then down goes his Presbyterian Difcipline , for that is both 
 Humane ajid new. When Calvin hrft propofcd it to the Helvetian Divines for their 
 approbation, he defired no more of them but to tertifie that it was not difagreeable 
 to the word of God , or came near to the Word of God. It is meet and )ufl that 
 no Humane conllitutions fhould be impofed as Divine ordinances , but it doth not 
 follow thence that all humane right and law mult be thruft out for rotten. 
 
 Humane right is grounded upon Divine Right , that is the Law of Nature, and 
 the pofitive Laws of God , and cannot be violated without the violation of the Di- 
 vine Law , and ought to be oblerved for Confcience f^ke , out of a refped' to the 
 Divine Law, which cova.mzi\&et\\ every Soul tohe SubjeUto the higher po-wers. Is 
 not this like to prove a fair accommodation? wherein the rirll Article mult be to re- 
 nounce the light of natural rcafbn, and the experience of fo many Ages lince Chrifts 
 time , and the prudential Conftitutions of all our Primitive Guides. Thefe are fuch 
 terms of Peace as can pleafe no body but Sequelkators , and fuch as live like moths 
 in other mens garments. Neither would his pretended Divine terms be more favour- 
 able to innovations than Humane terms, but only that this way affordeth wranglers 
 a longer time to prevaricate , before controverfies can be maturely determined. If 
 ever there were an Univerfal reconciliation of all Chriliians , the firft ad which 
 they ought to do after their Union , is to cad out all fuch pernicious principles as 
 this from among them , before they thruft out all reafon and Humane Right out of 
 the World. 
 
 His Second rule I'ithe terms of Peace muji be things neceffury not unneceffary. We 
 are beholden to King James not to him for this prudent diredlion. But by (ettino- 
 it down fo imperfectly he makes it his own. There are two forts ofnecefTary things. 
 Some things are abfolutely necelTary to the being of the Church. Some other 
 things are refpediuely necelTary to the well-being of the Church. The terms of 
 peace ought to extend to both thefe , to the former evermore , to the later as far 
 as it may be. Or yet more diftindly. Some things arc necelTary necefitate medii^ 
 as necelTary means of Salvation , without which no Church can confilf. Concer- 
 ning thefc there is little or no need of reconciliation , where there is no difference. 
 Secondly^ Some other things are necelTary necef[itate pr£cepti, as commanded by God 
 or by the Church of God. Both thefe are necelTary in their feveral degrees , and 
 both of them ought to be taken in confideration in a reconciliation , but efpecially 
 the former, yet not excluding the latter. Every thing ought to be loofcd by the 
 fame authority by which it was bound. "Thirdly , There are other things which 
 though they be neither necelTary means of Salvation, nor neceffarily commanded by 
 God or man, yet they are necelTary by a necellity of convenience , outofpiou'? 
 
 and
 
 ■^rj A Vindication of Gxoum TOME II. 
 
 and prudential confiderations , lluic , bn^nmc, to this or that Church, at this 
 or that time , in this or that place. The greateft coniideration that ought to be 
 had of thcfe 'tilings, is to leave every Church free to determine their own necelh- 
 tics or conveniences , yet with a regard to unity and uniformity. 
 
 His third Rule is , the terrrn of pace muji be ancient according to the primitive fmpli- 
 <•/«, , and neither mw nor yet too numerom , ctiriom , or abftruje. His firft Rule doth 
 virtually comprehend both his later Rules, and renders them fuperHuous. For if 
 nothing be admitted into the terms of peace but Divine truths, they can neither be 
 unncceifary , nor new , nor too numerous, curious, or abftrufe. And this way 
 of his rightly exprelTed and underftood, is the fame in effed with my way which 
 he prctendeth to impugn. He admitteth no truths but Divine, and excludeth all 
 humane rights, which is more than he ought to do. I diftinguifli Divine right 
 from Humane right , and give unto tlie'Law of God both written and unwritten, 
 and, to the Laws of the Church , and to the Laws of Cxfar , their refpedlive dues. 
 He admitteth none but neceflary truths, I admit no truths in point of Faith , but 
 thefe which the bleiTed Apoltles judged to be neceflary and comprehended in the 
 Creed. I rejedl all new coined Articles of Faith , all ufurpations in point of Dif- 
 cipline , all innovations in point of Worlhip. He propofeth for a pattern of Union, 
 the finiplicity of the ancient and primitive Church; Sodol, before the Faith was adul- 
 tcT'ited by the addition of new Articles, or the Difcipline tranflated into a new 
 Monarchical way, or the publick Worfhip of God was corrupted by the injunction 
 of finful or fupernumerary rites. 
 
 I wifh he had expreflcd himfelf more clearly what he means by the primitive fim- 
 plicity. I hope it is not his intention , that either the Houfe of God , or the pub- 
 lick Service of God (hould be fordid and contemptible. He cannot be ignorant, 
 that fo far as the prefent condition of times, and places , and perfons, and aiTairs 
 will bear it, there ought to be fome proportion between that great God whom we 
 ferve, and that Service which wc perform unto him. God was acceptably fcrved 
 by the primitive Chriftians both in their Cells, and Vaults, and homely Oratories 
 in times of perfecution , and likewife in flately and magnificent Temples and Ca- 
 thedrals, when God had given peace and plenty to his Church. Wifedom is ju- 
 ftitied of her Children. Yet even in thofe times of perfecutions, a man would won- 
 der at that external fplendour wherewith thofe devouter fouls ferved God , where 
 they had means and opportunity. 
 
 Neither do I perfedrly underftand what his aim is , where he would not have the 
 terms of peace to be curious or abftriife. I conjecture it refledteth upon the Schoolmen. 
 And if his meaning only be , that he would not have our Catechifms or accommo- 
 dations to be peftered and perplexed with the obfcure terms and endlefs Difputati- 
 ons of the Schools, I do readily aflent. But if bethink , that in the Work of re- 
 conciliation there is no need of a Scholaflick Plain to take away the crabbed knots, 
 and to fmooth the prefent Controverfies of the Chriftian World , I mu(t dilTent 
 from him. We find by daily experience , that the greateft differences , and fuch 
 as made the moft noife , and the deepefl breach in the Chriftian World, being right- 
 ly and Scholaftically ftated , do both become eafie and intelligible , and now appear 
 to have been mere miftakes one of another. And when many other Qiieftions arc 
 rightly handled after the fame manner, I prefume they will find the like end.When 
 I was a young Student in Theology, Dr. Jf'ard declared his mind to me , to this 
 purpofe, that it was impoflible that the preCent Controverfies of the Church (hould 
 be rightly determined or reconciled , without a deep infight into the Dodtrinc of 
 the primitive Fathers, and a competent skill in School Theology. The former af- 
 fordeth us aright pattern, and the fecond fmootheth it over , and plaineth away 
 the knots. 
 
 Though he himfelfdo deal only in Generals: yethe telleth us, that Mr. ChiUing- 
 morth hath already particularly told the World a way of unity. It is well if he have, 
 but if it prove as general as his own way, it will not conduce much to the peace 
 of Chriftendom. What hath Mr. ChiHingrcorth told us , or where hath he told it > 
 Had it not been worthy of his Labour to have repeated the words, or cited the 
 place ? What a deal of vanity is it to write whole Treatifes in confutation of others, 
 
 to
 
 Discourse III. And Epifcoparians from Popery ' 5T7" 
 
 to no purpofc , and when he comes to the main bufinefs , or to the onlT^iecdl^^ ' — 
 
 and farisfadory point to be mute/ It is long fince I read over Ut.ChiUingjvmh but 
 I remember no fuch particular reconciiiatory way told by him to all th; World but 
 only fome general intlinations or diredions. All that I do remember or meet with 
 I fhall produce. 
 
 The hrfi place i^ in the Frontifpiece of his Book. Neither is that his own jude- 
 ment, but the judgment of King jT^wf/, related by Mr. Cajjubanm his Epiftlc to 
 Cardinal ?non in thefe words, Ihe Kingjud^eth , that the number of things abfolntely 
 iuctpry toj.ihatim is not great. Wherefore hU Majefly thinks 'here is no nme compendi- 
 ous rvjy to peace , than to difiingtii(l> diligently things necejfary from things not neceSary 
 and to endeavour to procure an agreement about necejjary things , and that place may he 
 given to Chrijiian liberty in things not necejfary. The King calleth thofe things fmplyne- 
 ■ "iPo' ■, "''^"^'^ "'''^'" ''■"* ^^"'■^ "f '^'^'^ commandeth exprefly to be believed or done, or which 
 the ancient Church did dratp out of the Word of Gjd by necejfary confequence. If this di- 
 jiindion n>ne ufed to decide the prefent Controverfes , and divine ri<il3t were ingenioufly 
 dijlinguiped from pofttion or Ecclefiajiical right , it feemeth not that 'the contention would 
 belong, orjharp, between fious and tmderate men, about things abfihttely neceffary^ 
 For they are both few as wefaid even now , and are for the mojl part approved by all ' who 
 dtfire to be called Chrijiians. And hU moft renowned Majefly think^th thU difliudion to be 
 offo great moment , to diminijh the Controverfes which trouble the Church fo much at this 
 day, that he fridgeth it the duty of all who are Ihtdioitf of peace , to explain it ddirrently 
 and teach it , andurge it. This is an excellent way indeed , but it is a general way' 
 not a particular way i It was King James his way, not Mr. ChiUingworths. What 
 King^ James pointed at in general , I purfue in particular. But that^prudent Prince 
 was far enough from dreaming , that there could be no reconciliation of Chrirten- 
 dom , except all humane right were deftroyed or taken away. This is Mr. Baxter^i 
 own unbeaten way. 
 
 I find a fecond paflage to this purpofe inMr. Chillingworth's Anfwer to the Preface 
 num. 23. Notwithflanding all your errours , we do not renounce your communion totally 
 and ahfolutely ,but only leave communicating with you in the praUice and prpfejfron of your 
 errours. The tryal whereof will be to propoje fome Form of worjhipping God , taken whoU 
 ly out of Scripture. And herein if we refufe to pyn with yon , then and\ot till then 
 may you juftlyjay we have utterly and abfolutely abandoned your communion. This might 
 ferve for a coverfew to hide the flame of our contentions from breaking out whillt 
 we are at our Devotions. . But it hath nothing of reconciliation in it and hath as 
 little probability of a pacification. Wedefire not halffo much as this of them to 
 change their whole Liturgy , but only to leave out fome of their own later additi- 
 ons , which never were in any of the primitive Liturgies. By being taken wholly 
 out of the Scripture , either it is intended that it {hall be all in the words and phrafe 
 ot Scripture, That will weigh little. (I have never obferved any thing more repu- 
 gnant to the true fenfe of Scripture, than fome things which have been exprefTed 
 altogether in the phrafe of Scripture. ) Or it is intended, that the matter of the Li- 
 turgy (hall be taken wholly out of the Scripture. But this hath fo little of an ex- 
 pedient in it, that it will leave the Controverfie where it is. Botli parties do al- 
 ready contend , that their refpedive Forms are taken out of the Scriptures. 
 
 He hath another palTage much to the fame purpofe, in his Anfwer to the third 
 Chapter , part i. n. 1 1. Jfyou would at thvs time fropofe a Form of Lituriy tchicb 
 both fides hold lawful . and then they [[ Proteftants]) would not join with\ouin this 
 Liturgy, you might have fome colour to fay , that they renounced your communion abfolutely. 
 Firli, This remedy regardeth only a communion inpublick Worlliip, without any 
 refped toan union in Faith and Difcipline. Secondly, even in the point of publick 
 Worfhip, it leaves the diiference where it was, what is a Lawful Form. Thofe 
 things which the Komanijis hold to be necefTary, the Proteftants (bun as fuperlliti- 
 ousexcefles. And that Form which the Proteftants would allow, the Roman if s 
 cry out on as defedive in neceflary Duties , and particularly , wanting five of their 
 Sacraments. Nay certainly to call the whole Frame of the Liturgy into difpute 
 offers too large a Field for contention. And is nothing fo likely a way of peace' 
 as either for us to accept of their Form , abating fome fuch parts of it as are con' 
 
 ftfTed,
 
 5:^8 
 
 A Vindicatio n of Grotius T O M E 1 I - 
 
 Tlicd"tn liave been added lincc the Primitive times , and are acknovvkdgcd not to 
 be fimplY nccclTary , but fnch as cliaritable Chriftians ought to give up and Sjcririce 
 to an Univcrlal Peace , and would do it readily enough , if it were not tor mutu- 
 il animoilties of both parties , and the particular interefts of fome pcrfons. Or if 
 iiiev Ibould fay to us as Father TaulHarvU ( a Krmamfi violent enough ) hath often 
 laid to me , that if we had retained the Liturgy ufed in Edward the fixths time, he 
 would not' have forborn to come to our communiofl. To procure peace , there 
 muft be condefcenhon on both fides. 
 
 I find 3 third place , ^art i. cap. 4. «. ^p. 10 reduce Chriftians to miity of Commu- 
 nion there are but tvpo ways that may be conceived probable. The one by takjitg atvjy 
 diverfity <ij opviinns touching matters of Keligion. "The other by (hercing that the diverfny 
 af opinions^ which is among thefeveralSeUs of Cln-ijlians, ought to be no hinderance to their 
 unity in Commu'nton. The farmer ofthefe it not to be hoped for rvithout a miracle : Then 
 tvhat remains but that Chriftiatts be taught , that their agreement in high points nf Faith 
 and obedience , ought to be more effectual to veinthemin one Communion , than their dif- 
 ference in things of lejl moment to divide them. I muft crave leave to dillint from 
 Mr. C/'/ffiwgWfTf/' in his former conclufion , that diverfity of opinions among Chri- 
 iiians touching matters of Religion cannot be taken away without a miracle. A 
 great many of thole coutroverfies which railed the higheft animofities among Chri- 
 ftians at the firft Reformation , are laid afide already by moderate and judicious per- 
 fons of both parties, without any miracle, and are onely kept on foot by fome 
 blunderers , who follow the old mode when the fafhion is grown out of date, ei- 
 ther out of prejudice , or pride, or want of judgment or all together. 
 
 And as many controverfies of the greateft magnitude are already as good as re- 
 conciled , So more may be. There is no oppofition to be made againir their evi- 
 dent truth. I hope Mr. Baxter will be of my mind , who confcfTcth that He is grown 
 to a great deal if confidence ^ that moji of our contentions about \_ Arminian ^ points, 
 are more about tvords than matter. P^nd doahtethrvhether there be any difference at at 
 in the poine vf Free-voiV. Prsef. Sedl. 5. And affirmeth that the difference be- 
 treeen Troteftants and many Fapifts about certainty of Salvation , ( except the point ofper- 
 feverance ) is next to none. And with fome Tapirs in the point of perfeverance aljo ^ 
 Seft. 64. 
 
 The Second conclufion was borrowed by Mr. Chi'SingvPorth from my Lord Primate. 
 That our agreement in the high and nccelTary points of Faith, and obedience, 
 ought to be more elTedual to unite us than one difference in opinions to divide us. 
 Concerning which there is no need of my fuffrage, for it is juft mine own way. 
 My Second demand in my propofition of Peace was this. That the Creed or neceffa- 
 ry points of Faith might be reduced to what they rvere in the time of the four firji Oecu- 
 menical Councils , according to the decree of the Third General Council. ( Who dare fay 
 that the Faith of the Primitiue Fathers was infufficiem , &c. ) I do profefs to all the 
 World that the transforming of indifferent opinions into neccffary Articles of Faith, 
 hath been that infana laurus, or curfed Bay-tree , the caufe of all our brawling and 
 contention. Judge, Reader, indifferently, what reafon Mr. Baxter had to dif- 
 allow my terms of peace , ( as he is pleafed to call them ) and allow Mr. Chilling- 
 worths , when my terms are the very fame which Mr. Chillingworth propofeth, and 
 my Lord Primate before him , and King James before them both. 
 
 CHAP. V I I L 
 
 The true reafons of the Bijhops abatement of the la(i 400. years determinations. 
 
 ¥ N his one and Fortieth Seftion i he hath thefe words , He will not with Bi(l:ip 
 *• Bramhall abate us the determinations of the laft 400. years , though ij he did , it 
 would prove but a pitiful patch for the torn condition of the Church. When I made that 
 propofition that the Papifts would wave their laft 400. years determinations , I djd 
 it with more ferious deliberation , than he b.eftowed upon his whole Grotian Reli- 
 gion. Begun April p. 1558. And finiflied April i-^. 1658. My reafon was to 
 
 con-
 
 Discourse III. And Epifcoparians' from Popery <5o7 
 
 controul a common errour received by many , that thofe errours and Ufurpations 
 
 of the Church of Howe, which made the breach between them and us, were much 
 
 more ancient than in truth they were. What thofe errours and ufurpations were 
 
 cannot be judged better than by our Laws and Statutes , which were made and 
 
 provided as remedies for them. I know they had begun fome of their grofs errours 
 
 and ufurpations long before that time, and fome others not lon^ b;fore but the 
 
 moft of them , and efpecially thofe whicli necellicated a feparation after that 
 
 ^imc. 
 
 . Thofe errours and Ufurpations which were begun before that time , if they be 
 
 rightly confidered , were but the linful and unjult adtions of particular Yopes and 
 
 perfons , and could not warrant a publick feparation from the Church of Rome. I 
 
 deny not but that erroneous opinions in inferiour points , rather concernin^^ Faith 
 
 than of Faith , and fome (inful and unwarrantable pradices, both in point ^fDif- 
 
 cipline and Devotion , had crept into the Church of Rom; before that time. But 
 
 erroneous opinions may be , and muft be tolerated among Chrijiiatti , fo they be 
 
 not oppofite to the ancient Creed of the Church , nor obtruded upon others as ne- 
 
 celTary points of faving Faith. 
 
 Neither is any man bound or neceiliatted to joyn with other men in_^/;/«/ and 
 unwarrantable opinions or praSices until they be eftablifhed and impofed necef- 
 farily upon a.U others by Laa>. WhiKl it was free for any man to give a fair inter- 
 pretation of an harfh exprellion or atSlion , without incurring any danger there 
 was no necelJity of feparation. But when thefe Tyranmcal Ufurpations were jufti- 
 Hed by the decrees of Cnuncils , and impofed upon ChrijUans under pain of Excom- 
 mitnicatioft , when thefe en&nco\is opinions were made neceffary ^rhc/e/ of favini* 
 Faith , extra quam mn ell falut , without which there is no Salvation , when thefe 
 finful and unwarrantable pradtices were injoyned to all Chriftians and when all 
 thefe unjult ufurpations , erroneous opinions , and finful , and unwarrantable pra- 
 <£tices, were made neceffary conditions of Communion with the Church of Rowf 
 fo that no man could communicate with the Roman Church , but he that would 
 fubmit to all thefe ufurpations , believe all thefe erroneous opinions , and obey all 
 their finful iniundlions , then there was an abfolute necclfity of feparation. 
 
 Then if any man inquire when and how this necelficy was impofed upon Chri- 
 ftians , I anfwer , all this was ratified and done altogether , or in a manner alto- 
 gether , by thefe lalt 400. years determinations , beginning with the Council of 
 Lateran in the days of Innocent the Third, after the twelve hundredth year ofChrill 
 when Tranfubftantiation was firft defined , and ending with the Council of 'Irent. 
 So though thefe were not my terms of peace , but preparatory demands, yet if 
 thefe demands be granted our concord would not onely be nearer , ( which he ac- 
 knowledgeth ) but the peace almofl as good as made, and Chriftians were freed 
 from their unjufl Canons , and left to their former liberty. When they had granted 
 lb much, it were a fhame for them to ftick at a fmall remainder. 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 An Anfveer tofundry a^erfmts caji by Mr. Baxter upon the Church 0/ England. 
 
 T Have done with all that concerneth my felf in Mr. Baxters Grotian Religion. But 
 I find a bitter and groundlefs invedtive in him towards the conclufion of his 
 treatife , wherein he laboureth to caft dirt upon his Spiritual Mother the Church of 
 "England , which out of my juft and common duty I cannot pafs over in filence. 
 He faith , f. 75, That this Grotian defign in England n>as deftrudive to Go dime fi and 
 the profperity of the Churches. What Churches doth he mean > By the Laws of 
 Enghnd , Civil and EcclefialUcal , we ought to have but one Church. It was ne- 
 ver well with England Cmce we had fo many Churches, and fo many Faiths. I am 
 afraid thofe which he calls Churches were Conventicles. 
 
 He proceedeth , that /t animated the impious haters of piety and common civility. 
 Firft , he ought to have proved that there was^uch a delign in England whicli he 
 
 ^cee neither
 
 -^^ A Vin dication of Grotius TOME 11 - 
 
 ;^^Uh^hath done nor ever will be able to ao. " fhat which never had any being 
 
 but in his imagination , never had any efficacy but in his imagination. He addeth, 
 ,trrn^tZKaudforGodlir.efifays- That ,s (to exprefs his fenk truly ) were 
 reUrained in their feditious and Schifmatical courfes , which he ilileth GodUncfs, 
 
 Fallit enim viiium j^ecie virtutU & umbra. 
 
 And troubled^ and fufiended , and driven out of the Land, though mnfi of them^ 
 tmntyfor one mreConfirmifts. How Conformift and yet perfecuted? If this be not a 
 contradidion, yet it is incredible , that fo many men fliould be filenced and fufpen- 
 ded every where without Law. Certainly there was a Law pretended. Certainly 
 there was a Law indeed , and that Law made before they were either punifhed or 
 ordained. 1 will put the right cafe fairly to Mr. Baxter , if he have any mind to 
 determine it. Let him tell us who is to be blamed, he that undertaketh an Office 
 of his own accord, which he cannot or will not difcharge as the Law injoineth, or 
 he that executeth the Law upon fuch as had voluntarily confirmed it by their own 
 Oaths or Subfcrfptions , or both. 
 
 He proceedeth , that it rvas fafer in all places that ever he krten> , for men to live in 
 fwearing , curfmg , drunkgnnefs , than to have inflruUed a man's Family , and rejirain- 
 ed children and fervants p-om danang on the Lord's Day , and to have gone to the next 
 Tarifh to hear a Sermon , when there was none at home. 
 
 G^uodsunq^ o^endas mihi (ic^incredulm odi 
 
 I am forry to find (b much gall where fo much piety is profefled. Who did fi- 
 ver forbid a man to inftrud: his own Family ? Let him but name one inftance foi; 
 his credits fake , or command any perfon to dance upon the Lord's Day, or reltrain 
 a man from going to the next Parifli to hear a Sermon , if there was no more in it 
 than he pretendeth ? Here are I know not how many fallacies heaped together. No 
 caufe is put for a caufe, and that which is rejpedively true, for that which is abfolute- 
 ly true. No man was ever punifhed for inftrudling his own Family , but it may 
 be for holding unlawful Conventicles , or for inftruding them in feditious Schifma- 
 tical or Heretical principles. Nor for going to the next Parifli to Iiear a Sermon. 
 Thoufands did it daily and never fufFered for it. But it may be for neglecting or 
 deferting his own Parifli-Church , and gadding up and down after Non-conformilis, 
 or after perfons juftly fufpended or deprived for Heterodox Do&rine, or labouring 
 to introduce Foreign Difcipline, without Law, againft Law, and ftrange unknown 
 Forms of ferving God , and adminiftring his holy Sacraments according to their 
 own private phantafies. Nor for retraining their Children or Servants from dan- 
 cing on the Lords Day , but it may be for taking upon them as Bufie-bodies , and 
 pragmatically controlling the Ads of their Sovereign Prince and Lawful Superi- 
 oursj which the Laws of God and Man, Nature and Nations, Church and King- 
 dom did allow , and for retraining the Liberty of their Fellow-fubjeds, and feek- 
 ing to introduce anew Law without a Calling, or beyond their Calling, which the 
 Church of God , and Kingdom of England never knew. If Mr. Baxter think, that 
 no recreations of the Body at all are lawful , or may be permitted upon the Lords 
 Day, he may call himfelf a Catholic}{, if he pleafe , but he will find very few Chur- 
 ches of any Communion whatfoever , old or new, reformed or unreformed to bear 
 him company. 
 
 No no, even among the Churches of his own Communion, which he callcth 
 the holiefi fans cf the Church ufon 'Earth , he will find none at all to join with him 
 except the Churches of Mn? Ewg/W, and Old England, and Scotland, whereinto, 
 tliis Opinion hath been creeping by degrees, this laft half Century of years or fome- 
 what more. Before that time , even our greateft Difciplinarians in England ab- 
 horred not private recreations , fo they could pradife them without fcandal. And 
 Calvin himfelf difdained not to countenance and encourage the Burgers of Genera , 
 by his own prefcnce and example at their publick recreations , as bowling and 
 (hooting upon the Lords Day , after their Devotions at Church were ended. In 
 
 Cer-
 
 Djscourse III. And Epifcoparians from Popery. 5. , 
 
 Gernttfty^ Sivitz'dind ^ Fratce , and the Low Countries^ all the Churches of his 
 own Communion , do enjoy their recreations. And in fundry of them, their 
 Prayer^ and Sermons on the Afternoon of the Lords Day , are but lately introdu- 
 ced , whereas formerly not the vulgar only, but the molt eminent perfons did ufc 
 to bellow the whole Afternoon upon their recreations. 
 
 But it may be , his pick is not againft recreations in general , but againft dan- 
 cing in particular. Indeed dancing was dilliked at Geneva , not only upon the 
 Lords Days , but upon the other Days of the Week. And if their manner of dan- 
 cing there, or any where elfe , was fo obfcene , as hath been in ufein former Ages, 
 in fome places , not undefervedly. No man can be fo abfurd, as'to affirm all fort s 
 of dancing to be unlawful , as MiriWs Dance, and that of the Virgins of Shilo, 
 and JephthasVaitghter^ and David. There is no time for any thing that is abfo- 
 lutcly unlawfulv But there it a time to dance, Ecclef 3. 4. On the other fide , it is 
 as great an extreme to affirm that all forts of Dances are lawful. Not only con- 
 fciencious Chriftians , but even modeft Heathens have diiliked fome forts of Dan- 
 ces. And as there are fome forts of Dances unlawful , fo there may be great dan- 
 ger of abufe in the ufe of Lawful Dances. But where there is -no Lawful , or di- 
 rect prohibition thereof by God or man, we may advife a Brother or a Friend to be- 
 ware of danger : but we have no authority to reftrain him , except he will of his 
 own accord. As for the publick Dances of our Youth on Countrey-Greens, upon 
 Sundays after the Duties of the Day were done , I fee nothing in thembut inno- 
 cent , and agreeable to that under fort of people. But if any man out of prudence, 
 or confcience, or fcrupuloficy, do difaffeft them , either becaufe they were fome- 
 times ufed promifcuoufly , or for any other reafons , I think it eafier to regulate 
 thofe recreations which fhould be allowed , than to brawl about them perpetually 
 until the end of the World. 
 
 Among all the imputations and afperfions which were caft upon the Govern- 
 ment of our late Dread Sovereign King James , and King Charles, there was none 
 that had more colour of truth, or found more applaufe among fome forts of per- 
 fons , who(e zeal exceeded their difcretion , than their Proclamations to tolerate 
 publick recreations upon the Lords Day , though there was no Law of God or man 
 to prohibit them. The very truth is this. King James making his Progrefs through 
 Lancafhire, about fourty years fince or more , ( a Countrey at that time abounding 
 with Papijis , and Nm-Conformiils, ) the Countrey-people preferred a Petition to his 
 Majefty , that whereas after their hard Weekly Labours ended , they had evermore 
 for time immemorial , enjoyed the Liberty to recreate themfelves upon Sundays, of 
 late fome forupulous Minifters upon their own heads, without any Law or Lawful 
 Authority did reftrain them i Therefore they humbly befought his Majefty, to re- 
 ftore them to their ancient Liberty. His Majefiy prudently weighing what advan- 
 tage might be raifed to theProteftant Religion in tbofe fuperftitious parts, by his fa- 
 vourable condefcenfion , granted their requeft upon two conditions. Firft , That 
 no fuch recreations (hould be ufed in time of Divine Service or Sermon, either fore- 
 noon or afternoon. Secondly, That none (hould enjoy that Liberty, but thofe 
 that had been adually twice at the Church that Day, both at Morning and Evening 
 Prayers. And by this prudent condefcenfion , he gained the people from Popery, to 
 the Protefia-rit Religion. The very making this Objedtioa the principal accufation 
 againft thofc two piom Princes, is an evident proof of the innocency of their 
 Reigns. 
 
 He proceedeth , in fome places it rt>jf much mire dangerom for a Minijier to preach d 
 Ledttre once or ttvice on the Lords Day , or to expound the Catechifm , than never to 
 preach at alt. He muft excufe us. if we cannot give credit to what he faith. Ne- 
 ver any man fuflfered any where in the Church of "England fimply for Preaching, but 
 it may be for preaching /fi/mo«f Sermons, or Schifmatical Sermons, or Heretical 
 Sermons , or for intruding himfelf into the Sacred Office of a Preacher without Lirv- 
 ful calling , or for fome Abufe of his Fundtion. Even fo the Bayers and Sellers might 
 have pleaded that they (innocent people) were whipped by Chrift, for turnilhing 
 Gods People with Sacrifices. And Vzzi might have pleaded much better , that 
 he loft his life for feeking to fupport the Ark of God from falling. Doth he think 
 
 E e e e 2 that
 
 ■gTi A Vvjdication of Grouus TOME^H. 
 
 tlm we are fuch illly Birds to be catclied with fuch empty chaflfe as this is > Or not 
 to be able to dilUnguilh between an adion , and the obliquity of it > The Fharifees 
 Prayer the Harlots Vow , the Traytors Kifs , were commendable actions in gtne- 
 ra! as well as his preaching of Ledtures. But either the incapacity of the perfon , 
 or a liniilcr intention, or a defedive manner , or a contempt of Lawful Authority, 
 miglit render , and did render all thefe adions Imful and punifhable. Jpvllus 
 watering is neceffary, as well as Paul's planting , efpecially until the plants have ta- 
 ken good root.But after whole Nations have been long radicated in ChrijUamty^d^nd 
 have framed to thcmfelvcs Liturgies , and other Books of Devotion for the publick 
 and private Worfliip of God , And Catechifms which comprehend all necejjary and 
 (ifemijl points nf Faith , and all the parts of nevv oW/e^ce , to phanfie that with- 
 out Weekly Sermons all Religion is extindt , is as much as to perfwade us that no 
 man can pollibly write , except he have his Mafier perpetually by him to hold his 
 hand, or that a Field cannot yield a good crop, except it befowen over and over 
 again every moneth : of the two , a private Guide feemeth to be more neceffary to 
 3 grounded ChrilHan, than a publick Preacher. 
 
 But if Preachers (hall not content themfelves to fow the Jf7;f<Jt over again , but 
 fliall fow Tares above the Wheat. If they fliall feek to introduce new Dodrines , 
 new Difciplines, and new Forms of Worfliip, by popular Sermons, different from 
 and deitrudive to thofe which are eftabliflied by Larv , who can blame the Magi- 
 {Irates political, and Ecclcftallical , if they begin to look about them. A fcditious 
 Oratour is dangerous every where , but no where more than in the Fulptt. Then 
 blame not MagiRrates if they punifh feditious or Schifmatical Preachers, more than 
 one who is no Preacher. All Laws , and all prudent Magiftrates regard publick dan- 
 gers, more than particular defcds. Yet farther, fuppollng them to be both faulty , 
 the fault of a Reader is pura negationU , a mere omillion of duty , extenuated many 
 times by invincible nece/fity, but the fault of a feditious Preacher is pravm difpofitiom, 
 a fault of a perverfe difpofition. Then he may ceafc to wonder why Preachers are 
 fometimes puniflied more for preaching ill , than for being filent , and recal to his 
 mind the pradice of that prudent Schoolmafter , who cxaded but a fingle Salary 
 from fuch of his Scholars as had never been taught, but a double Salary from thofe 
 who had been miftaught , becaufe he mull ufe double diligence with them , rirll to 
 unteach them what they had learned amifs , and then to teach tliem. 
 
 I have much more refped for thofe poor Readers whom he mentioneth every 
 where with contempt. I hope they may do , and many of them do God good and 
 acceptable fervice in his Church, and co-operate to the Salvation of many ChrilUan 
 Souls , by reading the Holy Scriptures, and the Liturgy and Homilies of the Church, 
 and adminiltring the Holy Sacraments. And I have heard wife men acknowledge, 
 that if it had not been for thefe very Readers , in the beginning of Queen Eliza- 
 beth's Reign , when preaching was very rare, England had hardly been prefer ved, as 
 it was , both from Popery , and from Atheifm. Their very Reading is a kind of 
 Preaching , AGs 15. 21. Mofes of old tirjfe Ixith in every City them that preach him; 
 being read in the Synagogues every Sabbath Day. And their reading of Homilies doth 
 yet approach nearer to Formal preaching. Or if it come fhort of preaching in point 
 of efficacy , it hath the advantage of preaching in point of o[ fecunty. The 
 private conceits of new-fangled Preachers , by being vented publickly as the 
 word of God , have done much hurt , which the Reading of publick Homi- 
 lies never did. Let not this Apology for Readers occafion him or any other 
 man prefently to condemn me for a Loiterer in my calling ■ thofe who have known 
 me will acquit mc. Let this be confidered and acknowledged that as Readers Ta- 
 lents are mean , fo arc their benefices. And this the great comfort that they have, 
 that they are below a ScqueHration. The fire of Zeal which driveth able Scholars 
 out of thek great Churches , never lights upon their little Chappels. So the great flies 
 are catched in their publick nets , whilft the lefTer pafs through and through them 
 without any danger or fear of being entangled- 
 
 Nondum finiius Orefles. His invedive is not yet done. Hundreds of Congregations 
 hid Minilieis that never Preached , andfuci) as mere common Drunkards, and (f.nly un- 
 godly , &c. I know not how it comes to pa's that in this la/l Age the Paltours of 
 
 Chur-
 
 Discourse I II. And Epifcoparianf from Popery. 64.:^ 
 
 Churches have got the name of Minifters, that is Servants or Deacons , and they 
 that are Minilters or Deacons indeed, have got the name oi Ruling Elders. Thole 
 whom he av-counteth for no Preachers^ were Preachers in an inferiour degree. And 
 our Canon provideth , that the meaneft Churches or Chappels throughout Eng- 
 land^ which had cure of Souls, fhould have formal Sermons at lead four times in 
 every year. It fome common Drunkards or ungodly perfons were crept into the 
 Englijh Church , it is no wonder. Among the twelve Apoftles there was one Jit~ 
 diK. What may be expeded among twelve thoufand ? This is juft the manner of 
 Flies, to leave the whole Body which is found, and dwell continually upon one 
 little fore. I have feldome obierved , that ever any man who had a good caufe , 
 which would bear out it felf, did make fuch impertinent Objedions as this, or 
 fling dirt in the face of an Adverfary in the ftead of Weapons. He faith no more of 
 the Englifh Church , than God by his holy Prophets hath faid of his own Church , 
 no more than may be julHy retorted and laid of any Church in the World , even 
 upon his Presbyterian Churches in particular , with as much and much more truth 
 as it could ever be objefted againlt the Church of England. 
 
 He addeth , when yet the moji learned , Godly , poiverfiil , painful , peaceable men , 
 that durjl not nfe the old Ceremonies or the nero , mu{l he caft afide or driven arvay^ & a 
 Comparifons are odious. But fuch Superlatives are incredible, and argue nochincg 
 but the Writers pride and partiality, and little regard to what he writeth. Let 
 Mr. Baxter fum up into one Catalogue, all the Non-conformijls throa^hoM the King- 
 dom of Ei/^/^W, ever fince the beginning of the Reformation.^ who have been ca!t 
 afide or driven away at any time, becaufe they durft not ufe the old Ceremonies or 
 the new, or rather becaufe they found it advantageous to them to difufe them I 
 dare abate him all the reft of the Kingdom , and only exhibit the Martyroiogics 
 oi London , and the two Univerfities, or a Lift of thofe , who in thefe late inteftine 
 Wars have been haled away to Prifons , or chafed away into baniftiment by his own 
 party, in thefe three places alone, or letl to the mercilefs World to beg their 
 Bread, for no other crime than Loyalty, and becaufe they ftood aficdicd to the 
 ancient Rites and Ceremonies of the Chstrch o{ England , and they (hall double them 
 for number, and for Learning, Piety, Induftry, and the Love of Peace , exceed 
 them incomparably. So as his Party which he glorieth fo much in, will fcarcely 
 deferve to be named the fame day. And if he compare their perCecutions , the fuf- 
 ferings of his fuppofcd ConfefTors, will appear to be but Flea-bitings in comparifon 
 of theirs. 
 
 But after all this , the greateft difparity remaineth yet untouched , that is , "m the 
 cau(e of their fufferings. The one fuffered for Faith , and the other for Fadion. If 
 he had contented himlelf to have refted in pofitive exprellions , of Learned, and 
 pious, and peaceable, eJ^c. he had had no Anfwer to this particular from me but fi- 
 lence. It is the duty of a Controvertiji , to examine the merits of the Caufe , not of 
 the perfons. But his fuperlative exprelGons did draw me unwillingly to do this 
 right to the Orthodox and Genuine Sons of the Church of England. I will add but 
 one word more. , that we have feen but little fruits of their peaceable difpofitions 
 hitherto , but the contrary , that they have made all places to become Shambles of 
 Chriftians. God grant that we may rind them more peaceable for the future. 
 
 FINIS
 
 I 
 
 f
 
 TOME III. 
 
 DISCOURSE I. 
 
 DEFENCE 
 
 O F 
 
 True Liberty 
 
 FROM 
 ANTECEDENT & EX TRINSECAL 
 
 NECESSITY. 
 
 Being an ANSWER to a Late Book of Mr. Thomas Hobbs 
 
 o^Maintsbnry, intituled, ^ jEreatifc of IlibcrtpanD 
 J^eceOTitp. 
 
 Written by the Right Reverend JOHN BRAMHALL 
 D» D; and Lord Bifliop of Derr^» 
 
 D V BLIN, 
 
 Printed Anno Dom^ M. D C. L X X. V,
 
 ^47 
 
 
 To the Right Honourable the Marquefs of 
 
 N E W C A S T L E , c^^. 
 
 S I R, 
 
 F 1 pretended to compofe a compleat Jreatife upon this 
 SubjeSi^ IjhoHld not refufe thofe large recrnttsofrea- 
 fons^ and authorities ^ n^hicb offer them feher to fer've 
 in thh caufe , for God and man , Religion and Poliry, 
 Chnrch and Commonwealth ^ againfith^ blafphemous^ defperate^ 
 and dejirtiSii've opinion of Fatal dejiiny i but as wine aim , in the 
 firji difcomfe ^ was onely to prefs home thofe things in writina ^ 
 jvhich had been agitated betvpeen Jis by vpord of month ^ ( a courfe 
 much to be preferred before 'verbal conferences^ as bein^ freer from 
 pajfions andtergi'verfations , lefs fubjeSi to mijiaket and mifrela' 
 tions , ipherein Paralogifms are more quickly detected , imperti- 
 nencies dif covered , and confufton azioidcd-, ) So my prefent in ten ■ 
 tionis only to vindicate that difconrfe , andtogetberrvithit ^ thofe 
 lights of the Schools , who were never flighted ^ but where th:y 
 •were notunderjiood^ How far I havs performed it , I leave to the 
 judicious and nnpartial Reader^ refling for mine own part well 
 contented with this , that I havejatisjied my ftlf. 
 
 Your Lordfliips mofi obliged 
 
 to love and ferve you, 
 
 Ffff J.D. 

 
 ^^f^#########**######*#*###. 
 
 To the R E A D E R* 
 
 Yagt 1 8. 
 
 35. 80. 
 
 26. •- 
 
 Ptf^f I. 
 
 Chriftian Reader, 
 
 Ha enduing T'reatife vpm neither penned nor intended for the Prefs , hut pri- 
 vately undertaken ^ that by the ventilation af the ^uejlim^ truth might be 
 i chared frotiimijiak^j. Ihe fame tvas Mr. Hohhs hU defire at that time, ai 
 appeareth by four pajfages in his Bool^, wherein he requejleth and befeecheth, 
 that it may he liipt private. But either through forgeifulnefs or change of 
 iudcrment, he hath norccaufed , or permitted it to be printed in England , without either 
 ad'wynini my firji Vifcourfe , to rvhich he wrote that Anfwer , or jo much as mentioning 
 tbi* Reply , tfhich he hath had in hit hands now thefe eight years. So wide it the date of 
 his Letter , in the year 1^52. from the truth , and his manner of dealing with me in this 
 particular from ingenuity , ( if the Edition were with his own co\ifent. J Howfoever here 
 is all that pajfed between m upon this SubjeH , without any additian^ or the leaji variati- 
 tnfrom the original. 
 
 Concerning the tiamelefs Aitthour of the Preface, who tak^s upon him to hang out an 
 Jvy Biijh before this rare piece of fublimated Stoicifm , to invite Pajjengers to purchafe it. 
 As Ik^iow not who he is , fojdo not much heed it, nor regard , either his ignorant cen^ 
 fftres , or hyperbolical expuffions. Ihe Church of England is as much above his detraUi- 
 as he IS beneath this ^ejiion. Let him lic\up the ^ittle of Dionyfius by himjelf. 
 
 on 
 
 we envte 
 
 as his fertile Flatterers did . andprotefi, that it is more fweet than Nedar •, 
 him not , much good may it do him. His very Frontispiece is a fuffxient confutation of his 
 whole Preface, whtrein he tells the World as falfy and igrmantly , as confidently , that 
 al] Controverlie , concerning Predeflination , Election, Free-will, Grace, Merits, 
 Reprobation, &c. is fully decided and cleared, 'thus he accujiometh his pen to run over, 
 beyond all limits of truth and difcretion, to let us fee that his k^nowledge in Theological con- 
 trovtrfies is none at all : and into what miferable times we are faVtn , when blind men wiV 
 he the onely Judges of colours ? Quid tanto dignum feret hie promiflbr hiatu ? 
 
 There is yet one thing more, whereof J defire to advertife the Reader. Whereas Mr. 
 Hobbs mentions my ObjiUions to hit Boohjbt C\vt\ It is true, that Ten years fnce, 1 
 gave him about Sixty Exceptions, the one half of them Political, the other half Theologi- 
 cal , to that Bock^, and every Exception juftifed by a number of reafcns , to which he ne- 
 ver yet vouchfafed ary Anfwir. Nor do I now defire it , for fnce that , he hath publijhed 
 hisLeviathan: Monfirum, horrendum , informe, ingens, cui lumen adcmptum, 
 which affords much more matter of exception. And I am informed thjt there are already 
 two , the one of our own Church , the other aftranger , who havt fl:a\y, in pieces the whole 
 Fabrick^ofthis City , that was but builded in the air, and refolved that huge majs of his 
 fetming Leviathan into a new nething , and that their labours willfpeedily be publi^ed. 
 But ij this information Jhould not prove true , J will not grudge vpon his defne , God wil- 
 ling, to demon^hate , that his principles are pernicious Kih to pitty avd policy, andde- 
 flruGiveto all relations of mankind, between Prince andSubyVi , Father ard Child, Ma- 
 \ier and Servant , Husband and Wife s And that they who maintain them cbjiinately , are 
 fitter to live in hollow trees among wild beafis, than in any Ghrijiian or political Society :f> 
 Cod bltfs us. 
 
 i 
 
 TOME
 
 649 
 
 TOME III. 
 
 DISCOURSE I. 
 
 VINDICATION 
 
 O F 
 
 True Liberty 
 
 FROM 
 
 Antecedent and Extrinfecal Necejfitie. 
 
 J.-D. 
 Ither I am free to write this difcourfe for Liberty againft neceffity , „ , , 
 or I am not free. If I be free then , I have obtained the caufe, "'""^" ^• 
 and ought not to fuffer for the truth. If I be not free, yet I ought 
 not to be blamed, fince I do it not out of any voluntary eledlion , 
 but out of an inevitable necedity. 
 
 Ki^t Honourable ^ 1 had once refulved to anftver ]• DV, objeciionr T. H. 
 to my Book^De Give in the firji place , as that which concerns me moji , 
 and afterwards to examine this difcourfe of liberty and neceffity , which ( becaufe I never 
 had uttered my opinion of it ) concerned me the kjl. But feeing it was both ymr 
 Lordfhips, and J. DV deftre that Ifhould begin with the latter^ 1 was contented fo to 
 do. And here 1 prefent andfubmit it toyour Lordjhips Judgement. 
 
 The tirft day that I did read over J. H. his defence of the necedity of all things, 
 •was April 2o. i(54<5. which proceeded not out of any difrefpedl to himi for if all 
 his difcourfes had been Geometrical demonftrations , able not onely to perfwade , 
 but alfb to compell aflent, all'had been one to me, firft my journey, and afterwards 
 fome other trifles ( which we call bufmefs ) having diverted me until then. And 
 then my occafions permitting me , and an advertifement from a friend awakening 
 me , 1 fet my felf to a ferious examination of it. We commonly fee thofe who 
 delight in Paradoxes , if they have line enough , confute themfelves , and their 
 fpeculatives , and their pradticks familiarly enterfere one with another. The 
 very firft words of T. H his defence trip up the heels of his whole caufe i J had 
 once refohed; To refolve prefuppofeth deliberation, but what deliberition 
 can there be of that which is inevitably determined by caufes, without our 
 felves , before we do deliberate ? can a condemned man deliberate whether he 
 fhould be executed, or not ? It is even to as much purpofe, as for a man to confult 
 and ponder with himfelf whether he (hould draw in his Breath , or whether 
 he fhould increafe in ftature. Secondly, to refolve implies a mans dominion over 
 
 his
 
 6^o A Vindication of true Liberty T O M t L 1 1. 
 
 — fiisown adions and his adtual detcrminanon ot himlelt , but he who holds anab- 
 folutc ncccllity ot all things , hath quitted this Dominion over himfelf, and ( which 
 is worfc ) hath quitted it to tlie Second extrinfecal caufes, in which he makes all 
 his adions to be determined •, one may as well call again Velkrday,as refolve, or new- 
 ly determine that which is deterrnined to his hand already. I have perufcd this trea- 
 tifc, weighed T. tJ. his anfwers, confidered his reafons, and conclude that he hath 
 niifTcd and milled the queftion, that the anfwers are evafions, that his arguments are 
 paralogifms , that the opinion of abfolute and Univerfal neccllity is but a refult of 
 fome groundlefs and ill chofen principles, and that the defcd is not in himfelf, but 
 that his caufe will admit no better defence i and therefore by his favour I am refol- 
 vcd to adhere to my tirfl opinion. Perhaps another man reading this difcouffe with 
 other eyes, judgeth it to be pertinent and well founded ", how comes this to pafs ? 
 the treatife is the fame , the exteriour caufes are the fame , yet the refolution is con- 
 trary. Do the Second caufes play faftand loofe ? do they necelhtae me to condemn 
 and neceliitate him to maintain? what is it then ? the difference mufl be in our felves, 
 either in our intellcdtuals , becaufe the one fees clearer than the other , or in our af- 
 fedlions , which betray our underftandings , and produce an implicit adherence in 
 the one more than in the other. Howfoever it be , the difference is in our fclves. 
 The outward caufes alone do not chain me to the one refolution , nor him to the 
 other refolution. ButT. H. may fay, that our feveral andrefpedive deliberations and 
 affcdions, are in part the caufe of our contrary refolutions , and do concur with 
 the outward caufes, to make up one total and adequate caufe, to the neceffary 
 produdion of this effed. If it be fo , he hath fpun a fair thread , to make all this 
 ftir for fuch a necelfity as no man ever denied or doubted of i when all the caufes 
 have adually determined themfelves , then the effed is in being i for though there 
 be a priority in nature between the caufe and the effed , yet they are together in 
 time. And the old rule is , n>hatfoever is , rphenitii, is necejfarily fo of it if. This 
 is no abfolute neceffity , but onely upon fuppofition , that a man hath determined 
 his own liberty. When we queftion whether all occurrences be neceffary , we do 
 rot queftion , whether they be neceffary when they are , nor whether they be neceG- 
 (ary in Jenftt compofito , after we have refblved , and Hnally determined what to do, 
 but whether they were neceffary before they were determined by our felves , by or 
 in the precedent caufo before our felves , or in the exteriour caufes without our 
 felves. It is not inconfiftent with true liberty to determine it (elf, but it is incon* 
 fiftent with true liberty to be determined by another without it lelfl 
 
 7". H. faith farther , that upon your Lordfhips dejire and mine , he teas contented 
 to begin reith this difcourfe of liberty and neceftty \ that is , to change his former refo- 
 lution. If the chain of neceliity be no ftrongcr , but that it may be fnapped fb 
 cafily in funder , If his will was no othcrwife determined from without himlelf, but 
 onely by the fignification of your Loidfiiips defire , and my modeft intreaty ^ then 
 we may fafcly conclude , that Humane affairs are not always governed by abfolute 
 neceffity , that a man is Lord of his own adions , if not in chief, yet in mean , 
 fubordinate to the Lord Paramount of Heaven and Earth, and that all things are 
 not fo abfolutely determined in the outward and precedent caules , but that fair in- 
 treaties , and moral perfwafions may work upon a good nature fo far , as to pre- 
 vent that which otherwife had been , and to produce that which otherwife had not 
 been. He that can reconcile this with an Antecedent neceflity of all things, and a 
 Phyf^cal or natural determination of all caufes , fhall be great Afoh to me. 
 
 Whereas 1. H. faith that he had never uttered his opinion of this queftion , I 
 luppofehe intends in writing » my converfation with him hath not been frequent, 
 yet I remember well , that when this queftion was agitated between us two in your 
 Lorduiips Chamber by your command , he did then declare himfelf in words, both 
 for the abfolute neceffity of all events , and for the ground of this necelh'ty, the Flux . 
 or concatenation of the fecond caufes. 
 
 Anafrji J ajfure your Lordjhip ^ J find in it no nero argument neither fi'om Scripture 
 nor from reafon, that 1 have not often heard before , TPhich is as much as to fay ^ that I 
 am notfurprikd. 
 
 J. Do Though I be fo unhappy , that I can prefent no novelty to "f. H. yet I have 
 
 this 
 
 T. H. 
 Numb. 3.
 
 Discourse I- Againfi Mr. Hobs. ~ ~ '""'dVT 
 
 this comtort , that it he be not furprKed , then in reafon I may expeft a more ma- 
 ture an(wer from him , and where he failes, I may afcribe it to the weakenefs ot his 
 caufe, not to want of preparation. But in this cafe I YikzEpidietiu hisCouniel well, 
 that the fheep (liould not brag how much they have eaten , or what an excellent' 
 parture they do go in , but (hew it in their Lamb and Wool. Appofite anfwers and 
 downright arguments advantage a caufe. To tell what we have heard or feen , is 
 to no purpofe : when a refpondent leaves many things untouched , as if they were 
 too hot for his Fingers , and declines the weight of other things , and alters the 
 true ftate of the queltion , it is a llirewd fign either that he hath not weighed all 
 things maturely , or elfe that he maintains a defperate caufe. 
 
 Ihe Preface ts an handjome one^ but it appears even in that ^ that he hath mijhken the T h 
 quejiion; for whereas he fays thui , If J be free to xvrite this difcourfe ^ I have obtained fiumb. 3 
 the caufe : 1 deny that to be true , for *tis not enough to his freedom of writina 
 that he had not mitten it, unkf! he vrould himfelf; if he tvill obtain the caufe , he muji 
 prove that before he rvrit it , it teas not necejfary he fhould write it afterward.^ It m.iy 
 be he think^ it all one to fay I was free to write it , and it was not neceffary I jhould write 
 it. But I think^otherwife i for he is free to do a thing , that may do it if he have the will 
 to do it , and may forbear if he have the will to forbear. And yet if there be a necefjiiy 
 that he fljall have the will to do it , the aBion is neceffarily to follow. And if there be 
 a nectffity , that hejhall have the will to forbear , the forbearing alfo will be necefiary. T^he 
 queftion therefore is not , whether a man be a free agent , that if to fay , whether he can 
 write or forbear , fpeak^or be f lent, according to his will, but whether the will to write 
 and the will to forbear , come upon him according to his will, or according to any thing elf-' in 
 his own power. I ackiiowledge this liberty, that I can do if I will , but to fay I can will if I 
 will , Itak^ it to be an abjurd Speech. JVhtrefore I cannot grant him the caufe upon thit 
 Preface. 
 
 Tacituf fpeaks of a clofe kind of Adverfaries , which evermore begin with a mans 
 praife. The Crifis or the Cataftrophe ot this difcourfe is when they come to their / -n 
 hut : as, he is a good natural man , but he hath a naughty quality ; or he is a wife '" 
 
 man, but he hath committed one of the greatert follies. So here, the Preface it 
 an handjom one , but it appears ven in this , that he h>K miliak^n the quejlion. 
 This is to give an inch that onefmay take away an ell without fu icion , to 
 prai(e the handfomenefs of the Porch , that he may gain credit to the vilify- 
 ing of the houfe. Whether of us hath miltake nthe qneftiou I refer to the judi- 
 cious Reader. Thus much I will maintain , that is ro true ncceliity, which he 
 calls neceliity, nor that liberty, which he calls liberty, nor that the queftion 
 which he makes the queltion. 
 Firft for liberty , that which he calls liberty, is no true liberty. 
 For the clearing whereof it behoveth us to know the difference between thcfc 
 three, Neceffity , Spontaneity, znd Liberty. '* 
 
 Neceliity and Spontaneity may fometimes meet together : fo may Spontaneity 
 and Liberty i but real neceifity , and true Liberty can never meet together : fome- 
 thmgs are necelTary and not voluntary or fpontaneous, fomethings are both neceffa- 
 ry and voluntary, fomethings are voluntary and not free-, Somethings are 
 both voluntary and free, but thofe things which are truly ncceffary, can never be free 
 and thofe things which are truly tree can never be neceffary. Neceliity confilts in 
 an antecedent determination to one, Spontaneity confitts ina conformity of the ap- 
 petite, either intellectual or fenfitive, to theobjedi true Liberty confillsin the ele- 
 ctive power of the rational wilU that which is determined without my concurrence 
 may neverthelefs agree well enough with my fancy or defires, and obtain my fubfe- 
 quent confent •, but that which is determined without ray concurrence or confent 
 cmnot be the object of mine election. I may like that which is inevitably impoled 
 upon me by another , but if it be inevitably impofed upon me by extrinfecal caufes 
 it is both folly for me to deliberate, and impollible for me to choofe , whether I (hall - 
 undergo it or not. Reafon is the root , the fountain, the original of true Liberty 
 which judgeth and reprefenteth to the will, whether this or that be convenient, 
 whether this or that be more convenient. Judge then whatapretty kind of Liberty it 
 is, which is mainteined byT. H. fuch a Liberty as is in little Children before they have 
 
 the
 
 7^^ ~" T VMcat ioir ^f true Liberty T O M E 1 U - 
 
 ih7^feofrcafon,b7forc they can confult or deliberate of any thing. Is not chisa Chil- 
 difli Liberty > and fuch a Liberty as is in brute Bealh, as Bees and Spiders, which do 
 not learn their faculties as we do ourjrades, by experience and confideration •, this is 
 abr 
 
 to I 
 
 all thefc ) fuch a Liberty as a 'B-iver hath to dejcend domi the Channel; what will he af- 
 cribe Liberty to inanimate Creatures alfo , which have neither reafon , nor Spon- 
 taneity, nor fo much as fenfitive appetite ? fuch is T. H. his Liberty. 
 
 His necelfity is juil fuch another : a neceffity upon fuppofition , arifing from the 
 concourfe of all the caufes , including the laft didate of the under/landing in rea- 
 fonable creatures. The adequate caufe and the effed are together in time, and 
 when all the concurrent caufes are determined , the effedl is determined alfo, and 
 is become fo nf ceflary , that it is acftually in being •, but there is a great difference 
 between determining , and being determined', if all the collateral caufes concurring 
 to the produdion of an effed , were antecedentally determined , what they mult 
 of neceliky produce , and when they muft produce it , then there is no doubt but 
 the cffeft is neceffary. But if thefe caufes did operate freely, or contingently, if 
 they might have fufpended or denied their concurrence , or have concurred after a- 
 nother manner , then the effed was not truly and antecedentally neceffary, but ei- 
 ther free or contingent. This will be yet clearer by confidering his own inlknce of 
 caiUng Amhs-Ace , though it partake more of contingency than of Freedom. Sup- 
 pofing the pofiture of the parties hand who did throw the Dice, fuppofing 
 the figure of the Table and of the Dice thcmfelves, fuppofing the meafare offeree ap- 
 plied, and fuppofing all other things which did concur to the produdion of that caft, to 
 be the very fame they were , there is no doubt but in this cafe the cali is neceffary. 
 But ftill this is but a neceflity of fuppofition s for if all thefe concurrent caufes or 
 {bme of them were contingent or free , then the calt was not abfolutely neceffary. 
 To begin with the Cafter , he might have denied his concurrence and not have 
 call: at all s he might have fufpended his concurrence , and not have caft fo foon > 
 he might have doubled or diminiflied his force in calling, if it had pleafed him » He 
 might have thrown the Dice into the other Table. In all thefe cafts wliat beconfis 
 of his Amhs-Ace ? the like uncertainties offer themfelves for the maker of the Tables, 
 and for the maker of the Dice , and for the keeper of the Tables , and for the kind 
 of Wood , and I know not how many other circumllances. In fuch a Maft of 
 contingencies , it is impoffible that the effed fliould be accidentally neceffary. T. H. 
 appeals to every mans experience. I am contented. Let every one refled upon 
 himfelf , and he fhall find no convincing , much left conftraining reafon , toneccf- 
 fitate him to any one of thefe particnlar Ads more than another, but only his own 
 will or arbitrary determination. So T.H. his necelfity is no abfolute, no antecedent 
 extrinfecal necelfity , but meerly a necelfity upon fuppofition. 
 
 Thirdly, that which T. H. makes the queftion , is not the queftion. The que- 
 ftion is not, faith he , vchether a man may write if he w/T/, andfvrhear if he rvill , but 
 rvhether the n?il/ to rer'tte, or the rvill to forbear^ come upon him according to his rvili , or ac- 
 cording to any thing elfe in his own poa>er. Here is a diftindion without a difference. 
 It his will do not come upon him according to his v/ill , then he is not a free, nor 
 yet fo much as a voluntary Agent , which is T. K his Liberty. Certainly all the 
 freedom of the Agent is from the freedom of the will. If the will have no power 
 over it felf, the Agent is no more free than a ftaffein a mans hand. Secondly , he 
 makes but an empty fliew of a Power in the will , either to write or not to write. 
 If it be prccifely and inevitably determined in all occurrences whatfoever , what a 
 man (hall will , and what he fhall not will , what he fhall write , and what he 
 fhall not write , to what purpofe is this power > God and Nature never trade any 
 thing in vain , but vain and ftuflraneous is that power, which never was and ne- 
 ver fhall be deduced into Ad. Either the Agent is determined before he adeth , 
 what he lliall will , and what he fhall not will , what he fhall ad , and what he 
 fhall not Ad , and then he is no more free to ad than he is to will : Or elfe he is 
 not determined, and then there is no- necelfity. No effed can exceed the virtue 
 
 of
 
 Drs COURSE I. Againft Mr. Hobs. ^-3 
 
 ot Its caulc •, it the aCbou be free to write or to tbrb.Mr , the power orlkllltTto ~ 
 
 will , or nill , muft of neceifity be more free, ^od efficit tale i^udm^gis eji tale 
 If the will be determined , the writing or not writing is like wife determined and 
 then he fliould not fay, he may rvrite or he rrny f.nbear , but he mali write, or he 
 muft forbear. Thirdly, this anfwer contradids the fenfe of all the \Vorld\ that 
 the will of man is determined rpithout his vciU , or rvithout any thing m his power-, 
 Why do we ask men whether they will do fuch a thing or not > Why do we rcpre - 
 fcnt reafons to them > Why do we pray them? Why do we intreat them> Why do 
 we blame them if there will come not upon them according to their will, mit 
 thou be made clean f faid our Saviour to the Paralytikg perfon , John 5. 6. to what 
 purpofeif his will was extrinfecally determined > Chrill complains , m havepi- 
 pd unto you ^ and ye have not danced ^ Matth. 11. 17, How could they help it if 
 their wills were determined without their wills to forbear! And Matth. 2^. 27. 
 J tpould have gathered yoHT Children together as the Hen gathereth her Chickens' under her 
 tpings, but ye would not. How eafily might they anfwer according to T. H. his Do- 
 ctrine , Alas blame not us, our wills are not in our own power or difpofition if 
 they vvere , we would thankfully embrace fo great a favour. Mod truly faid St 
 Auliin , our rviU (hould not be a mil at all, if it were not in our ptper. This is the' De lib. Ah* 
 belief of all mankind , which we have not learned from our Tutors , but is im- /. 2. ^.'30 
 printed in our hearts by nature i We need not turn over any obfcure books to find 
 out this truth. The Poets chant it in the Theatres , the Shepheards in the moun- 
 tains , the PaftorS teach it in their Churches, the Dodtors in the Univerfities. The 
 common People in the Markets , and all mankind in the whole World do alTent un- 
 to it , except an handful of men , who have poifoned their intellecftuals w.th para- 
 doxical principles. Fourthly , this ncceility which t. H. hith deviftd , which is 
 grounded upon the necellitation of a mans will without his will , ij the worft of 
 all others, and is fo far from leflfening thofe difficulties and abfurdittes which flow 
 from the fatal deftiny of the^wfcfe^, that it increafeth them , and rendreth them 
 unanfwerable. No man blameth fire for burning whole Cities , no man taxeth 
 poifon for deftroying men, but thofe perfons who apply them to fuch wicked ends. 
 If the will of man be not in his own difpofition , he is no more a free Aoent than 
 the fire or the poifon. Three things are required to make an Adt or orauiion cul- 
 pable ■■, Firft , that it be in our power to perform it , or forbear it , Secondly , that 
 we be obliged to perform it , or forbear it refpedively. Thirdly , that we omit 
 that which we ought to have done , or do that which we ought to'have omitted. 
 No man fins in doing thofe things which he could not fhun , or forbearing thofe* 
 things which never were in his power. T. H. may fay , that befides the power 
 men have alfo an appetite to evil ob)e(as, which renders them culpable. It is true : 
 but if this appetite be determined byothers , not by themfelvcs, or if they have nor 
 the ufe of reafon to curb or reftrain their appetites, they fin no more than a \\ot\c 
 defcending downward , according to its natural appetite , or the bruit bcafts who 
 commit voluntary errours in following their fenfitive appetites , yet fin not. 
 
 The queftion then is not whether a man be neccilitated to will or nill , yet free 
 to a<ft or forbear. But leaving the ambiguous ncceptions of the word , }rfe the 
 queftion is plainly this , whether all Agents , and all events natural , civil , moral 
 C for we fpeak not now of the converfion of a finner , that concerns' not this que- 
 ftion , ) be predetermined extrinfecally and inevitably without their own concur- 
 rence in the determination > fo as all adtions and events which either are or fhall 
 be, cannot but be , nor can be otherwife , after any other manner, or in any other 
 place, time, number, meafure , order , nor to any other end, than they are. And 
 all this in refpedt of the Supreme caufe , or a concourfe of extrinfecal caufcs de- 
 termining them to one. 
 
 So my Preface remains yet unanfwered. Either I was extrinfecally and inevitab- 
 ly predetermined to write this difcoufc , without any concurrence of mine in the de- 
 termination , and without any power in me to change or oppoie it or I was not 
 fo predetermined-, If I was , then I ought not to be blamed , for no man is jultly 
 blamed for doing that which never was in his power to (bun. If I was not fo pre- 
 determined , then mine adtions and my will to adt , are neither compelled nor ne- 
 
 celli-
 
 .? 
 
 -^ '■ J~~VwdicJtiofi of trne Liberty TOME HI. 
 
 T^^ImTted by any extrinlecal cauies , but I elcd and choofe , cither to write or to 
 forbear according to mine own will, and by nrime own power. And when I have 
 refolved' and clcded , it is but a neceility of fuppoliUon , which may and doth 
 conlill with true liberty , not a real antecedent neceility. The two horns of this 
 Dilemma are fo ilrait , that no mean can be given, nor room to pals between them. 
 And the two confcquences are fo evident , that inftead of anfwcring , he is forced 
 
 to decline them. , , . , , n- • , r l t^ 
 
 A N D (b to fall m hand with the queltion, without any farther Proems or Prefa- 
 Number. 4. ^^^^ Liberty , I do underltand neither a Liberty from Sin , nor a Liberty from 
 
 Mifcry , nor a Liberty from Servitude , nor a Liberty from Violence , but t under- 
 ftand a Liberty from neceility or rather from necelfitation , that is, an uuiverfal 
 immunity from all inevitability and petermination to one , whether it be of the 
 exercife onely which the Schools call a Liberty o£ contradiClion, and is found in God, 
 and in the good and bad Angels, that is not a Liberty to do both good and evil, but a 
 Liberty to do or not to do this or that good , this or that evil refpedively^ or whe- 
 ther it be a Liberty of Specification and Exercife alfo , which the Schools Liberty of 
 Contrariety, and is found In men indowed with reafon and underftanding , that 
 is a Liberty to do and not to do , good and evil, this or that. Thus the coaft being 
 cleared , &c, 
 ^' ■^* In the next place he mahgth certain dijiinSiions of Liberty , and fays, he means not Li- 
 
 berty from fn , nor from Servitude y nor from violence , but from necejfrty, necejjitation, 
 inevitability , and determination to one v it had been better to define Liberty than thus to 
 diflinguifh , for J underjland never the more what he means by Liberty. And though he 
 fays, be m;ans Liberty from necefjitation , yet I underjland mt how [uch a Liberty can 
 be , and it is atakjng of the quellion without proof , for what elfe is the quejiion between 
 us, but whether fuch a liberty be poffible or not. 7here are in the fame place other dijiin- 
 liions , as a Liberty of exercife only, which he calls a Liberty ofcontradiUion , ( namely, 
 of doing not good or evil (imply , but of doing this or that good , or this or that evil rejpe- 
 tfively, ) And a Liberty of f^ecifrcation and excercife alfo , which he caVs a Liberty of 
 contrariety , namely , a Liberty not only to do or not to do , good or evil , but alfo to do or 
 not to do, this or that good or evil. And with thefe difrinUions he fays , he clears the 
 coajl , whereas in tmth he darkeneth his meaning , not only with the Jargon of exercife 
 only , fpecification alfo , contradiUion , contrariety , but alfo with pretending dijiinUion 
 where none is , for how is it poffible for the Liberty of doing or not doing this or that good 
 or evil , to confijl ( as he fays it doth in God and Angels ) without a liberty of doing or 
 not doing good or evil. 
 
 It is a rule in art , that words which are Homonymous , of various and ambiguous 
 fignifications , ought ever in the firft place to be diftinguithed. No men delight in 
 confufed generalities , but either fophifters or bunglers. Vir dolofus verfatur in ge- 
 neralibus , deceitful men do not love to defcend to particulars ■, and when bad Ar- 
 chers (hoot , the fafelt way is to run to the mark. Liberty is fometimcs oppofed to 
 the flavery of fin and vitious habits , as Rom. 6. 22. Now being made free from fin. 
 Sometimes to mifery and opprellion , Ifay 58. 6.- To let the oppreffed go free. Some- 
 times to fervitude , asLevit. 25. 10. Jn the year of Jubilee ye pall proclaim liberty 
 throughout the land. Sometimes to violence , as Pfal. 105. 20.^ The Prince of hit 
 ptople let him go free. Yet none of all thefe are the Liberty now in queftion , but a 
 Liberty from neceility , that is a determination to one, or rather from neceliitation 
 that is a neceility impofed by another , or an extrinfecal determination. Thele di- 
 ftiudions, do virtually imply a defcription of true Liberty, which comes nearer 
 the eflence of it, then "t. H. his roving definition as we Ihall fee in due place. And 
 though he fay that he underjiands never the more what J mean by Liberty, yet it is plain 
 by his own ingenious confellion , both that he doth underftand it, and tliat this is 
 the very qucrtion where the water flicks between us, whether there be fiacha Liber- 
 ty free from all neceliitation and extrinfecal determination to one. Which being 
 but the flating of the queilion , he calls it amifs the tahjng of the qtieftion. It were 
 too much weaknefs to beg this queilion , which is fo copious and demonftrable. 
 It is ftrange to fee with what confidence now a-days particular men flight all the 
 Schoolmen , and Philofophers , and ClalCck authors of former ages , as if they 
 
 \v.ere
 
 Discourse U ^g<^i"fl ^r. Hobs» 5^- 
 
 were not worthy to unloofe the (hoe-ftrings ■ of fomc modern author , or did 
 fit in darkiiefs , and in ths fhidow of D;ath , until fome tnird Cato dropped down 
 from Heaven , to whom all men muH repair, as to the Altar of Prometheus to 
 light their Torches . I did never wonder to heare a raw Divine out of the Pulpit 
 declaim againrt School Divinity to his equally ignorant Auditors i It is but as the 
 Fox in the Fable , who having loft his owne tail by a mifchance, would have pre- 
 fwaded all his fellows to cut off theirs , and throw them away as unprofitable bur- 
 thens. But it troubles mc to fee a fcholar , one who hath been long admitted into 
 the iniiermoft Cloffet of nature, and fcen the hidden fecrets of more fubtile Learning 
 fo far to forget himfelt^ astoftile School-Learning no better then a plain Jartron that 
 is a fenfclefsGibrifli,oraFuftianLanguage, like the clattering noife ofSabbots :'fup- 
 pofe they did fometimes too much cut truth intofhreds, or delight inabftrufe expre- 
 ifions, yet certainly, this diftindion of Liberty , into Liberty of contrariety and Liberty 
 of contradidtion or which is all one o(exercife only, or excercife and Jpecijication jointly 
 whijch T. H. rejedts with fo much fcron^ isfo true, fo necelTary, fo generally receiv- 
 ed, that there is fcarcc that writer of note, cither Divine or Philofophcr who did. 
 ever treat upon this Subjedl , but he ufeth it. 
 
 Good and evil are contraries , or oppofite kinds of things, therefore to be able 
 to choofe both good 3nd evil , is a Liberty of contrariety or of fpecification ■, to 
 choofe this , and not to choofe this , are contradictory , or which is all one an 
 cxercife or fufpenfion of power i Therefore to be able to do or forbear to do the 
 fame adtion , to choole or not choofe the fame objedl, without varying of the 
 kind, is a Liberty of contradidion , or of exerciie onely. Now man is not only 
 able to do or forbear to do good only , or evil only , but he is able both to do and 
 to forbear to do both good and evil , fo he hath not onely a Liberty of the adtion' 
 but alfo a Liberty of contrary objedts i not onely a Liberty of exercife , but alfo of 
 fpecificaton ; not only a Liberty of contradi(ftion , but alfo of contrariety. On the 
 other fide , God and the Good Angels, can do or not do this or that good but 
 they cannot do or not do , both good and evil. So they have^ not onely a Liberty 
 of exercife or contradidtion , but not a Liberty of fpecification or contrariety. If^ 
 appears then plainly, that the Liberty of man is more large in the cxtcnfion ofthe 
 objed, which is both good and evil , then the Liberty of God and the good An- 
 gels, whofcobjedl is onely good. But withal , the Liberty of man comes flaort 
 in the intention of the power. Man is not fo free in refpcdt of good only, as God , 
 or the Good Angels ; becaufe ( not to fpeak of God whofe Liberty is quite of ano- 
 ther Nature ) the andcrftandings ofthe Angels are clearer , their Power and Do- 
 minion over their adionsis greater, they have no fenfitive appetites to diftradl them 
 ho Organs to be difturbedv wc fee then this diftindion is cleared from all darknefs. 
 And where T. H. demands how it ispolfible for the Liberty of doinc or not do- 
 ing this or that good or evil , to confift in God and Angles, witliout a Liberty of 
 doing or not doing good oreviU The anfwer is obvious and eafie, rf/cw;io(7;i- 
 gulafxngulis , rendring every adl to its right objedt refpedtively. God and Good 
 Angels have a Power to do or not to do this or that good. Bad Angels have a Pow- 
 er to do ornot to do this or that evil. So both jointly cOnfidered have power re- 
 fpedlively to doe good or cvili. And yet according to the words of my DifcoUrle 
 God, and Good ,and Bad Angles being fingly confidcred , have no power to do rt t) 
 good or evil , that is , indifferently , as man hath. •' " 
 
 Thus the coafl being cleared, the next thing to be done, is to draw out our jj-,,^. c. 
 forces againft the enemy j and becaufe they are divided into two Squadrons, the 
 one ofChriftians,the other of Heathen Philofophers , it will be beft to difpofe'ours 
 alfo into two bodies , the former from Scripture , the later from reafon. 
 
 Ihe next thing he doth after the clearinir ofthe coaji^ U the dividing of hU forces , at 
 he calls them into tvoo Squadrons, one of pbces of Scripture , the other-ofrejfons which' 
 Allegory he ufeth , I fuppofe becaufe he addreffeth the Difeourfe to your Lirdpip , 'rvho is 
 a Military man. All that I have to fay , touching this is , that J obferve a great part of 
 thofe hit forces, do look^ and march another way, andfomeof them do fght ammgthemfelves. 
 If 7*. B. could divide my forces, and commit them together among rhemfelves, 
 it were his onely way to conquer them. But he will find that thofe imaginary con- 
 
 Gggg tradi-
 
 6^6 
 
 A Vindication of true Liberty TOME III. 
 
 tradidions vvluch he thinks he hath efpied in my Diicourfe, are but fancies , and 
 ,ny iuppoled impcrtmencies will prove his o^vn real mil^akings. 
 J' fr- "^ Pmfs of Liberty cut of Scripture. 
 
 Firft whofoever have power of Eledtion have true Liberty, for the proper Ad 
 of Liberty is Election. A Spontaneity may confift with determination to one , as 
 w- fee in Children , Fools, mad Men, Bruit Beafis , whofe fancies are determined 
 tothofe things which act fpontaneoufly , as the Bees makeHony, the Spiders 
 Webs. But none of thefe have a Liberty ot Election , which is an act of Judge- 
 ment 'and ur.derltanding , and cannot podibly confift with a determination to one. 
 He that is determined by fomething before himfelf or without himfelf, cannot be 
 faid to chocjfe or Elect, unlefs it be as the Jtinior of the Mefs choofeth in Cambridge 
 wheth-T he will have the leaft part or nothing. And fcarcely fo much. 
 
 But men have Liberty of Election. This is plain W«»2^. 30. 14. If a Wife 
 make a vow its left to her Husbands choice, either to eftablifli it or to make it 
 void. And /#. 24. 15. Choofe you thU day whom you JhaVferve , dec. But J and 
 my Haufe will flrve the Lord. He makes his own choice, and leaves them to the 
 Liberty of their Election. And 2. Sam. 24. 12. J offer thee three things, choofe thee 
 which of them I J^iali do. If one of thefe three things were neceffarily determined 
 and the other two impoffible , how was it left to him to choofe what fhould be 
 done ? Therefore we have true Liberty. 
 «• Tj; And the firji place of Scripture taken from Numb. 30. 14. is cm of them that loo\a- 
 
 '■' nother way •, "the words are ^ If a Wife mak^ a vow, it is left to her Husbands choice 
 either to ejlablifh it or make it void , for it proves no more hut that the Husband is a free 
 or voluntary Agent , but not that his choife therein is not necefjitated or not determined 
 to what hejhall choofe by precedent necejfary caufes. 
 . My tiril argument from Scripture is thus formed , whofoever have a Liberty or, 
 
 '^' '* power of Election , are not determined to one by precedent neceffary caufes. 
 
 But Men may have Liberty of Election. 
 
 The affumption or Minor propofition is proved by three places of Scripture, 'blumh. 
 30. 14. 7#. 24, 15. 2. Sam. 24. 12. I need not infift upon thefe , becaufeT.H. 
 acknowledgeth' that it is clearly proved that there is eledion in Man. 
 But he denieth the mafor Propofition, becaufeC faid he) man is necejfitated or deter- 
 mined to what he fhall choofe by prscedent neceffary caufes. I take away this anf- 
 were three wayes. 
 l^Hml, it^, Firft, by reafonj election is evermore either of things poffible, or at leaft of things 
 conceived to be poffible that is efficacious election,when a hhan hopeth or thinketh of 
 obteining the object, whatfoever the will choofeth, it choofeth under the notion of 
 good,eitherhoneft or delightfuU or profitable,but there canbe no rcall goodnefs ap- 
 prehended in that which is known to be impoffible: It is true, there may be fome 
 wandring pendulous wiihes of known impoffibilities^ as a man who hath commit- 
 ted an offence, may wifh he had not committed it, But to choofe efficacioufly and 
 impoffibly, is as impoffible as an impofiibility it felf. No man can think to pbtein 
 that which he knows impoilible to be obteined. But he who knows that all things 
 are antecedentally determined by neceffary caufes, knows that it is impoflible for any 
 to be otherwife than it is ■■, therefore to afcribe unto him a power of ele<?i:ion, to 
 choofe this or that indiffirently, is to mr.ke the fame thing to be determined to one 
 and to be not determined to one, which are contradictories : again, whofoever 
 hath an elective power or a Liberty to chofe, hath alfo a Liberty or power to refufe, 
 fa. 7. 10 Before the Child f}jall kjiow to refufe the evil and choofe th'e good.Ylc who choofeth 
 this rather than that, rctufcth that rather than this. AsMofes choofing to fuffer affli- 
 on with the people of God , did thereby refufe the plcafures of fin. Heb. 11. 24. 
 But no man hath any power to refufe , that which is neceffarily predetermined 
 to be , unlefs it be as the Fox refufed the Grapes which were beyond his reach. 
 When one thing of two or three is abfolutely determined , the other are made 
 thereby fimply impoilible. 
 
 Secondly , I prove it by inftances , and by that llniverfal Notion , which the' 
 world hath of election > what is the difference between an elective and hereditary 
 Kingdom ? but that in an elective Kingdom they have power or Liberty to choofe 
 
 this
 
 Discourse I. agaiuji Mr. Hobs- 
 
 this or tint man indifferently, but in an hereditary Kingdom they have no fuch 
 power nor Libsity. Where the Law makes a certain heir, there is a nece(iitati- 
 on to onej where the Law doth not name a certain Heir, there is no necelfitation 
 to one, and there they have power or Liberty to choofe. An hereditary Prince may 
 be as grateful and acceptable to his Subjedls, and as willingly received by them (ac- 
 cording to that Liberty which is oppofed to compulfion or violence^ as he who is 
 cholcn, yet he is not therefore an Eledive Prince. In Germany all the Nobility and 
 Commons may afTent to the choife of the Emperour , or be well pleafcd with it 
 ■when it is concluded , yet none of them Eled or choofe the Emperour , but only 
 thofe Six Princes who have a confultative, deliberative, and determinative power 
 in this Eledtion. And if their votes or fuffrages be equally divided , three to 
 three , then the King of Bohemia hath the calling voice. So likewife in Corpo- 
 rations or Commonwealths , fometimes the People, fometimes the common Coun- 
 cil , have power to name fb many perfons for fuch an Office, and the Supreme 
 Magiltrate, or Senate, or lelTer Councill refpeftively, to choofe one of thofe. And all 
 this is done with that caution and fecrefy, by billetts or other means, that no man 
 knowes which way any man gave his vote, or with whom to be olfended. If it 
 were necelTarily and inevitably predetermined, that this individuall perfon and no 
 other fliall and mult be chofcn, what needed all this circuit and caution, to do that 
 which is not polTible to be done otherwife, which one may do as well as a thouf- 
 and , and for doing of which no rationall man can be offended, if the Eleftors were 
 necelfarily predetermined to eleA this man and no other. And though "T. H. 
 was pleafcd to paffe by my Uniuerfity inftance, yet I may not untill I fee what 
 he is able to fay unto it. The Junior of the Mefs in Cambridge divides the meat in- 
 to four parts , The Senior choofcth firft, then the fecond and third in their order 
 The junior is determined to one, and hath no choife left unlefs, it be to choofe 
 whether he will take that part which the reft have refufed, or none at all. It may be 
 this part is more agreable to his mind than any of the others would have been, but 
 for all that he cannot be faid to choofe it becaufe he is determined to his one. Even 
 fuch a liberty of eledion is that which is eftablifhed by 7.H. Or rather much 
 vvorfe in two refpedls. The Junior hath yet a liberty of contradidiion left to choofe 
 whether he will take that part, or not take any part, but he who is precifely prede- 
 termined to the choife of this objedt, hath no liberty to refufe it. Secondly, the 
 Junior by dividing carefully may preferve to himfelf an equall fhare , but he 
 who is wholly determined by extrinfecall caufes, is left altogether to the mercy and 
 difpofition of another. 
 
 Thirdly, I proove it by the texts alledged. Numb. 30. 13. If a wife make a vow, 
 it is left to her hufbands choife, either to ertablifh it or make it void. But if it be 
 predetermined, that he (hall eftablilh it , it is not in his power to make it void. If 
 it be predetermined, that he (hall make it void, it is not in his power to eftablilh it. 
 And howfoever it be determined, yet being determined, it is not in his power in- 
 differently, either to eftablifh it or to make it void at his pleafure. So Jojhua 24, 
 15. Choofe ym this dayrvhom ye rviUferve: But land my houfe will ferve the Lord. It 
 is too late to choofe that this day. Which was determined otherwife yefterday, 
 rvhom ye vpill ferve, whether the Gods whom your fathers ferved, or the Gods of the 
 Amorites, where there is an eledtion of this or that, thefe gods, or thofe gods, there 
 muft needs be either an indifferency to both objedls, or at leaft apoffibility ofcither. 
 land my houfe willferv; tb; LW.Ifhe were extrinfecally predetermined,he (hould not 
 fay I will ferve, but I muft ferve And 2 Sam. 24. 12. J offer thee three things, Choofe 
 thee which of them I (hall d}. How doth GoJ offer three things to Davids choife, 
 if he had predetermined, him to one of the three by a concourfe of necelTary extrin- 
 fecall caufes ? If a foveraign Prince fhould defcend fo far as to offer a delinquent 
 his choice, vvhether he would be fined, or imrifonedor banifhed, and had under hand 
 l!gn;d the fentence of hi5 bani(hrn:nt,what were it els but plain drollery,or mockery > 
 This is the argument which in 'f.H. his opinion looks another -way. Ifit do, it 
 is as the VJnbims ufed to fijht, flying. His reafon follovves next to be confidered. T. H, 
 
 For'if there cmie irtto the husbands mind greater good hy ejiabli(hitg then abrogating HvLvab. 7 
 ftch a vorv-,- tk" eflabUfhing willfolbw nfcejfarily. And if the evill that will follow there- 
 
 <^ S g g 2 on
 
 - I - --1 11 I ^ 
 
 -J^ ZfVwdication ojrrfic UhcYty T O M K 1 i 1. 
 
 TTtbe h,.il...^U^ opnuon c,an^a^blb^ood,,hecmtrary rnoii needs folkr. And yet 
 
 i::,hUjoi:on:i.gofo>us'hopesa.dpars coufnieth the nature of EkiUon So that a nun 
 ,njy bib chooletL , and cMHot but chooje this. And conjequently choofing and necejfity 
 
 f V *" TirT" is noAiiV' Cild with more (hew of rcafon in this caufc by the Patrons of 
 
 " nccclli>y and advcrfarics of true liberty than this, that the will doth perpetually 
 
 and iiifailibly follow the lad dictate of the underitanding, or the laft judgement of 
 
 ri'ht rc-fon. And in this , and this onely , 1 confefs 7'. fj. hath good feconds. 
 
 Yet the common and approved opinion is contrary. And juftly : for, 
 
 Firil this very ad cf the undcrllanding is an elTedt of the will,and a tciUmony of its 
 power and liberty. It is the will, which affedting fome particular good , doth ingage 
 and CO nmand tl/cundcrfianding to confult and deliberate whatmeans are conveni- 
 ent for attaining that end. And though the will it felf be blind , yet its objedt is 
 good in general, which is the end of all human adions. Therefore it belongs to 
 the will as to ihc General of an Army to move the other powers of the Soul to 
 their adi , and among th.c reft the underitanding alfo, by applying it and reducing 
 its power into ad.So as whatfoever obligation the underftanding doth put upon the 
 will is by the confcnt of the willjand derived from the power of the will, which was 
 not neceiluated to move the underftanding to confult. So the vpill is the Lady 
 and Miftrifs of humane adions, the underftanding is her trufty Counfellour, which 
 gives no advice , but when it is required by the will. And if the firft confultation 
 or deliberation be notfufficient, the will may move a review , and require the un- 
 derflanding to inform it felf better, and take advife of others , from whence many 
 times the judgement of the underftanding doth receive alteration. 
 
 Secondly , for the manner how the underftanding doth determine the will , it 
 is not naturally but morally. The will is moved by the underftanding , not as by 
 an efficient , having a caufal influence into the effed , but onely by propofing and 
 reprefenting the objed. And therefore as it were ridiculous to fay , that the objed 
 of the fight is the caufe of feeing , fo it is to fay , that the propofing of the objed 
 by the underftanding to the will , is the caufe of willing i and therefore the un- 
 derftanding hatii no place in that concourfe of caufes which according to 7. B. do 
 neceliitate the will. 
 
 Thirdly , the judgement of the underftanding is not always praSice pra&icum , 
 nor of fuch a nature in it felf, as to oblige and determine the will to one. Some- 
 times the underftanding propofeth two or three means equally available to the at- 
 taining of one and the fame end. Sometimes it didateth, that this or that parti- 
 cular good is eligible or fit to be chofen, but not that it is neceflarily eligible , or 
 that it'muft be chofen. It may judge this or that to be a fit means , but not the 
 onely means to attain the defired end. In thefe ca(es no man can doubt, but that 
 the will may choofe , ornotchoofe, this or that indifferently. Yea, though the 
 underftanding fliall judge one of thefe means to be more expedient than another , 
 yet for as much as in the lefs expedient there is found the reafon of good , the will 
 in rcfped of that Dominion which it hath over it felf , may accept that which the 
 underftanding judgeth to be lefs expedient , and refufe that which it judgeth to be 
 more expedient. 
 
 Fourthly , fomctimes the will doth not will the end fo efficacioufly, but that it 
 may be , and often is deterred from the profecution of it by the[difficulty of the 
 means i and notwithftanding the Judgement of the underftanding , the will may 
 ftill fufpend its own Ad. 
 
 Fifthly , {uppofnig but not granting , that the will did necefTarily follow the laft 
 didate of the undcrllanding, yi;t this proves no antecedent necclhty , but coexi- 
 ttent with the Ad , no extrinfccal necellity , the will and underftanding being but 
 two faculties of the fame foul , no abfolute necellity, but meerly upon fuppofition. 
 And therefore the fame Authors wlio maintain that the judgement of the under- 
 ftanding doth neceflarily determine the will , do yet much more earneftly oppugn 
 T. H. his abfolute ncceliity of all occurrences. Suppoie the will ftiall apply the 
 underftanding to deliberate and not require a revievv. Suppofe the didate of the 
 underftanding ftrall be abf jkite , not this or that indifferently , nor this rather than 
 
 that
 
 Discourse I. again (l 
 
 that comparatively, but this politivcly , r.otthis freely , but this ncccTiarily, And" 
 fuppofe the will do will clHcacioufly , and do not fufpend its own aft. Then 
 here is a necelfity indeed , but neither abfolute , nor cxtrinfecal , nor antecedent 
 flowing from a concoarfe of caufes without our felves, but a necellity upon fup-' 
 pofition , which we do readily grant. So far T. H. is wide from the truth, whileft 
 he maintaines , either that the apprehenfion of a greater good doth necellitate the " 
 will , or that this is an abfolute necellity. 
 
 Lallly, whereas he faith, that the nature of Election doth conf^fi in fuhmng our 
 hopes and fears ^ I cannot but obferve that there is not one word of Art in this 
 whole treatife , which he ufeth in the right fence •, I hope it doth not proceed out 
 of an alfedation of fingularity , nor out of a contempt of former Writers nor 
 out of a deiire to take in fundcr the whole frame of Learning , and new mold it 
 after his own mind. It were to be wiflied that at lead he would give us a new 
 Dictionary , that we might underftand his fenfe. But becaufe this is but touched 
 here fparingly and upon the by , I will forbear it until I meet with it again in its 
 proper place. And for the prefent it fhall fuffice to fay , that hopes and fears are 
 common to brute beafts, But eledion is a rational ad, and is proper onely to 
 man , who is Sanciius his animal mentij'que ca^aciuf alt£. 
 
 'The Second place of Scripture is Jofh. 24. 15. The Third is 2, Sam. 24, 12. n>here- T. H, 
 ly tis clejrly proved ^ that there is eleUion in man , hut not proved that fitch election rvof 
 not necejjitated by the hopes ^ and fears ^ and confederations of good and had to folloro 
 rvhich depend not on the vpill , nor are fuhjeU to eledion. And therefore one anftper ferves 
 allfuch places, if they were a thousand. 
 
 This anfwer being the very fame with the former, word for word , which hath /• J^* 
 already been fufficiently (haken in pieces , doth require no new reply. 
 
 Suppoftng, itfeems, Imight anfmr of I have done , that neceffity and eledion might 
 fiand together ^ and injiance in the anions of Children, fools, and brute beafts tvhofe '^' ^' 
 fancies I might fay , are necejjitated and and determined to one s before thefe his proofs out ^^^^' *» 
 of Scripture he defires to prevent that in(iance , and therefore fays , that the anions of 
 Children , fools , mad-men and beafts are indeed determined , but that they proceed not 
 from ek^ion , nor jromjree , but jromfpontaneous Agents. As for example ,/ hat the Bee 
 rvhen it mah^th honey doth it fpontaneoujly\ And when the Spider mal^s its rvebb it does 
 it fpontaneoufly; and not by ele^ion. Though J never meant to ground any anfrver upon 
 the experience of what Children , fools , mad-men and beafts do , yet that your Lordjhip 
 may underftand what can be meant by jpontaneous , and how it differs from voluntary , / 
 ■will anfwer that di(linUion andjhew , that it fghteth againft its fellow Arguments. Tour 
 Lordjhip is therefore to confider , that all voluntary actions , where the thing that induce th 
 the will is not fear , are called alfo fpontaneous, andfaidto be done by a mans own accord. 
 As when a mangiveth money voluntarily to another for Merchandife , or out of a affidion 
 he is faid to do it of his own accord , which in Latin is Sponte , and therefore the aSion is 
 fpontaneous. Though to give ones money willingly to a thief to avoid killiniT , or throw it 
 into the Sea to avoiadrowning , wlxre the motive is fear , be not called fpontaneous. But 
 every Spontaneous action is not therefore voluntary , for voluntary prefuppofes fame prece^ 
 dent deliberation , that is to fay , jome confideration and meditation of what is likely to 
 follow , both upon the doing and ahftainhtg from the aciion deliberated of, whereas many 
 anions are done of our own accord , and be therefore fpontaneous i of which nevertheleji as 
 he thinks we Jiever confulted^ nor deliberated of in our felves , as when makjng no quejlion 
 nor any the leafl doubt in the World , but that the thing we are about is good , we eat- or 
 wjll^, or in anger jlril^ or revile , which he think^ fpontaneous , but not voluntary nor 
 ele&ive actions. Andwith fuchh^nd of aUions he fays necejfitation may jiand , but not 
 JTomfuch as are voluntary, and proceed upon eleClion and deliberation. Norv if J make it 
 appear to you , that even thefe anions which he fays proceed from fpontaneity , and which 
 he afcribes only to fools , Children , mad-men and beafts , proceed from dehberatim and 
 ehCtion, and that aUirns in confider ate , rafh , and fpontaneous are ordinarily found in 
 thofe th.it are by themfelves, and many more thought as wife or wifer than ordinary men 
 are. Then his argument concludeth , that necejjity and election mayftand together , which 
 is contrary to that which he intntdeth by all the ml of his aroiimems to prove. Andfirjl 
 your Lordjliips own experience furmftoes ynu with pro-f enough ^ that Horfes ^ doggs 
 
 and.
 
 rfo 
 
 ~,i 'otha-' b^e fejs dTd^ir often wnes upon the n^ay they are to take. 7he h-rff- 
 
 tiri., f -w He Jira.^e figure be fees , and cnmm^ on agatn to avoid the fpur And vphat 
 die does man that dehkrateth, hut one while Jroceed toward aUton , amber Mule re- 
 tire from it,as the hope of greater good drarvs bim.or the fear of greater evil drives him ? 
 A Child may be fo ycwtg as to do all which tt does rotthottt all deliberation, but that is hut 
 ill! it chance to be hurt by doing fomcwhat , or till it be of Age to underjUnd the rod \ for 
 the actions wherein he hath once a cheeky, jhaVbe deliberated nn the fecond time. Fools 
 and mad-men manifcftly deliberate no lefi than the wififl men though they make not fo good 
 a choije, the images of things ^ being by difeafes altered. For Bees and Spiders , if he 
 hid fo little to do as to be a SpcHator of their adions , he would have confeffed not onely 
 ekciion but alfo art , prudence . and policy in them ^ very neer equal to that of mankind 
 Of Bees ?ix[i\ot\cftys , their life is civil. Be is deceived , if he think^any fpontaneous 
 action after once being checked in it , differs from an aSiion voluntary and eledive , for 
 even the jetting of a mans foot in the pojlure of walking , and the aVtion of Ordinary eat- 
 ifi" was once deliberated , how and when itjhould be dones and though it afterward 
 became eafie and habitual , jo as to be done without fore-thought , yet that does not 
 hinder but that the aU is voluntary , and proceeds from Eledinn. So alfo are the rajheji 
 aBions of Cholerick^perjons voluntary and upon deliberation i for who U there hut very 
 y.mng Children , that has not confidered , when and how far he ought or fafely may^ firik^ 
 or revile , feeing then he agrees with me that fuch aUions are recejjitated, and the fancy 
 of thofe that do them is determined to the adions they do, it follows out of his own do- 
 iirine, that the liberty of eleUion does not take away the necejfity of ele&ing , this or 
 f p that individual thing. And thus one of hit Arguments fights againfr another. 
 •' ' ' wc have partly feen before how T. H. hath coyned a new kind of liberty , a new 
 
 kind of neceliity , a new kind of Eledtion , and now in this Sedion a new kind of 
 fpontaneity,and new voluntary aftions. Although he fay, that here is nothingnew to 
 him, yet 1 begin to fufpe6t,that either here are many things new to him or otherwife 
 his Eledion is not the refult of a ferious mature deliberation. The firft thing that 
 I oifer, is, how often he miftakesmy meaning in this one Sedtion , Firft, I make 
 voluntary and fpontaneous aftions to be one and the fame , he faith 1 diftinguifii 
 them , fo as fpontaneous adtions may be neceflary , but voluntary aftions cannot. 
 Secondly , I diftinguifh between free Afts and voluntary A(fts. The former are 
 always deliberate, the latter may be indeliberate j all free adtions arc voluntary, 
 but all voluntary Adts are not free , but he faith I confound them and make them 
 the fame. Thirdly, he faith I afcribe fpontaneity only to Fools , Children, Mad- 
 men and Bcafls, but I acknowledge fpontanenity hath place in rational men, both 
 as it is comprehended in liberty , and as it is diftinguiflied from liberty. 
 
 Yet I have no reafon to be offended at if, for he deals no otherwife with me than 
 he doth with hlmfelf. Here he tells us , that voluntary, prefuppofeth deliberation. 
 But Numb, 25. he tells us contrary, that whatfoever followeth the laji appetite is volun- 
 tary, and where there vs but one appetite, that is the lafr. And that no aHion of a man 
 can be j'aid to be without deliberation , thoitgh never fo fuddain. So Numb. 33. he tells 
 us, thztbyjpontaneity is meant , inconfiderate proceeding, or elje nothing is meant by 
 it , yee here lie tells us , that all voluntary aUions which proceed not from fear , are fpon- 
 taneous , whereof many arc deliberate , as that wherein he inllanccth himfelf, to 
 give money for merchandife. Thirdly, when I faid that Children before they have 
 t!ie ufe of reafon , adl fpontaneoufly , as when they fuck the brealt , but do not 
 adl freely bccaufe they have not judgement to deliberate or eledt , here T. H. under- 
 takes to prove , that they do deliberate and eledt. And yet prefently after confef- 
 feth again, that a child may be fo young, as to do what it doth without all delibe- 
 ration. 
 
 Befides thefe miftakes and contradidtions he hath other errours alfo in this Sedli- 
 on. As tliis , that no adlions proceeding from fear are fpontaneous. He who 
 throws his goods into the Sea, to avoid drowning,dothitnot only fpontaneoufly but 
 even freely, he that wills the end, wills the means conduceing to that end. It is 
 true that if the adtion be confidered nakedly without all circumftanccs , no man 
 willingly or fpontaneoufly cafls his goods into the Sea. But if we take the adtion 
 as in this particular cafe invcfted with all the circumflariccs, and in order to the end, 
 
 that
 
 Discourse I. againji Mr. Hobs. ^^- 
 
 that is, the faving of his own life, it is not onely voluntary and fpontaneo^ h^t 
 Eledtive and chofen by him , as the moll probable means for his own prefervation 
 As there is an antecedent and a fubfequcnt will, fo there is an antecedent and a 
 fubfequent fpoataneity i his Grammiticil argument, grounded upon the derivation 
 of fpontaneous iwmj^onte , weighs nothing i we have learned in the rudiments of 
 Logick that conjugates are fometimes in name only, and not indeed. He who cafts 
 his goods in the Sea , may do it of his own accord in order to the end. S-condlv 
 he errs in this alfo, that nothing is oppofed to fpontaneity but only fear invincible 
 and antecedent ignorance deliroyeth the nature offpontaneity or voluntarinefs by re- 
 moving that knowledge which Oiould and would have prohibited the adtion.' As a 
 man thinking to (hoot a Wild Bead in a Bufh , flwots his friend, which if he had 
 known, he would not have (hot. This man did not kill his friend of his own accord 
 For the clearer underltanding of thefe things and to know what fpontaneity is* 
 let us confult a while with the Schools about the dilHndl order of voluntary or' 
 involuntary adions. Som; adls proceed wholy from an extrinfecall •, as the throw- 
 ing of a Itone upwards , a rape or the drawing of a Chri(tian by plain force to the 
 Idols Temple , thefe are called violent ads. Secondly, fome proceed from an in- 
 trmfecall caufe , but without any manner of knowledge of the end, as the falling of 
 a ftone downwards , thefe are called naturall ads. Thirdly , fome proceed from 
 an internall principle, with an imperfed knowledge of the end , where there is 
 an appetite to the objedt, but no deliberation nor eledion, as the adls of Fools 
 Children, Hearts, and the inconfiderate ads of men of Judgement. Thefe are 
 called voluntary or fpontaneous acts. Fourthly , fome proceed from an intrinfecal 
 caufe, with a more perfect knowledge of the end , which are elected upon delibe- 
 ration. Thefe are called free ads. So then the formal reafon of liberty is election 
 The necelTary requifite to election is deliberation. Deliberation implieth the actual 
 ufe of reafon. But deliberation and election cannot pollibly fubfirt, with an ex- 
 trinfecal predetermination to one. How fhould a man deliberate or choofe which 
 way to go, who knows that all ways are {hut againft him, and made impollible 
 to him , but onely one > This is the genuine fenfe of thefe words voluntary and /&<?«- ' 
 
 taneous m this queltion. Though they were taken twenty other ways vulgarly or 
 metaphorically , as we ^3.^ fpontaneous Mlcers , where there is no appetite at all yet 
 it were nothing to this controverfie , which is not about words , but about things 
 not what the words voluntary or free do or may fignitie , but whether dl things 
 be extrinfecally predetermined to one. ^iit.: . 
 
 Thefe grounds being laid for clearing the true fenfe of the words, the next thing 
 to be examined is, that contradiction which he hath efpied in my diCrourfe or 
 how this argument fights againft its fellows. If I ( faith T. H, ) make it appear 
 that the fpontaneous actions of Fools , Children , Mad-men and Bea(ts , do pro- 
 ceed from election and deliberation , and , that inconfiderate and indeliberate 
 actions are found in the wifeft men , then his argument concludes , that rtecetfity 
 and election may ftand together which is contrary to his afTertion.' If this could 
 be made appear as eafily as it is fpoken , it would concern himfelf much, who when 
 he (hould prove, that rational men are not free from necelflty goes about to prove " 
 that brute beafts doe deliberate and eled that is as much as to fay are free from necclJity. 
 But it concerns not me at all,it is neither my afTertion, nor my opinion,that necellity and 
 election may not meet together in the fame Subject , violent, natural, fpontaneous 
 and deliberate or elective acts may all meet together in the fame fubject. But this 
 I fay , that necedity and election cannot confit^ together in the fame act. He who 
 is determined to one , is not free to choofe out of more than one. To begin with 
 his latter fuppofition, th.tt wife men mxy do inconfiderate and indeliberate aUionr I do 
 readily admit it. But where did he learn to infer a general conclufion from parti- 
 cular premifes? as thus, b?caufe wife men do fome indeliberate acts , therefore no 
 act they do is free or elective. Secondly , for his former fuppofition , that Fools 
 Children^ Mid-men, and Bealis do deliberate and eled , if he could make it good * 
 it is not I who contradict my felf, nor fight againft mine own afTertion, but it is 
 he who endeavours to prove that which I altogether deny. He may well find a 
 contradiction between him and me, otherwife to what end is this EHfpute? but 
 ^ he
 
 -gg^ ~rVhidication of trm Liberty T O M E III. 
 
 he (hall not be able to hnd a difference between ine and my fclf : but the truth is , 
 he is not able to groove zny fuch thing, and that biings me to my iixth Con- 
 
 *' That° neither Horlls, nor Bees, nor Spiders, nor Children , nor Fools, nor mad- 
 men doe deliberate or cled. His firll inftanceism the Horfe or Dog, but more 
 cfpccially the Horfe. He told me , that I divided my argument into fquadrons , to 
 apply my fclf to your Lordlhip , being a Military man i and I apprehend , that for 
 the (arne reafon he gives his lirft inftance of the Horfe, with a fubmilfion to your 
 own experience. So farr well, but other wife very difadvantagcouDy to his caufc. 
 Men ufe to fay of a dull fellow , that he hath no more brains than an Horfe. And 
 the Prophet Vavid faith. Be not lik^ the Horfe and Mule which have no tmderjiandiHg. 
 Pfal. 32. <?. How do they deliberate without underftanding ? And Pfal. 4p. 20. 
 he faith the fame of all brute Bealb. Man being in honour had no underjianding , but 
 lecame liks ««''' ''•'^ ^^^^^ '^''* perijk. The Horfe demurrs upon his way , Why not ? 
 Outward Objedis, or inward fancies may produce a ftay in his courfe, though he 
 have no judgement, either to deliberate or elect. Ee retires from fomepange figure 
 fchich he fees , and comes on again to avoid thefpur. So he may , and yet be far e- 
 rough from deliberation. All this proceeds from the fenfitive pallion of fear wliich 
 is a perturbation arifing from the expectation of fome imminent evil. But he urgeth, 
 what elfe doth man that deliberateth ? Yes very much. The Horfe fearcth fome 
 outward object , but deliberation is a comparing of fevetal means conducing to the 
 fame end. Fear is commonly of one , deliberation of more than one ■■, fear is of 
 thofe things which are not in our power , deliberation of thofe things which are 
 in our power i fear many times arifeth out of natural antipathies, but in thefe dil- 
 conveniences of nature , deliberation hath no place at all. In a word , fear is an 
 enemy to deliberation, and bctrayeth the Succours of the Soul. If the Horfe did 
 deliberate , he (hould coufult with rcafon , whether it were more expedient for him 
 to go that way or not i He fhould reprefent to himfelf, all the dangers both of 
 going, and flaying, and compare the one with the other , and elect that which 
 is lefs evil j he fhould confider whether it were not better to endure a little hazard, 
 than ungratefwlly and difhoneftly to fail in his duty to his Maftcr , who did breed 
 him , and doth feed him. This the Horfe doth not ■■> neither is it poflible for him 
 to doit. Secondly, for Children , T. H. confeffeth that they may be fo young , 
 that they do not deliberate at all ■■, afterwards , as they attain to the uft of reafon 
 by degrees , fo by degrees they become free agents. Then they do deliberate , 
 before they do not deliberate. The rod may be a means to make them ufe their reafon, 
 when they have power to exercife it, but the rod cannot produce the power before 
 they have it. Thirdly, for fools and mad-men. It is not to be underftood of fuch mad- 
 men as have their lucida intervaVa , who are mad and difcreet by fitts j when they 
 have the ufe of rcafon , they are no mad- men , but may deliberate as well as others. 
 Nor yet of fuch fools as are onely comparative fools , that is, lefs wife than others. 
 Such may deliberate , though not fo clearly, not fo judicioufly as others, but of 
 tneer mad-men , and mecr natural Fools , to fay that they , who have not the ufc 
 of reafon , do deliberate or ufe leafon , implies a contradiction. But his chiefeft 
 confidence is in his Bees and Spiders , of tvhofe aGions ( he faith ) ;/ 1 had been afpe- 
 Sator^ JtPOKldhave confeffed ^ not onely Eleliion ^ hut aljo Arts ^ Frudence ^ Folicy , 
 very neer equal to that of mankind , whofe life as kx\i\.oi\e faith, is ciiil. Truly I have 
 contemplated their actions many times , and have been nmch taken with thedr cu- 
 rious works , yet my thoughts did not reflect fo much upon them , as upon their 
 maker , who is fc tmgnus in magnis , that he is not , minor in parvis. So great 
 in great things, that he is not lefs in fmall things. Yes, I have fecn thofe fillieft 
 of Creatures , and feeing their rare works, I have fecn enough to confute all the 
 bold-faced Atheil\s of this age , and their hellifli blafphemies. I fee them, but I 
 praifed the marvellous works of God , and admired that great snd firft intellect , 
 wko had both adapted their Organs , and determined their fancies to thcfe particu- 
 lar works. I was not fo fimpie to afcribe thofe larities to their own invention , 
 which I knew to proceed from a mcer inftinct of nature. In all other things they 
 arethedulleftof Creatures. Naturalifts write of Bees , that their fancy is imper- 
 fect,
 
 Discourse 1. agav?ft: Mr. Hobs. 
 
 fed,' not diltind from their common Icafe , fpread over their whole body, and 
 onely perceiving things prefent. When Arijiotk calls them polifical or fociable 
 Creatures, he did not intend it really that they lived a civil life , but according- to 
 an Analogy , becaufe they do fuch things by inltinft , as truly political Creatures 
 do out of Judgement. Nor when I read in St. Ambrofe^ of their Hexjuonies or Sex- 
 anguhr celler , did I therefore conclude, that they were Mathematieians. Nor when 
 I read in Cre^et , that they invoke God to their aid , when they go out of their 
 Hives , bending their thighs in form of a Crofs , and bowing themfelves i did I 
 therefore think , that this was an adt of Religious piety , or that they were capable 
 of theological virtues , whom I fee in all other things in which their fancies are not 
 determined , to be the fillieft of Creatures , Grangers not onely to right reafon 
 but to 3*11 refemblanccs of it. 
 
 Seventhly , concerning thofe a<flions which are done upon precedent and pafTed 
 deliberations i they are not onely fpontaneous , but free adts. Habits contracfied 
 by ufe and experience do help the will to adt with more facility , and more deter- 
 minately , as the hand of the Artificer is helped by his tools. And precedent deli- 
 berations , if they were fad and ferious, and proved by experience to be profitable 
 do fa ve the labour of fubfequent confultations. ¥rn\hj.fitferplHra^ quod fieri poteii 
 fer pauciora : yet neverthelels the adtions which are done by virtue of theie former- 
 ly acquired habits are no lefs free , than if the deliberation were coexiflent with 
 this particular a<SiOn. He that hath gained an habit and skill to play fuch a leiFon 
 needs not a new deliberation how to play every time that he plays it over and over I 
 yet I am far from giving credit to him in this , that walking or eating univerfally 
 conlidered are free adtions, or proceed from true liberty , not fo much becaufe they 
 want a particular deliberation before every individual adt , as becaufe they are ani- 
 mal nwtions , and need no deliberation of reafon , as we fee in brute Beafts, And 
 neverthelefs the fame adtions, as they are confidered individually, and invefled with 
 their due clrcumftances , may be and often are free adtions fubjedted to the liberty 
 of the agent. 
 
 Laftly, whereas T. H. compareth the firft motions or ra(h attempts of Chole- 
 rick perfons with fuch acquired habits , it is a great miftake ; thofe rafh attempts 
 arc voluntary a<Sions, and may be facilitated fometimes by acquired habits-, bat yet 
 for as much as aliens are often altered and varied by the circumllances of time 
 place and perfon , fo as that adt which at one time is morally good , at another 
 time may be morally evil. And for as much as a general precedent deliberation how 
 to do this kind of adlirfn , is not fufEcient to make this or that particular adtion 
 good or expedient, which being in it felf good, yet particular circumlhnces may 
 render inconvenient or unprofitable, to fome perfons, at fome times , in fome pla- 
 ces. Therefore a precedent general deliberation how to do any adt as for inftance 
 how to write , is not fufficient to make a particular adt ( as my writing this indi- 
 vidual reply )to be freely done , without a particular and fubfequent deliberation* 
 A manlearns Fre«c& advifedly , that is a free zH: the fame man in his choler and 
 pallion reviles his friend in French , without any deliberation, this is a fpontaneous 
 adt , but it is not a free adt ; If he had taken time to advife , he would not have re- 
 viled his friend. Yet as it is not free , fo neither is it fo neceffary , as the Bees 
 making honey , whofe fancy is not only inclined but determined by nature to 
 that act. So every way he failes. And his conclufion , that the liberty of electi- 
 on, doth not take away the necclEty of electing this or that individuall thing , is 
 no coafequent from niy doctrine , but from his own. Neither do tuy arguirienfs 
 fight one againft another , but his private opinions fight both againft me and a- 
 gainft an undouted truth. A free agent endovved with liberty of election , or with 
 an elective power, may neverthelefs be necellitated in fome individuall acts, but 
 thofe acts wherein he is neceffitated , do not flow from his elective power, neither 
 are thofe acts which flow from his elective power neceffitated. f, V. 
 
 Secondly , they who might have done , and may do many things which they Numb. «. 
 leave undone. And they who leave undone many things which they might do, Ar,r.24 
 are neither compelled nor necetfitated to do what they do, but have true liberty. 
 But we might do many things which we do not , and we do many things which 
 
 H h h b W«
 
 TO VIE I ll 
 
 -r.H. 
 
 ~ I .i..,,^ ,m.tnn,> as IS plain , I Kings. 3. ii. Becaufe ilmi bajl afhd this thiniK 
 TfJ; hut thai he had not asked wiidomc , which he did ask. He did av- 
 
 could not TCtaii..- - ^ . 1 .^, -- - 
 
 may do , what we do not. And we do not , what we might do. That is, wc 
 have true liberty from neccHity. 
 
 The Second argument from Scripture confifleth in Hiftoriet of men , that did one thing , 
 rfhen if they would they might have done another, the places are two , one ii in the 1. 
 Kin<^s 5. II. J*'h(re the Hilary fays , God was pleafed f^^t Salomon , who might if 
 he would', have askd riches or revenge, did mverthekfs ask^ wifdom at Gods Hands, 
 the other are the words of St. Peter to Ananias , Acts 5. 4. After it was fold was it 
 not in thine power ? 
 
 to which the anjwer U the fame, with that Janfweredto the former places, that they 
 prove there is ekUion , but do not difprove the necefftty, which I maintain, of what they fo 
 
 eleS. 
 
 We have had the very fame anfwer twice before. It feemcth that he is well plea- 
 y. V. fed with it , or elfe he would not draw it in again fo fuddenly by head and Shoul- 
 ders , to no purpofc, if he did not conceive it to be a Panchreflon , a falve for 
 all fores , or ViSamnum , Soveraign Dittany , to make all his adverfaries weapons 
 drop out of the wounds of his caufe , onely by chewing it, without any applica- 
 tion to the fore. I will not waft the time to fliew any farther , how the members 
 of his diftinction do crofs one another , and one take away another. To make 
 every election to be of one thing impofed by ncceflity , and of another thing 
 which is abfolutely impollible , is to make election to be no election at all. But 
 I forbear to prefs that in prcfent. If I may be bold to ufe his own phrafei His an- 
 fwer looks quite another way from mine argument. My Second reafon was this , 
 they who may do , and might have done many things which they leave undone, 
 and who leave undone many things which they might do, are not ncceliitatcd , 
 nor precifely , and antecedently determined to do what they do. 
 
 But we might do many things which we do not, and we do many things which 
 we might leave undone , as appears evidently by the Texts alledged. Therefore 
 wc are not antecedently and precifely determined : nor neceffitated to do all things 
 which we do. What is here of f/f^io« in this argument ? To what propolition , 
 or what tearm doth t. H. apply his anfwer? he neither affirms nor denyeth , nor 
 diftinguifheth of any thing contained in my argument. Here I muft behold to 
 call upon him for a more pertinent anfwer. ; V "'' 
 
 Thirdly , if there be no true liberty , but all things comes to pafs by inevitable 
 
 J. T>. neceffity , then what are all thofe interrogations , and objurgations, and reprehen- 
 
 Numb. 10. fions, and expoftulations which we find fo frequently in Holy Scriptures , fbeir 
 
 ylrg. 3. fpoken with all due rcfpect ) but faigned and Hypocritical exaggerations? hafi thou 
 
 eatenof the tree whereof J commanded that thoujhouldtfi not eat Gen. 3. 11. and ver. 
 
 13. He faith to Eve, why haji thou done this ? And to Cain , why art thou wroth, 
 
 and why is thy countenance cajl down ? Jnd why will ye dy , houfe ofTfrael> Doth 
 
 God command openly not to eat, and yet fccretly by himfelf or by the fecond 
 
 caufes neceffitate him to eat ? Doth he reprehend him for doing that, which he 
 
 hath antecedently determined that he muft doe ? Doth he propofe things under 
 
 impoflible conditions .? Or were not this plain mockery and derifion ? Doth a Jove 
 
 ing Mafter chide his fervant , becaufe he doth not come at his call, and yet knowes 
 
 that the poor fervant is chained and fettered, fo as he cannot move, by the 
 
 Mafters own order , without the fervants default or confcnt ? They who talk here 
 
 of a twofold will of God, /fcret and rft^f<?W, and the one oppofite to the other 
 
 underftand not what they fay. Thcfe two wills concern ftveralJ perfons. The, 
 
 fecrct will of God is what he will dohimfcif ■, The revealed will d God is what he 
 
 would have u$ to do i It may be the fecret will of God to take away the life of 
 
 the
 
 Discourse I. aga'wfi Mr. Hobs- ^q^ 
 
 the Father, yet it is Gods' revealed will that his Son (hould wifli his life , and 
 pray for his life. Here is no contradidion where the Agents are diiUncr. But 
 tor the fame perfon to command one thing , and yet to nccellitate him that is com^ 
 ir.anded to do another thing •, To chide a man for doing that , which he hath 
 determined inevitably and irreliftibly that he muft do i This were ( I am afraid to 
 wtter what they are not afraid to aff.'rt ) the higheft dillifhulation. Gods chiding 
 proves mans liberty. 
 
 "Xo the 'third and fifth argument , IJhall maV^ hut one anfwer. 
 Certainly dirtinct Arguments, as the third and fift are, the one drawn from the 
 truth of God, the other drawn from the JulViceof God, the onefrom his objurgations 
 and reprehenfions, the other from his Judgments afterlife, did require diftinct 
 anfwers. But the plain truth is , that neither here , nor in his anfwer to the fifth 
 Argument, nor in his wliole Treatife , is there one word of folution or fatisfa- ' .*^* 
 
 dion to this Argument , or to any part of it. All that looks like an anfwer is con- 
 tained Numb. 12. "that which he does , U nfade jttji by his doing ^ jull Ifay^ in him, 
 ?tot altvays JHJl in tis by the example: for a manthat pall command a thing openly^ and plat 
 fecretly the hinder ance of the fame , ;/ he punijh him vchom he commanded fa , for not do- 
 ing it, is unjuji : I dare not infilt upon it , I hope his meaning is not fo bad as the 
 words intimate, and as I apprehend, that is to impute falfliood to him that is 
 truth it felf, and to juftifie faining and dillimulation in God , as he doth tyranny 
 by the infinitenefs of his power , and the abfolutenefs of his Dominion. And there- 
 fore by his leave, I muft once again tender him a new fjmmonsfor a full and clear 
 anfwer to this argument alfo. He tells us , that he was not furpriftd. Vvhether 
 lie were or not, is more than I know. But this I fee plainly, that either he is not 
 provided , or that his cau(eadmits no choife of anfwers. The Jews dealt ingeni- 
 oufly when they met with^ difficult knot , which they could not untie , to put it 
 upon Elias. Elias tfill anftver it when he comes. 
 
 Fourthly , if either the decree of God, or the foreknowledge of God or the influ- j^umb, ii 
 ence of the Stars , or the concatenation of caules , or the Phyfical , or moral ef- ^,-„ a 
 ficacy of objecfts , or the laft didate of the underftanding,do take away true liberty 
 then ^i^iiwbefore his fall had no trueliberty.Forhewasfubjedcd to the fame decrees 
 the fame prefcience, the fame conrtellations, the fame caufes , the fameobjedts, the 
 fame didatcs ofthe'underftanding, but, ^ttodcunqs oftendes mihific incredttlns odi, the 
 created oppofers of our liberty, areas earned maintainers of the liberty of Adam. 
 Therefore none of thefe fuppofed impedimens take away true liberty. 
 
 'Xhe Fourth Argument is to this effe£i , if the decree of Gud, or his forekjtoipledgey 
 cr the influence of the Stars , or the concatenation of caufes , or the Phyfical , or moral T. Ht 
 efficicyof caufes, or the lafl di&ate of the underfianding, or whatfoever it he, do takg 
 arvay true liberty , then Adam before his fall had m true liberty , Quodcunqi oftendes 
 mihi fie incredulus odi. That which I fay necejjitateth and determinateth every a&ion , 
 that he may no longer doubt of my meaning , is the fum of all thofe things , which being 
 now exijient , conduce and concur to the produUion of that aCfion hereafter , whereof if 
 any one thing now were wanting , the effeU could not be produced. 'Ibis concourfe of cau- 
 fes , whereof every one is determined to he fmh , as it is by a lik^ concourfe of former cau- 
 fes , may well be called ( in refpe& they were aVfet and ordered by the Eternal caufe of 
 all things God Aim ighty ) the Vecree of God. 
 
 But that the forekjiowledge of God , Jhould be a caufe of any thing , cannot he truly 
 faid, feei!!(r foreknowledge is knowledge, and k>i9wledge defends on the exijlence of the 
 things k^own , and not they on it. 
 
 Ihe influence of the Stars is but afmaVpart of the whole caufe , confijling of the coH' 
 courfe of all Agents. 
 
 Nor dith the concourfe of all caufes mak^ one fimple chain , or concatenation, but art 
 innumerable number of chains joyned together , not in all parts , but in the firfi link_. Cod 
 Almighty \ and con fequently the whole caufe of an event, doth not always defend upon 
 one fuigle chain , but on many together. 
 
 Natural e^cacy of objeUs does determine voluntary Agents , and necefjitate the will, 
 and confequently the aUion: but for moral efficacy , I underftand not what he means by ito 
 Jhe Li^i didat; of the judgement concerning the good or bad that may follow oA^any aSiotif 
 
 Hhhh 2 is
 
 J.V. 
 
 -^^ 'JV indicati on of tniT Liberty T O M E 1 1 f. 
 
 ITno, properly the n^hlc c.mje , but the ¥pfof h Andyctniay befaid to produce 
 the em neaffauly , h, frch nianmr as the I4 feather may be fad to break f ' Horfes 
 b. k rt-hen there tvere fo many laid on before^ as there teamed but that to do it 
 
 Ncn'f"- bis argument, that if the concomfe of all the caujes necejfitate the effeCl , that 
 then it follows , Adam hadaio true Liberty. I deny the confequence , for J mak^ not on- 
 ly the efftd,.bnt alfo the ehUion of that particular effed to be necejj'ary , in as much at 
 the rrill it (elf, and each propenfon of a man during his deliberation is as much neceffi- 
 tate'd and depends on afitffcient cauje , as any thing elfe rvhatfocver. As for example, 
 it ism more nectflli<y that fire flhmld bp-n , then that a man, or other creature , whofe 
 limbs he moved by fancy , jljould have ekdion , that is , liberty to do what he has fancy 
 to thoH'ih it be not in his rviV or power tochoofe his fancy, or choofe his ekdion or rciV. 
 'this Vodrine , becaufe he fays he hates , J doubt had better been fuppreffed , as it 
 fhould have been , if both your Lord(lyip , and he had not preffed me to an anfrver. 
 
 This Argument was lent forth only as an efpie to make a more full difcovery , 
 what were the true grounds of T. h. his fuppofed neceffity i which errand being 
 done , and the foundation whcreirpon he builds being found out, which is as I called 
 it a concatenation of caufes , and as he calls it a concourfe of neceflary caufes j It 
 would now be a fupeifluous , and impertinent work in me to undertake the refu- 
 tation of all thofe other opinions , which he doth not undertake to defend. And 
 therefore I (hall wave them for the prefent , with thefe fhort animadverfions. 
 
 Concerning the Eternal decree of God, he confounds the decree it felf with the 
 execution of his decree. And concerning the foreknowledge of God , he con- 
 founds that fpeculative knowledge , which is called the h^owledge of vifwn , which 
 doth not produce the intelleAive objeds , no more than the lenfitive vifion doth 
 produce the fenfible objefts , with that other knowledge of God , w hich is called 
 the kjiotfledge of approb'alion , or a praUical k^iovcledge , that is , knowledge joyned 
 with an Ad of the will , of which . Divines do truly fay , that it is the caufe of 
 things, as the knowledge of the Artift is the caufe of his work. God made all 
 things by His Word , Joh i. that is , by His Wifdom. Concerning the influences 
 of the Stars , I will\he had exprelTed himfelf more clearly •, for as I do willingly 
 grant, that thofc Heavenly Bodies do aft upon thefe fublunary things, not only by 
 their motion and light , butcalfo by an occult virtue , which we call influence , as 
 we fee by manifold experience in the Loadftone , and fhell-fifh , &c. So if he in- 
 tend , that by thefe influences they do naturally or Phyfically determine the will , 
 or have any dired Dominion over humane Counfels, either in whole or in part, ei- 
 ther more or Icfs, he is in an errouv. Concerning the concatenation of caufes, where- 
 as he makes not one chain, but an innumerable number ot chains , ( I hope he fpeaks 
 Hyperbolically, and doth not intend that they are actually infinite , ) the difference 
 is not material whether one or many , fo long as they are all joyned together , both 
 in the firft iinck , and likewife in the effeft. It fcrves to no end , but to fhcw what 
 a (hadow of Liberty 7. H. doth fancy , or rather what a dream of a fliadow. As 
 if one chain were not fufficient to Load poor man , but he muft be clogged with 
 innumerable chains. This is juft fuch another freedom , as the lurhjh Galli- 
 flaves do in joy. But I admire that T. H. who is fo verfed in this Queftion, fliould 
 hereconfefs, that he underftands not the difference between Phyfical , or natural , 
 and moral efficacy. And much more , that he {hould affirm, that outward objeCTs 
 do determine voluntary agents by a natural .efficacy. No objeft , no Second agent. 
 Angel cr Devil , can determine the will of man naturally, but God alone in refpeft 
 of His Supreme Dominion over all things. Then the will is determined naturally, 
 when God Almighty, befides His general influence , whereupon all fecond caufes 
 do depend , as well for their being as for their adirg , doth moreover at fometimes, 
 when it pleafeth him in cafes extraordinary , concur by a fpecial influence , and in- 
 fufe fomething into the will, in the nature of an ad , or an habit, whereby the 
 will is moved , and excited , and applyed to will or choofe this or that. Then the 
 will is determined morally , when fome objed is propofed to it with perfwafive 
 reafons and arguments to induce it to will. Where the determination is natural , 
 the liberty to fuff)end its ad is taken away from the will, but not fo where 
 the determination is moral. In the former cafe , the will is detcimined extrinfc- 
 
 cally,
 
 Dfs COURSE I. againfi Mr. Hobs. ^^y 
 
 cally, iti.the later cafe intrinfecally, the former produceth an abfolute necellity, the 
 latter only a^ necelGty of fuppofitiun. li' the will do not fufpend , but affcnt 
 then the acft is necelTary •> but becaufe the will may fiifpcnd and not aVent there- 
 tore it is not abfolutely neceffary. In the former cafe the will is moved necenari- 
 ly and determinately, in the latter freely and indeterminately. The former excitati- 
 on is imn:iediate , xhz later is mediate mediants inteUeCtH , and requires the help of 
 the underftanding. In a word , fo great a ditference there is between natural and 
 moral efficacy, as there is between his opinion and mine in this queftion. 
 
 There remains only the laft didtate of the underftanding , which * he maketh 
 to be the laft caufe that concurreth to the determination of the will and to the ne- 
 ceffary produdtion of the ad: , cts the lajl feather may be [aid to break^an Horfesbaek^ 
 when there werefo many laid on before^ that there wanted bxt that to do it.l have fhewed 
 Numb. 7. that the lall didate of the underftandjjig , is not always abfolute in it 
 felf, nor conclufive to the will,_ and when it is conclufive, yet it produceth no an- 
 tecedent nor extrinfecal neceilffy ■■, I (hall only add one thing more in prefent 
 that by miking the laft judgement of right reafon to be of no more weight than a 
 fingle feather , he wrongs the underftanding as well as he doth the will he indea- 
 vours to deprive the will of its fupreme power of application , and to'deprive the 
 underftanding of its Supreme power of Judicature and definition. Neither corpo- 
 real agents and objcds , nor yet the fenfitive appetite it felf, being an inferiour fa- 
 culty , and affixed to the Organ of the body , have any dired or immediate Do- 
 minion or command over the rational will. It is without the fphear of their adi- 
 vity. All the aceefs which they have unto the will , is by the mcansof the under- 
 ftanding , foraetimes clear, andfometimes difturbed , and of reafon either right or 
 mifinformed. Without the help of the underftanding , all his fecond caufcs were 
 not ableof themfelves to load the Horfes back with fo much weight as the leaft of 
 all his feathers doth amount unto. But we fliall meet with his Horfe Load of Fea- 
 thers again 7^«w. 23. 
 
 Thefe things being thus freely touched , he proceeds to his anfwer. My argu- 
 ment was this , if any of thefe , or all of thefe caufes formerly recited , do take a- 
 way true liberty , ( that is , ftill intended from necellity } then Adam before his faU 
 had no true liberty. 
 
 But Adam before his fall had true liberty. 
 
 He mif-recites the argument , and denies the confequence , which is fo clearly 
 proved , that no man living can doubt of it. Becaufe Adam was fubjed'ed to all 
 the fame caufes as well as we , the fame decree , the fame prefcience , the fame in- 
 fluences , the fame concourfe of caufes , the fame efficacy of objedrs , the fame di- 
 d'ates of reafon. But it is onely a t^ake , for it appears plainly by his following 
 difcourle, that he intended to deny, not the confequence , but the aftumption-, for 
 he makes Adam to have had no liberty from necellity before his fall, yea he proceeds 
 fo far , as to affirm , that all humane wills, his and ours , and each propenfion of 
 our wills , even during our deliberation , are as much neceflitated as any thing elfc 
 whatfoever \ that we have no more power to forbear thofe adions which we 
 do , than the fire hath power not to burn. Though I honour T. H. for his per- 
 fon, and for his learning , yet I muft confefs ingenioufly, I hate thisDodrine from 
 my heart. And I believe both I have reafon fo to do , and all others who fliall fe- 
 rioully ponder the horrid confequences which flow from it. It deftroys liberty , 
 and difhonours the nature of man. It makes the fecond caules and outward objed's 
 to be the rackets , and men to be but the Tenif-balls of deftiny. It makes the rirft 
 caufe, that is, God Almighty, to be the introducer of all evil, and fin into the 
 World , as much as man , yea more than man , by as much as the Motion of the 
 Watch is more from the artificer , who did make it and wind it up , then either 
 from the Spring , or the wheels , or the thred , if God by his fpecial influence in- 
 to the fecond caufes , did necellitate them to operate as they did. And if they be- 
 ing thus determined , did necellitate Adam inevitably , irrefiftibly, not by an acci- 
 dental , but by an eflential (ubordination of caufes to whatfoever he did , then one 
 of thefe two abfurdities muft needs follow , either that Adam did not fin, and that 
 there is no fuch thing as fin in the World , bccaufc it proceeds naturally, necefla- 
 
 rily.
 
 55^ Tj'indicsti on of true Liberty T O M E 1 U. 
 
 luTTmlcir.ntially r^cF^^^i^Or that God is more guilty of it and more the 
 (Vofcvilth^n man, bccaulc manii extrinfecally , inevitably determined, but" 
 ? • rot God. And in caufcs ciTcntially fubordinate , the caufc of the caufe is al- 
 vs the caufc of the ciX^St-. What Tyrant did ever impofc Laws that were im- 
 ^'{iblc for thofe to. keep upon whom they were impofcd , and punifh them for 
 breaking thofe Laws which he himfelf had ncceiiitated them to break, which it was 
 o more in their power not to .break,thenit is inthe power ofthefire not toburn?ex- 
 cufe iTie if I hate this Dodrine with a perfcdl hatred,vvhichis fo difhonourable both 
 to God andnjan, vvhichmakesmcntoblafphemeofnecellity,toftealofnecellity,tobe 
 hanRcd of necellity , and ,to be damned of necellity. And therefore I muft fay and fay 
 acaini Quodcunq, cftendes mihi fu maedulus odi. It were better to bean Atheift, to be- 
 lieve no Godiorto be aManichee, to believe two Gods, a God of Good, and a God 
 of evil, or with the Heathens, believe Thirty Thoufand Gods, than thus to 
 charge the true God to be the proper caufe, and the true Author of all the fins and 
 evils which are in the World. 
 Kumh. 1 2. Fifthly, if there be no liberty , there fhall be no day of Doom , no laft Judge- 
 ^^g' 5* ment, no rewards nor puni(hments after death. A man can never make' himftlf a 
 J. V. criminal , if he be not left at liberty to commit a crime. No man can be jufdy pu- 
 nirtied for doing that, whiclv was not in his power to fhun. To take away liberty 
 hazards Heaven , but undoubtedly it leaves no Hell. 
 
 "The arguments of greateji confequence are the 'third and Fift^ and fall both into one. 
 
 [. 1. H. namely^ Jf there be a necejjtty of all events^ that it wiH foUovo , that praife and reprehen- 
 
 fion , reward and punifhment ^ are all vain and unjufi. And that if God fhould openly 
 
 forbid , andfecretly necejjitate the jame aSion , punifhing men for vphat they could not a- 
 
 void there rvould be no belief among them , of Heaven or fJeV. 
 
 7o oppofe hereunto, I muji bororv an aujtverfrom St. Tiu.\ , Rom. p« ver. ij. from the 
 II. verfe of the Chapter to the iS. ii laid donun the very fame objeEiion i^ thefe tfords. 
 Wljen they ( meaning Efau and Jacob* ) rcere yet unborn , and had done neither good 
 nor evil , that the purpofe of God according to EkUion , mt by Works , but by him that 
 calleth , might remain firm , it rvjs fjtdto htr (^ vi?. ^o Rebekah J that the elder fhould 
 ferve the younger. And rvhat thenJhaU ire fay , is there injujiice rcith Cod ? Cod forbid. 
 Jt is not therefore in him that vpileth , nor in him that runneth , but in Cod that (herp- 
 eth mercy. For the Scripture jaith to Pharaoh I have Jiirred thee up ^ that Tmay fhew 
 my porcer in thee, and that My Name may be fet forth in all the earth, 'therefore whom Cod 
 willeth , he hath mercy on , and rvhum he rvilleth he hardeneth. 7hiit you fee the cafe 
 put by St. Paul// the fame with that of .^J. D. and the fame objedion in thefe words fol- 
 lowing , thou tvilt as\ me then , why will Cod yet complain , for who hath refifted his 
 will ? to this therefore the Apoftle anfwers , nS$»y denying it was Cods will , or that the 
 decree of God concerning Efau was not before he had finned , or that Efau was not necef- 
 fitated to do what be did, but thus, who art thou , Oman , that interrogate^ God? fhall 
 the work^fay to the workman ^ why haji thou made me thus ? Hath not the Fetter power 
 over the clay of the fame fiuffe , to mah^ one zeffel to honour, another to difhonour ? 
 according therefore to this anfwer of St. Paul , J anjwer J. D'/ objedion , and fay, the 
 power of God alone , without other help , isfufficient jujiification of any aUion he doth, 
 "that which men make among themfelves here by paUs and Covenants, and call by the name 
 of Jujiice , and according whereunto men are counted and tearmed rightly juft and unjuji , 
 is not that by which God Almighties adions are to be meajured or called jjtfi , no mme 
 than his Counfels are to be meajured by human wifdom. "that which he does is made 
 jufi by his doings juft J fay in him, not always jujl in us, by the example ; for a man 
 ihatjhall command, a thing openly , and plot Jecretly the hinder ance of the fame , if he pu- 
 nifh him, hefo commanded, for not doing it is unjufi. So alfo his Counfels, they be there- 
 fore not in vain, becaufe they be his , whether we fee the ufe of them or not. When Cod 
 a^iUed]oh , he did objeU nj fm to him , hut jufiified that affliSing him by tellivg him of 
 his power. Hafi thou (fays God) an arm lik^e mine ? where waji thou when J laid the 
 foundations of the earth .? and the Ukr. So our Sjviour concerning the man that was 
 born blind . faid , it was not for his fin , nor his Parents fin , but that the power of God 
 might be fl}ewn in him. Beajis are Subjedi to death and torment , yet they cannot fn. 
 h was Gods will it jhould be fn. Tower trreffiible juft ifieih all cUi(ns really and pro- 
 perly
 
 £) IS COURSE I» ^g^^"fi ^If. Hobs* 55p 
 
 perly in vchomfoever it be found. Lefs power dues not. And becaufe fitch pomr is in 
 God only , he muji needs bejuji in all hps aUtions. And we, that not com^rehendinn his 
 Counfels , call him to the Bar , commit in]ujiice in it. 
 
 >- J am not ignorant of the njiul reply t9 this anfirer by dijiingttifhing betTt>een tvill and 
 permijfion. As ^ th.it G>d Almighty does indeed permit fmfometimes , and that he alfo 
 forekftojveth that the fin he permitteth fijall be committed, but does not toil! it, nor necef- 
 fitate it. J\norv alfo they dijiinguijh the aCiion from the fm of the aVtion , fayin^ , God 
 Almighty does indeed caitfe the aUion, rvhatfoever aUion it he , but not the fwfalnefs or 
 irregularity of it , that is , the difcordance between the adion and the Law. Such di- 
 fiinifions as thefe dazzle my underftandiug. I find no difference between the will to have a 
 thing dine and the permi^on to doit , when he that per mitteth it can hinder it , and 
 hitows it will be done unlefi he hinder it. Njr find I any difference between an aUinn that is a- 
 gainjlthe Law., and the fin of that aSiion. As for example, between thekil'ing of Uriah, and 
 the fin of David in killing Uriah. Nor when one is caitfe of both the action and of the 
 LiW,how another can becaufe of the dij agreement between them, no more than how one man 
 making a longer or jhorter garment, another can mak^ the inequality that is between them, 
 "Xhis I know, God cannot fin, becaufe his doing a thing mahps it jufl , and conjequently 
 no fin. And becaufe whatfoever can fin , isfubje£l to another s Law , rvhich God is not. 
 And therefore tis Blafphemy to fay , God can fin. But to fay, that God can fo order the 
 iVorld that as , a fin may be neceffarily caufed thereby in a man , J do not fee how it is any 
 dif honour to him. Howfoever, iffuch or other dijHnliions can maks ^* '^^^'^^ *'-''»* St. Paul 
 did not think^ECzwi or Pharaohs ahions to proceed from the wiU and purpofe of God, or that 
 proceeding from his will, could not therefore without injufiicebe blamed or punifhed , J will 
 asfoon as lundajiand them turn unto J. DV. opinion. For I now hold nothing^ in all this 
 queftion between us , but what feemeth to me not obfcurely , hut mojl exprefly faid in this 
 place by St. Paul. And thus much in anfwer to hU places of Scripture. 
 
 1. H. Thinks to kill two birds with one ftone , and fatisfies two arguments with 
 one anfwer, whereas in truth he fatisfieth neither. Firft , for my Third reafon. 
 Though all he fay here , were as true as an Oracle , Though punifliment were an 
 Adt of Dominion, not of Juftice in Godi yet this is no fufficient caufe why God 
 {hould deny his own Adt , or why he (hould chide orexpoftulate with men , why 
 they did that which hehimfelf did necelHtate them to do , and vvhereof he was the 
 ador more than they, they being but as the ftone , but he the hand that thre^vit. 
 Notwithftanding any thing which is pleaded here , this Stoical opinion doth liick 
 hypocrify and diliimulation clofc to God , who is the truth it felf. 
 
 And to my fift argument , which he changeth and relateth amifs, as by compa- 
 ring mine with his , may appear ; His chiefeft anfwer is to oppofe a difficult place 
 of St. ?aul, Rom. 9. ii. Hath he never heard , that to propofe a doubt is not to 
 anfwer an argument . Nee bene refpondet qui litem lite refolvit. ^ut I will not pay 
 him in his own coin. Wherefore tojjhis place alledged by him , I anfwer the cafe 
 is not the fame The queftion mov" there is , how God did keep his promife 
 made to Abraham to be the God of him and of his feed , if the Jews who were the 
 legitimate progeny of Abraham were dcferted. To which the Apoftle anfwers ver. 
 6. 7. 8. That that promife wqs not made to the carnal feed of Abraham , that is , 
 the Jews , but to his Spiritual Sons which were the Heirs of his Faith , that is to 
 the believing Chrillians i which anfwer he explicateth, firft by the allegory of/- 7 p 
 faac and Ifhmael , and after in the place cited of Efan and of Jacob. Yet neither 
 doth he fpeak there fo much of their perfons as of their pofterities. And though Num. 5. 
 foma words may be accommodated to Gods predeftination, which arc there utter- 
 ed , yet it is not the fcope of that text , to treat of the reprobation of any man to 
 Hell-fire. Allthe pofterity of Efau were not eternally reprobated , as Holy Joi 
 and many others. But this queftion which is now agitated between us , is quite of 
 another nature , how can a man be a criminal, who doth nothing but that which he 
 is extrinfecally necellitated to do , or how God in Juftice can punifli a man with e- 
 ternal torments, for doing that , which it was never in his power to leave undone. 
 That he who did imprint the motion in the heart of man, fhould punilh man, who 
 did onely receive the imprellion from him. So his anfwer lookj another way. 
 
 Bat bcciuf: he grounds fo much upon this text, that if it can be cleared he is 
 
 ready
 
 6-^0 
 
 A VwcUcation of true Liberty T O M t i U" 
 
 7^ ro Change h,s opinion , 1 \vUl cxamm all thofe paflages which n,ny Kem to 
 favour his caufc. Firlr , thefe words ver. jubet^gmt yet hern , neither har^^dofre 
 am Qood or evil, lipon which the whole weight of his argutiient doth depend, have 
 no reference at all to thofe words ver. 13. ]zcoh have 1 luved^ and E(au have J hated, 
 f V for thofe words were hrli uttered by the Prophet Malachy , many ages after Jao.b 
 ' and Efjif were dead , M^l- i. 2. and intended of the polterity of Ejau , who were 
 not redeemed from captivity , as the Ifraelites were. But they are referred to thofe 
 other words ver. 12. the elder pall ferve the yoMtger , which indeed were fpoken 
 before Jacob or Ef'u were born. Gen. 5. 2a. And though thofe words of Mala- 
 dy had been ufcd of Jacob and Efau before they were born , yet it had ad- 
 vantaged his caufc nothing , for hatred in that text doA not fignifie any reproba- 
 tion to the Hames of Hell , much Icfs the execution of that decree , or the aftual 
 impofitianof piurfliment, nor any ad contrary to love. God faw all that he 
 made and it was very good. Goodnefs it felf cannot hate that which is good. 
 But hatred there lignirtes comparative hatred , or a lefs degree of Love , or at the 
 molf a negation of Love. As Gen. 2p, 31. Ifhen the Lord fare that Leah n>as hated 
 We may not conclude thence that Jacob hated his Wife , the precedent verfc 
 doth fully expound the fenfe: ver. 30. Jacob loved Rachel more than Leah. So Matt. 
 6. 24. No man can fcrve two Mailers , for either he will hate the one and love the 
 other. So Luke i^. 26. If any man hate not his Father and Mother , &c. he 
 cannot be my Difciple .St. Matth. tells us the fenfe of it Matt. 10. 37. Be that loveth 
 father or Mother more than me , is not worthy of me. 
 
 Secondly , thofe words ver. 15-* IwiVhave mercy on whom Irritlhave mercy , do 
 prove no more but this , that the preferring of Jacob before Efau, and of the Chri- 
 ftians before the Jews , was not a debt from God , either to the one or to the other 
 but a work of mercy. And what of this > All men confefs that Gods mercies do, 
 exceed mansdcferts, but Gods punifliments do never exceed mans mifdeeds. As 
 we fee in the parable of the Labourers , Matth. 20. Friend^ I do thee no wrong, did 
 not J agree with thee for a penny} Is it not lawful for me to do with mine own at Jwil! ? \s 
 thy eye evilbecaufe \ am good? adts of Mercy are free, but ads of Jufiicc are due. 
 That which follows ver. 17. comes fomething nearer thecaufe. The Scriptnre 
 faith unto Pharoah , for this fame purpofe have I raifed thee up , f that is, I have made 
 thee a King, or I liave prefervcd thee ) that I might jhew my power in thee. But this 
 particle ( that ) doth not always fignifie the main end of an adion, but fometimes 
 only aconfcqueqt ofit. As Matt. 2. i-j. He departed into E!;^v|'r , that it might 
 be fulfilled which was fpoken by the Prophet , out ci Ei^yphzvc I called my Soni 
 without doubt Jnfephs aim or end of his Journey was not' to fulfil Prophefies , but 
 to fave the Life of the- Child. Yet becaufe the fulfillire of the Ptophefie was a con- 
 fequent of Jofephs journey , he faith that it might he fulfilled. So here , I have raif- 
 ed thee up that 1 might pew my power. Agairx , though it fhoold be granted that 
 this particle, that, did denote the intention w God to deftri'V Tharoah in the Red 
 Sea , yet it was not the antecedent intention of God , v^hich evermore refpcds the 
 good and benefit of the creature , but Gods ccnfequcnt intention upon the previ- 
 i\on <j{ Thar johs ohiWnacY , thatfmcchc would cot Glorifie God in obeying his 
 Word , he fliould Glorifie God undergoing his Judgments, Hitherto we find no 
 Eternal punifhmcnts nor no temporal pun ifiim.ent wthout juft dcferts. 
 
 It follows ver. 18. whom he will he hardeneth: iLutcd hardnefs of heart is the great- 
 eft judgment that God lays upon a linrer in this Lite , wcrfe than all the Plagues 
 of Egypt. But how dcth God harden the heart ? not by a natural influence of a- 
 ny evil ad or habit into the will, not by inducing the will with perfwafive motives 
 to obrtinacy and rebellion , for Gcd icmptetb no man , but every man is tempted whan 
 he is drawn away of his own luji and enticed. Jam. i. 13. Then God isfaid toharden 
 the heart three ways, Firii , Negatively , and not pofitivt'y , not by imparting 
 wickednefs, but by not imparting Grace, as the Sun defcendingto theTropick of 
 Capricorn, it isfaid with us to be "the caufe of Winter, that is, not by imparting 
 cold , but by not imparting hear. It is an ad of Mercy in God to give hi"^ Grace 
 freely, but to detain it is no adof injuftice, Sothe Apoftle cppoleth hardening 
 to (hewing of Mercy : to harden is as much as not to (hew Mercy. 
 
 Sesond-
 
 Discourse I. a^aind Mr. Hobs. 
 
 Secondly, God is faid to harden the heart occafionally and not caufally , by do- 
 ing good, which incorrigible tinners make an occalion of growing worfe and worfc 
 and doing evih as a Malter by often corredting of an untoward Scholar , doth ac- 
 cidentally and occafionally harden his heart , and render him more obdurate, info- 
 mach as i: growes even to defpife the Rod. Or as an indulgent Parent by his Pati- 
 ence and gentlenefs doth incourage an obftinate Ton to become more rebellious. So 
 whether we look upon Gods frequent judgements upon Pharaoh, or Gi>ds iterat- 
 ed favours in removing and withdrawing thofe judgements upon Phiraohx requcit, 
 both of them iu their federal kinds, were occalions of hardening Pharaohs heaa 
 the one making him more prefumptuous , the other more defperately rebellious. So 
 that which was good , in it was Gods i that which was evil was Pharaohs. God 
 gave the occafion , but Pharaoh was the true caufe of his own obduration. Tais 
 is clearly conrtrm-d Exod. 8. 15. H^hsn Phiraoh faw that there was refpite , he har- 
 dened his heart. And Exod. 9.34. /^^»?c"« P.iaraoh /Jw?, that the Rain and the H21I 
 and the 'Thunders were ceafed , he ftnn d yet m.)re , and hardened his heart, he and his 
 Servants. So Pfal, 105. 25. He tur ted their hearts , lo that they hxted his people, aid 
 dealt fubtilly jvith them , That is , God BlefTed the Children oi' Ifrael , whereupon 
 the Egyptians did take occafion to hate them , as is plain Exod. i. ver. 7. 8. p. 10. 
 So God hardened Pharoahs heart , and Pharaoh hardened his own heart. God har- 
 dened it not by (hewing mercy to Pharaoh^ as he did to Nebuchadnezzar , who was 
 as great a finner as he , or God hardened it occafionally , but ftill Pharaoh wis the 
 true caufe of his own obduration , by determining his own will to evil , and con- 
 firming himfelf in his obftinacy. So are all prefumptuous finners Pfal. 95. 8. 
 Harden not yunr hearts as in the provocation, at in the dty of temptation in the iViUemefs, 
 Thirdly God is faid to harden the heart permillively , but not op:rative!y, nor 
 efFedively, as he who openly lefts loofe a Greyhound out of the llip, is laid to 
 hound him at the Hare. Will youfee plainly what Saint Paul intends by hardening* 
 Read ver. 22. What if God wiping to fhero his wrath and tomak^ his power known rthat 
 is , by a confequent will , which in order of nature folio w> the previfion of fin ) 
 indmed tfith much long fuffering the vejfels of wrath fitted to dellru&ivi. And that he 
 might mak^ k^nown the riches of his Glory on the vejjels of mercy , &c. There is mueh 
 difference between induring and impeding , or inciting the Veffels of wrath. He 
 faith of the Veffels of Mercy, that God prepared them unto Glory. But of the Vcirds of 
 wrath, he faith onely that they were fitted to d-iiru"ti-.n , that is, not by God, but 
 by themfelves- Saint Paul faith, that God doth endure the Veffds of iVra'.h wnh 
 much long fuffering , T. R faith , that God wills and effedls by the fecond caulcs all 
 their adions good and bad, that he necelfitateth them , and determincth them ir- 
 refilHbly to dotho(e a6ts which he condemueth as evil, and for which he punillieth 
 them. If doing willingly , and enduring, if much long fuffering, andnecejjitatin^ , im- 
 ply not a contrariety one to another ,'reddat mihi minam Diogenes, let liim that 
 taught me Logick , give me my money again. 
 
 But 7*. H. faith , that this diftindion between the operative and permijjtve Will of 
 God '■> and that other between the a(Sion and the irregularity do dazzle his under- 
 ftanding. Though he can find no difference betwen thefe two, yet others do. Saint 
 Paul himfelf did , A£i. 13. 18. About the time nf^o. years fnffered he their manners 
 in the Wildernefs. And AU. 14. id. Who in times paji fufferedall Nations to wal'^in 
 their own rvays. T. H. would make fuffering to be inciting , their minncrs to be 
 Gods manners, their ways to be Gods ways. And A^s 17. 30. Ihe times of this 
 ignorance God winkled at It was never heard that one was laid to whik, orconnive at 
 that which was his own z&. And i Cor. 10. 13. God it faithful , who wrll notjuf- 
 fer you to be tempted above that you are able. To tempt is the Devils ait, thcr^furc 
 he is called the Tempter : God Tempts : no man to fin , but he fuffers them to be 
 tempted. And fofufters , that he could hinder Sathan, if he would. But by T. //. 
 hisDodtrinc, to tempt to fin, and to fuffcr one to be tempted to fin, whin it is 
 in his power to hinder it , is all one: and fo he transforms God (I write it with 
 horrour ) into the Devil , and makes tempting to be Gods own work , and the 
 Devil to be but his inltrumcnt. And in that noted place, Rom. 2. 4. Vcf/iftii thou 
 the riches of b'n goodnefi , and forbearance , and long-fufferiitg , not k^wwing that the gon^^ 
 
 1 i i i neji 
 
 6yi
 
 -^ 'a Vindicauon of trfiTuberty T O N' ¥ \\[ 
 
 „eli ct Cod leadetb thee to repentance , but after thy hardnefs and tmpemt heart treaju- 
 tell ttP tmo thv felfrvrath , againji the day of wrath.and revelation oj the righteous J lodg- 
 ment «{ Cod Here are as many convincing arguments in this one Text againil the 
 ■ ion of V. H. almolt as there are words. Here we learn that God is rich in good- 
 «S" and will not punifli his creatures for that which is his own adt i Secondly, 
 that' he Cufen am\ forbears finners long , and doth not fnatch them away by fuddain 
 death as they dcfcrve. Thirdly, that the reafon of Gods forbearance is to bring men 
 to repentance, foiuthly, thzt hardnefs of heart or impenitency is not caufally from God, 
 but from our felves. Fifthly, that it is not the infufficient propofal of the means of 
 their converfion on Gods part, which is the caufe of mens perdition, but their 
 own contempt and defpifing of thefe means. Sixthly , that punifhment is not an 
 ad of abfolute dominion , but an ad of righteous Judgment, whereby God ren- 
 ders to every man according to his own deeds , wrath to them, and only to them , 
 who treafure up rvrath unto themfelves , and Eternal Life to thofe rvho continue pati- 
 ently in well- doing. If they deferve fiich punifliraent who only negled the goodnefs 
 and long fuffering of God, what do they, who utterly deny it , and make Gods 
 doing and his fuffering to be all one ? I do be{eech T. H. to confider what a degree 
 of wilfulnefs it is , out of one obfcure text wholy mifunderftood , to contradid the 
 clear current of the whole Scriptur. Of the fame mind with Saint Vatil was Saint 
 ■Feter^i Pet.^.22.The longfuffering of Cod rvaitedonce in the days o/Noah. And 2. Pet. 3. 
 15. Account that the longfiiffering of the Lord is falvation. This is the Name God gives 
 himfeir.Exod. 34. 6. Jhe Lord, the Lord Cod, merciful and gracious, longfuffering,8cc. 
 Yet I do acknowledge that which T- H. faith to be commonly true, that he who 
 doth permit any thing to be done , which it is in his power to hinder , knowing 
 that if he do not hinder it, it will be done, doth in fome fort will it. I fay in fome 
 fort, that is, either by antecedent will , or by a confequent will , either by an o- 
 perative will , or by a pcrmitlive will , or he is willing to let it be done , but not 
 ■willing to do it. Sometimes an antecedent engagement doth caufe a man to futfer 
 that to be done , which otherwife he would not fuffer. So Darius fuffered Daniel 
 to be caft into the Lions Den , to make good his rafli decree i So Herod fuffered 
 John Fdip*//? to be beheaded , to make good his rafli Oath i how much more may 
 the immutable rule of JulHce in God , and his fidelity in keeping his word, draw 
 from him the punifhment of obftinate finners, though antecedently he willeth their 
 converfion ? he loveth all his creatures well , but his own juftice better. Again , 
 fometimcs a man fuffereth that to be done, which he doth not will diredly in it felf 
 but indiredlv for fome other end , or for the producing of fome great good i as a 
 man willeth that a putrid member be cut off from his body, to fave the Life of 
 the whole. Or as a Judge being defirous to fave a Malefadors Life , and having 
 power to reprieve him , doth yet condemn him for example fake, that by the death 
 of one, he may fave the Lives of many. Marvel not then if God fuffer fome crea- 
 tures to take fuch courfes as tend to their own ruin , fo long as their fufferings do 
 make for the greater manifeftation of his Glory , and for the greater benefit of his 
 faithful Servants. This is a moft certain truth , that God would not fuffer evil to 
 be in the World , unlels he knew how to draw good out of evil. Yet this ought 
 not to be fo underfiood , as if we made any priority or polkriority of time in the 
 ads of God, but only of nature. Nor do we make the antecedent and confequent 
 •will to be contrary one to another , becaufe the one refpeds man pure and uncor- 
 rupted , the other refpeds him as he is lapfed. The objeds are the fame, but con- 
 fidered after a diverfe manner. Nf r yet do we make thefe wills to be diftind in 
 God , for they are the fame with the divine effence , which is one. But the di.'lin- 
 dion is in order to the objcds or things willed. Nor , Laftly, do we make this 
 pefmiilion to be a naked or a meer permiffion ; God caufeth all good , permitteth 
 all evil , difpofeth all things , both good and evil. 
 
 7*. H. demands how God fliould be the caufe of the action and yet not be the 
 caufe of the irregularity of the adion. I anfwer , becaufe he concur"? to the doing 
 of evil by a i!;eneral , but not by a fpecial influence. As the earth gives nourifli- 
 ment to all kinds of plants, as well to Hemlock as to wheat, but the reafon wliy 
 the one yeilds food to our fuftenance , the other poifon to our defirudion , is not 
 
 from
 
 Discourse I. againjl Mr. Hobs. 
 
 673 
 
 from the fpecial quality of the root. Even fo the general power to zOc is from 
 God , in him tve live , and move , and have our being. This is good. But the fpe- 
 cification, and determination , of this general power, to the doing of any evil , 
 is from our felves , and proceds from the free will of man v this is bad. And to 
 fpeak properly , the free will of man is not the efficient caufe of iln , as the root 
 ot the Hemlock is ot poyfon , fin having no true entity or being in it , as poylbn 
 hath. But rather the detident caufe. Now no defedt can flow from him who 
 is the higheft perfection. Wherefore T. H. is mightily miftaken , to make the par- 
 ticular and determinate aft of killing 'Z;rij/? to be from God. The General power 
 to adl is from God, but the fpecitication of this general and good power to 
 murther , or to any particular evil , is not from God , but from the free will of 
 man. So T. H. may fee clearly if he will, how ont may be the caufe of the Law, and 
 likewifeof theadtion in fome fort, that is, by general influence i and yet another 
 caufe concurring by fpecial influence and determining this general and good power 
 may make it felf the true caufe of the anomy or the irregularity. And rheretbre he may 
 keep his longer and Ihprter garments for fome other occalion. Certainly , they will 
 not fit this Subjed, unlefs he could make general and fpecial influence to be all one. 
 
 But t. H. prefleth yet further, that the cafe is the fame , and the objection ufed 
 by the Jews , ver. ip. JVtyydoth he yet find fault ? who hath refijied his mil? is the 
 very fame with my argument > and St. Pauls anfwer ver. 20. man n>ho art thou that 
 replyeji again{l God ? Jhall the thing formed fay to him that formed it^ why haji thou made 
 me thus? Hath not the Potter ^ower over his clay^ &c. is the very fame with his anfwer 
 in this place, drawn from the irrefiftible power, and abfolute Dominion of God, 
 which jultifieth all his anions. And that the Apoftle in his anfwer doth not deny, 
 that it was Gods will, nor that Gods decree was before Efaus fin. To which I reply. 
 
 Firft , that the cafe is not at all the fame, but quite different, as may appear by 
 thefe particulars i firll: thefe words, before they had done either good or evil, are not, can- 
 not be referred to thofe other words, Efan have I hated \ Secondly if they could, yet it 
 islefsthan nothing , becaufe before Efau had actually finned, his future fins were 
 known to God i Thirdly , by the Potters clay , here is not to be underltood the 
 pure Mifs, but the corrupted Mafs of mankind. Fourthly , the hating here men- 
 tioned is onely a comparative hatred , that is , a lefs degree of Love. Fifthly , 
 the hardening which St. Paul fpeaks of, is not a pofitive , but a negative obdura- 
 tion , or a not imparting of Grace. Sixthly St. Paul fpeaketh not of any pofitive 
 reprobation to eternal puniihment , much lefs doth he fpeak of the adual inflicting 
 of Dunilliment without fin , which is the queflion between us , and wherem 7. H. 
 differs from all that I remember to have read, who do all acknowled^^e that 
 punilTiment is never actually inflicted but for fin. If the queftion be put. Why 
 God doth good to one , more than to another or why God imparteth 
 more Grace to one than to another, as it is there, the anfwer is juft and fie, 
 becaufe it is his pleafure, and it is (awcinefs in a creature in this cafe to rep'v , 
 May not God do what he will with his own ^ Matth. 20. 15. No man doubteth but God 
 imparteth grace beyond mans defertsBut if the cafe be put,why God doth puniOi one 
 more than another , or why he throws one into hell-fire, and not another, which is 
 the prefentcafeagitated between usi To fay with T. H. that it is becaufe God is Om- 
 nipotent, or becaufe his power is irrefiflble, or meerly becaufe it is his pleafure, is not 
 only not warranted , but is plainly condemned by St. PjhI. in this place. So many 
 differences there are between thofe two ca(es. It is not therefore againft God, that I re- 
 ply, but againft T. H. I do not call my Creator to the Bar, but my fellow creature i 
 lasK no account of Gods Counfels , but of mans prefumptions. It is the mode 
 of thefe times to father their own fancies upon God, and when they cannot juftirie 
 them by reafon , to plead his omnipotence, or to cry, altitudo^th^t the ways of 
 God are unfearchable. If they may juftirie their drowfie dreams, becaufe Gods 
 Power and Dominion is abfolute i much more may we rcjed fuch phantaflical de« 
 vifes which are inconfiltent with the truth, and goodnefs , and Juftice of God , 
 and make him to be a Tyrant , who is the father of mercies , and the God of all 
 confolation. The unfearchablenefs of Gods ways (hould be a bridle to rellrain pre- 
 fumption, and not aSanttuary for Spirits of error. 
 
 I i i i 2 Second-
 
 -f^^ ~A Vindi cauon of true liberty T O IME^JH. 
 
 ' Secondly this obicction contained ver. i^.to -which the Apoftlc anlwcrs vcr. 20. 
 is not iriade'ln the perfon ot"Ep« or Vharoah , as T. U. fuppofeth , but of the un- 
 believing lews who thought much at that Grccc and favour which God was pleaf- 
 cd to vouchfate'unto the GemiUs , to acknowledge them for his people , which ho- 
 thev Would have appropriated to the pofierity of Jbtahanu And the Apollles 
 anfwcr is notoncly drawnt'rom the Sovereign Dcn.inicn ofGod,toimpart hisGrace 
 to whom he plcafctli , as hath been (hewed already, but alio from the obftinacy and 
 proper fault of the Jetvi , as appcareth ver. 22. What if Cod wilhirg ( that is , by 
 a confcquent vvill j to fhcre Im wrath ^ and to makg his Jjotftr kriorpH , endured with 
 much longjufferuig the vtflels of wrath fitted to definitHcn. They acted , God endu- 
 red ) they were tolerated by God, but fitted to defiruction by thcmfelves, for their 
 much wrong doing , here is Gods much lon^ J uffering •■> diud rr.ore plainly vcr. 31 
 Jfrael hath not attained to the Law of righteoufmfs , wherefore ? hecaufe they fought it 
 not by Faith , but as it were by the workj of the Law. This reafon is fct down yet 
 more emphatically in the next Chapter ver. 3. 7hey (that is, thelfraelites ) being 
 ignorant of Gods righteoufnefs ( that is by Faith in Chrift , ) and going about to 
 efiablijh their own righteoufnefs , ( that is, by the works of the Law) have mt fub- 
 mitted themfelves to the righteoufnefi of God. And yet moft exprefly Chap. 1 1. ver. 20. 
 hecaufe of unbelief they were broV^n ojf, but thoufiandeji by Faith , Neither was there 
 any precedent binding decree of God , to ncccllitate them to unbelief, and confe- 
 quently to punifhment , it was in their own power by their concurrence with Gods 
 Grace to prevent thefe Judgements, and to recover their former eftate , ver. 23. 
 If they (th:it is,the unbelieving Jews ) abide notftiV in u^fbelief they (hall be grafted in. 
 The Crown and the Sword are immoveable, ( to ufe St. Anfelms comparifon ) but 
 it is we that move and change places. Sometimes the '^ews were und er the Crown, 
 and the Gentiles under the Sword , fometimes the Jews under the Sword , and the 
 Gentiles under the Crown. 
 
 Thirdly , though I confefs , that human padis arc not the meafure of Gods 
 Jufticc , but his Juftice is his ov;n immutable will , whereby he is ready to give e- 
 very man that which is his own : as rewards to the good, punifhments to the bad, 
 fb neverthelefs God may oblige himfelf freely to his creature. He made the Cove- 
 nant of works with mankind in Adam^&c therefore he punifhcth not man contrary to 
 his own Covenant, but for the tranfgreflion of his duty. And Divine Juf^ice is not 
 meafured by Omnipotence , or by irrefiffible power , but by Gods will •, God can 
 do many things according to his abfolute power which he doth not; he could raife 
 up children to Abraham of f\ones , but he never did To. It is a rule in Theology , 
 that God cannot do any thing which argues any wickednefs or impcrfeftion , as 
 God cannot deny himfelf, 2. Tim. 2. 13. He cannot lye, lit. 1,2. Thefe and 
 the like are fruits of impotence , not of Power. So God cannot defiroy the righ- 
 teous with the wicked , Gen. 18. 25. He could not deflroy Sodom whilft Lot was 
 in it. Gen. ip. 22. not for want of Dominion or power, but becaufc it was not 
 agreeable to his Juftice , nor to that Law which himfelf had con/iituted. The A- 
 po(\le faith Hcb. 6. 10. Cod is mt unrighteous to forget your worh^ As it is a good 
 confequence to fay , this is from God , therefore it is righteous , fo is this alfo i 
 This thing is unrighteous , therefore it cannot proceed from God. Wc fee how 
 all Creatures by inlVindV of nature do love their young , as the Hen her Chickens , 
 how they will expofe themfelves to death for thcnr, And yet all thefe are but (ha- 
 dowes of that love which is in God towards his Creatures. How impious is it then 
 to conceive , that God did Create fo many Millions of Souls to be tormented eter- 
 nally in Hell , without any fault of theirs , except fuch as he himfelf did necellitate 
 them unto , meerly to fliew his Dominion , and becaufe his power is irrefiftiblc > 
 The fame privilege which T. H. appropriates here to power abfolutely irrefifiible, a 
 friend ofhisin his book de Cive caf. 6. fag.'J<Si.ikx)hts to power refpedively irrefifli- 
 blc, or to Sovereign Magiltrates, whofe power he makes to be as abfolute as a mans 
 power is over hiinfelf , not to be limitted by any thing , but only by their 
 ftrength. The grcateft propugners of Sovereign power think it enough for Prin- 
 ces to challenge an immunity from coercive power , but acknowledge , that the 
 Law hatha diredive power over thein. But T. H. will have no limits but their 
 ftrength. Whatfoevcr they do by power, they do juftly. But
 
 Dfs COURSE I. againft Mr. Hobs. 5^^ 
 
 But, faith he , God objedl^d no fin to Job , but juftiried his affliding him by his 
 power, Firit , this is an argument from authority negatively, that is to fay, worth 
 nothing. Secondly , the atflidlions of Job were no vindicatory punilliments to 
 take vengeance of his fins, C whereof we difpute J) but probatory challifements to 
 malie trial of his graces. Thirdly, Jc^ was not fo pure, but that God mi>^ht jufily 
 have laid greater puni(hments upon him , than thofe alHidtions which he^fulfered. 
 VVitnefs his impatience , even to the Curfing of the Day of his Nativity , Job 3. 3. 
 Indeed God faid to Job , where tpojl thou when I laid the foundations of the earth ? 
 Job. 38. 4. that is, how canlt thou judge of the things that were done before thou 
 waft born ? or comprehend the_ fecret caufes of my judgements > And Job 42. p. 
 Hijf thou an Ann likg God ? As if he (hould fay , why art thou impatient ? do!t thou 
 think thy fclf able to ftrive with God ? But that God fliould punifh j^b without 
 defert , here is not a word. 
 
 Concerning the blind man , mentioned John 9. his blindnefs was rather a blelling 
 to him than a puniftiment, being the means to have his Soul illuminated, and to bring 
 him to fee the face of God in Jefus Chrift. The fight of the body is common to 
 us with Ants and Flics , but the fight of the Soul with the blelfed Angels. We 
 read of fom: , who have put out their bodily eyes becaufe they thought ^hey were 
 an impediment to the eye of the Soul. Again , neither he nor his parents were in- 
 nocent, being conceived and born in fin and iniquity , ?fal 51.5. And in miay 
 things we otfend all. Jam. 3. 2. But our Saviours meaning is evident by the Di- 
 fciples queftion , ver. 2. They had not fo finned, that he (hould be born blind. 
 or they were not more grievous finners than other men , to defer ve an exemplary 
 judgement more than they v but this corporal blindnefs befel him principally by the 
 extraordinary providence of God i for the manifeftation of his own Glory, in re- 
 ftoring him to his Sight. So his inftance halts on both fides •, neither was this a pu- 
 nilhment , nor the blind free from fin. His third inltance of the death and tor- 
 ments of beafts , is of no more weight than the two former. The death of brute 
 hearts is not a punithment of fin , but a debt of nature. And though they be often 
 flaughtered for the ufeof man, yet there is a vaft difference between thofe light and 
 momentary pangs , and the unfufferable and endlefs pains of hell ■-, between the 
 meer depriving of a creature of a temporal life , and the fubjeding of it to eternal 
 death i I know the Philofophichal fpeculations of fome who affirm , that entity is 
 better than non-entity, that it is better to be miferable , and fuffer the torments of 
 the damned, than to be annihilated, and ceafe to be altogether. This entity which 
 they fpeak of, is a Metaphyfical entity abftradied from the matter, which is better 
 than non-entity, in refped of fome goodnefs, not moral, nor natural , but tran- 
 fcendental, which accompanies every being. But in the concrete it is far other- 
 wife, where that of our Saviour often takes place, Matth. 2<5. 24. iFo untn that 
 man by whom the Son of Mm is betrayed , it had been good for that man, that he had not 
 beenborn. I add, that there is an Analogical Juftice and mercy due even to the 
 brute beafts. 'Ihoufhalt not muzzle the mouth of the Ox that treadeth out the Corn. And 
 a )uli man is merciful to his beali, *■ 
 
 But his greateft errour is that which I touched before , to make Juftice to be the 
 proper refult of Power. Power doth not meafure and regulate Juliice, but Juftice 
 meafures and regulates Power. The will of God , and the eternal Law which is 
 in God himfelf, is properly the rule and meafure of Juftice. As all goodnefs v/he- 
 ther Natural or Moral, is a participation of Divine goodnefs , and all created re- 
 ditude is but a participation of Divine reditudc , fo all Laws are but participa- 
 tions of the eternal Law, from whence they derive their Power. The rule of 
 Juftice then is the fame both in God and us , but it is in God , as in him that doth 
 regulate and m:afure i in us, as in thofe who are regulated and meafured. As the 
 will of God is immutable , always willing what is juft and right and good •, So his 
 juitice likewife is immutable. And that individual adion which is juftly puniftied 
 as iliiful in us , cannot pollibly proceed from the fpecial influence and determina- 
 tive power of a juft caufe. See then how grolTely T. H. doth underftand that old 
 and true principle , that the wiV of God is the rule ofjujiice , as if by willing things 
 in themfclves unjuil , he did render them juft , by reafon of his abfolute dominion 
 
 and
 
 ~~^6 ~ Tl^indication of true Liberty TOME 111. 
 
 and irrefiftible power. As hre doth aliimilatf other things to it lelf , and convert 
 them into the nature of hre. This were to niake the eternal Law a Lesbian rule. 
 Sin is defined to be that n>htch is done , or [aid , or thought contrary to th eternal Law. 
 But by this dodtiine nothing is done , nor faid , nor thought contrary to the will 
 of God. St. Aiijelin faid molt truly , then the will of man is good andjujt and right , 
 Tchen he' wills that which God would have him to will : but according to this Dodrine 
 every man always wills that which God would have him to will. If this be true, 
 we need not pray , Thy ^iH ^"^ ^^»e in earth as it is in heaven : T. E. hath devifed 
 a new kind of Heaven upon Earth. The word is, it is an Heaven without J ullice. 
 TulHceisa coiitlant and perpetual ad of the will, to give every one his owni but 
 to infli<ft punilhment for thofe things which the Judge himfelf did determine 
 and necelfitate to be done , is not to give every one his own \ right punitive ]u- 
 ftice is a relation of equality and proportion, between the demerit and the puni- 
 fhment 5 but fuppolTng this opinion of abfolute and univerfal neceility , there is no 
 demerit in the World. We ufe to fay , that right fprings from Law and fad: , as 
 in this Syllogifm , every Thief 01 ght to be punifhed, there's the Law ■, but fuch an 
 one is a Thief, ther's the fad , therefore he ought to be puniflied , there is right. 
 But this opinion of T.H grounds the right to be puniftied, neither upon Law, nor 
 upon Fad , but upon the irrefillible power of God. Yea , it overturneth as much 
 as in it lies all Law i Firrt, the eternal Law, which is the Ordination of Divine 
 Wifdom , by which all creatures are direded to that end which is convenient for 
 them. That is , not to neceflitate them to eternal flames. Then, the Law par- 
 ticipated , which is the Ordination of right reafon, inflituted for the common good, 
 to (hew unto man, what he ought to do, and what he ought not to do. To 
 ^ what purpofe is it to Ihew the right way to him, who is drawn and haled a contra- 
 
 ry way by Adamantine bonds of inevitable neceffity ? 
 
 Laftly , howfoever T. H. cries out , that God cannot fin, yet in truth he makes 
 him to be the principal and mod proper caufe of all fin. For, he makes him to 
 be the caufe not onely of the Law, and of the adion, but even of the irregularity 
 it felf, and the difference between the adion and the Law , wherein the very eC- 
 fence of fin doth confifl. He makes God to determin Davids will , and necelfitate 
 him to kill Vriah. In caufes Phyfically , and elTentially fubordinate , the caufe of 
 the caule is evermore the caufe of the cfTed. Thefe are thofe deadly fruits which 
 fpring from the poyfonous root of the abfolute neceility of all things, which 7. K 
 feeing, and that neither the fins of E/jm, nor Pharaoh , ror any wicked perfon do 
 J. D. proceed from the operative, but from the permiflive will of Godi And that punilh- 
 pjQofs of ment is an adof Juftice, not of Dominion onely, I hope that according to this 
 Liberty promife he will change his opinion. 
 
 drawnfrom The firft Argument is Hercttleum or Baculinum, drawn from that pleafant pafTage 
 
 reafon. between Zeno and his man i The Servant had committed (bme pettilarceny , and 
 
 Numb. I"', '^he Mafter was cudgelling him well for it •, The Servant thinks to creep under his 
 
 ^rg, p. Matters blind-fide , and pleads for himfelfi That the neceffity of defiiny did corn-pel 
 
 him tojieal. The Mafler anfwers , the fame necejjity of deftiny compels me to beat thee. 
 
 He that denies Liberty is fitter to be refuted with rodds, than with Arguments, 
 
 untill he confefs that it is free for him that beats him either to continue ftriking , or 
 
 to give over , that is , to have true liberty. 
 
 "t. H. Of the Arguments from reafon , the firft is , that which he faith, is drawnfrom Zcno'x 
 
 heatingofhis man which is therefore called kigumcntnm baculinum, that is to fay awood- 
 
 den Argument. The (icry is this , Zeno held that all ad ions were neceffary , His man 
 
 therefore being for fame fault beaten, excujed himfelf upon the neceffity of it. To avoid 
 
 this excufe , his Mafter pleaded liJ^wife the necejjity of beating him. So that not he that 
 
 maintained , but he that derided the necejjity of things was beaten , contrary to that he 
 
 would infer ■-, And the Argument was rather withdrawn than drawnfrom thejtory. 
 
 J. v. Whether the Argument be withdrawn from the ftory , or the anfwer withdrawn 
 
 from the Argument , let the Reader judge. T. H. miflakes the fcope of the reafon, 
 
 thefirength whereof doth not lie, neither in the authority of Zeno , a rigid Stoick, 
 
 which is not worth a button in this caufe i Nor in the Servants being an advcrfary 
 
 to Stoicall neceiCty , for it appears not out of the ftory, that the Servant did deride 
 
 ne-
 
 - — 
 
 Discourse I* againji Mr. Hobs* 677 
 
 necellity , but rather that he pleaded it in good earneft for his own )ullihcation. 
 Now in the fuccefs of the fray , we were told even now , that no power doth )ulU- 
 rie an adion, but onely that which is irrefilUble. Such was not Zf«ox. And there- 
 fore it advantageth neither of their caufes , neither that ot Zem , nor this o\ T. H. 
 What if the Servant had taken theftatfe out of his Mailers hand and beaten him fou.id- 
 ly , would not the fame argument have ferved the man, as well as it did the M It. r-" 
 that the necellity of delUny did compell him to rtrike again. Had not Zeno fmirted 
 jultly for his Paradox ? And might not thefpedators well have taken up the Judges 
 Apothegm, concerning the difpute between Corax and his Scholar, an iU e^g of ait 
 ill bird? But the ftrength of this Argument lies partly in the ignorance of Z^fl , 
 that great Champion of necellity , and the beggarlinefs of his caule , winch ad- 
 mitted no defence but with a Cudgel. No man ( faith the Servant } ought to be 
 beaten for doing that which he is compelled inevitably to do, but I am comp';Iled 
 inevitably to fteal. The major is fo evident, that it cannot be denyed. If a (Irong 
 man (hall take a weak mans hand per force , and do violence with it to a Third per- 
 fon, he whofe hand is forced, is innocent , and he onely culpable who compelled 
 him. The minor was Zenos own Dodrine v what anfwer made the great pa- 
 tron of deftiny to his Servant > very learnedly he denied the conclulion , and cud- 
 gelled his Servant , telling him in effed , that though there was no reafon whv he 
 fhould be beaten , yet there was a necellity why he muft be beaten. And partly , 
 in the evident abfurdity offuch an opinion which deferves not to be confuted with 
 reafbns, but with rods. There are four things, faid the Philofopher , which ought 
 not to be called into queaion , Firft, fuch things whereof it is wickednefs todoubti 
 as whether the Soul be.immortal , whether there be a God, fuch an one (hould not 
 be confuted with reafons , but caft into the fea , with a milftone abouf his necK , as 
 unworthy to breath the air , or to behold the light. Secondly, fuch things as'are 
 above the capacity o{ reafon v as among Chriftians, the myftery of the Holy Tri- 
 nity. Thirdly, fuch principles as are evidently true i as that two and two arc 
 four in Arithmetick, that the whole is greater than the part in Logick. Fourthly, fuch 
 things as are obvious to the fenfes ; as whether the fnow be white. He who denied 
 the heat of the fire, was juftly fentenced Xp (je fcorched with fire , and he that denied 
 motion, to be beaten until he recanted. So he who denies all liberty from ne- 
 cellitations , fhould be fcourged untill he become an humble fuppliant to him that 
 whips him , and confefs , that he hath power, either to ftrike , or to hold his 
 hand. .. - . . „ _ 
 
 Secondly , this very perfwafion, that t^xre is no true liberty is able to overthrow ' " 
 all Societies and Commonwealths in the World. The Laws are un)uft which pro- \J^'^' 
 hibit that which a man cannot pollibly ftiun i all confultations are vain , if every ^'^^^"' ^+' 
 thing be either neceffary or impollible. Who ever deliberated, whether the Sun 
 (hould rife to morrow , or whether he fhould fail over mountains^ It is to no more 
 purpofe to admonifh men of underllanding than fools , children , or madmen , 
 if all things be neceffary. Praifes and difpraifes , rewards and punifliments are as 
 vain as they arc undeferved , if there be no liberty. All Counfels , Arts , Arms , 
 Books , Inllruments, are fuperfluous and foolifli , if there be no liberty i in vafn 
 we labour , in vain we Ifudy , in vain we take Phyfick , in vain we have-Tutours 
 to inllrud: us, if all things come to pafs alike, whether we fleep or wake, whe- 
 ther we be idle or induftrious, by unalterable necellity. But it is faid, that thouglt 
 future events be certain, yet they are unknown to us. And therefore we prohibit. 
 deliberate, admonifh, praife, difpraife, reward, punilh , lludy , labour, and' 
 ufe means. Alas, how ("hould our not knowing of the event be a fufficient mo- 
 tive to us, to ufe the means, fo long. as we believe the event is already certainly 
 determined., and can no more be changed by all our endeavours , than we can (tay 
 the courfe of Heaven with our finger^ or add a cubit to ourliature ? Suppofc it be 
 unknown, yet it is certain. We cannot hope to alter the courfe of things by ourla- 
 bours i let the neceffary canfes do their work, we have no remedy but patience, 
 and fhrug up the Shoulders. Either allow liberty , or deftroy all Societies. I.E, 
 
 "the S.'cond Argument is tak^n from certain inconveniences which he thiiikj vcoidd fol- 
 low fuch an opinion, h is tru;, that iU ufe may be made ofit^ and therefore your Lord- 
 
 fhif
 
 678 
 
 'a Vvidication oftmdjherty J OWE 1 £ F. 
 
 Unl, a>^d J. P. OH<>lt .;f r>,y requ.jt '" k^P P"^^'f ' *'';"' l h '^^re of it. But the incon- 
 vernvcesare mdced mm s ay^d rchat «> ioever be »,ade nf trmh , yet truth u truth, aU 
 now the quejiion if wt rphat if fit to he preached , bni vphat is true, the firji imonveni- 
 ence he fayi il thU, that Larvs vphich prohihite any aVuon are then unpj]. Ihe Second^ 
 that aV cotifultati'ns are vai>i: Ihe Ihird , that adniomtions to men ofunderflandi»g are 
 of no more ufe th 01 to fools , ChtldreH and mad-men. Ihe Fourth, that praife, difpraife, 
 reward andpuniihmcnt are in vain, the Fifth , that Cou>fels , Arts , Arms , Books , 
 Mruments, Study, lutours , Medicine t are in vain, lo which argument expedina 
 JJhnuld anfreer by faying, that the ignorance of the event were enough to mak^ us ufe 
 means, he adds ( as it reere a reply to my anfmr frefeen ) thefe wordr. Alas , horv 
 ffjouMow not k>toiving the event be afufficient motive to makf us ufe the means ? where- 
 in be faith right , but my anfreer is not that which he expeCfeth. J anfwer 
 
 Firfl , that the necejjity of an adion doth not mak^ the Law which prohibits it un'mfi. 
 
 to let pafs , that not the necejjiiy , but the will to break^the Law mak^eth the adion unjuji 
 
 hecaufe the Law regardeth ihe will , ' and no other precedent caufes of adion. And to lei 
 
 fafs , that no Law can be pojfibly unjufi , in as much as every man makgs by his confent 
 
 the Law he is bound to k^ep , and which confequently muft be juji , unlefi a man can be 
 
 unjuji to himfelf-, 1 (ay , what necejjary caufe foever preceeds an aBion, yet if the adioa 
 
 be forbidden , he that doth it wilingly may juftly he punijht. For inflance , fuppofe 
 
 ihe Law on pain of death prohibit fealing , and there be a man who by the flrength of 
 
 temptation is neceffitated to fteal , and is thereupon put to death , ioes not this punijhment 
 
 deter others from theft ? is it not a caufe that others fteal not ? doth it not frame and make 
 
 their will to juftice ? to mak^ ihe Law is therefore io mak^ a caufe ofjuflice , and to ne- 
 
 ce^tate jufltce , and confequently it is no injufiiee tomahs jti^^ ^^^^- 
 
 the inftitution of ihe Law is not to grieve the delinquent for that which il pajjed, and 
 not to be undone , hut to makf him and others jufl , that elfe would not befo. And refpe- 
 ifeth not ihe evil aU paji , hut the good to come. Info much as without this good intention 
 of future , no pall aU of a delinquent could juflifie his killing in thefght cf God. But 
 you will fay , how it ^t juji to l^H one man to amend another , if what were done were ne- 
 cejfary ? to this 1 anfwer, thai men are juji ly hilled, not for that their anions are not 
 Tteceffitated , but that they are fpared and prejerved , becauje they are not noxious i for 
 Tphere there is no Law , there no kjling , nor any thing elfe can be unjufl. And by the 
 right of nature we dejiroy , without being unjuji, all that is noxious , both beajls and men. 
 And for beajis we kjH them jujily , when we do it in order to our own prefervation. And 
 yet J. D. confejjeth , that their aUions , as being onely fpontaneous and not free , are all 
 neceffitated and determined , to that one thing which ihcyjhall do. For men , when we 
 mal^ Societies or Commonvpealths , we lay down our right tokiV, excepting in certain 
 cafes , as murther , theft , or other nffenfve aSions ■■, So that ihe right which the Com- 
 monwealth hath to put a man io Aeath for Crimes , is not created by the Law, but remains 
 from the firji right of nature , which every man hath to preferve himjelf, for that the Law 
 doth not ta\e that rrnht away, in caje of-criminals who^ wire by Law excepted. 
 Men are not therefre put to death , or punijh'edfir that their theft proceedeth from eledion, 
 but becaufe it was noxious and contrary to mens prefervation , and the punijhment condu- 
 cing to the prefervation of the reji. Jn as much as io punijh thofe that do voluntary hurt, and 
 iir^ne elfe , frameth and mak^th mens wills fuch as men would have them. And thus it 
 is plain , that from necejjity of a voluntary aCiion cannot he inferred ihe injujiice of the 
 Law that jorbiddeth it , or of ihe Magijirate that punijheih it. 
 
 Secondly, J deny that it makfs conjultations to beinvain\ "'tis the confultation that 
 caufeth a man, andneceffitateth him to choofe to do one thing rather than another. So that 
 unlefs a man fay ^ that caufe to be in vain , which riecejjitateth the effeCi , he cannot in- 
 fer ^he fuperfiuoufnej} of conjultation out of the ne cecity of the eledion proceeding from it. 
 But itfeems he reafms thus , Jj I muji needs do this rather than that, then J (hall do this 
 rather than that; ^ though I con fu It not atall\ which is afalfe propojition , a falfe con- 
 fequence , and no better than this , If IJhall live till to morrow , IJhaV live till to morrorv, 
 though J run my felf through with a Sword to day. If there be a necifjity that an aUion 
 fiiall be done,or th.tt any effeU (hall be brought to pafs, it does not therefore follow, that there 
 is nothingneceffirily required as a means to bring it to pafs. And therefore when it is de- 
 termined, that one thing jhaUbe chofen before another, 'tis determined aljofr. what caufe it 
 
 Jhall
 
 Discourse I. againfi Mr. Hobs. 
 
 chofen^wbich caufefor the mofl part is deliberation or confultation.And therefore confultation 
 is not in vain and indeed the lefs in vain , by hotv much the ekdion is more neceffitated. 
 the fame anftver is to be given to the third fuppofed inconveniency ■.namely, that admo- 
 nitions are in vain , jor admonitions are parts ofconfultations. 7he Admonitor being- a 
 
 ^79 
 
 Counfailer for the time , to him that is admonifhed. 
 
 "The Fourth pretended inconveniency is, that praife and difpraife, reward and punifh- 
 ment will be invain. To which J anfrver , that for praife and difpraife , they depend not 
 at all on the necejftty of the aUion praifed or difpraifed. For , what is it elfe to praife 
 htit to fay a thingis good ? Good, I fay forme, or for fame body elfe , or for the State 
 and Commonwealth, and what is it to fay an adion is gr.od, but to fay it is as 1 would wijl, 
 or as another would have it, or according to the will of the State , that is to fay according to 
 Law ? Does ]. D. think^that no adion canpeaje me or him or the Common-wealth that 
 proceed from necejjity ? 
 
 Things may be therefore neceffary , and yet praifeworthy , as alfo neceffary , and yet dif- 
 praifed , aud neither of both in vain , becaufe praife and difpraife , and lil^wife reward 
 and punifhment , do by example make and conform the will to good or evil. It was a very 
 great praife in my opinion , that \c\\ciusP!Lteicn\as gives Cato , where he fays, he was 
 good by nature , Et quia aliter efle non potuit. 
 
 The Fift and Sixt inconvenience , that Counfels , Arts , Arms , Bookj , Inflmments 
 Study, Medicines^ andthelik^, would be fuperfluous , the fame anfwer ferves that to 
 the former-, that is to fay, that this confequence , if the effeQ Jhall necejjarily come to 
 pafs, then ttjhall come to pafs without its caufe, is a falfe one. And thofe things named 
 Counfels , Arts , Arms , &c. are the caufes of thofe effeUs. ' 
 
 Nothing is more familiar with T. H. than to decline an argument. But t will 
 put it into form for him. The firft inconvenience is thus prefTed. Thofe Laws era 
 unjuft and Tyrannical , which do prefcrifae things abfolutely impoffible in them- 
 felves to be done, and punifli men for not doing of them. But fuppofing T. H.his 
 opinion of the neceffity of all things to be true , all Laws do prefcribe abfolute im- 
 pollibilities to be done , and punifli men for not doing of them. The former pro- 
 pofition is fo clear , that it cannot be denied. Juft Laws are the Ordinances of 
 right reafon, but thofe which prefcribe abfolute impoffibilities, are not the Ordi- 
 nances of right teafon. Juft Laws are inftituted for the publick good , but thofe 
 Laws which prefcribe abfolute impolljbilities are not inftituted for the publick good. 
 Juft Laws do fliew unto a man what is to be done, and what is to be fhunned j 
 but thofe things which prefcribe impoffibilities , do not diredl a man what he is to 
 and what he is to (hun. The- Minor is as evident •, for if his opinion be true all a- 
 dions, all transgrellions are determined antecedently inevitably to be done, by a na- 
 tural and neceffary flux of extrinfecal caufes. Yea , even the will of man , and 
 the reafon it felf is thus determined. And therefore whatfoever Laws do prefcribe 
 any thing to be done which is not done, or to be left undone which is done , do 
 prefcribe abfolute impollibilities , and punifli men for not doing of impolh'bilitics. 
 In all his anfwer there is not one word to this argument , but onely to the con- 
 clufion. He faith , that not the neceffity , but the will to breaks the Law mah^s the a- 
 Uion unju^. I ask what makes the will to break the Law, is it not his nece/Iity ? 
 What gets he by this > A perverfe will caufeth injuftlce , and necedity caufeth per- 
 verfe will. He faith , the Law regardeth the will , but not the precedent caufes of a- 
 Sion. To what propofition , to what term is this anfwer > he neither denies 
 nor diftinguiflieth. Firft , the queftion here is not what makes adlions to be unjuft! 
 But what makes laws to be unjuft ? So his anfwer is impertinent. It is like wife untrue 
 for Firft, thatwill which the Law regards, is notfuch a will as T. H. imagineth. It is' 
 a free wfll, not a determined, necellitated will, a rational will, not a brutifliwill. Se- 
 condly, the Law doth look upon precedent caufes as well as the voluntarinefs of the 
 adion. If a Child before he be feven years old, or have the ufe of reafon, in fomeChil- 
 difli quarrel do willingly ftab another, whereof we have feen experience, yet the LavV 
 looks not upon it as an act of Murder , becaufe there wanted a power to delibe- 
 rate , and confequently true liberty. Man-lhughter may be as voluntary as Mur- 
 der,and commonly more voluntary, becaufe being done in hot blood, there is the lefs 
 reluctation,yet the Law conUders,that the former is done outoffome fudden patfion 
 
 Ht It I/- [f <«Ti#>Un..j: 
 
 ^ k k k without
 
 ■^sS""" H 'wdk^ of true Liberty TOME I H . 
 
 ^th^t fetiousdclib:ration,and the other out ofprepenfed malicc,and defire of revenge: 
 and therefore con Jem ns murder as more wilful and morepunilhable than manflaughter 
 He faith thstm Ljw can poffibly be unjujl v And I lay , that this is to deny the 
 conclufion I which defer vcs no reply, but to give him fatisfadtion , I will follow 
 him in this alfo. If he intended no more , but that unjufVLaws are not Genuine 
 Lawsi nor bind to adive obedience, becaufc they are not the ordinations of 
 rifiht reafon , nor inftituted tor the Common good, nor prefcribe that which ought 
 to be done , he faid truly , but nothing at all to his purpofc. But if he intend (as 
 he dothj that there are no Laws de foTto , which are the ordinances of reafon er- ^_L 
 ring infh'tutcd for the common hurt , and prefcribing that which ought not to be ■! 
 done', he is much miflaken. Pharaohs Law to drown the Male Children of the ^^ 
 Jfraelites^ Exod. ii. 22. Nebuchadnezzar s Law, that whofoevcr did not fall down 
 and worfliip the Golden Image which he had fet up , (hould be call into the tiery 
 furnace, Vaiiiel ^. ^. Darius his Law , that whofoever fhould ask a Petition of 
 any God or man , fur thirty days, fave of the King , (hould be cart intD the Den 
 of Lions, Van. 6. J. Ahaflmerm hh L^vf ^ to dellroy the Jewijh Nation, root 
 and branch, E/fkr. 3. 13. The Pharifees Law , that wholoever confefTed Chrill, 
 (hould be excommunicated , John p. 22. Were all unjuft Laws. 
 
 The ground of this errour is as great an errour it felt ( fuch an art he hath learn- 
 ed of repacking Paradoxes) which is this. Tha.t every man mak^ shy his con fent the 
 hatv which he is hound to keep : If this were true , it would preferve them , if not 
 from being unjull , yet from being injurious: but it is not true. The pofitive Law 
 of God, contained in the Old and New Teftarnent ; The Law of Nature, writ- 
 ten in our hearts by the Finger of God i The Laws of Conquerors , Who come in 
 by the power of the Swords The Laws of our Anceflours , Which were made be- 
 fore we were born , do all oblige us to the obfervation of them , yet to none of all 
 the(e did we give our adual confent. Over and above all thefe exceptions , he 
 builds upon a wrong foundation , that all Magiftrates at firfl, were eledlive. The 
 firfl Govemours were Fathers of Families '■> and when thofe petty Princes ceuldnot 
 afford competent protection and fecurity to their fubjedts, many of them did refign 
 their feveral and refpeftive intereds into the hands of one joyntFatheroftheCountrey. 
 And though his ground had been true , that all firft Legiflators were elcdive , 
 which is falfe , yet his fuperftrudures fails, for it was done in hope and truft that 
 they would make jurt Laws. If Magiftrates abufe this truft, and deceive the hopes 
 of the people , by making Tyrannical Laws , yet it is without their confent. A 
 precedent truft doth not juftifie the fubfcquent errours and abufes of a Truftee. He 
 who is duely eleded a Legiflator, may exercift his Legiflative power unduely. 
 The peoples implicite confent doth not render the Tyrannical Laws of their Legi- 
 flators to be juft. 
 
 But his chiefeft anfweris , that an aUion forbidden , thovgh it proceed from neceffary 
 eaufes^ yet if it mere done vfillingly ,it may be juftlypunifl;ed ^ which according to his 
 cuftom he proves by an inftance ■■, A man necejjjtated tojieal by the jhength of temptati- 
 on , yet if hefteal wiHingly , is )ui}ly put to death. Here are two things, and both 
 of them untrue. 
 
 Firft, Hefailes in his aftertion. Indeed wefuffer juftly for thofe receffities which 
 we our felveshavccontraded by our own fault, but not for extrinfecal, antecedent 
 necelGties , which were impofed upon us without our fault. If that Law do not 
 oblige to puniftimcnt which is not intimated , bccaufe the Subjed is invincibly ig- 
 norant of it : how much !cfs that Law which prefcribes abfolute impoffibilities,un- 
 lefs perhaps invincible necelhty be not as ftrong a plea as invincible ignorance. That 
 which he adds , // it Were done williffgly , though it be of great moment , if it be 
 rightly underftood , yet in his lenfe , that is , if a mans jrill he not in his cxrn di- 
 fpotion, znd if his reiting do not come npon him according to his wrill , nor according 
 to anything elje in his power , it weighs rot half fo many as the leaft Feather in all his 
 Horfe-load. For it that Law be unjuft and Tyrannical which commands a man to 
 do that which is impoilible for him to do , then that Law is likewife unjuft and 
 Tyrannical,which commands him to will that which is impoHible for hira to will. 
 Secondly , his inllance fuppofcth an untruth, and is a plain begging of the 
 
 queftion
 
 Discourse I. againft Mr. Hobs. ^gj 
 
 queltion. No man is extrinfecally , accidentally and irrefiltiblynccellitat^dby cenri^ 
 ptation to fteal. The Devil may Tollicite us, but he cannot necelJitate us. He hath 
 a faculty of pcrfwading , but not a power of compelling. Nos tgnem habemus Cpi- 
 rimsflammam ciet , as Nazianzen. He blows the coles , but the fire is our own. 
 Mordet dmitaxjt fefe in fauces ilius objkiemm , zsSuAuJiin^ he bites not until we* 
 thrult our felves into his mouth. He may propofe , he may fuggeft, but he cannot 
 move the will effeaively. Refiji the Devil, and he mil flie jrom you , Jam. 4. 7. By 
 Faith we are able io quench all the fiery darts of the vpick^d. Eph. 6. id.' And itSa'than 
 who can both propofe the objed, and choofe out the ntteft times and places to 
 work upon our frailties , and can fuggert reafons , yet cannot neceiiitate the 'will 
 ( which is moft certam , ) then much lefs can outward objedts do it alone. They 
 have no natural efficacy to determin the will. Well may they be occafions, but thev 
 cannot be caufesof evil. The fenfitive appetite may engender a proclivity to iteal 
 but not a necellity to rteal. And if it fhould produce a kind of necellity yet it is 
 but moral , not Naturali Hypothetical, not Abfolute-, Cosxillent , not antece- 
 dent from out felves , nor extrinfecal. This necelfity , or rather pr'oclivity was 
 free in its caufes , we our felves by our own negligence in not oppofing our pa'ilions 
 when we fhould , and might, have freely given it a kind of Dominion over u? 
 Admit that fome fuddain pallions may and do extraordinarily furprife usi and there- 
 fore we fay motus primo primi , the firft motions are not always in our power nei" 
 ther are they free , yet this is but very rarely , and it is our own fault that they do 
 furprife us. Neither doth the Law punifh the fucA motion to theft , but the ad- 
 vifed aft of dealing. The intention makes the Thief. But of this 'more laraelv 
 Numb. 2^. ^ ^' 
 
 He pleads moreover , that the Laia>is a caufe of Juflice , that it frames the tviUs 
 of men to'juflice , and that the pumjhment of me dnth conduce to the prefervationoftnanv 
 All this is moft true, of a juft Law juftly executed. But this is no god-a-mercy to 
 T. H. hi, opinion of abfolute necellity. If all adions , and all events be pre- 
 determined Naturally , NecelTarily, Extrinfecally, how (hould the Law frame men 
 morally to good adtions > He leaves nothing for the Law to do , but either that 
 which is done already , or that which is impoltible to be done. If a man be chain- 
 ed to every individual aft which he doth, and from every ad which he doth not by 
 indiflblvible bondsof inevitable neceffity , how (liould the Law either deter him or 
 frame him> If a Dog be chained faft to a poll , the fight of a rod cannot draw him 
 from it. Make a Thoufand Laws, that the fire (hall not burn , yet it will burn 
 And whatfoever men do (according to T. H. ) they doit as necelTarjiy , as the fire* 
 burneth. Hang up a Thoufand Thieves , and if a man be determined inevitably to 
 fteal, he mud fteal notvvithftanding. ' 
 
 He adds , that the fufferings impofed by the Lan> upon delinquents , refpe& not the 
 evil a& paft, but the good to come, and that the putting of a delinquent ]o death by the 
 Magiiirate fir any crime whatfoever , cannot be jujitfied before God , except there be a real 
 intention to benefit others by bis example. The truth is, the punifliing of delinquents 
 by Law , refpedcth both the evil ad part , and the good to come. The ground 
 of it , is the evil ad paft i the fcope or end of it , is the good to come. The end 
 without the ground cannot juftifie the ad. A bad intention may make a good a- 
 dion bad •. but a good intention cannot make a bad adion good. It is not Law- 
 ful to do evil , that good may come of it, nor to punifli an innocent perfon for 
 the admonition of others i that is to fall into a certain crime , for fear of an un- 
 certain. Again, though there were no other end of penalties inflided, neither pro- 
 batory , nor caftigatory , nor exemplary , but onely vindicatory , to fatisrie the 
 Law , out of a Zeal of Juftice , by giving to every one his own , yet the adion is 
 juft and warrantable. Killing , as it is confidered in it felf without all undue cir- 
 cumftances , was never prohibited to the Lawful Magiftrate , who is the Vice^^erent 
 or Lieutenant of God , from whom he derives hispovver of Life and Death ^ 
 
 T. H hath one plea more. Asa drowning mancatcheth at every Bulrufh' fo he 
 lays hold on every pretence to fave a defperate caufe. But firft, it is worth o'ur ob- 
 fervation to fee how oft he changeth Hiapes in this one particular. Firft he told us 
 that it was the irrefiftible power of God that juftifies all his adions 't'louah h- 
 
 Kkkk 2. ' ^ 
 
 com-
 
 -gg^- ^yi Vmdicat ion of true Liberty TOME 1 1 f ■ 
 
 ^^;;;;and one thing openly , and plot another thing fecretly though he be the 
 
 raufe not onelv of the adtion, but alfo of the irregularity, though he both give man 
 power to aft and determine this pow" to evil as well as good i though he puni(h 
 the Creatures for doing that which he himlelt did necelhtate them to do. But bc- 
 in2 prefled w'ith reafon, that this is tyrannical i Firft, to necelfitate a man to do his 
 wHI and then to punifh him for doing of it , he leaves this pretence in the plain 
 field' and flies toa fecond. That therefore a man is jul^ly puniflied , for that which 
 he was necefsitated to do , becaufe the adl was voluntary on his part. This hath 
 more (hew of reafon than the former, if he did make the will of man to be in his 
 own difpofition , but maintaining, that the will is irrelillibly determined to will 
 whatfoever it doth will, the injulHce and abfurdity is the fames Firit, to necefsitatc 
 a man to will, and then to puni(h him for willing. The dog onely bites the Hone 
 which is thrown at him with a ftrange hand, but they make the rirft caufe to punifh 
 the inftrument, for that which is his own proper i&. Wherefore not being fatished 
 with this, he calls it oif, and flies to his third fliift. Men are not punijhed ( faith he ) 
 therefore, becaufe their theft proceeded from ek^ion (that is, becaufe it was willingly 
 done, for to Eled and Will , faith he , are both onei Is not this to blow hot and 
 cold with the fame breath > ) httt becaufe it was noxious and contrary to mens preferva- 
 tion. Thus far he faith true , that every creature by the inftind of nature, feeks to 
 preferve it felfi caft water into a dufty place, and it contrads it felf into little globes, 
 that is, to preferve it fclf. And thofe who arc noxious in the eye of the Law , are 
 jurtly punifhed by them to whom the execution of the Law is committedi but the 
 Law accounts no perfons noxious, but thofe who are noxious by their own fault. 
 It punifheth not a thorn for pricking, becaufe it is the nature of the thorn , and it 
 can do no otherwife nor a child before it have the ufe of reafon. If one fliould take 
 mine hand perforce, and give another a box on the ear with it, my hand is noxi- 
 ous, but the Law punilheth the other who is faulty. And therefore he hath reafon 
 to propofe the Queflion, hon> it is ju(l to kill one man to amend another , if he rvho h^Ved 
 did nothing but tohat he was necefsitated to do. He might as well demand how it is 
 lawful to murther a company of innocent Infants to make a Bath of their lukewarm 
 blood, for curing the Leprofie. It had been a more rational way \ Firft, to have de- 
 monftrated that it is fo, and then to have queftioned why it is fo. His Aflertion it 
 felf is but a dieam, and the reafon which he gives of it v/hy it is fo, is a dream of a 
 dream. 
 
 The fum of it is this; "that where there is no Law^there 1:0 kjUing or any thing elfe can 
 he unjufi ■, that before the conftitution of Commonwealths every man had power to kjft a- 
 ttother , if be conceived him to be hurtful to him s that at the conjiitution of Common- 
 wealths^ particular men lay down this right in part, and ir. part rejerve it to them" 
 felves , as in cafe of theft , or Murder. Ihat the right which the Commonwealth hath U 
 put a malefador to death is not created by the Law , but remaineth from the firfi right of 
 Nature , which every man hath to preferve himfelf, that the killing of men in this cafe 
 U as the k^Ving of beajis in order to our own prefervation. This may well be called 
 ftringing of Paradoxes. 
 
 But ftrft, there never was any fuch time, when mankind was without Governors 
 and Laws, and Societies. Paternal Government was in the World from the begin- 
 ning, and the Law of Nature. There might be fometimes a root of fuch barbarous 
 Theevifli Brigants, in fome rocks, or defarts, or odd corners of the World , but it 
 was an abufe and a degeneration from the nature of man , who is a political crea- 
 ture. This favage opinion refleds too much upon the honour of mankind. 
 
 Secondly, There never was a time when it was Lawful ordinarily for private men 
 to kill one another for their own prefervation. If God would have had men live 
 like Wild Beads , as Lyons , Bears or Tygers, he would have armed them with 
 horns , orTu^^ks , or Talons , or Pricks i but of all creatures man is born moft 
 naked , without any weapon to defend himfelf, becaufe God had provided a bet- 
 ter means of fecurity for him , that is , the Magilka te. 
 
 Thirdly, that right which private men have to preferve themfelves , though it 
 be with the killing of another , when they arefet upon to be murdered or robbed, 
 is not a remainder or a relerve of fome greater power which they have refigned, 
 
 but
 
 Discourse I* ^g''i"fi M.r. Hobs* 5S2 
 
 but a priviledge which God hath given them , in cafe of extreme danger and in- 
 vincible necedity , that when they cannot polfibly have recourfe to the ordinary re- 
 medy , that is , the Magifirate , every man becomes a Magirtrate to himfelf. 
 
 Fourthly, nothing can give that which it never had i the people, whileft they 
 were a difperfed rabble ( which in fome odd cafes might happen to be ) never had 
 juftly the power of Life and Death , and therefore they could not give it by their 
 cledion. All that they do is to prepare the matter , but it is God Almighty , that 
 infufeth the Soul of power. 
 
 Fifthly and Laftly, I am forry to hear a man of teafon and parts to compare the 
 murdering of men with the llaughtering of brute beads. The elements are for the 
 Plants, the Plants for the brute hearts , the brute hearts for man. When God in- 
 larged his former grant to man , and gave him liberty to eat the flerta of the Crea- 
 tures for his fuftenance , Gen. p. 3. Yet man is expreily excepted , ver. 6. who fo 
 Jheddeth mans bloud^, by man Jhall hii blood be (hed. And the reafon is alfigned , for 
 in the image of God made he man. Before fin entred into the World, or before any crea- 
 tures were hurtful, or noxious to man, he had dominion over them , as their Lord 
 and Mafter. And though the poflellion of this Soveraignty be loft in part , for 
 the fin of Man , which made not onely the Creatures to Rebel , but alfo the infe- 
 riour faculties , to Rebel againrt the Superiour , from whence it comes, that one 
 man is hurtful to another , yet the Dominion ftill remains* wherein we may obferve 
 how fweetly the Providence of God doth temper this Crois,that though the ftrong- 
 eft creatures have withdrawn their obedience, as Lions and Bears, to {hew that 
 man hath loft the excellency of his Dominion, and the weakeft creatures, as flies 
 and gnats, to fhcw into what a degree of contempt he is fallen, yet ftill the moft 
 profitable and ufeful creatures , as Sheep and Oxen , do in fome degree retain their 
 obedience. 
 
 The next Branch of his anfwer concerns confultatfons , tphich ( faith he ) art 
 not fuperfluous , though all things come to pafs neceffarily^ becaufe they are the caufe 
 tvhich djtb necejjitate the efeU , and the means to bring it to pafi. We were told Numb. 
 1 1, that the laft didate of right reafon was but as the laft feather which breaks the 
 Horfes back. It is well , yet that reafon hath gained fome command again , and 
 is become at leaft a Quarter-mafter. Certainly it" any thing under God have power 
 to determin the will, it is right reafon. But I have (hewed fufficiently , that 
 reafon doth not determin the will Phyfically , nor abfolutely ■■, much lefs extrinfe- 
 cally, and antecedently , and therefore it makes nothing for that necelfity which 
 T!, H. hath undertaken to prove. He adds farther, that as the end is necejjary , fo are 
 the means i and when it is determined , that one thing Jhall be chnfen before another , it is 
 determined alfo for what caufe it Jhall he chofen. All which is truth, but not the whole 
 truth i for as God ordains means for all ends, fo he adapts and fits the means to 
 their refpedive ends , free means to free ends, contingent means to contingent ends, 
 neceflary means to neceflary ends , whereas T. H. would have all means , all ends , 
 to be nec:/rary. If God hath fo ordered the World , that a man ought to ule and 
 may freely u{e thofe means of good : which he doth negled', not by virtue of Gods 
 decree , but by his own fault •, If a man u(e thofe means of evil, which he ought 
 not to ufe, and which by Gods decree, he had power to forbear-, If God have left to 
 man in part the free managcry of human affairs , and to that purpofehath endow- 
 ed him with underrtanding , then confultations are of u(e , then provident care is 
 needful , then it concerns him to ufe the means. But if God have fo ordered this 
 World , that a man cannot , if he would , ncgledl any means of good , which by 
 virtue of Gods decree it is polfible for him to ufe , and that he cannot poliibly ufe 
 any means of evil , but thofe which are irrefiftibly and inevitably impofed upon him 
 .byanantecedentdecree, then not only confultations arevain, but that noble faculty of 
 reafon it felf is vain ; do we think that we can help God Almighty to do his proper 
 work ? In vain we trouble our felves , in vain we take care to ufe thofe mean-, 
 which are not in our power to ufe , or not to ufe. And this is that which was 
 contained in my Proiepfis or prevention ofhis anfwer, though he be pleafed both to 
 diforder it , and to filence it. We cannot hope by our labours, to alter the courfe 
 of things fet down by God , let him perform his decree, let the necelTary caufcs do 
 
 their
 
 A Vindication of true Liberty TOME 
 
 Xir work If we be tlu^c caufes , yet we are not in our own diipofition , we 
 
 1 7 u.t vcp are ordained to do , and more we cannot do. Man hath no rc- 
 
 mul do what we^'^e ^^^ (houlders. This is the Doftrme flows from 
 
 m.dy but Patie^n^^j^^^f^;;^ ll^^^.y^. Let us fuppofe the great Wheel of the Clock 
 
 r ffis"all the little Wheels a going , to be as the Decree of God , and that the 
 
 ■ r>f if were perpetual infallible trom an intrinfecal principle , even as Gods 
 
 r'cds Infallible , Eternal , All-fufficient. Let us fuppofe the lefler wheels to be 
 
 the «ccond caufes ,' and that they do as certainly follow the motion of the great 
 
 wheel without milling or fwerving in the leali degree , as the fccond caufes do 
 
 nurfue the determination of the firft caufe. I defire to know in this cafe what caufe 
 
 there is to call a Council of Smiths , toconfultand order the motion of that which 
 
 ordered and determined before their hand?. Are men wifer than God> yet all men 
 
 know that the motion of the lefler Wheels is a neceflary means to make the Clock 
 
 ftrike. 
 
 But he tells me in great fadnef^ that my argument is ]:tli lik^ this other; Ifljhjlllive 
 till to morrow^ I (hall live till to morrove , though I run my filf through with a (coord to day , 
 which faith /;e, ix afalfe confequence and afalfefropofittoH. Truly, if by running through, 
 he underrtands killing- it is a falfe, or rather a fooliih propofition, and implies a con- 
 tradi<ftion. To live till to morrow, and to day to dye, are inconfi(knt. But by his 
 favour this is not my confequence , but this is his own opinion. He would per- 
 fwadeus , that it isabfolutely neceflary , that a man (hall live till to morrow , and 
 yet that 'it is poilible that he may kill himfelf to day. My Argument is this. If 
 there be a Liberty and poliibility for a man to kill hinafelf to day, then it is not ab- 
 folutely neceflary , that he (hall live till to morrow •, but there is fuch a Liberty 
 therefore no fuch neceflity. And the confequence which I make here is this. If it 
 be abfolutely neceflary , that a man (hall live till to morrow , then it is vain and 
 fuperfluous for him to confult and deliberate , whether he fliould die to day, or 
 not. And tliis is a true confequence : the ground of his miflake is this, that though 
 it be true, that a man may kill himfelf to day, yet upon the fuppofition ofhisab- 
 folute necellity it is impoHible. Such Heterogeneous arguments and inftances he 
 produceth, which are half builded upon our true grounds, and the other half upon 
 
 his falfe grounds. 
 
 The next Branch of my Argument concerns admonitions, to which he gives no 
 new anfwer , and therefore I need not make any new reply, faving only to tell him, 
 that he miikkes my argument •, I fay not only , if all things be nece(rary , then ad- 
 monitions are in vain, but if all things be neceffary, then it is no more purpofe to 
 admonifli men of underflanding than fools, children, or mad-men. That they do 
 admonifli the one and not the other , is confe(redly true i and noreafon under Hea- 
 ven can be given for it but this , that the former have the ufe of reafon , and true 
 Liberty with a Dominion over their own adions , w hich Children , Fools and 
 Mad-men have not. 
 
 Concerning praife and difpraife, he inlargeth himfelf. The fcope ofhis difcourfe is 
 that things necefiary may he praife-worthy. There is no doubt .of it , but withal their 
 praife refleds upon the free agent , as the praife of the Itatue refledisupon the work- 
 man who made it. 7o praife a thing ( faith he ) U to fay , it is good. True , but 
 this goodnefs is not a Metaphyfical goodnefs, fo the worft of things , and what(o- 
 ever hath a being, is good. Nor a natural goodnefs; the praife of that pafTeth who- 
 ly to the Author of Nature s God faw all that he had made , and it was very good. 
 But a moral goodnefs, or a goodnefs of adtions rather than of things. The mo- 
 ral goodnefs of an adion is the conformity of it with right reafon. The moral e- 
 vil of an atftion , is the difformity of it , and the alienation of it from right reafon. 
 It is moral praife and difpraife which we fpeak of here. To praife any thing mo- 
 rally , is to fay, it is morally good , that is , conformable to right reafon. • The 
 moral difpraife of a thing is to fay, it is morally bad , or difagreeing from the rule 
 of right reafon. Si moral praife is from the good ufe of Liberty, moral 
 difpraife from the bad ufe of Liberty: but if all things be nece(rary, than moral Li- 
 berty is quite taken away , and with it all true praife and difpraife. Whereas T, H. 
 adds , that to fay a thing vs good, is to fay ^ it is .« J teotild nrijh , or as anoihtr vpould 
 
 wijh
 
 nil I . _ 
 
 Discourse I. againfi Mr. Hobs- ^S" 
 
 Tpi^ , or as another wonld tvifh , or as the State would have it , or according to the Law 
 of the Land , he miftakes infinitely. He and another , and the State , may all v;i(h 
 that which is not really good, but only in appearance. We do often wilh whit is 
 proHtablejOr delightful, without regarding fo much as we ought what is honeft. And 
 though the will of the State where we live., or the Law of the Land do de- 
 ferve great confideration,yet it is no infallible rule of moral goodnefs. And there- 
 fore to his queftion , vehethsr nothing that proceeds from necejjity can pleafe me , I an- 
 fwer , yes. The burning of the tire pleafeth me when I am cold ■■, And I fay , it is 
 good rire , or a creature created by God , for my ufe , and for my good : Yet I 
 do not mean to attribute any moral goodnefs to the hre, nor give any moral praife 
 to it, as if it were in the power of the Hre it felf , either to communicate its heat, 
 or to fufpend it , but I praife firft the Creator of the rire , and then him who pro- 
 vided it. As for the praife which Vellejuf Paterculus gives Cato : that he was good 
 by nature , & quia aliter efje nmt potitit^ it hath more of the Orator tlian either of 
 the Theologian or Philofopher in it. Man in the State of innocency did fall and 
 become evil , what priviledge hath Caw more than he ? No, by his leave. Nar~ 
 ratjfr & prifci Catonis. S^pe tnero caluijfe virtus. Bu t the true meanin? i3, that he was 
 natarally of a good temper, not fo prone to fome kind of vices as others were-, This 
 is to praife a thing , not an action , naturally , not morally. S crates was not of 
 fo good a natural temper , yet proved as good a man i the more his praife , by 
 how much the difficulty was the more to conform his diforderly appetite to right 
 reafon. 
 
 Concerning reward and punishment , he faith not award, but only that they 
 frame and conform the will to good , which hath been fufficiently arifwered. Tjey 
 do fo indeed , but if his opinion were true , they could not do fo. But becau(e 
 my aim is not only to anfwer T. H. but alfo to fatisfie my felfi though it be riot ur- 
 ged by him, yet I do acknowledge , that I find fom; improper and analogical re- 
 wards and punilhments ufed to brute beads , as the hunter rewards his do<» , the 
 Milter of the Coy-duck whipps her, when (he returns without company. Aad if 
 it be true, which he affirmeth a little before, that I have confelTed , that the acf ions 
 of brute beads are all necefjitated and determined to that one thing rvhich they Jf^ali do 
 the difBculty is increafed. 
 
 But rirll , my faying is mifalledged. I faid that fom; kinds of adt-ions which 
 are molt excellent in brute hearts, and make the greateil fiiew of reafon , as the 
 Bees working their honey , and the Spiders weaving their Webbs , are yet done 
 without any confultation , or deliberation, by a meer inftinft of nature , and by 
 a determination of their fancies , to thefe only kinds of works. But I did never 
 fay, I could not (ay , that all their individual adions are neceffary , and antece- 
 dently determined in their caufes, as what days the Bees (hall flie abroad, and what 
 days and hours each Bee (hall keep in the Hive, how often they ("hall fetch in Thyme 
 on a day , and from whence. Thefe atftions and the like , though they be not free, 
 becaufe brute beafis want reafon to deliberate , yet they are contingent , and there- 
 fore not nece(riry. 
 
 Secondly , I do acknowledge , that as the fancies of fome brute creatures are de- 
 termined by nature , to fome rare and exquifite works, foin others , where it finds 
 a natural propenllon , Art which is the imitator of Nature , may frame and form 
 them according to the will of the Artift, to fome particular adionsand ends, as we fee 
 in Setting-dogs, and Coy-ducks, and Parrots i and the principal means whereby 
 they etfed this is, by their backs , or by their bellies, by the rod, or by the morfel, 
 which have indeed a (hadow , or refemblance of rewards and punifhments. Bit 
 we take the word here properly , not as it is ufed by vulgar people, but as it is uC;d 
 by Divines and Philofophers , for that recoTip^nce which is due to honell and dif 
 honert adions. Where there is no moral Liberty , there is neither honeftynor dif- 
 ho le ty , neither true reward nor punifhment. 
 
 Thirdly , when brute creatures do learn any fuch qualities , it is not oat of judg- 
 ment , or deliberation , or difcourfe, by inferring or concluding one thing from 
 another, which they are not capable of. Neither are they able to conceive a reafon 
 of what they do, but m:erly out of memory , or out of a fealltive fear , or hope. 
 
 They
 
 e'r^s 
 
 ^A y indication of true Liberty T O M E 1 1 L 
 
 mv remember , tluc when they did alter one manner they were beaten i and 
 when they did after another manner , they were cherifhed and accordingly they 
 aoDlv themfelves. But it their individual adions were abfolutely nccellary , kar 
 or hope could not alter them. Mort certamly , if there be any defert in it , or any 
 praifcs due unto it , it is to them who did inllrud them. ^ ■ , 
 
 La/liy , concerning, Arts , Arms , Books , Inltruments , Study , Fhyfick and 
 the like he anfwtrs no not a word more than what is already fatisried. And there- 
 fore I am filent. ... ,. , . , • i r i . 
 
 Thirdly , Let this opinion be once radicated in the minds or men, that there is no 
 true Liberty , and that all things come to pafs inevitably, and it will utterly deftroy 
 the S'udy of pii-ty. Who will bewail his Sins with tears .'' what will become of 
 that Grief, that Ztal , that Indignation , that Holy Revenge , which the ApolUe 
 fpeaks of, if men be once throughly perfwaded that they could not fliun what they 
 did ? Am n may grieve for that which he could not help , but he will never be 
 brought to bewail that , as his own fault , which flowed not from his own errour, 
 but from an antecedent nccelh'ty. Who will be careful or folicitous to perform o- 
 bedience , that bclieveth , there are inevitable bounds and limits fet to all his devo- 
 tions, which he can neither go beyond , nor come (hort of? To what end fhall he 
 pray God to avert thofe evils which are Inevitable, or to confer thofe favours which 
 are Impoflible ? We indeed know not what good or evilfhall happen to iis , but 
 this we know , that if all things be neceffary our Devotions and Indeavours cannot 
 alter that which muft be. In a word, the only reafon, why thofe perfons who tread in 
 this path of fatal dcftiny do fometimes Pray, or Repent , or Serve God , is becaufe 
 the light of nature and the ilrength of reafon, and the evidence of Scripture, do for 
 that prefent tranfport them from their ill chofen grounds, and expel thofe Stoical fan- 
 cies out of their heads ■■> a compleat Stoick can neither Pray , nor Repent , nor Serve 
 God to any purpofe. Either allow Liberty , or defiroy Church , as well as Com- 
 monwealth , Religion as well as Policy. 
 J. Z/f uij third Argument confjhth inl other inconvemevces rehich he faith will follow ^tfamly 
 
 impiety & negligence of 'Religious duties ^repentance and zeal to Gads fervice. To which I 
 anfner , as to the refi, that thty follow not. J wufi corftjs^ if we confdtrfer the greatefi part 
 cfmaiikjnd,not as they flioidd be,hut as they are ^that is ^as men whom either the fiudy of ac- 
 quiring wealthy or frtferments^nr whom the appetite cf fenfuall delights^orimpatience of me- 
 ditating^ or the rajh imbrjcing of wrongprinciples^ have made unapt to difcuffe the truth of 
 things^ that the difpv-te of this quefiion will rather hurt than help their piety. And there fure 
 if he had not dtfired this anfwer^ J would not have written it. Nor do I write it, but in hope 
 your Lordjhip^andhewill k£(p it in privat.Neverthelefs in vtry truth, the necejfity of events 
 doa not nf it f elf draw with it any impiety at all.For piety confifleth onely in two things \ 
 One^that we honour God in our hearts ^which is^that we think^of his power as highly as we 
 canjor to honour any thing is nothing els hut to thn>l{itto he of great power. The other ^that 
 wefgnifie that honour aiidejieem by our words and actions, which is called cuhus, or wor- 
 (hip of God. He therefore that thinkeththat all things proceed from Ceds Eternal I will, and 
 confequently are necfjjur)', does he not ihinh^God Omnipotent ? do(s he not (fteem of his 
 power as highly as pojfihle^which is to honour God as much as can be in his heart.Again,he 
 that think^thfo, is he not more apt by externall ads and words to aclqicwledge it, then he 
 that think^th otherwifiFJet is this externall ackjiowledgemettt the fame thing which we call 
 worJhip.So this opinion frtifieth piety in both kjnds, externally, internally, and therefore is 
 far from dellrnying it. And jor repentance, which is nothing but a glad returning into the 
 right way, after the grirfoj being out' of the way, though the caufe that made him go aftray 
 were neceffary, yet there is no reafon why he fhiuld not grieve\and againe, though the caufe 
 ■why he returned into the way were neciffary, there remainesjiill the caufes of joy. So that 
 the necefftty of the aCtions tak^th away neithir of thofe parts of repentance , grief for the er- 
 rour, nor joy for the returning. And for prayer, whereas he faith, that the neccjfity of things 
 dejlroyes prayer, J deriy it. For though prayer he none of the caufes that moove Gds will 
 his will being unchangehle,yetfnce we find in Gods word, he will not give his bUffing^s but 
 to thife that ask,^ them, the motive to prayer is the fame : prayer is thegift of God, no left than 
 the hleffings. And the prayer is decreed together in the fame decree wherein the bliffing is 
 decreed, lis manifeji,thjt thankjgivingis no caufe of the blejfingpajJ-^Andthat which is pafl
 
 Discourse I. againji Mr. Hobs- ^g-, 
 
 iffure& iieceffary. let even amongfimen^ thank^ isintife as an ackttorvkdgmertt of the benefit 
 
 pali^thuitgh XPe fl^mldexpea MO nen> benefit for our gratitude. And prayer to God Almighty isbitt 
 thanksgiving for his bleffi'igs in general •, and though it precede theparticular thing n>e asl^^ 
 yet it if not a caufe or means of it. but afignijrcation that rve exfeB nothing but from God^ in fiich 
 manner as he,not as rve rvill. And our Savior by rvord of mouth bids us pray ^ Thy wiZ/, not our 
 tPillbe done^andby example teaches us the famc.for he prayed f/:)«j-,Father,if it be thy will, 
 let this cup pafs, &. 7he end of prayer, as of thanksgiveing^ is not to move, but honour God 
 Almighty, in ackitorvledgi'tg that what rve ask^can he effifted by him only. 
 
 I hope T. H.will b: pcrfwaded in time, that it is not the coveteoufnefs, or ambiti- .J T>. 
 • on , or fenfuality , or floth , or prejudice of his Readers which renders this Do- 
 drrine of abfolute necellky dangerous , but that it is in its own nature deftrudive to 
 true Godlinefs s and though his anfwer confilt moreofoppofitions than offolutions 
 yet I will not willingly leave one Grain of his matter unweighed. Firll he errs 
 in making inward piety to confift meerly in the eltimation of the judgement. If 
 this were fo , what hinders but that the Devils (hould have as much inward piet y 
 as the bert Chriftians , for they efteem Gods power to be infinite, and tremble ? 
 though inward piety dofuppofe the ad of the underilanding , yet it confilteth pro- 
 perly in the adt of the will , being that branch of Juftice which gives to God the 
 honour which is due unto him. Is there no Love due to God, no Faith, no hope.? 
 Secondly , he errs in making inward piety to afcribe no Glory to God , but onely 
 the Glory of his Power or Omnipotence. What (hall become of all other the di- 
 vine attributes , and particularly of his goodnefi, of his truth , of his Juftice, of 
 his mercy , which beget a more true and fincere honour in the heart than greatne(s 
 itfelf? Magnos facile laudamus, horns luhemer. Thirdly , this opinion of abfolute 
 neceifity deltroys the truth of God , making him to command one thing openly, 
 and to neceilitate another privately , to chide a man for doing that which it hath 
 determined him to do, to profefs one thing , and to intend another. It deilroys 
 the goodnefs of God, making him to be an hater of mankind , and to uejight in 
 the torments of his creatures, whereas the very dogs licked the fores of La&arm in 
 pitty and commiferation of him. It deftroys the Juftice of God, making J-im to 
 punilTi the creatures for that which was his own adl , which they had no more 
 power to (hun , than the fire hath power not to burn. It deftroys the very power 
 of God , making him to be the true Author of all the defedls and evils which are in 
 the World. Thefe are the fruits of impotence, not of omnipotence. Ha who is 
 the etfedive cau(e of fin either in himfelf, or in the creature, is not Almighty. 
 There needs no other D.vil in the World to raife jealoufies and fufpitions between 
 God and his Creatures , or to poyfon mankind with an apprehenfion , that God 
 doth not love them , but onely this opinion , which was the Office of the Serpent 
 Gf«. 3.5. Fourthly , for the outward worlhip of God. How (hall a man praife 
 God for his goodnefs , who believes him to be a greater Tyrant than ever was in 
 the World ? Who creates Millions to burn Eternally without their fault, to exprefs 
 his power ? How fliall a man hear the Word of God with that reverence, and de- 
 votion , and Faith, which isrequifite, who believeth that God caufeth his Gofpel 
 to be Preached to the much greater part of Chrillians, not with any intention that 
 they fhould be converted and fa ved , but meerly to hearden their hearts, and to 
 make them inexcufable ? How (hall a man receive the Bleffed Sacrament witii com- 
 fort and confidence , as a Seal of Gods Love in Chrift , who believeth , that fo ma- 
 ny Millions are pofitively excluded from all fruit and benefit of the Pa.'fions of 
 Chrift , before they had done either good or evil > How fliall he prepare himfelf 
 with care and confcience, who apprehendeth , that Eating and Drinking unwor- 
 thily is not the caufe of damnation, but becaufe God would damn a man, there- 
 fore he neceiiitates him to eat and drink unworthily > How fliall a man make a free 
 vow to God , without grofs ridiculous hypocrilie, who thinks he is able toper(^-)rm 
 nothing, but as he is extrinfecally neceditated? Fifthly, for repentance, howiha'I 
 a man condemn and accufe himfelf for his fins, who thinks himfelf to be like a 
 Watch which is wound up by God , and that he can go neither longer nor (horrer, 
 fafter nor flower , truer nor falfer, than he is ordered by God > If God fees him 
 right , he goes right. If God fee him wrong , he goes wrong. How can a man 
 
 L 111 be
 
 -^gg A Vindicatio n of true Liberty T O M E 1 i 1 
 
 ^d to return into the right ^y, who never was in any other way , but that 
 
 which God himlclf had chalked out for him ? What is his purpofe to amend , who 
 k delUtute of all power , but as if a man (hould purpofe to fly without 
 winas or a begger who hath not a groat in his purfe , purpofe to build Ho- 
 
 "we u^c to fay , admit one abfurdity , and a Thoufand will follow. To main- 
 tain this unreafonablc opinion of abfolute necellity,he is nccellitated (but it is Hy- 
 pothetically , he might change his opinion , if he would) to deal with all antient 
 Writers as'the G^z/'J' did with the 'Romans^ who deftroyed all their magnificent 
 works 'that there might remain no monument of their greatnefs upon the face of 
 the earth. Therefore he will not leave fo much as one of their opinions, nor one 
 of their deiinitions , nay, notone of their tearms of Art ftanding. Obferve what 
 a defcription lie hath given us here of Repentance. It is a glad returning into the 
 right rvay , ^/'<''" the grief of being out of the way. It amazed me to find gladnefi to 
 be (he rirft word in the defcription of repentance. His repentance is not that re- 
 pentance, nor his piety that piety , nor his Prayer that kind of Prayer which the 
 Church of God in all Ages hath acknowledged. Fafting , and Sackcloath, and A- 
 fhes , and Tears , and Humi-cubations , ufed to be companions of repentance. Joy 
 may be a confequent of it , not a part of it. It is a Keturning , but whofe aft is 
 this returning ? Is it Gods alone , or doth the penitent perfon concur alfo freely 
 with the Grace of God? If it be Gods alone, then it is his repentanee, not mans 
 repentance : what need the penitent perfon trouble himfelf about it ? God will 
 take care of his own work. The Scriptures teach us otherwife , that God expeds 
 our concurrence. PvCveJ. 3. ip. Be zealous and repent. Behold I ftand at the door ^ 
 and kitock. If any man hear my voice , and open the door , I wiU come in to him. It is 
 a sjad returning into the right rray. Who dare any more call that a wrong way, which 
 God him(elf hath determined ? He that willeth , and doth that which God would 
 have him to will and to do, is never out of his right way. It follows in his de- 
 J' ^' fcription , after the grief &c. It is true, a man may grieve for that which is necef- 
 farily impofed upon him , but he cannot grieve for it as a fault of his own , if it 
 never was in his power to fliun if, fuppofe a Writing-Mafter fliall hold his Scho- 
 lars hand in his , and write with it ', the Scholars part is only to hold ftill his hand , 
 whether the Matter write well or ilh the Scholar hath no ground, either of joy or 
 forrow as for himfelf, no man will interpret it to be his adt, but his Matters. 
 It is no fault to be out of the right way, if a man had not Liberty to have kept him- 
 felf in the way. 
 
 And fo from repentance he skips quite over neve obedience^ to come to Prayer , 
 which is the latt Religious duty infifted upon by me here. But according 
 to his ufe, without either anfwering or mentioning what I fay, which would 
 have fhewed him plainly what kind of Prayer I intend i not contemplative 
 Prayer in general , as it includes thankfgiving , but that molt proper 
 kind of prayer, which we call Petition , which ufed to be thus defined, tobe 
 an aU of Keligion^by which ree defire of Codfomething which wehavemt^and hope that we 
 Jhall obtain it by him. Quite contrary to this T.H' t^Hs us, that prayer is mtacaufe^nor 
 a meanes of Gods bleflingjjut only afgnification that we expeB it from him. If he had told 
 us only that prayer is not a meritorious caufe of Gods b]e(fings,as the poor man by beg- 
 ging an almes doth not deferveit,Ifliould have gone along with him. But to tell us, 
 that it is not fo much as a means to procure Gods bleffing , and yet with the fame 
 breath, that God will not give his Bkjfings , but to thpfe who pray, who (liall reconcile 
 him to himfelf !* The Scriptures teach us otherwife, What foever ye fhaU as\the father 
 in my Name , he vpiUgive it you , lohn i <5 . 23 . Ask^ and itjlpail be given you,feeh^and ye 
 JhaVfind ,kjtock^and it fhallbe openeduntoyou , Matth .7 . 7 .St. Paul teVs the Corinthians 
 2 Cor .J . I I . that he was helped by their prayers ,th^ts not all , that the gift was 
 bejiowed upon him by their means : So prayer is a means iand St. James faith , cap. v. 
 16. The effeCiual fervent prayer of a righteous man avaikth much. If it hz effectual ^ 
 then it is a caufe. To (hew this efficacy of prayer , our Saviour ufeth the compa- 
 rifon of a Father towards his Child , of a Neighbour towards his Neighbour , yea 
 of an unjuft Judge , tofi^ame thofe who think , that God hath not more compallion 
 
 than
 
 Discourse I. againji Mr. Hobs. 53^ 
 
 than a wicked man. This was figniried by Jacobs wreftling and prevailint;; with 
 God. Prayer is like the Tradefmans Tools wherewithal he gets his living- for him- 
 fclf, and his family. But, faith he , Ga^j TriUU unchangeable. What then? He 
 might as well ufe this againft ftudy , Phylkk , and all fecond caufes , as againlt 
 Prayer. He (hews even in this, how little they attribute to the endeavours of^mcn. 
 There is a great difference between thefe two, mutare voluntatem ^ to change the* 
 will , whith God never doth , in whom there is not the leaff lliadow of turning 
 by change •, his will to love and hate , was the fame from eternity, which it now 
 is, and ever (hallbe. His Love and hatred are immoveable , but vve are removed 
 Non tellns cymbam teUnrem cymba reliquit , and velle mntationem , to will a change* 
 which God often doth. To change the will argues a change in the Agent , ' but to 
 will a change , onely argues a change in the objefl. It is no inconffancy in a man 
 to Love or to hate , as the objedt is changed. Pr£fla mihi omnia eadem & idemfum. 
 Prayer works not upon God , but us : it renders not him more propitious in himfelf 
 but us more capable of mercy. He faith , this , that God doth not bkfi of , except rve 
 pray , // a motive to Prayer. Why talks he of motives , who acknowledgeth no li- 
 berty, nor admits any caufe , but abfolutely neccfTary ? he faith. Prayer irthe Jft 
 of God , no leji than the bkjftng rehich we pay for , and contained in the fame decreemth 
 the bleftng. It is true , the Spirit of Prayer is the gift of God : will he conclude 
 from thence, that the good imployment ofoneTalent,or of one gift of God may not 
 procure another .? Our Saviour teacheth us other wife, come thou good and faithful 
 Servant, thou ha^ been faithful in little ^ I toiUntah^ thee ruler over much. Too much 
 Light is an enemy to the fight , and too much Law is an enemy tc Juflice. I could 
 Willi we wrangled lefs about Gods Decrees , until we underffood them betten But 
 faith he , Thankfgiving is no caufe of the Blelling paft , and prayer is but a thanks- 
 giving. He might even as well tell me, that when a beggar craves an alms ani 
 when he gives thanks for it , it is all one. Every thankfgiving is a kind of Prayer 
 but every Prayer , and namely Petition , is not a thankfgiving. In the laff place he 
 urgeth , that in our Prayers tee are bound , to fubmit our vpih to Gods tvill: who ever 
 made any doubt of this , we muft fubmit to the preceptive Will of God or his 
 Commandments > We muft fubmit to the effedtive Will of God , when he declares 
 his good pleafure by the event or otherwife. But we deny, and deny attain ei- 
 ther that God Wills things, ad extra , without himfelf ncceflarily, or that it is hi^ 
 pleafure that all fecond caufes (hould aft neceffarily at all times, which is the que- 
 (tion , and that which he alledgcth to the contrary comes not near it. 
 
 Fourthly , the order , beauty and perfedion of the world doth require that f r> 
 in the univerfe (hould be Agents of all forts , (bme necelTary , fome free ,' (bme at / ' 
 contingent.He that (hall make either all things ncce(rary,guided by deftinyvor all tilings / ^^' 
 free, governed by eledion i or all things contingent , happening by chance doth '^^' '^' 
 overthrow the beauty and the perfection of the World. 
 
 The fourth Argument from reafm is this^ The Order^ Beauty and PerfeUion of the n>vld T. Hi 
 requireth, that in the V 'liverfe^jhould be Agents of all forts ^ fame necefiary^ fomefree. Come 
 contingent. He thatjhall mak^ all things necejiary^ or all things free\.or all things contin- 
 gent^ doth overthrow the beauty and perfection of the world. 
 
 It which Argument lobferve^firji^ a ctntradiCiim For^ feeing he that mai^th any thin& 
 in that he mah^thit^ he m.ik^th it to be necefiary^it follorvetb^ that he thatmaketh all thinas 
 maketh all things necefiary to be. As if a workjna-t mak; a garment^ the garment mu\i ne* 
 ctfifily he. So if God mak^ every thing, every thing miti necefiirily be. Perhaps the beauty 
 of the wirld requireth ( though we k^dow it not) th.it fine Assents (hould wor}^ without 
 deliberation.which he calls necefiary Agents.And fome Agents wnhdeliberation^and thnfe both 
 he and I ca'Jfree Agents.And that fomc Agents Jhould work^tnd we notknow how;And them 
 cffecls we both call contbigentS'tt this hinders not, but that he that ekCleth may have his ele- 
 Vtion neceffary determined to one by former cjufes\And that which is contingent and imputed 
 to Fortune^be neverthelef!necejfary,and depend onprecedent necejlary caufes. For by contin- 
 gent^mendo not mean that which hath no caufe Jjut which hath not for caufe any thina which 
 we perceive. As for example -.when a Travailer meets with a power, the journey had a caufe 
 and the rain hada caufe fujficient enough toprodu:eit,but bccaufe the journey caufed not the 
 rain,njr the rain the journey, we fay, they were contingent one or another. And thusym fee
 
 6^o 
 
 A Vindrcatjon of true Liberty 1 O M F 1 U 
 
 thoyoh there be three joru ,J events, NeuSaryfiojumgent and Free, yet they may heau.n-. r. 
 far/,r.,thout the dejh^Oton of the beauty or ferfeHton of the Vmvers. 
 
 The Hrlt thing he obfcrves m mine Argument is contradidtion , as he call« ir, but 
 "i' ^' in truth it is but a deception of the fight. As one candle fometimes fccni'; ro be 
 two or a rod in the water (hews to be two rods , ^uicquid reciptttr ^ recijitm ad 
 piodtm reapientis. But what is this contradiction > Becaufelfay, hetrhnmaK'n •:: 
 thinas doth not mak thtm tiecejfjry: What a contradidion, and but one prnpolii;or:» 
 That were llrange. 1 lay , God hath not made all Agents neceCTary, he faith, G(^d 
 hath made all Agents neccffary. Here is a contradiftion indeed , but it is between 
 him and me , not between me and my ftlf. But yet though it be not a formal con- 
 tradiction, yet perhaps it may imply a contradidior in adjcdo. Wherefore to clear 
 the matter , and difpel the mift which he hath raifed i it is true , that every rhuig 
 when it is made, it is ncceflary that it be made fo as it is , that is , by a neceility ot' 
 infallibility , or fuppolltion, fuppofing that it befo made : but this is not that abfo- 
 lute, antecedent neceility, whereof the queflion is between him and me. As to 
 u(e his own inlhncc > Before the Garment be made , the Taylor is free to make it, 
 either of the Italian , Spanijh , or French falhion indifferently i But after it is made , 
 it isneeeflary that it be of that fafhion whereof he hath made it, that is by a necef- 
 fity of fuppofition. But this doth neither hinder the caufe from being a free caule , 
 nor the effeCt from being a free effedt , but the one did produce freely , and the o- 
 ther was freely produced. So the contradidtion is vanifhed. 
 
 In the Second part of this anfwer he grants, that there are Come free Agents, and 
 fbme contingent Agents, and that perhaps the beauty of the World doth require 
 it i but like a (luewd Cow , which after (he hath given her milk , cafis it down 
 ■with her foot : in the conclufpn he tells us , that nevcrthclefs they are all neceflary. 
 This part of his anfwer is a meer Logomachy , (as a great part of the eontrovcrfies 
 in the World are ) or a contention about Word?. What is the meaning of necefia- 
 rji, and free, and contingent adlions ? I have (hewed before what free and neccf- 
 fary , do properly (ignitie, but he mifrecites it. He faith, I make all Agents which 
 want deliberation to be necelTary , but I acknowledge that many of them are con- 
 tingent. Neither do I approve his definition of contingents , though he fay, I con- 
 cur with him , that they are fuch Agents as tfork, we h^ovc not how. For according 
 to this defcription many necelTary aftions (hould be contingent , and many contin- 
 gent adtions (hould be necefTary. The Loadftone draweth Iron , the Jet chaff, we 
 know not how , and yet the effed is necefTary , and fo it is in all Sympathies and 
 Antipathies or occult qualities. Again, a man walking in the Streets, a Tile falls 
 down from an houfe , and breaks his head. We know all the caufes , we know 
 how this came to pafs. The man walked that way, the pin failed, the Tile 
 fell juft when he was under it ; and yet this is a contingent effedt. The man might 
 not have walked that way, and then the Tile had not fallen upon him. Neither 
 yet do I underrtand here in this place by contingents , fuch events as happen befides 
 the fcope , or intention of the Agents \ as when a man digging to rtiake a grave . 
 finds a Treafure , though the word be fometimes fo taken. But by contingents , 
 I underftand all things which may be done, and may not be done , may happen or 
 may not happen, by reafon of the indetermination , or accidental concurrence of 
 the caufes. And thofe fame things which are abfolutely contingent , are yet Hy- 
 pothetically neceiTary. As fuppofing the pafTenger did walk jult that way , juft at 
 that time , and that the pin did fail juft then , and the Tile fall , it was neceffary 
 that it (hould fall upon the PaiTengers head. The fame defence will keep out his 
 (hower of rain. But we (hall meet with his (hower of rain again. Numb. 34. 
 9 P. Whither I refer the farther explication of this point. 
 Nmib. 1*7. Fifthly , Take away Liberty , and you take away the very nature of evil , and 
 ^f„l the formal reafonof fin. If the hand of the Painter were the Law of Painting , or 
 
 *' hand of the Writer the Law of Writing , whatfoever the one did Write , or die 
 
 other Paint , mufllnfallibly be good. Seeing therefore , that the firft caufe is the 
 rule and Law of good nefs, if it do neceliitate the will , or /he perfon to evil , 
 either by it felf iminediately , or mediately by necefTary flux of Second caufes, it 
 will no longer be evil. The efTence of lin confifis in this , that one commit that 
 
 \\\r
 
 Discourse I* againjl Mr. Hobs* ^oi 
 
 which he might avoid. If there be no Liberty to produce lin , there is no fuch 
 thing as fin in the World. Therefore it appears both from Scripture and reafon 
 that there is true Liberty. 
 
 "To the Fift Argument from reafon , vehich is , that if Liberty be tai^n atvay , the na- % H. 
 ture and formal reafon of fin is tal^n arv.iy , lanfrver by denying the anfequence. Jhe 
 nature of fin confilieth in this ^ that the aCtion done proceed fi-nm our tvill ^ and be againjl 
 the Lavp, A Judge injudging whether it be fin or not , ivhich is done againji the Lsrv , 
 looks at no higher caufeofthe action than the will of the duer. 'Now vehen 1 fay the adion 
 was necefijry , I do not fay it rvas done againjl the tviU of the dner^ but with his will ; 
 and f necefiarily ^ hecauje mans will ^ that is ^ every aU (f the will ^ and purpofe of man 
 had a fufficient and therefore a neceflary cauje , and confequently every voluntary aUion w.ii 
 necejjitated. An aUion therefore may be voluntary and a fin , and neverthelefi be necefijry. 
 And becaufe Cod may affli& by right deriued from his omnipotency \ though fin were not. 
 And the example of punijhment on voluntary finners^ is the caufe that produceth Jitjlice , 
 and mak^thfin lefs frequent. Vor God to punifh fuch finners^ as I bavefliewed before , ii 
 no injufiice. And thus you have my anjwer to his objedions , both out of Scripture and 
 reafon. 
 
 Scis tufimulare cuprefium: quid hoc ? It was (hrewd Counfail which AkiVtjdis J.T>- 
 gave to Themijlocles , when he was bufie about his accounts to the State , that he 
 fhould rather ftudy how to make no accounts. So it feems T. H. thinks it a more 
 compendious way to baulk an argument, than to fatisfie it. And if he can produce 
 a Rowland againlt an Oliver , if he can urge a reafon againR a reafon, he thinks hs 
 hath quitted himfelf fairly. But it will not ferve his turn. And that he may not com- 
 plain of mifunderftanding it, as thofe who have a politick deafnefs, to hear nothing 
 but what liketh them, I will firft reduce mine Argument into form, and then weigh 
 what he faith in anfwer , or rather in oppofition to it. That opinion which takes 
 away the formal reafon of fin, and by confequence, fin itfelf, js not to be aproved; 
 this is clear i becaufe both reafon and Religion, Nature, and Scripture do prove, and 
 the whole World confeffeth , that there is fin. But this opinion of the nccedicy of 
 all things , by reafon of a conflux of Second caufcs, ordered and determined by 
 the Hrrt caufe , doth take away the very formal reafon of fin •, this is proved thus. 
 That which makes fin it felf to be good , andjuft, and lawful, takes away the fofr 
 mal caufe, and deftroys the eflence of fin, for if fin be good , and juft , and law- 
 ful, it is no more evil , it is no fin , no anomy. But this opinion of the necelHty 
 of all things , makes fin to be very good, and juft, and lawfuU for nothing can flow 
 clfentially by way of Phyfical determination from the firft caufe , which is the Lavv 
 and rule of goodnefs and )ullice , but that which is good, and ju(}, and lawful, but 
 this opinion makes fin to proceed eflentially by way of Phyfical determination from 
 the firft caufe, as appears in T. H. his whole difcourft. Neither is it material at all, 
 whether it proceed immediately from the hrlt cauft , or mediately , fo as it be by a 
 neceflary flux of fecond and determinate caufes which produce it inevitably. To 
 thefe proofs he anfwers nothing , but only by denying the firlt confequence , as he 
 calls it, and then fings over his old fong , that the nature of fin confilieth in thif, that 
 the a^ion proceeds from our will ^ and be againjl the Law , which in our (enfe is moft 
 true, if he underltand a juR Law , and a free rational will ■■, but fuppofing Tas he 
 doth) that the Law injoyns things impollible in fhcmfeives to be done, then it is 
 an unjuft and Tyrannical Law , and the tranf§rellion of it is no fin, not to do that 
 which never was in our power to do. And fuppofing likewife fas he doth) that 
 the will is inevitably determined by fpecia! influence from the hrfl caufe , then it is 
 not mans will, but Gods will, and flows eflentially from the Law ofgoodncO. 
 
 That which he adds of a Judge, is altogether impertinent, as to his defence. 
 Neither is a civil Judge the proper Judge , nor the Law of the Land the proper 
 rule of fin. 'But it makes ftrongly againii him ; for the Judge goes upon a good 
 ground , and even this wliich he confeflTeth , that the Judge lookj at no higher caufe 
 ihanthe will of the doer proves, that the will of the doer did determin it felf freely, and> 
 that the malefadtorhad liberty to have kept the Law , if he would ■■> certainly <-^ 
 Judge ought to look at all material circumilances , and much more at ail efLntiil 
 caufes. Whether every fufficient caufe be a neceffary caufe , will come to be cka-
 
 A Vindication of true Li berty TO N^ E 11 (. 
 
 "mined more properly , N^^iM^TT^Td^^Lnt, it fliall fuffice t^y, "d^^TTf- 
 Erty flows fr^om the iufficicncy, and cont.ngency frortj the deb.hty of the c.u,lc. Na- 
 ucriy iiu 3 ^^^^ generation of a Moniter. If all the caufes concur kitticicnt- 
 
 r^foerVedcrcatiire is produced: bur by reafon of the infufficiency , or debility, 
 oVcontineent ab ration of (bme ot the caufes, fometimcs a Monikris produced. Yet 
 tl c caufes of a Mor.lkr were fufficient tor the production of that which was pro- 
 diced that is a Monikr otherwife,a Monfter had nor been produced.What is it then? 
 A Monfter is not produced by virtue of that order which isfet in Nature, but by the 
 contingent abcration of foine of the natural caufes in tlieir concurrence. The or- 
 der fet in nature , is , that every like fliould beget its like. But fuppol]ng the con- 
 currence of the cauies to be fuch as it is , in the generation of a Monfkr , the ge- 
 neration of a Moniier is necelTaryi as all the events in the World are when they are, 
 that is by an hypothetical neceliity. Then he betakes himfelf to his old help , that 
 God may punifli by right of omnipotence , though there were no fin. The quelii- 
 on is not now what God may do, but what God will do , according to that Co- 
 venant which he hath made with man , fac hoc & vivef, do this and thou (halt live i 
 whether God doth punifli any man contrary to this CovenantiHo/fJi3.p,0 Ifrael^thy 
 defiruBion vs from thyfelf, but in me if thy help. He that wills not the Death of a fin- 
 ner, doth much lets will the death of an innocent creature. By death or deJiruBion 
 in this difcourfe , the onely reparation of Soul and body is not intended , which is 
 a debt of nature , and which God , as Lord of Life and Death, may juftly do, and 
 make if not a punifliment, but a blelling to the partyi but we underftand the fubje- 
 ding of the Creature to Eternal torments, Laftly. he tells of that benefit which re- 
 dounds to others from exemplary juftice , which is molt true , but not according 
 to his own grounds, for neither rs it Juftice to puniOi a man for doing that which it 
 was impollible always for him not to do v neither is it Lawful to punifh an innocent 
 perfon , that good may come of it j and if his opinion of abfolute neceliity of all 
 things were true, the deftinics of men could not be altered , either by examples or 
 fear of punifliment. 
 J -p. But the Patrons of neceflity being driven out of the plain field with reafon, have 
 
 Numb. is. certain retreats of diftindions , which they fly unto for refuge. Firft , they diftin- 
 gui(h between Stoical neceflity and Chriftian neceliity , between which they make 
 a threefold difference. 
 
 Firft , fay they , the Stoicks did fubjed Jupiter to defliny , but we fubjed deftiny 
 to God ■■> I anfwer , that the Stoical and Chriflian deftiny are one , and the fame 
 fatum quafi effatum Jovis. Hear Senecz, dejiiny is the ueceffity of all things and adions^ 
 depending upmi the dij position of Jupiter, &c. I add , that the Stoicks left a greater 
 Liberty to Jupiter over deftiny , than thefe Stoical Chriftians do to God over his 
 decrees , either for the beginnings of things as Euripides, or for the progrefs of them 
 as Chryfippuf , or at leaft of the circumftances of time and place , as all of them 
 generally , So Virgil , Sed trahere& moras ducere, &c. So OJyrU in Aptleius , pro- 
 mifeth him to prolong his Life Vltra fato conjlituta tempora , beyond the time (ct 
 down by the deftinies. 
 
 Next they fay , that the Stoicks did hold an eternal flux and neceflary connexion 
 of caufes i but they believe that God doth adt , ;)r<e/fr & contra naturam , befides and 
 againft nature. I anfwer , that it is not much material , whether they attribute ne- 
 celiity to God , or to the Stars , or to a connexion of caufes , fo as they 
 eftablifli neceliity. The former reafons do not onely condemn the ground 
 or foundation of neceliity , but much more neceliity it felf upon what ground foe- 
 cver. Either they mid\ run into this abfurdity , that the effed is determined , the 
 caufe remaining undetermined , or elfe hold fuch a neceffary connexion of caufes , 
 as the Stoicks did. 
 
 Laftly , they fay, the Stoicks did take away liberty and contingence , but 
 they admit it : I anfwer , what Liberty or contingence is it they admit , 
 but a titular Liberty, and an empty fhadow of contingence, who do pro- 
 fefs ftifly that all actions and events which either are or fliall be , cannot but be 
 nor can be other wife, after any other manner , in any other place, time, num- 
 ber, order, meafure, nor to any other end than they are , and that in refpedr 
 
 of
 
 D 
 
 ISC011R5E 
 
 I. 
 
 againfi Mr Hobs. 
 
 6 c? 3 
 
 ci God, determining zhzm to One i what a poor ridiculous liberty, or contin 
 gence is this ? 
 
 Secondly, they djrtinguifh between the firft caufe , and the fecond caufes j they 
 fay that in refped of the fecond caufes many things are free , but in refpedt of the 
 firll caufe, all things arc neceffary. This anfwer may be taken away two wayes. 
 
 Firll, fo contraries (hall be true together •, the fame thing at the fame time (hall be 
 determined to one , and not determined to ones the fame thing at the fame time 
 muft nece(rarily be , and yet may not be. Perhaps they will fay , not in the fame 
 refped. Bat that which firikes at the root of this queiiion is this , It' all the cau- 
 fes were onely collateral , this exception might have fome colour , but where all 
 the caufes being joyned together , and fubordinate one to another, do make but one 
 total cau(e , if any one caufe ( much more the fir(t ) in the whole feries , or fiibor- 
 dination of caufes be nece{Tary , it determines the reft , and without doubt, makes 
 the effedl nece(rary i neceility or Liberty is not to be efteemed from one caufe , but 
 from all the caufes joyned together. If one link in a chain be faft , it faliens all 
 the reft, 
 
 Secondly , I would have them tell me whether the fecond caufes be predeter- 
 mined by the firft caufe or nets If they be determined , then the cffecft is necefla- 
 ry , even in refped of the Second caufes i If the Second caufe be not determined 
 how is the effed determined , the fecond caule remaining undetermined ? Nothing 
 can give that to another which it hath not it felf But fay they , neverthelels the 
 power or faculty remaineth free. True , but not in order to the ad , if it be once 
 determined. It is free , in fenfu divifo , but not in fenfu compofito^ when a man holds 
 a bird faft in his hand , is (he therefore free to flie where (he will , becaufe (he hath 
 wings ? or a man imprifonedor fettered , is he therefore free to walk where he will 
 becaufe he hath feet and a locomotive faculty? Judge without prejudice what a 
 miferable fubterfuge is this , which many men confide fo much in. 
 
 He faith , a man may perhaps anftver , that thenecejjity of things held by him^ if not 
 a Stoical necejjtiy, but a Chriftian necelJity , &c. but thisdijiin&ion Ihavenot ufed nor 
 indeed have ever heard before. Nor do I think^any man could mah^ Stoical and Chriftian 
 tTvoh^nds ofnecejjities, though they may be ttvo h^ndsofVo&rine. Nor have I drawn my 
 anfrt^er to his arguments from the authority of any SeS^ but fom the nature of the things 
 themjelves. 
 
 But here J mu^ tahf notice of certain words of his in this place , as ntakin^^ againfi 
 his orvn tenet: tvhere all the caufes^ faith he, being joyned together^ and fubordinate 
 one to another , do mahg but one total! caufe. If any one caufe , much more the firji 
 in the rvhole feries of fubordination of caufes be necejfary , it determines the refi , and 
 rvithout doubt mak^th the effeCi neceffary. For, that rehich J call the necejfary caufe 
 of any effeU, u the ]oyning together of all caufes , fubordinate to the frft, into one total caufe. 
 Jf any one of thofe , faith he , efpeciaVy thefirli , produce its effeUs neceffarily , then all 
 the reji are determined , and the effeCi alfo necefary. Noxp , itUmanifefi, that the firft 
 caufe is a necefiarie caufe cf all the efftds that are next, and immediate to it , and there- 
 fore by his oven reafon , aJleffeds are necefiarie. Nor is that dillinQion of neceffary in re- 
 fped of the fir(i caufe, andnece^arie inrefpeU of Second caufes mine , it does ( as he rvell 
 noteth ) implie a contradiction. 
 
 Becaufe T. H. difavowes thefe two diftindions , I have joyned them together in 
 one Paragraph. He likes not the diftindion of neceility or deftiny, into Stoical and 
 Chriftian, no more do I. We agree in the conclufion , but our motives are di- 
 verfe. My reafon is, becaufe I acknowledge no fuch neceility , cither as the one or 
 as the other, and becaufe I conceive , that thofe Chriftian Writers , who do juftly 
 deteft the naked deftiny of the Stoicks , as fearing to fall into thofe groCsabfurdities 
 and pernicious confcquences, which flow from thence, do yet privily ("though perhaps 
 unwittingly ) under another form of exprelfion, introduce it againat the Back-door 
 after they openly hadcaft it out at the foredoor. BufT. H.ruflieth boldly without diftin- 
 dions( which he accounts but Jargon )and without forelight upon thegroffeft deftiny 
 of all others, that is, that of the Stoicks. Us conkfCeth,th:Lt they may be trvo kinds of 
 VoUrine. May be ? Nay, they are without all peradventure.Andhe himfelfi; the firft 
 whobeares the name of a Chriftian that I have read, that hath raifed this deeping 
 
 Ghoii 
 
 r.H. 
 
 Certain di- 
 ftindions 
 which he 
 fuppofing 
 may be 
 brought to 
 his argu- 
 ments are 
 by him n- 
 mo.>.u. 
 
 J. v.
 
 T^^ Tvindmtt ion of true Liberty TO M E I I ! 
 
 ^ofits"^^ ret it out in its true colour-^. But yet he likes not the names of 
 Stoical and Chriftian dcftiny: Ido not blame him, though he would not willingly 
 be counted a Stoick. To admit the thing, and quarrel about the name, is to make 
 our felves ridiculous. Why might not I hrll call that kind of deftiny , which is 
 maintained by Chriftians , Chrillian deftiny > and that other maintained by Stoicks, 
 Stoical deftiny ? But I am not the inventer of the term. If he had been as carctal 
 in reading other mens opinions, as he is confident in fetting down his own, he might 
 have found not oncly the thing, but the name it felf often ufed. But if the name of /j- 
 ium Chrijiiamm do offend him , Let him call it with Lipfius , fattim verum who 
 divides deftiny , into four kinds, i. Mathematical or Aftrolgical deftiny , 2. Na- 
 tural deftiny , 3. Stoical or violent deftiny i and 4. true deftiny , which he calls 
 ordinarily nojinm, our deftiny i that isofChriftians , znd fatnm pium ^ that is god- 
 ly deftiny , and defines it juft as T. H doth his deftiny , to be a fcries or order of 
 caufes depending upon the Divine Council , dc Conji. I. i. cap. 17. 18. & ip. Though 
 he be more cautelous than T. H. to decline thofe rocks which fome others have made 
 fliipwrack upon. Yet the Divines he came too though near them, as appears by his 
 Epiftle to the Reader , in a later Edition. And by that note in the Margin of his 
 Twentieth Chapter , IFbatfoever I difpute here , Jfubmit to the judgement of the wife , 
 and being admonijhed , J wiJ/ corred it. One may convince me of error , but net of objU- 
 iiacy. So fearful was he to cverflioot himfelf , and yet he maintained both true Li- 
 berty , and true contingency. T. H. faith , he hath not fucked his avfrver from av.y 
 SeU \ and I fay, fo much the worfe \ It is better to be the difciple of an old Seft , 
 than the ringleader of a new. 
 
 Concerning the other diftindion of Liberty , in refped of the firft caufe, and Li- 
 berty in refpe6t of the fecond caufes , though he will not fee that whicli it concern- 
 ed him to anfwer , like thofe old Lamia, which could put out their eyes when they 
 lift i as namely, that the faculty of willing, when it is determined in order to 
 the ad ( which is all the freedom that he acknowledgeth ) is but like the freedom 
 of a bird , when (he is faft in a mans hand , &c. Yet he hath efpicd another thing 
 wherein I contradid my felf, hccaufe I affirm , that if any one caufe in the whole 
 feries of caufes , much more the firft caufe , be necefTary, it determineth the reft. 
 But faith he, it is manifeft , that the firft caufe is a necefTary caufe of all theef- 
 feds that are next . I am glad : yet it is not I v;ho contradid my felf, but it is 
 one of his manifefl truths which I contradict '■> Th3.t the firji caufe h a necejfary caufe 
 of aVefe&s , which I fay , is a manifeft falfhood . Thofe things which God %vills 
 without himfelf, he wills freely not neceftarily. Whatfoever caufe ads or works 
 neceffarily , doth ad or work all that it can do, or all that is in its power ■■, But 
 it is evident , that God doth not all things without himfelf, which he can do , or 
 which he hath power to do. He could have raifed up Children unto Abraham of 
 the very ftones , which were upon the banks of Jordan , Lk% 3. 8. but he did not. 
 He could have fent twelve Legions of Angels to the Succour of Chrift, but he did 
 not. Matth. 26. <,^. God can make T. H. live the years of Mft/j?</f/<a^ , but it is 
 not necefTary that he fhall do fo, nor probable that he will do fo. The produdive 
 power of God is infinite, but the whole created World is finite. And therefore God 
 might ftill produce more , if it pleafed him. But this it is , when men go on in a 
 confufed way , and will admit no diftindions. If T. H. had confidered the diffe- 
 rence between a necefTary being , and a necefTary caufe , or between thofe adions of 
 God , which are immanent within himfelf, and the tranfient works ot God, which 
 are extrinfecal without himfeif , he would never have propofed fuch an evident er- 
 7. p. '^"^ ' ^P^ ^ manifeft truth, ^i pauca confderat, facile pronv.nciat. 
 Ntmb. 19. Thirdly, they diftinguifti between Liberty from 'compulfion, and Liberty from ne- 
 ceflitation. The Will fay they, is free from compulfion, but not free from neceffitation. 
 And this they fortifie with two rcafons. Firft , becaufe it is granted by all Divines, 
 that Hypothetical neceflity, or neceflity upon a fuppofition , may confift with Li- 
 berty •> Secondly , becaufe God and the good Angels do good neceffarily , and yet 
 are more free than we. To the firft reafon I confefs , that neceflity upon a fuppo- 
 fjtien may fometimes confift with true Liberty , as when it fignifies onely an Infal- 
 lible certitude of the underftanding in that which it knows to be , or that it (hall be-, 
 
 but
 
 r.B 
 
 Discourse I. againji Mr. Hobs. ^gti 
 
 But it" tlie fuppofition be not in the Agents power , nor depend upon any 
 thing that is in his power i If there be an exteriour antecedent caufe which doth 
 neceifitate the effed , to call this free , is to be mad with reafon. 
 
 To the Second reafon, I confefs that God and the good Angels are more free 
 than we are , that is , intenfively in the degree of freedom, but not extenfively 
 ill the latitude of the objcdt , according to a Liberty of Exercife, but not of fpeci- 
 rication. A Liberty of Excercife , that is, to do or not to do , may conlilt well 
 with a nccelfity of fpecificationi or a determination to the doing of good. But a 
 Liberty of exercife , and a necellity of exercife i A Liberty of fpecification i and a 
 necellity of fpecification , are not compatible, nor can conllft together. He that is 
 antecedently necelfitated to do evil , is not free to do good. So this inftance is no- 
 thing at all to the purpose. 
 
 But the diliinHion of free ^ into free from cotnpulfion , and free from Heceflitation J 
 ack^toTvledge i for to be free from compnlfwn , if to do a thing fo , as terrour be not the 
 canfe of his will to do it, for a man is then onely fat d to be compelled^ rohen fear 
 makes him willing to it, as when a man wiHingly throwes his goods into the Sea to' 
 fave himfelf, nrfubmittsti his enemy for fear of being Killed, ihns all men that 
 do any thing from love , or reveng , or luji are free from compulfion , and yet their a' 
 Uions may be as necejfary as thofe which are done upon compulfwn , for fometimes o- 
 ther pajpons work^as forcibly as fear ■, But free from necejfitation J fay nothing can be; 
 And 'tis that which he widertook^to difprove . "this difiinSion , he fayes , rtfeth to be 
 fortified by two reafons , hut they are not mine . "the firji , he fayes is , That it is grant- 
 ed by all Divines , that att Hypothetical necejjity , nr necejjity upon-fuppofnion , may jiand 
 with Liberty. That you may underjiand this , I wilt give you an example of Hypothetical 
 necefjity. If Ifhall live Ijhall eat , this is an Hypothetical necejjity. Indeed it is a ne~ 
 cejfary propofition , that is to fay it is necefiary that that propofition jhould be true wbenfoe- 
 ver uttered, but tis not the neceffity of the thing, nor it it therefore necefiary, that the man 
 JhaS live , or that the manjhalleat. I do not ufe to fortifie my dijiin&ions with fu~h reafons. 
 Let him confute them as he will , it contents me. But I would have your Lordjhip take 
 notice hereby , how an eafie and plain thing , but withal falfe , may be with the grave 
 ttfage of fuch tearms , as Hypothetical nece^ty , and necejjity upon fuppofition and fuch likg 
 tearms of Schoolmen , obfcur'd and made to feem profound Learning. 
 
 "the Second reafon that may confirm the dijiinCiion nffi-eefi-nm compulfion, and free jrom 
 necejfitation , he fays is that God and good Angels do good necejfarily , and yet are more 
 free than we. "the reafon though J had no need of, yet I think.it fo far forth good , as it 
 is true, that God and g^'d Angels do good necefitrily , and yet 'are fi-ee ; but hecaufe I 
 find not in the Articles of our F^ith , nor in the decrees of our Church fet down in what 
 manner J am to conceive God , and Good Angels to workj^y necejjity or in what fenfe they 
 work^fireely , 1 fufpend my fentence in that point , and am content, that there may be a 
 freedom from compulfton , and yet no fi-eedom fi-om necejjitatiou , as hath been proovedise 
 that, that a man may be necejfitated to fome a&ions without threats and without fear of 
 danger : but how he can avoid the confifring together of freedom and necejjity , fuppnfin^ 
 God and Good Angels are freer than men , and yet do good necefiarily , that we muji noip 
 examin. 
 
 J confefi ( faith he ) that God and Good Angels are more free than we , that is inten- 
 fively in degree of freedom , not extenfively in the latitude of the objeU, according to a Li- 
 berty of exercife , not of fpecification. Again , we have here two dijiin&ions that are 
 no diftinUions , but made to feem fo by tearms invented , by J know not whom to cover i-r- 
 norance , and blind the underjianding oftl)e Keader. For it cannot be conceived that there 
 is any Liberty greater than for a man to do what he wtU , and to forbear what he will. 
 One heat may he more intenfwe than another , but not one Liberty than another. He that 
 can do what he will , hath all Liberty pojfible ; an d he that cannot , has none at all. Alfo 
 liberty ( as he fays , the Schools call it ) of exercife , which if as J faid before , a liber- 
 ty to do or not to do , cannot be without a liberty ( which they call of fpecification ) that 
 is to fay , a Liberty to do or not to do , thii or that in particular ■-, for how can a man con- 
 ceive , that he has liberty to do any thing , that hath not liberty to do this or that, orfonie- 
 what in particular. Jfaman be forbidden in Lent to eat this and that , and every other 
 particular kjnd offlejh , how can he be underjiood to have a Liberty to eatflejh , niire thaii 
 he that hath no licsnfe at all? M m m m Jy^
 
 7JJ A Vind ication of true Liberty T O M E I H . 
 
 Tou may by this a^^.unfie the vanity of di\iinVnons ujcd in the Schwh , J>,d J do not 
 
 dmbt hut that the impofntg of them by authority ofDoiiors m the Church , hath been a 
 arett caiife that men have laboured , though by [edition and evn courfei to (hal^e them off\ 
 formthing is more aft to beget hatred^ than the Tyrannifing owr ni.im reafon and under- 
 ftjnding , ejpecially rvhen it is done , not by theScripture , but by the pretenje of learning , 
 and more' judgement than that of other men. 
 J. J>- He who will fpeak witli fome of our great undertakers , about the grounds of 
 
 Learning , had need either to fpeak by an interpreter , or to learn a new Language 
 C I dare not call it Jargon or Canting ) lately dcvifed , not to let forth the truth , 
 but to conceal falfliood. He muii learn a new Liberty , a new necellity , 
 a new contingency, a new fufficiency, a new Spontaneity, anew kind of 
 deliberation, a new kind of Elcdion, a new Eternity, anew compulllon , and in 
 concluiion , a new nothing. This propofition , the tvtUis free , may be under/tood 
 in two lenfes, either that the will is not compelled , or that the will is not always 
 jiecelhtated , for if it be ordinarily , or at any time free from necelfitation , my aP- 
 fertion is true , that there is freedom from neceliity. The former fenfe , that the 
 will is not compelled , is acknowledged by all the World , as a truth undeniable , 
 voluntas non cogitur. For , if the will maybe compelled, then it may both will 
 and not will the fame thing at the fame time, under the fame notion, but this 
 implies a contradidion. Yet this Author ( like the good woman whom her huf- 
 band fought up the llream when (he was drowned, upon pretenfe that when 
 (lie was living, (he ufcd to go contrary courfes to all tither people, ) he holds that 
 true compulfion and fcar may make a man will that, which he doth not will , that 
 is,in his (en(e may compel the will. As when a man willingly throws his goods in- 
 to the Sea to fave himfelf , or fubmitts to his enemy for fear of being killed. I an- 
 fwer that T. H. miftakes fundry ways in this difcourfe. 
 
 Firfl , he erreth in this to think that adiions proceeding from fear, are properly 
 compulfory actions , which in truth are not only voluntary , but free adtionsi nei- 
 ther compelled , nor(b much asPhyfically necelhtated. Another man at the fame 
 time , in the fame (hip , in the fame (lorm , may choofe , and the fame individual 
 tnan otherwife advifed might choo(e , not to throw his goods overboard. It is tl;e 
 man him(elf , who choofeth freely this means to preferve his Life. It is true , that 
 if he were not in fuch a condition , or if he were freed ftom the grounds of his 
 prefent fears, he would not choofe neither the carting of his goods into the Sea, nor 
 the lubmitting to his enemy. But confidering the pre(ent exigence of his affairs , 
 reafondidatcsto him , thatof two inconveniences the le(s is to be chofen , as a 
 comparative good. Neither doth he will this courfe as the end or diredl objedt of 
 his defires , but as the means to attain his end. And what fear doth in thefe cafes , 
 Love, Hope , Hatred &c. may do in other cafes , that is , may occalion a man ta 
 eled thofe means to obtain his willed end, which other wi(e he would not e!e<ft. As 
 Jacob to ferve Seven years more , rather than not to enjoy his beloved Kachel. The 
 Merchant to hazard him(elf upon the rough Seas , in hope of pro(it. Paliicns may 
 be fo violent , that they may neccflitate the will , that is v\ hen they prevent delibe- 
 rations , but this is rarely , and then the will is not free. But they never properly 
 compel it. That which is compelled , is againft the will, and that which is again(t 
 the will is not willed. 
 
 ' Secondly , T. H errs in this alfo, where he faith, that a man is then onelyfaid 
 to be compelled rvhenfear makgs him wiling to an aCrion : As if force were not more pre- 
 valent with a man than fear. We muft know therefore, that this word compd'ed is 
 taken two ways , fometimes improperly , that is when a man is moved or occafio- 
 ned by threats, or fear , or any padion to do that which he would not have done, if 
 thofe threatx, or that paflion had not been h Sometimes it is taken properly , w hen 
 we do any thing agairft our own inclination , moved by an external caufe, the 
 will not confenting, nor concurring, but refif^irg as much as it can. As in a Rape, 
 or when a Chrif^ian is drawn or carried by violence to the Idols Temple. Or as in 
 the cafe of St, Feter , ]d^n 21. 18. Another Jhall gird thee , andcarry thee rvhither 
 tho n-ouldefi nut. This is that compulfion which is underf^ood , when we (ay , the 
 will may be letted , or changed , or necellitatcd, or that theimperat adlions of the 
 
 will
 
 Discourse I. againft Mr. Hobs. ^07 
 
 will 'that is, the adions ot the infenour faculties wnich are ordinarily moved by 
 the will) may be compelled i but that the immanenc actons of the will, that 
 is , to will , to choofe, cannot be compelled , becaufe it is the nature of an adtion 
 properly compelled to be done by an extrinfecal caufe , without the concurrence 
 of the will. 
 
 Thirdly , the queftlon is not whether all the adJions of a man be free , but whe- 
 ther they be ordinarily free. Suppofe fome pallions are fo fuddain and violent, that 3' 
 they furprife a man , and betray the fuccours of the Soul, and prevent deliberation 
 as we fee in fome mom primo frimi , or antipathies , how fome men will run upon 
 the molt dangerous objects , upon the firll view of a loathed creature, without any 
 powerto contain themfelve?. Such adions as thefe , as they are not ordinary , fo 
 they are not free , becaufe there is no deliberation nor eledion. Bat where deli- 
 beration and eledicn are, as when a man throws his goods over-board to fave the 
 fhip, or fubmits to his enemy , to fave his Lifei there is alwiys true Liberty. 
 
 Though T. H ilight the two reafons which I produce in favour of his caufe yet 
 they who urged them , deferved not to be flighted , unlefs it were becaufe 'they 
 were Schoolmen. The former reafon is thus framed i A neceliity of fuppofition may 
 confift with true Liberty , but that neceffity which flows from the natural and ex- 
 trinfecal determination of the will, is a necelGty of fuppofition s To this my anfwer 
 is in elfecft \ that a neceliity of fuppofition is of two kinds, fomctimes the thing fup- 
 pofed is in the power of the Agent to do or not to do i as for a Komi(h Prielt to 
 vow continence , upon fuppofition that he be a Komijh Prieft , is neceflary : but be- 
 caufe it was in his power to be a Prieft or not to be a Prieft , therefore his vow is a free 
 ad. So fuppofinga man to have taken Phyiick, it is neceflary that he keep at home, yet 
 becaufe it was in his power to take a Medicine or not to takeit, theretore his 
 keeping at home is free. Again fometimes the thing fuppofed is not in the power of 
 the Agent to do , or not to do •, fuppofing a man to be extreme fick, it is neceflary that 
 he keep at home , or fuppofing that a man hath a natural antipathy againft a Cat 
 he runs neceflarily away fo foonas he fees her. Becaufe this antipathy and this fick- 
 ne(s are not in the power of the party affeded , therefore thefe ads are not free. 
 Jicob blefled his Sons , Baalamhkfftd Jfrael , thefe two ads being done arc both 
 neceflary upon fuppofition ; but it was in Jacobs power not to have blelTed his Sons 
 (b was it not in Baabms power not to have blefled Jfrael , Numb. 22, 38. Jacobs 
 will was determined by himfelf , Baalams will was Phyfically determined by God, 
 Therefore ^afo^j-benedidion proceeded from his own freceledioni and Baalamsfrom 
 Gods- determination. So wzs Caiphas his prophefie , Johnii.<^i. Therefore the 
 Text faith, Hefpak^ not of himfelf. To this T. H. faith nothing, but onely declareth by 
 an impertinent inftance, what Hypothetical fignifies. And then advifeth Your Lord- 
 (hip to take notice how errorsand ignorance may be cloked under grave Scholaftick 
 terms. And I do like wife intreat your Lordfliip to take notice, that the greateft 
 fraud and cheating, lurks commonly under the pretence of plain dealino^ i we fee 
 Juglers commonly lirip up their fleeves, and promife extraordinary fair dealin^^ be- 
 fore they begin to play their tricks. 
 
 Concerning the Second Argument drawn from the Liberty of God and the Good 
 Angels. As I cannot but approve his modefty , in fufpending his Judgement con- 
 cerning the manner hovv God and the Good Angels do work neceflarily or freely 
 becaufe he finds it not fet down in the Articles of our Faith , or the decrees of our 
 Church, efpecially in this age , which is fo full of Athcifm , and of thofe fcoifers 
 which St. PetfT Prophefied of , 2. Pft. 3.5, Who neither believe, that there is God 
 or Angels , or that they have a Soul , but only as Salt to keep their bodies from pu- 
 putrefadion i So I can by no means aflent unto him , in that which follows that 
 is to fay, that he hath proved, that Liberty and Neceliity of the fame kind may confift 
 together, that is , aLiberty of exercife with a neceliity of exercife , or a Liberty of 
 (pecification , with a neceliity of fpecification. Thofe adions which he faith are 
 neceliitated by pallion , are for the moft part didated by reafon , either truely or 
 apparently right , refolvcdby the will it felf. But it troubles him that I fay, that 
 God and the Good Angels are more free than men intenfively in the degree of free- 
 dom, but not extenfively in the latitude of the objed, according to a Liberty of 
 
 M m in m a excr-
 
 69*6 
 
 A Vindication of true Liberty T O f. , h. 1 i I. 
 
 Tieicile but not of Ipecihcation , which he faith , are no diltiuaions, but terms 
 invented to cover ignorance. Good words. Doth he onely fee ? Arc all other 
 men ftarkblinde? By his favour, they are true and neceffary ditundtionsi Ani 
 lY he alone do not conceive them , it is becaufe diftlndtions , as all other things , 
 have their fates, according to the capacities or prejudices of their Readers. But 
 he urceth two reafons , One heat faith he , may be more imeyifwe than another^ but not 
 ene Liberty than another. Why not , I wonder > Nothing is more proper to a man 
 than reafon , yet a man is more rational than a child , and one man more rational 
 than another , that is in rcfpedt of the ufe and exercife of reafon. As there arc de- 
 grees of underlianding , fo there are of Liberty. The good Angels have clearer un- 
 derllandings than we , and they are not hindred with paihons as we and by con- 
 fequence , they have more ufe of Liberty than we. His Second reafi^n is , He that 
 can do what he reill , hath all Liberty , and he that cannot do what he rviL\ hath no Li- 
 berty. If this be true, then there are.no degrees of Liberty indeed. But this which 
 he calls Liberty , is rather an omnipotence than a Liberty, to do whatfoever he 
 will. A man is free to (hoot , or not to fhoot , although he cannot hit the White , 
 whenfoever he would. We do good freely ^ but with more diificulty and reludla- 
 tion than the good Spirit--. The more rational , and the left fenfual the will is, the 
 greater is the degree of Liberty. His other exception againft Liberty of exercife , 
 and Liberty of fpecification, is ameer miftake which grows mcerly from not right- 
 ly underftanding what Liberty of Specification or contrariety is. A Liberty of fpe- 
 cification faith he, is a Liberty to do, or not to do, or not to do this or that inpar- 
 tKular. Upon better advice he will find , that this which which he calls a Liberty 
 of fpecification , is a Liberty of contradidtion, and not of fpecification nor of con- 
 trariety. To be free to do or not to do , this or that particular good, is a Liberty 
 of contradiction . Co like wife to be free to do or not to do this or that particular e- 
 vil. But to be free to do both good and evil, is a Liberty of contrariety , which 
 extends to contrary objecfts , or to diverfe kinds of things. So his reafon to prove, 
 that a Liberty of excercife cannot be without a Liberty of fpecification , falls flat to 
 the ground. And he may lay afide his Lenten Jicenfe for another occafion. I 
 am afhamed to infill npon thefe things' which are fo evident , that no man can 
 queftion them who doth underfland them. 
 
 And here he falls into another inve(flive againfl diliin(^ions , and Scholaftical 
 expreffions , and the Dodfors of the Church , -who by this means tyrannized over 
 the miderftandings of other men. What a prefumption is this for one private man 
 ■who will not allow human Liberty to others, toafTume to himfelf fuch a Licence , 
 to control fo Magifirally , and to cenfureof grofs ignorance and Tyrannifing over 
 mens Judgmens , yea as caufes of the troubles and tumults which are in the World, 
 the Doctors of the Church in General , who have flourifhed in all ages and all pla- 
 ces, only for a few neceffary and innocent diftlndtions. Truly faid P/wwrc/? , that 
 a (ore eyeis offended with theLight of the Suniwhat then muit thcLogicianslay afide 
 their firll and fecond intentions?theirabftradsand concretes, thcirSubjedls and Predi- 
 cates, their Modes and Figures, tkeir Method Synthetick and Analytick , their 
 Fallacies of compofition and divifion , &c > Muft the moral philofopher quit his 
 means and extremes , his pincifia congenita and acquifita , his Liberty of contradi- 
 ction and contrariety , his necellity abfolute and hypothetical , &c ? Muft the na- 
 tural Philofopher give over his intentional fpecies , his underftanding Agent and Pa- 
 tient, his receptive and cdudtive power of the matter , his qualities, fymhoU or 
 dijymboU ^ his temperament, ad ponduf ^ znd ad juftitiam , his parts Homogeneous 
 and Heterogeneous, his Sympathies and Antipathies, his Antirperiftafis, 6'c.? Muft 
 the Altrologer and the Geographer leave their Apgaum and Teriganm , their Ar- 
 ftick and Antardtick Poles, their iEquator , 2odiack, Zenith, Meridian, Hori- 
 fbn , Zones, &c? Muft the Mathematician , the Metaphyfitian , and the Divine, 
 relinquifh ail their tearms of Art , and proper idiotifms, becaufe they do not rellifh 
 with T. H. his palate ? But he will fay they are cbfcure expreflions ■■> what marvel is 
 it , when the things themfelves are more cbfcure i let him put them into as plain 
 Englijh as he can, and they fhall be never a whit the better underftood by thofe who 
 want all grounds of Learning. Nothing is clearer than Mathematical demonftration,yet 
 
 let
 
 Discourse I. again fi Mr. Hobs. 5pp 
 
 Jet one who is altogether ignorant in Mafhematicks hear it, and he will hold it to ' 
 
 be as T. H. tcarms thcfe diltinclions , plain Fuftian or Jargon. Every Art or Pro- 
 
 fellion hath its proper mylieries and exprellions, which are well known to the Sons 
 
 of Art , not fo to ftrangers. Let hina confult with Military men, with Phyfitians, 
 
 with Navigators , and he fhall find this true by experience . Let him go on fhipboard 
 
 and the Mariners will not leave their Statbord and Larbord, becaufe they pleafe not 
 
 him, or becaufe he accounts it Cibrijfj. No , no : it is not the School Divines, but 
 
 Innovators and feditious Oracours, who are the true caufes of the prefent troubles 
 
 of Europe. 7. H. hath forgotten what he laid in his book, Ve Civecap. 12. That it 
 
 is a feditious opinion to teach , that the knowledge of good and evil belongs to 
 
 private perfons. Aud cap. 17. that in quefiions of Faith the Civil Magiftrates ought 
 
 to confult with the Eccltfiajiical Dodors , to vphom Gods BltJJing is derived by impofnion 
 
 of hands , fo as not to be deceived in neceffary tntths , to tvhom our Saviour hath promifed 
 
 irifaliibility. Thefe are the very men whom he traduceth here. There he afcribes 
 
 Infallibility to them,here he accufeth them ofgrofs fuperftitious ignorance.There he at" 
 
 tributes toomuch to them, here he attributes too little. Both there andheye he tak estoo 
 
 much upon him. "The Spirits of the Prophets are Subject to the Trophets, i. Cor. 14. 32. 
 
 Now, to the diftindionit felf I fay firft, that the proper a<ft of Liberty is election, 
 and cledion is oppofed , not onely tocoadtion , but alfo to coardlation or determi- J. V. 
 nation to one.Necelh'tation or determination to one,may confift with fpontaneity,but Numb. 20. 
 not with eledion or Liberty, as hath been fhewed.Thevery Stoicks did acknowledge 
 a fpontaneity. So our adversaries are not yet gone out of the confines of the Stoicks. 
 
 Secondly,To rip up the bottom of this buiinefs. This I take to be the clear refo- 
 lution of the Schools i there is a double adt of the will, the one more remote, chil- 
 led Imperatus , that is, in truth the adt of fome inferiour faculty, fubjedl to the 
 command of the will , as to open or ftiut ones eyes , without doubt thefe adlions 
 may be compelled. The other ad is nearer , called a&ui elicitus , an adt drawn out 
 of the will , as to will , to choofc , to eledl, this may be flopped or hindred by 
 the intervening impediment of the underftanding , as a ftone lying on a Table is 
 kept from its natural motion, otherwife the will (hould have a kind of omnipotence 
 but the will cannot be compelled to an act repugnant to its inclination , as when a 
 ftone is thrown upwards into the air , for that is both to incline, and not to incline 
 to the fame object , at the fame time, which implies a contradiction. Therefore to 
 lay the will is necelfitated , is to fay , the will is compelled fo far as the will is ca- 
 pable of compulfion. If aflrong man holding the hancj of a weaker, fhould there- 
 with kill a third perfon , h£c quidem vis ejl , this is violence, the weaker did not 
 willingly perpetrate the fact, becaufe he was compelled. But now fuppofe the 
 ftrong man had the will of the weaker in his power as well as the hand, and fhould 
 not onely incline , but determin it fecretly and infenlibly to conlmit this act, is not 
 the cafe the fame? Whether oneravifh Lucretia by force, as Tarcjuine, or by amatory 
 potions, and magical incantations, not only allure her, but necelfitate her to fatisfie 
 his lull, and incline her effedtually, and draw her inevitably, and irrcfiilibly to 
 follow him fpontaneoufly, Lucretia in both thefe conditions is to be pittyed 
 but the later perfon is more guilty , and deferves greater punifhment , who 
 endeavours alfo, fo much as in him lies, to make Lttcretia irrefiftibly partake of his 
 crime. I dare not apply it , but thus onely i Take heed how we defend thofe fe- 
 cret and invincible neceilitationsto evil, though fpontaneous and free from coaction. 
 
 Thefe are their faflnefTes. 
 
 In the next place , he hringeth tvpo arguments againfl diflinguifhing betrveen behiir 1' H. 
 free from compulfion ^ and free from necejjitation^ The firfi is , that eleclion is oppo- 
 fte , mt onely to coaViion or compulfion , hut alfo to neceffitation or determination to 
 one. This is it he rcas to prove from the beginnings andtherfore bringeth no nerv 
 argument to prove it. And to thofe brought formerly , I have already anftvered ; 
 And in this place J deny again ^ thateledion is oppofite to either, for when a man is 
 compelled (for example, tofubjeli himfelf to an enemy or to dy ) he hath liiU eledion 
 left in him , and a deliberation to bethink^ vehich of thefe two he can better endure ; 
 And he that is led to prifon by force , hath eleUion and may deliberate whether he will 
 he hailed and trained on the ground^ or make ufe of his feet. 
 
 Likf-
 
 'OO 
 
 A Vindication of true Liberty TQiM E I I I. 
 
 m hi<r irreauf than the motives to abftam , neceQartly determine km to the doing 
 
 Ctton , t>(i»j ^ j^^^^^^^ ^j^-i^j Jometimes the motives to do , fometimes the motives to 
 
 Irt'Jare workinsL on him , and confequently he eleHeth which he ml B;n commonly 
 
 Jhent^e fee andlioiv the jhength that moves us, we acknowledge Neceffny , hit when 
 
 f not or mark""^ the force that moves w , we then thtnKthere is none , and that it 
 
 Vmcaufes bHt Liberty , that froduceth theaiiion. Hence it k that they thin^he does 
 
 not choofe thU , that ofneceftty choofeth it , but they might as weV fay , fire does not burn , 
 
 becaufe it burns ofneceffiiy. 7he Second argument is not fo much an argument as a di- 
 
 fiindion tojhew inwhat fenfe it may he faid , that voluntary aU ions are necejfttated, 
 
 and in ^what fenfe not. And therefore he aVedgeth as from the authority of the Schooles, 
 
 and that which rifpeth up the hottome of the queftion, that there is a double alt of the 
 
 wiJl-> "the one hefayes, is aftus Imperatus, an a£i done at the command of the wiU 
 
 by fame infaiour faculty of the foul, as to of en or put ones eyes , and this ad may 
 
 be compelled, "the other he fayes , is adlus elicitus , an aU allured , or a)i a£i drawen 
 
 firth by allurement cut of the will, as to will, to choofe , to eteS : this he fayes cannot be 
 
 compelled. Wherein letting paflthat Metaphoricatl fpeecb of attributing command & fub- 
 
 jeUion to the faculties of the foul, as if they made a Commonwealth or Family among 
 
 ihemfelves , aud could fpeak^ one to another , which is very improper in fearching the 
 
 truth of the (jueftioH, Tou may obferve, firji , that to compel! a voluntary afif , is nothing 
 
 els , but to wiV it , for it is all one to fay , my rvill commands the fhutting of mine 
 
 eyes , or the doing of any other aSion , and to fay , I have the rfill to Jhut mine eyes 
 
 So that adus imperatu« here , might as eafly have heenfaid in Englifh , a voluntary 
 
 aiiion , but that they that invented the terme , underftood not any thing it ftgnified. 
 
 Secondly, you may obferve , that iCi^is elicitus, is exemplified by thefe words, to wiU 
 
 to Eled , to Choofe, which are all one , andfoto will is here made an aU of the will , 
 
 and indeed , as the will is a faculty, or power in a mans foule , fo to will is an ad of 
 
 it according to that power. But as it is abfurdly faid , that to dame is an a£} allured 
 
 or drawn by fair means out of the ability to dance i jo it is alfo to fay , that to will , 
 
 is an aU allured or drawn out of the power to will , which power is commonly called 
 
 the will. Howfoever it be, the fumme of his dijiinBion is, that a voluntary a& may 
 
 be done on compttlfwn , that it to fay, by foul means ^ hut to will that or any a& 
 
 cannot be but by allurement or fair means. Now , feeing fair Means , Allurements 
 
 and Enticements , produce the aSion which they do produce, as neceffarily as ihreatning, 
 
 and foul means , itfollowes, that to will, may he made as neceffary as any thing that 
 
 is done by compulfton. So that the dijiinBion of adlus imperatus , and aaus elicitus , 
 
 are but words, andofnoeffeSl againji necefiity. 
 
 In the next place follow two reafons of mine one againft the fame diftindion, the 
 J.V, one taken from the former grounds , that ele(^ion cannot confift with determina- 
 tion to one. To this Che faith 3 hzbztb anj'wered already. No, truth is founded 
 upon a rock, he hath been fo far from prevailing againltit, that he hath not been 
 able to (hake it. Now again ,he tells us, that Eleilion is not opprfne to sither, (nc- 
 ceffitation or compulfion ) He might even as well tell us, thats Itone thrown up- 
 wards moves naturally > Or , that a Woman can be ravifhed with her own will. 
 Confent takes away the Rape. This is the rtrangeft liberty that ever was heard 
 of, that a man is compelled to do what he would not , and yet is free to do what 
 he will. And this he tells us upon the old fco-^f- that he who fubmits to his enemy for 
 fear of death, choofeth to fubmit. But we hcv • ormcrly that this, which hecals 
 compulfion, is not compulfion properly ; noi i_itnaiural determination of the will 
 to one, which is oppofite to true Liberty. He who fubmits to an enemy for faving 
 his Life , doth cither onely counterfeit , and then there is no will to fubmit, ( this 
 difguife is no more than a ftepping afide , to avoid a prefent blow ) or elfe he doth 
 (incercly will a fubmiffion, and then the will is changed s there is a vaft difference 
 between compelling andchsr.ging the will. Either God or man may change the 
 will of man, either by varying the condition of things , or by informing the party 
 otherwife , but compelled it cannot be, that is, it cannot both will this, and not 
 will this, as it is inveftcd with the fame circumftances, though if the act were other- 
 Wife ciicumttantiattd , it might ijill that freely, which now it wijls freely. Where- 
 fore
 
 Discourse I. againft Mr. Hobs- 
 
 701 
 
 fore thefe kind oF adlions are called mixt actions , tnat is partly voluntary , partly 
 unvoluntary. That which is con:ipelled is a mans preient condition or diltrels, that 
 is not voluntary nor chofen. That which is chofen , is the remedy of its di/trefs, 
 that is voluntary. So hypotheticallyfuppoiing a man were not in that diftrefs they 
 are involuntary , but abfolutely without any fuppolirion at all , takmg the cafe as 
 it is, they are voluntary. His other inftance of a manjorced tofrifon^thit /;< may cboofe 
 Tvhetber he will be haled thither upon the ground , or ttcalk^upon his feet is not true. By 
 his leave , that is not as he pleafeth , but as itpleafech them who have him in their 
 power. If they will drag him he is not free to walk i and if they give him 
 leave to walk , he is not forced to be dragged. .Having laid this foundation, he 
 begins to build upon it , that other pajjions do neceffitate as much as fear ; BJthe errs 
 doubly i ririt , in his foundation, fear duth not determine tne racimu! will natural- 
 ly and necelfarily ■■, The laft and greateii of the five terrible things is death , yet 
 the fear of death cannot neceliitate a refolved mind to doa diflioneii action , which 
 is worfe than death. The fear of the fiery furnace could not compel the three Chil- 
 dren to worlhip an Idol , nor the fear of the Lions neceliitate Darnel , to omit his 
 duty to God. It is our frailty, that we are more afraid of empty ihadows than of 
 fubltantial dangers, becaufe theyare neerer our fenfes, as little Children fear a moufe 
 or a Vifard, more than fire or water. But as a fit of the Stone takes away the fenfe 
 of the Gout for the prefent , fo the greater pallion doth extinguifh the lefs. The 
 fear of Gods Vvrath, and eternal torments doth expel corporal kdix: fear not them who 
 vptlk^Uthe bodyjbutfear him who if able to call both body and Soul intoUe^.Lnk. "j.'^.Va ve,:iam 
 imperatur^tucarcerem^iliegehennamminatur^KKCuCeme, O Emperor, thou thrcatneft men 
 withprilbn, but he threatns me with Hell.Secondly,he errs in this fuperf\ruction alfo. 
 There is a great difference, as to this cafe of juftifying or not julhtying an action 
 between force and fear , and other pafsionsi force does not onely lefTen the fin, but 
 takes it quite away, Vent. 22. 26. He who forced a betrothed Damfel was to dyei 
 but unto the Damfel ( faith he ) thoufhalt do nothing , there is in her no jault worthy of 
 death. 7amars beauty , or Ammons Love did not render him innocent , but Am- 
 mons force rendred lamar innocent. But fear is not fo prevalent as tLrce. Indeed 
 if fear be great , and julUy grounded, fuch as may fall upon a conftant man, though 
 it do not difpenft with the tranfgrefsion of the negative Precepts of God or Nature, 
 becaufethey bind to all times, yetJit diminifheth the offence, even againft them, and 
 pleads for pardon. But it difpenfeth in many cafes with the tranfgrefbion of the po- 
 fitive Law , either Divine or Humane i becaufe it is not probable , that God or the 
 Law , would oblige man to the obfervation of all pofitive precepts , with fo great 
 damigcas the loisof his Life. The omifsion of circumcifion was no lin, whileft 
 the Jjraelites were travailing through the wildernefs. By T. H. his permifsion , I 
 will propofe a cafe to him. A Gentleman fends hisfervant with money to buy his 
 dinner : fume Ruffians meet him by the way , and take it from him by force ■■, The 
 Servant cryed for help , and did what he could to defend himfclf: but all would not 
 fcrve. The fervant is innocent , if he was tryed before a Court of Areopagitcs. Or 
 fijppofe the Ruffians did not take 't from him by force , but drew their Swords and 
 thrcatned to kill him , except he delivered it hirafelfs no wife man can conceive , 
 that it was either the mafters intention , or the Servants duty, to hazard his Life, 
 or his Limbs for faving of fuch a trifling fum. But on the other fide fuppofe this 
 Servant , pafsing by fome Cabaret , or Tennis-court , where his Camerads were 
 drinking or playing , fhould flay with them , and drink or play away his money , 
 and afterwards plead as T. H. doth here, that he was overcome by the meer flrength 
 of temptation , I trow, neither T. H. nor any man elfe would admit of this excufc, 
 but punifh him for it, becaufe neither was he necefsitated by the temptation, and 
 what ftrength it had , was by his own fault , in refpect of that vitious habit which 
 he had contracted of drinking or gaming. Jam. 1.14. Every man is temptedwhcn 
 he is drawn away of his own luji and entifed. Difordered pafsions of anger, hatred 
 luft , if they be confequent ( as the cafe is here put by T. H. ) and flow from deli- 
 beration and election , they do not only not diminifh the fault , but they aggravate 
 it , and re ider it much greater. 
 
 He talks much oithe motives to do, and the motives to forbear , how they work 
 
 upon
 
 1^ 
 
 'JJ^ication^ft i^e Liberty TO ME I I L 
 
 , J ,, ^inoman as it' a reafonable man were no more than a Tenis- 
 uponand dctcrmm a ^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^^ _ ^^.^^^^ 
 
 11 h a no power to move it felf, but were meerly paflive , like an Artificial Po- 
 ■ V removed hither and thither by the bolts of the Archers , who (hoot on this 
 ^!r nd on that. What are motives but reafons or difcourfes framed by the under- 
 !l dine and freely moved by the will? What , are the will and the underftand- 
 • 1 " but faculties of the fame Soul > and what is Liberty but a Power refulting 
 from' them both > To fay that the will is determined by thefe motives, is as much as 
 to fay that the Agent is determined by himfelfi If there be no necellitation before 
 the judgement of right rcafon doth dictate to the will , then there is no antecedent, 
 no extrinfeca] necellitation at all. All the World knows , that when the Agent is 
 determined by himfelf, then the eik&. is determined likewife in its caufe. But if 
 he determined himfelf freely , then the effed is free. Motives determin not natu- 
 rally but morally, which kind of determination may confift with true Liberty. 
 ButifT.H.hisopinion were true , that the will were naturally determined by the 
 Phyfical and fpccial influence of extrhifecal caufcs , not only motives were vain, but 
 reafon it felf and deliberation were vain. No faith he they are not vain, becaufe 
 they are the means. Yes, if the means be fuperfluous, they are vain : what needed 
 fuch a circuit of deliberation to advife what is fit to be done, when it is already de- 
 termined extrinfecally , what mufl be done. 
 
 He faith , thatj^e igtiorance of the true caufe s^ and their power U the reafon , tvhy 
 rve afcribe the effect to Liberty , hut when rve ferioufy confder the caufes ofthings^vee ac- 
 k^orcleelge a necejjity. No fuch thing, but juft the contrary. The more wc confider 
 and the clearer we underftand, the greater is the Liberty, and the more the know- 
 ledge of our own Liberty. The lefs we confider , and the more incapable that the 
 underftanding is, the Icfler is the liberty, and the knowledge of it. And where there 
 is no confideration nor ufe of reafon , there is no Liberty at all i there is neither 
 moral good nor evil. Some men , by reafon that their exleriour fenfes are not to- 
 tally bound , have a trick to walk in their fleep. Suppofe fuch an one in that cafo 
 (hould caft himfelf down a pair of Stairs , or from a Bridge and break his neclror 
 drown himfelf, it were a mad Jury that (hould find this man acceffary to his own 
 death. Why ? becaufe it was not freely done , he had not then the ufe of rcafon. 
 
 Laftly he tells us , that the will doth choofe ofneceffity , as well as the fire burns of ne- 
 ceffuy. If he intend no more but this , that eledion is the proper and natural adl 
 ot the will,as burning is of the fire, or that the elc<fiivc power is as necefTary in a man 
 as theuftiveinthefirei he fpeaks truly but moft impertinentlyi for the queltion is not 
 now of the eleftive power , mijffKpriwo , whether it be an efTential faculty of the 
 Soul , but whether the ad of elediing this or that particular objed; be free, and un- 
 determined by any antecedent and extrinfecal caufcs. But if he intend in this other 
 fenfe , that as the fire hath no power to fufpend its burning , nor to diftinguifh be- 
 tween thofe combuftible matters which are put unto it , but burns that which is put 
 unto it neceffarily, if it becombuftible: So the will hath no power to refufe that 
 which it wills , nor to fufpend its own appetite , He errs groflely. The will hath 
 power, either to willornill , or to fufpend, that is neither to will nor nill the 
 fameobjed \ yet even the burning of the fire , if it beconfidered as it is inverted with 
 all particular circumftances , is not otherwise fo necefTary an adion as T. H. ima- 
 gineth. Two things are required to make an effed necefTary. Firft , that it be pro- 
 duced by a necefTary caufe, fuch as fire is i Secondly ; that it be neceffarily produ- i 
 ced. Profdgor4f an Atheilt , began his book thus , Concerning the Gads^ I have no- ' 
 thing to fay , whether they be , or they be not , for which his Book was condemned 
 hy the /Ithenians tohchuxned. The fire was a necefTary Agent, but the-fentence 
 or the appl ication of the fire to the Book , was a free act , and therefore the burn- 
 ing of his book was free. Much more the rational will is free, which is both a 
 voluntary Agent , and acts voluntarily. 
 
 My Second reafon againft this diftinction of Liberty from compulfTon , but not 
 from neeeflitation is new , and demonflrates clearly , that to nece/Gtate the will, by i 
 a Phyfical necefsity , is to compel the will fo far as the will is capable of compulfion, 
 and that he who doth neccfsitate the will to evil , after that manner is the true caufe ' 
 
 of;
 
 Discourse I. againfi Mr. Hobs- y^^ 
 
 of evil, oc ought rather to be blamed than the will it felf. But J, H. for ail he faith he 
 is iku furpaled , can be contented upon better advife to fteal by all this in iilcncev 
 and to hide tliis tergiverfation from the eyes of the Reader, he makes an empty fhew 
 of braving againit that famous and moft necefTary dillindion between the elicite and 
 iifipirate adts of the will i firft, becaufe the terms are imprnper •, Secondly becaufe 
 ihcy ixc obfatre. What Trivial and Grammatical objedions are theft, to be ufed 
 againit the llniverfal current of Divines and Phiiofophers. Vcrborum ut rmmmorum: 
 it is in words , as it is in money. Ufe makes them proper and currant, a lyrant st 
 hrit , iignihed a Lawful and juit Prince i now ufe hath quite changed the fenfe of 
 it , to denote either an Ufurper , or an opprcflbr. The word Pramunire is now 
 grown a good word in our Englijh Laws by ufe and trad: of time •, and yet at rirft 
 it was meerly millakcn for a prtcmonere. The names of Sunday , Monday , Tttefday , 
 were derived at firit from thole Heathenifh Deities , the Sun , the Moon , and the 
 Warlike God of the Germans. Now we ufe them for diftindion fake only , with- 
 out any relation to their Hrlf original. He is too froward that will refufe a piece 
 of coin that is currant throughout the World, becaufe it is not ftamped after his 
 own fanfie. So is he that rejeds a good word , becaufe he underfiands not the deriva^ 
 tion ot it. We fee Forrcign words are daily naturalized , and made free Denizons 
 in every Countrey. But why are the terms improper ? becaufe faith he, h attri- 
 butes cnmmand , andfubjedion to the faculties of the' Soul , as if they made a Common- 
 rpealth or family among themfe Ives, and could fpeak^one to another, therefore hcfaith, they 
 jvhj invented this term of Adus Imperatus , underflood not any thing what it fignified. 
 No , why not ? It fecmeth to me they undcrAood it better than thofe who except 
 againit it. They knew rhere are mental terms ^ which are onely conceived in the 
 ■nind , as well as vocal Terms , which are exprefTed with the tongue .* they knew 
 ihat howfocver a Superiour do intimate a direction to his inferiour, it is Hill a com- 
 mand. Tarquin commanded his fon, by onely f\rikeing off the topps of the Pop- 
 pies , and wasby him both underflood and obeyed. Though there be no formal 
 Commonwealth or Family either in the body , or in the Soul of Man , yet there is 
 a fubordination in the Body , of the inferiour members to the head, there is a fub- 
 ordination in the Soul of the inferiour faculties to the rational will. Far be it from 
 a reafonableman, fb far to difhonour his own nature , as to equal fanfie with un- 
 derltanding , or the fenfitive appetite with the reafonable will. A power of com- 
 mand there is without allqueftion , though there be fome doubt in what faculty 
 this command doth principally refide , whether in the will or in the underftanding. 
 The true refolution is, that the directive command for Counfel is in the underftand- 
 ing i and the applicative command , or empire , for putting in execution of what 
 is directed, is in the will. The fame anfwer ferves for his fecond impropriety , a- 
 bout the word elicite. For faith he, at it is abfurdly faid , that to dance, is an aCi 
 al'ured , or dratvn by fair means out of the ability to dance , foit is abfurdly faid , thatto 
 rrill or chooje , k an aU dratvn out of the power to will. His objection is yet more im- 
 proper than the exprelHon. The Art of dancing rrather refembles the underftand- 
 ing , than the will. That drawing which the Schools intend , is clear of another 
 nature , froin that which he conceives i By elicitation , he underf1:ands, aperfwad- 
 ing or enticing with flattering words, or fweet alluring infxnuations , to choofe 
 this or that. But that elicitation , which the Schools intend , is a deducing of the 
 power of the will into act, that drawing which they mention is meerly from the ap- 
 petibility of the object, or of the end, as a man draws a Child after him with the 
 light of a fair Apple , or a Shephearddraw?hisfheep after him with the fight of a 
 green bougli ; So the end draws the will to it , by a Metaphorical motion. What 
 he underllands hereby an ability to dance , is more than I know, or any man elfe 
 until! he cxprcls himfelt in more proper terms , whether he underfland the Loco-, 
 motive faculty alone , or the Art, or acquired habit of dancing alone , or both of 
 thefe joyntly. It may be faid aptly without any abfurdity , that the act of dancing 
 is draw out ( elicitur ) of the Locomotive faculty helped by the acquired habit. He 
 who is fo fcrupulous about the received Phrafes of the Schools, fhould not have let fb' 
 many improper expreliions have dropped from his pen s as m this very pafTage he 
 confounds the compelling of a volnnmry aSian, with the commanding of a voluntary 
 
 N n n n action
 
 — — -^ 'AVindicaUon of true Liberty TOME III. 
 
 adion and willing with ekdting, which he faith are all one. Yet to will properly 
 ef ed^s the end to cle<ft the means. 
 
 His other objection againli this diftindion of the afts of the will into elicitc and 
 imperate is obfcurity. Might it not ii3\ih\\z) hjve been as eafily [aid inY^r^^Wi^ , 
 a voittntary aQion. Yes, it might have been faid as eafily , but not as truly, not 
 properly. Whatfoevcr hath its original from the will, whether immediatly or me- 
 diately, whether it be a proper z(k of the will it felf , as to eled , or an ad of the 
 nnderAanding , as to deliberate , or an ad of the infcriour faculties, or of the mem- 
 bers is a voluntary adion , but neither the ad of reafon nor of the fenfes , nor of 
 the fenfitive appetite , nor of the members are the proper ads of the will, nor drawn 
 immediately out of the will it felf, but the members and faculties are applyed to their 
 proper and refpedive ads by the power of the will. 
 
 But fo he comes to caft up the total fum of my fecond reafon , with the fame 
 Faith , that the unjuft Steward did make his accounts, Luke i6. Ihejumoj J. D's. 
 dijiitidinn if ( faith he ) that a voluntary aU may be done on comfulfion ( juft contrary 
 to what I have maintained ) that U to fay by foul means. But torvillthat, or any aU 
 cannot be but by allurement or fair means. I confeft the diftindion is mine, becauft 
 1 ufc it , as the Sun is mine , or the air is mine , that is common to me , with all 
 who treat of this Subjed. But his miftakes are fo thick, both in relating my mind 
 and his own , that the Reader may conclude, he is wandred out of his known way. 
 I will do my duty to (hew him the right way. Firft , no ads which are properly 
 faid to be compelled , are voluntary. Secondly, acts of terrour which he calls foul 
 means which are fometimesin a large improper fenfe called compulfory actions, may 
 be and for the moft part are confiftent with true Liberty. Thirdly , actions pro- 
 ceeding from blandifhments or fweet perfwafions ( which he calls fair means ) if 
 they be indeliberated as in Children , who want the ufe of reafon , are not prefent- 
 ly free actions. Laftly , the ftrength of confequent , and deliberated defires doth, 
 neither diminilh guilt , nor excufe from puni(hment , as juft fears of extream and 
 imminent dangers threatned by extrinfccal Agents often do , becaufe the ftrength of 
 the former proceeds from our own fault , and was freely elected in the caulcs of it \ 
 but neither defires nor fears , which are confequent and deliberated , do abfolutely 
 Humb. 2 1, necelfitate the will. 
 
 a 'p^ * The reft are umbrages quickly difpelled , firft , the Aftrologcr fteps up, and fub- 
 fubjects Liberty to the motions of Heaven , to the afpects and a&enfions of the 
 Starrs. 
 
 Tluf (tenimfati valet hora benigni, 
 ^uam fi nos Veneris cnmmendet epijtola Marti. 
 I ftand not much upon them who cannot fee the fillies fwimming befides them 
 in the rivers , yet believe they (ee thofe which are in Heaven , Who promife great 
 Treafures to others, and beg a groat for themfelves. The Stars at the moft do but 
 incline , they cannot necellitate. 
 
 Secondly , the Phyfitian fubjects Liberty to the complexion and temperature of the 
 body. But yet this comes not home to a neceility. Socrates , and many others by 
 ailiduous care have corrected the pernicious propenfions , which flowed from their 
 temperatures. 
 T^'tJ, jft ff^g rfji of his difcourfe he reck^neth up the opinions of certain profejjlons of men , 
 
 touching the eaufes , wherein the necefftty of things , which they maintain , confifteth. 
 And firii he faith , the Jjirologer deriveih his neceffity fnm the Starrs. Secondly^ 
 that the PhyfJcian attributeih it to the temper of the body. For my part, I am not of 
 their opinion, becaufe neither the Starrs alone, nor the temperature of the Patient a- 
 lone is able to produce any effeU without the concurrence ofal! other Agents. For, 
 there is hardly any one aH ion , how cafuall foever it feem , to the caujing whereof con- 
 cur not whatfoever is in rerum natura. which becaufe it is a great Paradox , and de- 
 pends on many antecedent fpeculations, J do not prefi in this place. 
 j^ j)^ Towards the later end of my difcourfe I anfwered fome fpecious pretences againft , 
 
 Liberty , the two firft were of the Aftrologer and the Phyfitian. The one fubje- 
 cting Liberty to the motions and influences of the Heavenly bodies i the other to 
 the complexions of men. The ftim of my anfwer was , that the Starrs and com- 
 plexions-
 
 Dis COURSE I, again a Mr. Hobs. y^. 
 
 plcxions do incline , but not at all necetiicate the will. To which all judicious A- 
 llronomcrs and Phyfitians do afTent., And T. H. himfelf doth not diilent from it. 
 So as to this part there needs no reply. 
 
 But whereas he mentions a great Paradox of bis oxen , that there is hardly anyone 
 d£fion to the canfwg of nhiih concurs not rehatfoever is in rerum natura , I can but 
 fmile to fee with what ambition our great undertakers do affedl to be accounted 
 the firft founders of ilrange opinions , as if the devifin^ of an ill grounded Paradox 
 were as great an honour as "the invention of the needle, or the diicovery of the new 
 World. And to this Paradox in particular , I meddle not with natural adiions 
 becaufe the SubjeA of my difcourfe is moral Liberty , but if he intend not onely the 
 kinds of things , but every individual creature, and not onely in natural but volun- 
 tary adtions , I defire to know how Prejier John , or the great Mogol^ or the King 
 of China , or any one of fo many Millions ot their Subjects do concur to my writing 
 of this reply. If they do not among his other fpeculations , concerning this matter, 
 I hope he will give us fome reftrictions. It were hard to make all the Nep-oes 
 acceffary to all the Murthers that are committed in Europe. j -^ 
 
 Thirdly , the moral Pnilofopher tells us how we are haled hither and thither with jyj;^'^- I-: 
 outward objects. To this I anfwer, '* ' 
 
 Firll: , that the power,, which outward objects hate over us, is for the moft part 
 by our own default, becaufe of thofe vitious habits which we have contracted. There- 
 fore , though the actions feem to have akindofviolenceinthem, yet they were free 
 and voluntary in their firrt originals. As a Paralytickman , to ufe Ariflotks Com- 
 parifon, fhedding the Liquor deferves to be puniflied , for though his act be unwil- 
 ling , yet his inteixiperance was willing, whereby he contracted this infirmity. 
 
 Secondly , I anfwer that concupifcence , and cuftom , and bad company and 
 outward objects do indeed make a proclivity , but not a neceffity. By Prayers, 
 Tears, Meditations, Vows, Watchings, Faftings , Humi-cubations a man may 
 get a contrary habit , and gain the Victory, not onely over outward objects , but 
 alfo over his own corruptions, and become the King of the Little World of hitn- 
 felf: 
 
 Si tnetuis-, fi prava cupis , fi ducerU ir^^ 
 Serviti] patiere JMgum ^ tolerab'tf iniquas 
 Interim leges . Tunc omnia jure tenebis , 
 Ctim poteris Kex ejje tui. 
 Thirdly, a refolved mind, which weighs all things judicioufly, and providesfor 
 all occurrences , is not fo eafily furprifed with outward objects. Onely Vlyfjes 
 wept not at the meeting with his wife and fon. I would beat thee'C faid the Philo- 
 fbpher ) but that I am angry. One fpake Loweft when he was molt moved. Anc- 
 ther poured out the Water when he was thirfty. Another made a Covenant 
 with his eyes. Neither opportunity nor entifement could prevail with Jnfeph. Nor 
 the Mufick, nor the fire with the three Children. It is not theftrengthofthe wind 
 but the lightnefs of the chaffe , which caulethitto beblownaway. Outward Ob- 
 jects do not impofe a moral , much lefs a Phylical necelfity, they may be dangerous 
 but cannot be deftructive to true Liberty. 
 
 Ihirdly , he difputeth againfi the opinion of them that fay ; externall obje&s prefemed 
 to men of fuch and juch temperatures ^ do tnakg their anions necejfary. Andfayes, the 
 power that fuch objeCis have over us ^ proceeds from our ore n faults ; But that is nothi.'/r^ 
 to the purpofe , if fuch fault of ours proceedetb from caufes ^ not in our orfn ponder. And 
 therefore that opinion may bold true for all this anftver : Further he faith. Prayer , Fafling 
 &c. may alter our habits: 'Tis true, but when they do fo, they are caufes of the con- 
 trary habit , and mal^ it necejjary ; As the former habit had been neceflary , if Prayer 
 Failing , &c. had not been. Befides toe are not mooved , nor difpofed to prayer ,or any, 
 other adion but by outward objeSs , as pious company, gsdly preachers , or jomething e- 
 quivalent. 'thirdly, he faith, a rejohed mind is not eafily furprifed. As the mind 
 (7f UlyfTes > who when others wept , he alone wept not. And of the Philofopher that ab- 
 ftained fromflrihing, becaufe he found himjelf angry. And of him that poured out the 
 water when he was thirjiy \ And the lik£ '■> Such things J confefi have , or may have 
 been done , anddoproue onely that it was not necejfary for lllylfes then to treep , mr f,i 
 
 N n n n 2 the
 
 c^ A Vindication of true Liberty TOM E 1 1 I. 
 
 the fhiloCnphcrtoiiriks\~torfor that other man to drinK, but tt dm not prove that it 
 
 was mt/eccfiary for U\y({cs then to abjlaitic , as he did from weepings nor the Philo- 
 Capber to abjLn as he d,d from fhiking: Uor the other man to forbear drinking. And 
 Jet that tPas the th.nghe ought to have proved 
 
 La^ly , he confeffeth , that the difpofitton oj objeiis may be dangerous to liberty , but 
 eamot be^d(jlrudive. 7o which I anfroer Uis impojjible ; For, liberty ij never in any 
 nther danger then to be Inji : And yet if it cannot be lojl , which he eonfeJ[eth , I may 
 infer it can be in no danger at all. 
 
 The third pretcnfe was out of moral Philofophy mifunderftood , that outward 
 y. ID. objc<S^s do lucellitate the will. I (hall not need to repeat what he liath ommitted , 
 but oncly tofatisfie his cxceptionsi the firft is, that it is not material, though the power 
 of outrFard ohie£}s do proceed from our oven faults ^ if fuch faults of our proceed not from 
 caufes in our oven porrer. Well , but what if they do proceed from caules that are in 
 our own power, as in truth they do , then his anfwer is a meer fubterfugc. If our 
 faults proceed from caufes that are not, and were not in our own power, then 
 they are not our faults at all. It is not a fault in us not to do thofe things , which 
 never were in our power to do. But they are the faults of thefe caufes from whence 
 they do proceed. Next he confefleth , that it is in our power by good endeavours 
 to alter thofe vitious habits which we had contraded , and to get the contrary ha- 
 bit, "frue ( faith he ) but then the contrary habit doth neceffitate the one way , as well 
 as the former habit did the other way. By which very confideration it appears , that 
 that which he calls a necelfity is no more but a Proclivity. If it were a true necef- 
 fity it could not be avoided , nor altered by our endeavours. The truth is , acquired 
 habitsdo hdp and adifl: tFie faculty.He who hath gotten to himfeif an habit of tempe- 
 rance , may yet upon occafion commit an intemperate aft. And fo on the contra- 
 ry. Ads are not oppofed to habits , but other habits. He adds , that we are not 
 moved to Prayer or any other aUion but by outward ob)eUs^ aspiouf company, godly Preach- 
 ers , or fomeihing equivalent. Wherein are two other miftakes , Hrfl to make godly 
 Preachers, and Pious company , tobe outward ohjeiiSj which are outward agents. 
 Secondly, to affirm that the will is not moved but by outward objects. The will 
 is moved by it felf, by the underftanding , by the fenfitive paffions, by Angels good 
 and bad , by men and moft effectually by afts or habits infufed by God , whereby 
 the will is excited extraordinarily indeed , but efficacioudy and determinately. This 
 is more than equivalent with outward objefts. 
 
 Another branch of mine anfwer was that a refolved and prepared mind is able to 
 refill both , the appetibility of objedJs , and the unrulines of paffions. As I (hew- 
 ed by examples. He anfwers that I prove Vlyffes was not neceflitated to weep, nor 
 the Philofopher to itrike , but I do not prove that they were not neceffitated to for- 
 bear. He faith true. I am not now proving , but anfwering. Yet my anfwer 
 doth fufficiently prove that which I intend. That the rational will hath po wer,both 
 to flight the moft appetible objefts, and to control the moft unruly pallions. When 
 he hath given a clear folution to thofe proofs which I produced, then it will be time 
 for him to cry fdr more work. 
 
 Laftly , Whereas I fay that outward obiefts may be dangerous , but cannot be 
 deflrudtivc to true Liberty. He catcheth at it, and objefts that Liberty m in no dan- 
 ger , but to be lufl , but I fay it cannot he hji , therefore ( he infers ) that it is in no dan- 
 ger at all. I anfwer •, Firft , that Liberty is in more danger to be abufed than 
 to be loft. Many more men do abufe their wits, than lofe them. , Second- 
 ly , Liberty is in danger likewife to be weakened or dimini(hed , as when it is 
 clogged by vitious habits contraifted by our felvcs , and yet it is not totally loft. 
 Thirdly , though Liberty cannot be totally loft out of the World , yet it may be 
 totally Inft to this or that particular man , as to the exercife of it. Reafon is the j 
 root of Liberty , and though nothing be more natural to a man than reafon , yet 
 many by excefsof ftudy , or by continual gurmandizing , or by fome extravagant 
 paliion , wiiich they have cheridied in them(£lves, or by doting too much upon fomc 
 ;ii cdcd objcd , do become very fotts , and deprive themfclvcs ofthe ufe of reafon, 
 and confcquently of Liberty. And when the benefit of Liberty is not thus u- 
 niverfaliy loft , yet it may be loft refpedively to this Or that particular occa- 
 fion.
 
 [DISCOURSE I. a^ainft Mr. Hob*. 
 
 lion. As he who makes choife of a bad Wife, hath loft his former Liberty to choofe 
 a goo i one. 
 
 fourthly, the natural Philofopher doth teach, that the will doth neceflarily follow 
 the laft didate o£ the underftanding. It is true indeed, thewillftiould follow the di- 
 rection of the underftanding, but I am notfatisHed that it dath evermore follow it. 
 Sometimes this faying hath place. Video meliora proboq; Veteriorafequor. As that great 
 Roman faid ot two Suiters, that the one produced the better reafons , but the other 
 mult have the office. So reafon often lies dejedted at the feet ofaffedtioni f/i/ngs nea- 
 rer to the fcnfcs move more powerfully. Do what a man can, he (hall forrovv'more 
 for the death of his child,than for the fin of his foul. Yet appreciatively in the eftima- 
 tion of judgment, he accounts the offence of a God, a greater evil than any tempo- 
 ral loft. 
 
 Next, I do not believe that a man is bound to weigh the expedience or inexpe- 
 dience of every ordinary trivial adion, to the leaftgrainin the ballanceofhis under- 
 llanding, or to run up into his Watch-Tower with his perfpedive to take notice of 
 every Jack-daw that fliesby, for fear of fome hidden danger. This feems to me to be 
 a proftitution of reafon to petite observations , as concerning every rag tha^t a man 
 wears, each drop of drink, each morfel of bread that he eats, each pace that he walks. 
 Tluis many fteps muft he go , not one more, nor one lefs, under pais of mortal fin. 
 What is this but a Rack and a Gibbet to the confcience? But God leaves many 
 things indifferent, though manbefo curious he will not. A good Architect will be 
 fure to provide fufficient materials for his building, but what particular number of 
 ftofles, or trees, he troubles not his head. And fuppofe he ftiould weigh each adion 
 thus, yet he doth not, foftill there is liberty. Thirdly, I conceive it is polfible in this 
 mirt and weaknefs of humane apprehenfion,fbr two adions to be fo equally circam- 
 (tantiated, that no difcernible difference can appear between th.em upon difcullion. 
 As fuppofe a Chirurgcon (hould give two plaifters to his Patient, and bid him apply 
 either of them to his wound, what can induce his reafon more to the one, than to the 
 other, but that he may refer it to chance, whether he will ufe? But leaving thcfe pro- 
 bable fpeculations which I fubmit to better judgments, I anfwer the Philofopher 
 briefly thus-, Admitting that the will did neceflarily follow the laft didate of the un- 
 derftanding, as certainly in many things it doth. Yet, 
 
 Firft,this is no extrinfecal determination from without, and a mans own refbluti- 
 on is not deftrudivetohisown liberty, but depends upon it. So the perfonisftillfree. 
 
 Secondly, this determination is not antecedent, but joyned with the action. The 
 underftanding and the will , are not different Agents , but diftinct faculties of the 
 fame foul. Here isan infallibility, or an hypothetical neceffity, as we fay, ^uicqtddeji 
 quando e/}, tucejfe eji efle: A necellity of confequence, but not a necellity of confequent 
 Though an Agent have certainly determ.ined, and fo the action be become infallible 
 yet if the Agent did determine freely, the action likewile is free* 
 
 the fourth opinion jvhich he rejeSeth , w of them that makf the will necejjarily tofotlon^ <r r*. 
 the laji didate of the underftanding, but it feems he underftands that Tenet in another fenfe 
 than I do. For he ^eal^eth. Of if they that held it, did fuppofe men mtift dilute thefequel of 
 every aSion they do, great andjmaV, to the leqji grain, which if a thing, that he thinkrwith 
 reafon to be untrue. But lunderftand it tofignifie , that the nrill follotps the U{i opinion or 
 judgment, immediately preceding the aUion, concerning whether it be good to do it or not 
 whether he hath weighed it long before, or not all. And ihatltak^ to be the meaning of them 
 that hold it. As for example, when a manjirik{s, hit wilt to ftrik^ follows neceflarily , that 
 thought he had of the fe que I ofhisfirokg immediately before the lifting of his hand. Nutp if 
 it be underjiooditt that fenfe, the laft didate of the underftanding does certainly neceffitate 
 the aBion, though not as the whole caufe,yet as the laft caufe, as the laft feather neci^tates 
 the bre ki"g "f ^^ Horjes back, when there are fo many laid on before, as there necd.th but 
 the addition of that one to makg the weight fufficient. That which he alledgeth agai>ift this 
 is ftrft, out of a Toet,wbo in theperfon ofMtdc3.fays, Video meliora proboquc , Dete- 
 riora fcquor. But the faying, (as pretty as it is) is not true, for though Medea/itr many 
 reafons to forbear kjlling her children,yet the laft diUate of her judgment was, that the pre- 
 fent revenge of her husband outweighed them all. And thereupon that wicl^d action follow- 
 ed necif arily. then iheftory of the Roman, that of two competitors faid^ one b.id the better 
 
 reafont
 
 )H 
 
 TVwdieath noft^»e Liberty T O M E A U. 
 
 'bHt the other m4 have thT^ce. Vns alfi mak^tbagainjihm, fnr the lafi ditlate 
 
 najoHS^ oh: t>Kjm<^' -j ^ . • ; „f the office, was this , that it was better to tak£ a 
 off^'n'^'k'-^"*^'^;^^^^^^^ hechjeas that things nearer the fenjcs 
 
 grf^t^nf-. //Ai« r^ ^^^J^^^j-^^^ iVhat followeth thence but thisjhat thefenfeofthepre 
 Z7So/Jcommnly mre immediate to the aSion, than the Mn oftheevil co.fequent. 
 " Fourthly, rehereas he fays, that da what a man can , hejhall furrow more for the 
 
 reajoHS, t 
 
 'hment, that ma 
 
 \ great i 
 
 " n. ly Dat joHOTveti} tmnce out tnis^iioat tijejenjeojti 
 Hate to the adion, than the fore fight oftheevil coufnuents 
 ^Fottrt'hh whereas he fays, that dif what a man can , he fhall forroxv more ^ 
 *dathn'fhisfon than for the fm of his foul; it makgs nothingto the laji didate of the mder- 
 /anding, but it argues plainly, that forrow for fin is not voluntary. And by confequence, re- 
 pentance proceedeth from caufes. ,„ , , 
 /. D. ' -j^j^g fourth pretcnfe alledged againft Liberty was, that the will doth necefTarily 
 follow the lalt didate of the underrtanding , this objeftion is largely anfwcred be- 
 fore in feveral places of this Reply , and particularly. Numb. 7. In my former dif- 
 courfe I have two anfwers to it : the one certain and undoubted , that fuppoling 
 the laft didate of the underrtanding did always determin the will, yet this deter- 
 mination being not antecedent in time, not proceeding from extrinfecal caufes,but 
 from the proper refolution of the Agent , who had now freely determined himfelf 
 it makes no abfokite neceliity, but onely Hypothetical , upon fuppofition that the 
 agent hath determined his own will , after this or that manner. Which being the 
 main anfwer , T. H. is fo far from taking it away , that he takes no notice of it. 
 The other part of mine anfwer was probable s That it is not always certain , that 
 the will doth always adlually follow the laft didate of the underrtanding , Though 
 it always ought to follow it. Of which I gave then three reafons , one was that 
 adions may be fo equally circumftantiated , or the cafe fo intricate, that reafon 
 cannot give a pofitive fentence , but leaves the eledion to Liberty or chance. To 
 this he anfwers not a word. Another of my reafons was , bccaufe reafon doth 
 not weigh , nor is bound to weigh the convenience or inconvenience of every indi- 
 vidual adion to the uttermort grain in the balance of true judgement. The truth 
 of this reafon is confeffed by T. H. though he might have had more Abbettersin this 
 thaninthemoft part of his difcourfe , that nothing is indiiferent, that a man cannot 
 ftroak his beard on one fide, but it was either necelfary to do it, orfinful to omit it, 
 from which confellion of his it follows, that in all thofe adions, wherein reafon doth 
 not define what is moft convenient, there the will is free from the determination of 
 the underrtanding. And by confequence the laft feather is wanting to break the hor- 
 fesbacki A third reafon was becaufe pailions and affedions fometimes prevail againft 
 judgment , as I proved by the example of Medtea and C^far , by theneernefs of the 
 objeds to the fenles , and by the eftimation of a temporal lofsmorc than fin. Againft 
 this reafon , his whole anfwer is addreffcd. And firft he explaineth the fenfe of the 
 aflertion by the comparifon of the laft feather , wherewith he feems to be delighted, 
 feeing he ufeth it now the fecond time. But let him like it as he will, it is improper for 
 three reafons-, Firft, the determination of the judgment is no part of the weight, but 
 is the fentence of the trier. The underftanding wcighethall things, Objeds, means, 
 circumftances , convenience, inconvenience , but it felf is not weighed. Secondly, 
 the fenfitive paffion in fome extraordinary cafes , may give a counterfeit weight to 
 the objed , if it can detain or divert reafon from the ballance, but ordinarily the 
 means, cireum.ftances, and caufes concurrent they have their whole weight from 
 the underftanding. So as they do not prefs the Horfes back at all untill reafon lay 
 them on. Thirdly , he conceives that as each feather hatha certain natural weight, 
 whereby it concurs not arbitrarily , but ncceflarily towards the over charging oft he 
 Horfe j fo all objeds and caufes have a natural efficiency whereby they do Phyfical- 
 ly determin the will , which is a great miftake. His objeds , his agents, liis mo- 
 tives, his pafiions, and all his concurrent caufes , ordinarily do onely move the will 
 morally , not determin it naturally. So as it hath in all ordinary adions a free do- 
 minion over it felf. 
 
 His other example of a man that ftrikes , whofe wiV to flrikf followeth neceffarily 
 that thought he had of the jequel ofhisjirokg immediatly before the lifting up of his hand , 
 as it confounds pailionate, indeliberate thoughts , with the didates of right reafon. 
 So it is very uncertain, for between the Cup and the Lipps, between the lifting up of 
 the hand, and the blow, the will may alter, and the judgement alfo. And laft ly 
 
 it
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 Discourse 1. againfi Mr. Hobs. jqo 
 
 it isimpercinent/or that necellity of ftriking proceeds from thefreC determination of 
 the agent , and not from the fpecial influence of any outward determinig caufcs. 
 And fo it isonely a necellity upon fuppofition. 
 
 Concerning Med<eas choife , the ftrength of the argument doth not lye either in 
 the fad ot Mfi/^j , which isbut afidtion , or in the Authority of the Poet who 
 writes things rather to be admired than believed , but in the experience of all men 
 who find it to be true in themfelves : That fometimes reafon doth fhew unto a man 
 the exorbitancy of his pallion , that what he defires is but a pleafant good , that 
 what he lofeth by fuch a choife is an honeft good , that that which is honelt is'to be 
 preferred before that wliich is pleafant , yet the will purfues that which is pleafant 
 and neglefls that which is honeft. St. Paul faith as much inearneft as is feined of 
 Med^a. That he approved not that which he did , and that he did that xvhich he bated 
 Rom. 7. 1 5. The Roman ftory is miftaken i there was no bribe in the cafe but af- 
 fedion. Whereas I urge that thofe things, which are neerer to the fenfes do move 
 more powerfully , he lays hold on it i and without anfwering to that for which I 
 produced it, infers That the fenfe ofprefem good is more immediate to the a&ion than thi 
 forefight of evil confeqtients. Which is true, but it is not abfolutely true by any antece- 
 dent necellity. Let a man do what he may do, and what he ought to do and 
 fenfitive objeds will lofe that power which they have by his own fault , and negled. 
 Antecedent or indeliberate concupifcence doth fometimes ( but rarely ) furprife a 
 man,and render the adion not free. But confequent and deliberated concupif- 
 cence, which proceeds from the rational will, doth render the action more free not 
 lefs free , and introduceth onely a necellity upon fuppoiition. 
 
 Laftly , he faith , that a mans mourning more for the lofs of his Child than for bit fiti 
 mak^s nothing to the laji dilate of the underjianding. Yes, very much. Reafon di- 
 ctates, that a fui committed , is a greater evil than the lofs of a child , and oueh^ 
 more to be lamented for, yet we {ee daily how affection prevails againit the dictate 
 of reafon > that wliich he infers from hence , thit forrotv for fin w not voluntary and 
 by confequence that repentance proceedeth from caufes, is true, as to the latter part'of it 
 but not in his fenfe. The caufes from whence repentance doth proceed are Gods 
 Grace preventing , and mans will concurring. God prevents freely , man concurs 
 freely. Thofe inferiour Agents, which fometimes do concur as fubordinate to the 
 Grace of God , do not , cannot determin the will naturally. And therefore the for- 
 mer part of his inference , that forrow for fin is not voluntary , is untrue , and al- 
 together groundlefs. That is much more truly, and much more properly laid to be 
 voluntary , which proceeds from judgment , and from the rational will, than that 
 which proceeds from palfion,and from the fenfitive wilLOneofthe main grounds of 
 allT. fi hiserrours in this queftion is that he acknowledgeth no efficacy, but that 
 which is natural. Hence is this wild confequence. Repentance hath caufes 
 and therefore it U not voluntary. Free effeds have free caules , necclTary ef^ 
 feds necefTary caufes , voluntary effects have fometimes free , fometimes necc/Tarv 
 caufes. 
 
 Fifthly, and Laftly, the Divine Labours to find out a way how Liberty may 
 confift with the prefcience and decrees of God. But of this I had not very Jon^ fince ^' ^' 
 occafion to write a full difcourfe , in anfwer to a Treatife againft the prefcience of ^"'^^' '4' 
 things contingent. I (hall for the prcfent only repeat thefc two things, pirft we 
 ought not to defert a certain truth , becaufe we are not able to comprehend the 
 certain manner. God (hould be but a poor God, if we were able perfectly to com- 
 prehend all his actions and attributes. 
 
 Secondly , in my poor judgment , which I ever do and ever fhall fubmit to better 
 the readieft way to reconcile contingenccand liberty , with the decrees and prefci- 
 ence of God, and moft remote from the alterations of thefe times, is to fub/cct fu- 
 ture contingents to the afpect of God , according to that prefentiality which they 
 have in eternity. Not that things future , which are not yet exiftent are coexillent 
 with God,but becaufe the infinite knowledge of God,incircling all times in the point 
 of eternity , doth attain to their future being , from whence proceeds their obie-* 
 ctive and intelligible being. The main impediment which keeps men from fubfcri- 
 bing to this way is , becaufe they conceive eternity to be an everlafting fucceiJiori 
 
 and
 
 lO 
 
 A Viudica tiort of true Liberty T Q iM E HI . 
 
 and not one indiviUble point. Bi.t if they conllder that whatfoever is in God is 
 God i That there arc no accidents in him, tor that which is inhnicely pertedt , can- 
 not be further pcrfeded , That as God is not wife but Wifedom it felf, not juft but 
 Tuftice it k\i\ (o he is not eternal but Eternity it fclf^ They muft needs conclude that 
 tliereforc this Eternity is indiviilble,becaufe God is indivifible, and therefore not fuc- 
 ceflive, but altogether an infinite point, comprehending all times within it k\f. 
 
 'J'helajlpjrtofthisdifcoiirfecoiitahietb his opinion about reconciling liberty rcith the 
 Prejciencc, and Decrees of God^ otherwifs than jbnie Divines have done^ againji rvhom he 
 had formerly written a 7reatife, out of which he onely repeateth two things. One ix, that 
 tve ought not todefcrt a certain truth. fornot being able to comprehend the certain manner of 
 it. And J fay the fame; as for example, that he ought not to dejert this certain truth h Ihat 
 there are certain and necejjary caufes^rvhich mak^ every man to reill what he willetb^though 
 he do not yet conceive in what manner the will of man is caufed. And yet J thinkjhe man' 
 tier of it is not very hardto conceive, fi^'f'g '^'^t w^ fi^ ^^'^y-> *'"'* /""'^'l/^i difpraife, reward, 
 pitnifhrnent^good and evil,fequels of mens aCiions retained in memory , do frame and make 
 i(f to the ekttion of whatfoever it be that we eleU. And that the memory ofjuch things pro- 
 ceeds from thefenjes. And jenfe from the operation ofthe(b]eds offenfe, which are external 
 to Hi, and governed onely by Cod Almighty. And by confequence, all actions, even of free and 
 voluntary Agents are necefjary. 
 
 7he other thing he repeateth is, that the btjl way to recoacile Contingency and Liberty 
 with the prefcience and Decrees of God, is to fubjed future contingents to the ajf>ed of God. 
 Ihe fame isalfo my opinion, but contrary to what he hath all this while laboured to prove* 
 For, hitherto he held liberty and necefftty, that is to fay, liberty and the Decrees of God irre- 
 concileable, unlefs the ajpeCl of God (which wordappeareth now thefrrjl time in this Difcourfe) 
 fgnifie fomewhat elfe befdes Gods Will and Decree, which Jcannot underjiand. But he adds, 
 that we mujl fubjed them according to that prefentiality which they have in eternity , which 
 he fays cannot be done by them that conceive eternity to be an everlajiingfuccejJion,but onely by 
 them that conceive it an indivif hie point. 'To this Janfwer, that affoon at I can conceive eter- 
 nity an indivifbk point, or any thing,bnt an everlajiingfuccejjion,! will renounce all J have 
 written in th'n fubjed: JI^ww S. Thomas Aquinas calls eternity Nuncftans, an ever abi- 
 ding now, which is eafie enough to fay, but though J fain would , I never could conceive it, 
 Ihey that can, are more happy than I. But in the mean time he aVoweth herely all men to 
 be of my opinion, fave onely thofe that cenceive in their minds a nuncftans, which I thinly 
 are none. I underjiand of little bow it can be true that God U not jujl, but Ju{iiceitfelfNor 
 how he concludes thence, that eternity it a ponit indivifible, and not afucceJfion.Nor in what 
 fenfe it can bejaid, that an infinite point, &c. wherein is no fuccejjion , can comprehend all 
 times, thongh time be fuccejjive. 
 
 Ihefe fhrajes J find not in the Scripture. J wonder therefore, what was the defgn of the 
 School-men to hringthemttp, unlefs they thought a mancould not be a true Chrifiian, unlefs 
 his underjianding be firjijirangled with fuch hard fayings. 
 
 And thiif much in anfwer to his Difcourfe, wherein J think^not cnely his fquadrons, hut 
 alfo his referves of dijiindions are defeated. And now your Lordfhip fhall have my dcHrine 
 concerning the fame quefiion, with my reafons for itpofitively and briefly as I can , without 
 any terms of Art in plain Englijh. 
 
 That poor Difcourfe which I mention, was not written againft any Divines, but in 
 way of examination of a French Tieajtife, which yourLordfhips Brother did me the 
 honour to fliew me at Tor\^y My AfTertion is naofitruc, that we ought not todefert 
 a certain truth, becaufe we are not able to comprehend the certain manner. Such a 
 truth is that, which I maintain, that the will of man in ordinary adtions, is free from 
 extrinfccal determination. A truth demonllrable in reafon, received and believed by 
 all the world. And therefore though I be not able to comprehend or exprefs exad:- 
 ly the certain manner how it conflrts together with Gods eternal Prefcicncc,ar.d De- 
 crees, which exceeds my weak capacity, yet I ought to adhere to that truth, which is 
 manifelh But T. H. his opinion of the abfolute nccellity of all events , by reafon of 
 their antecedent determination in their extrinfecal and ncceffary caufes, is no fuch 
 certain Truth, but an innovation, aftrange Paradox, without probable grornds , 
 re;ed:edby allAuthours, yea, byall the world. Neithcr,is the manrcrhowthefccond 
 caufes do operate fo obfcure, or (b tranfcen dent above the reach of reafon, as the e- 
 
 tcr-
 
 Discourse I. agaifjft Mr. Hobs- ju 
 
 ternal Decrees of God arc. And therefore in both thefe refpe<fts, he cannot challenge 
 the fame priviledge. 1 am in pofrefiion of an old truth derived by inheritance or 
 fucceliion trom mine Ancellor?. And therefore, though I were not able to clear eve- 
 ry quirk in Law, yet I might jurtly holdmy polTelfion until a better Title wejrefliew- 
 cd tor another. He is no old Poteflbr, but a new Pretender , and is bound to make 
 good his claim by evident proofs, not by weak and inconfequent fuppofitions , or 
 inducements, fuch as thofe are which he ufcth here, oi'praifes, dijpraifes, ren>ards,pH- 
 nijhments, the memory of good and evilfequels^ and events^ which may incline the will , 
 but neither can nor do necelHtate the will. Nor by uncertain and accidental infe- 
 rences, fuch as this, The memory ofprjifes,diJ}'raiJes^rercards,pumJhmenti,goodand evil 
 fequels do maks us ('he fhould fay difpofe \xs) to eleCt what roe eleCt, but the memory of thefe 
 things if from thefertfe, and the fen fe from the operation of the external objeSls, and the A- 
 gency of external obje£if if onely from God,therefore all adions, even of free and voluntary 
 Agents^ are neceffary. To pafs by all the other great imperfedtions , which are to be 
 ' found in this Sorite, it is juCt like that old SophilHcal piece: He that drinks well i 
 fleeps well-, he that ileeps well, thinks no hurti he that thinks no hurt , lives well , 
 therefore he that drinks well lives well. 
 
 In the very lali pafTage of my Difcourfe , I propofed mine own private opinion , 
 how it might be made appear, that the eternal Prefcience and Decrees of God are 
 conilltent with true liberty and contingency. And this I fet down, in as plain 
 termes as I could , or as fo profound a fpeculation would permit , which is almoft 
 wholly mifunderftood by T. H. and many of my words wreited to a wrong fenfe. 
 As tirrt, where I fpeak of the afped of God , that is his view , his knowledge , by 
 which the moft free and contingent aftions were manifeft to him from eternity, Heb. 
 4. II. All things are nah^d and open to his eyes , and this not difcurfively , but in-- 
 tuitively , not by external fpecies , but by his internal Eflence ; He confounds this 
 with the will , and the Decrees of God : Though he found not the word AfpeH 
 before in this difcourfe, he might have found prefcience. Secondly hechargethme 
 thathitherto 1 have maintained, thtt Liberty and the Decrees of God, are irreconcil- 
 able. If I have faid any fuch things , my heart never went along with 
 my pen. No , but his rcafon why he charged me on this manner , is becaufe I have 
 maintained , thjit Liberty and the abfolute neccffity of all things are irreconcilable. That 
 is true indeed, what then ■■, pphy( faith \\c)Necef[ity and Gods Decrees are all one. How 
 all one , that were ftrange indeed : Neceffity may be a confequent of Gods Decrees, 
 it cannot bethe Decree it felf. But to cut his argument {hort . God hath decreed 
 all effeds which came to pafs in time , yet not all after the fame manner , but . 
 according to the diftind natures , capacities and conditions of his creatures , which 
 he doth not deftroy by his Decrees Some he adteth, with fome he cooperateth by 
 {peciall influence, and fome he onely permiteth. Yetthisis no idle or bare per- 
 milTion , feeing he doth concurre both by way of generall influence , giving power 
 to adl , and alfo by difpofing all events neceflary , free, and contingent to his own 
 glory. Thirdly, he chargethme, that Jallotv all men to be of his opinion Jave onely thofe 
 that conceive in their minds aN\inc (kani, or hnrv eternity is an indivifible point, rather than 
 an everhjiingfucceffion. But I have given no fuch allowance. I know , there are ma- 
 ny other ways propofed by Divines , for reconciling the eternal prefcience and De- 
 crees of God, with the liberty and contingency offecondcaufes, fome of which may 
 pleafe other judgments better than this of mine. Howfoever, though a man could 
 comprehend none of all thefe wayes, yet remember what I faid, that a certain truth 
 ought not to be rejected, becaufe we are not able, in refpect of our weaknefs, toun- 
 (lerUand the certain manner, or reafon of it. I know, the Load-ftone hath an attra- 
 ctive power to draw the Iron to it i and yet I know not how it comes to have fuch 
 :. power. 
 
 But the chiefeft difficulty, which offers it felf in this Section, is, whether Eternity 
 I.- an indivilible point fas I maintain it)oraneverlafting fuccelIion,ashe wouldhave 
 ir. According tohis conftant ufe, he gives noanfwerto what was urged by me, but 
 . .:ads again(\ it from his own incapacity. J never could conceive, faith he, Iktv eternity 
 i'r::tild bean indivifihle point. I believe, that neither we, nor any man elfe can compre- 
 hend it fo clearly, as we do thefe inferiour things. The nearer that any thing comes 
 
 O o o o to
 
 7'2 
 
 'AVindication of true Liberty TOME III. 
 
 , rr of God , the more remote it is from our apprchcnfion. But (hall we 
 
 ^h cforc'makc potentialities, and fucceflive duration , and former and latter, or 
 
 "art without a part ( as they fay ) to be in God .? becaufe we are not able to 
 
 undcrdand clearly the Divine perfection , we muft not therefore attribute any 
 
 ""hc faith moreover , that he underjiands as little horv it can be true which J fay, that 
 Godv mtiuji hut jujiiceitfelf, not Eternal but Eternity itfelf. It feems howfocver he 
 be vcrfcd in this queftion , that he hath not troubled his head overmuch with read- 
 ing, School-Divines , or Metaphyficians , if he make faculties or qualities to be in 
 God really diftindt from his efTence. God is a moft fimple or pi^rc ad, which can 
 admit no compofition of fubftance and accident. Doth he think th.it the moll per- 
 fed eflcncc of God cannot Aft fufficiently without faculties and qiulities ? the inh- 
 nitepcrfedion of the Divine eflence, excludes all pallive or receptive powers, and 
 cannot be perfeded more than it is by any accidents. The attributes of God , are 
 not diverfe virtues , or qualities in him, asthey are in the creatures, but really one 
 and the fame , with the Divine EfTence , and among themfelves. They are attri- 
 buted to God to fupply the defed of our capacity , who are not able to underftand 
 that which is to beknov*?n of God , under one name , or one ad of the underftand- 
 
 Furthermore he faith , that he underftands not how I conclude from hence , that Eter- 
 nity is an indivifrble pint ^ and not a fucceffion. I will help him. The Divine fub- 
 ftance is indivifible ■■, but Eternity is the Divine Subllance. The Major is evident , 
 becaufe God is adus fimpliciffimuf , a moft fimple ad , wherein there is no manner 
 of compofition, neither of matter and form, noroffubjed and accidents, nor of 
 parts &c. and by confequence no divifibility. The minor hath been cleerly demon- 
 ftrated in mine anfwer to his Laft doubt , and is confefTed by all men , that what- 
 foever is in God , is God. 
 
 Laftly he faith. He conceives not hotp it can befaid , that an infinite point wherein 
 U no JHccefpon , can comprehend aU time which iifucctfftve. I anfwer , that it doth not 
 comprehend it formally as time is fucceflive , but eminently and virtually , as Eter- 
 nity is infinite. To day all Eternity is coexiftent with this day. To morrow all e- 
 ternity will be coexiftent with to morrow , and fo in like manner with all the parts 
 of time , being it felf without parts. He faith , He finds not thefe Thrafes in the Scrip- 
 ture, No , but he may find the thing in the Scripture , tiiat God is infinite in all his 
 attributes , and not capable of any imperfedion. 
 
 And fo to fhew his antipathy againft the Schoolmen , that he hath no Liberty or 
 power to contain himfelf , when he meets with any of their Phrafes or Tenets , he 
 falls into another paroxyfm or fit of inveighing againft them v and fo concludes his 
 anfwer with a plaudite to himfelf, becaufe he had defeated both my Squadrons of 
 Arguments, and referves of diftindions. 
 
 Dicite Jo F^an , & Jo hU dicite Paan. 
 But becaufe his eye-fight was weak , and their backs were towards him, he quite 
 mirtook the matter. Thofe whom he feerowted and running away were his own 
 Icattered forces. 
 T H ^^^fl 1 ' conceive that when it cometh into a mans mind,to do or not to do fame certain 
 
 TJurnh. 2';. '^ion , ;/ he have no time to deliberate the doing or ahjiaining , neceffarily followeth the 
 Mv opinion prefent thought he had of the good or evill confecjuence thereof to himfelf. Js for example 
 bout Li- infuddain anger the adion fhaW follow the thought ofreveng , infuddainfear the thought 
 bcrtvand "/ ffi^pf- ^Ifi ^hen a man bath time to deliberate, but deliberates not, becaufe 
 rrelhtV. tiever any thing appeared , that could make him doubt of the confequence , the aCiicnfol- 
 lowes his opinion of the goodnefi or harm ojit. Ihefe aUions J call voluntary. He,if I mtder- 
 fland him aright,caUs them Spontaneous,! call them voluntary, becaufe thofe adions that fol- 
 low immediatly the lajl appetite afe voluntary. And here where there is one onely appetite., 
 that ot^e is the laft. 
 
 Bifides , Ifee "'tis reafonable to punijh arajh aCiion , which cottld not be juftly done by 
 man , unlefi the fame were voluntary ; For no aliion of a man can be fiid to be withoitt de- 
 liberation, though never fo fuddain , becaufe*tisfuppofed he had time to delibtrate all the 
 precedent time of his life , whether hefhould do that kind ofa^ion cr not. And hence it 
 
 it
 
 Discourse I. againji Mr. Hobs. 
 
 7'3 
 
 is , thJt he that kjBeth in a fuddain fajjion of anger , Jhall mverthekji be jujily p„tto 
 death, becauje all the time wherein he n>as able to conjider , vchether to kill were good or 
 evil] , Jhall be held fur one continuaU deliberation, and confequently the kiHingJhalibe judg- 
 ed to proceed from eleilion. 
 
 This part of T. H. his Difcourfe hangs together like a fick mans dreams. Even 7. p^ 
 now he tells us , that a man may have time to deliberate ,. yet not deliberate i By and 
 by he faith , that no aSion of a man , though never fo fuddain , can he f aid to be without 
 deliberation. He tells us Numb. 33. thattk/cope of this Sedion is tojhew what is fpon- 
 taneow. Howbcit he flieweth onely what is voluntary i fo making voluntary and 
 fpontaneous to be all one , whereas before he had told us , that every fpontaneous a- 
 liion if not voluntary , becaufe indeliberate. Nor every voluntary aVtion fpontaneotu , if it 
 proceed from fear. Now he tells us , that ihofe anions , aihich follow the laji appetite 
 are voluntary , and where there U one onely appetite, that is the laJi.But before he told us' 
 thzt voluntary prefuppofetbfome precedent deliberation and Meditation oj what is lihly to 
 follow , both upon the doing and abjiaining from the adion. He defines Liberty, Numb. 
 2p. to be the abfence of all extrinfecal impediments to aSion. And yet in his whole dif- 
 courfe he laboureth to make good , that whatfoever is not done is therefore not 
 done , becaufe the Agent was neceliitated by extrinfecal caufes not to do it. Arc 
 not extrinfecal caufes , which determin him not to do it , extrinfecal impediments 
 to action. So no man (hall be- free to do any thing , but that which he doth actu- 
 ally. He defines a free Agent to be him , who hath not made an end of deliberating 
 Numb. 28. And yet defines Liberty to be abfence of outward impediments. TherJ 
 may be outward impediments , even whilft he is deliberating. As a man deliberates 
 whether he fhall play at Tennis , and at the fame time the door of the Tennis-Court 
 is faft locked againft him. And after a man hath 'ceafed to deliberate , there may 
 be no outward impediments , as when a man refolv.es not to play at Tennis becaufe 
 he finds himfelf ill difpofed , or becaufe he will not hazard his money. ' So the 
 fame perfon, at the fame time , fhould be free and notfree, not free and free. And as 
 he is not firm to his own grounds , fo he confounds all things, the mind^nd xhcwiU 
 the ejiimative faculty dind the underjianding , imagination with deliberation the end 
 with the means , human will with the (enfitive appetite , rational hope or fear , with 
 irrational pajjtons , inclinations with intentions ^^ beginning of being with a beginning of 
 working. Sufficiency with efficiency. So as the grcateft difficulty is to find out what 
 he aims at. So as I had once refolved not to anfwer this part of his difcourfe , yet 
 upon better advife , I will take a brief furvey of it alfo i and (hew how far lafTent 
 unto , or diffent from that which I conceive to be his meaning. 
 
 And Firft , concerning fuddain pallions , as anger or the like i that which he 
 (aith , that the aUion doth necejfarily follow the thought , is thus far true , that thole a- 
 ctions, which are altogether undeliberated and do proceed from fuddain and violent 
 pallions , or motus primo primi , which furprife a man , and give him no time to 
 advife with reafon , are not properly and adually in themfelves &ce , but rather 
 neceffary adions , as when a man runs away from a Cat or a Cullard , out of afe- 
 cret antipathy. 
 
 Secondly , as for thofe actions wherein aSual deliberation feems not neceffary , becaufe 
 never any thing appeared that could mah^ a man doubt of the confequence, I do confers 
 that adlions done by virtue of a precedent deliberation, without any actual delibe- 
 ration in the prefent when the act is done, may notwithftanding be truly, both 
 voluntary and free acts , yea , in fome cafes , and in fome fenfe more free , than if 
 they were actually deliberated of in prefent. As one who hath acquired by former 
 deliberation and experience , an habit to play upon the Virginal , needs nor delibe- 
 rate what man , or what Jack he much touch , nor what finger of his hand he muft 
 move to play fuch a Leflbn v Yea , if his mind Ihould be fixed , or intent to every 
 motion of his hand ^ or every touch of a Itring , it would hinder his play , and 
 render the action more troublefome to him. Wherefore I believe, that not onely 
 his playing in general, but every motion of his hand , though it be not prefently 
 deliberated of, is a free act, by reafon of his precedent deliberation. So then 
 ( faving improprieties of fpeech as calling that voluntary which is free , and 
 limiting the will to the Laft appetite , and other miftakes , as that no act can 
 
 O o o o a be
 
 ~j J Vindicat ion of true Liberty T O M E U I , 
 
 be laid w be wic l^c dclibcrutTon ; we agree alio tor the greater part in this ti8. 
 
 '^"'rh-^^v^'^^whcreas he faith , that fame fuddain aUs , proceeding from fame violent 
 „ mm! Ihichlnrprife a man , are iufUy pwiijhed, I grant they are fo fometimes, but 
 for'his realbn , becaufe they have been formerly aftually deliberated of, but bc- 
 TuVe they were virtually deliberated of, or becaufe it is our faults, that they were 
 not adually deliberated ofi whether it was a fault of pure negation, that is , of not 
 doina our duty onely , or a fault of bad difpofition alfo , by reafon offome vitious 
 habit which we had contradled by our former adions. To do a neceffary ad is 
 ncvcr'a fault , nor juftlypunifhable, when the necellity is inevitably impofcd upon 
 us by extrinfecal caufes. As if a Child before he had the ufe of reafon fliall kill a 
 man in his palHon , yetittecaufe he wanted malice to incite him to it, and reafon 
 to reftrain him fromit , he (hall not dye for it in thefirid rules of particular Juliice, 
 unlefs there be fome mixture of publick J uftice in the cafe. But if the necclluy be 
 contraftcd by our felves , and by our own faults , it is juftly punifliable : As he 
 who by his wanton thoughts in the day time , doth procure his own nodurnal pol- 
 lution. A man cannot deliberate in his {leep , yet it is accounted a finful ad, and 
 confequently a free ad, that is not adually free in its felt , but virtually free in its 
 caufes, and though it be not exprefly willed and chofen , yet it is tacitely and im- 
 plicitely willed and chofen, when that is willed and chofen from whence 
 it was neceflarily produced. By the Levitical Law , if a man digged a pit and left 
 it uncovered , fo that his Neighbours Ox , or his Affe did fall into it,he was bound 
 to make reparation , not becaufe he did choofe to leave it uncovered on purpofe 
 that fuch a mifchance might happen , but becaufe he did freely omit, that which he 
 ought to have done, from whence this damage proceeded to his Neighbour. Laft- 
 ly, there is great difference between the firft motions , which fometimes are not 
 in our power, and fubfequenf ads of killing or ftealing or the like , which always 
 are in our power, if we have the ufe of reafon , or ehe it is our own fault, that 
 they are not in our power. Yet to fuch hafty ads done in hot blood , the Law is 
 rot fo fevere , as to thofe which are done upon long deliberation , and prepenfed 
 malice , unlefs ( as I faid ) there be fome mixture of publick Juftice in it. He that 
 fteaJs an Horfe deliberately may be more punifhable by the Law, than he that kills 
 the owner by chance-medley. Yet the death of the owner was more noxious C to 
 ufe his Phrafe ) and more damageable to the family , than the ftealth of the horfe. 
 So far was 7. H mil^aken in that alfo , that the right to kill men , doth proceed 
 meerly from their being noxious , Numb. 14. 
 
 Secondly , I conceive rvhen a man deliberates , whther he ffjaV do a thing or not do a 
 T. H. thing , that he does nothing els but confider , vchether it be better for hinifelf to do it 
 Numb. 26. oy. fiot to do it. And to confider an attion , is to imagine the confequences of it both 
 good and eviV , from rvhence is to be inferred , that deliberation is nothing but alter- 
 nate imagination of the good and evill fequells of an aUion^ or ( which is the fame 
 thing ) alternate hope and fear , or alternate appetite to do , or quit the adion of vehicb 
 he deliberateth. 
 rt 7) If I did not know what deliberation was , I fliould be little helped in my know- 
 
 '* ' ledge by this defcription. Sometimes he makes it to be a confideration , or an ad 
 of the iinderftanding , fometimes an imagination , or an ad of the fancy, fometimes 
 he makes it to be an alternation of pallions, hope and fear. Sometimes he makes it 
 concern the end , fometimes to concern the means. So he makes it I know not 
 what. The truth is this in brief. Deliberation U an inquiry made by reafon, tvhether 
 ihU or that definitely confidered , be a good and fit means, or indefinitely what are good 
 ^ andfit means to be chofen for attaining fome vrijhed end. 
 
 , "Thirdly, J conceive , that in ali deliberations , that in to fay, in all alternate fuc- 
 
 27. cejfion of contrary appetites , the laft is that tvhich rve call the Will , and is immedi- 
 atly before the doing of the aVtion, or next before the doing of it become impojfible. And other 
 appetites to do and to quit , that come upon a man during his deliberation , are iifually 
 called intentions , and inclinations , but not wills, thae heingbut one will, winch alfo 
 in this cafe may be called la^ will , though the intention change often. 
 J. v. Still here is nothing but confufion,he confounds the faculty of the will , with the 
 
 act
 
 Discourse 1. againfi Mr. Hobs.* -,j- 
 
 act of volition, he makes the will to be the laft part of deliberation. He makes the in- " 
 
 tention, which is a molt proper andelicite act of the will, or a rvilling of the end, as it 
 is to he attained by certain means, to be no willing at all, but onely fome antecedane- 
 ous inclination or propenfion. He mi'ght as well fay , that the uncertain agitation of 
 the Needle hither and thither, to find outthe Pole, and the relting or fixing ofitfelf 
 directly towards the Pole, were both the fame thing. But the grolTertmiltake is, that 
 he will acknowledge no act of a mans will , to be his will , but onely the lalt act , 
 which he calls the lail will. Ifthchrft were no will , how comes this to be the lait 
 will > According to this doctrine, the willof aman fhould be as unchangeable as the 
 Will of God, at Icaft fo long as there is a poliibiiity to eifect it. According to this 
 doctrine, concupifcence with conlent fhould be no fin, for that which is not truly 
 willed is not a fin > Or rather fhould not be at all, unlefs either the act followed , or 
 were rendred impofsible by fome intervening circumrtances- According to this do- 
 ctrine no man can fay, this is my will, becaufehe knows not yet, whether it fhall be 
 his laft will. The truth is , there be many ads of the will, both in refpedt of the 
 means, and of the end. But that act, which makes a mans actions to be truly free, is 
 Election, which is the deliberate choofing or refufmg, of th'u or that means , or the acce- 
 ptation of one means before another, where diverfe are reprefented by the underjianding. 
 
 Fourthly, that thofe anions , tvhich man is f aid to do upon deliberation , are f aid <t- tt 
 to he voluntary , and done upon choife and eltBion. So that voluntary atlion , and t^ ' * n 
 adion proceeding from election , is the fame thing. And that of a voluntary Agent ^ 
 'tis all one to fay he is free , and to fay, he hath not made an end of deliberating. 
 
 This (hort Section might pafs without an animadverfion but for two things. The 
 one is, that he confounds a voluntary act with a free act. A free act is onely that ri jy 
 which proceeds from the free Election of the rational will after deliberation, but eve- 
 ry act that proceeds from the fenfitive appetite of man or beaft, without deliberation 
 or election, is truly voluntary. The other thing obfervable is his conclufion, that it 
 is all one to fay, a man vs tree, and to jay, he hath not made an end of deliberating. Which 
 confelfion ofhis, overturns his whole ftructure of abfolute necelhty , for if every A- 
 gentbe necefsitated to act what he doth act by a neceffary and natural flux of extrin- 
 fecal caufes, then he is no more free before he deliberates , or whileft he deliberates, 
 than he isafter,but by T. K his confeliion here,he is more free, whileft he deliberates, 
 than he is after, And fo after all hisftouriflies, for an abfolute or extrinfecal necefsi- 
 ty, he is glad to fit himfelf down, and reft contented with an hypothetical necelfity, 
 which no man ever denied or doubted of. Afcribing the necellitationof a man in free 
 ads to his own deliberation, and in indeliberate ads to his laft thought , Numb. 25* 
 what is this to a natural and fpecial influence of extrinfecal caufes. Again , Liberty , 
 (faith he) is an abfence of extrinfecal impediments , but deliberation doch produce no 
 new extrinfecal impediments, therefore (let himchufe which part he will^ either he 
 is free after deliberation, by his own dodrine , or he was not free before. Our own 
 deliberation, and the diredion of our own underftanding , and the eledion of our 
 own will, do produce an hypothetical necefsity , that the event be fuch as the under- 
 ftanding hath direded , and the will elected. But forafmuch as the underftanding 
 might have directed otherwife, and the will have elected other wife , this is far from 
 an abfolute necefsity. Neither doth Liberty refpect onely future acts, but prefentacts 
 alfo. Otherwife God did not freely create the world. In the fame inftant wherein 
 the will elects it is free, according to apriority of Nature, though not of time to elect 
 otherwife. And fo in a divided fenfe, the will is free, even whileft it acts, though in 
 a compounded fenfe it be not free. Certainly , deliberation doth conftitutc , not de- 
 ftroy Liberty. 
 
 Fifthly , I conceive liberty to be rightly defined in this maner. Liberty is the ah- j- „ 
 fence oj all the impediments to action , that are not contained in the nature , and in jj ', 
 the intrinfecall quality of the Agent. As for example , the water is jaid to dejcend ' ~^' 
 
 freely , or to have liberty to dejcend by the Cbanell of the "River , becaufe there is no 
 impediment that tvay , hut not acrofi , becaufe the hanks are impediments. A /id though 
 TPater cannot afcend , yet men never fay it ft ants the liberty to ajcend, but the fa- 
 culty or pDVoer , becaufe the impediment is in the nature of the rvater and intrinfecah 
 So alfo we fay, he that is tyed wants the Liberty to go , becaufe the impediment if not j p^ 
 
 in •'■
 
 ~^6 A Vin^^^^f i rm Ltberty T Q M E I H. 
 
 j„ l,i„ /,«, in Ins banTs, tphereTs r^^fv »otfo of him that is ficKor lame , becaufe the 
 
 impediment is ill himfelf. , , r ■■ ct -x. . u- u , i ■■ i 
 
 How that fliould be a right definition ot Liberty , which comprehends neither the 
 Cemts not the difre>ice , neither the matter nor the form of Liberty , which doih not 
 foinuch as accidentally defcribe Liberty by its marks and tokens, how a real fa- 
 culty or the eledlivc power (hould be defined by a negation , or by an abfcnce, is 
 part my underftaiiding , and contrary to all the rules of right reafon, which I have 
 Learned. Negatives cannot explicate the nature of things defined. By this defi- 
 nition, a ftone hath Liberty toafcend into the air, becaufe there is no outward im- 
 pediment to hinder it , andfo a violent ad may be a free adl. Julllike his definition 
 are his inftancesof the Liberty of the Water to defcend down the Channe],and a fick 
 or a Lame mans Liberty to go.The Later is an impotence and not apowerora Liber- 
 ty. The former is fo far from being a free adt, that it is fcarce a natural adt,certainly, the 
 proper natural motion of Water, as of all heavy bodies, is to defcend diredly down- 
 wards towards the center, as we fee in rain , which falls down perpendicularly. 
 Though this be far from a free aft , which proceeds from a rational appetite , yet it 
 is a natural adl , and proceeds from a natural appetite, and hath its reafon within 
 it (elf. So hath not the current of the river in its Channel , which mud not hcaf- 
 cribcd to the proper nature of the Water , but either to the general order of the uni- 
 verfe, for the better being and prefervation of the Creatures ( otherwile the Waters 
 fliould not move in Seas and Rivers as they do , but cover the face of the earth, and 
 poflefs their proper place between the air and the earth , according to the degree of 
 their gravity. ) Or to an extrinfecal principle , whilefi one particle of Water thruft- 
 eth and forceth forward another , and fo comes a current, or at lead fo comes the 
 current to be more impetuous, to which motion the polition of the earth doth con- 
 tribute much, both by reltraining that fluid body with its banks from difperfing it 
 felf, and alfo byatfording way for a fair and eafie defcent by its proclivity. He 
 tells us fadly that the water wants Liberty to go over the banks , becaufe there is an ex- 
 trinfecal impediment , but to afcend up the Channel it wants not Liberty , but power. 
 Why ? Liberty is a power , if it want power to afcend , it wants Liberty to afcend. 
 But he makes the reafon why the water afcends not up the Channel , to be intrin- 
 fecal , and the reafon why it afcends not over the banks to be extrinfecal, as if there 
 were not a rifing of the ground up the Channel , as well as up the banks , though it 
 benotfo difcernible , noralwasfb fuddain. The natural appetite of the Water 
 is as much againft the afcending over the banks, as afcending up the Channel. And 
 the extrinfecal impediment is as great; in afcending up the Channel as over the banks 
 or rather greater, becaufe there it muft move,not only againft the rifing foil:, but alfo 
 againft the fucceding waters, which prefs forward the former. Either the River 
 wants Liberty for both , or elfe it wants Liberty for neither. 
 
 But to Leave his Metaphorical faculties , and his Catachreftical Liberty. How 
 far is his Difcourfe wide from the true moral Liberty , which is in queflion between 
 us. His former defcription of a free Agent , that is , he who hath not made an end 
 of deliberating^ though it was wide from the mark , yet it came much nearer the 
 truth than' this definition of Liberty ,unlcfs perhaps he think that theWater hath done 
 deliberating , whether it will go over the banks , but hath not done deliberating , 
 whether it will go up the channel. 
 
 Sixthly , J conceive , nothing tah^th beginning from it felf ^ but from the attion of fame 
 Kumb. 3^' other immediate Agent without it felf. And that therefore when firji a man had an appe- 
 tite or tvill to fomething , to which immediatly before he had no appetite nor w'lV^ the cauje 
 of his Willis not the will it felf ^ but fomething elfe not in his own difpoftng.So that where- 
 as it is out of Controverfe that of voluntary aCiions the will is a necefjary caufe ■, and 
 by thif which is faid the will is alfo caujed by other things whereof it difpofeth not , it 
 foUoweth that voluntary aUions have all of them necejfary caufes , and therefore are ne- 
 cefjitated. 
 7. D. This fixt point doth not confift in explicating of terms , as the former , but in 
 
 two proofs , that voluntary anions are necellitatcd. Theformex prdof Hands thus, 
 "Nothing takgs beginning from it felf , but from Jome Agent without it felf which is not in 
 its oven difpofwg , therefore &c. comedo omnia , I grant all he faith, the will doth not 
 
 take 
 
 •r. H.
 
 Discourse f. againft Mr. Hobs. -j ly 
 
 take beginning from it felf. Whether he underftand by niU the faculty of the rviO 
 which is a power of the reafonable Soul , it takes not beginning from k fcif but 
 from God, who created and infufed the Soul into man, and endowed it' with 
 this power ; or whether he underlland by wi// the act of wi//i»g , it takes not be- 
 ginning from it felf, but from the faculty , or from the power of rviling , which 
 is in the Soul. This is certain , finite and participated things cannot be from 
 tbemfeIves,nor be produced by themfelves : what would he conclude from hence > 
 that therefore the adtof willing takes not its beginning from the faculty of the will? 
 Orthat the faculty is alwayes determined antecedently, extrinfecally :o wjII that 
 which it doth will .? He may as foon draw water out of a pumice, as draw any 
 fuchconclufionoutof thefe premifles. Secondly, for his *^i^i«g ^ %/.)7.>f2, Either 
 he underlknds a beginning of being , or a beginning of voorlqng and adina^ If he under- 
 liand a beginning of being , he faith moft truly that nothing hath a beginning of 
 being in time from it felf: But this is nothing to his purpofe. The qucftion is not 
 between us whether the Soul of man, or the will of man be eternal , But if he un- 
 derftand <? beginning of working or moving equally , it is a grole errour. All men 
 know that when a Itonedefcends, or fire afcends i or when water, that hath been 
 heated , returnes to its former temper, the beginning or reafon is intrinfecal and 
 one the fame thing doth move and is moved in a diverfe refped. It rnovcs 
 in refpeft of the form , and it is moved in refpedt of the matter. Much more 
 man , who hath a perfedt knowledge and prenotion of the end , is moft properly 
 faid to moove himfclf. Yet I do not deny but that there are other beginnings oi 
 human adtions , which do concur with the will , fome outward as the firft caufe 
 by general influence , which is evermore requifite , Angels or men by perfwadine 
 evil Spirits by tempting , the objed: or end by its appetibility i the underftandine 
 by direding. So pallions and acquired habits. But I deny that any of thefe do 
 neceffitate or can necellitate the Will of man by determining it Phyfically to one 
 except God alone , who doth it rarely in extraordinary cafes. And where there is 
 antecedent determination to one, there is no abfolute neccellity but true Li- 
 berty. 
 
 His fecond argument is ex concepts , It is out of comroverfy ( faith he ) that of volunt- 
 ary anions thetvillis a neceffary caufe. The. argument may be thus reduced.NeccflTarycau- 
 fes produce neceflary effeds, but the Will is a neceffary caufe of voluntary adions. I 
 might deny his major, Neceflary caufes do not alwayes produce neceflary efleds ex- 
 cept they be alfo neceflarily produced, as I have fliewed before about the burning of 
 Frotagoras his book. But I anfwer cleerly to the minor, that the will is not a necefla- 
 ry caufe of what it wills in particular adions. Ft is without comroverfy indeed for it 
 is without all probability. That it wills, when itwills, is neceflary, but that it wills 
 this or that, now or then, is free. Moreexprefly the ad of the will may be 
 confidered three wayes s Either in refpect of nature , or in refpect of its 
 exercife, or in refpect of its object. Firft , for the nature of the act i That which 
 the will wills is neceflarily voluntary, becaufe the will cannot be compelled. And 
 in this fenfe , it is out of comroverfy , that thevpill is a necejfary caufe of voluntary adions 
 Secondly, for the exercife of its acts , that is not neceflary. The will may cither will 
 or fufpend its act. Thirdly , for the object that is not neceflary but free the will 
 is not extrinfecally determined to its objects. As for example , The Cardin'alls meet 
 in the conclave to clioofe a Pope , whom-they choofe he is neceflarily Pope. But it 
 is not necelTary that they fliall choofe this or that day. Before they were aflemblcd 
 they might defer their affembling , when they are aflembled they may fufpend their 
 election for aday or a week. Laftly, for the perfon whom they will choofe, it is 
 freely in their own power , otherwifc if the election were not free, it were void- 
 and no election at all. So that which takes its beginning from the will is necef' 
 farily voluntary , but it is not neceflary that the will fliall will this or that in parti- 
 cular i as it was neceflary , that the perfon freely cleded fliould he Pope, but it 
 was not neceflary , either that the eledion fliould be at this time . or that thi'5 
 man fliould be eleded. And therefore voluntary adts in particular, luviz not ne- 
 ceflary caufes , that is , they are not necellitated. 
 
 Seventhly^ I hold that c be a fufficient caufe. to which nothing is rraating th.!t is needful "T; Hi 
 
 ' to Numb. 3 r.
 
 ""TTg " A Vin dication of trite Liberty TOME ML 
 
 ;77k troducina ofthclffca. the Jam is alfo a necejfary caufe for if tt bepojfibk , that a 
 (ukckm caufe pall not king forth the effeU, then there wanted fomevph at which was need- 
 ful to the producing ofit,andfothe caufe was not fufficient. But if it be inipofiible that a 
 fufficient caufe fhould not produce the efed^then is a f undent cauje a nccefsary caufe, ( f<n\ 
 thai is [aid to produce an effeU necefsarily, that cannot but produce it) Hence it is niani- 
 feji that whatfoever is produced, is producednecefsarily^for whatfoever is produced hath had 
 aftifficient caufe to produce it, or elfe it had not been. And therefore alfo voluntary a£Hons 
 are necefsitated. 
 ' This Sediion contains a third Argument to prove that all effeds are necefiary, for 
 
 clearing whereof it is needful to confider how a caufe may be faid to be fufficicnt or 
 infafficient. 
 rt jy Firft, fcveral caufes fingly confidered may be infufficient, and the fame taken con- 
 
 -'' ' jointly be fufficient to produce an effed:. As two Horfes jointly are fufficient to draw 
 a Coach, which either of them fingly is infufficient to do. Now to make the eifed, 
 that is, the drawing of the Coach neceffary , it is not oncly required , that the two 
 Horfes be fufficient to draw it, but alfo that their conjundion be nccelTary, and their 
 habitude fuch as they may draw it. If the owner of one of thefe Horfes will notfuf- 
 fer him to draw, If the Smith have fhod the other in the quick , and lamed him , 
 If the horfe have carta (hoe or be a refiy jade , and will not draw but when he lift , 
 then the effed is not neceffarily produced , but contingently more or lefs , as the 
 concurence of the caufes is more or lefs contingent. 
 
 Secondly, a caufe may be faid to be fufFcient, either becaufe it produceth thatefftd 
 which isintended, asin the generationofa man, or els, becaufe it is fufficient to 
 produce that which is produced , asin the generation of a Monfter. The former is 
 properly called a fufficient caufe , the later a weake and infufficient caufe. Now , If 
 the debility of the caufe be not neceffary , but contingent, then the effed is not 
 necellary , but contingent. It is a rule in Logick , that the conclufion alwayes fol- 
 lowes the weaker part. If the premifes be but probable, the conclufion cannot be 
 demonftrative . It holds as well in caufes as in propofitions. No effed can exceed 
 thevertue ofits caufe. Iftheability or debility, of the caufes be contingent ,the effect 
 cannot be neceffary. 
 Thirdly, that which conccrnes this queftion of Liberty from neceflity moff neerely 
 is. That a caufe is faid to be fufficient in refpect ofthe ability of it to act, rot in 
 refpect ofits will to act. The concurrence ofthe will is needful to the production of 
 afree effect. But the caufe may be fufficient, though the ■will do not concur. As 
 God is fufficient to produce a thoufand worlds, but it doth not follow from thence 
 either that he hath produced them, or that he will produce them.Thc blood ofChrift 
 is a fufficient ranfome for all mankind, but it doth not follow therefore, that all man- 
 kind fhall be actually favcd by vertue of his Blood. A man may be a fufficient 
 Tutour, though he will not teach every Schollar, and a fufficient Phyfitian though he 
 will not adminifter to every patient. Forasmuch therefore as the concurrence of the 
 will is needful to the production of every free effect, and yet the caufe may be fufficient, 
 infenfu divifo, although the will do not concur i It followes evidently, that the caufe 
 may be fufficient,. and yet fomething , which is needful to the production ofthe 
 effect, maybe wanting , and that every fufficient caufe is not a neceffary 
 caufe. 
 
 Laf^ly , if any man be difpofed to wrangle againft fo cleav light , and fay that 
 though the free Agent be fufficient infenfu divifo,yct,he: is not fufficient infenfu com- 
 pofno, to produce the effed without the concurrence ofthe will ■■> he faith true, but 
 firf\,hebewrayes the weaknefs and the fallacy of the former Argument, which is a 
 meer trifling between fufficiency in a divided fenfe, and fufficiency in a compound- 
 ed fenfe. And feeing the concurrence ofthe will is not predetermined , there is no 
 antecedent neceflity before it do concur, and when it hath concurred, the neceflityis 
 but hypothetical, which may confift with Liberty. 
 ■*• "• Lajily, I hold that ordinary definition of a free J gent, namely, that a free Agent is that. 
 
 Numb. 32. which when all things are prefent, which are needful to produce the effed , can nevenhehfs 
 not produce it, implies a contradiCiion, and is nonfenfe, being as mych as ic fjy , the caufe 
 may be fufficient,/^<jt is, neceffary, and yet the tffat not follow. 
 
 This
 
 D is CO u USE I. agaifj/i Mr. Hobs. yi^ 
 
 This Lad point is but a Corollary or an inference trom the former Doctrine, that 7. J) 
 every fnfficietit caiife proJuceth its efftCts neujlurily ^ which pillar being taken away the 
 iuperitructure mull needs fall to the groand,having nothing left to fupportit. Lajily^ 
 J bold: faith he , whathe is ab'e to prove is fomething. So much reafon, fo much 
 truft : but what he Z^tfWx concerns himfclf not others. But what holds he ■• \hold 
 ( faith he ) that the ordinary definition of a free agent implies a contradiBion, and is non- 
 fenfe. That which he calls the ordinary definition of Liberty, is the very dchnition 
 which is given by the much greater part of Philofophers and Schoolmen. And doth 
 he think that all thefe fpake non-fenfe ? or had no more judgment than to contra- 
 dict thcmfclves in a definition? he might much better fufpa|t himfelf, than cenfure ^o 
 many. Let us fee the definition it felf ; A free Agent is that , rehich when all things 
 are prefent^ that are needful t« produce theeffe£f , can neterthekjs not produce it. I ac- 
 knowledge the old definition of Liberty , with little variation. But I cannot 
 fee this nonfenfe, nor difcover this contradiction. For in thefe words all things need- 
 ful^ox ahhingsrequifite^ the actual determination of the will is not included. But by ^i/ 
 things needful or requiftte. All neceffary power either operative or elective , all ne- 
 cefTary inltruments and adjuments extrihfecal and intriniecal, and all conditions are 
 intended. As he that hath Pen and Ink ^ and Paper, a Table , a Desk, and Lei - 
 fure, the Art of Writing , and the free ufe of his hand , hath all things rcqui- 
 lite to write if he will , and yet he may forbear if he will. Or as he that hath men 
 and money, and arms, and ammunition , and (hips, and a jull caufe, hath all thin^^s 
 requillte for War , yet he may make peace if he will. Or as the King Proclaimed 
 in the Golpel , Matt. 22. 4. J hive prepared my dinner , my Uxen and my Fat lings 
 are killed , all things are ready , come unto the marriage. According to T". H. his Do- 
 ctrine , the guefts might have told him , that he faid not truly , for their own wills 
 were not ready. And indeed if the will were ( as he conceives it is } necellitated 
 extriniecally to every act of willing, if it had no power to forbear willing what 
 it doth will , nor to will what it doth not will , then if the will were wanting , 
 fomething requifite to the producing of the effect was vvanting.But now when (cience 
 and confcience,Teafon and religion,our own and other mens experience cioth teach us, 
 that the will hatha dominion over its own acts to will,or nill without cxtrinfecal ne- 
 celIitation,If the power to will be prefent in aSiu priOT(7,determinable by ourfelves,then 
 there is no neceflary power wanting in this refpect tothe producing of the effect. 
 
 Secondly, theie words to aU or riot to aS , to rvor}^or not to rporj^, to produce or not 
 to produce^ have reference to the effedt , liotaS a thing which is already done , or 
 doing, but as a thing to be done. They imply not the adtual produdtion but the 
 producibility of the effect. But when once the will hath actually concurred with 
 all other caufes and conditions , and circumftances , then the effect is no more po(- 
 fible , or producible , but it is in being , and actually produced. Thus he takes a- 
 way the Subject of the queftion. The queftion is whether effects producible be free 
 from neceiiity. }it(huffiss out efeSis producible ^ and thrufts in their places f^cFj- 
 produced , or which are in the act of production. Wherefore I conclude , that it is 
 neither non-fence nor cnntradidion to fay , that a free Agent , when all things rcquj-r 
 fitc to produce the effect arc prefent, may neverthelefs not produce it. 
 
 For mv firji five points where it is explicated ^ Fir/f, xvhat fpmtaneity if. Secondly^ T. K 
 wh It deliberation is ^ thirdly, tphatrviU^ propenfion ond appetite is. Fourthly ^ J/ljat a ^umh. 33. 
 /tcc Agent is. Fifthly , what Liberty is , there can be no other proof offered, but every 
 mans rnvn experience , by reflecting on himfelf, and remembrin^i what he ufeth to have in 
 bis mind, that is what he himfelf meaneth, when he faith , an a^ion if fpontaneom A 
 man deliberates , fiich is his will, that Agent , cr that aBion is free. Now, be that fa 
 refifBeth on himjelf cannot but befatisfied, that deliberations the confiderin,T of the 
 good. ^nd evil fequels of the adion to come, tfcjt ty Spontaneity , is meant inconfiJerate 
 proceeding , ( or elfe nothing is meant by it. ) that will if the laji atl of our di libirati^n 
 that a free Agent is he that can do , if he will, and forbear if he will. And that Liber- 
 ty is the abfence of external impediments ; but to thofe that out of Culiom fpeal^mt what 
 they conceive , but what they hear , and are not able , . or will not tak^ the pains to confi- 
 der what they thinks, when they hear fuch words , yto argument ca>t be fiffcient , b;;aufe 
 t^perience , and matter of faB is not verifred by other mens arguments, hut by eviry ma>ts 
 
 P P P P owA
 
 720 A Vittdica tion of true Liberty TOME III. 
 
 Vrvnfeftje , and memory. For examj'le , hurv can it be proved , that to love a things and 
 to think_il pood are all one, 10 a man that does not mark^his on-n meaning by thoje vvords. Or 
 hoxp can it be troved th.-t Eternity ii not nunc (i^ns ^ to a man that Jays tbcj'e words by 
 atjinm , and nevtr cnnfidcrs how he can conceive the thing it feljin his mind. Alj-^ the 
 fxtb point , that a man cannot imagin any thing to begin without a caufe , can no other 
 tpay be made k>ictrn but by trying how he can imagin it. Eitt ij he try , ht pall pud ai much 
 reafonf if there be no cauje of the thing ) to conceive, itfljnuldbegin at one time <» U)io- 
 iber,tkat is, he hath equal reajon to thin}{^ it J^jculd begin at all times , which is im- 
 pfjfible, J nd therefore he ntpji think.there was fomeJ}ecialcauJe , why it began then ra- 
 ther thanfooncr or later , or elfe , that it began never , but was 'Eternal. 
 „ jy Now at Length he comes to his main proofs •, he that hath (b confidently cenfu- 
 
 -' ' * cd the whole current of Schoolmen and Philofophers of non-Jinfe , had need to 
 produce ftrong evidence for himfelf. So he calls his reafons , Ntmb. 3d. demonlira- 
 five proofs. All dcmonfirations are either from the caufe or the eifedt , not from 
 private notions and conceptions , which wc have in our minds. That which he 
 calls a dcmonltration dcferves rot the name of an intimation. He argues thus that 
 which a man conceives in hU mind , by thefe words Spontaneity , deliberation, &c. that 
 they are. This is his propofition, which I deny. The true natures of things are not 
 to be judged by the private ideas , or conceptions of men , but by their cauks and 
 formal reafons. Ask an ordinary perfon what upwards fignifies , and whether our 
 Antipodes have their heads upwards or downwards > and he will not ftick to tell 
 you, that if his head be upwards , theirs muft needs be downwards. And this is 
 becaufe he knows not the formal reafon thereof. That the Heavens incirle the 
 earth , and what is towards Heaven is upwards. This fame erroneous notion of 
 upwards and downwards before the true reafon was fully difcovered , abufed 
 more than ordinary capacities , as appears by their arg uments of penduli homines , 
 and penduU arbor es. Again , what do men conceive ordinarily by this word empty, 
 as when they fay an empty velFcl , or by this word body , as when they fay, there 
 is no body in that room, they intend not to exclude the air, either out of the vefTel 
 or out of the room. Yet reafon tells us , that the veffel is not truly empty , and 
 that the air is a truebody.I might give an hundred fuch like inftances.He who leaves 
 the condufl- of his underftanding to follow vulgar notions , {hall plunge himfelf 
 into a thoufand errours , Like him who leaves a certain guide to follow an ignis fn- 
 iuuf , OTZwill, with the wifpe. So his propofition is falfe. His reafon, //^dt w^j/- 
 ter of jaU U not verified by other mens Arguments , but by every mans own fen fe and me- 
 mory , is likewife maimed on both fides , whether we hear fuch words , or not , 
 is matter of tad: , and fenfe is the proper judge of it. But what thefe words do , 
 or ought truly to fignifie, is not to be judged by fenfe but by reafon. Secondly, rea- 
 fon may , and doth oftentimes corred (enfe , even about its proper objcd-. Senfe 
 tells us that the Sun is no bigger than a good ball , but reafon dcmonftrates , that 
 that it is many times greater than the whole Globe of the earth. As to his inftance 
 How can it be proved , that to love a thing , and to thinh^it good , is all one to a man that 
 doth not marks his own meaning by thefe words: I confefs, it cannot be proved , for it is 
 not true. Beauty and Likenefs , and Love , do conciliate Love as much as good- 
 nefs , cos amor is amor. Love is a paffion of the will , but to judge of goodnefs is an 
 adt of theunderftanding. A Father may Love an ungracious child , and yet not e- 
 fteem him good. A man Loves his own houfe better than another mans , yet he 
 cannot but efteem many others better than his own. His other inftance , how can > 
 it be proved that Eternity is not nunc dans, to a man that jays thefe words by cuftcm, and 
 never confiders how he can conceive the tlmgit felf in his mind, is juft like the former, 
 not to be proved by reafon, but by fanlie , which is the way he takes. And it is 
 not unlike the Counfel , which one gave to a Novice about the choife of his Wife , 
 to advife with the Eellsi as he fancied, fo they founded , either take her or leave 
 her. 
 
 Then for his afllimption, it isasdefedive as his propofition , that by theje words 
 fpontaneiiy , &c. men do underhand as he conceives. No rational man doth conceive 
 zfpimtaneous adion , and an indeliberate^Aion to be all one , every indeliberate adion 
 is not ^ontaneouf. The fire confiders not whether it fliculd burn , yet the burning 
 
 of
 
 Discourse I. again ji Mr. Hobs. 
 
 of it i5 not Jpontaneouf. Neither is evexy jpomaneous adion indeliberate, a~Trun may 
 deliberate what he will eat , and yet eat it jpontaneoufly. Neither doth deliberation 
 properly fignifie the confiderhtg of the good and evil Jequels of an aSion to come : But 
 the confidering wherher this be a good and ht means , or the beft, and fittefi means 
 for obtaining luch an end. The Phyfitian doth not deliberate whether he fliould 
 cure his Patient , but by what means he (hould cure him. Deliberation is of the 
 means not of the end. Much lefs doth any man conceive with T. H that delibera- 
 tion is zn imagination , or an acft of fanlle , notofreafon, common to men of dif- 
 cretion with mad men , and natural fools and children , and bruit hearts. Third- 
 ly, neither doth any underftanding man conceive,or can conceive, either that the mil 
 U an aa of deliberation , the underlianding and the will are two diftinft faculties , or 
 that onely the laji appetite U to be eaVed our will. So no man (hould be able to fay this 
 is my will,becaufe he knows not whether he (hall perfevere in it,or not.Concerning 
 theFourth point we agree that he is a free Agent that can do if he mll,andforbearifhen>if. 
 Eutlwonder nowhow this dropped from his pen, what is now becomeofhis abfolute 
 necelfity of all things? If a man be free to do and to forbear any thing will he 
 make himfelf guilty of the mn-Jenfe of the School-men, and run with them into con- 
 tradidions for company? It may be he will fay, he can do if he will , and forbear if 
 he will , but he cannot will if he will. This will not ferve his turn ,' for if thecaufe 
 of a free adtion , that is , the will be determined , then the effed , 'or the adion it 
 felf is likewife determined , a determined caufe cannot produce an undetermined ef- 
 fe<a, either the Agent can will , and forbear to will , or elfe he cannot do and for- 
 bear to do. But we differ wholy about the fifth point. He who conceives //^er/y 
 aright , conceives both a liberty in the fubjeS to will , or not to will , and 
 a liberty to the objeCl to rvill this , or that , and a liberty from impediments. T. H. by a 
 new way of his own .cutts off the liberty of the Subje^i , as if a ftone was free to afcend 
 or defcend , becaufe it hath no outward impediment : and the Liberty towards the 
 objedt , as if the needle touched with the Loadftone were free to point , either to- 
 wards the North , or towards the South , becaufe there is not a Barrecado in its 
 way to hinder it : yea, he cuts off the Liberty from invpard impediments alfo, as 
 if an Hawk were at Liberty to fly when her wings are plucked, but not when they 
 are tied. And fo he makes Liberty jfow extrinfecal impediments to be compleat Li- 
 berty , fo he afcribes Liberty to bruit beafts , Liberty to Rivers, and by confequence 
 makes beafts and rivers to be capable of fin and punifliment. Affuredly Xerxes who 
 caufed the Hellefpont to be beaten with fo many ftripes, was of this opinion. 'Laft- 
 ly , T. H. his reafon , that it it cuftom , or veant of ability , or negligence which mak^es 
 a man conceive otherroife, is but a begging of that which he (hould prove. Other men 
 confider as ferioudy as himfelf, with as much judgment as himfelf, with lefs pre- 
 judice than himfelf, and yet they can apprehend no fuch (enfe of thefe words. Would 
 he have other men feign that they fee fiery Dragons in the Air , becaufe he affirms 
 confidently that he fees them, and wonders why others are fo blind as not to fee 
 them ? 
 
 The reafon for thefixth point is like the former,aPhantaftical,or imaginative reafon. 
 How can a man imagin any thing to begin without a caufe, why itjhould henin at this time 
 rather than at that time ? He faith truely, nothing can begin without a cauie that is to 
 he , but it may begin to aU of it felf without any other caufe. Nothing can begin 
 without a caufe , but many things may begin , and do begin without necefTary 
 caufes. A free caufe may as well choofe his time when he w^ill begin ■•, as 
 neceflary caufe be determined extrinfecally when it muft begin. And although free 
 cfFeds cannot be foretold, becaufe they are not certainly predetermined in their cau- 
 fes, yet when the free caufes do determin themfelves, they are of as great certainty as 
 the other. As when I fee a Bell ringing , I can conceive the caufe of it as well why 
 it rings now , as I know the interpofition of the earth to be the caufe of the Eclipfc 
 of the Moon , Or the moft certain occurrent in the nature of thing?. 
 
 And now I haveanfwered T. H his Arguments drawn from the private concep- 
 tions of men concerning the fenfe of words, I defire him ferioully without prejudice 
 to examin himfelf and thofe natural notions, which he finds in himfelf, not of 
 words, but of things ( thefe are from nature , thofe are by impofition ) whether he 
 
 PPPP 2 doth 
 
 721
 
 722 
 
 A Vindicatio n oftrne Liberty T O M E A H. 
 
 leth not hr.d by expcncnec thaThc doth many things, which he might have left un- 
 done it he would and omits many things which he might have done if he would , 
 whether he doth fomethings not out ofmeeranimofity,andwill without cither regard 
 to the diiedion of right reafon,or ferious refpedt of what is honell , or profitable on- 
 ly to (\kw that he will have a dominion over his own adions, as we fee ordinarily in 
 Children and wife men find at fome times in thcmfelvcs by experience. And I appre- 
 Iicnd this' very defence of neceflity againft Liberty to be partly of that kind, whe- 
 ther he is not angry with thofe who draw him from his fiudy , or crofs him in his 
 delircs ; if they be neccflitatcd to do it , why (hould he be angry with them , any 
 more than he is anfry with a (harp winter , or a rainy day that keeps him at home 
 againfi his antecedent will , whether he doth notfometime blame himfelf, and fay, 
 O what afoul was J to do thus and thus , or wifh, to himfelf, O that Jhad been rvife , 
 otOthat Jhad notdonejuch an ad. If he have nodominion over his adtions, if he be ' 
 irrefi/iibly neceiiitated to all things what he doth , he might as well wifh , that 
 J had not breathed, or blame himfelf for growing old, rvhat a fool tvoi I to 
 grove old. 
 rf jj For thefeventh pint , that a^ events have neceffary caufes , it U there proved in that 
 
 ', they have fufficient caufes. Further, Let tu in this place alfo fuppofe any event never fo 
 
 Num .2p. f.lJj^,al, as jor example , the throrving of Ambs-ace upon a pair oj dice, and fee ij it muji 
 not have been neceffary before it was thrown , for feeingtt was thrown, it had a beginning 
 and conjequently a fufficient cauje to produce it , confifting partly in the Vice, partly in the 
 outward things , as the pofture of the parties hand, the meajure of force applied by the 
 Cafter , The pofiure of the parts of the table , and the likg : in fum there was nothing 
 ■wantingthat was necejfarily requifte to the producing of that particular cafi ^ and confe- 
 quently , that caji was neceffarily thrown. For ij it had not been thrown , there had 
 wanted fomewhat requifite to the throwing of it, andfo the caufe had not been fnffcient. 
 In ihelike manner it may he proved that every other accident, how contingent foever itfeem, 
 or how voluntary Joeuer it be, is produced necejfarily, which is that ]. D. dilutes againjK 
 The fame alfo may be proved in this manner , Let the cafe be put, for example of the wea- 
 J^Jt-j-, Tis neceffary , that to morrow itfhallrain, or not rain. \f therefore it be not 
 necefiary it pall rain , it U necefiary it pall not rain. Otherwife it is not neceffary that 
 the propofuion. It (hall rain , or it fhall not rain , fliouldhe true. I kyow there are 
 fome that fay, it may neceffarily be true , that one of the two (f^all come to pafs , but not 
 fingly that it fhall rain , or it pall not rain. Which is as much as to fay : One of them 
 if neceffary , yet neither of them is necefiary v and therefore to ftem to avoid, that ebfur- 
 dtty they makg a. difiinSion , that neither of them is true determinate but indeterminate. 
 Which difiinUion , either, fgnifies no more than this , one of them is true , but we h^ownot 
 which , andfo the neceffny remains, though we k}tow it not : or if the meaning of the di- 
 jiindion be not that , it has no meaning. And they might as well have faid , one (f them 
 vstrue, Tytyrice but neither of them Tn^dXvWcc. 
 
 His former proof, that all fufficient caufes are recefTary caufes , is anfwered be- 
 7* ^' fore. Numb. 31. And his two inflances of cafling Ambs-ace, and raining to 
 morrow , are altogether impertinent to the queftion now agitated between us , for 
 two reafons. Firft , our prefent controverfie is concerning free aftions, which pro- 
 ceed from the Liberty of mans will , both of his inftances are of contingent adions 
 which proceed from the indetermination, or contingent concurrence of natural cau- 
 fes. Firft , that there are freeadions , which proceed meerly from eledion, with- 
 out any outward neceflitation is a truth fo evident , as that there is a Sun in the 
 Heavens, and he that doubteth of it may as well doubt whether there be a fhell 
 without the nut , or a (lone within the Olive. A man proportions his time each 
 day , and allots fo much to his Devotions , fo much to his Study , fo much to his 
 Diet, fo much to his Recreations, fo much to neceffary, or civil vi(its, fo much 
 to his re(\ : he who will feek for I know not what caufes of all this without himfelf, 
 except that good God who hath given him a reafonable Soul, may as well feek for 
 a caufe of the Egyptian Pyramides among the Crocodiles oiNilus. Secondly , for 
 mixt adions which proceed from the concurrence of free and natural Agents,though 
 they be not free , yet they are not neceffary , as to keep my former inftance , a man 
 walking through a ftreet of aCity to do his occafions, aTile falls from an Houfc and 
 
 breaks
 
 Discourse I. again fi Mr. Hobs. 722 
 
 breaks his head , the breaking ofhis head was not neccffary, for he did freely choofe 
 to go that way without any necellitation, neither was it free , for he did not dehbe- 
 rate ot that accident , therefore it was contingent , and by undoubted confequence 
 there are contingent actions in the World which are not free. Molt certainly by 
 the concurrence of free caufes, as God , the Good and the Bad Angels and men, 
 with natural Agents fomctimes on purpofe , and fometimes by accident, many events 
 happen , which otherwife had never happened i many cifeds are produced 
 which otherwife had never been produceJ. And admitting fuch things to be 
 contingent not necefiary, all their confequent effedls, not oncly immediate, but me- 
 diate muft like wife be contingent, that is 'to fay , fuch as do not proceed from a 
 continued connexion and fuccellion of neccflary caufes, which is diredlly contrary 
 to T. H. his opinion. 
 
 Thirdly , for tlic adlions of bruit bcafts , though they be not free, though they 
 have not the ufe of reafon to rellrain their appetites from that which is 
 fenfitively good by the confideration of what is rationally good , or what is 
 honeft, and though their fancies be determined by nature to fome kinds of 
 work, yet to think that every individual adion of theirs , and each animal 
 motion of theirs, even to the leaft murmure , or gefture is boutid by the chain of 
 unalterable necellity to the extrinfccal caufesor objeds, I fee no ground for it. 
 Chrift faith one of thefe fparroivs doth not fall to the ground without your Heavenly Father 
 that is without an influence of power from him, or exempted Irom his difpofition, 
 he doth not fay, which your Heavenly Father cafteth not down. Laftly, for the 
 natural actions of inaninnate Creatures, wherein there is not the leaft concurrence 
 of any free, or voluntary agents, the qucftion is yet more doubtful , for many 
 things are called contingent in refpedt of us, becaufe we know not thecaufe of them 
 which really and in themlelves are not contingent, but neceffary. Alfo many things 
 are contingent in refpedl of one fingle caufc , either adually hindred, or in pollibi- 
 lity to be hindred , which are necelTary in refpcd of the joynt concurrence of all col- 
 lateral caufes. But- whether there be a neceffary connexion of all natural caufes from 
 the beginning , fo as they muft all have concurred as they have done , and in the 
 (ame degree of power, and have been deficient as they have been in all events what- 
 foever , would require a farther examination if it were pertinent to this queftion of 
 Liberty, but it is not. It is fufficient to my purpofe to have fhewed that all eledlive 
 adions are free from abfolute neceflity. And moreover , that the concurrence of 
 voluntary and free agents with natural caufes, both upon purpofe and accidentally 
 hath helped them to produce many effeds , which otherwife they had not produced , 
 and hindred them from producing many eifedts, which otherwife they had produced- 
 And that if this intervention of voluntary and free Agents had been more frequent than 
 it hath been , ( as without doubt it might have been ) many natural events had been 
 otherwife than they arc. And therefore he might have fpared his inftances of cart- 
 ing Ambs-ace and raining to morrow. And firft for his calling Ambs-ace. If it be 
 thrown by a fair Gamefterwith indifferent dice, it is a mixt aSion , the cafting of 
 the dice is free, but the cafting of Ambs-ace is contingent , a man may deliberate 
 whether he willcaft the dice , or not , but it were a folly to deliberate whether he 
 will caft Ambs-ace or hot , becaufe it is not in his power , unlefs he be a cheater that 
 can coggc the dice , or the dice be falfe dice , and then the contingency , or the de- 
 gree of contingency ceafeth, accordingly as the Carter hath more , or lefs cunning, 
 eras the figure, or making of the dice doth incline them to Ambs-ace, more than to a- 
 nother cart,or necefiitate them to this caft and no other. Howfoevcrfo far as the caft 
 is free or contingent , (b far it is not neceffary. And where necellity begins , there 
 Liberty and contingency do ceafe to be : Likewifc his otlier inftance of raining , or 
 not raining to morrow is not of a free elective act, nor always of a contingent act. 
 In fome Countries as they have their nati venti their certain winds at fet feafons, fb 
 they have their certain and fct rains. The. Athiot^ian rains are fuppofed to be the 
 caufe of the certain inundation of Ni/«f. In fome E^/f^ra Countries they have rain 
 only twice a year , and thofe conftant , which the Scriptures call the former and the 
 later rjmin fuch places not onely the caufes do ad detcrminately and ncccffarily,but 
 alfo the determination , or necellity of the event is foreknown to the inhabitants. 
 
 In
 
 7-^ 
 
 A Vindication of t rue Liberty T O M E 1 11. 
 
 In our climate the natural caufcs coeknial and fublunary do not produce rain Co nc- 
 cefTarily at (ct times , neither can we fay fo certainly and infallibly , it will rain to 
 morrow, or it will not rain to morrow. Neverthelefs , it may fo happen that the 
 cauds arc fo difpofed and determined , even in our climate , that this piopolition , 
 it will rain to morrow or it will not rain to morrow, may be necefiary in it felf , 
 and the Prognofticks , or tokens may be fuch in the fky , in our own bodies in the 
 creatures animate and inanimate as weather-glaffes , &c. that it miy become pro- 
 bably true to us that it will rain to morrow , or it will not rain to niuirow. But 
 ordinarily it is a contingent propofition to us , whether it be contingent alfo in it 
 fclf that is , whether the concurrence of the caufes were abfoluteiy neceflary, whe- 
 ther the vapours , or matter of the rain may not yet be difpcried, or othcrwife con- 
 fumed , or driven beyond our coaft , is a fpeculation which no way concerns this 
 quellion. So we fee one reafon why his two inftanccs are altogether impertinent , 
 becaufe they are of adlions which are not free, noreledlive, nor fuch as proceed 
 from the Liberty of mans will. 
 
 Secondly, our difpute is about abfolute ncceffity , his proofs extend onely to Hy- 
 •pothcticalneceliity. Our queftion is, whether the concurrence and determination 
 of the caufes were neceflary before they did concur, or were determined. He proves 
 that the effeft is neceflary after the caufes have concurred, and are determined. The 
 freefl adions of God, or man, are neceflary by fuch a neceffity of fuppofition. And 
 the moft contingent events that are, asl have fliewed plainly , Nuinb. 3. where his 
 inflance of ^wi/-a« is more fully anfwered. So his proof looks another way from 
 his propofition. His propofition is, that the cajiing of Ambs-ace was necejjary before it 
 was thtoven. His proof is, that it was neceflary when it was thrown , examine all his 
 caufes over and over, and they will not afford him one grain of antecedent necefhty. 
 The rirfl caufe is in the Vice : True, if they be falfe Dice there may be fomething in 
 it, but then his contingency is deftroyed. If they be fquare Dice, they have no more 
 inclination to Ambs-ace,t\Mn to Cinque and Quater , or any other cafl. His ffgond 
 caufe is the pojiure of the parties hand : But what neceffity was there that he fliould 
 put his hand into fuch a pofture. None at all. The third caufe is the meafure of the 
 force applied by the ca^er. Now for the credit of his caufe let him but name, I will not 
 fay a convincing reafon, nor fo njuch as a probable reafon, but even any pretence of 
 reafon, how the Carter was neceffitated from without himfelf to apply juft fo much 
 force, and neither more or lefs. If he cannot, his caufe is defperate, and he may hold 
 his peace for ever. His lafl caufe is the pojiure of the 7abk. But tell us in good earneft, 
 what neceffity there was why the Carter muft throw into that Table rather than the 
 other, or that the Dice muft fall jurt upon that part of the Table, before the cafl was 
 throrvn. He that makes thele to be neceflary caufes, I do not wonder if he make all 
 efledls neceffary effefts. If any one of the(e caufes be contingent, it is fufficient to ren- 
 der the caft contingent, and now that they are all fo contingent , yet he will needs 
 have the effect to be neceflary. And foit is when the caft is thrown, but not before the 
 caft was thrown, which he undertook to prove: who can blame him for being fo an- 
 gry with the School-men, and their diftindtions of neceffity into ab'olute and hypo- 
 thetical, feeing they touch his Freehold fo nearly. 
 
 But though his inftance of raining to morrow be impertinent, as being nofreeafti- 
 on, yet becaufe he triumphs fo much in his argument, I will not ftick to go a little 
 out of my way to meet a friend. For I confefs, the validity of the reafon had been the 
 fame, ifl« had made it of a free adion , as thus : Either I fhall finifti this reply to 
 morrow, or I fliall not finifli this reply to morrow, is a neceflary propofition,But be- 
 caufe he fliall not complain of any difad vantage in the alteration of his terms ■■, I will 
 for once adventure upon hisfliowcr of rain. And firft, I readily admit his ma]cr that 
 this propofition (either it will rain to morrow, or it will not rain to morrow ) is ne- 
 ceflarilytruc,forof twocontradidory propofitions, the one muft ofnecefsity be true, 
 becaufe no third can be given. But his minor ^ that it could not be neecffarily true, except 
 one of the Members were neceffarily true ^ is moft falfe. And fo is his proof likewife. 
 That if neither the one nor the other of the Members be neceffarily true, it cannot be affirm- 
 ed that either the one, or the other is true. A conjundf propofition may have both parts 
 falfe, and yet the propofition be true : as if the Sun fliinc, it is day, is a true propofiti- 
 on
 
 Discourse I. againfl Mr. Hobs- 72^ 
 
 on at midnight. And 1. H, confefleth as much, Numb. 19. Jflfialilive I (hall eat, is 
 a necejjary propofjtjon, that U tofjy^ it is ttecefsary that that fropofttion fhouldbe true rvhen- 
 fever ttttcred. But it is not the necejjity of the thttt^, nor is it therefore ttecefsary that the 
 man pall live, or that thenunjhall eat. And fo T. H. proceeds, I do not tije to fortifie my 
 diptiQions rpithjur.h reafons. But it feemeth he hath forgotten himfelt, and is content- 
 ed with fiich poor fortifications. And though both parts of a disjundive propofiti- 
 oncannot be talfe, becaufe if it be a right disjundtion, the Members are repugnant, 
 whereof one part is infallibly true, yet vary but the propofition a little to abate the 
 edge ot the disjundtions, and you (hall iind that which 7". //. faith to be true , that it 
 is not the necefiity of the thing which makes the propofition to be true. As for example 
 vary it thus : I k^oiv that either it tviUrain to morrow, or that it wiU not rain to morroro, 
 is a true propofition. But it is not true that I know it will rain to morrow, neither is 
 it true that I know it will not rain tomorrow , wherefore the certain truth of the 
 propofition doth not prove, that either of the Members is determinately true in pre- 
 fenf. Truth isa ccntbrmity of the underftanding to the thing known, whereof fpeech 
 is an interpreter. If the underftanding agree not with the thing it is an errour, if the 
 words agree not with the underftanding it is a lye. Now the thing known is known 
 either in it felf , or in its caufes. If it be known in it felf, as it is, then we expreft 
 our apprehenfion of it in words of the prefent tenfc, as the Sun U rifen. Ifit be known 
 in its caufe , we exprefs our (elves in words of the future tence, as*o morrovp rvilibe 
 an Ecliffe of the Moon. But if we neither know in it felf, nor in its caufes, then 
 thece may be a foundation of truth , but there is no fuch determinate truth of it, 
 that we can reduce it into a true propofition, we cannot fay it doth rain to morrow, 
 or it doth not rain to morrow. That were not onely falfe but abfurd. We cannot 
 pofitively fay it will rain to morrow, becaufe we do not know it in its caufes, either 
 how they are determined , or that they arc determined i;* Wherefore the certitude and 
 evidence of the disjundive propofition is neither founded upon that which will be 
 a<flually to morrow, for it is granted that we do not know that.Nor yet upon the 
 determination ofthe caufes,for then we would not fay indifferently, either it will rain, 
 or it will not rain , but pofitively it will rain , or pofitively it will not rain. But 
 it is grounded upon an undeniable principle, that of two contradidtory propofitions 
 the one mult neceffarily be true. And therefore to fay, either this, or that will 
 Infallibly be , but it is not yet determined whether this or that (hall be , is no fuch 
 fenflefs affertion that it defcrved a "tytyrice Titpatulice, but an evident truth which 
 no man that hath his eys in his head can doubt 
 
 If all this will not fatisfie him , I will give one of his own kind of proofs, that 
 is an inftance. That which neceffitates all things according to T. H. is the decree 
 of God , or that ord-r which is fet to all things by the eternal caufe ( Numb. 11. ) 
 Now God Himfelf , who madf this neceilitating decree, was not fubjedted to it in 
 the making thereof^ neither was their any former order to oblige the tirft caufe 
 nece(rarily to make fuch a decree , therefore this decree being an adt ad extra was 
 freely made by God without any neceifitation. Yet neverthelefs , this disjunftive 
 propofition is neceffarily true. Either God did mak^ fuch a decree , or he did not makg 
 fuch a decree. Again though 7". H. his opinion were true that all events are necefiary 
 and that the Whole Chriftian World are deceived , Who believe that fome events 
 are free from necefiity ,yet he will not deny,but if it had been the good pleafure of God, 
 he might have made (ome caufes free from necelbty , feeing that it neither argues 
 any imperfection nor implies any contradidlion. Suppofing therefore that God had 
 made fonie Second caufes free from any fuch antecedent determination to one, yet 
 the former disjundtion would be necelTarily true. Either this free undetermined 
 caufe Will aft after this manner, or it Will not act after this manner. Wherefore 
 the nece(rary truth of. fuch a disjundtive propofition doth not prove, that 
 cither of the members of the disjundtion fingly confidered , is determinately 
 true in prefent , but onely that the one of them will be determinately true to 
 morrow. 
 
 The Lafl thing , in which alfo confifteih the whole controverfe , namely , that there is 
 HO fuch thine^ as an Agent , ivhich when all things requiftte to aUion are prefent , can ne- 1. H. 
 verthekjiforbear to produce it , or ( which is all one ) that there is no fuch thing as Numb. 3 6 
 
 fee-
 
 A Vindication of true Liberty TOME I I I' 
 
 loth rcll upon this ptopoiitian.T/-?<Jt there ii no fuch thing as an Agent, which nhen jli 
 Ihinaf rcqiiijite to jUioit are friftiit , can mverthelefs jorhear to ad , and yet bring no- 
 thing bur fuch poor Bul-ru(hes to fupport it. If it be an agent ( faith he ) it can 
 n-ork what of this <* A prffe ad effe }ton valet argumentim , from can ivork^, to tviU 
 ^,y^j[, ' is a weak inference. And from w/I/rrcr^, to doth work upon abfolute ne- 
 cciiit'y , is another grofs inconfequence. He proceeds thus, Jf it rror^, there U no- 
 ihiitiT n'jnting of what is requifue to produce the adion : True, there wants nothing 
 to ^produce that which is produced , but there may want much to 
 produce that which was intended , One horfe may pull his heart out , and yet not 
 drawtheCoach whither it (hould be , if he want the help or concurrence of his 
 fellows. And confequently ( faith he ) the canfe of the adion is fnfficient. Yes fuffici- 
 ent to do what it doth , though perhaps with much prejudice to it felf, but not al- 
 ways fufticient to do what it (hould do , or what it would do, As he that begets 
 a Monlkr fliould beget a man, and would beget a man, if he could. The Lalt 
 Link of his argument follows i And if fnfficient , then alfo «ecf/?;iry , ftay there i by 
 his Leave there is no neceffary connexion between fufficitncy and efficiency, other- 
 wife God himfelf fhould not be all-fufficient. Thus his argument is vanifhed. 
 But I will deal more favourably with him and grant him all that , which he La- 
 bours fo much in vain to prove , that every efft& in the World hath fufficient cau- 
 fes : yea more , that fuppofing that determination of the free and contingent cau- 
 fes every cffcdt in the World is neceffary. But all this will not advantage his 
 caufe the black of a bean , for ftill it amounts but to an Hypothetical neceility , and 
 differs as much from that abfolute neceility , which he maintains , as a Gentleman 
 who travails for his pleafure , differs froma banilhed man , or a free fubjedt from a 
 
 flavc. 
 
 And thmyoufee hove the inconveniences , which he objedeth mufi follow upon the hold- 
 
 T". H, ing of necefjity, are avoided , and the neceffity it felfdemonjhatively proved. To which 
 
 Hum. 36. J could add. If J thought it good Logick^, the inconveniency of denying nece0ty , at that 
 
 it dejiroys both the Decrees and Prefcience of God Almighty; for whatfoever God hath pttr- 
 
 pofed to bring to fafs by man of an inflrumetit, orforefceth fhaV come to pafs , A man if he 
 
 have Liberty , fuch at he affirmeth from necefjitation , might frufirate , and make not to 
 
 come to pajs. And Godjhould either not foreknow it , and not Decree it , or he fhould 
 
 forekiiorv fuch things fli all be as fhaJl never be^and decree that which never (hall come to 
 
 pafs. 
 
 Thus he hath Laboured in vain tofatisfic my reafons, and to prove his own af^ 
 f' ^' ftrtion. But for demonftration there is nothing like it among his argument?. Now 
 he faith , he could add other arguments , if he thought it good Logick. There is 
 no impediment in Logick , why a man may not prefs his Adverfary with thofe 
 abfurdities which flow from his opinion , Argumentum ducens ad impoftbile , ot , ad 
 abfurdum , is a good form of reafoning. But there is another reafbn of his forbear- 
 ance , though he be loath to exprefs it. — H<eret lateri lethalls arundr. The argu- 
 ments drawn from the attributes of God, do flick fo clofe in the fides of his caufe, 
 that he hath no mind to treat of that 5ubjed-. By the way take notice of his own 
 confeflion, xh^the could add other reafons , if he thought it good Logich^ If it were 
 predetermined in the outward caufcs, that he muR make this very defence and no o- 
 ther, how could it be inhis power to add or fubflradl any thing. Jufi as if a blind 
 man (hould fay in earneft , I could fee, if I had mine eyes : Truth often breaks out 
 whileft men feek to fmother it. But let us view his argument; If a man have liber- 
 ty from necefiitation, he may fruftrate the Decrees of God , and make his prefcience 
 talfe.Firfl , for the Decrees of God , This is his Decree , that man (hould be a free 
 Agent ■, if he did confider God , as a moft fimple aft without Priority or Poflerity 
 of time , or any compofition, he would not not conceive of his decrees , as of the 
 Lzvis oi the Medes znd Ferfians , long (ince enacted , and pi&d before we were 
 
 bom
 
 Discourse I. againfi Mr. Hobs- -727 
 
 born , but as coexiftent with our felvcs , and with the Ads we do , by virtue of 
 thofe decrees. Dfcrees and attributes are but notions to help the weaknefs of out 
 underftanding to conceive of God. The Decrees of God , are God Himfelf , and 
 therefore jullly faid to be before the foundation of the World was laid. And yetco- 
 cxiltent %vith our fclves, becaufe of the Infinite and Eternal being of God. The 
 fumisthis, The Decree of God, or God Himfelf Eternally conftitutes and or- 
 dains all efFeds which come to pafs in time , according to the diftind natures or 
 capacities of his creatures. An Eternal Ordination , is neither part nor to come 5 
 but always prefent. So free adtions do proceed , as well from the Eternal Decree 
 of God,asnece(rary , and from that order which he hath fet in the World. 
 
 As the Decree of God is Eternal , fo is his Knowledge. And therefore tofpeak 
 truly and properly , there is neither fore-knowledge nor after-knowledge in him. 
 The Knowledge of God comprehends all times in a point by reafon of the emi- 
 nence and virtue of its infinite perfedion. And yet 1 confefs , that this is called 
 fore-knowledge , in refpedt of us. But this fore-knowledge doth produce no ab- 
 folute neceliity. Things are not therefore , becaufe they are fore-known, but there- 
 fore they are fore-known , becaufe they fhall come to pa(s. If any thing (hould 
 come to pafs otherwife than it doth , yet Gods Knowledge could not be irritated by 
 it , for then he did not know that it fhould come to pafs, as now it doth, Becaufe 
 every knowledge of vifion necelTarily prefuppofeth its objedt. God did know that 
 Juddf fliould betray Chrilii but Judat was not neceffitated to be a Traytor by Gods 
 knowledge. If Judas had not betrayed Chrift , then God had not foreknown 
 that Judof (hould betray him. The cafe is this j a Watchman ftanding on the 
 fteeples-top, as it is the ufc in Germauy , gives Notice to thetn below ( who fee no 
 fuch things ) that company are coming , and how many i his predidtion is moft 
 certain , for he fees them. What a vain colleftion were it for one below to fay , 
 what if they do not come , then a certain predidion may fail. It may be urged, 
 that there is a difference between thefe two cafes. In this cafe the coming is pre- 
 fent to the Watchman , but that which God fore-knows is future. God knows what 
 fhall be > The Watch-man only knows what is. 1 anfwer, that this makes no dif- 
 ference at all in the cafe , by reafon of that difparity -which isbetween Gods know- 
 ledge and ours : As that coming is prelent to the Watchman , which is future to 
 them who are below ; fo all thofe things, which are future to us , are prefent to 
 God , becaufe his infinite and Eternal knowledge , doth reach to the future being 
 of all Agents and events. Thus much is plainly acknowledged by T. H. Numb. 1 1, 
 That fore-kjioTvledge is h^'cvrledge , and kitowledge depends on the txilhme of the things 
 kjioron, and not they on it. To conclude the prefcience of God doth not make things 
 more neceflary, than the produ6tion of the things themfelves i But if the Agents were 
 free Agents , the production of the things doth not make the events to be abfolute- 
 ly neceffary , but onely upon fuppofition that the caufes were fo determined. Gods 
 Prefcience proveth a neceflity of Infallibility, but not of antecedent extrinfecal 
 determination to one.If any event (hould not come to pafs, God did never fore- know 
 that it would come to pafs,For every knowledg neceflTarily prefuppofeth its object. 
 ' "this is all that hath come into my mind touching this (jueflion , ftnce I laji confidered -f jr 
 it. yind J humbly befeech your Lordjhip to communicate it onely to j. D. And fo pray- j»7* i'^ 
 ing God to profper your Lordjhip in all your defgns, Iiak£ leave ^ andam^my moj} NubU 
 and obliging Lord, 
 
 lour mojl humble Servant 
 T. H. 
 He is very careful to have this Difcourfe kept fecrct, as appears in this Section, rt -n 
 and in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Sections. If his anfwer had been kept private, •^' 
 I" had faved the labour of a Reply. But hearing that it was communicated, Ithought 
 my felf obliged to vindicate,both the truth and my felf. I do not blame him to be cau- 
 tious, for intriith,thisafrertionisofdefperateconfequence,anddeftructivcto piety,poli" 
 qr,3ndmorality.lf hchaddefired to have kept itfecret,the way had been to have kept it 
 fecret himfdf.It will not fuffice to fay asNumb.i4thatTrMffc /; truth, this the common 
 plea of all men. Neither is it fullicient for him to fay, as Numb. 1 5. That it zvas defired 
 by me, long before that"he'haddi{covered his opinion by Word of mouth. And 
 
 Q.qqq my
 
 ^ AVhdica tion of true Liberty T O M E 11 1 . 
 
 I^Y defire was to let fome of my Noble friends fee the weaknefs of his grounds , 
 and the pernicious confcquences of that opinion. But if he think that this ventila- 
 tion of the qucftion between us two may do hurt , truly I hope not. The edge of 
 his DifcourR' is fo abated , that it cannot ealily hurt any rational man , who is not 
 Ti^ too much pofTcfTed with prejudice. ..... , , , 
 
 N h 8 Ffljllcript. Argtimeitts feldomvporU^onmenoj tvn andkarmug^ when tbey have once 
 
 "™ " iHpa^ed the'tnfelvesin a contrary opinion. If any thing do it , it is the Jhetving of them 
 
 the caufes of their errors , tchicb is thit V Tiow men attribute to God Jlmighty for honour 
 faki xvbatfoever they fee is honourable in the iVorld , as feeing , hearing , wi/'iMg, l^ow- 
 i»SL ' Jttfi'<:^ 5 f^'fi^""', ^<^> ^^'^ denyhimfuchpor things as eyes , ears , brains, and 
 other organs , reithout which , we Worms , neither have , nor can conceive fuch facultiei 
 to he '■) and fo far they do well. But when they difpttte of Gods aUions PhilofophicaVy, tbetl 
 they confider them again , as if he had fuch faculties , and in that manner , as we 
 have them , this is not well^ and thence it is they fall into fo many difficulties. We ought 
 mt to diffute of Cods Nature , He is mfitfubjeS of our Fhilofophy, true Keligion coif 
 fijieth in obedience to ChrijVs Lieutenants , and in giving God fuch honour , both in at' 
 tributes and anions, as they in their feveral Lieutenancies (haJl ordain. 
 „ _, Though Sophillichal captions do feldom work o« men of wit and Learning, be- 
 
 i' caufe by conjiant ufe they have their fenfes exercifed to difcern both good and evil , Heb. 5. 
 
 14. Yet folid and fubftantial reafons work fooner upon them than upon weaker 
 judgements. The more exadl the balance is, the fooner it difcovers the real weight 
 that is put into it. Efpecially if the proofs be propofed without paflion or oppo- 
 fition. Let Sophilkrs and (editions oratours apply themfelves to the many headed 
 multitude , becaule they defpair of fuccefs with men of wit and learning. Thofe whofe 
 Gold is true > are not afraid to have it tryed by the touch. Since the former way 
 hath not fucceeded "T. H. hath another to (hew us the caufes of our errours , which 
 he hopes will prove more fuccesful. When he fees he can do no good by (ight , 
 he feeks to circumvent us , under colour of courtefie , Fiftula duke canit volucrem 
 dum decipit auceps. As they , who behold themfelves in a Glafs , take the right 
 hand for the left , arid the left for the right . (7.H. knows the comparifon ) fo we 
 take our own errours to be truths , and other mens truths to be errours. If we be 
 in an errour in this , it is fuch an errour as we fucked from nature it felf , fuch an 
 errour as is confirmed in us by reafon and experience , fuch an errour as God Him- 
 felf in His Sacred Word hath revealed , fuch an errour as the Fathers and Doftors 
 of the Church of all ages have delivered. Such an errour wherein We have the con- 
 currence of all the befi Philofophers, both Natural and Moral , fuch an errour as 
 bringeth to God the Glory of Jultice, and Wifdom, and Goodnefs, and truth, 
 fuch an errour as renders men morf Devout , more pious, more induftriousi more 
 humble, more penitent for their fins. Would he have us refign up all thefe advan- 
 tages to dance blindfold after his pipe. No, he perfwades us too much to our loft. 
 But let us fee what is the imaginary cau(e of an imaginary errour. Forfooth becaufe 
 We attribute to God whatfoever is honourable in the World , as feeing, hearing, 
 willing, knowing, Jufticc, Wifdom , but deny him fuch poor things , as eyes, 
 ears, brains, and fo far he faith we do well. He hath reafon, for fince we are not 
 able to conceive of God as he is, the rcadieftway we have, is by removing all that 
 imperfedion from God , which is in the creatures. So we call him infinite, immor- 
 tal , Independent. Or by attributing to him all thofe perfections , which are in the 
 creatures after a moft eminent manner , (b we call him Beft, Greateft, Moft Wife, 
 moft Ju(t , mo(\ Holy. But faith he , When they difpute of Cods aSions Thilofophically 
 then they confider them again , as if he had fuch faculties , and in the manner as we have 
 them. 
 
 And is this the caufe of our errour ? That were ftrange indeed, for they wlio di 
 fputePhilofophically of God, doneither afcribe the faculties to him in that manner 
 that we have them, nor yetdo they attribute any proper faculties at all to God. Gods 
 Underftanding, and his Will is his very EiTence, which for the cminer.cy of its infi- 
 nite pcrfcdion, doth perform all thofe things alone, in a moft tranfcendent manner, 
 which reafonable creatures do perform imperfc(illy, by diftindt faculties. Thus to di- 
 fpute of Gcd with modc(1y,and feverenc^i and to deu the l^eicy (titu the imputa' 
 
 tioa 
 

 
 t^iscouRsa I. a^ainft Mr. Hobs. 720 
 
 tion of tyranny, injullicc, and diilimulation, which none do throw upon God with 
 more prefumption, than thofe who are the Patrons of abfolute necelfity,isboth come- 
 ly and Chriltian. 
 
 It is not the dcfire to difco ver the original of a fuppofed crrour, which draws them 
 ordinarily into thefe exclamations, againft thofe who difputeof the Deity. For fome 
 ot themfelvcs dare anatomife God , and publifh his -Eternal Decrees with as much 
 conridcncc, as if they had been all their lives of his Cabinet-council. But it is for fear, 
 left thofe pernicious conlequenccs, which flow from that dodlrine eflentially, and re- 
 fled in fo high a degree upon the fupreme goodnefs,fhould be laid open to the view 
 ot the vVorld i Jufi as the Turks do, hrft eikblifii afalfe Religion of their own devi- 
 ling,and then forbid ail men upon pain of death to difpute upon Religion i or as the 
 Prieds ofMolech ftheabhominationof the Ammonites) did, make a noife with their 
 Timbrels, all the while the poor Infants were palling through the rire in Tophet , to 
 keep their pitiftfl cries from the ears of their Parents: So they make a noife with their 
 declamations again/: thofe , who dare difpute of the nature of God , that is, who 
 dare fet forth hi'j JuHice , and his goodnefs , and his truth , and his Philanthropy, 
 oncly to deaf the ears , and dim the eyes of the Chriftian World , -leaft they fhould 
 hear the lamentable ejulations and bowlings , or fee that rueful fpedacle of Millions 
 ot Souls tormented for evermore in the flames of the true "Tophet , that is Hell , on- 
 ly tor that, which according to "T. H. his Dodrine was never in their power to (hun, 
 but which they were ordered and inevitably necellitatcd to do, Onely to exprefs the 
 omnipotence and Dominion , and to fatisfie the pleafure of him, who is in truth the 
 Father cfaU mercies , and the God oj all confohtioK. This is life eternal (faith our Sa- 
 viour ) to know the onely true God and Jefm Chriji , vohom be hathfent. Joh. 17. 3. 
 Pure Keli^ion and undefiled before God , and the Father , ;/ this , to vifit the FatherleJI 
 and JFiddows in their afflidion , and k^ep himfelf unfpotted from the World ^ faith 5f. 
 James , Jam. 1.27. Fear God and k^ep his commandements , for this if the rvhok duty 
 of rpan , faith Solomon , "Ecdef 12. 13. But T. H. hath found out a more compen- 
 dious way to Heaven: T^rue Religion ( faith he ) confifteth in obedience to Chrijis Lieu- 
 tenants , and giving God Juch honour both in attributes anda&ions, as they in their fe- 
 veral Lieutenancesjhall ordain : That is to fay , be of the Religion of every ChrilVian 
 Countrey where you come. To make the Civil Magiftrate to be Chrilts "Lieute- 
 nant upon earth , for matters of Religion •, And to make him to be Supreme Judge 
 in all confroverfies , wIk m all muft obey , is a Doftrine fo firange , and fuch an 
 uncouth Phrafe to Chriftian cars, that I (hould have miffed his meaning , but that 
 I confultcd with his Book , de Give c. 15. id. and c. 17V SeH. 28. What if the Ma- 
 girtrate (hall be no Chriftian bimfelf ? What if he (halt command contrary to the 
 Law of God, or Nature, Muji rve obey him rather than God, Ad. 4. ip. Is the 
 Civil Magitiratc become now the onely groM«^<»«^ P/I/iir of truth > I demand then, 
 why T. h. is of a different mind from his Sovereign, and from the Laws of the Land 
 concerning the attributes of God and his Decrees? This is a new Paradox, and 
 concerns not this queftion of Liberty , and neceility > Wherefore I forbear to pro- 
 fecute it farther, and Co conclude my Reply with the Words of the ChrifUan 
 Poet. 
 
 Jiijjfim eft Cxfarit ore Gallieni, 
 Princeps quod cnlit , ut colamus omnes. 
 JEternttm cole Principem dierum, 
 Factorem Vominitmq-, GtHJieni. 
 
 Clqqq2 TOME
 
 TOME III. 
 
 ISCOURSE II. 
 
 Caftigations 
 
 o F 
 
 M" H O B B E S 
 
 HIS LAST 
 
 ANIMADVERSIONS, 
 
 I N 
 The Cafe concerniog litjertp, and ajnitjettjl JSeceffttp. 
 
 With aa ^/'j^m^/x concerning 
 The catching of Leviathan^ or the great Whalc' 
 
 By J O H N B R A MH A L L D. D. and Bilhop of Derry^ 
 Ftrft Printed in the year 1 5^8. 
 
 Prov. 12. I p. 
 "Ihe Up of truth (hall be ejiabljjhedfor ever^ but a lying tongue U but for a moment. 
 
 D V B L I N^ 
 
 Printed AnnoDom, M. DC. LXXV.
 
 _733 
 
 An Anfwer to Mr. Hobf his ne,x.,5^,. ; and Firft co bis 
 Epiftleto the Reader. 
 
 CHrlUan Reader, thou hajl here the teflimony of Mr. Hohes , that the quejiions 
 concerning necefity , freedom, and chance , are clearly difcujfed between him and 
 me, in that little volume which he hath lately ptblifhed. If they be it were 
 firange , whiljl rve agree not much better about the tearms of the Controverfie ' than the 
 Irmlders of Babel did underjland one anothers Languge. A necefity upon \uppofnion ^, „„. , ^-r 
 ( whuh admits apoftbihty of the contrary) i: miliak^n for an abfolute and true necefity. Steof^e ' 
 j1 freedom from compulfion is confounded mth a freedom from necefttation, meer fpontanei- qucftion. 
 ty ujurpeth the place of true Liberty ; no chance is acJ^owledged, but what is made chance 
 by our ignorance or nefcience , becaufe we k^ow not the right caufes of it. I defire to re- 
 tain the proper terms of the Schools: Mr. Hobs flies to the common conceptions of the vul- 
 gar, a way feldom trodden , But by falfe Prophets , and f editions Oraturs. He prefer- 
 reth their terms as more intelligible ; J ejieem them much more obfcure and confufed. ' 
 It fuch intricate quelhons , vulgar brains arc at uncapable of the things , as of the 
 terms.. 
 
 But thus it behoved him to prevaricate , that> he might not feem to fwim againjl an uni- 
 verfaljlream, nordire&ly to oppofe the General current of the Chrijiian World, there was an 
 odd PhantaftickperfjK in our times , one Thomas Leaver, who would needs publijh a Logick 
 in our Mother Tongue. Tou need not doubt but that the publick^good was pretended.And be- 
 caufe the received terms of Art feemed to htm too ablirufe , he tranjlated them into 
 Englifh , jliling a Siibjecl an Inholder , an accident an Inbeer , A propofuiomShew- 
 fay , an affirmative propofition a Yeafay , a negative propofition a Nayfay , the SuhieU 
 of the propofition the Forefet, the predicate the backfet , the converfion the\urning of the 
 Forefet , into the Backfet , and the Backfet into the Forefet. Let Mr. Hobs himfelf 
 be judge , whether the common Logical notions , or this new Gibrifh were lef! intelH- 
 gibl^' Mv. Hobs hiJ 
 
 Hsc a fe non tnultum abludit imago. principles 
 
 But Reader , doe^ thou defire to fee the quejiioa difcufed already tothyfatisfaBion ? oh- prSe''^ 
 ferve but Mr. Hobbs his Prahicl{S , and compare them with his principles, and there needs 
 no more. He teacheth that aV caufes , and all events are abfolutely neceffary ; yet if any 
 man croji him , he frets and fumes and talkj his pleafure ; julfic quod fplendida bilis. 
 Voth any man in his right Witts ufe to be angry with caufes that aU neceffarily ? He might 
 as well be angry with the Sun , becaufe it doth not rife an hour fooner , or with the Mjjn 
 becaufe it is not always full for bis pleafure.Ue commands his Servant to do thus, to as much 
 purpofe if he heneceftatedto do otherwife^asCznutas commanded the waves of the fea tofljw 
 no higher. He punifheth him if he transgrcji his Commands, with asmHchjuJiiceifhe have no 
 dominion over his own anions , as Xerxes commanded fo many ftri^es to he given to the 
 Hellefpont , for breaking down his bridge. He exhorts him and reprehends him-, He miiht 
 as well exhort the fire to burn , or reprehend it for burning of his Cloaths. He is as timo- 
 rous in a thunder , orajhrm, asCauteloiis at^d deliberative in doubtful caufes, as if 
 he belieued that all things in the World were contingent, and nothing neceffary. Some- 
 times he chideth himfelf ■> how ill advifed was I, to do thus orfo ? that I had thought 
 better upon it , or had done otherwife. let all this while he believeth that it was abfo- 
 lutely neceffary for him to do what he did , and impofble for him to have done otherwife. 
 thus his own praSice doth fuficiently confute his Tenets. He will tell us that he is timrous 
 and folicitous becaufe he kiiows not how the caufes will determin. to what purpofe? Whe- 
 ther their determination be k^own or unl^town , he cannot alter it with his endeavours. 
 He will tell us that deliberation mull concur to the produSion of the effcH. Let it be fo 
 hut if it do concur neceffarily. Why U he fo folicitous and fo much perplexed ? Let hint 
 fkep or waks , tah^ care or taks no care , the necefjary caufes muft do their work,. 
 
 tet from our coliifion fo:-ne light hath proceeded towards the elucidation of this quejiioH 
 4itd much more might have arifen , if Mr, Hobs had been ^hafed to retain the ancient 
 
 School
 
 734 
 
 School terms , for want of which hit Vifcourje irjliV amhiguouf and confufed. As here he 
 tells thee , Ihat we botli maintain that men are free to do as they will , and to tor- 
 bear as they will, h^y chanty leads t>ic to take him in the beji fenfe ^ onely(f free aVu 
 and then tvith defendame upon thefirji caitfe. that man xvho kiiotvs not his idintifms , 
 Free.lom to K>oiild think^the caufe was yielded in thefe rvords ^ whereM in truth they fig'iifie mhing. 
 do and not to jj^ meaning if ^ Be it as free to do and forbear , as he is free to call hack^yejierday. Be 
 will , refuted ; ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^.^ ^.^ /^^^^^ ^{^ ^ y^^ jf ^,7/ „^,,jy ^^^^^ He faith , A man is tree to do if 
 
 he will , but he is not free to will ii he will. ]f he be not free to ivill, then he is not 
 fee to do. fVitlmtt the concurrence of all necejfiry caufes it is imftfi'le that the effeHJhould 
 be produced. But the concurrence tf the n>ill is neceffary to the prcdtSion of all free or 
 voluntary ads. Aud if the mil be necefjitated to niV , as it may be , then -le aU is im- 
 fojfible^ and then he faith no more in effeU hut thif A man is fee to do if he wiil, tha t which 
 is impoffiblefor him to do.By his VoGrines all the powers and faculties of a man arc as much 
 fieceffttated and determined to one , by the natural influence of extrinfecal cuufes, as the will. 
 And therefore upon his cwn grounds, a man is as free to will a ( to do. 
 
 "The points wherein he ^aith we difagree are fet down loofely in lik^ manner. What 
 our "Tenets are , the "Reader (hall htow more truly and diftindly, by comparing our writings 
 together , then by this falfe dim light which he holds out unto him. 
 
 He is pleafed, if not ironically, yet certainly more for his own glory^than out of any refped 
 to me , to name me a Learned School Divine , An honour which Ivouchafe not to myfelf 
 My Life hath been too praUical , to attend fo much to thofe fpeculative fiudies. It may be 
 the School-men have frarted many fuperflmus quejlions, and fome of danger om confequencr, 
 But yet J fay the weightier Ecclefiaftical controversies will never be underjiood andfiateddi- 
 frinSly , without the help of their neceffary diftindions. 
 
 Reader , \fhallmt in this Rejoynder abufe thy patience with the needlefi repetition of 
 thofe things which thou hajifeen already , nor quefi at every lar\which he fprings i but 
 wherefover he hath put any new weight into the Scale , either in his anfwers or objeClions , 
 JJhall not omit it in due place. 
 
 An iidvertifement from the ^uthour to the Reader.' 
 March II. 16^2, ftilo novo, 
 
 CHriliian Reader, hythe flownejs of this Edition, and by the errours of the Prefs, 
 which do ordinarily happen to Authors that are abfent , thou mayefi Judge of 
 the difficulties and Remora's which we meet withal in fuch occafwns. Ihe great- 
 efr part nf the ExtzX.z are obviouf to an intelligent Reader , lintreat thee to correU them 
 with thy pen. Some of the chiefejl ( which didfeem to alter or ohfcure ihe fenfe ) J have 
 colleUed, and appointed them to be fet down at the foot of this Advertifement,fn many as I 
 could obferve in once reading over the Copies curforily , for I have had no more time fince 
 1 received them. 
 
 Be pleafed farther to taks notice y that yejierday came to my hands a Copy of Mr. Set' 
 
 jeants Ireatife called Schifm difpatched , Written againji Dr. Hammond and my felf, 
 
 it being the frr(i time that J have viewed it : J wifh I had had a graver Adverfary in this 
 
 caufe , who had confulted more with his own judgment mid experience , and leji with 
 
 paffton and prejudice. Ihe contention is not equal, between an ancient Dodor and ayoung 
 
 Prevaricator , whofe office is to makg frefhmen laugh and gape. When Mr. Serjeant hath 
 
 wearied himfelf twenty or thirty years longer in theftudy of "Iheotogy , he will grow Itfi 
 
 impetuous and cenforious , but more judicious anddifcreet , and offo much more value in 
 
 the eyes of others , as hefettetha leji value upon himfelf. Now I have a Copy , if God 
 
 blefrme with life and health , JJhall endeavour in a fhort time to let the World fee, that my 
 
 Religion it as much greater than his , as my charity is greater. 
 
 TOME
 
 735 
 
 TOME ITT 
 
 DISCOURSE II. 
 
 A N s' W E R 
 
 TO H I S 
 
 RELATION 
 
 Of the Occafion of the CONTROVERSIE 
 
 Ere is nothing ofmoment to advantage his caufe. Another 
 ?^ man would fay, here is nothing allcdged by him which is 
 '"true. Whereas he faith. That the queftiondifputed among 
 
 the old Philofophcrs was , mether all things that come topafl Eleven groft 
 proceed fromnecefftty , or feme from chance .? It was as well dg. miftakes ma 
 bated among the old Philofophers , JThether aV things com to ^'°"' 
 pa^ by chance , and nothing proceed from necefuy .? And likewife 
 IVhether feme events proceed from necejftty ^ and fame come to pafl 
 by chance ? As that which he mentions , Whether all c- 
 verits proceed from neceffity , or fome come to pafs by chance .•? That is the firft 
 
 errour. 
 
 His Second errour is , That he oppofeth chance to neceflity , as if all things caipe 
 to pafs by neceliity , which come not to pafs by chance : Whereas thofe antient Phi- 
 lofophers , ( of whom he fpeaks ) did oppofe contingency to necelKty , and not 
 chance alone. Chance is but one branch of contingency : Free adts are done con- 
 tingently , but not by chance. 
 
 Thirdly , He is miftaken in this alfo, that he faith, thofe antient Philofophers i 
 
 did never drarv into Argument the Almighty ponder of the Deity. For we find in 7ul- ^' t'^ptr. £, 
 ly, diXxA in Chryf^ppiK, f as he is alledged by Ek/^Jw) That one of the main grounds i'"""^*^"***^* 
 of the Stoicks was the Prefcience of God i and that the pfedidions of their Oracles ' 
 and Prophets could not be certain , unlefs all things came to pafs by inevitable ne- 
 x;ellity. 
 
 Fourthly , he erreth in this. That Liberty is a Third way of bringing things to pafs 
 diftindfrom neceliity and contingency : For Liberty is fubordinate to contingency.' 
 They defined contingents to be thofe things, whichmight either come to pafs or not 
 come to pafs , that is , either freely , or cafually; and in all their queftions of con- 
 tingency , Liberty was principally underl^ood. 
 
 His Fifth errour is , That free-n>ilS w a thing that mis never mentioned among them. I 
 believe it was never mentioned by them in Engliflf , fay the name of free will ■■, but 
 he may find *''-n5Kcn«.andTe?"?""- Let him read ArifiotU alone, and he fliall Had 
 not only this free eledive power of tiie will, but alfo the difference between volm- 
 iaty otf^ontaneous (, which is all the Liberty he admittcth ) and free, or that which ^''''"J' 3 <^- 
 
 R. r r r ' .c 3' 'J'* V
 
 ""^^5 Cafti^atons of TO ME HI 
 
 is cleded upon deliberdiiuu. H<-re i^zlvmc. Semper apud Latinos liberi arbitrii nomcn 
 txtitit ^ Gr£cos vera non pitdnit arrogantius ufurpare vocahabulum^ fiqiiidem avnfJncy, 
 dixermu ~ J»i^it- caji. 2. SeS. 4. 
 
 Sixthly, He crreth yet more grofly , in faying, Th.zt free rviH was never memion- 
 (dbyChri^Uans in the beginning cfChrijliantty ^ bat, for fome Ages brought in by the 
 jyoCtors (if the Komzn Church. "Whereas it is undeniably true, that fiindry anticnt 
 fathers have written whole Trearifcs cxprefly of free will, that there isfcarcely one 
 father that doth not mention it > and fundry of the Firit Hercticks, as Simon Magus ^ 
 fhchUnichees ^ the Marcionites ^ &c. and their followers, have been condemned 
 for maintaining abfolute neccliity againft free will. 
 
 His Seventh errour is , That St. Paul never ufeth the term of free rciU , nor did bold 
 o I ■? 6 ^'^y T^"^"'''^^ equivalent to it. Hear himfelf, Jm I not an Afo0e ? Am J not free? Have 
 "^ we not power to lead about a fijler , a wife , as well as the other Apofiles ? Or I only and 
 
 Barnabas , have not we power to forbear working ? St. Taul did thofe things freely up- 
 on his own eledion, which he was not iiecelTitated to do i and did forbear thofc 
 things freely which hR was not necellitated to forbear. This Dodlrine is equivalent 
 to ours of the freedom of the will from neceffitation. Talie another place , where- 
 in you have both the name and the thing j Neverthele^., he thatjiandethfledfaji in his 
 I Cor. "J $ hearty having no neceffity^ but hath power over his own will. The words in the O- 
 riginal are a plain defcription of the old ivnlintr , ( which name Calvin did lo much 
 diflike ) or free will , *t^>snat .fi "'xn me^ ^ ^J!" eiM</<s'«©'. Here is not onely freedom , 
 but power and dorninion. Mr. Hobbs teachethus , that a man is free to do, but 
 not free to will. St. Paul teacheth us , That a man hath power over his own will 
 If he have power over his own will , then he isfree to will, then his Will is not ex- 
 trinfecally predetermined. 
 
 Eighthly , he wrongs the Do<flors of the Koman Church, as if they exempted 
 the Will of man from the Dominion of Gods Will. They maintain, that the Free- 
 dom of the will of man is exprefly from the Will of God , who made it free. 
 They teach that God can fufpend the ad of the Will , can determin the Will , can 
 change the will, doth difpofe of all the ads of the Will, can do any thing but com- 
 pel the Will , which implieth a contradidion. 
 
 Ninthly, ( to let us (ec what a profound Ckrk he is in Ecclefiaftical Controverfies) 
 Mr. Hobbs thinks he hath hit the nail on the head, of the difference between the 
 Church of Rowf and Us , concerning free will in this difputanon : JuA as the blind 
 Senator in Juvenal made a large encomium of the goodly Turbot which lay before 
 C^far , but ( as ill luck would have it ) turned himfelf the quite contrary way : 
 At illi desctra jacebat bellua. The controverfie lies on th.e other fide , not about the 
 freedom of the Will in Natural or civil adions , which is our queftion , but ( if it 
 be not a Logomachy ) about the power of free Will, in moral and fupeinatural 
 adions, without the allillance of grace. 
 
 In the Tenth place, he mifinforms his Readers, That t/; if opinion C of freedom 
 
 from neceffitation and determination to one , ) wiK cajl out by the reformed Churches, 
 
 inftruded by Luthci J Calvin, and others. Where have the reformed Churches , or 
 
 any of them in their publick confeffions caft out this freedom from neceffitation , 
 
 whereof we write ? Indeed Luther was onceagainft it , and fo was Melandhon , but 
 
 VijitAt 54*811. they grew wifer , and reitraded whatfoever they had written againft it. And fo 
 
 Loc, com; edit., would Mr. Hoi/;/ do likewife , if he were well advifed. Either he did know of 
 
 f^"' Luther s retradion i and then it was not ingenioully done to conceal it, or ( which 
 
 I rather believe) he did not know of it , and then he is but meanly verfed in the 
 
 Dodrine and affairs ot the Proteftants. 
 
 Laf\ly, He accufeth Arminius to have been a rafiorer or reducer of the Rewj/fe 
 Dodrine of free Will, by z pofiliminium. I do rot think that ever he read one 
 Word oi Arminius m his Life , or knoweth diflii.dly one opinion that Aun'niits 
 held. It was fuch deep Controvertifls as himfelf, thataccufed the Church of En- 
 gland of Armimmifm , for holding thofe truths , which they ever profefTed betore 
 Arminiits was born. \i Arminius were alive, Mr. Holbs out of Confciencc ought 
 to ask him forgivencfs. Let him fpeak for himfelf, De Libero hcmir.is aibitrio. 
 tafentio, &c. Inllatu vero lapfus, &c. IkU U my fenteKce rf free will, Ihat 
 
 man
 
 Discourse 1 1. Mr. Hob>V Animadverjions. y-^j 
 
 man fallen , can ndtber tbink^^ nor n-ill , nor dn that which is truly good of himjelf, and D.-iUr. s^nt 
 from himfelf , but that it is needful, that be be regenerated , and renerved in hit under- "" ^'^">'"i' "' 
 jianding , will , affedims, and all his fotrers from Cod, in Chriji , by the Holy Choji to ^'^' ^''^''""''' 
 underjijitd, ejieem , confider , will, and do aright that wich is truly good. It was not 
 the fpcculative Dodrine of ^rwiwm , but the feditious Tenets oi Mr. Hobbes and 
 fuch like, which opened a Large Window to our troubles. 
 
 How is it poliible to pack up more errours together in fo narrow a compafs > If I 
 were Worthy to advife Mr. Hobbes , he (hall never have more to do with thefc old 
 Philofliphers, ( except it were to Weed them for fome obfolete opinions : Cbiyfippuf 
 ufed to fay , he fometimes wanted opinions , but never wanted arguments ) bin to 
 itand upon his own bottom, and make himfelf both party, Juror and Judge in his 
 own caufe. Concerning 
 
 The right ftating of thequeftion , is commonly the mid- way to the determination theftateingof 
 of the diiference , and he himfelf confeffeth , that I have done that morethanonce, the quejiion 
 faving thathe thinketh , 1 have done it over cautioufly , withers much caution at I 
 would draw up a leafe. Abundant caution was never thought hurtful till now ; doth 
 not the truth require as much regard as a Leafe ? On the other fide , laccufe him 
 rohaveftated it too carclefly, loolly, zx\A confufcdiy, He faith, He underjiands J^^^ '=°!^''^^: 
 notthefe words, |_ the converfion of a finner concerns not the queftion ] I do re- ner" °coHceni- 
 ally believe him ; But in concluding, that whatfoever he doth not underitand cfh not this 
 is unintelligible \ he doth but abufe himfelf and his Readers. Let him ftudy better ^"«f^'°°* 
 whatisthedifferentpower of the Will, in natural or civil adiions, which is the 
 Subjedl of our difcourfc , and moral or fupernatural ads , which concerns not this 
 queflton i and the necellity of adding thefe words , will clearly appear to him. 
 
 Such another pitiful piece is his other exception, againft thefe Words , [without A wilful cavU 
 their our own concurrence] which he faith <ire unftgnifxcant , unlefl I mean that the 
 events themfelves , fhould concur to their own produdion: Either thefe Words were un- 
 fignificant, or he was blind , or worfe than blind , when he transcribed them. My 
 Words were thefe , [ Whether all Agents, and all events be predetermined : 1 He ^"'"*»J 
 fraudulently Leaves out thefe Words , £ all Agents, and makes me to liate the que- 
 ftion thus, iVhether all events be predetermined without their own concurrence. Where- 
 as thofe words , without their own concurrence , had no reference at all to all events 
 but to all Agents i Which Words he hath omitted. 
 
 The ftate of the queftion being agreed upon , it were vanity , and meer beating 
 of the air in me , to weary my fclf and the Pveadcr , with the ferious examination 
 of all his extravagant and impertinent fancies : as this, Whether there be a moral ef- 
 ficacy which is not Natural? Which is fo far from being the queftion between us ^'f^errnre be? 
 that no man makes any queftion of it, except one, who hath got a blow upon and moniS 
 his head with a mill-fail. Natural caufes produce their efrcds by a true real firacy. 
 influence, which implies an abfolute determination to one: as a Father begets a Son 
 or fire produceth fire. Moral caufes have no natural influence into the effed but' 
 move or induce fome other caufe without themfelves to produce it: as when a 
 Preacher pcrfwadeth his hearers to give alms , here is no abfolute ncccllitation of 
 hearers , nor anything that is oppofite to true Liberty. 
 
 Such another queftion is that which follows , Whether the objeCi of the fight be the 
 caufe of feeing? meaning , ( if he mean aright , ) the fubjedive caufe. Or , how 
 the underjianding doth propofe the ob](U to the will ? which though it be blind , as Phi- 
 lofbphers agree , yet not fo blind as he , that will not fee , but is ready to' follow 
 the good advice of the intelled. I may not defert that which is generally approved 
 to fatisfie the phantaftick humor of a fingle conceited perfon. No man would take 
 exceptions at thefe Phrafes , the will w ilk th , the under{}anding underftandeth , the 
 former term exprelling the faculty , the later, the elicite a<ft , but one who is re- 
 folved to pick quarrels with the whole World. 
 
 lo permit a thing willingly to be done by another , that is evil, not (or the evils CAt 
 which is permitted , but for that goods fakt which is to be drawn out of it is ^"'" '^ ^^'" 's 
 not to will it pofitively , nor to determin the will to evil by a natural ir-fluence i abnc^^'V'^'^ u 
 which whofoever do maintain, do undeniably make God the author offin. Estwccn t«Jn^w:"irg 
 pofitive willing , and nilling , there is a mean of abnegation , that is not to will. a"-' nil! ng. 
 
 R r r r - That
 
 -^;^ Caftigations of TOME 1 1 1. 
 
 Xhat tlie will dotli determin it fclf , is a truth not to be doubted of, what dit- 
 fcrcnt degrees of aid or allirtance the will doth ftand in need of in different Ads , 
 natural moral , fupernatural ■, where a general alliftane is fufficient , and where 
 a fpecial aliiltance is ncceffary i is altogether impertinent to this prefent controver- 
 lie , or to the right Ihting of this queftion. 
 
 In theLalt place , he repeateth his old diftinftion, between zm^^ns freedom m da 
 
 His Aiflinction ^jr ^jy ^yj^y ^re in bis fovper , if he rvill; and the freedom to vrill what hf i 
 
 ^o?Ji" anT raill, which he illuftrateth (for fimilitudes prove nothing j by a comparifcm drawn 
 
 free to do, from the natural appetite , to the rational appetite. Will is appetite , hut it is one 
 
 confuted- quejfioH, IJ^jether be be free to eatthathatb an appetite'-- And anotbtr qitefiion vphether he 
 
 he free to have an appetite. In the former , he faith , he agreeth with me , That a 
 
 tnan is free to do rvbat he rvill. In the Later he faith , he dillents from me , That e 
 
 man is not free to mil. And ( as if he had uttered fome profound myftery } he ad- 
 
 deth in a triumphing manners That, if J have not been able to dijiinguijh between 
 
 thofe tvpo (jiiejiions , I have not done rvell to meddle with either. And if I have underjiood 
 
 them , to bring arguments to prove that a man is free to do if he will, is to deal unin- 
 
 genioufly and fraudulently with my Keaders. 
 
 Yet let us have good Words. Homini homo quid pneftat? What difference is 
 there between man and man'That fo many Wits before Mr. Hobs in all Ages fliould 
 beat their brains about tliis queftion , all their Lives Long , and never meet with 
 this dirtindtion , which rtrikes the queftion dead. What (hould hinder him from 
 crying out 6^f»«i,s</f»w«, I have found if , I have found it. But Hay a little, the 
 fecond thoughts are wifer , and the more I Look upon this diftindlion , thelefs I 
 Like it. It (eemeth like the Logg in the Fable, which terrified the poor Frogs with 
 the noife it made at the Firft falling of it into the Wat er , but afterwards they in- 
 fulted over it, and took their turns to Leap upon it. Some take it to be pure 
 nonfenfev whether a man bs fr^e in fmh things as be within his power : That is , 
 whether he be free wherein he is free , or that be within his power , which is in his 
 power. 
 
 I have formerly fhewed, and (Viall demonfirate farther as there is occafion , that 
 this dilHnftion is contradidtory and deftrucSive to his own grounds, according to 
 which all the other powers and faculties of a man are determined to one , by an ex- 
 trinfecal flux of natural caufes , equally with the will. And therefore a man is no 
 more neccllitated to will , or choofe what he will do , tiian to do what he wills. 
 Secondly, I have (hewed, that this diftindion is vain and unufeful , and doth not 
 hold off, fo much as one blow from Mr. Hobs and his bleeding caufe. All thofe 
 grofs abfurditieswhich do neceffarily follow the inevitable determination of all adions 
 and events byextrinfecal caufes, do fall muchmore heavily and infuportablyuponthe 
 extrinfecal determination of the will.So he flicks deeper, by means of this dillindlion 
 in the fame mire. All the ground of Jui^ice that he can find in punifhments, is 
 thisi That though mens adions be neceffary , yet they do them willingly. Now 
 if the will be irrefiilibly determined to all its individual ads, then there is no more 
 juftice to puni(h a man for willing neceffarily, than for doing neceffarily. Thirdly, 
 I have (hewed already in part , that this diltindion is contrary to the (enfe of the 
 whole World , who taHe the will to be much more free than the performance : 
 which maybe thus enlarged. 
 
 Though a man were thruft into the deepeft dungeon oi Europe , yet in dcfpite of 
 all the fecond caufes , he may will his own Liberty. Let the caufes heap a conglo- 
 meration of difeafes upon a man , more than Herod had , yet he may will his own 
 health : Though a man be withheld from his friend by Seas and Mountains , yet he 
 may will his prefence. He that hath not fo much as a Cracked Groat towards the 
 payment of his debts , may yet will the fatisfadion of his Creditors. And though 
 fome ofthefe may feem but pendulous wifhes of impo(ribilities,and not fo compatible 
 with a ferious deliberation , yet they do plainly (hew the freedom of the will. /« 
 great things (iziA the Poet ) it is fufficient to have willed, that is, to have done what 
 is in our power. So we fay, God accept eth the will , that which we an, for the 
 deed , that which we cannot. ]f there be frfi a willing mind , it is accepted according 
 s Cor. tit to that a man hath , that is to will , And not according to that he bath rot , that is to
 
 Discourse 1 1. Mr. Viohi's AnimadiJerfions. -r^g 
 
 pcrtorm. And yet more plainly : T^o rvill is frefent rcith wf, but how in perform that 
 
 rvhich if good , that find J not. Yet faith T. H. A man is tree to do what he wills ^ ""•' . 
 
 but not to will what he will do. 
 
 To come yet a little nearer to T". H. For fincc he rcfufeth all human authority , . 
 I muft ftick to Scripture. IthciWeizmxmojvnrvill, and hif orvn voluntary reill ^^"' ^ ""* 
 If it be determined irrefiftibly by outward caufes , it is rather their own ivi//, than 
 bis own mil. Nay to let him fee that the very name o( free-will it felf is not fuch a. 
 itranger in Scripture as he imagincth , it is called, a mans omt free tvill. How often, 
 do we read in the Books of Mofes , Ezra , and t!ie Pfalms , of free-will offerings > Ezra 7 i j 
 This free-will is oppofed notonely tocompulfion, but alfo to neceliity , not of necef- Philem: 14 
 fity httt wiUngly. And is inconfillent with cxtrinfecal determination to one, with 
 which cleftion of this or that indifferently is incompatible. Is not the whole Land 
 before thee { faid Abraham to Lot> ) If thou wilt tal^ the left hand, then J will qp to the G^"- '3 ' P 
 right ; or if thou depart to the right hand , then I will go in the left. God faid to Da- 
 vid, 1 offer thee three things, choofe one of them. And to Solomon, hecaufe thou ha\i 
 ask^ed this thing , and haft not asl^d Long Life, or riches. And Herod to his Daughter, 
 Asl\nf me whatfoever thou wilt. And Vilate to the Jews, whether of the twain will ye 
 I releafe unto you > And St. Faitl unto the Corrimhians, IFlat will ye? (Ijtll I come un- 
 to you with a rod, or in Love ? Both were in their choice. Yet T. H. doth tell us , 
 that all thefe were free to do this or that indifferently, if they would , but not free 
 to will. To choofe and toele<S, is, of all others , the moft proper aft of the 
 will. But all thefe were free to choofe and eleft this or that indifferently , or elfe 
 all this were meer mockery : and therefore they were free to will. 
 
 TheScripture knoweth no extrtnfecal determiners of the will,but it felf So it is faid 
 of Eli'sSon?;GivefltJh to roaftfor the Priell,for he will not have fodden flefh ofthee,but raw, i sam. » 15 
 And if thou wilt not give it,I will tak^ it hy force. Sic volofic jubeo: jiatproratione voluntas. 
 Here /was more will than neceliity. So it is faid of therichmanintheGofpel.Jf^^/>,«// 
 do? ThU I will do, J will pull down my barns and build greater, and there will I bejiow all ^"^^ ' 
 my ^uits and my goods. And I will fay to my Soul , tal^ thine eafe ,'eat, drink^, and be 
 merry. Both his purfe and perfon , were under the command of his will. So St. j*"^'^ '^ 
 James (aifh , Go to now , ye that fay to day , or to morrow we will go into fuch a City, and 
 continue there a year , and buy and fell , and get gain : whereas ye Uiiow not what fliall 
 be to morrow, &c. for that ye ought to Jay, if the Lord will, wejhall live , and do this 
 or that. The defed: was not in their will to refolve , but in their power to perform. 
 So T. H. his neceliity was their Liberty , and their Liberty was his neceliity. 
 
 LalHy , The Scriptures teach us , that it is in the power of a man to choofe his 
 own will for the future 5 All that thou commandeft us we will do. And Whither foever 7 -i^' ' J 6 
 thoufendefl us We will go. As We hearkened unto Mofes in at things, fo will Jf'e hearken 
 unto thee. So {kith St. Paul , What I do , that I Will do. And in another place, 72 C jr. n 12 
 J do rejoyce , and Twill rejoyce. And they that will be rich. When Chrilt inquired of 
 hisDifciples , Will ye alfo go away ? According to "t.ll. his principles he fliould have 
 faid , muft ye alfo go away .? 
 
 We have viewed his diftinftion , but we have not awfwered hiscomparifon. Will 
 is an appetite : And it is one queftion Whether he be free to eat , that hath an appetite, and 
 another: Whether he be free to have an appetite > Comparifons are but a poor kind of 
 rcafoning at the belt , which may illuftrate fomething, but prove nothing. And 
 of all comparifons this is one of the worft, which is drawn from thefenfual appetite 
 to the rational appetite. The rational appetite and the fenfual appetite , are even the rcrfual 
 as like one to another, as an apple and an oyfler. The one is a natural Agent, the and rau'onolj 
 other is a free Agent i The one afts neccffarily , the other afts contingently, (I take 3|^V'r«*ery 
 the word largely.) The one is determined to one , the other is not determined to' '"^''^°'- 
 one : The one hath under God a Dominion over it felf, and its own acts i The o- 
 ther hath no dominion over it felf , or its own afts. Even the will it felf, when 
 it afts after a natural manner , ( which is but rarely , in feme extraordinary cafts , 
 as in the appetite of the chiefcll good being ftilly revealed , or in a Panicil tcrrour, 
 which ad mittech no deliberation j afts not freely, but neceffarily. How much 
 mor: muft Agents meerly natural , which have neither reafon to deliberate , nor do^ 
 minion or Liberty toeleft , aft neceffarily and determinately ? So toanfwera com- 
 
 parifon.
 
 7^o 
 
 C alii gat Ions of 
 
 TOME III. 
 
 An Anfcecr 
 to his foun- 
 tains of Ar- 
 guments in 
 
 this queflion. 
 
 Mr. Hobi his 
 i- louriftl 
 
 His prefumprj. 
 on. 
 
 parifon, with a coinparifon , his Argument is )\x[\ fuch another as this i The Gally- 
 llave which is chained to the oar, is a man, as well as the Pilot that fits at the Stern, 
 therefore the Gally-ilave hath as much dominion in the (hip as the Pilot , and is as 
 free to turn it hitlier and thither. So falls this dreadful engine all in pieces , which 
 (hould have battered down the Fort of Liberty. 
 
 His gentle reprehenfion , That if I have not been able '^to- diflinguijh between thefe 
 two quejiioHS , I have not done well to meddle rcith either. And if I have underjiood them 
 I have dealt uningenioufly and fraudulently , would better become me , who defend 
 Liberty, thin him who fuppofeth an irrelilUbleneeellity of all events. If he think 
 I have not done well , yet according to his own grounds, he mayrather blame the 
 caufes that do necelfitateme , than blame me, who am irrefiltibly neceliitated to 
 do what I do. fraud and deceit have no place in necefi'ary Agents , who can do 
 no otnerwifc than they do. He might as well accufc the Sea to have dealt fraudu- 
 lently witii him , bfcaufe he miftook the tide , and could not pafs over the Foard at 
 an high Water , as he purpofed. Such is the power of truth, that it comes to light 
 many times when it is not fought for. He doth fee in part already that I underfiand 
 the vanity of his diftindtion : and (hall fee it better yet before this Treatife be ended. 
 Yet if 1 would be fo courteous as to forgive him all this , this diftindtion would not 
 prejudice me. The places of Scripture alledged by me in my former defence, do 
 notonely prove that a man is free to do if he wilh but much more , that a man 
 is free to choofe and to tXidi , that is much as to fay , as to tfill^ and determin 
 it fclf. 
 
 It is a certain rule, contraries being placed one beftdes another , do appear much more 
 clearly. He who defires to fatisfie his judgement in this controverfie, muft compare 
 our writings one with another without partiality , the arguments, andanfwers,and 
 pretended abfurdities on both fides. But T. H. (ecketh to ingratiate himfclf and his 
 caufe before hand i and , if it be pollible, to anticipate and preoccupate the judge- 
 ments of his readers , with a flouri(h or prxludium , under the fpecious name of 
 Fountains of Arguments. So before a ferious War , Cities u(e to perfonate their ad- 
 adverfe party , and feign mock-combats and skirmi(hes, to encourage their friends 
 wherein (you may be fure ) their own fide fliall conquer. As Players make their 
 Little puppets prate and aft what they plea(e , and (tand or fall as they Lend them 
 motion: Which brings to my mind , the Lions anfwer in the Fable , when the pi- 
 fture of a man beating a Lion was produced to him •, 1/ a Lion had made this piUure^ 
 he Would have made the Lion, aboue and the man beneath. It is a fufEcient anfwer to 
 this Prologue, That Mr. Hobs ( thatis an Adverfary Jmade it. 
 Nihil ejl , quin male narrando pojfit depravarier. 
 what had he to do to urge arguments for me? or to give (blutions for mc ? or to 
 pre(s the inconveniences and abfurdities which flow from fatal deftiny on my behalf? 
 I gave him no commiflion. I need none of his help i yet by this perfonated 
 conflict , he hoped to have ftolen an eafie vitSory , without either bloud or 
 (weat. 
 
 I will not tire out my (elf, and the Reader , with the fuperfluous repetition of 
 thofe things which we (hall meet with again much more opportunely in their pro- 
 per places. Some Authors are Like tho(e people : Who meafuring all others 
 by themfelves, believe nothing is well underltood , until 1 it be repeated over and 
 over again. 
 
 ^i nihil alios credunt inteVigere , nifi idem di&um fit centies. 
 But whatfoever is new in this preface , if it have but any one grain of weight, I 
 wilt not fail to cxamin and anfwer it , either here or there. 
 
 And firl\ , I cannot choofe but wonder at his confidence, that a fingle, perfon 
 who never took degree in Schools , that Ihave heard of, ( except if were by chance 
 in Malmesbury ) fliouid fo much (leight, not only all the Scholars of this 
 prefentAge, but all the F^fcer/ , School.men, and old Philofophers , which I dare 
 fay he hath notftudied much, and forgcthimfelf fofar, as to deny all their autho- 
 rities at oncci if they give not him fatisfadtion, to make his private and crafie judg- 
 ment to be the flandard and feal of truth, and himfelfan Univerfal Didfatour a- 
 mong Schollars , to plant and to pull up , to reform and new modell ■■, or rather 
 
 turn
 
 Discourse 1 1. Mr. Hobs' s Ammadi/erfians. j^i 
 
 turn uplidc down , Theology , Philofophy , Morality , and all other Arts and Sci- 
 ences , which lie is pleafed to favour lo iriiich , as not to eradicate , or pluck 
 up root and branch , as it he was one ot" ji.fops fellows , who could do all 
 things, and fay all things. He is not the rirll man in the World, who hath loft 
 hiirilelt by grafping and ingroliing too much. He mentioncth the Scrip- 
 tures indeed, but his meaning is to be the Sok interpreter of t!iem hi m felt , 
 without any refped to the perpetual and univerfal Tradition of the Catholick- 
 Church , or the fenfe of all ancient cxpofitors. Well for once, I will forbear all 
 the advantage which I have from the Authority of Councils, Fathers , Schoolmen 
 and Philofophers , and meet him lingly at his own weapon , yet with this prote- 
 liation,t!i3t if he vajue his own fingle judgment above all theirs, he comes within. the 
 compafsot SAjmons ccnfure , Seeii thou a man Wife in his orvn eyes ? there is more 
 hope of a Fool than of him. 
 
 Hetelleth us , that the attributes of God are oblations given only for honor , but m 
 fufficiettt premifes to infer truth ^ or convince faljhood. Let them be oblations , or Sa- 
 crifices oi praife if he will •, but are they notLikewife truths? hath not God given "^''^ attribures 
 the fame atrributes to himfelf every where in holy Scripture ? Doth God Itand in of Goil Argu 
 need of a Lie , to uphold his honour ? It is true , they are not perfedly conceive- "^^°"^'^^' 
 able by mortal man.Thegoodnefs, and ju(Tice,and mercy, and truth of God are tran- 
 fcendent above thegoodnefs, and )uftice,and mercy,and truth of men, and of a quite 
 dilferent nature from theiii ; As St. Aujiin faid , God is good without quality , oreat 
 rpithout quantity , a Creator veithout indigence , every where without place, eiernjl with ■ 
 out time. But yet we do underfrand thefe attributes fo far, as to remove from God all 
 contrary imperfeftions. He that is good , or goodnefs it felf cannot bethe Author 
 of evil. He that is true or truth it felf, cannot Lye or diffemble. He that is mer- 
 ciful or mercy it felf, cannot be guilty of Tyranny or cruel. He that is juft or ju- 
 Itice it felf, cannot do unjuft adions. And thus far the attributes of God are ar- 
 guiTieiitative , That be far from thee , to flay the righteous with the JVicl^d, Shall nal the 
 Judge of all the earth do right ? 
 
 I come now to his Texts of Scripture , and firrt to thofe which he faith do make ^*"' ^^ *5 
 for him : To which I anfwcr , firlf in General , That there is not one of them all His Texts of 
 pertinent to the prefent queftion , they concern qot true Liberty from extrinfecal Scripture citeci 
 necelfity , but the power of free will in moral and fupernatural adls , wherein we Jnipertintntly 
 acknowledge, that the will of man hath not power to dctermin it felf aright , 
 without the alliftance of Grace: His Arguments tend rather to prove that God is 
 the Author of fin , or that he faves men without their own endeavours, than to 
 difprove true Liberty. 
 
 Secondly, I anfwer, that though his allegations were pertinent , yet they come 
 all (hort of hisconclufion : He fhould prove that all adtsoffree Agents are nccef- 
 fitated antecedently , and extrinfecally : andhe endeavoureth onely to prove that 
 fome particular a6ts of fome particular perfons were notfree from necelfity. W'liicli 
 Theliswe do not fimply difapprove , though we dillike his inftances. God may and 
 doth fometimes extraordinarily determin the will of man to onei but when it is fo 
 determined,the Ad may be voluntary, not free: fo he concludeth not contradidonly. 
 Concerning his places in particular. To his rtrft place Gen. 45. 5. I anfwer, that 
 we ought to dirtinguifh between the adion of Jofephs Brethren which was evil , 
 and the pallion of Jofeph which was good. God willed and predefined the fuffer- ■^" '"^^/g"'-- 
 ings of Jofeph , and difpofed them to his own Glory , and the good of his Church. Scn>uie'an 
 God fent jofeph before : how ^ difpofitively , 10 preferve life. But he willed not, fwcicc'.. 
 nor predefined the adion of his Brethren , otherwife than permilljvely , or at the 
 moR occafionally , by doing good ^ which they made an occafion of doing evil , 
 or in refped of the order of their evil ad. The very fame anfwer ferveth to Ads 2. 
 23. and ACis 4. 27. 28. 
 
 To his inflances of Gods hardening the heart , Exod. 7. 5. and Veut. 2. 50. and 
 to Kom. 9. \6, he hatli had a large anfwer in my former defence. 
 
 To Shimeis curfing Vavid ^ 2. Sam. id. 10. 1 anfwer three ways : firft, tliat 
 God is often faid to do , or will thofe things , which he doth only vvill to permit, 
 and dtfpofc. All that was sided againft Job , is afcribed to God, the L^rd hath ^j^^j^ ^^ 
 
 tah-
 
 74' 
 
 Cafiigations of T O M E 11 1. 
 
 t arpM • yet it is as clear as the Noon-day fun. That Gods concurrence in the 
 detamination oijoht fufferings , in refpeci oi Satan, was onely permifwe. Second- 
 ^"^'^ *^ Iv God wasthecaufe of Schimis cutCmg Vavid occafionally , by affliding Vavid 
 ior his fins , which expofed hitn to Shimeis curfes. So we fay ^occafwn tnak^s a thief, 
 zn^ aiits blind the eyes of the wife. Thirdly, God was the caufe ni Shimeis cur- 
 ling Vctvid , not as the Author of that evil but as the Author of the order in evil , 
 that is by retraining Shttnea malice from breaking out at other times, and in another 
 manner and Letting him Loofe to vent hisindidive thoughts at that time , in that 
 manner! So he who (huts all the Doors and Windows in a Chamber, and Leaves on- 
 ly one open , is in fome fort , the caufe why a defperate perfon throws himfclf 
 down headlong from that Window , rather than from another. In the fame fenfc, 
 the caufe of Kehoboams obftinacy is faid to be from the Lord , i Kings 12. 15. God 
 is not obliged to confer prudence and other favours upon undeferving perfons. So 
 Likewife God is faid to Lay a ftumbling block before a Wicked perfon , Ezek^ 3. 20 
 and therefore this note thence , that the fins of the Wicked are not the caufe of their p«- 
 ?»;/;;!>«<■«*, is a meer collulion. The order in evil is Gods, the fins are their own. 
 what he obje(fieth out of Job 12. 14. d^c. and Likewife out oiJfaiah 10. 6. concern- 
 ing the King ofAjJyria, deferveth no anfwer. God may freely and juftly withdraw 
 his protection and his other graces and favours from his Creatures , and leave them 
 to be afflided for their offences by evil Agents and Inftruments, and difpofe the fins 
 of others to be their punifhments , without necelHtating them to Ads morally evil. 
 Job is as far from difputing ourqueftion in that place, as thefe places by himallcdgcd 
 are from making God the author of evil bya Phyfical determination. 
 
 The Prophet Jeremy faith .• Jer. 10. 23. Lord , J jyjon' that the way 0/ man is 
 not in himfelf , it is not in man that tvalk^th to direS hit fiefs. Moft true , man is not 
 ftcured from danger by his own Wifdom and care , but by Gods providence and 
 protedion, not preferved from all fin and utter deftrudion by the power of his own 
 free will, but by thefpecial grace of God , which doth freely prevent us, purfue 
 us, excite us , adift us, operate in us , cooperate with us , by permanent habits , 
 by tranfient motions, fufficinetly , effedualy, according to his good plealure, whofe 
 Grace isthe onely Fountain of falvation. If we fancied an all-fufficient or inde^ 
 pendant power to our felves , this text were to the purpofe i now it fignifies no- 
 thing. 
 
 Our Saviour faith , John 6. 44. No man can come unto me except the Father which 
 hathfent me dran> him. Scii tujimulare cuprejjum, quid hoc } He knows how to paint 
 a Cyprefs tree , but what is that to the queflion of Liberty and necellity : The com- 
 ing unto Chrift is a fupernatural adion , and requireth the preventing or pre- 
 paring Grace of God , which is called his fathers drarving. But this drawing is not 
 fuch a Phyfical determination of the will , as to defiroy Liberty in the very ad of 
 converfion, but an inward calling in an opportune time, a perfwading of the heart 
 an inlightning of the mind, an infpiring of the feed of good defires, yet withal , 
 Leaving to the will its natural freedom to eled , and will adualy , and to confent 
 to the calling of God , that Is to predetermin it felf by the power of Grace. 
 
 To I Cor, 4. 7. I anfwer, whether we underftand the Text of faving grace , or 
 of graces freely given, both ways it is the grace of God that makes the difcrimina- 
 tion. But all the debate is of the manner how it is made , whether morally by 
 perfwafion , or Phyfically by the determination of the will to one, and deftroying 
 the Liberty of it. Of which This Text is filent. 
 
 The next place, i. Cor. 12. 6. is underftood of tho(e miraculous Graces freely 
 given , fuch as the gift of tongues , of healing, ofProphecyiiig , &c. and if it were 
 underftood of faving Grace , yet itdidnotat all exclude our cooperation. The 
 fame Apoflle who teacheth us , that it is God Who Work^th in us both to rvill and to do 
 of his good pleafure, in the fame place exhorteth us to work out our own Salvation JFith ■ 
 fear and trembling. God worketh in us both the will and the deed , not by Phyfical 1 
 Phil. 2 u determination of the will, not by dcfiroying the nature of his Creature , but fwcet- ; 
 13 ly , morally , by illumination, perfwafion and infpiration. 
 
 We are faid to be the IForkptanlhip of Cod Created in Chrift Jefus unto gncd JVorkj 
 2. 'Eph. 10. becaufc without Chrifi we can do nothing. No man can have the ar 
 
 a> 
 
 I 
 
 i\
 
 Discourse 1 1, Mr. Hobs'x Animadvir^ions. y» 
 
 o 
 
 (ftua! Will to believe and to b: converted , but by the preventing Grace of God. 
 Our indeavours are in vain , except he help them , and none at all except he ex- 
 cite them. Gods calling and illumination, and infpiration is not in our power i 
 and we are brought by his Grace, as it were from nothing, to a new being in Chriftj 
 in which refpedt a regenerated Chtirtian is called a neiv Creature. Metaphors do 
 not hold in all things > when David prayed , Create in me a new heart , Lord, his 
 meaning was not that his heart fliould be annihilated, and a new fubftance created 
 but to have his heart purged and cleanfed. 
 
 The main body of his Forces is difperfed , yet bis referve remains untouched i 
 even all the places , that mak^ Gad the giver of aV graces , and wherein men are faid to 
 be dead in fin , fjr by all thefe ( faith he ) it is manifeji , that although a man may live 
 holily if he will , yet to tpHUs the JVork^pfGod, and not eligible by man. Let him re- 
 duce his Argument into what form he will , there is more in the conclufion , than 
 in the premifes i namely, thcCe wovds , and not eligible by man. Who ever argued 
 from the pofition of the principal caufe ,• to the removal of all Second Agents and 
 means > It is moft true , that all Grace is from God^ but it is moltfalfe , that God 
 hath not given man a will to receive it freely. This is plain boyes play , to jump over 
 the backs of all Second caufes. As all Grace is from God , fo the eledive power to 
 aflent to the Motions of Grace is from God Likewife. To (hew him the weak- 
 nefs ofhisconfequence, he argueth thus , All Light is from the Sun, therefure , 
 though a. man may fee if he will open his eyes , yet to open his eyes is the work of 
 God , and not eligible by man. 
 
 It is ufual in Scripture , to call an habitual finner a dead man , but it is a Weak How Sioners 
 Argument which is drawn from a Metaphor , beyond the fcopeof hirnthat ufeth it ; ^^1^^^°^^ 
 and if it be infifted upon too much , involves men in palpable contradidtions , as ^ 
 not to Ikp afide from the fame metaphor , "This thy Brother ppos dead , and is alive a- . , ^ 
 gain, and was loji and U found. If he was but Loft, then he was not abfblutely " ' 
 dead : If he was abfolutely dead, then he was more than Loft, So in another place, ^pf>,^ 14 
 Jwak^ thou that fleepeji , and arife from the dead. To fleep and to be dead are incon- 
 fiftcnt : but fleep is an Image of death. So is idlenefs. Hie fitut efi vaccia^ Here 
 lyeth Vaccia , was written upon an idlepcrlbns door. So isold Age , He confidered Ram,^ig 
 not his own body now dead , nor the deadnefs of Sarahs Womb. So is habitual fin , And Efh. 5 14 
 you hath he quickened , Who were dead in trefiafies andfms. In fum, wherefoever there 
 is no appearance of Life (as in the trees in Winter) there is an Image of death. 
 
 To Leave Metaphors this death in fin is not a natural , but a fpiritual death , 
 and therefore no utter extinction of the natural powers and faculties of a man. Such 
 are the underftanding and the Will , which though they were much weakened by 
 the k\\ oi' Adam , yet they were not, they are not utterly extind, either by ori- 
 ginal oradtual fin, but being excited , and as it were, enlivened by preventing grace 
 they may and do become fubfervient to grace •, the underftanding being illuminated 
 by thofe raies of Heavenly Light, and the will enabled to conlent as freely to the 
 motions of Grace , in fupernatural acts , as it did formerly to .the dictates of reafon 
 n natural and civil acts. So every way T. H. is gone. Firft the will is able and free 
 'without preventing grace , to determin it felf in natural and Civil acts , Which is 
 .enough to prove my intention , againft the univcrfal necellity of all events.Secondly 
 jthe Will being excited and aiiifted by grace , hath power to put in practice its natu- 
 Iral freedom in fupernatural acts : astoconfent to the motions of Grace and to reject 
 !the fuggeftions of theflefti and the Devil, without any Phyfical determination of it 
 ifelf without it felf. Even as the dead body of Abraham , and the dead Womb of 
 'Sarah , being , as it were , new quickened by God , did truly beget Ifaac-, fo even 
 in the act of Converfion it felf, the Will is free from Phyfical determination. 
 
 That Phyfical determination of all caufes and events whatfoever to one, by an out- . 
 ward flux of natural caufes, which T. H. maintains, doth as much ne- fVerto wUr 
 cellitate aU the actions of free Agents as their Wills , or more i becaufe volition is than to do 
 an inward immediate act of the vvill, but all other acts of free Agents are external 
 and mediate acts of the Will , over which the will hath not fo abfolute a dominion 
 as over the volition : whence it followeth irrefragably , that if there be no freedom, 
 to will , much Lefs istliere a freedom to do. He faith a man may Live holily if be ^-, 
 
 S f f f tPiV
 
 744 
 
 Cafiigations of T Q M E 1 1 1. 
 
 bnt io wilt if the work^ofGod, and not eligible by man. Can a man then Live 
 rjj] witliout the Grace of God> Or is not an Holy Life the work of God as much 
 as a Sanctified will. If he cannot (hew this , Let him never mention this vain di- 
 ftin(ftion any more , of freedom to do , wkhont freedom to mil. May not a man be 
 fobold to put himhim(elf in mind of that Jargon, which he ob)cdcd to the School- 
 men unlels perhaps he thinks nonfenfc is more intelligible in Englijh than in Latin. 
 Hitherto I have traced 7. H. his llcps , though he be wandred quite out of the 
 Lills or rather, in plain terms, fled away from his caufe, to take fanftuary un- 
 der the Sacred name of Gods Grace , Which will afford no (heltcr for his errour. 
 Our queftion was not about the concurrence of Grace and free-will in the converlion 
 of a finner , but meerly about the Liberty or necellity of all natural and civil events : 
 when he hath acquitted himfelf Like a man in the former caufc, then he is free to 
 undertake the Second. 
 
 The next colk(ftion is of fuch places of Scripture as fay there is eledion, of whicli 
 "f ^ ''*^°do con 2'. H. is pleafed to affirm , ihzi they ma)ii equally jar him and me. I do not blame 
 fi)Khimunan- him if hedefire that all places which maintain eledion, and that all natural and civil 
 fwerably events,{hould quite be fequeftred from this controverlie.For it is not pollible to recon- 
 
 cile fhefe places with fatal necefllty. All choife or eleftion is of more than one, 
 but there can be no chcife of more than one , where there is an cxtrinfecal determi- 
 nation of all particular events with all their circumftances , inevitably , irrefinibly 
 to one, by a flux of natural caufes. So they Leave no manner of Eledlion at all, no 
 more freedom tochoofe a mans aftions, than to choofe liis will, But all thefe pla- 
 ces , and many more, prove exprelly , that a roan is free, not only to adt if he 
 will , but to will. The reafon is evident , becaufc to choofe is to will , the proper 
 elicite , immediate a(ft of the will , and to chofe one thing before another , is no- 
 thing elfe , but to will one thing before another. But all thefe places , and many 
 more , prove cxprefly , that a man isfree , not onely to do if he will, but to will .*, 
 The reafon is evident , becaufe to choofe is to will , the proper, elicite, immediate 
 aft of the will , and tochoofe one thing before another, is nothing elfe, but to wiH 
 one thing before another. But all thefe fay , that a m.an is free to choofe , that is to 
 will one thing before another, Choofe L//f,faith one place,c/;ofl/? vphom ye vpiH ferve, Ci\i\\\ 
 Defence, No, a fccond place : cfcoo/eoOT o/«fcrff , faith a third places and fo of the reft. But I 
 ^ T 9 have prcfled thefe places formerly , and fiiall do farther , if there be occafion. 
 
 His third fort of Texts , are tho(e which ftem to make for meagainft him. But 
 
 I am at age to choofe and urge mine own argumentcs for rriy felf , and cannot want 
 
 weapons in this caufe. Therefore he may forbear fuch a thanklefs Office. He telleth 
 
 .jfj us of a great apparent contradiUion , between the firft fort of Texts , and the Laft i 
 
 wornHeththe hut being both Scripture they may and muji be reconciled. This is firft to wound the 
 
 Scriprur^ "."f' credit of the Scriptures, and then to give them a plaifler. The fuppofed contradi- 
 
 ther e'veth it jj^jon is in his own fanfie. Let him take them according to the Analogy of Faith , 
 
 a plaifter, in that fenfe wherein the Church hath ever taken them , and there is no (hew of 
 
 contradiftion. 7he Scriptures confijis not i» the Words , hut in the fenfe , not in the 
 
 out fide hut in the marrow. 
 
 He demands , Whether the felling of Jofeph did follctv JnfaUibly and inevitably upon 
 
 Gods pre the permijjion of God ? I anfwer , if weconfider Gods permillion alone, neither in- 
 
 fciencedoth evitably nor infallibly : If weconfider his permiflion joyntly with his prcfcicnce, 
 
 net necefsitate ^j^^^ Infallibly , but not inevitably. Foreknowledge doth no more necelli- 
 
 tate events to cometo pafs, than after-knowledge.Gods prefcience did no more make 
 
 Judof his reafon inevitable to him , than my remembrance now of what was done 
 
 yeftcrday , did make it inevitable then to him that 3idit. 
 
 V IS Infal H^ urgeth farther , So the prefcience of Cod might have been frustrated by the Liber' 
 
 ible» ' iy of human rviV. I anfwer nothing left. The natures and effences of all things 
 
 come to pafs, becaufe they were foreknown by God, whofe knowledge was the 
 
 diredive caufe of them. But the Acts and operations of free Agents are therefore 
 
 foreknown , becaufe they will come to pafs. If any thing fhould come to pafs o- 
 
 therwife, God had foreknown from Eternity , that it fhould have come to pafs o- 
 
 therwife , becaufe his infinite underllanding doth encompafsall times and all events 
 
 in the inflant of Eternity. And confequently he beholds all things part , prefent . 
 
 and
 
 Discourse II. Mr. Hoh:,'f Animadverftons. -,.- 
 
 and to come , as prefcnt. And therefore , Leaving thofe forms of Speech , which 
 are accommodated to us and our capacities, Tofpeak properly there is neither fore- 
 knowledge nor afterknowledgc in God, who neither knows one thing after another 
 nor one thing by dcdudtion from another. 
 
 He asks , JVbethtr the treachery and fratricide of Joftphs Brethren pare r.o fin ? I 
 anfwer , yesi and therefore it was not from God pofitively , but permillivcly, and 
 difpofitively > 1e thought evil againfl me , but God meant it itntJ good , to fave much 
 people alive. But ( he urgeth ) JufepbCM, Be not grieved, nor angry veith your felver Gen,%o 10 
 that ye fold me hither : Ought not a man to be grieved and angry with himfelf for finning? 
 Yes , but p-nitcnt tinners fuch as Jofephs brethren were , have great caufe of joy 
 and comfort , wlien they underltand that God hath difpofcd their iin to his Glory , 
 their own good , and the benefit of others. 
 
 He demands farther , Voth God barely permit corporal motions, and neither veil! them , 
 nor >iill them ? Or hon> is God the caufe of the motion, and the caufe of the Larv , yet not 
 of the irregularity .<* It were a much readier way to tell us at once diredtly , That ei- 
 ther there is no tin in the World , or that God is the Author of Sin , than to be 
 continually beating the bufh after this manner. But I anfwer, All corporal motion 
 in general , is from God , not onely permilhvely , but alfo caufall i that is, by a 
 general influence , but not by a fpecial influence.The fpecifical determination of this 
 good general power to evil , is from the free Agent, who thereby doth become the 
 cau(e of the irregularity. There is no contrariety between motion in general , and 
 the Law , but between the adlual and determinate abufe of this good Locomitive 
 power, and the Law. 
 
 He demands , Whether the nece^ty of hardnefl of heart he not as eafily derived from 
 Gods permijfion , that is from his tvithholding his grace , as from bit pofuive decree ? Hardnefs of ^ 
 This queftion is propofed in a confufed blundering manner , without decliring di- ved from Gods 
 ftindtly , what grace he meaneth. 1 anfwer two ways. Firft , We are to diltin- permifficn 
 guifh between a neceiiity of confequence , or an infallibility, and a neceffity of 
 confequent or a caufal neccflity : Suppofing , but not granting , that hardnefs of 
 heart is as infallibly derived from the one, as from the other , yet not Co caufally, 
 nor fo culpably in refpedt of God , who is not obliged in jullice to give his free 
 Grace to his creature : but he is obliged by the rule of hij own juftice , not to de- 
 termin his own creature to evil , and then punilh him for the fame evil. 
 
 Secondly I anfwer , that even this fuppofed neceffity of infallibility can no way 
 be imputed to God , who never forfakes his creature by withholding his grace from 
 him , until his creature have firlt forfaken him ; who never forfakes his creatnre Co 
 far , but that he may by Prayers , and ufing good indeavours , obtain the aid of 
 Gods grace , either to prevent or remove hardnefs of heart. When God created 
 man , he made him in fuch a condition, that he did not need fpecial exciting grace 
 to the determination of his will to fupernatural good. And to all that arc within the 
 pale of his Church he gives fufficient grace to prevent hardnefs of heart , if they 
 will. If man have Loll his primogenious power , if he will not make ufe of thofe 
 fupplies of grace which Gods mercy doth afford him, that is his own fault. But 
 flil here is no Phyfical'determination to evil, here is no antecedent extrinfecal de- 
 termination of any man to hardnefs ofheart, here is nothing but that which doth 
 confift with true Liberty. 
 
 Laftly he faith , fFentaksGod onely to permit evil , and to n>ill good a&ions condition- 
 
 ally and confequenth , // man tvil] them. So vee afcribe notinnp at all to Cod, in the can- „ ° ? ? ,'," 
 .-^ -■''„.-''■', ,1 _, 111 ^^1- 1 1 r r good and OtI 
 
 fation of any action , good or bad. He errcth throughout, God is the total caule ot aaicns 
 
 all natures and all effences. In evil adlions God is caufe of the power to adl , of 
 the order in afting , of the occafion , and of the difpolition thereof to good. In 
 good aftions freely done , he is the author and original of Liberty, he enableth by 
 general influence, he concurreth by fpecial affiflance and co-operation to the perfor- 
 mance of them , and he difpofeth of them to good. He doth not will that 
 meerly upon condition which himfelf hath prefcribcd , nor confcquently which he 
 him(e!f hath antecedently ordained and inftituted. 
 
 Now having cleared all his exceptions ■> it remaineth next to cxamin , how he 
 reconcileth the rirft and the third fort of Texts. The rviU of Cod ( faith he ) fome- 
 
 S f f f 2 times
 
 ~^76 ~ " Cafiigatioaf of T O M E 1 1 1» 
 
 • times foHifeib the If'ord cj Gcd , or the commandmms of Cod , that U hU revealed wiH, 
 
 or the fmis or fgni^cations of his rviV. Sometimes itfgtiifieth an internal aS of God , 
 that is, his Counfeland decree. By his revealed Trill Grdwould have all men to befaved, 
 but by lis internal trill , he would not. By his revealed wtV he would have gathered Je- 
 rufalem , not by his intvard rviV. So rvhen God faith y [_ffhat could I have done more to 
 my vineyard ? ] ihat vi to be underwood outtvardly , /« refftd of hit revealed mil. iVhat 
 direHions , what laws , what ihreatnings , could have been ufed more ? And when he 
 faith , {_ It came not into my minde , '] the fenfe U , to command it. This I take to be 
 the fcope and furr.me of what he faith. Thus far he is right, that he diftinguifli- 
 eth between the lignifying will of God, and his good pleafure , for which he is 
 beholding to the Schooles : And that he makes the revealed will of God, to be 
 the rule of all our adions i And that many things happen againft the revealed will 
 of God, but nothing againft his good pleafure. But herein he erreth groffely ,that 
 Gofis revealed he maketh the revealed will of God, and his internal will, to be contrary one to ano- 
 will md hi» fc- (her i as if God did fay one thing and mean another, or command one thing 
 cret, not con: ^^j^ necelfitate men to do another , which is the grofleft diflimulatlon in the World., 
 
 Odi illor, feu clauftra erebi , quicunq; loquuntur 
 Ore aJiudy tacitoqt aliud fub feBore condunt. 
 
 He faith , It 'n not Chri\\an to think^^ if God hadafurpofe to five all men, that any 
 could be damned, becaufe it were afigne of want of power to effeB what he would. It is 
 true, if God had an abfolute purpofe to workeall mens falvation irrefiftibly ,a- 
 gainft their wills, or without thcmfelvcs. But God hath no fuch abfolute will to 
 lave all men. He loves his creatures well, but his own juftice better : And he that 
 made men without themfelves, will not fave them without thcmfelves. He co-ope- 
 rates with all his creatures, according to their diftindl ^natures , which he hath given 
 them i with neceffary Agents ncceffarily, with free Agents freely. God hath given 
 men liberty to aflent to laving truth , They abufe it. He hath propofed a conditi- 
 on under which they may bcfavcd, They reject it. So he Willeth their falvati- 
 on by an antecedent will, and their damnation by aconfequcnt will : which two 
 wills in God, or within the divine Effeticc, are noway diftindli for they are the fame 
 with the Divine effence. But they are diftinguiflied onely in order to the things willed 
 of God. Neither is there the Icaft contradidion between them ; The one fliews us 
 what would have us to do, The other is, what God himfelf will do. The one Looks 
 upon man as he was created by God, or as he [hould have been or might have been 
 without his own fault i The other Looks upon man as he is with all circumflances. 
 The one regards onely the order of the caufes, and means defigncd by God for our 
 falvation i The other regards alfo the application or mifapplication of thefe means 
 by our fclves. 
 
 In anfwering to theft wotds , Say not thou it U through the Lord J falh way , . 
 
 Say not thou he hath caufed me to err. He diftinguiflieth between fay not, and thin\ 
 
 «ot •, as if it were unlawful! to fay fo, but not unlawfull to think fo. Curfe not the 
 
 King ( faith Solomon ) no not in thy thought , much lefs thy God. Thought is free 
 
 . from man , but not from God. It it not honottrable ( faith he ) to fay fo ■-, No more is 
 
 Ifunife?fr' it to thinke fo- 
 
 nectfTiry tak- h U not lawfnll ( faith he ) to fay that any aaion can be done , which God hath fur- 
 
 eth away all pof(d fliallnot be done ■■, that is, in his Language, which (hall rot adually come to paFe 
 
 "if. '^^ ''°'"^ '" *^"^ time. Our Saviour was of another mind i thinhsft thou that J cannot now pray to 
 
 my father , and he fhall pre fently give me more than twelve Legions of Angels ? He knew 
 
 fome things can be done, which never will he done. 
 
 Next he proceedeth to touch thofe inconveniencies , which flow from the opinion 
 of univerfal neceflity, but very gently and fparingly. Arts , and armes , and hookj 
 and corfultaiions , and medicines , &c. are not fuperfluous , though all events be necef- 
 fary ^btcauje the means are equally necejfitated with the event. Suppofe it were fo, 
 fo much the worfe. This mult needs utterly deftroy all care and folicitnde of free 
 Agent?. He is a mad man that will vex and trouble himfelf, and fake care , and 
 ctniult, about things that are either abfolutely neceflary, or abfolutely impollible; 
 as about the riling oT the Sun, or about the drawing of the fea with a fieve. Yet 
 
 fuch
 
 Discourse 1 1. Mr. HobsV Animadverfions. -ja-j 
 
 fuch are all events , and all the means to eifedthem in his opinion, eitherTs ab- ' 
 
 foluteiy neceiraryas the riling of the Sun, or as abfolutely impolL'bleas the drainine 
 of the Ocean with a tkve. What need hetake care for a Medicine, or a Phyfitian, who 
 knows that if he mult recover , and if a Medicine or aPhylitian be a neceffary means 
 for his recouery , the caufes will Intallibly provide him one , and it may be abetter 
 Medicine , or a better Phylitian , than he fliould have ufed > If aman may recover or 
 not recovery both means, and care to ufe means, do well i but if a man muft re- 
 cover, or not recover •, that is, if the end and the means be both predetermined 
 the means may be neceffary , but all care and folicitude is altogether vain and fu- 
 perfluous. 
 
 But he f clleth the Reader, that this abfurdity followeth as much from my opinion "^^^ '^'^'^^'^ 
 as from his. For as I hditve that xvhat is , is , and what hath been, hath been ■■, So P^^" ^^ "?','/ 
 I hold this for a certain truth , that rvhatjhall he , Jhall be. And therefore the Argument c^'*''°°^ "' 
 holds asjirongly againfi me , as againji him •, If I JhaJ! recover, I need not this unfavoury 
 foiionAf I (hall not recover,it Trill do me no good.ln all my Lifel never heard of a weaker 
 or fillier Sophifm , urged in carne(i,by a rational man.That which is , is neceffary to 
 be , upon fuppofition that it is , That which hath been , is neceffary to have been 
 upon fuppofition that it hath been i fo that which fliall be, (hall beneceffarily, that 
 is , Infallibly upon fuppofition that it (hall be. And the event cannot be fuppofed , 
 except it be fuppofed that the free Agent fhall determin it felf in fuch manner , and 
 except all neceffary means be Likewile fuppofed. Such a neceflity upon fuppofition 
 is very confiftent with true Liberty , but T. H. his neceflity is of another nature , an 
 antecedent extrinfecal neceflitation and determination to one , which is altoge'ther 
 inconfiltent with eledion , and true Liberty. According to my opinion we fay 
 that which may be , may be j but that which may be , may not be. According to 
 his opinion we fay, That which muft be , muft be > but that which muft be , can- 
 not be otherwife. According to my opinion , I am free either to walk abroad , or 
 to ftay within doors : whetherfoever I do, this is true , that which (hall be , (hall be 
 But if I walk abroad , C as I may do ) then my ftay within doors .fliall' not be. 
 And on the other fide , If I ftay within doors , (as I may do Likcwlfe,) then my 
 walking abroad fliall not be. The event hath yet no determinate certainty in the 
 caufes , for they are not yet determined. The Agent may determin it felf otiier- 
 ■wife , the event may come otherwife to pafs , even until the Laft moment before 
 the produ(Sion. And when the event is actually produced , and is without its cau- 
 fes , it hath a determinate certainty , not antecedent , not from extrinfecal deter- 
 mination , not abfolute ■■, but meerly hypothetical or upon fuppofition-, the not di- 
 ftinguiftiing aright of which two different kinds of neceffity, makes the Reader and 
 us all this trouble. Nj-rb, 14 
 
 It follows. Laws arenotfuperfluouf, hecaufe by the punijhment of one , or a fere un. 
 jujimen, they are the caufe of ju(iice in a great many. This anfwer hath been taken 
 away already , and fliall be farther refelled, if it be farther preffed. But he vvillingly 
 declineth the main fcope of my argument , which reflected more upon the unju- 
 ftice , than upon the fuperfluity of human Laws , if his opinion were true. Thofe 
 Laws areunjuft,whichpuniftimenfornot doing that, was which antecedently impof- 
 fible for them to do, and for doing that which was impoflible for them to leave un- 
 done. But upon fuppofition of T. H. his opinion, of the abfolute neceflity of all 
 events , all humane Laws do punifli men for not doing that which was antece- 
 dently impoflible for them to do , and for doing that which was antecedently 
 impoifible for them to leave undone. Here we have confitentem ream., our adver- 
 faries confeflion within a very few Lines. I* is true that feeing the name ofpumjhment * h Hi' con 
 hath relation to the name of crime , there can be no punijhment but for crimes that might fcfllon ih»r°no 
 have been left undone. This is the firft ingenious confeflion we have had from T. H. m^" " '"'"V 
 I hope we fliall have more : From whence it followeth , Firft, that there neither is P"n''')i^'^ ^ but 
 nor can be any crime deferving punifliment in the World , that is to fay , no fuch h'/m^ght'^l'afe 
 criminal thing as fin i for nothing by his Dodlrine was ever done , that could havf niunnfd. 
 been Left undone. Secondly , it followeth hence, thatno punifliment is juft, bs- 
 caufe nothing can be Left undone that is done. And that all men arc innocent, and 
 there is no fuoli thing as a delinquent in the World. How faith he then, that the 
 
 Laws
 
 TOME ill. 
 
 "Laws arc the caufe oi" Jaltice in many , by puniHung one or a tew unjull men? Upon 
 his principles the Laws and Judges themfelves are unjufl to punifli any men. If 
 this be not a contradiftion , I have Loft my aim. 
 
 Andifpuniflimentsare not juft , then neither are rewards juft. Thus by his 
 Dodrine we have Loft the two great Pillars or prefervatives of all well ordered So- 
 cieties as Lvc«re«^ called them, the two hinges whereupon the Commonwealth is 
 turned' nrvjtrd ind funipment. Yet St. Peter doth teach u?, Th:it Kings andCo- 
 , , vernours are Cent from God ^ for thepmijhment of evil doers , and for the p-aife of them 
 1 ytitf !• H , , ,/ 
 
 that do well. r i 
 
 The Laft Inconvenience which he mentions , ( of thofe that were urged by me ) 
 is this. Godinjuftice cannot puniih a mafl with eternal torments for doing that 
 which never was in his power to Leave undone. To which admitting ( as you 
 have heard j that there can be no punifhment but for crimes that might have been 
 No proper pu Left undone , he gives two anfwers : The firft is this, Ltjiead af ptnijhment if he 
 nidimcn but hadfaid fffiiUton , may not J fay that God may affiU , and not for fin f Doth k not affiiS 
 for fin ffjgj'g creatures, that cannot fin ? And fame times thofe^ that can fin , yet not for fin; as Job 
 
 and the blind man in the Gofpel ? This is ftill worfe and worfe. He told us even 
 now, that nothing which is difhonourable ought to be attributed to God; And 
 can there be any thing in the World more difl^onourable than to fay , That God 
 doth torment poor innocent creatures in Hell fire, without any faultof theirs, with- 
 out any relation to fin , meerly to (hew his Dominion over them > The Scripture 
 LAm.i. 39« teacheth us clear otherwife , Thzi a man complains for the ptnijhment of hU fins. Sin 
 and punifhment are knit together with adamantine bonds. He phrafes it for the ma- 
 nifejiation of his potper. If it were true , it were the greateft tnanifeftation of 
 cruelty and tyranny that is imaginable. 
 
 I confefs , that chaftifements inflided after the fin is forgiven , are not properly 
 pnnilhments, becaufe they proceeed apatre caftigante , nonajudice vindicante , from 
 a Father correcting, not from a judge revenging. Yet even thefe chaftifements are 
 grounded upon fin : "Ihe Lord hath put arvay thy fin , thoufljalt not dye : hoivbeit, he- 
 iV 14?' * C'i»!e by this deed thou haft given great occafion to the enemies of the Lord to blafpheme, the 
 child that is born unto thee ^Jhallfurely die. But what place have fuch chaftifements 
 as Davids were in Hell ? is any man bettered by his fuffering there ^ What place 
 have probations and trials of mens graces ( fuch as Jobs were ) in Hell , where 
 there are no graces to be tryed. Jobs trial , Davids chaftifements , and the poor 
 mans blindnefs; were the greateft bleflings that ever befel them i For their light af- 
 2. ' ' \'^7' jiiiJiQ^j ffljlf-lj fperebut for amoment ^ didrvor]\outHntothtmafar more eixcellent and 
 eternal weight of Glory. But the pains of Hell are heavy , and endlcfs, and work 
 out nothing but torment. In a word , thefe afflidions wc now treat of are down- 
 right puniftimcnts : So the Holy Ghoft ftilcs them , everlafiing punifhment : he doth 
 not affi& the Children of men witingly , except it be for iln : Fools are nffliHed becaufe of 
 their tranfgrejjion. The afflidtions ( as he calleth them) of thofe creatures that can- 
 not fin , that is ,' brute beafts , are altogetherof another nature. They were crea- 
 ted for the ufe of man , they were given for the fuftenance of men : every moving 
 thing that liveth Jhall be meat for you , even as the green herb , have I given you aV things. 
 But the tormenting even of the brute creatures needlefly for the pleafing of our fen- 
 fual appetites , or the fatisfadlion of our humor , is not onely unchriftian but un- 
 _ . .^ human : A righteous man regardeth the Life of hit beajl^ hut the tender mercies of the rvick^ 
 
 ed are cruel. God hath made two Covenants with man , none with the beafts. 
 
 why God did He faith , It is no more cruelty to affiCi a man with endkfi torment for fin, than with- 
 
 notmake man out fin , when he might without trouble have k^pt him fi-om finning. Is it not great pit- 
 
 imppcccable, ^^ ^ ^j^^^ ^^ j^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ q^j Almighties Conncil , when he ordered the World > 
 
 that he might have advifed him to have made man impeccable , which he might 
 
 have done without any trouble , or that otherwife his fall, and confequently bis 
 
 punifhment , might be juftly imputed to God himfelf. It was well enaded in the 
 
 Laws of the twelve tables, Ad divos adeunto cafie, pietatem adhibento, qui fecus faxit 
 
 Deus ipfe vindex erit : our addreffes to God ought to be pure and devout, they 
 
 JuJe $ 6 who do otherwife , will find God himfelf the revenger. Doth T. H. believe 
 
 St. Jude, ThatGo^ hath reftrvedthe Angels^ that h^pt not their firll rjiate , in ever 
 
 14- 
 
 Mdt.ii' 
 
 46, 
 
 Job- 37, 23, 
 Urn 3 ,j. 
 
 IT*/ 107 17
 
 DrscoURSE II. againjiMr. HoWs Ammad'vofiofH. 
 
 everbjimg hhainet , under dark>tejs, unto the judgment of the great day7~G^r7o^ 
 
 by his abfolute power have kept them in their firll eltare, yet he would 
 nor. By his.abfolute power, he can do all things which do not implie imperfe 
 d-ion or contradiftion : but by his ordinate power he cannot change his decrees" 
 nor alter what he hath ordained. Ads of grace may be free, but punifhments muft 
 be always ju!l. That King who doth not pardon a wilful Traitor , is not equally 
 guilty ot murther , with him that hangs up an innocent Subjed. Then to anfwer 
 fully to his queftion , Why God fuffered man to fin , having power to withhold 
 him ? To prefcrve that order and courfe which he had eftablinicd in the World 
 and to draw a greater good out of evil, for the farther roanifeftation of his own 
 glory. Firft the manifellation of his power, as St. //«/?w faith , He that created all 
 things very good,and did forekiioTV that evil tPould arifefrom Gond^kitetv lik^ervife that it ap- 
 pertainedrather to his mo\\ Almighty goodnefs^todrarv good outnfevil^ than not to fufer 
 evil. Secondly the raanifeftation of his providence , in fuffering man whom he 
 hadindowed with the freedom of Will and power, fufficient to refiii and over- 
 come Satan , either to conquer or yield at his own ehoifc. Thirdly, the manifeftati- 
 on of his Juftice and mercy , by punifhing fome out of the corrupted mafs iuft- 
 ly , and faving others out of his meer mercy. If T. H. thinks vainly that the on- 
 ly manifeftation of Gods power , Is a fufficient ground for the punifli'ment of man 
 in Hell fire , without their own faults or crimes , how much better may good 
 Chriltians conclude , that the greater manifeftation of Gods power, and providence 
 and juftice , and mercy , is a fufficient ground for the punifhment of men with the 
 Like torments , for their own crimes! 
 
 His Second anfwer is fet down by way of interrogation , mat infallible evidence ^^^' *5. 4» 
 hath the Btjhop , that a man (hall he eternally in torments , and never dye ? Even the au- '^^ 
 thority of our Saviour and the Holy Scriptures, which call it an everlaiVinaTl'^ ^a ^^ 
 fire, an eternal Life , ape that is not quenched^ everlajling punifhment , everlajiina ' ^' 
 
 chains , the worm that never dyeth , and the fire that goeth not out , Co ye curfed into e 
 verlajiingfire , prepared for the Vevil and his Angels. The Biftiop hath the teftimony Punifliments 
 of the Athanafian Creed, that they who have done good , fliall go into Life Ever- '^''^^ '^^'"""^ 
 lafting , and they that have done evil , into everlafting fire. He hath the teftlmo- "* "'"*' 
 ny of the univerfal Church of all Ages , except a few Origenifts. If T, H have no 
 more than his own fingle private authority to oppofe againft all thefe, he isa bold 
 man. They who quelUon everlafting torments , Will not ftick to q'ueftion ever- 
 lafting Life. To his demand , about the fecond death, I anfwer , this is the fecond 
 death , if he could fee Wood for Trees. 
 
 In the next place , heurgethhow that inconveniences follow from our opinion. Gi^sprefd- 
 Firft, That mans Liberty to will quite tah^s away the prefcienee af God i for if man encs provcth 
 have it in his power to will or not to will, it cannot be certainly foreknown what he «,///'"*^"'''''"y' 
 TpiV. The Second , that Gods prefcienee doth takg away Liberty , by making all events °°' ^^'^^^^^^' 
 neceffary from eternity , for it is impo^ble that thatjhould not come to pafl; or come to pafi 
 otherwife than it was foreknown , which Godforeh^oweth (hall come to pafs i And if it 
 he impoffible that itjhouldnot come to pafi , then it is neceffary that itjhmld come to pa(I. 
 This is toofevere, firft, to make us take prefcienee quite away , and yet with the 
 fame breath, to argue againft us from prefcienee. But for once, I will give him 
 a clear folution to both his pretended demonftrations , and let him fee that there is 
 no neceifity , that men mail: either turn blocks without Liberty , or facrilegious to 
 rob God of his prefcienee. But I give it him upon a condition , that hereafter be- 
 fore he take away either prefcienee or Liberty, he will firft take away this anfvver 
 and not repeat us the fame thing over and over again , to no purpofe. 
 
 To the firft inconvenience I anfwer , that a thing may be faid to be foreknown 
 two wayes i either as it is in Its caufes, before it be produced, and fo ^onfefs 
 that if the free Agent have it in his power , to Will or not to Will, there is no de- 
 terminate truth of future contingents, that is, in their caufes, and confequently 
 no prefcienee or foreknowledge in that refpeft v or elfe a thing may be faid to be 
 foreknown , as it is or fliall be in it felf , in the nature of things, after it is produ- 
 ced. And thus every particular event , that fhall be until the end of the World is 
 foreknown , or , to fpeak more properly, is known to God from all Eternity. For 
 
 m
 
 _Cafltgatons_of_ TOME III , 
 
 — ■ "CaA^ knowledge there is neither before nor after , paft nor to come. Thofe 
 
 " 'thines uhich are pait or to co.ne to us , are always prefent to God , vvhofe inHnite 
 nderftandinR ( That is himfelf ; doth encompafs all times and events m one inftant 
 nf Eternity and fo doth prevent or anticipate all differences of time. Time is 
 the mcafurc of all our ads , but Gods Knowledge , being infinite , is not mea- 
 furcd but by eternity , fo that which is a prefcience , or a before hand knowledge ( as 
 he callcth it) to us, is a prefent intuition with God. And therefore as my pre- 
 fent beholding of a man calling himfelf down headlong from fome precipice, whilft 
 he is in the aft of calling himfeif down, is not the caufe of his precipitation, nor 
 doth any way ncceflitate him to precipitate himielf, yet upon fuppofition , that I 
 do fee him precipitate himfelf, it is neceflarily , that is infallibly true, that he doth 
 precipitate himfelf, but not neceflarily true , by any antecedent and extrinfecal de- 
 termination of him to do that adt , nor fo neceflarily true as to exclude his freedom 
 or Liberty in the ad. Even fo Gods knowledge of future contingents , being a 
 prefent intuition or beholding of them, by reafon of his infinite intelled, doth not 
 at all determin free Agents , nor, necellitate contingent events , butonely infers an 
 infallibility , that is , as we ufe to call it , an hypothetical neceffity , or a necellity 
 upon fuppofition , which doth confift with true Liberty. 
 
 Much of this is confcfled by Mr. Hc^x himfelf. That theforekitotfJedge ofGodJhould 
 be the caufe of any thhtg ^ cannot be truly faid , feeing foreknovokdge is k»on>ledge , and 
 kiwrcledge dependah on the exilience of things kfotvn , and not they on it. 
 
 1 defire to know whether God do his own works , ad extra , as the creation and 
 deftrudion of the World freely or necefl"arily ? as, whether he was neceliitated to 
 create the Word precifely a fuch at time, in Tach a manner? Certainly God fore- 
 . knoweth his own works, as much as he foreknoweth the determinate ads of free 
 . Agents. Yet his foreknowledge of his own works , tj^ fx/ra , doth not neceflitate 
 himfelf. If he fay that God himfelf determineth his own ads, ad extra, fo 1 fay 
 doth the free agent alfo , with this difference , that God is infinite and indepen- 
 dent upon any other, but the free agent is finite and dependent upon God, both 
 for his being , and for his ading. Then if Gods freedom in his own works , ad ex- 
 tra, doth not take away his prefcience, neither doth the Liberty of Free Agents 
 take it away. 
 
 To hisSecond inconvenience,That it is impoffible that that which isforek^ovrn by God 
 (hauld not come topafi, or come to paji othertvije than it ix/orf^owM,Ianfwer,that Gods fore- 
 knowledge is not fuch an ad asT. H. imagineth, that is an ad that is expired , or 
 an ad that is done and paft i but it is always in doing, an eternal ad, a pre- 
 fent ad, a prefent intuition, and confequentiy , doth no more make the Agent un- 
 free , or the contrary event impolhble , until it be adualiy produced , than my 
 knowing that fuch a man ftabbed himfelf upon fuch a day, made it then unpoflible 
 for him to have forborn ftabbing of himfelf, or my feeing a man eat in prefent, 
 made it unpollible for him before he did eat , to have forborn eating. God is the 
 total caufe of all natures and eflTences , but he is not the total caufe of all thisir ads 
 and operations. Neither did he create his creatures to be idle, but that they fliould 
 each of them exercife fuch ads , as are agreeable to their refpedive natures > necef- 
 fary Agents, neceflary ads , free agents, free ads. And until the free Agent have 
 determined it felf , that is, until the Laft moment before produdion , the contra- 
 ry Ad is not made unpollible , and then only upon fuppofition. He that precipita- 
 ted himfelf, until the very moment that he did precipitate himftlf, might have 
 withheld himfelf. And if he had withheld himfelf , then I had not feen him preci- 
 pitate himfelf, but withhold himfelf. 
 
 His frequent invedivesagainft unfignificant words are but like the complaints of 
 that o\A Beldam Barpaji in Seneca, who flill cried out agaiiift thedarknefsof the 
 room , Thd dcfired to be brought to another Chamber , little believing that her 
 own blindnefs was the true caufe of it. What Suartz faith, as I know neither what 
 nor where, fo neither doth it concern either me or the caufe. 
 
 His Laftaflault againlt Liberty in his fountains of Arguments is this , Certainly to 
 rcillis impnfible without thinking on what a man willeth : but it is in no mans ekdion 
 what hefhall at any named time hereafter think^cn. A man might well conjedure by 
 
 this
 
 DscouRSE. II. Mr. HobsV Animad'verfions. y^i 
 
 this very reafon that his fountain was very near drying up. Thjs Argument is Le- 
 vied rather againll the memory , or agaiiilt the underftanding, than againll the 
 will , and may ferve as well againll freedom to do , as againit freedom to will , 
 which is contrary to his principles. It is as impollible to do without thinking on 
 what a man doth , as it is to will without thinking on what he willcth , but it is 
 no mans Elcdion what he fhall at any named time hereafter think on : Therefore 
 a man is not freeto choofe what he will do. I know not what this word [_to 
 tbinkj] ligniries with him , but I know what other Authors make it to fignhe ■■, ta 
 fife reajon , to underjiand , to k^ow , and they dehne a thought to be the underjianding 
 adujlly imployed , or bufied about fome objeS, Hath not he fpun us a fairthred/Hc 
 undertaketh to (hew a defedinthe will,andhe alledgethadcfedin the underltanding. 
 Is a man therefore not free to go to his dinner , becaufe perhaps he thinks not on 
 it jurt at dinner time ? Let the free Agent be free to will or nill,and to choofe which 
 part he will, without necellitation or determination to one, when he doth thmk 
 on it , and we fliall not want true Liberty. 
 
 It was no pallion but a fad truth, To call the opinion of fatal deftiny blafphemouf . r 
 which makcth God to be diredlly the author of fin, which is a degree worfe than "'^J'^^'^J' 
 Atheifm i and dejperate , which taketh away all care and folicitude, and thrults men '*'*'/^''"^'''^' 
 headlong without fear or Wit , upon rocks and precipicies , and defiruUive , which T p '^,1^'"* 
 turneth all government divine and human off from their hinges ; the pradical con- *'^ t j % 
 fequences whereof do utterly ruinall focieties. Neither am I guilty ( that I know ^ .f, "■' 
 of yet) fo much as of one uncivil word , either againft Mr. Hobs his perfon or his ^^^'^*"-'^' 
 parts. He is over unequal and indulgent to himfelf , who dare alTume the boldnefs to 
 introduce fuch infolent and paradoxical opinions into the World , and will not al- 
 low other men the Liberty to Welcome them as they defervc. I wi(h he himfelf in 
 his Animadverfions , and his Parafitical publither of his former Trcatile , had ob- 
 ferved the fame temper and moderation : particularly towards the Lights of the 
 Schools, whom he lleightcth and vilitieth every where, as a company of pedan- 
 tick, dun(es, who underllood not themfelves, yet held the World in awe under con- 
 tribution , by their Fuftian jargon , until a third C^to dropped down from Heaven, 
 to ftand up for the vindication of Chrillian Liberty from Scholartick Tyranny, and 
 Stoical necellity , from natural and moral Liberty. But this is certain, if tliefe poor 
 defpiied Schoolmen were nccelUtated by antecedent andextrinfecal caufes , to fpeak 
 fuch Gibbrijh and nonfenfe , and the Chriftian World to receive it , and applaud it , 
 they cannot be juftly blamed. And if that great affertour were necelfitated in like 
 manner , he cannot julllybe praifed , any more than we praifc a conduit forfpout- 
 ing out Water , When the Cock is turned. 
 
 I am well contented to believe that the Copy of 7*. K his Treatife was furreptiti- ^^ ^r 
 oufly gained from him Yet he acknowledgeth , that he (hewed it to two , and if ,, a^^^ A. 
 my intelligence out of France did not fail , to many more. 1 im well pleafed ^o r 
 believe that he was not the author of that Lewd Epiftle , which was prefixed be- fl 'p^fh"^"" 
 fore it i but rather fome young braggadochio , one of his Difciples , who want- -c^-.i, "'^ 
 ed all other means to requite his Mailer , for his new acquired Light , but fervile i j 
 flattery : Whom he rtileth the ffnat Author , the repairer of rur breaches , the Ajftr- " ^ ' 
 tour of our reputation , vcho bath performed more in a fetvjheets^ th3.n is comprehended 
 in all the voluminous rvorkj of the Friejis and Minijiers i yea , as if that exprellion 
 were too modert , in all the Libraries of the Prilis, Jefuits ^ and Mini\iert ^ or in the 
 Catechifms and Coiifefjions of a Ihoufand Ajfemblies. On the other fide , he belcheth 
 out reproaches againit the poor Clergy , as if they were a pack of Fools and Knaves. 
 For their folly , he (ticks not to (\ile the black-coats , generally taken , a (nrt of ig- 
 norant tinkers , &c. And for their Knavery , he faith » they make :he Scriptures , 
 ( which he fctteth forth in as gracelfs a drefe, as he can imigin ) the decoys of the 
 people, to advance themfelves to pro'Wi;fi';>7j , Leisure and Luxury. And (b he con- 
 cludeth that this little Treatife of Mr. HAs , wiU ca\l an eternal blcmOh on all the cor- 
 nered Caps of the Triejh and Jefuits , and all the White and Black,caps of the Mtnillers. 
 Herein 1 cannot acquit Mr. H>bs , That being in Lmdon at tlie fime time, when this 
 ridiculous EpilUe was Printed and publidicd , he did not for his own caufc, {boner 
 or later , procure it to be fupprefTed. 
 
 T t 1 1 CoI^..
 
 -— Cajitgationi^ TOME 111 
 
 ' Concerning; my kit 1 can fafdy fay. That I was lo tar trom intending my clLtence 
 
 for the Prcfs that lince it was pertedted, and one only copy tranlcribcd tor the 
 Marquefs of krvcalile and himfclf , it hath fcarcely ever beheld the Sun. QuclUous 
 mav be ventilated , and truth cleared from milkkes privately between particular 
 perfons, as well or better, than publickly in Print , ,. , , 
 
 As touching my exceptions to his book d«C/i'f, heiaith He aidvideed inteKd to have 
 anftPtredthem^ as findingthem neither Political nor 7heological , nor that I alltdged any 
 reafons by rvhich they Tvere to be jujiijied. The • inference would have holden more 
 ilrongly the contrary way, that becaufe they were neither Theological, nor Political, 
 and deltitute of reafons to fupport them , they were titter to be defpifed, than to be 
 anfwered. But why did he then intend to anfrrer them , and thouglit himfclf fo 
 much concerned in it ? Surely he hath forgotten himfelf : for there was never a one 
 of thofe exceptions, which was not backed with feveral reafons. But concerning 
 them and -his Leviathan , I (hall be fparing to fpeak more in prefent. Perad- 
 venture I may referve two or three Chapters , one to fhew himhis Theological er- 
 rours, another how dctkudtive his Political errours are to allSocitiesi a third of 
 his contradidions •, out of all which , if my Leifure ferve me, I may chance to ga- 
 ther a pclie , and prefent it to him. 
 
 He chargeth me to fay , That there were two of our own Church anfwering his 
 Leviathan: It may be fo:but it is more than I know. I faid one of our own Church, 
 and one ftranger. 
 
 In the conclufion of my Epiftle to the Reader, I ufed this innocent form of va- 
 Icdiftion, SoGod hkfiuf ^ a form of all others molt ufual for (hutting up our E- 
 pittles, SoGodblifl ui , or So God blefs you , ov So J commit you to God^ or com- 
 mend yoH to the froteClion of the highejl Majejiy. But it fecmeth , he , mifapprehend- 
 ing it to be a Prayer for protedlion or deliverance from his opinions , fiiles my well 
 meant Prayer , a Bottf only abufvig of the name of God to calumny. How, am I char- 
 ged with Bouffonery, and calumny, aHdabuling the Holy name of God > And 
 all this for faying God bkfi w ? Is this a tit man to reprehend others for uncivility ? 
 Did he Learn this high Itrain of curtefieat Malmsbury > I confefs, I do not diflike a 
 Little Tooth-Iefs jefting , when the fubjed will bear it. 
 
 Kidiciilttm acri 
 
 Fortius & melius magnas plernmq,fecat res , 
 But I do not like jelVing with edge-tools , nor jefting with God Almighty, 
 much IciTe boutTonly abuiing of the holy Name of God to calumny. He need not 
 feare any fuch reviling termes from me , But if his caufe meet now and then with 
 an innocent jerk for it, Sciat refpnnfum, non diUum ejfe He that knoweth not the way 
 totheSea,muft get a River to be his guide. 
 An anfwer I (aid I was diverted from Reading his defence by bufinefs : hence he inferreth , 
 to his Ani- ^hat the tvillis not frees for nothingis free that can be diverted by any thing but itfelf. I 
 madverfions deny this Propolition, and he will prove it at the Greek Calends. There is a great 
 upon my re- diiference between diveriion , and determination. Diverfion is but an occafional 
 ply Num. I. fufpenfion of the exerci(e of Liberty v but Phyfical determination to one , is a com- 
 puifion of the will, fo far as the will is capable of compultion, thatis, necellitation. 
 The will doth choole its own diverfion , but there is no choice in necellitation. 
 And therefore necellitation to one is oppofite to Liberty, but diverfion is not, noi 
 moral etficacy. 
 Refolation pro Out of his very firt't words \_ I had once refohed, &c. "] I urged two arguments 
 '^L'be'°" 3gaintl him. Firl\all refolution prefuppofeth deliberation ; So much is acknowled- 
 * ' ged by himfelf, That to refohe is to wilt after deliberation ( he knoweth noditference 
 
 between willing and eleding , ) but all deliberation of that which is inevitably de- 
 termined without our felvcs , ( as all events are determined according to his opi- 
 nion, ) is vain. As it is vain for a condemned perfon to deliberate whether he fliould 
 be executed , it is vain for a man to deliberate whether he fhould grow in rtature-, 
 or whether he (hould breath. The onely thing quellionable in this argumeut, is 
 the truth of the alTuinption, whether it be vain to deliberate of that which is al- 
 ready inevitably determined ? to which he anfwereth not one fyllablc in Itrmir.i*^ 
 but runs away with a falfefent , altogether wide from the purpofc. A man ffaith 
 
 Ik
 
 Discourse I I. Mr. Hob t Antmad'verfiDns. 
 
 v<^ 
 
 he; may deliberate of what he frali du, whether the thing be pvjftble or not ^ in tafe he 
 kttoTP r.ot of the imp'^fibility ^ though he cannot deliberate xvhat another fhaV do to him. 
 jnd therefore my three injiances are impertineut^becaufe the quejhon isnotvphat tbeyjhall do 
 but rvhat theyJfijllfiifer.Atid here he vapoureth marveloufly, fuppofing that he hath me 
 atan huge-advantage. Such are commonly all his advantagesimuch good may they do 
 him.Firlt.he crreth grolly in atnrming,that all deliberation is onely of what a man will 
 do,orno:dO)Or not at all ot what a-man will fuffer , or not fuifer. Deliberation is as 
 well about evil to be efchewed, as about good to be purfued. Men deliberate equal- 
 ly of their doings and of their fuffcrings, if they be not inevitably determined ■■> but 
 if they be,thcn neither of the one nor of the other. A Martyr or a Confcffor, may deli- 
 berate what Torments he will fuffer for his Religion.Many of tholfe Ads whereabout 
 we doufually deliberate are mixt motiojis : partly adtive, and partly paflive as all 
 our fenfcs. Secondly, it is a fliame for him to dillinguifh between adions and fuf- 
 terings in this caufe , when all the adions of all the free Agents in the World , by 
 his Doftrine , are meer fufferings. A free Agent is but like a Bullet rammed up in- 
 to the barrel by the outward caufes , and lired off by the outward caufesj the will 
 fervesfor no ufe but to be a touchhole; and the poor Agent hath no more aim orun- 
 derftanding of what he doth,than the arrow which is forced out of the bow towards 
 the mark, without any fenfe or concurrence in it (elf. A condemned perfon may 
 be reprieved , and deliberate about that, but the fentence of the caufes produceth 
 a necedity from eternity, ( as he Phrafeth it ) never to be interrupted or altered. 
 
 Thirdly, he erreth in thisalfo, That heaffirmethallmy three iniiances to be on- 
 ly of pallions or fuiferings , Growing up in Stature is a vegetative ad , refpiration 
 is a fenfitive ad, or an' ad of the moving and animal faculty. Somequeftion there 
 hath been, whether refpiration were a natural motion, or a voluntary motion 
 or a mixt motion i but all conclude , that it is an ad or motion, which is performed 
 whilft we fleep, when we are uncapable of Deliberation. 
 
 Laftly , To fay that a man may deliberate of a thing that is not poffible , if he 
 k^ovD not of the impoffibility , will not advantage his caufe the value of a ru(h i for 
 fuppofing an univerfal nccellity of all events from eternity , there can be no fuch 
 cafe , feeing all men know , that upon this fuppofition all ad"; and events , are ci- 
 ther antecedently and abfolutely neceffaryi or antecedently and abfoJutely impolfible, 
 both which are equaly uncapable of deliberation. So the impertinence will prove 
 to be in his anfwer , not in my inftanccs. 
 
 My Second argument out of his own Words was this. To refblve a mans felf 
 is to determin his own will, and if a man determin his own will , then he is free> 
 from outward necellity. But T H. Confefllth , that a man may refolve himfelf: I re- 
 folved once , &c. And yet farther, to refolve is to trill after deliberation. Now to will 
 after deliberation , is to eled, but that he hateth the very term of eleding orchoof- 
 ingj as being utterly defirudive to his new mode! cd fabrick of univerfal necellity. 
 And for that very reafbn , he confounds and blumicrs together the natural, fenfitive 
 and intelledual appetites.Either the willdctermineth it felf in its refoiution , or both 
 will, and deliberation, and refoiution are predetermined by a necelTary flux of natural 
 caufesiifthe will determin it felf in its refolution,thenwc have true Liberty to will or 
 nilhlf both the will , and the deliberation, and the refoiution, be predetermined in 
 outward caufes, then it is not the refoiution of the will it felf, nor of the Agent, but of 
 the outward caufesi then it was as much determined, that is to fay, refolved before 
 the deliberation,as after, becaufe the deliberation it felf and the whole event of it , 
 particularly the Laft refoiution, was outwardly predetermined from eternity. 
 
 To this he anfwereth nothing , but according to his ufual manner , he maketh 
 three objedlons. Firft , No man can determin his otvn will , for the veiU U an appetite , 
 and it is not in mans povoer to have an appetite ivhen he will. This argument would 
 much better become the Kitchin than the Schools : to argue from the leiTer to the 
 greater negatively , which is againft all rules of Logick. Ju/tthus, a brute beaft 
 cannot make a Categorical Syllogifm , therefore a man cannot make one. So 
 here , the fenfitive appetite hath no dominion over its own ads, therefore neither 
 hath the rational appetite any Dominion over its own ads. Yet this is the onely In the anfwer 
 pillar that fuoporteth his main dirtindion , which muft uphold his CafUe in the *^ 'I^« '^'""g 
 
 Tttt2 j^jjOfthequeilion
 
 754 
 
 Cafti{>atons of 
 
 TOME III' 
 
 But be what it will be , it hath been fuf- 
 
 air , from tumbling down about his ears, 
 
 ficieritly anfwcrcd already. , . • , 
 
 His Second objeiSion hath fo Little folidity in it, that it is ridiculous, Over rrhat- 
 foevcr things there isVomiman^thofe thifgs are not free, hut over a irj:ins oUiorty tbtre is the 
 pomnion of his ff /fi.What a medius urminuf hath he light upon? This which he urgcih 
 againltLiberty,is the very efTcnccof Liberty.If a mans adicns were uifd- rthcdrir.inion 
 of another mans will, or under the dominion of his extrinkcal caufes.thcn they were 
 not free indeed^ but for a mans own anions to be in his own powcr^or in the power, 
 or underthedominionof his Own will,ihat is that which makes them free. 
 
 Thirdly he obje(fts. If a man determin him'elf , the quejiion will yet rtmaiyi ^ what 
 determined him to determin hirnfelf? If he fpeak properly in his own fcnfe ot Phyilcal 
 determination, by outward caufes , he fpeaketh plain nonfenfei for if he was fo 
 determined by another , then he did not determin himfelC But if he mean only this 
 what did concur with the wrlJ in the determination of it fclf, I anfwer, That a 
 friend, bypcrfwafion, rplght concur morally, and the undtrftandirg, hy repre- 
 fcnting mi^ht concur intrinfecally, but it hath been dcmonftrated to I im over and 
 over, that neither of thefe concurrences is inconliftent with true Libtrry trom ne- 
 cellitation and Phyfical determination to one. 
 
 Something I fay afterwards which doth not pleafe him , which he calleth a talkjng 
 tomyfelfat random; My aim in prefent is oneiy to anfwer his exciptions , a Little 
 what is necef-ixiore pundually , than he hath done mine : not at all to call him to an account for 
 ^*T> his omiltions i that part I Leave to the Readers own obfervation. 
 
 He telleth me plainly , That I neither underfiar.d him, nor what the word ( necef- 
 fary ) fignifieth , if I thinks he holds no other necefjiiy , than th t which it txjrijjtd in 
 that oldfoolilh rule , whatfoever is , when it is, is neceffarily fo as it if. If 1 urdtrlUnd 
 him not, Icannot help it '■> I underftand him as well as 1 can, and wi(h that he un- 
 derltood hi mfclf Little better, to make him fpeak more fignificantly. Let us fee 
 where the fault Lies, that he is no better underftood. Firft he dehneth what is 
 neceflary i that is necejfary , which is impiffible to be otherwife. Whence he interreth 
 That jifcfjfjjf)/ , Tnfjible , and impcffible , have nofgnification in reference to the time 
 fa^ , or time prefent , bnt onely the time to come. \ think all men will condefcend 
 to him thus far , That puffihility hath oncly refcrrcnce to the time to ccme. But for I 
 necelhty , and impoiiibility , he overfhooteth himfelf beyond all aim. If an houfe 
 do adually burn in prefent, it is neceffary , that is, infallible, thit that houfe do 
 burn in prefent , and impolfible that it do not burn. If a rr.an was flain yelierday , 
 it is neceffary , that he is flain to day , and impcflible that he (hoi.ld not he flair:, i 
 Hs own dehnition doth fufficiently confute him . That is reafary which is inip(j}ib!e \ 
 to be otherwife, but it is impollible , that that which is doing in prtknt, or which) 
 was done yelterday (hould be otherwife. How hang thefe thirgs together > Or 
 this that he telleth us, Thzt hii neee^ary i( a necejfary from all etertiity, which with 
 him is an everlafting fuctcffion. And yet he telleth us , thatncciffjr} iigrifieth no-^ 
 thing in reference to the time pafti then how is it necelf^ry firm all etcrnit)> And' 
 here hcthrufieth out for rotten , a great many of old Scholailick terms , as (npty 
 words, k'^necefarywhenitis, ox ahjoluttly and hypoihttically neceffary , awd Jft:Jus\ 
 compofituf & diviJHf ^ 3nd the Dominion of the will , and </.'f dturminmg rf its felf. l\ 
 mull put him in mind again of the good old Woman in SiHfca , who complained 
 oi the darknefe of the room, when the defedt was in her own eye fight. I wonder 
 not that he is out of Love with diftindfions , more than 1 wonder why a bungling 
 workman regards not a fquare or a plum. But if he under/food thefe diliindions I 
 a Little better, he would not trouble his Reader with that which Jhall be.Jhallbe ,\ 
 and a bundle of fuch Like impertinencies. 
 
 He acknowledgeth,That my L">"^o/NewcafHesdefire,aKJ»i>' intreaty^were enough' 
 to produce a will in him to write his anfwer. If they were enough , then he was not i 
 nccelluated , nor Phyfically predetermined to write it. We had no more poweri 
 than toperfwade , no natural influence uponhis will. And fo he was , for us, not] 
 onely free to write , but free to will alfo. But perhaps there were other imaginations 
 of his own ; that contributed their part. Let it be fo, yet that was no cxtrinftcal orj 
 abfolute determination of his will. And fo far was cur rcquelt Ircm produ- 
 cing-
 
 DiseouRSEll, Mr. Hobs*/ Animadver^tonS' yt^ 
 
 cing his conienr , as neceffarily as the fire hurneth , that it did not , it could not 
 produce it at aH , by any natural caufal influence and efficacy, the fulHciency 
 and efficiency , and produdive power was in his will it felf, which he will not be 
 brought to underltand. j^ Jnfwer 
 
 Here is nothing of moment to detain the Reader. He faith , fFhofiever chanceth to his Ani- 
 ta read Suarcz Ins Opujcula , Jhall find the grejti(i part , if not all , that I have urged in madverfwns 
 this quefiio)!. Said I not truly ? Give inrTovators Line enough, and they will con- uponthe Re- 
 fute themfelves ? whofuever chanceth , Sec. And why chanceth ? By his Doftrine , J'ly, Num. 2. 
 it was as neceffary tor him that readeth to read , as it is for the fire to burn. Doth 
 the fire fometimes burn by chance ? He will fay , That where the certain caufes are 
 not known , we attribute evencs to chance. But he flicks ftill in the fame mire , 
 without hope ever to be freed i who knoweth the certain rcafon why the needle 
 touched with the Loadrtone pointeth always towards the North > Doth it therefore 
 point by chance ? How manythoufands are ignorant of the true caufes of Comets 
 and Earthquakes and EcHpfes? Do they therefore attribute them to chance? Chance chanccisfrora 
 never hath place , but where the caufes concur accidentally to producefome effedl, accidental con 
 which might have been producei^otherwife. Though a manftrive to expel thefe currence,not. 
 common notions with a fork , yet now and then they will return. And though I '1°'" '^°°* 
 could not furprize him, yet the truth can. Thus, Penelope like , he hath undone ^ °"^^* 
 that in the dark , wliich he hath been weaving all this while in the Light. It were 
 more ingenious to fay, it was a llip of his pen. 
 
 It is indifferent tome, whether the greateft part of what I urge in this queftion, or 
 all that I urge, or perhaps more than I urge, be contained in Suarez, his Opufcula. So 
 the truth may prevaile, I care not who have the honour of the atchievem ent. But Sita- 
 rez underltood himfelf better, then to confound two fuch different queftions, namely 
 that of the necellity or liberty of all Events,naturall and civil, which is our queftion, with 
 the concurrence of grace and freewill , in moral and fupernatural ads , which 
 he faith is the fubjed of Suarez his difcourfe in that place. In all my Life , that I 
 do remember , I never read one Line of Suarez his Opufeuh^ nor any of his works 
 the fixteen years Laft paft. I wifh he had been verfed in his greater Works , as 
 well as in his Opufctth , that he might not be too averfe from the Schools, Ignoti nul- 
 la cupida. Then he would have known the terms and arguments ufed in the Schools 
 as well as others. It is no blemilh to make advantage of other mens pains and ex- 
 perience. Vies diet eruQat verbum , & nox noUi indicat fcientiam. But Mr. Hobs , 
 trufting over much to his own particular abilities, prefumeth to ftand upon his own 
 bottom , Without any dread oi Solomons vafjlt , IVu to him that is alone when hefal- 
 leth , He fcrupleth not to remove the a,:tient Land-marks vehich his Fathers had jet ^ nor 
 to fiumble from the antient paths , to tf>j'\ in a way that was never call up. It were 
 mcer folly to exped either a known ground , or a received term from him. Other Ecc/^/. 4- iO'^ 
 men are contented to Learn to write after a Copy , bat he will be Printed a Philo- jJrTi$*i^. ' 
 fopher, and a Divine of the hrft edition by himfelf; and Icarus Like, find out a 
 new way with his Waxen Winges, which mortals never knew , though he perifh Ex Pluiarchi 
 in the attempt. Such undigelied phancies may pleafe for a While, during the di- PolHt.adTra 
 (temper and green-ficknefs fit of this prefentage , as maids infeded with that mala- ■?""• 
 dy, prefer chalk or coalesin a corner , before healthful food in their Fathers houfe , 
 bat when time hath cured their malady, and experience opened their eyes , they 
 will abominate their former errours, and thofe who were their mifleaders. 
 
 He had fleighted whatfoever I produced as common and trivial , having nothing 
 new in it, either from Scripture or reafon^ which be had not often heard. I replied on- 
 ly that then I might exped a more mature anfwer , and advifed him , under the fi- 
 militude of Epicietits his fheep , rather to {hew his reading in his Works, than to 
 glory of it. And where I faid, that great recruits of reafons and authorities did 
 Offer themfelves to me in this caufe, he threatneth before behave done with me^tomak^ 
 it appear to be very bragging , and nothing elfe , adding , That it is not likely , that E- 
 p\€xct'Jis fiould take a metaphor from lamb and wool , becaufe he was not acquainted with 
 paying of Tyths. I could not fufped that a poor fimilitude out of EpiQeiuf Ihould 
 make him fo palfionate. But langemontes^ & fumigabunt-, touch the high miuntains 
 and they willjume andfinoakg It feeraeth ftrange to me , that he (hould be fo igno- 
 rant
 
 7^6 
 
 Caftigatioaf of TQM E 1 1 I. 
 
 rant in Ep>Sem ^ Swkk , one of hispriiKipal friends (of fo great fame that his 
 earthen Lamp was prcfervcd as a relick , and fold for Three Thoufand Drachmes, 
 Whom cvcnLuaatt, that great fcoffer, calleth an admrabk old man,) as to fay, Thatic 
 is not likely ^^-^ Epidetus (hould tak^ a Metaphor from Lamb and Wool , he mean- 
 eth from Iheep- "^^ inform him better i Let him hear his Words , Yorjheep do not 
 Enchttdhn. ^ their erafi to their Jhepheard , to (hetf> him hore much they have eaten, but conco- 
 '' ^^ Qinf their meat inrvardly , do bring forth Wool and milk: This might be pardoned , 
 
 but his Scoffing at payment of Tyths , and particularly Lamb and Wool , being an 
 inftitution of God himfelf, and eftablifhedby the Laws of our own Realm, can- 
 not be excufed. I appeal to all thofe who have read any thing upon this fubjedt , 
 Whether I might not have added many more rcafons,and produced the authority 
 of the Chriftian World againft him , in this caufe of Liberty , with the Suffrages 
 of the Fathers in all fuccellive ages. But I remember that of our Saviour ,^c<»/i not 
 your Fear ks before fmne, leaji they trample them under their feet. 
 Math: 76 He is difpleafed that J do not jet down the definitions of neceffity , fpontaneity , and 
 
 Anfxver to Liberty , vcithoHt which ( he faith ) their diference cannot fnffibly appear : Yet former- 
 Animadver- ly , and again in this very Chapter, He confefre(ilt> , that the queftion is truly and 
 fions on clearly ftated by mc. 
 
 N«>w. 3, Ihe queftion which the Bijhopftateth in this place , J have before fet down verbatim , 
 
 fl«(i^;/oirf^.What a triffling humour is this>Many things are not capable ofperfed de- 
 Exaft defini- Hnition , ( as to pafs by all others ) accidents , and modes , or fuch terms as fig- 
 qu"nt°°^ ^'^'' "'^^ '^^ manner of being. And in fuch things as are capable of definition , yet ef- 
 foitials ( whereof a definition muft confift, o&<e^«ti5-' iKt Jn'af v»<rei»^5c ) are neither 
 fo obvious nor fo ufeful , to common capacities. I believe that all the perfedt de- 
 finitions Which T. H. hath made in his Life in Philofophy or Theology , may be 
 Written in one Little Ring i whereof I (hall be bold henceforth , now and then as 
 I find occafion , to put him in mind. Nay even in Mathcmaticks, which by rea- 
 fon of their abftradion from matter are lefs fubjed to errour , he can mifs the 
 cufliion as well as his Neighbours , and be contented fometimes to acknow- 
 ledge it , not becaufe thofe errours are greater , or fo great as his errours in Philo- 
 fophy or Theology , but becaufe their convidtion is more eafie , and more evident. 
 And therefore for the moft part a plain defcription muft ferve the turn ■■, fometimes 
 from the Etyniological unfolding of the name, fometimes by the removing of what 
 is oppofite or contrary , fometimes by a periphraftical circumlocution , fometimes 
 by inftances and examples. And thus by his own confelh'on, the queftion is clear- 
 ed between us. 
 Yet, to fatisfie him , I will defcribe them more formally. To begin witli Liber- 
 yvhat Liberty (y^ Liberty k a power of the WiU, { or free Agent ) to choofe or to refuse, this or that 
 '*' indifferently , after deliberation , free from all antecedent and extrinfecal determination to 
 
 one. Eleftion is the proper z(k of the Will j and without indifferency or indeter- 
 mination and deliberation , there can be no eledlion , which is a confultative appe- 
 tition. And they, and they onely , are free Agents , who (fuppofing all things to 
 be prifent that are reqtiifite to aUion , ) can nevertheleji either ad , or forbear to aU , at 
 their own choice : Which defcription hath already been explained , and fiiall be far- 
 ther in due place. 
 WhatisSpon- Secondly, Voluntary or Spontaneous is that, which hath its beginning from an in- 
 teanity< ward principle , ( that is the Will ) with fame knowledge of the end. Such are the ads 
 
 of Children , Fools , and Madmen, whileft they want the ufe of reafon > and the 
 fuddain ads of paflionateperfons, whensoever the violence of their pallion doth 
 prevent all deliberation. Such are many adions of brute beafts , as the fpiders ma- 
 king of their Webs, to catch flies •, the birds building of her ncft therein to Lay her 
 eggsi both which proceed from an inward principle, with (bme knowledge of the 
 end. So then this is the difference between that whicii is free , and that which is 
 voluntary or fpontaneousi that every free ad is alfo a voluntary or fpontaneous ad, 
 but every voluntary or fpontaneous ad is not a free ad. The reafon is evident, be- 
 caufe no ad is free , except it be done upon deliberation : but many voluntary or 
 fpontaneous ads are done without all deliberation, as the ads of brute beafts, Fools, 
 Children, Madmen, and fomc ads of paflionate perfcns. Secondly, there is no 
 
 Liber-
 
 I'yl 
 
 Discourse II. againftMr . tioWs Animad'vofions. 
 
 Liberty but where there is a pollibilicy towards more than one , ^^^dlveTJ" — — 
 choofe this or that indilferently. But in all thofe other kinds of vo'luntary^or f^ t^ 
 neons adts , there is an antecedent determination to one , and no indiiferencv of ^' 
 JediOn.So fpontaneity is an af petite ofjonuobjia^froceedingeither from the rational or Cen- 
 fuive IVili , either antecedently determined , or not determined to one either upj del'h 
 ration or without deliberation , either rvith ele£iion or rvithout eledion. 
 
 The Lall term is necefity ; He himfelf hath defined neceflary, *to be that which is ^'"^ 's n«er, 
 impcftble to be otherwije. Here is a definition v/ithout either matter or form penus ^^^^' 
 or differentia , without any thing in it that is effential , or fo much as polltive 
 very periphrafe or circumlocution , and ( which is worft ) not convertible or re'd 
 procal with the thing defined. Many things may be neceflary refpeftively whiLh 
 are not impollible to be otherwife ; as to let bloud in a Plurille i a horfe is necef 
 fary for a long voyage : yet it is not impolfible for a man to perform it on foot" 
 And on the other tide , many things are impollible to be otherwife , which are not 
 necelfary in that fenfe wherein we take necellity in this quertion , as that which is 
 necelTary upon fcience or prefcience •, and tliat which is neceflary upon conditioner 
 fuppofition. As if VjomM write , then he Lives , Yet neither his wri^inc^ nor his 
 Living is abfolutely neceflary. So whatfoever is, when it is, is necefl'arify fo as it 
 is, or impollible to be otherwife. None of thefe necelGties have any place in this 
 controverfie. None of thefe forts of necelfity are oppofite to true Liberty R th 
 way , r. H. calls this rule irimfoever is , when it is , U neceffarilyfo as it is ; L old 
 fooljjh rule , yet it is delivered by Arijlotle , and received ever fince in the World ) 
 upon his own authority , without ever examining it , or underflanding it Sa)u ^' '"'''^' 
 pro imperio. So then necellity C as it is proper to this queftion ) I conceive mav '" *' '"*''"' 
 bethasAtly deCciibed ^ NeceJJity is a manner or propriety of being or ofadin h 
 by that which is, ur aUeth , cannot pojftbly but be and a^ , mr be 'or aSi oth'efwZ thin 
 it dotb , by reafm of an antecedent extrinfecal and inevitable determination to one 1 f 
 of being, orofading, becaufethere is a double necellity , i«f]/?«^^ # m*ofierj«- Neceffityofbe 
 do , and both confiderable in this caufe. That which is ncceflarily 'mav af( r 'ng and acting 
 ]y , as God Almighty without himfelf-, and that which is freely or ^onting^ntTv " d'Hinguilhcd. 
 as tire kindled by the help of a tinderbox , or by the flunjbling of an horfe upon the 
 pavement of a ftreet, may ad and burn neceflarily. Here he may fee if he pleafe 
 how necellity and Will , or fpontaneity may meet together , becaufe that which is' 
 antecedently and extrinfecally determined to one , may agree well enough with mv 
 appetite, or the app.'citc of another : but necellity and Liberty, can never meet 
 
 fret. 
 ultiniQ 
 
 together ; becaufe that which is antecedently and extrinfecally determined'to ^e^*^ 
 cannot potflbly be free i that is, undetermined to one , nor capable of eledion * 
 which mull be inter plura , nor a fit fubjed for deliberation. ' 
 
 He argeth that , feeing J fay necefity and fpontaneity may meet together he mav ftv 
 that neceftty and will may jiand together. He doth but betray his own 'ignorance 
 and intolerable boldnefs , to cenfure all the World for that which he never read 
 nor underftood. We all fay in like manner , That necelfity and Will may fland to- 
 gether , for Will and Spontaneity are the fame thing. But necellity and Liberty" 
 can never ftand together. If he will (hut his eyes againft the Light, he may Humble 
 as often as he pleafeth. 
 
 He faith , He doth not fear that it will be thought to hot for his Eingers to (hew th 
 vanity offnch words as thefe , inteMttal appetite , conformity of the appetite to the objeCi 
 rational IVill , EleSive power of the rational ff^iU , Reajon is the root of Liberty reafon 
 reprtfentetb to the fFiU. Reader , behold once more the unparalleled prefu'mption 
 of this man. Words and terms are not by nature , but by impofition. And who 
 are nt to Impofe terms of Art , but Artirts , who underlhnd the' Art > Thus 
 were all thefe terms impofed. Again , verburttm ut Humm>rum , words are as mo- 
 ney is? The moft current is the belt. This was the current Language of all Schools 
 of Learning, which we Learned from our Tutors and Profeflburs : but a private 
 manltarttthup , not bred in the Schools , who oppofeth his own authority to 
 the authority of the whole World , and cries down the current coin that is th« 
 generally received terms of Art ■, where is his commilfion ? What is his' reafon ?' B".r 
 eauCe he doth not underltanJ them : he gueflech that they did not underlbnd them- 
 
 ielves.
 
 -^ Cafli<^ations of TO M b 1 U ' 
 
 felves. Is his private underlianding ( which is rilled up to the brim with prL)udice 
 and prefiitnption ) Ht to be the publick llandard and Seal of other mens capacities/ 
 They who will underftand School Terms , muft Learn and Study them i which 
 he never did. Thofe things that arc excellent and rare , are always ditHciilt. He 
 who (hall aflirm that all the famous Divines and Philofophers in the World , fur fo 
 many fuccccding Ages did fpcak nonfenfc, deferveth to be contemned. Hisre- 
 fpe(ft to weak capacities muft not (crve his turn : HuCdjmt ocultiores infidie^ quamh<e 
 '^'''' audi latent in fmuhtinne officii. If he could fliew any Author before himfelf, whcr- 
 
 in thcfe terms were not ufed, or wherein his new terms were ufed,it were fomething. 
 There is no Art in the World which hath itot proper terms . which none under 
 ftand, but they who underftand that Art. 
 
 But cui bones' If we (hould be fo mad to quit all received School- Terms, and 
 diftinftions , and lofe all the advantage which we might reap by the Labours and 
 experience of fo many great Wits , What advantage would this be to him .<' None 
 at all at long running. Whatfoever be the terms , the State of the queftion murt be 
 the fame : And thole very reafons which convince him now in the old Language 
 of the Schools, would convince him Like wife in the new Language which he de- 
 fireth to introduce , after it was formed and generally underftood. All the bene- 
 fit that he could make of it, would be only a Little time between the fupprelfion of the 
 one , and the introduction of the other , wherein he might juggle , and play Hocus 
 Pocm^ under the Cloak of Homonomyes and ambiguous expreffions. And that 
 is the reafon why he is fb great a friend to definitions , and fo great an enemy to 
 diftinftions. 
 Neceflfity upon Whereas I affirmed that neceflity of fuppofition may confift with true Liberty, he 
 fuppofuion objedteth , That all necejfuy is upon fuppofition ■■> as the fire hurneth Mecejfarily ^ upon fup- 
 wnat it is. pofition that the ordinary coxrfe of nature he not kindred by God , for the fire burnt not the 
 Three Children in the furnace: And upon fuppofuion that fevpel he put upon it. His 
 Suppofition, if the ordinary courfe of nature be nothindred, is impertinent and de- 
 ftrudtive to his own grounds. For though it be true , that thofe things which arc 
 Mori lo. J7. impoffible to the Second caufts , as to make a Camel go through the eye of a needle 
 are all pofjible with God : yet upon his opinion that all things are neceflary from e- 
 ternity , God hath tycd his own hands , and nothing is poliible to God , Which 
 is not abfolutely neceflary and imposfible to be otherwife. 
 
 His other inlhnce of putting fewcl to the ftre, is a necefTary fuppofition , to the 
 continuance or duration of the fire, but not to the ailing or burning of the fire. 
 So long as there is fire , it doth and muft burn. When all requifites to adtion arc 
 prefent, the Will is freeftill to choofe or refuft. When all things requifite toaftion 
 are prefent to the fire , it cannot choofe but burn ^ and cannot do otherwife. 
 
 Thirdly I anfwer , that there is a twofold neceflity upon fuppofition j the one a 
 recesfity upon an antecedent extrinfecal fuppofition This cannot confift with 
 Liberty , becaufe it implieth an antecedent determination , and the thing fuppofed, 
 was never in the power of the Agent. The other is a necesfity upon a confequent 
 fuppofition , where the thing fuppofed is in the power of the free Agent , or de- 
 pends upon fomething', or fuppofeth fomething that is in his power, this is very 
 well confiftent with true Liberty. As for example , If 7. H. do run , then it is ne- 
 cefTary, that he moves. This necesfity is no impediment at all to Libcrjy, becaufe 
 the thing fuppofed , that is to run or not to run, is in the power of the free Agent. 
 If a mans Will be determined antecedently by extrinfecal caufes , to choofe fuch a 
 Woman for his Wife, and her Will to choofe him for a Husband , then it is necef^ 
 fary, that they eledt one another. This necesfity is upon an antecedent fuppofition 
 and is utterly deftruftive to Liberty , becaufe the determination of the extrinfecal 
 caules , is not in the power of the free Agent. 
 
 Laftly , 7. h. his two inftances of the fire are altogether impertinent. For firft , 
 The fire is a natural necefTary Agent •■, and therefore no fuppofition , antecedent or 
 confequent can make it free. Secondly, Gods hindering the ordinary courfe of na- 
 ture is an antecedent fuppofition, and if the fire were a free Agent, it were fufficient 
 to deftroy the Liberty thereof , as to that ad. 
 
 He faith , That itfeemeth J underjland not rrhat thefe rpords free and contingent mean
 
 Ds COURSE. II. Mr. HobsV Animad'verfjons, y^^g 
 
 hecaufe I put csnjes ammg thofe things that operate freely. What doth the man mean ^ 
 Are not free Agents caufcs ? It they be not , how do they adt ? 1 undcrltand 
 thefe words , tree and contingent, as they ought to be undcrftood i and as the 
 World hatli underftood them for two Thoufand years. As for his new nick- naming 
 ot tree and contingent Agents , I heed it not. 
 
 He hath/;f rpf^^ , "That this Liberty ^ whereof we treat, is common to brute bea[\s ^ 
 and inanimate creatures with man , as well as he could (hew it , or can fhew it , or 
 ever will be able to fliew it : that is , juft as much as he hath fhewed that tiie Sea 
 burneth. If it were not for this confounding of terms , and a company of trifling 
 homonymics , he would have nothing to fay or do. 
 
 iVlmi a man ( faith he ) doth any thing freely^ many other concurrent Agents vporkjieceffarily 
 As the man meveth the Stvord freely ^the Steord rvomtdeth necefiarily. A free Agent may p^ jj not a 
 may have concurrent Agents, but hisinllance in a Sword is very impertinent, which pafllve^flru 
 IS hut zn injhument , ye:i a pajlive injlrument , and though it have an aptitude in it mentasthc 
 felf, from the lliarpnefs and the weight thereof, yet the determination of the adti- |}^°'''* '" ^^'' 
 on, and the efficacy or caufation ought to be afcribed to the principal Agent. The ^"' 
 Sword did not wound, but the man wounded with the Sword. Admit the Sword 
 may be faid in fome fenfe to concur adively to the cutting, certainly it concurs one 
 ly pasfively to the motion. 
 
 But he would make us believe that the man is no more adtive than his Sword,and 
 hath no more power tojujpend or deny his concurrence ^ than the Sword j becaufe zman 
 doth not move himfe If , or at lead, not move himjelf originally. I have heard of fome 
 who held an opinion , that the foul of man was but like the winding up ofa watch 
 and when the Ihing was run out , the man died , and there the Soul determined. 
 But I had not thought before this , that any man had made the bodyalfo to be like 
 a Clock or a Jack , or a Puppet in a Play , to have the original of his motion fcom 
 without it felf, fo as to make a man in his animal motion , to be as mcer apasnve 
 inftrument, as the Sword in his hand. If by originally he do underliand indepen- 
 dently, fo as to fuppofe that a man hath his locomotive faculty from himfelf, and 
 not from God , we all affirm , That the original of a mans locomotive faculty is 
 from God , in reborn we live and move and have our being. But if he underftand o- JlSsl^ 18 
 riginally , not in relation to the faculty but to the adtof moving ( as he muft mean 
 unlefs he mean nonfence) then we affirm,that a man doth move himfelf criginall,and 
 defire not to taji of his Paradoxical Knowledge of motion. It is folly to ditpute with 
 fuch men , and not rather to leave them to their one Phantaftical Chimera's , who 
 deny all principles and rules of Art , whom an Adverfary cannot drive into greater 
 abfurdities , than they do willingly plunge themfelves into. Thus they do on pur- 
 pofe put out the Lights , and leave men to fence in the dark ■, and then it is all one 
 whether a man have skill at his own weapon or not. 
 
 That he would have contingency to depend upon our k^otv ledge , or rather our ig- 
 norance , and not upon the accidental concurrence of caufes i that he confoundeth 
 free caufts , which have power to fafpend or deny their concurrence , with contin- 
 gent caufes , which admit onely a poliibility to concur , or not concur, rather out 
 out of impotence than power i that he maketh free caufes , which are principal cau- 
 fes , to he guided by inferiour and inrtrumcntal caufes v as if a man (hould fay , that 
 a man is guided by the Sword in his hand, and not the Sword by the man , deferves 
 no other anfwer , but contempt or pity , that a man fhould fo poyfon his intelle- 
 ftuals, and intangle himfelf in his own errours. 
 
 Such another mirtake is his argument to prove that contingent caufes could not 
 have concurred otherwife than they did , I know not whether more pedantical or 
 ridiculous. ¥or I conceive not ( faith he ) hove rvhen this runneth this tcay^ and that 
 another , they can be faid to concur , that is ^ run together. Wherefoever there are di- 
 vided parties , as in a Court or a Camp , or a Corporation , he who concurreth 
 with one party , doth thereby defert the other. 
 
 Concerning his inftance of the necelfity of cafting Ambs-ace , If he can (hew that 
 the carter , was antecedently necellitated to caft, fo that he could not pollibly, have 
 denied his concurrence, and to call: fo foon , fo that he could not pollibly have fuf- 
 pended his concurrence , and to caft juft with fo much force , fo that he could not 
 
 11 u u u pof-
 
 760 
 
 Caftigatiofjs of TOME i 1 f . 
 
 nolliblv have ufed more force or Icls force , and to call into that table , and that vc- 
 rv individual place, ( it may be vvhileit he winked , or looked another way ) I fay 
 t he can flic w that all thefe contingent accidents were abfolutely predetermined , 
 ' d that it was not at all in theCafters power to have done otherwife than they did, 
 then he hath brought contingency under the jurisdidion of fate. But if lie fail in 
 any one of thefe , (all men fee that he muft fail in all of thefe ) then I may Iiave 
 leave to tell him, that his calling of ambs-ace , hath loft him his game. 
 
 But now Reader,! defire thee to obfcrve his anfwer, and to fee him plainly yield 
 the caufe. Though the Subjed \_ambsace~\ be mean and contemptible, yet it 
 vicldcth thee light enough to fee what notorious triflers thefe are. Thus he faith , 
 The fulpendifig of the Cafters concurrence, or altering ofhisforce^and the lik^ accident r^jerve 
 not to tah^ arvay the MeceJJity of ambs-ace , otherrvife than by malting a neceftty of deux- 
 ace or fame other caft that JhaVbe thrown. This is ingenioufly anfwered , 1 ask no 
 more ofhim. He confefleth , that the Carter might have fufpended his concurrence 
 or have altered his force , or the accidents might have fallen out otherwife than 
 they did. And that if thefe alterations had happened , as they might have Iiap- 
 pened , then there had been as great a neceliity of ^fwx-^ce, orfome other caft, as 
 there was of ambs-ace : where he faith , that the alteration of the accidents ferveth 
 not to tah^ aveay the neceffity of ambs-ace , otherwife than by makjng a neceffny of deux ace 
 or fome other cj(i , he confefleth , that by making a necelh'ty of deux-ace , or fome 
 other caft, they might ferve to take away the necelhty of Ambs-ace. What is now 
 become of his antecedent determination, of all things to one from eternity > and of 
 the abfolute impoliibility that any event (hould come to pafs otherwife than it doth. 
 If this be all his necesfity, it is no more than a necesfity upon fappofitionv where the 
 thing fuppofed was in the Agentspower ; and where the contrary determination by 
 the ^ent being fuppofed, the event muft neceffarily have been otherwife. And fo 
 he is come unwittingly under the protedion of that old foolifh rule , which even 
 now he renounced, whofoever is, when it is , w neceffarily fo as it is. 
 
 I faid moft truely,That that is not the queftion which he makes to be the queftion 
 For although at fome times he aflent to the right ftating of the 'queftion , yet at o- 
 ther times, like a man that doth not underftand himfelf, he varieth quite from it. 
 And in the place of an abfolute antecedent neccsilty, he introduceth a confequent 
 hypothetical necesfity. As we have fcen even now in the cafe of Ambs-ace : and 
 where he argucth from prefcience\ and where he reafoneth thus , "that which/hall he, 
 Jhallbe; as if the manner how it fliould be, were not matcrial;and where he maketh de- 
 liberation and perftvafwn to determin the will. All thefe do amount to no more than 
 a necesfity upon fuppofition. The queftion is as much or more of the Liberty of do- 
 ing what we will , as willing what we will. But he makes it to be onely of 
 willing. 
 
 He proceedeth like another jFffcx, He that cannot underftand the difference between 
 free to do , if he will , and free to will , is not ft to hear this contrnverfe difputed, much 
 Itfto be a Writer in it. Certainly , I think he meaneth himfelf, for he neither, undcr- 
 ftandeth what free is , nor what the will is. A bowl hath as much free-will as he , 
 tl.e bowl is as much an Agent as he , neither of them according to his opinion , do 
 move themfehes originally. The bias is as much to the bowl , as his will is to him. 
 The bias is determined to the one , fo is his will. The bowl doth not bias it felf, 
 no more hath he the government of his own will, but the outward caufer. It is 
 not the fault of the bowl , if it have too much bias, or too little bias , but his fault 
 that biaftit: So if he choofe evil , it is not his fault, but the caufes which biaft 
 him over much, or over little , or on the wrong fide. And this is all hit freedom ; 
 a determinate propenfion to one fide, without any posfibility to incline the other 
 way. As a man that is nailed to a poft , is free to lay his ear to it. Then as Di- 
 ogenes called a difplumed cock , Platos man , a living creature with two feet, without , 
 feathers : So I may call a bowl Mr. Hobs his Free-Agent. 
 
 And yet he glorieth in this filly diftindtion , and hugs himfelf for the invention i 
 of It. it is true, very few have learned from Tut ours , that a man is not free to will, nor 
 do they find it much in booh^. Yea, when I call Shepherds , Poets, Paftours , Do- 
 lours , and all mankind to bear witnefs for Liberty , he anfwcreth , That neither, 
 
 the
 
 Discourse I I Mr. Hob^V AnimarlTjerfions. ' ^5"^^ 
 
 the Bijhup^ mr they, ever thought un this qnelimt. If he make much ot his own mvcnn- ' * 
 
 on , I do not blame him , the infant will nut Live long before it be hilTcd out of the 
 World. In all my Life I never {aw a Little empty boat bear fo great a fail , as if 
 he meant to tow the World after him : but when the Sun is at the Loweft, it makes 
 the Longeft (hadovvs. Take notice ( by the way ) that his freedom is fuch a free- 
 dom , as none of mankind , from the Shepherd to the Dodtour , ever dreamed of 
 before himfelf. This vain unprofitable dilHndion, which wounds himlelf and his 
 caufe more than his adverfary , and leaves him open to the blows of every one that 
 will vouchafe to alTault him , which contradid both the truth and it felf hath 
 been twice taken away already in a voider , ( whither I refer the Reader') and 
 ought not , like twice fodden Coleworts, to have been ferved up again in Triumph 
 fo quickly,upon his fingle authority, and before this Treatife beended.I (hall meet with scertarn? of 
 it again to fome purpole.I wonder whether he do never caft away a thought upon the rhe quefiion & 
 poor Woman that was drowned by mifchance , whofe dead body , whillt her neigh- ^"''^v*'" to 
 hours fought for down the river , her husband, who knew her conditions better ^'""* 
 than they , advifed them to feek up the river •, for all her Life long (lie loved to 
 be contrary to all others, and he prefumed fhe would fwim againft the ftream being 
 dead. Is it not hard, th athe who will not allow to other men any dominion over 
 themfelves, or their own ads, will himfelf needs ufurp an Univerfal Empire over 
 the wills and underlhndings of all other men. 
 
 Is it not freedom enough (faith he) unlefs a mans n>ill have povcer over his mil ^ and SU Autvfline 
 that his tvill muji have another potver rvithin it , to do voluntary aSs ? His errour ' pro- more to be 
 ccedeth from rhe confounding of voluntas and voUtio , the faculty of the will and "^dftcd thaa 
 the ad of willing. Not Long after he reiterateth his mi/fake , taxing me for faying ^' ^' 
 that our wills are in our power, adding , that through ignorance I deteH the fame fault 
 in Su Auftin. If he mean my ignorance to miftake St. Auiiin , Let St. Aujiin him- 
 felf be Judge, voluntas igititr nostra nee voluntas ejfet nifi effet in no(ira pntejiate , 8cc, De lib arbjt 
 Therefore our tpilljhould not be our mil, unleflit were in our power. Becaufe it it in Igc? 
 our porcer , it is free to us , for that is not free to us which is not in our power Sec. 
 If he mean that it is an errour in St. Aullin^ he (heweth his infolenceand vain glory*. 
 If this be an errour in him , it is an errour in all the reft of the Fathers •, I will not 
 bate him one of them in this caufe. Mr. Calvin f whom he citeth fometimes in 
 this Treatife ) profeffeth , that he will not differ a fyllabie from St. Aujiin i I do 
 not fay in this queftion of natural neceliity or Liberty, which no man then doubted 
 of, but even in that higher queftion of the concurrence of grace with free will. So 
 here is neither errour in St. Aufiin , nor ignorance in me. 
 
 Whereas I demanded thuss If whatfoevcr a man doth and willeth be predetermin- to e'' e L'b 
 ed to one precifely and inevitably, to what purpo(e is that power whereof T. H. tytotw.and 
 fpeaketh, to do if he will ^ and not to do if he will , which is never deduced into ad I-'^'t to ohc , 
 indiikrently a.ndin utramcjue partem, and confequently fruftraneous? Heanfwereth ^5 '^°"""^'''" 
 that all thofe things.may be brought topafl, which God hath from eternity predetermined] '°° 
 In good time i he might as well (ay , that God hath given man a Liberty to both 
 parts , to do or not to do , to choofe or to refufe , and yet hath limitted him pun- 
 dually and precifely to one part i which is a pure contradidion, to give him choice 
 of two , and yet rcftrain him to one. 
 
 He addeth , that though the will be neceffitated ,yet the doing what we will is Liber- 
 ty : Yes , it is the Liberty of ? bowl , it is his mock Liberty, but it is no Wi(emans 
 Liberty, where all deliberation is vain, and all eledion is impolljble. 
 
 I argued thus , if a man be free to ad , he is much more free to will , becaufe 
 quod efficit tale^ illud magis eft tale. To which he anfwereth with an ignorant jeer 
 As if he (houldjay , if 1 mak^ him angry , then I am more angry. Pardon me , I will 
 free him from this fear •, I fee nothing in him that (hould move a man to anger, but 
 rather to pity. That Canon holdeth onely in caufis per fe , fuch caufes as by nature, 
 or the intention of the free Agent, are properly ordained to produce that effed 
 fuch as his outward caufes arei fuppofed by him to be , in the determination of the 
 will. And therefore my inftance was proper , not in caufis per accidens , where the 
 erted is not produced naturally , or intentionally , but accidentally , as in his ri- 
 diculous inl^ance, 
 
 ^l u u u 2 jvf w
 
 ,»;{ 
 
 -^■^^- Z^ifti^^ihi^of TOME 111 
 
 My Lall Argument , which he vouchafeth to take notice of , was this i Ifthc 
 
 will be dctermmed , then the writing is determined : and then he ought not to fay 
 he m-v Write but lie mult Write.His anfwer isJtfoUomththjt hemumnteMtttfohrP- 
 ethnZhat Icloht to fay, he muji mite^mlefi he tvottld have me fay more than Ikiovp.as he 
 hmiclfdinh.\^ hsit poor crotchets are thele, unworthy of a man that hath any thing of 
 reality in him ? as if my argument did regard the faying of it , and not the thing it 
 felt.If it follow precifely that he mult Write , then he hath no freedom in utramque 
 partem, either to Writc,or not to Write, then he is no more free to do, than to will v 
 both vvhich arc contrary to his aflertion. 
 
 1 demanded , if a mans rviU be determined without his n>iJ} , Why We do ask him , 
 whether he Will do fuch a thing, or not> His anfwer is, hecaufe we defxre to k^orv. 
 But he wholly milkkeththe fcope of the quellion. The Emphafis Lyeth not in the 
 Word nv, but in the Word his; how it is his will ? For if his Will be determined by 
 natural caufes without his Will , then it is the Will of the caufes , rather than his 
 own Will. 
 jQ I demanded farther i why We doreprefent reafons to men. Why We do intreat 
 r.*^^- his'pri"- ^^em ^ He anfwercth , hecaufe we think^to maks them have the wiV they have not. So 
 ciples all per- he teacheth us , Firll , that the Will is determined by a neccffary influence of natu- 
 (wafionsarc ral caufes j and then prateth of changing the Will, by advice and moral perfwa- 
 ^^'"' fion?. Let him advice the Clock to rtrike fooner or latter than it is determined by 
 
 the weight of the plumb , and motion of the Wheels. Let him dilTwade the plants 
 from growing, and fee how much it availeth. He faith the Will doth Will <jj Me- 
 cijfartly as the fre hHrmth. Then let him intreat the fire to leave burning at hisre- 
 queft. But thus it falleth out with them who cannot , or will not , diftinguifh be- 
 tween natural and moral efficacy. 
 
 I asked then. Why do We blame Free- Agents > fince no man blameth fire for 
 burning Cities, nor accufcth poifon for delkoying men. Firft, he returncth an an- 
 w c n blame f^ver , We hlame them becanfe they do not pleafe us. Why > may a man blame every 
 no man jufily thing that doth not pleafe his humour ? Then I do not wonder why T. H is foapt 
 to blame others without caufe. So the Schollar may blame his Mailer for correft- 
 ing him defervedly for his good. So he who hath a vitious Stomack may blame 
 healthful food. So a Lethargical perfon may blame his beft friend for endeavour- 
 ing to fave his Life. 
 
 And now having iliot his bolt , he begins to examin the cafe , IVhether blaming he 
 any more than faying the thing blamed is ill or imperfed ? Yes, moral blame is much 
 more , it is an imputation of a fault. If a man be born blind or with one eye , we 
 do rot blame him for it : but if a man have Loft his fight by his intemperance. We 
 blame him juftly. Heinquireth, May not we fay, a lame horfe is lame? Yes, but 
 you cannot blame the horfe for it, if he was lamed by anothtr without his own 
 fault. May not a man fay one is a fool or a knave ( faith he ) if he be jo^though he could 
 }iot help it ? If he made himfelt a Sot , We may blame him, though if he be a ftark 
 Sot, We lofeour Labour. But if he were born a natural'Idiot , it were both in- 
 jurious and ridiculous to blame him for it. Where did he Learn , that, a man may 
 be a h^ave , and cannot help it ? Or that Knavery is impofed inevitably upon a man 
 without his own fault } If a man put fire to his neighbours houfe , it is the fault of 
 the man , not of the fire.He hath confefTed formerly that, a man ought not to be pit- 
 viflnd but fr crimes', the reafon is the very fame that he (hould not be blamed for do- 
 ing that which he could not pollibly leave undone i no more than a Servant whom 
 his Malkr hath chained to a pillar , ought not to be blamed for not waiting at his 
 elbow. No chain is ftrongcr than the chain of fatal deftiny isfuppofed to be. 
 
 That piece of eloquence which he thinks I borrowed from "fully, was in truth 
 taken immediately out ofSt. jiuJline,who applieth it muft properly to this caufe now 
 ALaniecoin- in q leftion. He urgeth. That a man might as well fay , that no man halteth which can 
 parifcD. not chufe but halt , as lay , That no man finneth in thofe things, which he cannot 
 
 (bun \ J or what is fin but hahing ? This is not the rirft time that he hath coitradidted 
 hiinfclf. Before he told us , that there can be no punifhment but for crimes that might 
 have been left undone : Now he tclleth us , that aman may fin, who cannot chufe but fin i 
 Thenfinisnot apuniihable crime. He might even as well fay, that there is no fuch 
 
 thing
 
 Discourse II. againftMr, UoWsAniniad'vpftonf. ^^t 
 
 thing as iln in the World i or if there be, that God is the authour of it . Reader 
 wholover thou art , if thou reverence God , efchew fuch dodlrines. His compari- 
 fon of halting is frivolous and impertinent. Halting is not againlttheeternal ruleof 
 Gods juftice , as linningis. Neither doth a m^n chufe his halting freely ,ae he doth 
 his finning. 
 
 In heconclufion of his Animadverfions upon Num. ^. there is imthingthatis 
 new , but that he is pleafed to play with a veooden toppe: He callethmy argument from 
 Zenoes cudgelling ofhismau,a wooden argument . Let him chufe whether I (hall call 
 his a wooden , or a boyifh comparifon. I did never meet with a more unfortunate 
 inrtancer then he is. He fliould produce an inftance of natural Agents , and he pro- 
 ducech an inftance of voluntary Agents. Such are the boycs that whip his wooden tobpe. 
 He (hould produce an inftance ofa natural determination i fo he atfirmeth that the 
 will is determined i and he produceth an inftance of a violent determination for fuch 
 is the motion of his toppe. I hope he doth not mean that the will is compelled i if he 
 do , he may ftring it up with the reft of his contradidiions. 
 
 Hath not he brought his hogs to a faire market, when God hath created him a 
 freeman, a noble creature , to make himfelfe like a wooden toppe i Deferveth not 
 he to be moved as the toppe, is with a whip, until he confefTehis errour,and acknow- 
 ledge his own liberty > If this wooden toppe (hould chance to it T. Ron the 
 fhinnes , I deiire to know whom he would accufe: The toppe .? That were *as mad 
 a part, as it is in the dog to run after the ftone and bite it,never looking at the manwho 
 did thro w ir. What then Ihould he accufe, the boyes that whipped the toppe? No that 
 were equally ludibrious, feeing the boyes are as much neceifitated s and to ufe his 
 own phrafe, as much lajht to what they do by the caufes , as the toppe is by the boyes. 
 So he may fit down patiently and at laft think upon his liberty which he had abandon- 
 ed , and if the caufes will give him leave , get a plantin to heale his broken fhinn. 
 
 Such an unruly thing as this toppe, which he fancieth, is he himfelf, fometim'es 
 dilating errours , fometimes writing paradoxes , fometimes juftling out Metaphy- 
 ficks , fometimes wounding the Mathematicks •, And in a word, troubling the world 
 and difordering all things, Logick ,Philofophy, Theology , with his extravagant 
 conceits. And yet he is offended that men will go about to keep polTelfion oftheit 
 ancient Principles againft his upftart innovations, and is ready to implead them 
 (with that quarrelfome Roman J becaufe they would not receive his weapon fair- 
 ly with their whole bodies. It were a much more Chriftain contemplation to elevate 
 his thoughts from this wooden toppe , to the organical body of a man, wherein he 
 may find God an hundred times , from the external form or figure of the one 
 which affords it onely an aptitude to move and turn , to the internal and 
 fubftantial form of the other , which is the fubordinated beginning of animal mo- 
 tion , from the turning of his toppe , which is fo fvvift , that it prevents thedifcovery 
 of the (harpeft eye-fight , and feemeth to ftand ftock ftili, to the eternity of God 
 where motion and reft do meet together,or all motion is fwallowednpinto reft.Laftly 
 from thefe boyes, who hold the top up by their continued lafhings , to the infinite 
 power of an almighty God, who is both the procreating and conferving caufes of all 
 our life, being,and motion, and to magnifie him for his wonderful workes where- 
 in he hath manifefted to the World his own power and Wifdom. 
 
 Thefe Animadverfions will produce no great trouble either to me or the Reader.I j ■ r 
 did demonftrate in this Sedion the difference betwen liberty of exercife or contradi- h^^ J 
 dion, and liberty of fpecihcation or contrariety , He only takes notice of it, and *"^ p"^"*-"^' 
 calls it Jargon s and fo without one word more , fhaketh hands and withdraweth ^J'^°^^ "^"^ 
 himfelfe. '^^"^- ^ 
 
 Ifaid it was a rule in art, that homonymota tpords^ or words of a doubleor doubt- 
 full fignificaton , ought frji to be dijUngiti(hid , that Difputants may underftand one 
 another rightly , and not beat the air to no purpofe. 
 
 I (hewed out of the Scriptures, that the Word Liberty or freedom, was fuch an 
 ambiguous Word , and (hewed farther what this Liberty is, whereof We difpute ; 
 a Liberty from necellitation or determination to one by extrinfecal caufes. Hecon- 
 fefTeth , that this is the queftion i adding , That he underjUndeth not how fuch a hi- t- H. his Aem 
 berty can be. Then what remained but to go to our proofs > Yet here he raifeth a »kil in Logick 
 
 ftorm
 
 ^54 Caftigatioafof TQM El U. 
 
 norm of Words upon the by , and foamcth out his own difgrace. He denicth that 
 there is any fuch rule of Art. lamfure ( faith he ) not in the Art ofreafon, rvhich 
 men call Logkk And all Logicians are fure of the contrary, who give not onely one 
 but many fuch rules , in treating of fimple terms , of complex terms , of fallacies. 
 They teach that an ambiguous term before it be dijiittguijhed figttijies nothing ; that it 
 cannot be placed in any predicament i that it cannot be defined nor divided : and they 
 give this general rule , VijitnUio vocis ambigtu frimafit in omni rerum confideratioiie. 
 Either this man never read one Word of Logick in his Life , or it is moft ftrange 
 how pride hath defaced all Logical notions out of his mind. 
 
 He telleth us, that the fignitication of an ambiguous Word may be rendered per- 
 Hisfilly ded: fpicuous by a definition. But Logicians teach us better , that it cannot be defined 
 nitioni before it be diflinguiflied. How (hould a man define he knowfcth not what > Sup- 
 
 pofe I (hould ask him the definition of a degree , Can he or any man define a degree 
 before they know what degree is to be defined ? whether a degree in the Heavens, 
 or a degree in the School, or a degree of Confanguinity , or a degree of Compari- 
 fon ? He may as well define a crab before he know whether it be a Crab-fifli, or a 
 Crab- fruit. The definition and the thing defined , are the fame thing. But am- 
 biguous words have feveral fignifications , which cannot be of the fame thing. 
 
 His definition of Liberty is this v Liberty is the abfence of external impediments to 
 motion. Before I have done , 1 (hall make him out of Love with his definitions. 
 Liberty is an abjence i If Liberty be an abfence , then Liberty is nothing , for an 
 abfence is nothing in the nature of things ; but a meer privation. An abfence of 
 impediments i Impediments may take away the Liberty of execution , not the Li- 
 berty of eleftion. There may be true Liberty, where there are impediments : and 
 there may be no impediments , yet without Liberty. An abfence of outward impedi- 
 ments: and why of outward impediments? may not inward impediments with- 
 hold a man from adting freely as well as outward > may not a fit of fickncfs keep 
 a man at home, as well as a(howerof rain > A man maybe free, and ad freely, not- 
 withlhnding impediments. Many impediments are vincible : A man may go out 
 of his houfe though there be a great Logg laid at his door. Lafily an abfence of 
 impediments to motions. Eledion is the mo(\ proper intrinfecal adl of Liberty , which 
 may be without local motion. 
 
 1 durft not ftile my poor defcription by the name of a definition. Yet it (et down 
 the right nature of Liberty , and (hewed what was the difference between us. His 
 definition hath nothing to do with Lib^rrty, aijd commeth not near our queftion by 
 twenty furlongs. 
 
 Our controverfie is ,' whether the will be antecedently determined by extrinfe- 
 cal cau(es : we have nothing to do with impediments of motion. But to let him 
 fee the vanity of his definitions , I will dcmonftrate out of them , that the moft 
 necefTary Agents are free Agents , and the molt free Agents neccflary Agents , that 
 the will is free , and neceflity is Liberty. Firll, when a ftone falleth from a ftecple 
 to the ground , or when a fire burneth , there is an abfence of all external impe- 
 diments to motion: yet by his own confelhon , thefe are not free , nor fo much as 
 voluntary, but natural necelTary adtions. The (ione falleth neceflarily, not freely. 
 The fire burneth necefTarily , not freely. So his definition fitteth a neceflary Agent 
 as well as a free Agent. On the other fide, he defineth necelTary to be that rrhich 
 is impojjible to be otherveife. But by his dodrine , it is impoliible for any free or vo- 
 luntary Agent to be otherwife than it is , or ad otherwife than it doth. There- 
 fore by his definition , all free and voluntary Agents are neceffary Agents. Second- 
 ly, if an abfence of external impediments to motion, be a true definition of Liber- 
 ty , then the will is free , for the will hath no external impediment to motion. 
 External impediments may hinder adion , not eledion , which is the proper ad 
 of the Will. 
 
 Laflly , by his definition , Liberty it felf is neceflity , and neceflity is Liberty, as 
 is made evident thus. The abfence of outward impediments to motion is the defi- 
 nition which he givcth of Liberty , and therefore muft be reciprocal or convertible 
 with Liberty it felfl But neceflity is much more an abfence of outward impedi- 
 ments to motion. For if there were any impediments, that could hinder the-pro- 
 
 dudiof»
 
 Discourse II. Mr. Hob'/ Ammad'7jeyfions. 7^5- 
 
 dudtionot'the effcdt , there could be no necellity. Thus he contoandcth all thin^ 
 
 with his derinitions, free Agents, with necceflary Agents , and necefTary Agents 
 with free Agents: neceUity it felf with liberty, and liberty with neceility : and now 
 learning is well reformed. 
 
 Heis difpleafed at me for calling him a particular man, an/rfaidhc) Tor any other 
 vpjs an univerfall man ■■, and he conceivcth that I mean a privat man. I mean as I 
 write : a particular man is not oppofed to an miverfal man^ but to mankind, though 
 he maketh his City ^io be a kind of univerfal man. My meaning was, a particular man 
 that is,notachurch,notaCounciI,not fo much as a company ofmen,but one fingle man' 
 and it may be, an handful of his feduced difciples. There is neither a Church nor I 
 Council , nor a company of men, butthey may juftly challeng more refpedt than 
 one fingle man , 
 
 Here he boalkth of his conftant meditations Thzt he hath done aVmoJl nothina elfebutt 
 meditate upon this and other natural ^«f/fio«/. Still he forgetteth Epi^etuf his rule thatth ^^^^'f^fion 
 flieep fliouldnotbraghowmuchithath eaten.If hehad meditated to any great purpofe^ Litcleworth 
 we fliould have found it in his works.For my partj do neither believe, that he hath fo S°ufeofo. 
 muchfpare time from other imployments, to beftow upon his meditations, Nor that 'fi''" '^ensex: 
 private meditation, without making ufe of the ftudies and experience of other men fs P^"^"*^*- 
 fo ready a way to attain to perfeftion in fuch hiden learning.Ifhe had fpent aU his time 
 in meditating how to become a good Phyfitian, and hath never read a line of Hippo- 
 cratef or Galen , or any other learned Author the meaneft of which had more 
 knowledge , than he is able to attain unto with all his meditation ,'dcrinp: his 
 whole Life , What would it have availed him ? facile eji inventU addere \ Itjs much 
 cafier to top a (lately cdifice,than to build it upfrom the very foundationlLaftly I do 
 not believe that he was capable of meditation , upon thofe high fubje^ts which he 
 never underftood , as appeareth plainly by his Writings. How fhouid a'blind man 
 judge of Colours ? 
 
 Yet he will not give over, until he have had another fling agalnft School-terms 
 becaufe he findeth it eafier to cenfure , than either to confute or underftand He 
 hath been anfwered formerly , and (hall receive a farther anfvver in due place * For 
 theprefent, Khali onely put him in mind of two fayings, the one of ^c'^j^r 
 Voces didaUic^ rudihm ingeniis acerb£ , delieatis ridicula fmt , Terms of j^rt devifed aSJ^vPntcfal 
 fir inihuUion^ are mpkafant to Palates not exercifed in them, and ridiculous to nice and to rude per, 
 delicate ears. There is a double perfpicuity , the one vulgar to common people the ^°^^ 
 the other more intelledual to Artifts. In vulgar appellations ( kith ^rijiotle ) rve ar 
 tofpeak^ as the Common-people , but in terms of Art , tve are to follow the moft approved 
 Artifts. ^^ 
 
 He asketh with that patience J can hear Martin Luther and Philip Melandthon 
 fpea\againft School theology , whereof he giveth fome inftances , but without citing 
 the places. So he muft receive an anfwer without perufing of them. If they have 
 condemned all Schoolmen and School Learning , it is for him to defend them not 
 for me.For if they did fo, I (hould not much value their judgement in that particu- 
 lar. But I do not believe that any who made fo great ufe of School- learning did 
 condemn all School-men in general. Lttther ftinted his accufation to under 200 
 years. It may well be , that in that time fome School-men , in fome queftions 
 were too Licentious. But T. H. condemneth not onely the men, but the Learnins 
 all their grounds , all their terms , and more particularly in this very queftion oftl^' 
 Liberty of the Will , he cenfureth and contemneth all Fathers, Philofophers and 
 Clallick Writers. I trow , Mmine Lttther and Philip Melandhon did not fo. 
 
 He pleadeth,That he doth mt call at School learningjargon, but that which they fay in 
 defence of untruths; and efpecially in the maintenance of the free tvill I believe he hath read 
 very Little School-learning , either upon that fubjedt , or any other-, if behave we 
 find very little fruit of it in his Writings.Butif that be his quarrel againft the School- 
 men , for maintaining of freedom of will from antecedent and extrinfccal neceifi- 
 tation in natural adts , if he will (land to authorities, I am contented to joyn iiTue 
 with him, that not onely all the School-men, all Fathers , Philofophers, and Claf- 
 fick Writers were propugners of this freedom or liberty of will, and particularly his 
 two witneiTes , whpfe words he citcth in this place, Luther and MelanHhon 
 
 Where
 
 —766 Cafiigations of TOME I U . 
 
 whereot the turmcr lauh;, 1 hat he and his party i^eai^ undijcrmly , and the oTher 
 
 ( that is MilanUhott ) calleth his opinion ot univerlall necclhty ,a Mamchean opinion, 
 
 and an horrible Ik. » • j r j r i • ^ r 
 
 ^ n. ■ -Tr, »i,;c hffli ^edion there are no Animadverlions, and lo there is no need ot 
 Cajiigaltons (>" ^'"^ ' "" 
 
 upon the A- ^J^J.^^j5'JJo^occafion offered to make any long flay upon this fubject . I produced 
 mmadverix- ^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ Scripture to prove.That men have liberty , or power of eledion. 
 ow/, Nuin.5. ^^ _^^|.^^^^^ ^ -j-l^j^i „g„ are necejfitated they choofe by antecedent canjes. I took away 
 Cajtigations jj^j^^j^f^yi^j. t^rce wayes. Firft by reafon. To this he is filent. Secondly by inftances. 
 ttpon the A- ^j^jj.j|y ^^ ^Y\^ (gxts themfel ves To this he rejoyneth. That thefe texts and infknces 
 tiinijdverji- ^^ onely prove , that a man is free to do if he will ^ which he denieth not. But they do not 
 ons Num. 6' ^^^^ that he \s free to xcill. And in the fecond inftancc , T/pe Seniuur of the mefs ^ 
 chooleth what he hath an apfetite to , bict he choofeth not his appetite. This isalliiean- 
 
 fwereth. 
 AnCtothcftit This di(iind-ion hath been already fufficiently refuted , as contradidory to his owne 
 quert- fount, of pyj^jj ^ which do as much neceiiitate a man to do, as to will. Secondly , as 
 cT-iV ml J, unprofitable , the neceifity of willing being much more fubjed and obnoxious to 
 JefNuZi all thofe blows , and all thofe adfurdities, which flow from fatall deftiny , than the 
 Fecdom to do necellity of doing. Thirdly as contrary tothefenfc, and meaning of the whole 
 ifoncwil,vvith ^^j.jj PQjjj.jj^jy 35 contrary to the Scriputrcs. Laftly,Ihave demonftrated the 
 °o\viU3^^a unreafonablencffe of hiscomparifons between the intelkauall and fenfitive appetite, 
 diflinftion both as it is a comparifon ^Theologia Symbolica non eCl argumentativa. As alfo as it is an 
 inference from the lelTer to the- greater negatively. 
 
 Now I add, That that ghffe if accurfed, which doth corrupt the text , as thisglofle 
 of his doth , That a man is free to do if he will , but not free to will. Eledion is 
 that very thing which he faith is not free , that is the appettiei and it is thus defined, 
 EkUio eft appetitu(reipr£confiderat£, Eledion is an appetite offome thing, that hath been 
 predeliberated of. But the texts alleadged do demonftrate that to choofcor eled is 
 free undetermined to one. Thereof they do demonftrate that it is not free onely 
 to do but much more to will or to choofe. It is in the hufbands choice , either toefta- 
 blijhed the vow of his wife , or to mak^ it voide. Here is a liberty of contradidtion or of 
 exercife. Again, c/;oo/e_yf t/^i/ t/a^* whom ye will ferve , whether the gods of your fa- 
 thers , er the gods of the Amorites , and J offer thee three things , choofe the which of 
 them Jfhall do. Here is a liberty of contrariety or fpecification. And in all thofe places 
 Nnm. 9,0 \± here is a liberty of eledion , to will , to defire , to choofetheir own appetite. 
 Jcfh'i^iS Secondly, the fameis demonftrated from the definition of free will , tohc a free 
 I Sam' »4 ' * power of choofing one thing before another^ or accepting or re]eding the fame thing indiffer- 
 ently ^given to the intelleUuali nature for the glory of god^in order to fame end. But al 1 thefe 
 texts by me alledged,and many more do attribute unto the willa power of choofing one 
 thing before another,or of accepting or rejedtingthe fame thing indifferentlyiThercfore 
 all thefe texts do demonftrate that the will of man isfree,not onely to do if he will,but 
 to will , that is, to choofe, or to eled. Wherefbever, whenfoever and hov.'foever the 
 will adeth , it is volition , but eledion is the proper formal ad of the will , as it 
 isfree. Anditis altogether impolfible there (hould be any eledion , without a 
 freedom to will. The will imployeth the underftanding to confider of the moft conve- 
 nient means to attain fome defired end. The underftanding doth return its judge- 
 ment. Which is like a bill prefented to the King by the two houfes. The willis 
 free either to fufpend its ad i or deny its approbation with /a w/tf«ff's <J6/i;i/fr<«, 
 The will will advife better , or elfe to confent , with la volonte le w^t , the will 
 approveth it , which confent to the judgment of the underftanding is properly 
 eledion , as it were the conclufion ofa pradical Syllogifm, an intelledive appetite, 
 or an appetitive inteled. 
 
 If a great Prince (hould offer to his poor fubjed three diftind gifts & bid him take 
 his choice of them, having underhand given away two of them before to another 
 from him , Were it not an abufe , and a meer mockery .? God offered David in like 
 manner his choice of three things i 7 ojfiT thee three things , choofe which of them \ 
 Jh M do. Did God openly offer to Havid the free choice of three things , and had 
 fecretly determined that two of them (hould never be ? Far be this from God. E- 
 
 fpeci> 
 
 1
 
 Discourse II. Mr. Hob ♦/ Animad'verfiuns. 75y 
 
 efpecially to do it fo ferioully , and with fucli folemn proteliations , as 1 cult Heaven 
 
 and Earth this day to record agatnji you , that I have fet before yon Life and Death, hkf- Deut 
 
 fwg andcitrfing, therefore choofi Life ,thjt both thou and thy feed may Live.C:in any man ^°* 
 
 who hath but fo much reverential fear of of God,as a Grain Mullard feed which 
 
 is the Lealt of feeds , harbour fuch an unworthy thought in his breall , tha't truth 
 
 it felf fhould be guilty of fuch grofs diliimulation > It is a decided caufe in Law 
 
 that he who hath granted to another Liberty ofeleAion, cannot before his e!e<Sion 
 
 difpofc of that which he hath granted away to another. He who hath a right to e- 
 
 left, if he choofe an unworthy perfon, by the fentence of the Law forfeits his right 
 
 to eledt, for that turn. Why fo, if he was necellitated without his will to choof- 
 
 as he did ? We fay truly .confent taketh away errour. That man is not wronged , 
 
 who confents to his own wrong:how fo,ifhis confent be againft or without his own 
 
 Will > If the Will be not free but neccliitated , then nothing is unlawful. 7hat 
 
 xvbich is not Latfful by the Law , necejjiiy makfth Larcful.ln ak not ondy of abCo- 
 
 lute , but even of extream necelfity , nteum znd *««/» ceafeth , and that which o- 
 
 thcrwife had been plain theft, becometh juft. He who n cellitateth all events 
 
 taketh fin out of the World. 
 
 One of my inftances was in the eleftion of the King of the Romans , to which 
 he anfwcreth as formerly , T'hn the ekSors are free to name whom they wiS but not 
 free to rviV. If they be not free to will , then they are not free to eledl for elc- 
 dion is the proper formal adt of the Will •, and then the cicdors are no eledtors. 
 There is one contradidtion. Neither are they free to name whom they will indiffer- 
 ently , if they be d.termined neceiTarily and antecsdently to name one. Poifi- 
 bilityof more than one, and a precife determination to one , (that is, may name 
 and muftname , j are Like wife contradidtories in adjeSo. This is not all: We fee 
 by the Golden Bull what care there is to bring the eledors together to Frank^efrt '*C(«r»//.4 
 
 and to fecurc them there. Every one of them muft take a folemn oath upon the Go- 
 fpel of St. Juhn , that according to his Yaith which he ovoeth to God and the Roman 
 Empire , to the beji of his difcretion and underftanding , he will choofe \_ volo eligere "1 
 with the help if God a King of the Romans , that is, ft for it , and give his voice and 
 vote without all faU , jlipend , prrice , or promife. And if they do not accord adually 
 •within thirty days , they are thenceforth to have nothing but bread and Water un- 
 til they have made their election. If it was antecedently determined by extrinfccal 
 caufes who fliould be chofen, and no other: What needed all this trouble and charge 
 to fo many great Prince , when they might as well have ftayedat home,and have fee 
 feven ordinary Burgers to have drawn Lotts for it? Do men ufc to fwear to choofe 
 that which (it may by ) is not in their power to choofe, and to refufe that which 
 ( which it may be ) is not in their power to refufe. The belly is a vehement oratour 
 but if it be abfolutely determined whom they muft choofe, and when, they might 
 as Well give them mofel , Wine , and the bcft meat the Country affords, as bread and 
 Water. Here we have exprefly volo eligere, I will choofe, which is as much as 
 .tofay , volo veVe , I Will I will : which Phrafc T. H. eflcemeth an abfurd Speech : 
 But JmHiu Scaliger thought other wife, Vicimm & verb ^ & ex omnium gentium con- 
 fenfu , volo velle. The wety woids cum adjutorio Vei , With the help of God, might ^'*'"" ?°7 
 teach them that God is neither the total caufe, nor the determining caufe of mans 
 eleAion. 
 
 Laftly, This difiindion maketh T. H. worfe than the Stoicks themfelves, Andmaketh 
 for the Stoicks together with their fate , did alfo maintain the Freedom of the will! T. if adegrec 
 And as we find in many Authors, both theirs and ours, did not fubjedt the Soul of *^°r.'"e than the 
 man , nor the will of man to the rigid dominion of dertiny. The Stoicks fubfira- ^'°''^*^'' 
 ded fome caufes , and fubjefted others to nccellity. And among thofe which they 
 would not have to be under necelfity, they placed the will of man , Lcfi it fhould Aufl.de civUt 
 feem not to be free, if it %vere fubjeded to necelfity. Chryfippm made two forts of ''^' '• 5. f. lo. 
 caufes which did necelfitate and compel all things, except the will of man, and ad- 
 juvantcaufe?, as objeds , which did onely excite and allure. Thefe C faid he j do 
 awaken the mind of man, but being awakened it can move of it felf: which he 
 fetteth forth by the comparifor. of a whirlegigge , and a roller cafl down a 
 fteep place, which have the beginning of their motion from without themfelves , 
 
 X X X X bu{
 
 TOME 111. 
 
 Ai G^teUtHm 
 
 of the Ani- 
 madverfwns, 
 
 Tux their Progrds from their ow7i torm and volubUuy So 1. His wodc than a 
 Stoick in this refpedt , and cxtcndeth fatal neccllity farther than they did. I have 
 done with his diftin^ion for this time i I fay nothing of the bird, but the egge 
 
 IS 
 
 Judicium 1>r*. 
 Sice prtSi, 
 cmm *xplain_ 
 
 bad. 
 
 In fhefc Animadverfions there is nothing contained which is material , either for 
 neccllity or againft liberty, but paflion and animofity. "Where itisfaid, that the 
 will doth perpetually follow the laft dictate of the underflanding , or thelaft judge- 
 ment of right rcafon: He excepteth that 7 am mijlaksn ,for the rvil! foUotPeth as iveti 
 the Judgement of an erroneous^ as of a true Teafoning. Firrt his exception is improper, it 
 is the judgement of Reafon, not ofreafoning. Secondly it is impertinent, the onely 
 queftion here is , whether the will do follow thelaft judgement of reafon , not whe- 
 ther the reafon be right or not, Thirdly it is falfe , whilft the will doth follow the 
 erroneous judgement of reafon, yet it folio weth it as the judgement of right reafon, 
 "When the judgment of Reafon is erroneous, the will followeth it onc\y defaHo, 
 but when it is right , is followeth it both defaUo and^f iure. 
 
 His fecond exception is, that I wwfef the undcrfiandifig to be an effect of the mH. Good 
 words. I faid not the underllanding , but the ad of the underftanding , that is , the 
 deliberation or judgement of the underftanding , whichis fo far truely faid to pro- 
 ceed form the will, becaufethe will employeth the underftanding to deliberate and 
 judge. How the underftanding moveth the will , and the will moveth the under- 
 ftanding mutually , is a fuperfluous qucftion , (eeing they do not differ really , but 
 rationally. The underftanding is the effence of the (oul as it knoweth, the will the 
 fame elfence of the foule as it extendeth it fclfe to enjoy the thing known. Neither 
 ami obliged to read Ledtures. It is fufficient to know, that the will is moved to the 
 fpeciHcation of its ad onely by the underftanding , or which is all one , by the 
 objed known and reprcfented. But the will is moved, and doth move the the un- 
 derftanding, tOxthe cxercifc of its ad byitfelf, except only in that motion which is 
 called motus prmo frimus , that is the motion of the will towards the laft end , which 
 itis not in the power of the will to will or not to will , as its other motions arc , 
 but requireth the excitation of the firiftcaufe. The will moveth both the underftan- 
 ding and it fclfe effedively. The underftanding moveth the will objedively, by make- 
 ing thofe things to be adually known, which were onely potentially intelligible. 
 As the light ot Sun maketh thofe things adually vifible , which before did lie hid 
 in darknelfc. 
 
 Ifhe will not undcrftand thofe things , which all old Divines and Philofophers 
 do alTent unto , ( chufing rather to be a blind leader of the blind . than a follower 
 of them who fee) nor the command of the will, nor the difference between natural 
 and moral eficjcy\ If he undcrftand not what is the judgement of the underfianding 
 f radically frradical , hevnud learn, and not adventure to cenfure befor he knows 
 what he cenfures. What he is not able to confute, he fliould not dare to fleight. I 
 do not juftifie all the queftions , nor all the expreffions of all Schoolemcn : But 
 this I will fay ,Therc is often more profound fcnfeand learning in one of thefc obfcurc 
 phrafes which he cenfures as jargow , and unintelligible , than in one of his whole 
 Treaties. 
 
 And particulary , in this which he fleighteth more than any of the reft in 
 a domineering manncri that is , "the judgement of the underftandiug praSicaHy fraUicaL 
 A country man ( faith he ) wiU ack^orvledge there u judgement in men , hut will as foon 
 fay , the judgment of the judgement , of the judgement of the underjianding. Then 
 fhall country men be Judges of terms of Art , who undcrftand not any one termc 
 of any Art > mrch leflc the things intended by thofe tcrmes , and the faculties of 
 the foule with their proper ads. But fuch a filly judge is Htteft for T. H. I will not 
 cite a Schoole-man ,but contain my felfc within the bounds of philolbphy. 
 
 Philofophers do define the underftanding by its fubjed , proper ads, and objedj, 
 to he a faculty of the foule underfianding ^ kitorving , and judging things intelligibU.lt 
 to judge of its objed, be the proper ad of the underftanding , then there muft needs 
 be a judgement of the underftanding. Every fenfe judgeth of its proper objed , as the 
 fight of colours , the hearing of founds. Shall we grant judgement tothefenfes, 
 and deny judgement to the underftanding ? Now this judgement is either contem-. 
 
 platire
 
 Discourse 1 1. Mr. HobsV Animadversions- ^IJSq 
 
 plativc , or practical. Conremplative is when the underftanding aimcth only at 
 
 knowledge , what is true , and what is falfe , without thought of any external 
 
 action. Pradical judgement is when the underftanding doth not only judge what 
 
 is true , and what is falfc , but alfo what is good , and what is evil , what is to 
 
 bepurfued , and what is to be (huned. So we have the pradical judgement of the 
 
 underdanding. Yet further when the undcrftanding hath given fuch a pradtical 
 
 judgement , it is not necefTary that the will fhall follow it; but it may fulpend its 
 
 confent and not elect. It may put the undcrftanding upon a new deliberation , 
 
 and require a new judgment. In this cafe the ju dgement of the undcrftanding is 
 
 practical, bccaufe it intends not mcerly contemplation , what is true and what is 
 
 falfe , but alfo action, what is to be purfued , and what is to be (hunned i But 
 
 yet it is not practically practical , becaufe it takes not ef?ect,by reafon of the dilTent 
 
 of the will. But whenfoever the will (hall give its free confent to the practial judgment 
 
 of the undcrftanding , and the fentence of reafon is approved by the acceptation of 
 
 the will •, then the judgement of the undcrftanding becomespr^S/c^//y praSical. Then 
 
 the election is made, which phylofophers do therefore call , a confultative appetition. 
 
 Not that the will can elect contrary to the judgement of reafon, but that the will 
 
 may fufpend its confent, and require a new deliberation, and a new judgement, 
 
 and give Confent to the later. So we have this feeing piece of non-fenfe, JMiii««w 
 
 inteVeUuf praCike prjSicum , not only tranflated but explained in Englifti,confonantly 
 
 to the moft received opinions of ClalficalAuthours. If he have any thing tofayagainft 
 
 if, let him bring arguments, not reproaches : And remember,how Memnomgzvc arail- p/g,. 
 
 ing fouldier a good blow with his Lance, faying, I hired thee to fight , and not to 
 
 railc. 
 
 The abfurdity which he imputethtome in natural Philofophy, That i» j* ridi- 
 culous to fay , that the object of the .fight U the caufe }of feeing , which mak^th him forty How the ob, 
 that he had the ill fortune to be ingaged mth mein adifpute of this kjnd, is altogether }** '*'*'"* 
 impertinent and groundlefle. The caufe of feeing is either the caufe ofthe exercifeof th/caufcof 
 feeing , or the caufe of the fpecification of the act of feeing. The object is the caufe feeing, 
 of the fpecification , why we feethis or that, and not the caufe of the exercife. He 
 that (hould aifirm , that the object doth not concurre in the caufation of 
 fight,''efpecial!y going upon thofc grounds that I do , that the manner of vifionis not 
 by (ending out beams from the eye to the object, but by receiving the fpecics from 
 the object to the eye, ) were in an errour indeed. For in (ending out the Jpecies there 
 is action , and in the reception of them paflion. But he that (liould affirm , that the 
 object is the caufe of the exercife of fight, or that it is that which maketh that which 
 is facultate fpeSiabile to be aSu afpeHabile , or that it is that which judgeth of the 
 colour or Light , or ( to come home to the fcope of the placi , ) that the object 
 doth necellitate or determin the faculty of fight , or the fenfitive Soul to the exer- 
 cife of (eeing were in a greater errour. Among many anfwers which I gave to that 
 objection , that the dictate of the undcrftanding doth determine the Will , this was 
 one , that fuppofing it did determine it , yet it was not naturally, but morally , not 
 as an efficient, by Phyfical influence, into the Will , but by propofing and reprefent- 
 ing the object, which is not my fingle opinion, but the received judgement of the 
 beft School-men. And in this fenfe, and this (enfe onely , I faid truly, that the 
 undcrftanding doth no more by propofing the object determin and necellitate the 
 Will to Will , than the object of fight doth determin and necellitate the fenfitive 
 Soul to the actual exercife of feeing ; Whereas all men know that the fenfitive A- 
 gent ( notwithftanding any efficacy that is in the object ) may fliut his eyfs , or 
 turn his face another way. So that which I faid was both true and perti- 
 nent to the queftior. But his exception is altogether impertinent , and if it 
 be underftood according to the proper fenfe and fcope of the place, untrue. And Cajtigauoii 
 this is the onely Philolbphical notion which hitherto I have found in his Animad- "f ^^i^ -^"i' 
 verfions. viadverfioas 
 
 Whofoever defireth to be (ecure from T. H. his Arguments, may hold himfelf dole Num. 8. 
 -o the queftion. Where he will find no great caufe of fear. All his contention is a- 
 )oat terms, whatfosver there was in this Section which came home to the princi- 
 pal queftion , is omitted , and nothing minded ; but the meaning or fignification 
 
 X X X X 2 ot
 
 T^O 
 
 CaHmno nsof TOME 1 1 1 . 
 
 — ' — ; J f^r.Mnpniisadts &c. which were well enough underllood before 
 
 TlThola^s n "a-^^^^^^ another P..«. in the cLedy , to trouble all 
 U-. So he acts his part Like thofe fond Muficians , who fpent fo much time in 
 things. 5 ^^^_^ inaruments , that there was none Left to fpare for their Mufick. 
 Km- 3. ''JJ^'"? ^j.^ Crec which arc voluntary,or rpontaneous,and which are necefTary Agents, 
 
 I have fet down'at Large,Whither to prevent farther trouble) 1 refer the reader ; and 
 reader to make it good by the joynt teftimonits of an hundredClallick Authors, 
 fhanhishath been the Common and currant Language of Schokrs for many Ages. If 
 h could produce but one Author, Stoickor Chriliian before himfelf,whointheventi- 
 ladon of thisqueftion did ever deHne Liberty as he doth, it were fome fatisfadiioi:. 
 Hitherto We have found no demonftration^cither from the caufe or from the effeft , 
 few topical arguments, or authorities that are pertinent to the queftion, except it be 
 of Country men and Common people , with one comparifon. 
 Spontaneity. ^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^j^^ Animadverfions themfelves. He chargeth me, or rather the 
 Schoolmen , for bringing in thisftrange word , Spontaneous , meerly to fluft of the diffi- 
 culty of maintaining our tenet of Free-rciV. If fpontaneous and voluntary be the fame 
 things . as we affirm , and ufe them both indifferently , I would gladly know, 
 I^P^ j},£ or,c can be a fubtcrfugc more than the other? or why we may not ufe a 
 word that is equipollent to his own word > But to cure him of his fufpition , I 
 anfwer That the fame thing, and the fame terme of fpontaneous, both in Greek and 
 Latine in tlie fame fenfe that we take it , as it is diftinguifhed from free , and jufl 
 as we define it , wasufed by philofophers a thoufand years before cither I, or any 
 Schoole-men were borne ; as we find in Jrijjotk. that is fpontaneous [or voluntary 
 »5. en«' ] whofe beginning i* in it felfe , with knowledge cf the end or knowing 
 Ethiii^ /, J- every thing wherein the aftion doth confill. And the fame Authour in the very 
 c- 3^ next Chapter , makes the very fame difference between that which is voluntary, 
 
 and that which is free or eligible, that we do. 
 
 His fccond exception is againi\ thefe words , Spontaneity confifts in a confor- 
 mity of the appetite , either intclledual or fenfitive to the objedi rvhich tvords ( faith 
 he ) ^0 fignifie thatfpontaneity is a conformity or lik^ne^ of the appetite to the objeS , which 
 ConT rmity t" him foundeth as if I hadfaid, that the appetite is Itk^ the ohjeCi , which is as proper, at 
 fignifieth agree if J hadjaid, that the hunger is lik^ the meat. And when he concludes Triumphan- 
 ablenefias jy ^ 7^ ,^jj y^. ^j^ meaning , as it is the meaning of the words , he is a very fine Philofo- 
 wellaslikcnc* ^^^^^ ^jj his Philofophy confifts in Words-, If therehad been an impropriety in the 
 Phrafe , C as there is none ) this exception had been below an Athenian Sophiftcr. 
 I had almoft faid , ( faving the rigorous acception of the Word , as it was u(cd af- 
 terwards ) an Athenian Sycophapt. Conformity fignifies not onely fuch a likeneft 
 of feature as he imagineth , but alfo a convenience , accommodation , and agree- 
 ablenefs. So the Savoury meat which B.ebecka made forher Husband, was conform 
 to his appetite. So Daniel and his fellows conformed their appetites to their pulfe 
 and Water. Thus tully faith , Ego me eomformo ad ejus voluntatem, I conform myfelf 
 to his Will, where there is an agreeablcnefs , there is a conformity i as to ■ conform 
 ones fclf to another mans humour , or to his Council, or to his commands. He 
 refolveth to have no more to do with fpontaneity : I thought that it had not beenhimfclf 
 but the caufts that refolved him , without his own Will. But whether it be him- 
 fclf , or the caufes , I think , if he hold his refolution , and include Liberty therein 
 for company , it will not be much amifs for him. 
 
 Here he readeth us a profound Le^ure , that the Common people, on whofe arbi- 
 tration depettdeth the fignification ofWcrds in common ufe, among the L^tines andGreeks^ 
 did call all aBions and motions , whereof they did perceive no caufe , fpontaneous and «'"". 
 w™ and in the conclufion of his Lediure, according to his culfom he forgetteth not 
 himlclf. JheBijhopunderliandin(r^nothingofthi4, might if it pleafed him , have called 
 «i;,f.y«T« it Jargon. V\ hat pitty is it, that he hath not his G«(j</;o about him , to cafe him 
 What they arc of this trouble , of i^roaking his own head ? here is a Lecture able to make all the 
 Bfatkfmiths and Watchmakers in a City to gape and Wonder , to fee their Work- 
 man(bip fo highly advanced. 
 
 Thus he vapourcth flill,when he Lights on the blind fide of an equivocal Word For 
 my part, I not onely might have called it,but do flill call it meerj^ar^oM, and no better. 
 
 T»
 
 DiscouasK II. againftMr, Vloh'sAmwacl'vofions. 
 
 Topafs by PeccadiVo's^, Firft, he tclleth us, How the Common pe^ipiTdidl^f^ 
 adions ffontaneous, and"'>oi^^ &c. How doth he know A'hat the Common 
 people called them > The books which we have, are the books of Scholars not 
 of the Common people. ' 
 
 Secondly he faith, that the ftgnification of all Words dependeth upon the arbitration 
 of the common people. Surely he meaneth onely at Jthens , where it is obferved that 
 Wife men did fpeak , and fools did judge. But neither at Athens , nor at any'other 
 place were the common people , either the perfectors or Arbitrators of Language 
 who neither fpeak regularly nor properly , much lefs in Words that are borrowed' 
 from Learned Languages. 
 
 Thirdly, he fuppofeth , that thefe Words Liberty , neceffity, and fpontaneity 
 are rpordi in common ufe , which in truth are terms of Art. There is as much dif- 
 ferrence betjveen that Liberty and neceflity, which ordinary people fpeak of; and the 
 Liberty and neceffity intended in this queftion , ( whereof we are agreed )'as there 
 is between the pointing out of a man with ones finger, and a Logical demon- 
 ftration , or between an habit in a Taylors (hops, and an habit in Loeick or 
 Ethicks. ° 
 
 Fourthly , He confoundeth fpontaneity and chance comprehending them both 
 under the name of f* «uTi/«». I confefs that i-e' <iuTiit*nt in Poets and Oratours 
 is a Word of very ambiguous fignification j fometimes fignifying a neceflary , fome- 
 times a voluntary, or fpontaneous, fometimes a cafual , fometimes an Artificial 
 Agent or Event. Such equivocal Words are his delight : but as they are terms of 
 Art , all thefe Words are exactly diiHngui(hed , and defined, and Limited to thei« 
 proper and certain fignification. That which is voluntary or fpontaneous, is cal- 
 led , to^kS^o, as We fee plainly in ^r/Mf. That which is freely elected is called 
 T.' 5fej«Uf «T«'» and that which is by chance , is called t.' a'c/ri,.,™, as he may fee in the 
 places cited in the Margin , Where all thefe words are exactly diftinguifhed and 
 defined. 
 
 Fifthly , He faith, the Latinf and Greekj did call all actions and motions, where- p'hfl!V'c^6. 
 of they did perceive no caufe •"ri/uttT* ^ which according to Artjiotle and other Phi- 
 lofophers , doth fignifie things done by chance. And in his reafon, whereof they did 
 perceive no caufe , he is miftakcn on both fides. For firft the caufes'of many things 
 are apparent , which yet are faid to be done by chance, as when a Tile falleth down 
 accidentally from an houfe , and breaketh a mans head. And on the other fide 
 many things whereof the caufes were not known, as the ebbing and flowing of the 
 Sea , were not faid to be done by chance. 
 
 I (hall not need for the prefent to make any farther inquiry into his extravagant 
 interpretations of Words, which he maketh gratU upon his own head and authority, 
 and which no man admireth, but himfelf. Re6luni eji index Cui & ohliqui. 
 
 Sixthly, He faith , Not every appetite ^ but the lajiis efteemedthe will^ ■when men '' 
 
 do judge of the regularity or irregularity of one anotherr aCtionr. I acknowledge^ that ^f * -it 
 
 nM apparentibus , & non exijientibuf eadem eji ratio , If it do not appeare outwardly may'bc^chaD, 
 to be his will , man cannot judge of it as his will. But if it did appeare to g^'*- 
 be his will, firft or laft , though he change it over and over, it was his will 
 and is judged by God, to have been his will, and maybe jultly judged fo by man' 
 fo far as it did appear to have been his will by his words and actions If he mean 
 his laft will and tellament , that indeed taketh place and not the former i yet the 
 j former will was truly his will, until it was revoked. But of this and of his deliberation 
 [I Itliall have caufe to fpeake more hereafter. 
 
 I come now to his contradictions. His firft contradiction is this , All voluntary 
 acts arc deliberate : Some voluntrary aces are not deliberate.The former part of 
 his contradiction is proved out of thefe wordes. Voluntary prefuppofes fame precedent 
 deliberation , that is to fay , fome confiderationand meditation ofrvhat is lihly to follorv 
 both upon the doing , and abjhinmg from the a&ion deliberated of. The (econd part 
 is proved as planily , vohen a man hath time to deliberate , but deliberates not 
 becaufe never any thing appeared that could wj% him doubt of the confequence the aHion ^'"" * ^' 
 follows his opinions^ olfthe goodneQe or harm of it. Thefe a&ions J call voluntary 8cc. 
 becaufe thefe anions ^ that follorv immdiately the hjl appetite are voUi.ttary. And here ' ^'""' *'' 
 
 where
 
 773 
 
 *"" Cajiig atons of TOME HI . 
 
 'Z^threis ene onely~^pp^e, that one is the bji. To this he anfwcred , Volmtary 
 VrefuPPofes deliberation, when the ]udgmtnt whether the aUion be voluntary , cr not ,u 
 JtintheAUor, but ht the Judge , Tfho regardeth not the mil cf the Aaor , Tf hen there 
 is nothinz '" be accufed in the aUion of deliberate malice , yet k>,ton>eth , that though there 
 be but one appetite, the fame is truly tfillforthe time, and the aaton,ifitfollon>, a 
 Voliintarineft ^gt„)!tary atiion. 
 
 doth not He, '^^ vvhich term doth he anfwer ? Of. what term doth he dillingui.'h .? Some have 
 ^'dtei!!c'm of been oblerved to have loft the benefit of their Clergy .at their deaths, becaufe 
 ether. they dcfpifed it in their lives. It is no marvel , if he receive no help from any di- 
 
 ftinition no'v who hath ever been an enemy to diftind:ions,and a triend to confufion. 
 If his anfwci i.-^/e any fcnfe at all , this mult be it. That an indeliberate act may be in 
 truth and in the judgement of the Agent himfelf, a voluntrary att : yet in the com- 
 mon or publick judgement of other men , it may be efteemed and palTe for an in- 
 voluntary and unpunilhable ad. But firft , neither the queftion , nor his affertion 
 was what is to be judged a voluntary ad by men, who neither know the heart of 
 man, nor arc able to judge of his will , but what is a voluntary ad init felfe ,and 
 what is the elfcnce and definition of a voluntary ad. I argue thus , That, which is 
 cffentially a voluntary ad , cannot by any thing that is extrinfecal and fubfequent , 
 and which perhaps may r.cy^t be , be made no voluntary ad : But the judgement 
 of other men is extrinfecal and fubfequent to the ad : and may perhaps never 
 be. How many thoughts of every man every day paffe unknown, unjudged, whether 
 they were regular, or irregular. 
 
 Secondly God Almighty , who is the onely fearcher of hearts , is the proper and 
 onely Judge of the will. If the adbe truely voluntary,he judgeth it to be truely volun- 
 tary ,whether it be for the Agents advantage or difadvantage'.man cannot judge what 
 ads are voluntary , and what arc not , becaufe he doth not know the heart. If 
 one perform outward obedience to the law againft , his will , man judgeth it to 
 be willing obedience , and cannot do otherwife. If a man do an evil ad, man 
 muftnceds judge it tobea voluntary ad : And indeed fo much more voluntary ,by 
 how much it was leffe deliberated of, becaufe the will is leffe curbed , and muft 
 have lefle reluftation. How much doth he erre , who prefers the judgement of 
 man before the judgement of God? 
 
 Thirdly , according to T. K his principles , all acts of free Agents, whatfoevet 
 are voluntary , and cannot poliible but be voluntary : for fo he teacheth , That a 
 man is free to do if he will , hut he is not free to will: Would behave men judge that 
 to be unvoluntary , which cannot polLble but be voluntary ? If kwil/ , with him 
 isa neceflary fuppofition. 
 
 Laftly , Judges do efteem ra(h unadvifed acts, not to be fo irregular, or (b 
 punidiable as other Acts , not becaufe they are lefle voluntary , for they are more 
 voluntary , but becaufe the carefulleft man breathing , cannot arme himielfe fuf- 
 ficiently againft all occafions , but that he may be furprized by fudden pallion. But 
 if after the firft fit of paflion , he had time and means to cool his heat, to deliberate 
 of his duty, before the act committed , and yet he continued obftinate , thelaw 
 looks upon him without pity,not onely as a willifig but as a willful offender, though 
 there was no malice nor inveterate hatred in the ca jfe , but perhaps a quarrel upon 
 fome punQUio of honour. But for perfons uncapable of deliberation, as natural 
 fools, mad men, and children before they have ule of reafon , though there may 
 be hatred and malice, as experience hath taught Us, yet the law doth not puniftv 
 them in the fame nature , bccaule it fuppofeth them uncapable of deliberation, and 
 unable to confider ferioully and fufficiently , either of their duty, which they owe 
 to God and man , crof the dangers which they incur by that act, and becaufe it 
 is not their fault, that they are uncapable. So the judgement of man is no 
 fafe-guard to him from his contradiction. For Judges go upon our grounds , which 
 deny all liberty and power of election , to fuch as have not fufficient ufe of reafon, 
 without their own fault. But he goeth upon contrary grounds to us, and to the 
 Law , holding Fools, Mad-men , Children, yea , even bruite beafts, to be capable 
 of deliberation and election, and thereupon fuppofing all voluntary acts to be deli- 
 berated , in vain doth he feek (belter under our practice , who is an enemy to thofe 
 
 prin-
 
 DiscoURsi. II. Mr. Hobs*/ Animad'verftons. 772" 
 
 principles , whereupon our practife jg grounded. 
 
 His Second contradidlion, wliich he relateth amifs , is this, all fpontaneity is an 
 inconfiderate proceeding. This is plainly (et down by himfelf , by Spontaneity is"* 
 meant inconfiderate proceeding, or elfe nothing is meant by it. To which this is contra- 
 didory , fome fpontaneity is not an inconfiderable proceeding , affirmed by him ^"^ ^? 
 Like wife , iFijenaman givetb mmey voluntarily to another for Merchandize , &c. he is ^"'"^ 
 faidto do it of his own accord, which in Latin w fponte, and therefore theadion is fpon- 
 taneoHS. From whence I argue thus , all giving Merchandife for money is a fpon- 
 taneousadt, but all giving of Merchandife for money , is not an inconfiderate adt, 
 therefore all fpontaneous a6ls , are not inconfiderate ads. To this he anfwereth 
 nothing. 
 
 His third contradidion is this , That having undertaken to prove that chil- 
 dren , before they have the ufe of reafon , do deliberate and cled, yet he faith by 
 and by after, That^ c/;/"W may be fo young , as to do what he doth , without all deli- 
 beration. 
 
 I acknowledge this to be no contradidlion , as it is here propofed. The afts of 
 reafon , as deliberation , do net come to a child in an iuftant , but by degrees. A 
 child is fit to deliberate of his childifli fports , or whether he (hould cry or not , be- 
 fore he can deliberate ofmatters of greater moment. But ifthe contradiction be pro- 
 pofed , as I propofed it, and always intend it, of young fuckling Children, foon 
 after their birth , I fee not how he can excufe his contradiction. For they have 
 Spontaneity the rirft hour : and yet by his confelfion, they are too young to deliberate. K»m 8 
 But if deliberation were no more than he maketh it, a demurring upon what they ^«"«»<* 
 fhalldo , out o/fenfitive hofe , tojfuck the biCaft , and fenfitive/<?jr offomeftrange fi- 
 gure: or a he cilkth it dkwheie. An alternate appetite to door acquit an aSion, they 
 may deliberate well enough. 
 
 To that place by me alledged , Becaufe thou hafi ask^d this thing , and haft not ask; 
 edfor thy felf Long Life , &c. He antwereth thus, haw doth be k^ow ( underjianding ^^fiig<^^°"/ 
 power properly takgn ) that Solomon had a real power to asl^Lsng Life ? No doubt Solo- "^ *^^^ '^"^~ 
 monkpeiv nothing to the contrary: Tet it was pnfthle that Ood might have hindred l,iY„, ^^^verfions 
 For though God gave Solomon bis choice , that is , the thing that he Jhould choofe, it doth ^^^' 9' 
 not follow that he did not alfogive him the aS of eleUion. It is no new thing with him * ^^ ' "' 
 to confound the act and the object , choice and the thing chofen> election, which 
 is always of more than one , and the thing elected , which is precifely one. 
 
 I doubt not , but Solomon had his power to elect from God : I doubt not, but 
 the grace of God did excite Solomon , and allift him in his election to choofe well. 
 But that Solomon was ncceffitated by God to ask Wifdom, and not to ask Long 
 Life , or riches , or the Life of his enemy , is clearly againft the text. 
 
 Firft, God faid to Solomon , ash^ what I (hall give thee. If God had predetermin- 
 ed precifely what Solomon muft ask , and what he muft have , and what he muft not 
 ask , and what he muft not have : it was not oncly a fuperfluous , but a Ludicrous Elefiion of 
 thing , to bid him ask what gift he would have from God. Then followeth Solo- °'o**''»" ^'^^ 
 mous deliberation to enable him to choofe what was moft fit for him. If God had 
 determined what he wou Id give ,and what Solomon muft ask , how ridiculous had it 
 been for him to deliberate of what God had done. Vcr. 5. 
 
 Thirdly , It is faid , 7he Speech pleafed the Lord , that Solomon had asifd this 
 thing. There is no doubt but all the Works of God do pleafe him , God faw all that 
 he made , and it was very good. But what had Solomon done to pleafe God , i>f 
 God did neceilitate Solomon irrefiftibly , to do what he did ? Vcr.l 7 8 y. 
 
 Then follow the Words alledged by me , Becaufe thou hsft ask^d this thing, sndhafl 
 not ask^d for thy felf Long Life, dec. Which words if this opinion of Univerfal necef- 
 llty were true, can beare no other fcnfc but this, becaufe thou haft done this which 
 was inevitably impoied upon thee to do , and haft not done that , which was alto- "' '** 
 gether impoffible for thee to have done. As if a Mafter Ihould firft bind his Servant 
 hand and foot , head and heels together , and chain him faft to a poft 
 and then tell him , becaufe thou haft ftaid here , and didft not run away, verjir^ 
 
 He urgeth , That Solomon k^'ew nothing to the contrary, but that it was in his pow- 
 ^r to have done otherwife. U Solomon the Wife ft of men did not know it, there is 
 
 Little
 
 I 
 
 11\ 
 
 t/f. I? 
 
 Was it not in 
 
 thy power? 
 explained. 
 
 Cjftigatims 
 upon his A- 
 tiimadverfi- 
 
 N m. lo. 
 Out of hatred 
 to true Liberty 
 T H makes 
 God Hypocri, 
 tical 
 
 Cafiigations of 
 
 TOiMEin 
 
 Little probability that 7. H. (hoM know it. £ut he mult know , that it is not So- 
 lomon who (peakcth thele words but God , 1 hope he will not fufpcct God Al- 
 miehty either of ignorance or of nefcience. Lalily , We fee what a corollary God 
 gave sllomon for asking well , above that which he did ask •, riches and honour. No 
 man defcrvcth cither reward or punilhment , for doing that which it was not in his 
 power to leave undone. 
 
 I urged thcfe Words of Sr. Teter , after tt tvasjold , icof tl not tn thine oven power? 
 to (hew that power which a man hath over his own actions, He anfwereth, That 
 the Tvofd toTfer fijinifieth no more than right , not a real natural , hut a civil porver^ made 
 by a Covenant , or a right to do with his orvn what he pleaded. 1 anfwer the Word pow- 
 er doth not , cannot iignifie any fuch right to do with his own as he pleafed in this 
 place. For that which St. Teter complaineth of, was Ananias his unjull and Sacri- 
 legious detention of part of that, which he had devoted to God , when it was in his 
 power to have offered the whole, that is , to have performed his vow : If 
 Sacriledge be right , then this was right ; If that which he had purloined Sacrile- 
 gioufly were his own , then this was his own ; If Ananias had been neccllitated by 
 external caufes, to hold back that part of the price, it had been no more Sacri- 
 ledge , than if Thieves had robbed hijn of it before he could offer if. The reafon is 
 thus made evident , If it was in the power of Ananiaf to have done that which he 
 did not do , and to have offered that according to his vow , which he did de- 
 tain contrary to his vow , then all adfions and events arenotneceliitated , and it is 
 in mens power to do other wife than they do, but St. Peter faith it was in Ananiai 
 his power to have offered that Which he did not offereSf 
 
 My reafon againfl Univerfal neccflity in this Sedtion Was this. To neceffitate all 
 men to all the individual adions which they do , inevitably j and to expoftulate 
 with them, and chide them , and reprehend them, for doing of thofe very things 
 which they were neceliitated to do, is a counterfeited Hypocritical exaggeration. 
 But according to 7". H. his Dodtrine , God doth neceffitate all men inevitably to do 
 all the individual adions which they do i and yet expoftulates with them,and chides 
 them , and reprehends them for doing of thofc very things which he did neceffitate 
 them inevitably to do. This affumption , Which onely can be qucftioned , is pro- 
 ved by the expoftulations and objurations and reprehenfions themfelves contained 
 in Holy Scripture. Therefore , according to his opinion , God himfelf is guilty of 
 counterfeited , Hypocritical exaggerations. 
 
 It were more ingenuous to confefs that this is not to be anfwered , than to buflle 
 and keep a coil , and twirt new errours with old, and tax others ignorantly of igno- 
 rance , and fay nothing to the purpofe. 
 
 His lirrt anfwer is generally , that I would have men believe , that hecaufe he holds 
 neceffiiy , therefore he denies Liberty. A dangerous accufation , to accufe him of a 
 matter of truth. But he faith , He holds as much that there is true Liberty^ as Jdcf or 
 Yea , fuch a Liberty as Children , and Fools, and Madmen, and brute beafts 
 
 more. 
 
 and rivers have , A Liberty that confil^s in negation , or nothing. He faith indeed 
 that he holds a Liberty from outward impediments. But it is not true , for exter- 
 nal caufes are external impediments. And if he fay truly, all other caufes arehin-. 
 dred from all other adtions than what they do by external caufes. But true Liber- 
 ty from neceilitation and determination to one , he doth not acknowledge, and 
 without acknowledging that , he doth acknowledge nothing, I Wonder to which 
 of my propofitions , or to what term in them , this anfwer is accommodated. ' 
 
 His Second anfwer is particular to the expoflulations themfelves, That thtfe words 
 fpikfn by Cod to Ad^nwHaji thou eaten ef the tree whereof J commanded that thou fhculdfji 
 n.t eat , do convince Adam , that notwithfiandingthat Cod had placed him in the Garden^ 
 a means to keep him perpetually frvm dying , in cafe he (hould accommodate his will to 
 obedience of Gods Commandment , conctrning the tree of Knowledge of good and evil^ yet 
 Adam was v.otfo much mafter of his own will , as to do it. What ridiculous, or ra- 
 ther deplorable i^ufle is this > How {hould it be expedcd, that Adam f}-,ould be ma- 
 iler of his own will , if God did neceffitate his will without his will > and deter- 
 mine him inevitably to what he did? if his dodrine were true, this doth not 
 convince Adam , but God Almighty, who did hrft necdhtate his will, and then 
 
 Chide
 
 D I s CO u Rs E 1 1. Mr. Hob,^ '/ Animadverfions. 
 
 chide him (or that which was Gods own act. Can any man be lo blind as not to" 
 ice the abfurdityof this dodrinc > That God did place in the Garden a means 
 
 77^^ 
 
 to keep man perpetually Iron dying, and yet did deprive him of it inevitably 
 without his own tault > And this is all that he anfwereth to the other Places 
 as that to Eve , rehy hafi thou done this > And to Cain , rphy art thou wroth? 
 And why will ye die , ye houfe oflfrael? 
 
 I urged this Argument further, doth^d reprehend man or doing that , which 
 he had antecedently determined that he mull do ? He anfwereth , no , How no ^ 
 Are not thefe reprehenfions > Or doth not he maintain , that 'Cod had deter- 
 mined man antecedently to do what he did ? yes ,but he faith, God convinceth man 
 and inliruUeth him , that though immortality wasjo eafw to be obtained as that it 
 might be had for the abjiineuce from the one only tree , yet he could not obtain it thereby. 
 If God would onely have convinced man, certainly he would have convinced hitii 
 by titter, and juficr means than hypocritical exaggerations. But how doth he fay 
 that immortality was fo eafte to be obtained? which by his dodrine was altogether 
 impoliible to be obtained by man , by that means ? It is neither fo eafie ° nor 
 poliible to oppofe and fruftratc the Decrees of an infinite God. 
 
 I (hall reierve his errours in Theology for a fitter place. Whofoevcr would 
 troublehimfelf with his contradictions,might find more than enough. Here he telleth 
 us, that the de^endance of ihe anions on the wiW , is that which pro^ierly and truly is 
 called liberty ; clfewhexe he told us that Rivers are free Agents, and that a Gods fecrer ge 
 River hath true liberty, which, if my ignorance do not miflead me, haveno revealed will 
 wills. ' not contrary. 
 
 That God hath a fecret and revealed will no man denieth. To fay that thefe ^""^ "'''^' 
 wills are oppofite one to another , all good men do deteft , becaufe I faid fore- 
 merly ( which he taketh no notice of , ) they concern feveral perfons. The 
 fecret will of God is, what he will do himfelf. The revealed will is that which 
 he would have us to do. He obiedeth, God commanded Abrahamlto facrifice IJaac 
 yet his will was he fliould not do it. Jonah hy Gods command denounced the dejlrudioil 
 of Nineveh ^yet it was Gods willitjhould not be deliroyed , Doth not he fee that the 
 perfonis varied in both thefe inltances ? God would prove Abrahams faith by his 
 readincffe to facrifice his fon upon his command. He did it. He would have 
 Ninevcth prepared for repentance by jFo«iz/)j denunciations of his judgements i His 
 will was accompliflied. But it was not Gods will that Jfaac fliould be facrificed 
 Nineveh deftroyed. All denunciations of Gods judgements are underftood with 
 exception. He who phanfieth any contradiction in thefe two inftances, underftan- 
 deth little of the rules of contradidtions. There is great difference betwen that 
 which God will have done by others , and what he will do himfelf There was 
 juft reafon for what Abraham did , and what Jonah did v but there can be no 
 reafon for God to contradict himfelf. 
 
 If God had reprehended Abraham or Jonah., for what they did in obedience to 
 his own commands, and punifl^d them forit, and juftified it by his omnipotence 
 which is T. K. his inexcufable errour ,( as I have (hewed him already , and (lull 
 (hew him further in due place, if there be occafion , ) this had been fomething to his 
 purpofe i now all that he faith is wholy impertinent. 
 
 Like wife, whereas he (aifh , that the expo(itilation cfman againfi God rPillbe equally 
 ju}} or u}ij,tiji , whether the necefity of all things be graimed or denied , becaufe God 
 could have made man impeccable and did not i He dotli but betray his owne weaknefTc 
 and prefumption, to talkeofany juft cxpoltulation with God in any cafe : I have 
 (hewed him already what a vain recrimination this is , and give him juiUeafon i^°fine °'^"^' 
 whyGod Almighty did not make man impeccable. 
 
 In thefe Animadverllons is contained, firll a repetition of my Argument , to Cajiiiations 
 which he anfwereth noshing but this , That liberty is to choofe what we will i not to of the Ani- 
 choofe our will, which he faith no inculcation isfufficient to mah^ me tak^ notice of. 1 know madverfion 
 not what he calleth taking notice. I have confuted it over and over again , both Num. i' i. ' 
 in my defence formerly, and now in thele Caltigations •, and (hewed it to be a vain 
 filly, unprofitable, falfe , contradictory, dillindion. Whit lie would have me 
 todomoreforit, I miderftand not : but I obferve that he never mentioneth this 
 
 Yyyy di.
 
 y i 
 
 776 
 
 ^C^jii^^^h^of TOME lil. 
 
 Occult virtue 
 
 "dUtindtion , but 'he. Frclcnly upon his tiptoes. He will hnd by degrees how 
 Little crouncj he hath for it. , . , , . , ^ ^. n 1 
 
 Th?n !'e proccLdcJi to my Reply , to which he giveth two anfwers. Firft,that 
 jfvou takeaway iImJ' n'ords from it , Knorvledge of approbation , ^ramcal KnorvUdge , 
 heavoih bodies la ufon fublunary thingi , mt onely by their motion , butaljo by an oc- 
 cult virtue ( rvhicb JVe call influence ) moral efficacy, general influence , fpecial influence, 
 infufe iomething into the Will , the WiU i%oved , the vpiH is induced to vpili, the rfill 
 fitlpends its own aUs \ vehich are all mnfenfe , unrporthy of a man , my, if a beajl could 
 (peak unrvorthy of abeaji. There is an hundred times more fenfe in thefe Phrafes , 
 than there is in his great Leviathan put altogether. He who dareabufe and fomuch 
 vilirie many of the antient Fathers", and all the Lights of the Schools, for fo ma- 
 ny fuccclhvc Ages, and all Philofophers , natural and moral, who have Written 
 any thing ,as to llile them all without exception , heafls , and veorfe than heafis, de- 
 fervcsno other anfwer , but contempt of his ignorant prcfumption , or pity of his 
 bold blind ncfs. He faith this Malady fcappfMe^ <o «f /»_)/ /;-JX/iMg our natures depraved 
 by VoUrine. We fay, his malady happened to him , becaule his nature was never 
 poliflied With Dodrine i but he would needs be a Mafter in all Arts, before hehad 
 been a SchoUgr in any Art. The true reafon Why he fleightetli thefe Words, isbe- 
 caufe he undertlandeth very Little of them : and what he doth underftand he is 
 not able to anfwer. So it fareth with him, as With one that hatha Politick deafnefs, 
 Who feemeth not to hear , What he knoweth not how to anfwer i as I could (hew 
 him by many and many inftances , but that I dare not tell him , that any thing is 
 too hot for his ringers. 
 u„,^e I faid that the heavenly bodies do ad upon fublunary things , not ondy by their 
 or 'rnfluenc'eV motion and Light , but alfo by an occult virtue, which Wc call influence. Againft 
 the matter he excepccth not , but againft the expreflion , an occult virtue , Whereas 
 JJhould havefaid, 1 ^>?oB' tiot horv. If he alone be fo happy as to know diftindly the 
 caufes of all ads , it is well for him , btit if this be nothing but bold prefumption , 
 Job 38-31. jj jg£-p much the Worfc. I have good ground for the thing it felf i can^ thou bind 
 theftveet influences of the Tleiades ? If he be fo much more skilful than all other men, 
 about the influences of the Stars, I defire to know of him a natural reafon of that 
 peculiar virtue which the Moon hath of moiftning , and Saturn of cooling , and 
 Mercury of raifing Winds , &c. I fear when all is done , he will prove to be but 
 one of Jtfop companions , Who pretended to know all things , and did know 
 nothing. 
 
 I argued from his principles, that if God by fpecial influence did neceffitate the 
 Second caufes to operate as they did , and if they , being thus determined , did 
 necertitatc man inevitably, unrefiftibly , by ancflentia] fubordination of caufes to do 
 whatfoever he did, then one of theie two abfurdities muft follow, cither. That 
 there is no fuch thing as fin in the World , or that God is more guilty of it than 
 man i as the motion of the Watch is more from the Artificer who makes it and 
 Winds it up , than from the Watch it felf. To this he anfwereth onely this , that 
 my confequence u noftronger, than if out ofthU, "That a man is lame neceflarily , enefhould 
 infer , that either he U not lame , cr that his lamenefs proceeded neceffarily from the IViU 
 of God. And is it poliible that he doth not fee that this inference followeth clearly 
 and neceflarily from his principles ? If he doth not , I will help his eye-fight. All 
 adions , and accidents, and events, Whatfoever, do proceed from the Will of God 
 as the principal caufe determining them to be what they are , by a natural ncceflary 
 fubordination of caufes. This is the principle.I aflume that which no man can deny, 
 but the lamenefs of this rran C whom he mentioneth ) is an accident or e- 
 vent. Therefore this Lamenefs ( upon his principles ) is from the Will of 
 Cajiigations God, &c. 
 
 ny.n the A' In this Scdion , he behaveth himfelf as the Hound by Nilus , drinketh and run- 
 nimadterfi- neth , as if he were afraid to make any flay i quite omitting the whole contex- 
 ons. ture and frame of my difconrfe : onely catching here and there at fome Phrafe , or 
 
 Num, j2. odd ends of broken fentenccs. The authority of St. Paul was formerly his TaVadiutn, 
 thcfate ofhis opinion of Fate , or his feven-fold fliield which he bore up againft all 
 afTailants. And now to defert it as tlie Oefiredge doth her eggcs in the fand , and 
 
 leave.
 
 Discourse II. againflMr. HoWsAmmadi/ofions. 7^- 
 
 ieave it to the judgement of the Reader , to thinks of the jame as he pleaOth (eetneth 
 ftrange. That man iifually is in fome great dirtrefTe, who quitteth his buckler, I 
 defirebutthe judicious Reader upon the By , to compare my tormer defence with 
 his tiifling exceptions ,and I do not fear his vercdiifl. 
 
 He faith it is bhfphemy to jay that God can fin, {o it is blafphemy alfo to fay that lo'^a^'^'^'T'' 
 God is the authour or caufe of any tin. This he himfelt faith ,( at lealt impiici- G-d*'^ is he 
 tly ; and this he cannot but fay , fo long as he maintaineth an univerfal antecedent "uicof linnc 
 necelfity of all things flowing from God by a neceffary flux of fecond caufes. 
 He who teacheth that all men are determined to fin antecedently, without their 
 own concurrence , irrefilHbly beyond their own power to 'preventit and 
 efficacioufly to the produdion of fin : He who teacheth that it is the antecedent 
 will of God , that men fhould fin and mull: fin: He who maketh God to be 
 notonely the Caufe of the ad and of the law , but like wife of the irregularity 
 or deviation , and of that very anomy wherein the being of fin ( fo far as fin hath 
 a being ) doth confilU maketh God to be the principal caufe and authour of fin i 
 But 1. H. doth all this. 
 
 He faith it is no blafphemy to fay that God hath fo ordered the World , that fntnay fin :^° %'^l 
 neceffarily be committed. That is true in a right fcnfe , if he underltand onely a ohHv dcrreed 
 neceUity of infaUibility upon Gods prefence,ora necelfity offuppofition upon ''> ^^'^ 
 Gods permillion. But what trifling & mincing of the matter is this > Let him 
 cough out , and (hew us the bottom of his opinion , which he cannot deny, God 
 hath fo ordered the World , that fin muft of ncceflity be committed , and inevitably 
 be committed : that it is beyond the power of man to help it or hinder it i and 
 that by vertueof Gods omnipotent will ,and eternal decree. This is that which we 
 abominate. 
 
 Yet he telleth us , That it cannot befaid that God is the authour of fin, becaufe 
 not he that nccejjitateth an a£iion, but he tt>ho doth command or n> arrant it ys the 
 authour. Firft I take that for granted which he admitteth , that by his opinion , 
 God necclfitateth men to finfull adtions, which is a blafphemy as well as the o- 
 ther. Secondly his later part of his aflcrtionis moft filfe, Thathe onely, who com- 
 mandeth or warranteth fin , is the authour of it : He who a(fteth fin he who 
 neceilitateth tofin,he who hrft bringes fin into the World, is much more the 
 authour of it, than the bare commander ofit. They make God to betheproper 
 and predominant caufe of fin , by an eflential fubordination of the fin of man to 
 the will of God, and in eflential fiibordinates, allwayes the c4u{e of the caufe 
 is thecaufeof the effed. If there had never been any pofitive commandment or law giv- 
 en, yet fin had ftill been fin, as being contrary to the eternal law of juitice in God 
 himfelfe. If an Heathen Prince fhould command a Chriftian to facrifice ro Idols 
 or Devils , and heftiould do it jnot the cammander onely , but he who commits 
 the idolatry , is the caufeof the fin. His inftance in the Aft of thelfi-aclites robbing 
 the Egyptians oftheir Jewels , is impertinent : For it was no robbery nor fin , God 
 who is the Lord Paramount of Heaven and Earth , having firft jultly transferred 
 thj right from the Egyptians to the Ifiraelites, and in probability, to makethem 
 fome competent fatiffaction for all that work and drudgery which they had done 
 for the Egyptians without payment , This is certain, if God necellitate the Agent 
 to fin, either the act necellitated is no fi:i,or God is the principal caufe of it 
 Let him chufe whether of thefe two abfurdities , this Scylla , or that Cbarybdis , 
 he will fall into. 
 
 The reafon which he gives of Cods objurgations, /o convince men that their wills 
 were not in their oven power , but in Gods pttver , is fenfelefle , and much rather 
 proveth the contrary, that becaufc they were chidden, therefore their wills werein 
 their own power. And if their wills had not been in their own power, 
 moll certainly God would not have reprehended them tor that which was not their 
 ■ own fault. 
 
 He, faith that by interpreting hardening to be a remiffion of God, I attribute no more to 
 God in fjich aUions, then I mi^-'it attribute to any ofThjra 'hsfervants the not perftfading their 
 ma\hr, &c. As if Pharaohs fervants hath the fame pov/erover their maftcr , that God Gods perraisfc- 
 AUmighty had , to hinder him , and ftop him in his evil courfes : As ifPharaohs p"rm^fion 
 
 Yyyy ? fervants.
 
 -^g Cafiigatof js of TOME III. 
 
 j-^TvantTwereTbirto give or withhold grace as if Pharoahs fcrvants had divine 
 
 power to draw good out of evill , and dilpofeoffin , to the advar.ccment of Gods 
 elory and the good of his Church ; As if an humble petition or perfwafion of a 
 lervaii't and a phyficall determination of the will by a ncceffary flux of natural 
 caufcs 'were the fame thing. He who fceth a Water break over its banks, and 
 futicrs It to run out of its due channel , that he may draw it by furrows into hisme- 
 dows to render them more fruitful , is not a meer nor idle fufferer. His abfur- 
 ditics drop as thick as Samf[ons enemies, heaps upon heaps. 
 
 He objcdeth , that I compare this fermifion of God, to the indulgence of a Parent , 
 rvho by hi! patience incourageth his Son to become mere rebellious, which indulgence U afni. 
 Arguments taken from a parable or fimilitude , are offeree no farther than they per- 
 tain to the end of the parable , or that refemblance for which things are compared. 
 The Labourers peny doth not prove an equality of Glory in Heaven. Nor our Sa- 
 viours commendation of the unjuft Steward , juftific his cheating of his Mafter. 
 Chrift proveth the readinefsof God to do Jufllce to his Servants, upon their con- 
 ftant Prayers , by a fimilitude taken from an unjuft Judge. So here the end of the 
 fimilitude was onely to (hew that goodneftmay accidentally render evil natures more 
 obdurate and prefumptuous. Neither was there any finful indulgence, either ii> 
 tended or intimated in my Words, Like that of Eli to his Sons , but onely patience 
 and innocence , gentlenefs of a tender father , fuch as God himfelf doth vouchfafe 
 to own , dejpifejl thou the riches of his goodnefs , and forbearance , and Longfuffering , 
 notk^otfing that the Goodnefi of God leadeth thee to repentance'^ But after thy hardneji 
 and impenitent heart treafureji up unto thy f elf wrath. 
 
 He urgeth , that whether it he called an antecedent, or aconfequent Will, an operative 
 or a permijjive Tfill , it is enough for the neceffity of the thing, that the heart p/Pharaoh 
 fhouldbe hardened. An antecedent will is without previfion of fin» A confequent 
 will is upon previfion of fin ; Is it all one whether God do harden mens hearts for 
 fin, or without fin, for his fault, or without his fault ? An operative will produ- 
 ceth an abfolutenecellity, an antecedent neceffity; a permiffive Will inferreth no 
 more at the higheft . but a confequent neceffity upon fuppofition , which may con- 
 The differ- lift with true Liberty , as hath been made clear to him over and over, 
 ence -betrttcn Yii de fires the Reader to tak£ notice, that if Iblame him for fpeakjng of God as a nece- 
 T^^^\ influf II^*'"^"& caufe, and as it were a priticipai Agent in caufurg of all a£iions,l may with as good 
 cncc. reafon blame my felf, for makjng him an accefjary by concurrence. And here he vapours , 
 
 Let men hold what they will contrary fb the truth , if they write much , the truth will fall 
 into their pens. I defire the Reader Likewifeto take notice , and obferve, what fil- 
 ly cavils he brings , commonly for exceptions, and how vainly he pufFeth up him- 
 felf. Like the Frog in the Fable , with his abortive conceptions , Where did I ever 
 ufe the Word |_ acceffary ^ or any thing in that fenfe > Mala mens malm animiK. If 
 he knew the difference between general and fpecial influence , he would be afliamed 
 to infer a particular guilt from a general corcurrence, A general and fpecial influence, 
 is no nonfcnfe. A Prince giveth commiffion to a Judge , thereby enabling 
 him to determine criminal and capital caufes •, that is a general influence 
 of power. By virtue of this commiffion he heareth caufes, and abufing this general 
 power, taketh bribes, giveth unjuft fentences , and punifheth innocent perfons. 
 Is the Prince that gave him the commiffion and jndiciary power, acceffary to his 
 fault ? Nothing lefle , But the Judge abufeth his commiffion , and mifapplieth his 
 juft power. But if the Prince had given him a fpecial commiffion, like that of 
 I R ng. 11 .6. J^^^^^l -, Troclaim afaji ,fet Naboth on high ,and let two men of Belial bear witneffe 
 againil him , faying , ihou didji blafpheme God and the King , and (ione him that he 
 die. This had been, fpecial influence indeed i and the Prince had not onely been an 
 acceffary , but a principal in the murther. By which we may fee how God concur- 
 reth to the doing of evil by a general not by a fpecial influence. 
 
 I exempiltied thisdiftindJion of general and fpecial influence to him in the earth 
 which concurreth to the nouriftiment of all places by a general influence i but 
 that one plant converteth this nouriftiment to healthful food another to poyfon, that 
 is, not from the general influence of the earth, but from the fpecial quality of the 
 toot. But quite contrary,both to my words, and to my fenfe, he mifapplieth it to the 
 operative and permiffive will of God without head or foot.I//(?ffMf//;(faithhe)/W he 
 
 think£tk
 
 Discourse 1 1. Mr. Hobs'/ Animadz/erfwnf' y^g 
 
 ihink^tb that God doth will hut perm'ijjively , that the hemlock^ (hould poyfon a man^ but 
 operatively, that the reheat (ijould murifh him , Rifum teneatis amici ? 
 
 I cleared this like wife to him in his inftance of the murther oiVriah , (hewing 
 him that Davids power was from God , but the mifapplication of that power 
 was from David himdif, As if { faid he ) there ivere a poveer that rvere not the 
 pomr to do fame particular AU^or a poveet tokjll and yet to killtto body in particular. He 
 might even as well fay, as if there were a commilfion or a power given by the Prince 
 to hear and determine caufcs in general!, or to arraign and try Malefactors in gene- 
 ral, and not to fentence this man, and hang that man in particular. Every general 
 commillion or power doth jurtifie particular Adls, whileft they, who arc impowered 
 do purfue their commilHon, and not abufe their power, but if they abufe their povv- 
 er, neither will their generail power jurtifie their particular mifdeeds, nor their par- 
 ticular faults render the Prince, acceflary, who gave them their general power. 
 
 In his impertinent inlbnce of the divine right ofBifliops to ordain Miniflers, 
 which he bringcth in by the head and ihoulders , he (heweth nothing but his 
 ignorance and his teeth. Every man who hath an undoubted right to do fome 
 adl , hath not prefently a right to exercife it promifcuoufly , when and where , 
 and upon whom he will , without any refpeft to thofe who had a precedent 
 right before himfelf, Let him inquire further into the difference between an adlual 
 and habitual power , and it will fave him the further labour of inquiring , and mc 
 of informing him. ^i pauca confiderat facile pronunciat. 
 
 He demandethjDia/ not God farekfioiv thatVriahin particular Jhould be murdered by Da- 
 vid in particular? And what Godforehytovoethjhall come to paffe. Yes, God doth knovr in e- 
 tcrnityifor with God, properly, there is neither foreknowledge norafterknowledge, 
 neither paft, nor to come , bur all things prefent alwayes.Or if he will have us fpeak 
 after the manner of men , God did foreknow that David ^ (hould kill Uriah with 
 the fword of the children of ^»2/Mo«. And God did likewife foreknow that T. H 
 (hould maintain this Paradox fo di(honourable to his MajeRy , that God did 
 neceditate Pji/i^to kill Uriah : But knowledge of what kind foever it be , taketh 
 away no mans liberty. Uriah might have gone to his own houfc upon Davids 
 intreaty : and then David had not killed Uriah upon any necellitation from Gods . r 
 
 foreknowledge. Uriah might have killed David, and then God had foreknown that, Argument^ ° 
 not this. But this objedtion hath been formerly fully anfwered .• whither I refer 
 the Reader- 
 He chargeth me to fay , that the cafe agitated between m , is t^hether Gods 
 irrefijiible power ^ or mans fin be the caufe why hepunijheth one man more than another? 
 whereas the cau(e agitated between us is. Whether a man can now choofe , -what Jhall be 
 his will anon. There are feveral cafes or queitions between us. Firfi: the general 
 or main quc{tion which is alredy ftated by confent , Whether the will of man be 
 free from extrin{ecal determination to one antecedently > and not as it is propofed 
 by him fondly and ambiguoufly , whether a man can now choofe what fliall be his 
 will anon. For firft, a man is not certain that he (hall live fo long .tobeableto » 
 choofe his will. And although he were certain to live fo long , yet fucceeding 14. '* 
 time may make fuch a change of affaires , that he may have juft reafon to 
 choofe othcrwi(e. ^emquam poffe putas mores narrarefuturos ? 
 
 Die mihifi^fias tu leo^ qualis eris ? 
 But befides the mayne general quclHon , there are likewife many particular 
 fubordinate queftions , as this in this SetSion , whether this opinion ofuniverfal 
 necellity do not make all punifhment to be unjufl: , becaiife if a man be necetfitated 
 antecedently and unavoidably to do what he doth , he is puni(hed without his 
 own fault , and confequently unjuftly. To efcape this argument he is driven to 
 leek (helter under the omnipotence of God : power irrefijiible ptiltfieth all anions really 
 and properly, in whomfoever it be found. And when God afli&edjob, hedid obiedno fin 
 to him. "that which he doth is jitjiified by his diing it . So the prefent difpute was , 
 whether mans fin, or Gods omnipotence, were the jurt ground of punifhment ? 
 This was all I faid, and m.ore than I faid. Sat he can fet down nothing without either 
 miftaking it , or confounding it. Gods power is not the rule of his Jutiice , but his 
 will; not becaufe his will maketh that to be jull, which other wife was unjuft^ but 
 
 becaufe,
 
 ySo 
 
 Calii,zatiorjs of TOME/ 11. 
 
 becaufc he can will nothing , but that which is )ulh But he addeth not 
 of weii>ht more in thcfc Animadverfions about this fubjed , to what he had tor- 
 metly h\d ; all which hath been fully and cearly fatisfied in my former defence, to 
 which he hathrcplyed nothing. _ _ 
 
 That which 1 laid of the Jews, that it was m their own power by their con- 
 currence with Gods grace to prevent thofe judgements, and to recover their fcirmrr 
 cltatc , is fo true , and fo plainly affirmed by St. Paul, that no man but hiinlclf 
 Rom. "' jurft have cavilled againrt it. But he who knows no liberty but fiom outward mipc- 
 ^^" diments, no general power of motion without a neceliitation to K'l Uriah, no 
 
 grace but that which is irrefiftible , who hath neverf heard cf the c< ncurrence 
 of grace and freewill in the converfion of a finner, it is no marvel if he 
 think that God will favc men without themfclves,as well as he made them without 
 therDfclves. 
 
 1 faid God may oblige himfelf freely to his creature. Who ever doi.bted ofit be- 
 ^bHea^^'him- fore him > what doth he think of Gods promife to Abraham I will be the God of^ 
 felf. thee , and of thy feed after thee ? Or of the legal Covenant, Do this and thou 
 
 jhalt //i^f ? Or of the Evangelical Covenant} He that believed and is bapized ^ 
 Jhalt be faved} But he faith , He that can oblige , can alfo rekafe vphen he roill^ and 
 he that canreleafe himfelf when he wi//, vs not obliged. Is not this comfortable doftrine. 
 Jam. I. 17. jjj^j fuitable to the truth and M ajelly of Almighty God , in whom there is no 
 variablenejfe nor Jhadotv of turning? Nothing is impoffible to Gods abfolute power: 
 But according to his ordinate power, which is difpofcd by his will , he cannot 
 change his own decrees, nor go from his promife. If Gods decrees were change- 
 able, what would bcconr« of his univerfal necellity > But he (hootethat random, 
 not much regarding, fo it lit his prefcnt humour , whether it make for hiscaufe 
 God cinnot or aga inft it. 
 
 do any un- But now I am to expeft an heavy charge. Hitherto he hath been but in jeft , 
 
 rightcoas That 1am driven to words iU becoming me to lpea\of Cod Almighty^ for I makf him 
 
 unahleto do that which hath been within the ordinary power of man to do. How is this ? 
 
 J faid, God cannot defiroy the righteous with the wicked , which never the lejje is a thing 
 
 don ordinarily by armies. The great mountain hath brought forth a little moufe. 
 
 Might not I fay , that God cannot fin, though men can do it? Why might not. 
 
 I fay, that God cannot do unrighteous things , or God cannot be unrighteous , 
 
 which is the fame thing in effed: ? as .well as the Scripture faid Cod cannot lie , 
 
 Tit. !• i, God cannot repent , God cannot deny himfelfe ? And God is not unrighteous to forget 
 
 Num. a?> 19 yourwrokj. As if he (hould fay , If God could break his promfe , God could be un- 
 
 »Tim. a- ij. righteous, but he cannot be unrighteous. Yea the Lord doth fubmit himfelf , as 
 
 ^''^[\^ *°' ^^ ^^"^^ ' ^^ ^ ^'^'^' upon this point i "The Lord hath a controverfie with his people , and 
 
 "^ " ' *' he wi^ plead with Ifrael. And he doth chalenge them upon this very point. Heare now^ 
 
 houje of Jfrael , h not my way equal '■> are not your wayes unequal ? And in the fame 
 
 Ezek. i8. 2$. Chapter he protefleth , As I live faith the Lord , ycjhall not have occafion any more to 
 
 ufe this proverb in Jjrael ■> the fathers have eaten fowre grapes , and the childrens teeth are 
 
 fet on edge : But the foul that fmneth (hall die. And Abraham faith the fame that I fay , 
 
 ( though he deny it by way of interrogation indeed ) but with much more vehe-. 
 
 Gen. 18. 2i> mency twilt thou alfo dejiroy the righteous with the wicked &c ? 'that he far from thee to da 
 
 aj> after this manner , to fay the righteous with the wicked , jnd that the righteous Jhould be 
 
 as the wicked ,that be far from thee. Jhallnot the Judge of all the Earth do right ? Neither 
 
 can he except , becaufe it is not faid , canfi thou i but wilt thou j for wefpeak of the 
 
 ordinate power of God, which is ordered by his will. 
 
 That which he faith ofan army , wcigheth ItfTe than nothing. For firf^ that de- 
 ftrudtion which an army maketh, is not like that At^i\x&\on'Vi\\t\toi Abraham 
 Jud. it ^caketh , which fell upon Sodom and Gomorrah , which the Apoftle calleth the ven- 
 
 geance of eternal fire. The dtflru(3:ion made by an army may be a punifhment fo fbme, 
 a chafiifement or a bleffing to others. 7fre»iy the Prophet was involved with the 
 reft of the Jews in the fame Babylonian Captivity f* but the deftrudion oC Sodom md 
 Gomorrah , was an exprefTe punifhment for fin. Thirdly , an army adteth by way 
 ofpublick J ufVice regarding the juftice of the caufe, not of particular pcrfons ; 
 for it is not poffible in the height ofwartodo juftice according to the particular 
 
 merits.
 
 Discourse. 1 1. Mr, Hobs's v^niwadferfiofis. 
 
 merits of fingle pcrfons. But after this necetlity is over , and particular Jurijce can 
 take place, then no man ought to fuffer . but according to his guilt: Then itis no 
 more lawful to deftroy the righteous with the wicked. Neceliiity may julufie the 
 fufferings ot innocent perfonsmfome cafes; But nonecellity can warrant the punifli- 
 ment ot innocent perfons. Imiocentuwi lachrim£ diluvio periculofwres. 
 
 whether they did well or ill for the manner of the ad, who put out their bodily 
 eyes , bccau'e they fuppofed them to be an impediment to the eyeof the foule , is 
 not pertinent to our purpofe , yet was apt enough to prove my intention , that 
 bodily blindnelTe may fometimes be a benefit. 
 
 His inflancein brute beajis tvhkh are a^ded,yet cannot fin ,is extravagant. I did not 
 go about to prove that universal neceliity doth takeaway affli(ftions:it rather render- 
 eth them unavoidable. B :t I did demonttrate ( and he hath not been able to make 
 any (hew of an anfwer to it , ) that it taketh away all jurt rewards and punifh- 
 ments , which is againft the univerfal notion and common belief of the whole 
 World. Brutebeafls are not capable of punifliment : They are not knocked down 
 out of vindidive jultice for faults committed, but for future ufc and benefit. I 
 faid there was a vaft difference between the light and momentany pngs of brute 
 hearts, and the intolerable and endlefTe pains of Hell. Sure enough. Vionyf.us the 
 Tyrant feeing an oxe knocked down at one blow, faid to his friends, vehat <t 
 folly it if to quit jo fair a command for fear of dying , rphich lafis no longer a ff ace. He 
 himfelfe , when his wits are calmer, doth acknowledge as much as I , and feme- j^^^_ ,3 
 what more : perhaps ( faith he ) if the death of a finner were an eternal life in extream 
 mifery^amau might of far as ]oh hath done, expojiulate with God Alltnighty ,not 
 accufing him ofinjujlice , &c. but of little tendernefs & love to maki»d. but now he is 
 pleafed to give another judgement of it , As if the length or greatnejfe of the pain , 
 made any difference of the jufltce or Hnjujlice sf infiiSing it. Yes very much. According 
 to thejneafure of the fault , ought to be the number of the ftripes. If the punifh- 
 ments exceed the offence , it is unjuft. On the other fide , it is not onely an ad of I' '^ V'^ 'o 
 juftice , but of favour and grace to inf^id temporary paines for a greater good : p^rfons°°"or 
 Otherwife a Mafter could not juftly corred his Schollar : Othcrwife a Chirurgion {heir own 
 might not lance an iitipoftume, or put a man to pain to cure him of the ftone. If good. 
 God affid a man with a momentary ficknefTe , and maketh this ficknefle a means 
 to fit him for an eternal weight of glory , he hath no caufe to complaine of 
 injuftice. 
 
 He is angry that I roould makg men believe that he holds all things to he jujl , that 
 are done by them, who have power enough to avoid punifhment. He doth me wrong I 
 faidnofuch thing : If he be guilty of this imputation , either diredly or by confc- 
 quence , let him look to it > he hath errours enough which are evident. I did indeed 
 confute this tenet of his. That irreffiible porver ii the rule of jufiice , of which heis 
 pleafed to take no notice in his Animadverfions ; But whereas he doth now re- 
 ftrain this priviledge to that power alone , which is abfolutely irrefiflible ,he for- 
 getteth himfelf over much , having formerly extended it to all Soveraignes and 
 Supreme Councels, within their own dominions. It it manifefi therefore, that in 
 every common-wealth there if fome one manor Council which hath , &c. a Suveraign ^}b. decive 
 and abfolH*e power , to be limited by the ftrength of the Common wealth, and by no 'g./wp-c^.m: 
 other thing. What neither by the law of God, nor nature , nor nations , nor the 
 municicipal laws of the land , nor by any other thing but his power and ftrength? 
 Good dodrine I Hum tuRomanecaueto, 
 
 Lafily , to make his prefumption compleate ,he indeavoureth to prove that God sin is proper 
 is not only the authour ofl:w , which is moft true ■, and the caufe of the aU , which is ly irregulrityi 
 partly true , becaufe he is the onely fountain of power , but that he is the caufe of 
 the irregularity, that is in plain Englifli , ( which he delightcth in ) the fin it fel^ 
 Ithiftk^( faith he ) there is no man butunderjiands &c. 'That where two things are compa- 
 red, the fimilitude or difftmilitude , regularity or irregularity, that U between them ,V5 
 made in andby the things themfdves that are compared. 'the Bijhop therefore thjt denies 
 Gad to be the caufe of the irregularity , denies him to be the caufe both of the law, and of 
 the aUion. This is that which he himlelf calleth blafphemy elfewhere , that God 
 15 the authottr or caufe offin.Sinis nothing but the irregularity of the ad. SoSf 
 
 John.
 
 78: 
 
 Cafiigations of 
 
 TOMEIIL 
 
 Goil nn caufe 
 cf iriegnlari- 
 rity. 
 
 Num. 13. 
 CajiigJtioHS 
 upon the A- 
 nimadvtrfi- 
 
 OHS. 
 
 Num. 14. 
 
 Laws may be 
 unjuft. 
 
 John dehneth it in cxpreffc terms, h -V-fT.ais-i'.n -../xi.. Sm is an anomy , or 
 an irregularity , or a tranfgrcllionof Law. For finis nothing elfe but a declination 
 from the rule ,' that is , an irregularity. Another definition of fin is this , Sin is 
 thjtJvhichpfth'u<iht,orfjid,ordonagaiMji the eternall /jir. Still you fee the formal 
 reafonof fin, doth confirtin the contrariety to the law, that is, the irregularity 
 Others define' tinnc to be a tfant ofreditude , or a privation of conformity to the rule , 
 that is , irregularity. An irregular adion is fin materially , Irregularity is fin for- 
 mally. Othersdchne finne to be a free tranfgreft on of the commandement. Everyone 
 of thefe dctinitions dtmonilrate that Mr. Hobbes makcth God to be properly the 
 caufe ohinnc. 
 
 But let us weigh his argument, Be who 'a hhe caufe of the hrv ^ and the caufe of 
 the action , U the caufe of the irregularity , but Cod w the caufe of the larv , and the 
 caufe of the adion. I deny his alTumption, God indeed is the caufe of the law, but God 
 is not the total 01 adequate caufe of the adion : Nay God is not at all the caufe 
 of the adlion qua talis , as it is irregular , but the free Agent. To ufe our former 
 iiiiknceofan unjulk judge. The Prince is the authour or caufe of the law, and the 
 Prince is the caufe of the judiciary adtion of the Judge in general , becaufe the Judge 
 dtrivcih all his power of judicature from the Prince. But the Prince is not the 
 caufe of the irregularity , or repugnance, or non- conformity , or contrariety 
 which is between the Judges aftnios and the law but the Judge himfelf, who by his 
 own fault , did abufe and mifapply that good general power , which was cornmit- 
 ted and entrufted to him by the Prince i he is the onely caufe of the anomy 
 or irregularity. • 
 
 Or as a Scrivener that teacheth one to write, iandfets him a copy, is both the 
 caufe of the rule , and of the adion , or writing, and yet not the caufe of theirre* 
 gularity or deviation from the rule. Sin is a defed , or deviation, or irregularity. 
 Nodefet't ,no deviation, no irregularity can proceed from God. But herein doth 
 confirt , T. H. his errour , that he difiinguiflieth not between an efTential and an 
 accidental fubordination i Or between agood general power , and the determinati- 
 on or mifapplication of this general power to evil, what times are we fallen into! to 
 fee it publickly maintained, That God is the caufe of all irregularity, or deviation 
 from his own rule?. 
 
 Here is no need of Caftigations , there being no Animadverfions. 
 
 In the beinginning, he repeateth his empty objedions , from tvhat (hall be,fhall be 
 & from jorekyioa>kdg,3nd that a man cannot choofe to day for to morroTP, and thence con- 
 cludeth,( nemine confentiente )Thzt my deduUions are irrationaV and fallacious , znd 
 that he need mak^ no further anftver. As if he (hould fay , 1 fent forth two or three 
 light horfemcn to vapour, who were foundly beaten back , and made their defence 
 with their heels , therefore I need not anfwcr the charge of the main battle. He told 
 me that I did not underfiand him, if I thought he held no other neceffity , than 
 that which is contained in that old fooliih tu\c,rvhatfuver U,n>hen it if, vsnecefjarilyfo at it 
 U. But Ifec, when all is done, he muft fit down and be contented to make his 
 beft of that old foolifli rule , For pr<efcience , and tvhatfhall be,fhaU be , doe imply no 
 
 more. 
 
 In the next place , he chargeth me with three great abfurdities. 'The frfi that J 
 
 Jay, A laip may be tinjuji : the fecond, that a law may )je tyrannicaV. "The third that 
 
 1 fay , it M an unjujl larv rvhich prefcribes thiftgs impojftble intbemfelvesto be done . 
 
 A grievous accufation. Thefe abfurdities are at age, let them even anfwerfor 
 
 themfelves. 
 
 He faith , Civil laws are made by every man that it fuhjed to them , becaufe everyone 
 of them confented to the placeingofthe Legiflative povfer. I deny his coniequence. Indeed 
 in cjufes that are naturally , neccffarily , and eflentially fubordinate, the caufe of the 
 caufe is allwayes the caufe of the effed , as he that planteth a vineyard, is the caufe 
 of the vine. But in caufes that are accidentally or contingently fubordinate, asthc 
 people eleding , the lawgiver eleded , and the law made, are i the caufe of the 
 caufe is not allwayes the caufe of the eifed. As he that planteth a vineyard, is nor 
 the caufe of the drunkennefle. The Kings commiflion makcth a Judge , but it is 
 not the caufe of his unrighteous judgement. Two Cities in I/a/y contending about 
 
 their.
 
 Discourse II. Mr. Hob's Ammadverjions^ 
 
 their bounds,chofc the people oiKome to be their Arbitratorsi they gave either Citv 
 a (mall pittance , and referved all the reft to i^^mklvts^&ncdinmediofftpopjo 
 Romjitu aJjudicetur . The two Cities did not much like their Arbitrators at thehrft 
 as they detefted the Arbitrament at the lafi , And though they had contraded a' 
 nccellity of compliance by their credulous fubmiliion,yet this ciidnot free that uncon- 
 fcionablc Arbitrament from palpable injuaice i no, nor yet fo much as from palpable 
 injury : for though a man is not injured , who is willing to be injured volemi 
 non fit iijuria Yet he who doth choofe an Arbitrator doth not choofe his unjuft 
 arbitrament i nor he that choofeth a Law-giver ,chufc his tyrannical Law Though 
 he have obliged himfelf to palHve obedience, yet his obligation doth not render 
 either the injurious arbitrament of the one , or the tyrannical law of the other tobe 
 ]uft,So the main ground of his errour is a grofle fallacy, which every Sophifter in the 
 ilniverfity is able to difcover. 
 
 I anfwer fecondly , That though every fubjed had adually confented as well 
 to the laws , as to the Law-giver ', yea though the law were made by the whole 
 colledivc body of the people in their own perfonsv yet if it be contrary to the law 
 ofGod or nature , it is i\\\ an unjull law. The people cannot give that power to their 
 Prince , which they have not themielves. / 
 
 Thirdly ,many laws are made by thofc who are not duely inverted with Lcpiflativc 
 power, which are therefore unjuft laws. ^ 
 
 Fourthly , many la wes are made to bind forraigners whoexercife commerce 
 with fubjcds , which if they be contrary to the pads and capitulations of the con- 
 federate nations , are unjuft laws. Forraigners never confented to the placing of the 
 Legiflative power. 
 
 Fifthly , no humane power whatfover , judiciary or Legiflative civil or 
 facred, is exempted from exceffes, and pollibility of doing or making unjuft 
 ads. ' 
 
 Laftly, the people cannot eonfcr more power upon their Law-giver than' God 
 himfelfe doth confer, neither is their eledion a greater privrdgsfrom injuftice than 
 Gods own difpolition : but they , who have been placed i- foveraign power by 
 God himfelf, have both made unjuft laws , and prefcribcd unjuft acts to ImpofTibilites 
 their fabjed. made by our 
 
 I faid thofelawes were unjuft. Which prefcribed th'ng< impollible in fhemfelves. *^'''".'™'^''^ 
 againft this he cxcepteth , Ontly contradiCuom are impofibk in themfelves ; all other j,*^'^ ™''ff b** 
 things are pofibk in themfelttes, U to raife the dead , to change the courje of nature B^t "hics"iB°heHi 
 never any Tyrant didbinda man to contraCtion , or mak^ a law , commanding him to do& ^^'^a 
 not to do the fame aSion, or to be & not te be in the JamepJace.at the-fame moment of time. 
 I anfwer , That Tyrants may comand , and by their Deputies have commanded' 
 contradidory Ads , as for the fame Subjeds to appeare before ftvera! Judt'es in 
 feveral places, at the fame time , and todofcveral duties ino^nfiftent one wjthan- 
 other,which itnply acontradidion jandhave puniftied Subjects for difobcdience in 
 fuch caufes. 
 
 Secondly I anfwer , That when we fay Law-makers ought to command things 
 pollible , it ought to be undcrftood of things poliible to their Subjefts, upon whom 
 they impofe their commands s not of fuch things as are polhble to God Almighty. 
 To make a law that (ubjeds ftiouid raife the dead , or change the courfe of natur' 
 C which he recKons as things polbblc in themfelves ) is as unjufta Law as a Law' 
 that ftiould injoyoe them contradidions , and the ad as impolfible to the 
 Subjed. 
 
 Thirdly , thefe Words, [ impoffthle in. themfelves ~\ which he laycth hold no 
 have a quite contrary fenfe to that wh^ch he imagineth and arc warrentedby great 
 Authors , Some things are impoifible to us by our own defaultes as for a man to 
 hold the licjuour firmly without (heddhig, who hath contradcd the Palfy by his 
 own intemperance . Thefe impollibilities may juftly be forbidden and punifhed , 
 when' we have had power and loft it by our own fault. Secondly there are other, 
 impodiblities in themfelves , fuch as proceed not from our own faults, which never 
 were in our power, as thofe which proceed from the antecedent determination 
 ofcxtrinfecal caufes. To injoyn thefe bylaw, and to punilhaman for not obey- 
 ing, is unjuft and Tyrannical. 22ZZ wheras
 
 ~7S4 — '^fji^auons of T Q M E I H. 
 
 — ' vv'hercas I called jufi Laws the ordinances of right reafon , he faitli h is an errour 
 
 that hath coji many timifands of men their Lives. His reafon is , If Lares be ermneoits 
 (hall they not he obeyed ? fhall we rather rebel? I anlwcr, neither the cne nor the other. 
 Afls 5 2 9- We arc not to obey them actively , becaufc rce oifght to obey God rather than man. Yet 
 I, /'cr.'a. I?. j„^y wenot Rebd : Submit your f elves to every ordinance of man , for the Lords fak^. 
 Pallive obedience is a mean between active obedience and rebellion. To jull Laws 
 which are the ordinances of right reafon, active obedience is due. To unjufl Laws 
 which are the ordinances of reafon erring , palhve obedience is due. who (hall 
 hope to efcape exception , when this innocent definition is quarrelled at. I wifli 
 his own principles were half fo Loyal, 
 .pu- UeCiithJtakf pmijhmentfor akjndofrevenoe ^ and therefore can never agree with 
 
 n^ftimenc is e- him , fvho tak^f i* /<"" nothing elfe but for a correUion , or fot an example , &c. I take 
 vcr vindictiTc punifhment in the fame fenle , that all Authors both Sacred and Civil, Divines and 
 inpatt. philofophers , Lawyers, and generally all Claihck Writers have ever taken it.That 
 
 is, (ox an evil of pajjion^tvhich is infli£Jed for anevilof adion. So to pafs by other 
 Authors , as fleighted by him , the Holy Scripture doth always take it. As where- 
 Lam. 2. ?9, fore doth a living man complain ? for the punijhment of his fins, hnd this is an heinous 
 fob 3,x. ir. crime , yea it is an iniquity to be punijhed by the Judges. And thou haji punifhed us 
 Ezra. 9. 1 ?■ /^y} f^^^i pj^y iniquities deferved. Yea , punifliment doth not onely prefuppofe fin, but 
 Heb.io. 58. the meafure of puniftiment : the degree of fin. He that defpifed Moks Law ^ died 
 Tvithout mercy-,-<ofhorf> much forer punifhment foaWhe be thought worthy^ who hath trampled 
 BcMi-J5.i. under foot the Son of God .'' The Judge was commanded to caufe the offender to ^1? 
 beaten according to the fault. This truth we Learned from theFcrula's and rods,which 
 wc fmarted under when we were boycs. And from the gibbets , and axes , and 
 wheels , which are prepared for offenders. Omnts p£nafijufia eft , peccati pma efi. 
 That the punifhment of Delinquents hath other ends alio, there is no doubt, 
 Nemo prudens punit quia peccatum efl , fedne peccetur. Punifhmentsrefpefts the delin- 
 quent in the firfl place , either to amend him , or to prevent his doing of more mif^ 
 chief. Secondly , it regardeth the party fuifering, to repair his honour, or preferve 
 him from contempt , or fccure him for the time to come. Laftly , it refpeds other 
 perfons , that the fuffering of a few may be exemplary, and anadmonition to many. 
 But herein Lies his errour , Thit punifhment is for nothing elfe but f»r corredion or ex- 
 !• Pet.2 4' """P^^* Godfparednot the Angels that finned, but caji them down into Hed. That 
 ' ' ' was no correftion. And at the Lafl Judgment , Go ye curfed into Everlafting Fire : 
 
 There is neither corredlion nor example , but in both inftances there is punifhment. 
 Whence it is apparent , that fome punifliment , cfpecially divine , doth Look on- 
 ly at tlie fatisfa<^ion of Juftice. 
 Yet farrfier of ' B^^^ ^^^ inftances of unjuft Laws •, FharaoPs Law to drown the Jfraelitijk'-' 
 unjufl Laws, Children^ Nebuehadnezar''s Law to cafl them who would not commit Idolatry, in-' 
 fo the fiery Furnace •, Darius his Law , that whofoever Prayed to God for Thirty 
 days , fhould be caft into the Den of Lions-, Aha(huerofh his Law to deftroy the 
 Jcwijh Nation root and branch "> The Fharifees Law to excommunicate all thofe 
 who confefTed Chrift. To all thefe he anfwereth nothing in particular, but in gene- 
 ral , he giveththis anfwer i That they were juft Laws in relation to their fubjeHs, be- 
 caufe all Laws made by him , to whom the people have given the Legiflative power , are the 
 atls of every one of that people : and no man can do injuliice to himfelf. But they were uh- 
 juft aUions in relation to God. He feareth the Bijhop will thin\ this difcourje too fuhtile : 
 Nay rather the Bifhop thinketh it too flat and dull. Vii te Vamafippe de£q; lale oh 
 confilium donent tonfore. I have anfwcred his reafon before , that it is a Sophiffical 
 fallacy, flowing from the accidental fubordination of the caufcs. A man may will 
 the Lawgiver , and yet not will the Law. That is one reply to his dittindtion. 
 
 Secondly , I reply. That when the people did give them the Legiflative power, 
 they gave a Kingly power to preferve and protedl their Subjedts ; they meant not a 
 power to drown them , to burn them , to caft them to the Lions , to root them 
 out from the earth by the means of unjuft , bloody. Tyrannical Laws, made on 
 L.i.i4« purpofe to be pitfalls to catch Subjefts. Hear him.felf: No man can transfer or lay 
 
 down his right tofave himfelf from deatb^wounds, and imprifonment. If the rightbc not 
 transferred in fuch cafes , then the Law isgroundlefs and unjult, and made with- 
 
 not
 
 Discourse. 1 1. Mr, Hobs's Jfnmaciz'erfionr -. Q^ 
 
 . ^ / ^S 
 
 oucthe conrcnt of the Subjed. They did not give, they did not intend to give , 
 they coald not give them a divine powev, or rather a power paramount above God- 
 To command Idolatry , to forbid all Prayer and Invocation of Gods Holy name v 
 and therefore , though fuch Laws do not Warrant Rebellion , becaufe it is better 
 to die innocent, than to Live nocenf, yet that hindereth not but fuch Laws arc 
 unjui}, both towards God and towards man. 
 
 Thirdly, ifthefe Laws had been juO in relation to the Subje<fls, then the Subjeds 
 had been bound to obey them adively, but they were not bound to obey them a- 
 dively i yea they they were bound not to obey them, the Midmves feared God:, and 
 did not as the King of Egypt commanded them. The Three Children anfwered \ Be ^''°''- '• ''• 
 // kiiotvn unto thee , King , that voe will notferve thy Gods , nor Worfiip thy Gulden p^n .. ,3 
 Image, rvhich^ thou haftfet up. The Parents ofMofes are commended for their Faith Heb,' i i. 2 j, 
 injaving Moles contrary to the Kings Commandment. 
 
 Fourthly , Subjeds have given to their Soveraigns , as well Judiciary 'as Legifla- 
 tive power over themfelves i but their Judiciary power doth not judifie their unjuit 
 adts or Sentences, even towards their Subjeds. Elias accufed Ahab of Murther. 
 And E///&<j called his Son Joram., Ihe Son of a Murderer. Sauls injuftice towards \^in^ 6^1. 
 the C;^m/»fx, did draw the guilt of blood upon his Houfe. And the Lord was not * ^' 
 fatisrted until the Gibeonites had received fatisfadion. He himfelf ftileth Davids aft 
 towards 'Z/'m/; murther. Certainly murther is not Juft , either towards God or 
 towards man. Therefore neither doth the Legiflativf power juftific their unjuft 
 Laws. 
 
 Fifthly , of all Law-givers , thofe who are placed freely by the people , have the 
 leaft pretence to fuch an abfolute and univerfal refignation of all the property and 
 intereft of theSubjeA.Forit is to be prefumed that the people who didchoofe'thern,had 
 more regard to their own good , than to the good of their Law- giver, and did look 
 principally at the protection of their own perfons , and the prefervation of their 
 own rights , and did contract accordingly. As we fee in the mofi: flourilhing Mo- 
 narchies of the World 5 as that of the Medes and Perfians : They had their funda- 
 mental Laws , which were not in the fingle power of the prefent Law-giver to alter 
 or violate by a new Law or Command , or without injuftice. 
 
 If a pupil fliall choofe a Tutour or Guardian for himfelf, he invefteth him with all 
 his power, he obligeth himfelf to make good all his acts.Neverthelcfs he may wrong 
 his Pupil, or do him injuftice : There is onely this difference , that a Pupil may im- 
 plead his Guardian , and recover his right againft himi But from a Sovereign Law- 
 giver there lies no appeal, but onely to God. Otherwife there would be endlefs 
 appeals , which both nature and policy doth abhor. As in the inllance of the Ro- 
 man Arbitrament , formerly mentioned.An Arbitrary power is the higheft of all pow- 
 ers ; Judges mult proceed according to Law , Arbitrators are tied to no Law , but 
 their own rcafon , and their own confciences. Yet all the World will fay , that 
 the Romans dealt fraudulently and unjufty with the two parties. 
 
 Laftly , The Holy Scriptures do every where brand wicked Laws as infamous. 
 ?i.$ the Statutes of Omri, znd the Statutes of Ifrael, and ftileth them exprelly unjuft f^'cli-6.ip. 
 Laws , or unrighteous decrees. Ifai 1'^'. '^' 
 
 He asketh to whom the Bible is a Lave ? The Bible is not a Law, but the pofitive The authority 
 Laws of God are contained in the Bible. Doth he think the Law of God is no of fhe Scri- 
 Law without his fufFrage ? He might have been one of TiW/zw his, Council when it P'^re, not de- 
 was propofed to the Senate , whether theyfiiould admit Chrift to be a God or not. {h^fj^^ter. 
 
 He faith , I kyiorv that it is not a Larv to all the IForld. Not de faCto indeed.How 
 ihouldit? when the World is fo full of y4fki/?x , that make no more account of 
 their Souls , than of fo many handfuls of Salt , to keep their Bodies from llinking> 
 But de jure , by right it is a Law , and ought to be a Law to all the World. The 
 Heathens, and particularly theStoicks themfelves, did fpeak with much more re- 
 verence of the Holy Bookj , of which to fufpeCi a faljhwd , they held to he'anhainous and Ammon.inlib. 
 detejlabk crime. And the iirft Argument for neceliity , they produced from the au- '^' Interpret. 
 thority of thofe Books , becaufe they laid that God did knorv all things , and difpnfe 
 ill things. 
 
 He asketh, Horv the Bible cime to be a Larv to us? Did Godfpeak^it viva voce tn us, 
 
 Z 2 z z 2 have 
 
 Dan) 6. 8,
 
 786 
 
 Cafti^atioNS of TOM E I H. 
 
 have rve fern the Miracles ? have we any other ajfitrance than the vpords of the ?to- 
 theu and the authority of the Church .? And fo it concludcth , that it is the Le^ifla- 
 tive Vomr of the Commonrvealth , wherejoevtr it is placed , rehich mak^s the Bible a Larv 
 in England. If a man digged a pit,' and covered it not again, fotlut an Ox or an Afs 
 fell into it lie was obliged by the Mofuical Law, to make fatisfadtion for the dann- 
 niaec. 1 know not whether he do this on purpofeto weaken the authority of Holy 
 Scripture or not. Let God and his own confcience be his Triers ; but I am furc 
 he hath digged a pit for an Ox or an Afs , without covering it again, and if they 
 chance to lUimble blindfold into it , their blood will be required at his hands. If 
 a Turk had faid io much of the Alchoran ^.tConjlantinople , he were in fome danger. 
 If it were within the compals of the prefent Controverfie , I fhould efleem it no 
 difficult task to dcmonllrate prefpicuoufly, that the Holy Scriptures can be no other 
 than the Word of God Himfelf > By their Antiquity , by their Harmony , by their 
 Efficacy , by the Sandityand Sublimity of their matter » fuch as could not have 
 cntred into the thoughts of man, without the infpiration of the Holy Ghoft : By 
 the plainefs of their iHle fofull of Majefty, by the Light of Prophetical predidions 
 by the Teltimony of the BlefTed Martyrs , by a Multitude of Miracles , by the fim- 
 plicity of the Penmen and Promulgers, Poor Fifliermen and Shepherds, who did 
 drav/ the World after their Oaten B.eedsi and Lartly , By the Judgments of God 
 that have fallen upon fuch Tyrants and others , as have gone about to fupprefs or 
 prophane the Sacred Oracle?. But this is one of thofe things de ^uibus nefas eji du- 
 bitare , which he that calleth into queftion , deferveth to be anfwered otherwifc 
 than with Arguments. 
 
 But that which is fufficient to confute him , is the Law of Nature , which is the 
 fame in a great part with the pofitive Law of God,Pvecorded in Holy Scripture. All 
 the Ten Commandments in refpedt of their Subftantials, are acknowledged by all 
 men to be Branches of the Law of Nature. I hope he will not fay, that thefe Laws 
 of Nature were made by our Suffrages , though he be as Likely to fay fuch an abfut- 
 dity , as any man Living. For hefaith the Law of Nature is the aflent it felf which 
 all men give to the means of their prefovation. Every Law is a rule of our actions 
 a meer alTent is no rule. A Law commandeth or forbiddeth, an aflentdoth neither. 
 But to (hew him his vanity i fincc he delighteth fomuch in definitions, Let him fa- 
 tisfie himfelf out of the definitions of the Law of Nature, 7be Law of "Nature is the 
 prefcription ofri^ht reafon, reherdy through that Light , rvhich nature hath placed in ut , 
 vpeV^orv fomethings to be done becaufe they are honefly and other things to befhunned, if- 
 caufe they are difhonefi. He had forgotten what he had twice cited and approved out 
 of Cicera , concerning the Law of Nature , which Fhilo calls, "the Lave that cannot 
 he ■> not mortal^ made by mortals , not without Life , or Written in paper or columnes 
 rvithout Life^ but that vehich cannot be corrupted^ written by the immortal God in our un- 
 derjiandingj. 
 
 Secondly , If this which he faith did deferveany confideration, it was before the 
 Bible was admitted , or affented unto , or received as the Word of G-od. But the 
 Bible hath been aflented unto, and received in E«g/izw^ Sixteen Hundred years. A 
 fair prefcription •, and in all that time, I do not find any Law to authorize it ', or 
 to underprop Heaven from falling with a bulrufh. This is undeniable , that for fo 
 many fuccellive Ages , we have received it as the Law of God Himfelf not depend- 
 ing upon our Affents , or the authority of our Law-makers. 
 
 Thirdly , We have not onely a National tradition of our own Church , for the 
 Divine authority of Holy Scripture , but which is of much more moment , we have 
 the perpetual conflant Univerfal Tradition of the Catholick Church of Chrift , ever 
 iince Chrilt Himfelf did tread upon the face of the earth. This is fo clear a proof 
 of the Univerfal reception of the Bible , for the genuine Word of God , that there 
 cannot jullly be any more doubt made of it, than whether there ever was a IFUliam 
 the Conqueror or not. 
 
 But this is his opinion, Thit true Religion in every Countrey is that which the Sove- 
 reign Magilirate doth admit and injoyn.l could wifh his deceived followers would think 
 u(. on what rock he drives them. For if this opinion be true, then that which is 
 true Pveligion to day , may be falfe Religion tomorrow , and change as often as the 
 
 chief
 
 Discourse II. againJlMr, HoWsAnimacl'vofiony. ^q_ 
 
 Chiet' Governour or Governours change their opinions. Then that whic'i is true " 
 
 Religion in one Conntrey , is talfe Reh'gion in another Counfrey, becaufe the Go- 
 vernours are of diflfcrcBt opinions i then all the Religions of the World Chriitian 
 Jewifh ^ Titrkifh , Hcathenifli , are true Religions in their own Countreys: and if the' 
 Governour will allow no Religion , then Athcijm is the true Religion. Then the 
 Blefled Apollles were very unwife to fuffer for their confcience, becaufe they would 
 ob'.y God rather than man : Then the BlclTcd Martyrs were ill advifed to fafF.-r fich 
 torments fur a h\k Religion , which was not warranted , or indeed which Wis for- 
 bidden by the Sovereign Magiltrares. And fo I have heard from a Genthman oi^^-R- M. 
 quality, well defcrving credit , that Mr. Uohs , jnd he, talkingof feif prcfervation 
 he prefTed Mr. U>hs with this argument drawn from Holy Martyrs. To which Mr! 
 H/ix gave anfwer , they rccre all Fooli. This bolt was foon (hot: but the primitive 
 Church had a more venerable eftcem of the Holy Martyrs , whofe fufferings they 
 called palms > their Prifon a Paradife , and their Death-day, their Birth-day of their 
 Glory , to whofe memory they builded Churches , and inllituted Feftivals whofe 
 Monuments God Hiir.fclf did honour with frequent Miracles. 
 
 He asketh rvhy the Bible (hould not be Canonical in Conftantinople , as tvell as in o- 
 ther places ^ if it were not as he faith ? His queftion is Apocryphal, and defcrveth 
 no other anfwer , but another queftion. Why a Ship being placed in a ftrcam is 
 more apt to fall do vn the ftream, than to afcend up againft the ftream i* It is'no 
 marvel if the World be apt to follow a fenfual Religion , which is agreeable to their 
 own appetites. But that any (hould embrace a Religion, which furpafTcth their own 
 underliandings, and teacheth them to deny them(elvcs, and to fail again(t the ftream 
 of their own natural corruptions , this is the meer goodne{s of God. 
 
 He faith , That a Conqnemur makgs m Laws over the Conquered , by virtue of his 
 power and cimqueji , but by virtue of their affent. Moll vainly urged Like all the reft. 
 Unjuft Conquerors gain no right, but jurt Conquerors gain all right. Omnia dat qui 
 jujla negat , Juft Conqueroursdo not uieto ask the alTenr of thofe, whom they have 
 Conquered in Lawful War , but to command obedience. See but what a Pretty li- 
 berty he hath found out for conquered perfons , they may choofe whether they will obey 
 or die. Vnafalus vi£iis , nullam fperare falutem, what is this to the purpofe, to prove 
 that Conquerors make Laws by thea(rent of thofe whom they have conquered'' no- 
 thing at all. And yet even thus much is not true upon his principle: Conquered 
 perfons are not free to Live or Dye indiiTercntly , according to his principles-, but 
 they are necelfitated either to the one or the other , to Live Slaves , or Dye Ca- 
 ptives. 
 
 He hath found out a much Like aflfent of Children , to the Laws of their Ance- 
 ftours, without which he would make us believe that the Laws do not bind. Jf^hen techiftV d^*' 
 Children come to lirength enough to do tuifchief^ and to Judgment , that they are pre- floyal and un- 
 fervedfrom mifchief^ by fear of the fword that dmb proteH them , in the very ati of re- wural per- 
 ceiving protection , and not renouncing it^ they oblige themfelves to the Laws of their pro- '°°'' 
 teCiours, And here he inferteth farther fome of his peculiar errours , as this. That 
 Parents who are mt (ubj^S to others , may Lawfully take away the Lives of their ChiU 
 dren , and Mjgilirates tal^ away the Lives of their SubjeCfs , without any fault or crime 
 if they d) but doubt of their obedience. Here is comfortable Dodirine for Children 
 that their Parents may knock out their brains Lawfully. And for Subjects, that 
 their Sovereigns may Lawfully hang them up, or behead them them without any of- 
 fence committed , if they do but doubt of their of their obedience. And for Sove- 
 vereigns , that their Subjeds are quitted of their Allegiance to them, fo foon as they 
 but receive adlua! protcdion from another: And fur all men if they do receive pto- 
 teftion from a lurk^, or an Heathen, or whomfoever •, they are obliged to his tur- 
 i;i/&, Hcathenifli, Idolatrous, Sacrilegious, or Impious Laws. Can fuch opinions 
 as thefe Live in the world ? Surely no Longer thau men recover their right wits. 
 Demades threatned Fhocion , That the Athenians would deftroy him, when they fall 
 into their Mad fits. Pind thee , Vemades ^ ( faid Phocion ) when they return into 
 their right minds. 
 
 He faith, That 7 wnddhavethc Judge to condemn no man for acrimethat is necejJitJted. 
 As if ( faith he ) the Judge could k^ow what aUs are ttecejf.iry , unlefi he k^tew all that 
 
 had
 
 ;W~ ' C^igations of TOME 111, 
 
 - /;jd anu'ceclict both zifible and tniif.ble. It all the Acts be necclidiy, it is an ealic thing 
 
 for fhe Tutlgc to know what adts are ncccflary. I fay more, tliat no crime can be 
 ncceliitatcdi for if it be ncccHitated, it is no crime. And fo much all Judgcsknow 
 firmly , or ilk they arc not fit to be Judges. Surely he fuppofcth there arc, or have 
 been) or may be ; fomc Stoical Judges in the World. He is miftaken , no Stoick was 
 ever fit to be a. Judge , eitlier Capital or Civil, And in truth, Stoical principles, 
 do overthrow both all Judges and Judgments. 
 
 He diniith that he ever [aid , that all Magiftrates at firfl rvcre ekUive. Perhaps not in 
 fomany vvordt, but he hath told us again , that no Law can be unjurt,bccaufe every 
 Subjedchoofeth hisLawin chooling hisLaw-giver.IfeveryLaw-giverbe,ele(3:ive,thcn 
 every Sovereign Magillrateis E!e<Sive,for every Soveraign Magillrate is a Law-giver. 
 And he hath ju(\ified the Laws of the Kings of Egypt , of AJJ'yria , of Verf^a , upon 
 this ground , becaufe they were made by him , to whom the people had given the 
 Legi native power. 
 
 He addeth , That it appears , that I am if opinion , that a Laro may he made to com- 
 mand the wiV. Nothing Lefs, if he fpeaks of the Law of man. My argument was 
 drawn from the Lefler. to the greater : thus , If that Law be unjull , which com- 
 mands a man to do that which is impolfiblc for him to do , then that Law is Like- 
 wife unjull , which commands him to Will that which is impoHible for him to Will. 
 Hefeeth 1 condemn them both , but much more the Latter. Yet upon his Princi- 
 ples , he who commandeth a man to do impotlibilities , commandeth him to Will 
 impoflibilities , becaufe without Willing them , he cannot do them. My Argu- 
 ment is ad hominem , and goes upon his own grounds , that though the aCiion be ne- 
 ceffitated , niverthekfi , the iViWto breah^the Law ^ mah^th the a^ion unjufl. And yet 
 he maintaineth , that the Will is as much or more neceffitated than the adlion , be- 
 caufe hemakcth a man free to do if he will , but not free to Will. If a man ought 
 not to be punifhed for a neceflitated ad i then neither ought he to be puniflied for a 
 neceflitated Will. 
 
 I faid truly , that a juft Law juftly executed , is a caufe of Juftice. He inferreth 
 thit he hath Jhewed that all LaiPs are jujl ^ andali]itfl Laves are juflly executed. And 
 hereupon he concludeth.That J confefi that all I reply untohere is true.Do Iconfeft that 
 all Laws are juft ? No I have demonftrated the contrary : or do I believe that all 
 juft Laws are juftly executed ? It may be fo in Flatos Common-wealth, or in Sir 
 "Thomas Mores Eutopia , or in my Lord Verulam Atlantif. But among us Mortals, it 
 is rather to be wiflicd , than to be hoped for. He who builds partly upon his own 
 principles, aud partly upon his Adverfaries, is not very Likely to Lay a good 
 foundation. 
 
 He accufcth tne o{ charging him faljely for faying, "That Cod having commanded one 
 thing openly , plots another thing fecretly, which he calleth one of my ugly Thrafes. I did 
 not charge him for faying that God did fo , but that he might dofo, tvithout injujiice. 
 
 NHm> u. Whether the charge be true or falfe , Let his own words bear Witnefs , 7hat rvhich 
 Cod does , ts made juft by his doing : Jujl J fay in him , not alveays '^uji in us by the 
 example, for a man that jh all command a thing openly, and plot fecretly ithe hin- 
 der ance of the fame , if he punijh him , hefo commanded for not doing it, is unjuji. I wi(h 
 him a better memory. 
 
 I faid there was never any time when mankind was without Governours, Law s, 
 
 without Laws.'^ ^^^ Societies. He anfwercth,that it is very likely to be true, thatfince the Creation,there 
 never was a time in which mankjnd was totally without Society. And confefTeth farther, 
 tliat there was Faternal Government in Adam , But he addeth, that in thofe places where 
 there are Civil War sjhere is neitherLaw,norCommonwetlth,nor Society. Why then doth 
 he teach the contrary with fo much confidence, that it cannot be denied, but that 
 the Natural State of men, before they entred into Society, was a war of all men againfl all 
 men. Why doth he fay here , that where there is no Law , there twkilling or any thing 
 
 Pe cive c: I. elfe can be unjujl. And that by the right of nature we dejiroy ( without being unjuft ) all 
 
 Num.17. that is noxious, both beafis and men. Where there was Paternal Government from 
 the beginning , there were Laws , there were Societies, there was no War of all 
 men againft all men. Then the Natural State of men was never without Society. 
 Doth he call the civil War the natural State of men ? neither was Adam alone fuch 
 
 V
 
 iJjs COURSE II. againJiMr, Hoh^s Anhnadifoftons. 789 
 
 a Governour , but all heads ot families. Neither the whole World , nor the tenth 
 part of of the World , was ever fince the Creation without Society. The World 
 was Long without War, what need had they to War one upon another , Who had 
 the (haring of the whole World among them ? And when there was War, it was not 
 Civil War: and when and where there are Civil Wars, yet there are Laws, though 
 not fo well executed i and a Commonwealth , though much troubled and difor- 
 dered. For him'to make the natural and primogenious ftatc of mankind to be a war 
 of all menagainftallmen, to be Lawlefs without Government, barbarous without 
 Societies or Civility, wherein it is Lawful for any man to kill another , as freely as a 
 Wolf or a Tygcr,andto enjoy whatfocver they could by force, without farther care 
 or confcicnce , reflc(iis too much, not onely upon the honour of mankind but 
 Likewife upon the honour of God himfclf , the Creator of mankind. 
 
 He chargeth me to fay , that there never jvas a time, when it voas Lawful ordinari- Never Uwfal 
 ly C thofe were my words ) for private men to hjU one another^ for their oron prefervation for private 
 I fay the fame ftill in that fenfe , wherein I faid it then , and I think all the World '"'° ordinari- 
 may fay the fame with me, except himfclf ' 'v '° •*'" °°^ 
 
 In cafes extraordinary , as when a man is aflaulted by Thieves or Murderers I '"° ^^' 
 faid exprefly then , and I fay the fame now , That it is Lawful to kill another 'in 
 his own defence , cum moderamine inculpate tuteU , and this is all which the Laws 
 of God or nature do allow : which Cicero in his defence oi Milo pleadeth for as the 
 words following do abundantly teftitie , utfi vita noflra in aliquat infdijt fiin vim 
 in tela aut latronum aut inimicorum incidijfet , omitis honejia ratio ejjct expediend^ fahtti/. 
 And again , Hoc & ratio dodis , & necejjitas bjrbarU , & mos geutibus , &fris na- 
 tura ipfa pr^fcripft , ut omnem femper vim quacunque ope pojfent , a. corpore , a cjpite k 
 vita juapropuijarent. I wonder he was not afhamed to cite this placefo diredly a-'' 
 gainft himfelf. He faith the fame Words in general that I fay , but in a quite con- 
 trary fenfe, that by the Law of Nature, any man man may kill anotlicr without 
 fcruple, if he do but fufpeH bim ^ ot if he may be mifome to him ^ as freely as man 
 might pluck upa Weed or any Herb , becaufeit draws the Nourifhment another 
 ■way. And this ordinarily though the other do not offer to affault him, and though 
 his own Life be in no manncrof peril. This he maketh to be the Hrll and to be 
 the natural State of mankind , before they had entred into any padls one with a- 
 nother. In this fenfe I did deny , anddo (lill deny, that it either is, or ever was 
 ordinarily Lawful for one private man to kill another, though he plead his own pre- 
 fervation and well-being never fo much : and although T. H. telleth us here , with- 
 out either rcafon or authority , that it jeemeth to him, that Cod doth account fucb kiJliwr 
 no fin. An excellent cafuift. 
 
 All creatures forbear to pray upon their own kind , except in cafe of extream 
 hunger, • 
 
 •Parcit 
 
 Cognatif maculii fimilisfera, ^ando leoni 
 
 Fortior eripuit vitam leo ? ^o nemere unquam 
 
 Expiravit aper majoris dentibiu apri ? 
 
 Indica tygris agit valida cum lygride pacem 
 
 Perpetuam. Stvisinterfe convenitttrfis. 
 And were mankind onely made to Murder one another promifcuoufly ? That is to 
 be worfe than Wild Beafts , or Savage Canibals. 
 
 We beheld him even now more bold than welcome with the Holy Scriptures, fav- 
 ing onely that he abftained from the imputation of Jargon. Now he jefts with the 
 Pulpit , as well he may , confidering what fmall benefit he hath received from it. 
 Then he Laughs at cafes of confcience , not in his ilceve , or thorough his Hngers , 
 although God Almighty was more careful in dating the cafes of blood-guiltinefs 
 punftually. But he Loves a diftindlion worfc than Manflaughter. After the man 
 it killed ( {Mhht ) the Bijhopjhallbe judge , tphether the neceffityrvas invincible^ ur the 
 danger extream , as being a cafe of Confcience. If he had writ this defence of wilful Numbers ?J. 
 Murder , as Vemojihenes did the praife of HeleHe i or Erafmuf the commendation 
 of folly , onely to try his wit , it had been too much to jell with the blood of manv 
 but to doit In earneft , contrary to the Law of God and nature, without any 
 
 au-
 
 ^^ ■ 'cTftig ations of TQMEIII 
 
 "~ authority , fatrcd or profane , without reafon, nay without common fenfe, is his 
 
 own peculiar priviledge. 
 
 And yet before he leave this Subjedt , he muft needs be tumbling once more upon 
 the old Itring, That in the natural ftate ofman , every man might lawfully kill any 
 man whomheVufpeded , or who might be noifom to him. And fo taking this for 
 granted , he conciudcth that he might lawfully rcfign it up into the handsofthe 
 MagiHra'tcI was the morefparing in cenfuting this point , becaufe it is fo abfurd, 
 that the very repetition of it is a fufficient confutation , it being an opinion fobar- 
 barous,andl'obrutifh,htter for a bloody Canihal ^ one o£ the Jfrican Anthrofnphagi y 
 than one who hath born the name of ChrilHan , or been a member of any civjl 
 Society. Such an opinion, as, it it had not all lawes of God and man againft it, yet 
 the horrid confequences of it if it were once entertained , would chafe it out ofthe 
 World , with the propugnerof it. I would not caft away one Text of Scriptnre upon 
 Fount. ofArg. j^ ^ ^j^^^ [^^ admitteth that proofe ,and rejedeth all humane authority. 
 
 My firft reafon is demonflrative, becaufe all killing of men by private men was 
 forbidden to all mankind by the pofitive law of God , preftntly after the flood 
 before there were ever any fuch pads as he imagineth in the Vt'oxld. tvhofo (he ddeth 
 _ tnaus blood hy manjhall bis blood be Jhedtfor in the Image of God made he man. That 
 
 ° which he makes lawful in the natural ftatc ofman . and onely prohibited by cove- 
 
 nant between man and man , , was declared unlawful by the pofitive Law of God , 
 to Noah and his pofterity , from whom all the Cities , and Societies , and common- 
 wealths in the World , are defcended. 
 
 Secondly , this Law of God was no new Law then, but a declarationof the law 
 of nature , which was imprinted in the heart ofman from the beginning ,asap- 
 peareth evidently by the reafon annexed to the Law \for in the Image of God made he 
 man. Either in the family oi Adam was the natural ftate of manor there never was 
 any natural ftate in the world,before any fuch common- wealths as he imagineth could 
 be gathered , or any fuch pad's or covenants made. Yet even then the killing of thofe 
 whom they judged noyfome to them by private per{bns,was not onely cfteemed an or- 
 dinary fin , but was a crying fin for which we have the teftimony of God himfelfe 
 to Cain vphat haji thou done ? the voice of thy brothers blood cryeth unto mc from the 
 ground? 
 GeB>4io Thirdly , private men never refigned up into the hands ofthe Soveraign Magi- 
 
 itrate the power ofdefending their own lives in cafe ofcxtream neceffity , though," 
 it were with the death ofthe aflailant ,for that power they hold ftill. t,et him not 
 confound two different powers together. This power which he chalengeth , affir- 
 ming that the people didrefigne it to the Magiftrate,which we deny with deteftation 
 H a right to defiroy rvhatfoever a man think^th can annoyhim , (" they are his own words 
 in this place )or a general power of killing their enemies S that is , of killing whomfo- 
 ever they will jfor all men by their dodrine are their enemies, feeing he maketh 
 it a war of aV men agaitifl all men. Now if privatemen had once fuch aright and 
 didrefignitup unto the hand of the Soyeraign Magiftrate , then the Soveraign 
 Magifirate may ufc the fame right fiill, and kill whomfoever he thinketh may annoy 
 him , without fin : But this he cannot do. Saul finned in killing the Gibeonites ,and 
 iSam.ip.j. the ViltHis.vpherefore wilt thou fin aginfl innocent blood ? David tinned in killing 'Z/rMjE'. 
 _. . Itisfaid oiMana^eth, that he fiued ^cxM^dXcm wuh innocent bloody which the Lord 
 
 %• 24..4. j^gj^ij^ ^jgf pardon.hhzh is ftiled a murtherer i-/j/? thou killed, &c. 
 
 Laftly , the exaggeration*: of this fin in holy Scripture, and the incrediWe wayes 
 
 vhich God ufcth to find it out, and thofe blind blows and ghaftly horrours of con- 
 
 fciencc which do ordinarily accompany it , do proclaim to all the World , that there 
 
 is more in it than an ofTeuce againft mutual pads and covenants between man and 
 
 man. He that doth violence to the blood of any perfonpaV, fife to the pit , let no fnan&.ay 
 
 Prof.aS. /j/w. The wilful murderer muft be pulled out of the City of Refuge* yea, Gods 
 
 Deut. lo, II. jiif^f i^y(^ yej]^ hjp^ no protedion. This fin is a defacing of the Image of God i 
 
 M.Gen^p.p. ^^ defileth awhole land, and proceedeth from the fpecial inftigation of the Devil , 
 
 who was a murdirer from the beginning O how heavy Cfaid one ) is the weight of in- 
 
 Jch.8.44. nocent blood / How much do all Authours Sacred and Civil , inveigh againft the 
 
 fticdding of innocent Wlood ? Some have apprehended a fifties head in the platter for 
 
 the.
 
 Discourse JI. againft Mr. Hob's Animad'voftons. -jgi 
 
 r!ie head of him they had murthered. Others after . a horrid murther hadbeen ob(a^ 
 
 ved to have their hands continually upon their daggers. This opinion of his , talics 
 away all difference between noccnt and innocent blood . This inward guilt ', thefc 
 fears ot vengeance , and the extraordinary providence of God in the difcovcry of 
 murther5,do proclaim aloud thu there is more in bloodguikinefle , than the breach of 
 mutual Pads between man and man. 
 
 In the next place, he maketh us an elaborate difcourfc of a Lion, and a Beare and 
 an Oxe, as if he Hood probacionerfor the place of Attorny General of the brutes.This 
 is cvident,he hath defcrv.d better of them, than either of his God , or of his Religion 
 or of the humane nature. In th- firft place , he acquittcth the hczlhjrom the domini- 
 on of man, znd dcnieth that they owe him any fubjedtion . He that fliall ufe T. H 
 his books as the countreymcn did his prognoftication, write down everything con- 
 trary, fair for foule ,and foule for fair , true for falfc , and falfc for true , if he could 
 get but a good wager upon each opinion , would have advantage enough. I hope he 
 dothnot undcrlhnd it of a political dominion or fubjedion but oncly that the other 
 creatures were deligned by God for the ufe and fervice of men , in the famefenfc 
 that Virgil faith , 
 
 Sic vos Hon voh'n veUera fcrtU oves. 
 Sic vos noH vob'y! feriU aratra bovei. 
 when God had created man male and female after his own Image , he gave them 
 his benediction. Suhdtte the earth and have dominun over the fijh of the fea and over the Gen. i. iS. 
 fovfles of the sir and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth. And this very 
 dominion Wis 3i part of thclmagerf God, wherein man was created. Therefore God 
 brought all the creatures to man as to their Lord and Mafter under himkKc , to give 
 them names , which is a (ign and a proofe of dominion. Therefore faid the Kin^'ly ^ 
 Prophet, thoH mak^li him\_ man^ to have dominion over the wark^s of thy hands\ 7hou hajl ^i[,%, '/,' 
 put all things in JubjeBion under his feet, JU Jheep and oxen , &c. Here is but an harih 
 beginning of his Attorny-fliip. 
 
 Secondly he raaintaincth , that the Lwxhath as much right, or, ashe calleth it , 
 liberty to eat the man , as the man htth to cat the Oxe. I hope he will not deny that 
 the Creator of all things had right to the donation of his own creatures. Man 
 hath Gods deed of gid-.Every moving thingthat livethfhall he meat for you.Even as the ^'"' ''^ 
 green herb have J given you all things. Can he (hew fuch another grant for the Li(7«x 
 to devour men > When God faid, tfhofo fheddeth mans blood by manjhall his hlood be 
 Jhed i for in the Image of God made he man. was it intended onely that his blood (hould 
 be prefervcd for the Lions} or do not their teeth deface Gods Image , as much as 
 mans weapons ?But the Lionhad liberty to eat man long before. He is miftaken the 
 creatures did beare a more awful refpec't to the Image of God in man oeforc his fall. 
 But mans rebellion to God, was puniflied with the rebellion of the creatures to him. 
 h^dith it tpjs impo^ble for mijl men tohave Gods licenfe toufe the creatures for their fujien- 
 nance.'Why fo>as if all the World werenotthcn comprifed in the family of Noah, Or 
 as if the Commandments and difpenfations of God were not then delivered from 
 father to fon by tradition, as they were long after by writing. He asketh ho w I would 
 have been offended if he (hould have fpoken of man as Pliny doth , than twhom there 
 it rtQ living creature more wretched or more proud. Not halffo much as now. Pliny 
 taxeth onely the faults of men , he vilirieth not their humane nature. M^rvretched ■■, 
 what is that but an argument of the immortality of the foul? God would never have 
 created the mort noble of his creatures for the moll wretched being. Or more proitd , 
 that is than fome men. Cnrrw/'fid opiimi pejjjma. The bcft things, being corrupted, 
 turn the worih 
 
 But heacknowledgcth two advantages which man hath above other creatures , 
 his tongue and his hand. Is it podible that any min who bciicveth thithe hath an 
 immortal foul, or that reafon and undcr/tinding are any thing but empty names, 
 (hould fo far forget himfelf and his tlunkfi'ilneirc to God ^ as to prefer his tongue 
 and his hands , before au immortal foul and reafon .? Then we may well change the 
 definition ofaman which thofe old dunf;? thePhilol'ophers left us, Man ii a reafonable 
 ereature,into this new onesMaa is a prating thing wit'i two hand,-. How mucli more 
 was the human nature beholden to Tally an Heathen , who (aid , That mm differed 
 
 A 1 7 3 a Jruir.'
 
 -pa 'Cajliaato ns of TOME FT I. 
 
 ^'thcr creatures in re.tfm^!ljfech. Or to Ovid, -who llileth man, Sandius hU ammal 
 
 mouihue cavacim ah^. U he have no better Luck in defending his Leviathan , he 
 will have no great caufe to boaft of his making men examples. 
 
 And now it feemeth he hath played his Malkrpiece. For in the reft of his Animad- 
 vcrtions in this Sedion, we rind a Low ebb of matter. Concerning confultations 
 he faith notliing but this , That my writing ivas caufed Fhyfically , antecedently , ex- 
 iriiijccally , by his anfmr. In good time. By which I (ee right well , that he un- 
 dcrttandcth not what a Phylkal caufe is. Did he think his anfwer waj fo Mathe- 
 matical to compel or neceliitate me to write ? No, I confefs I determined my felf. 
 And his anfwer was but a flender occafion,Which would have hadLittle weight with 
 me , but for a Wifcr mans advife , to prevent his over-weening opinion o^ his own 
 frov.atf. 5- aijjjjtiec. And then followeth his old di(h of twice (bdden coleworts , about /rff, 
 and necejj'jry , and contingent , and free to do if he mil , Which we have had often e- 
 nough already. 
 
 His diftindtion between fectt and unfeen necejjjty , deferveth more confideration. 
 Seen and uu« ^j^^ meaning is, that feen necellity doth take away confultation , but unfeen 
 " " ' neceffity doth not takeaway confultation, or human indeavours : Unfeen necellity 
 is of two forts , either it is altogether unfeen and unknown,either what it is, or that 
 it is i fuch a neccllitydoth not take away confultation or human endeavours. Suppofe 
 an Office were privately difpofed , yet he who knoweth nothing of the difpo- 
 fition of it , may be as felicitous and ind jftrious to obtain it, as though it were not 
 difpofed at all. But the necellity which he Laboureth to introduce , is no fuch un- 
 feen unknown necellity. For though he know not what the caufes have determin- 
 ed particularly, or what the necellity is , yet he believeth that he knoweth in gene- 
 ral , that the caufes are determined from eternity , and that there is an abfoluie ne- 
 cellity. 
 
 The Second fort of unfeen neceffity , is that which is unfeen in particular what it 
 is, but it is not unknown in general that it is. And this kind of unfeen neceffity 
 doth take away all confultation , and endeavours , and the ufe of means , as much 
 as if it were feen in particular. As fuppofingthat the Cardinals have elefted a Pope in 
 private , but the declaration of the perfon who is eledled is kept fecret. Here is a 
 necellity , the Papacy is full ; and this neceffity is unfeen in particular , whileft no 
 man knoweth who it is. Yet for as much as it is known that it is, it taketh away 
 all indeavours and confultations, as much as if the Pope were publickly enthroned. 
 Or. fuppofe a Jury have given in a privy vcredid : no man knoweth what it is until 
 the next Court-day i yet it is known generally that the Jurors are agreed, and the 
 veredict is given in. Here is an unfeen neceffity : Yet he who fhould ufe any farther 
 confultations, or make farther applications in the cafe , were a fool. So though 
 the particular determination of the caufes be not known to us what it is , ytt if we 
 know that the caufes are particularly determined from eternity , We know that no 
 confultation or endeavour of ours can alter them. 
 
 But it may be farther objected , that though they cannot alter them , yet they 
 may help to accomplifh them. It was necelfary that all who failed with St. Paul 
 Att. 27. 13V. (liould be (aved from Shipwrack : Yet St. Paul told them, thatexcept the Shipmen 
 go, did abide in the Ship , they could not be faved. So though the event be neceffarily 
 
 determined , yet confultation or the Like means may benecefTary to the determina- 
 tion of it. I anfwer, the queftion is not whether the means be necelfary to the end, 
 for that is agreed upon by all parties, but thequeflion is to whom the ordering of 
 the means which are necelTary to the production of the event, doth properly belongs 
 Whether to the rirll oaufe , or to the free Agent. If it belong to the free Agent un- 
 der God ( as We fay it doth ) then it concerneth him to ufe confultations and all 
 good endeavours , as requilite means to obtain the defired end. But if he 
 difpofition ofthemeans belong foly and wholy to God , (as he faith it doth ) and 
 if God have ordered all means as well as ends and events particularly and precifely, 
 then it were not oncly a thanklefs and fuperfluous office , to confult what were the 
 fittefl means to obtain an end , when Sod hath determined what mull be the one- 
 ly means, and no other ; but alfo a fawcinefs , and a kind of tempting of God , 
 for a man to intrude himfelf into the execution of God Almighties decrees', whereas 
 
 he
 
 Discourse [[.Mr. Hob's Ammad'verfions. 
 
 . 1 . .. 79^ 
 
 he ought rather to calUvvay all care and all thought on his part, and relign himielt" ~~ 
 
 up who'.y to the difpolition ot the Second caufes , which adt nothing but by the fpe- 
 cial determination of God. '^^ 
 
 Concerning admonition i he faith lefs than of confultation. The reafon ( faith 
 he ) rvhj/ ree admonip men of mderjUnding rather than children , fools and madmen U I'"a1I things be 
 becaufe they are more capable of the good and evil confequences of their adions , and have ^^^°'"'^'y "«- 
 more experience , a^id their pafions are more conform to their admonttors ; that is to fay niriom afe'^U. 
 moderate and Hayed. And then after his Bragadochio manner , he concludeth.' ">"• 
 7bere be therefore reasons under Heaven which the Bijhop k^iorvs not of. My one reafon 
 [ becaufe they have the ufc of reafon , and true Liberty, with a dominion over their 
 ownadions, which children , fools, and madmen have not ] indudeth more than 
 all his three reafons put together. What is it that Weigheth the good and evil con- 
 fequences of our anions > Realign, What is it that preferveth us from being tran- 
 fported with our pallions > Reafon , and what is experienced of good and evil > 
 Reafon improved by obfcrvation. So we have gained nothing by the change of my 
 reafon , but three crackt groats for one good fhilling. 
 
 But he hath omitted the principal part of my anfwer , that is, the Liberty and 
 dominion over their adicns, which men of underlhnding have much more than 
 Children, Fools, or madmen. Without which all his capableneis of good and e- 
 Til confequences , all his experience of good and evil, all his calmnefs and modera- 
 tion , do fignifie jurt nothing. Let a man have as much capacity as Solomon as 
 much experience as Nejlor , as much moderation as Socrates i yet If he have no pow- 
 er to difpofe of himfelf , nor to order his own adions , but be hurried away by the 
 fecond caufes inevitably , irrefirtibly , without his own Will , it is to as much pur- 
 pofe to admoiiifli him , as when Icarus had his Wings melted by the Sun , and was 
 tumbling down headlong into the Sea , to have admoniflied him to take heed of 
 drowning. A feafonable admonition may do much good , but that is, upon our 
 principles, not upon his. If all events, With all their circumftances , and the cer- 
 tain means to effed them , were prccifely determined from eternity , it were high 
 prefumption in us to interpofe, without fpecial warrant. Thofe means which we 
 judge moll convenient, are often not looked upon by God Almighty, who doth 
 ufe to bring Light out cfdarknefs, and reftore fight by clay and fpittle,and preferve 
 men from periling by perifhing. No Paragraph efcapcth him without fome fupcr- 
 erogatory abfurdities. As here , that a man may deliberate without the ufe of -rea- 
 fon, that brute bealls may deliberate, that madnefs or phrenfie is ftrength of paffion. 
 
 He infilkth Longer upon moral praife and difpraife , or moral goodnefs or bad- 
 nefs , but fpeedeth worfe, entangling himfelf in twenty errours, as thefe which fol- ALkt-rofab- 
 low : Metaphyfical goodnefs is but an idle term. That is good tvhereveith a man is pleaf- furditiei. 
 ed. Good IS not of ahfolute ftgnif cation to all men. Nothing is good or evil , bttt in re- 
 gard of the aCtion proceeding from it , and the perfon to whom it doth good er hurt. Satan 
 is evil to us , hut good to God. If there vpcre Lares amongfl Beafls , an horfe would be 
 as morally good ar man. "The difference between natural and moral goodnefs, proccedeth 
 from the \_ Civil ^ Laa>. Ihe Law is all the right reafon that we have. IFe mak^ it 
 rig}} ' reajon by our apprchation. J II adions ofSubjeSs, if they be conformable to the Law 
 of the Land, are morally good. Moral praife is from obedience to the Law. Moral difpraife is 
 from difobedience to the Law. 1o fay a thing is good, 'u to fay, \t is as 7, or another, or the {iate 
 would have it.That is good to every man which is jo far good as he can fee. All the 
 real good which we cjU hom\i and morally virtuous , is that which is not repugnant to the 
 Law. Tiie Law is the Infallible rule of moral goodnefs. Our particular reafon is not riaht 
 reafcii. The reajon of our Covernour, whom we have fet oier our felves is right reafon. 
 His Laws whatfoever they be , are in the place of right reafon to us. As in play morali- 
 ty confjieth in yiotrenouncing the trump, \o all our morality conjifreih in not difobeying the 
 Law. Is not here an hopeful Litter of young errours, to be all formed out of 
 three penfuUs of Ink> as if he had been dreaming Lately in errours den. One An- 
 ticyra will not afford Hellebore enough to cure him perfcdly. I was apt to flatter 
 iny felf a while , that by the Law he underftood the Law of right rcafor. But I 
 found it too evident, that by right reafon he underilands the arbitrary edidsof an 
 eledive Governour. I could not choofe but call to mind that of our Laureat Poet , 
 Godhelp the man fa wrapt in errours , endkjs train. A a a a a 2 The
 
 794 
 
 Caftigation sjf TOME III - 
 
 .Ji^inrWai- 'the Reader might well have expcdtcd matter ot more edihcation upon this 
 Tgood. Subied As wherein the formal reafon of goodneS-e doth confift m convenience,or 
 
 in the obtaining of all due prefedions. As hkewife the diftindtion of good i cither 
 "Mif^?/if/y, into the goods of the mind , the goods of the body, and the goods of 
 ftirtune .• Or formally into boitum honeftum, utile & delegable , or honeftly good , 
 prohtably good , and delightfully good. That which is honeltly good, is defirable in 
 It {elf and as it is fuch. That which is profitably good ,is that which is to be defi- 
 red as' conducing to the obtainingoffome other good. Thirdly , delightfully good 
 is that pleafure which doth arife from the obtaining of the other goods defired. But 
 he hath quite cafliicred the two former forts of good , That which is honeftly good, 
 and that which is profitably good i and acknowledgeth onely that which is delight- 
 fully good, or that which pleafeth him or me. So as if our humours differ , goodneflc 
 intifl differ i and as our humours change i goodnefs muft change jas the Chameleon 
 chaiigeth her colours. Many things are good that pleafe not us , and many things 
 pleafe us that are not good. Thus he hath left no real good in the World ,but on- 
 ly that which is relatively good. Thus he hath made the Devil himfelf to become 
 good , and which is yet worfe ,good to God. Thus he hath made horfes to be as 
 capable of moral goodnefTe as man, if they had but onely laws. I wonder why he 
 fhould ftick at that, laws are but commands,andcommands may be intimated to hor- 
 fes as we might fee in Bankes his horfe : which we might call (upon his principles) 
 an honefl virtuous and morally goodhoife. There. is a woe denounced againft 
 Ifa. s.so- them vrhocall evil good and good eviV. 
 
 This is not all , he confefTeth that lawmakers are men , and may erre , and think^that 
 lavp good for thepople^ which U not \ yet with the fame breath he telleth us . That 
 there U no other right reafon hut their law , which is the infallible rule of moral goodneffe 
 So right reafon and erring reafon •, a fallible rule, and an infallible rule are all one 
 with him. What no other rule but this one Lesbian rule, the arbitrary didates of a 
 Govcrnour ? what is become of the eternal law, or the rule of juftice in God himfelf 
 What is become of the divine pofitive law recorded in holyScriptures?what is become 
 of the law of nature, imprinted naturally in the heart of every man, by the finger of 
 God himfelf? What is become of the law of nations , that is, thofe principles which 
 have been commonly and univerfally received as la wes , by all nations in all ages , 
 or at leaft themoft prudent pious and civil notions f what is become of that Syn- 
 tercfu or noble light of the foul, which God hath given mankind to preferve them 
 from vices ? Are they all gone , all vaniflied , and is no rule remaining but onely the 
 arbitrary edidts of a mortal Law-giver who may command us to turn T«rJy, or Ta~ 
 gans to morrow, who by his own confellion may erre in his law-giving ? Then not 
 only power abfolutely irrefiftible, doth juftifie whatfbeverit doth , but alfo the 
 power of mortal man may juflifie the violationof the laws of the immortal God. 
 But I have fliewed him fufficiently , that there are unjuft laws, not onely toward 
 God , but likewife towards men : That un)uf\ laws do not acquit our adive obe- 
 Exod. 1.2 1- dience to them from damnable fin : That it is not onely lawful,but necefTary to dif- 
 obcy them : ThatGod himfelf hath approved fuch difobedience,and rewarded it. To 
 concIude,it is not the pleafing of him or me,or fome privat benefit that may redound 
 from thence to him or me, that makes any thing to be truly good, but the meeting 
 ot all perfedioH in it whereof that thing is capable. Bonum ex integra caufa,malum ex- 
 qmlihet defeHutzW requifite perfections muft concur to make a thing good,but one only 
 defed makes it cvill. Nothing is morally good,nothing is praifcworthy,but that which 
 is truly hond\ and virtuous.And on the other fide, nothing is morally bad, nothing 
 is difpraife worthy, but that which is difhonefl and vicious. 
 
 To Wrangle evcrlaftingly whether thofe incouragcments which are given to fct- 
 ting dogs and Coyducks and the Like berewards,were a Childifli fighting withfha- 
 Rew3r,1s of ^^^'^ ? feeingit isconfelTed that they are not recompenfes of honeft and virtuous a- 
 bruitsi and adions , to which the Laws did appoint rewards. Swine that run by a determi- 
 "^" differ. iiate inflind of nature to fuccour their fellows of the fame herd in diftrefs, do not 
 defire a Civical Crown, Like him who faved the Life of a Citizen. Nor the Spi- 
 ders , whofe phanfies are fitted by nature to the Weaving of their Webs,derervc the 
 like commendation with Jrachne , who attained to her rare Arts of Weaving by 
 
 ain-
 
 DiscouRsi. 1 1. Mr. HobbV Anmtadverfions. 70 h 
 
 ailiduous indultry. There is a great difference between natural qualities , and mo- 
 ral virtues. Where nature hath belto wed excellent gifts, the chief praife redoundcth 
 to the God of nature. And where the bruits have attained to any fuch rare or bc- 
 nericial qualities by the inlkudion of man , the chief praife redoundeth unto him 
 that taught them. The Harp was not Crowned in the Olympian Games, but the 
 Harper i nor the Horfcs , but the Charioter. And though the incouragements of 
 men , and bruits be fometimcs tne fame thing materially, yet they arc no^ the fame 
 thing formally. 
 
 But where he confoundeth a necellity of fpecification with a neceflity of exercifc , 
 and afHrmeth that the Bees and Spiders arc ncceliitated by nature as well to all their 
 mclividual adions, as to their feveral kinds of Works, it defcrveth no anfwer but 
 to be flighted. His opinion doth require that he (hould fay that they are determin- 
 ed to their individual adions , by the fecond caufes and circumftances , (though 
 it be untrue i ) but to fay they are determined by nature to each individual ad ad- 
 mittcth no defence. 
 
 In the Lalt Paragraph , I am beholden to him , that he would inftrud me : but 
 I am of his mind, that it would be too great a Labour forhim. For I approve none 
 of his newfangled principles, and think he might have fpent his time better in me- 
 ditating upon fomewhat elfe, that had beenmore properfor him. Ifeethat where 
 the inferiour faculty doth end , the fuperiour doth begin. As where the vegetative 
 doth end , there the fenfitive doth begin , comprehending all that the vegetative 
 doth, and much more. So where the fenfitive ends , the intcUcdual begins. And 
 fliould 1 conhnc the intelledual Soul which is inorganical , immaterial , impaffible, 
 feparable , within the bounds of the (enfitive , or to the power and proceedings 
 thereof, when I fee the underlhnding doth corred the fenfe , as about the greatnefe 
 i)t the Sun ? Senfe hath nothing to do with Univerfals , but reafon hath. Even in 
 memory which he mentioneth , the intelledual remembrance is another manner 
 of thing than the fenfitive memory. But this belongs not to this queftion i and 
 therefore I pafs by it , and leave him to the cenfure of others. 
 
 In this Section he chargeth me firft with a double breach of promife, yet there 
 is no promife » and if they had been promifes , both are accompliflied. One of my 
 promifes was , That J rvouldmt leave one grain of his tnatttr unrfdghed , yet I leave 
 thtfe reords unanfrvered. Our Saviour bids us pray thy will , not ottr vpill be done'-, and 
 by example teacheth us the fame ', for he prayed thus : Father if it be thy will\ let this 
 cup paf!. Firit this was no promife , but mine own pavate refolution , which I 
 might Lawfully change at any time upon better grounds. Secondly it had been 
 an eafie thing to omit two Lines in a whole difcourfe unwillingly. Thtrdly,the in- 
 tent was onely to omit nothing that was materiaU but this was meerly impertinent. 
 Laftly, without any more to do, it was fully anfwered in my defence in thefe words. 
 \_ In tbe lafi place he urgetk ^ That in our prayers rve are bound to fubmit our tpiVt to 
 Gods will.rfho ever made a doubt of this ? tve mufl fubmit to the preceptive fPiU of God 
 or his commandments , rve muji fubmit to the effeHive tvill of God ^ rufhenhe declares his 
 plealure by the event, or othervptfe. But we deny , and deny again, that God wih ad extra 
 Meceffjrily, or that it is his pleafure that aV fecond caufes fiould aH necejjarily at aUtime/y 
 which U the quejiion^and that which he alledgetb to the contrary comes notnear it. Where were 
 his eyes ? That \r\itxzr\cc\_which feemeth at leati to imply that our prayers cannot change 
 thewillofCod'] is now firll added. And if it had been there formerly, is anfwered 
 abundantly in' the fame Sedion. 
 
 The fecond breach of promife is this-, that I faid [ here vi all that faffed between 
 us upon thisfubjeH , without any addition or the leafi variation from the original.\_ But 
 I have added thtfe words [_ Tes , I have feen thoje fMe(i of creatures , and feeing their rare 
 works , I have fen enough to confute all the boldfaced Athcifts of this Age , and their heViJh 
 bhfphemies.[_'Wbzti ftirr is hereabout two lines which contain neither argument, nor 
 anfwer, nor authority, nor any thing material. I did not apply thefe Words tohim » 
 nor gave the ieall intimation of any fuch thing; If he be wronged, he wrongeth 
 liimfelf. I am as much offended with the Theills of this Age , as with the Atheifts, 
 ■who are convinced that there is a God andprcfeffe it, yet never do him any fervice 
 or wor(hip,not fomuch as ante fncmn fijrigus erit ,by a warm fires fide in a winters 
 
 day.
 
 79^ _ 
 
 Caliigationf of T O M E 1 1 I* 
 
 Rom. i.jr 
 
 any 
 
 day who tvhen ihey kl'orp God , do not glorifie htm as God. But to deale clearly wuh h 
 I piofcflTcldo not know either when any fuch Words were added , or that ; 
 Inch words vvcrcadded , Nither ever had I any other copybut that original which 
 was fent to tlie prcile;and that copy which was tranfcribed for hinn,and fcnt to him 
 at the HrlL If theAmanueniis did omit two lines cither in the margent ( Which is 
 moll likely by what he faithjor otherwifc, I could not help it; My afTevefationffor 
 it was no .promife( was true, that I fent the original it felf, as it had lain Long by 
 me without any variation. 
 
 When he i^ afraid to be hard put to it^then he laieth in the other fcaleto countcr- 
 billanccthoiencw reafons which are brought againlt him, either prefcience ^ or 
 TvhatJhaS be ^ fhallbe. Or a man cannot determine today, what: his will {hall be to 
 >Mfl»To»v All which are impertinent to the queftion , and have been abundantly an- 
 fweredinthefe Calligations. His inllancc ofa debter who intended firfl to pay his 
 creditor, tlicn thought to defer it , and laflly refolved to do it for fear of imprifon- 
 ment , is remote from the queftion. The determination of the debter is not ante- 
 cedent, but concomitant ,notextrinfecal by the creditor who perhaps never thought 
 on it, but intrinfecalby the diftateof his own reafon , which he calleth thnughtSy 
 lellhefliould fcem to attribute any thing to reafon. What are thoughts, but intdkUuf 
 aOu circa res occufatia^lhe underjlanding aUitaHy employed about fomething^U he hold no 
 o:her necellity but this, which no manoppofethi why doth he trouble the world with 
 his d bitor and creditor about nothing ? 
 
 I did notaecufe him for making all piety to confifi in theeftimation of the judgc- 
 wliatJt is to "icnt: he (Wl miftaketh v but I did, and do accufe him for placing all the inward 
 honour God piety of the heart in the ellimation of the judgement. 5o he faith expreffcly, That 
 to honour any thing, if nothing elfe but to think^it to be of great power. If it were nothing 
 elfe , the Devil honours God as much as the beft Chriftian , for he believeth a God 
 as much as they ."and he cannot believe a God, but he muft believe him to be 
 omnipotent. 7/.'w/'f//fi'f/^ there is one Cod, thou dojl well ■, the Devils alfo believe and 
 Jim J. 19. jrenible. 1 fhewed him that inward piety doth confilt more in the fubmillionof the 
 will than in the eftimation of the judgement. But Imaynot faythat it was toohot 
 for his fingers. He urgeth , That the Vevil cannot ejieem God for his goodnefje : Let it 
 it be fo. Neither is there any need that he ftiould to make him devout, if his 
 ground were true, That to honour God U nothing elfe but to think^ him to be of great 
 pcwer. 
 wh«! are But to make amends for this ovcrfight , he hath found usout two forts of Devils 
 
 DcTtl « fn hit Ihe one( and indeed all thcVevils that are inhis creed ) are wicked men , to whom 
 judgement. j^g applieth the name ofdiabolm, and Sathan, and Abaddon in holy Scripture. The other 
 are heathen gods, mtcre phancies or fdions of terrified hearts, or as he ftileth them 
 out of St. f^.ii]. Nothings. What he will do with Heaven, 1 know not j buthehath 
 emptied Hell at once , and fwept away all the Devils , except wicked men. He 
 might do well to acquaint the Judges with it, to fave the lives of fo many poor old 
 mclancholick women , who fuffer as Witches for confederacy with the Devil. I 
 defireto knowofhim , Whether thofc Pm// Which our Saviour caft out of the 
 poiTefTed , or thole Vevils Which hurried thefwine into the Sea, or that JDm/ who 
 took our Saviour up to the Pinnacle the Temple , were heathen gods, or wicked 
 men? Or how a legion ot heathen Gods or Wicked men could enter into one po(^ 
 feflcd perfon , without crowding one another to death? But this belongeth to an- 
 other fpeculation. Ue zskcxh in what claffis of entities 1 place Devils.? Will he learn 
 to fpeak Jargon ? 1 anfwer. With Angels , among fpiritual fubftances. He hath as 
 much authority to empty Heaven of good Angels, as to empty Hell of bad 
 Angels. 
 
 To cover his former errour ,, that the honour of God is nothing elfe but theefti- 
 mation of his power, he hath devifed another errour , That all the Attributes 
 of God are included in his Omnipotence. I confefTe, that the Attributes of God arc 
 tranfccndcnts above our capacities, and are not of the fame nature with the fame 
 attributes of mortal men : I confefTe farther , that all the Attributes of God, and 
 Whatfoever is in God, is God, oris theDeityit felf. But to confound all theft 
 diflindl Attributes in one, tonopurpofe, without any grownd is abfurd , and fer- 
 
 veth
 
 
 Discourse 1 1. Mr. HobsV Ammadver^iont' ygj 
 
 veth one!y to make thofe notions which were pioufly invented to help our 
 undcrltandings , to be the ready means to confound our undcrltandings. 
 Ill the next place I (hewed , that to command one thing openly, and to neceliitate 
 another thing privately, defiroyeth the truth of God , the goodnefTe of G ' , 
 the juftice ot God , and the power of God. This is an heavy accufation , and h at i 
 need to acquit himfelf Iikea man. Bac f believe he will fail. Hw're he brin>-,n 
 in the prefcicnce oi God again twice, or fecm to flop a gap with it. But it will not 
 ferve his turn. Where the louldiers are multercd over and over, it is a lign the com G i doth not 
 panics are but thin. Firlt to Qve thetru>h of God he faith, Thittruth confijieth in '••"'^"P'ivac- 
 affirmation and negation , not m commanding. The fenfc is ,That God who is truth it Commands o- 
 felf , may will one thing , and command another ,and hinder that adt which hecom- penly, 
 mandeth. Mark but his reafon. Ihe Scripture which it his word^ u not the proffjion of 
 what he intendeth , but an indication rehat thofe men whom he hath chofen to falvation 
 or dejlruQion , jhall nectjjarily intend. This is the fame which he renounced former- 
 ly , as one of my ugly Phrafes , That God fhould command one thing openly , 
 and hinder the fame privately or underhand : Reader , ifthoudelightelUn lucha God 
 who will command one thing publickly , and hinder it privately, chufcMr. 
 Bobbes his God. God forbid we fliould attribute any fuch double dealing to our God , d'Vf'""h"he 
 who is truth it (elf. Some contraries, as heat and cold, may meet together in truth'ofGod. 
 remifle degrees ; but truth and fallTiood , an habit and privation, can never meet 
 together. There is atruth in beings the pidureof aman cannot be the man himfelf 
 There isa truth in knowing, if the underihnding be not adequate to the thing 
 underflood , there is no truth in it. There is a truth in faying , which is a 
 conformity or an adequation of the lign to the thing faid , which we call 
 veracitie , when one thing is commanded publickly , and the fame is 
 hindred privately , and the party Co hindered is punirtied for not doing that 
 which was impoliible for him to do, Where is the veracity ? Wheres the con- 
 formity and adequation of the fign to the thing fiid / I dare not tell Mr. 
 Bobbes thzt be underftandeth not thefe things, but I fear it very much: Ifhcdo,his 
 caufe is bad , or he is but an ill Advocate, 
 
 Next to reconcile thcgcodnefle of God with his principles, he anfwereth firftto the And his good- 
 thing , That living creatures ofallfirts are often in torments Of well at men, which they nefsi 
 could not be without the will of God. I know no torments of the other creatures but 
 death , and death is a debt to nature, not an ad of punitive juflice. The pangs of 
 a violent death are lefie than of a natural, bclides the benefit that proceedeth thence 
 for the fuftenance of men , for Which the creatures were created. See What an Ar- 
 gument here is (for all hisanfwers are recriminations or exceptions) from brute Beafts 
 tomen, from a debt of nature to an ad of punitive juftice , from a fudden death 
 to lingring torwcnts^utfentiant fe w;rj,fromalight afflidion producing great good, to 
 endleSe intolerable pains , producing nogood butonely the fatisfadion of juftice. 
 Then to the phrafe oiGods delighting in torments: He anfwereth , That God delightetb 
 not in them. It is true. God is not capable of pallions , as delight or grief i but when 
 he doth thofe things that men grieving or delighting do, the Scriptures byanan- 
 thropopathy doafcribc delight or grief unto him. Such are his exc^-ptions, not to the 
 things but to the phrafe b:caufe it is too Scholaltica! , or toe elegant. I fee he liketh 
 no tropes or figures. But in all this , here is not one word of anfwer to thd thing it 
 felf That which is beyond the cruelty ot the moft bloody men , is not agreeable to 
 the Father of Mercies , to create men on purpofe to be tormented inendlelfe fiames, 
 without their one faults. And focontraryto the Scriptures , that nothing can be 
 more wherein puniflimgnt is called Godsjirangework^r^hisftrange a£},¥ox God tnade not ., 
 death , neither hath he pleafure in , the dejirndion of the Living , but ungodly men voith wifd. r i« 
 their works "'^'^ words., called it unto them. It this place (eem to him Apo- 
 cryphal , he may have twenty that are Canonical. As Hive , fiith the Lord Gad, / g, i, ,, ,,. 
 have no pleafure in the death oj the wickid , hi^t that he ti&n from his way and live', 
 "turn ye ^turn ye from your evilwayes ^for why will ye die, houfe of Jjrael> 
 
 That his opinion deftroyeth the jufticeof God, by making him puniOi others for 
 his own ads, is fo plain that it admitteth no defence. • And if any farther corrobo- 
 ration were needful, Wc have his own confeilion, that there can be no punifhments hut 
 
 for.
 
 798 
 
 Cafiioations of 
 
 TOMEin. 
 
 '■ f^, ioT crimes that tntffht have been Uft mdvne. Yet he keeperli a fliutBing of terms, af- 
 
 hount.ciAri.;^^^^^^^ 'and bruit creatures , Which by his own confeJlion are not capable of mo- 
 ..A hisMicc ral goodnefs or Wickedncfs , and confequently , not fubjcft to pnniftment, and 
 And niijuiii>.c o talking away the proportion between Im and punilhment , onely to make a 
 fliew of anfwering to them , Who do not or cannot weigh what is faid. Among 
 euilty perfons,to lingle out one to bepuniftied for examples fake, is equal and juft, 
 that the punidi'ment may fall upon few , fear to offend upon all. But to punifli in- 
 nocent perfons tor examples fake, is onely an example of great injuftice. That 
 which he calleth my opinion of the endlcfs torments of Hell, 1 Learned from Chrift 
 himiclf Go ye cttrjed into everlajiingjire , and from my Creed- When Origen and 
 feme others , called the merciful Dodoars , did endeavour to poffefs the Church 
 with their opinion of an Univerfalreftitution of all creatures, to their priftine eflate 
 after fuflicient purgation , it was rejedled by the Church. Without doubt , a fiii 3- 
 gainft infinite Majelly , and an averlion from infinite goodnefs , do juftly fubjeift the 
 offenders to infinite puniftiment. But he talketh as though God were obliged to do 
 adls of grace , and to violate his own ordinances , that he might (ave men ..ith- 
 out their own Wills. God Loves his own Creatures Well, but his own juftice 
 better. 
 
 whereas I (he wtd , That this opinion deftroyeth the omnipotence of God , by 
 An<i omnipo* making him the Author oraufe of fin , and of all defeds". Which «;. xH fruits ot 
 KBctmakiug impotence , not of power. He diftinguilheth between the cade off]n,and the 
 thecaufcoffin ^yjjjQj pf {-j^ gjj^jjj^g (J^jjQqjJ isthej-jufeof (jj,^ jjf jfiH fay^ that bis opinion 
 
 mak(s £God3 the caufe of fin. But dots not the Bifbop think^him the caufe of all aSi' 
 oas ■■, and are not fms (f Commiffion aUioH! ? Js murther no aUion ? Voth notiSod him- 
 felf fay there is no evil in the City tfhich I have not done: And was not nturther me of 
 thofe evils .? But he denyeth that God is the author of fin , that is , God doth not 
 own It , God doth not give a warrant for it , God doth not command it. This is down 
 right Blafphemy indeed. When he took away the Devil , yet 1 did not fufpe<ft , 
 that he would fo openly fubftitutc God Almighty in his place. Simon Magm held 
 that God was the caufe of fin , but his meaning was not fo bad ; He onely blam- 
 cth God for not making man impeccable. The Manichees and Marcionites did hold , 
 that God was the caufe of fin, but their meaning was not fo bad: they meant it not 
 of their good God , Whom they called Light : but of their bad God , Whom they 
 termed darkncfs. But 7. H. is not afraid to charge the true God , to be the very 
 ader of all fin. When the Prophet asketh , Shall there be evil in a City, and the 
 Lord hath not done it ? He fpeakcth exprefly of evil of puiiifliment , not at all of tiie 
 evil of fin. Neither will it avail him in the Leaft , that he maketh not God to be 
 the author of fin. For fi«ft it is worfc to be the Phyfical or natural caufe of fin, by 
 afting it , than to be the moral caufe of fin , by c»mmanding it. If a man be the 
 author of that which he commandeth , much more is he the author of that which he 
 aiSeth. To be an author , is Left than to be an afteur. A man may be an author 
 by perfwafion , or by example \ as it is faid of Vefpafian , that he being antitjuocul- 
 iu viBuque was unto the Romans pr<eci/>»«j <»|?r;5/»Borij tfwjit'r, by his obferving 
 of the ancient dyet of the country, aud the old fafliion of apparel ■■, He was unto the 
 "Romans , the principal Author of their frugality. Hath not he done God Almighty 
 good fervice, to acquit him from being the author of fin , which is lefs, and to 
 make him to be the proper caufe of all fin , which is more. Thus to maintain fate 
 he hath dcferted the truth of God, thcgoodnefs of God, the juftice of God, and the 
 power of God. 
 
 In the next plact , I demanded how Khali a man praife God , who believeth him 
 to be a greater Tyrant than ever was in the World, creating Millions to burn eter- 
 nally without their own fault, toexprefs his power. He anfwcretb, That the word 
 "lyrant was fometimes ta\en in a good Jenfe '■> a pretty anfvver, and to good purpole , 
 When all the World (|es that it is taken here in the worft (enie. And when he hath 
 fun.blcd thus a while after the old manner, all his anfwer is a recrimination. How 
 em the Bilhop praife God for his goodnefs^ whotbinkj hehatb created Million t of Millions 
 to burn eternally , when he coiildhave kcft themfo eaflyfrom committing any fault. I do 
 not believe that God created Millions, nor (b much as one fingle pe-rfon to burn e- 
 
 tcr- 
 
 Amos i. 4, 
 
 A right H<»b. 
 bi(\ eannot: 
 praife God.
 
 Discourse I I. Mr. Hob's Ammacl'verftms. ng g 
 
 ternally , which is as true as his other llander in this place, that Jtvithdraw the rvill 
 
 ofhUn from Gods Dominion. Both the one and the other are far from me. His prm- 
 
 ciplesmJy Lead him upon fuch precipices , mine do not. God created not man to 
 
 burn , but to ferve him here , and to be glorihed by him and with him hereafter 
 
 That many men do mifs this end, is not Gods fault, who gave them fufficient* ' 
 
 ftrength to have conquered , and would have given them a Larger fupply of Grace 
 
 if they had fought it , but mans. God was not bound to reverfe his own decrees 
 
 or change the order of the Government of the World , which he himfelf had juftly 
 
 inftituted , to hold up a man from finning againR his Will , when he could bv his 
 
 Almighty power draw good out of evil , and a greater degree of Glory out c;f the 
 
 fall of man. Concerning the number of tliofe who are reprobated for their fins I 
 
 have nothing to fay , but that Jecret things belong unto the Lord our God^ and things 
 
 revealed to lis and oitr Children. Deur. 19. 29 
 
 My next demands were , how fhall a man hear the Word of God with that re- 
 verence and devotion and faith that is rcquifite, Who believeththat God caufeth his ^°^ P'^^ ''''^ 
 Gofpel to be Preached to the much greater part of Chriltians , without any inten- c^ve the ^^ 
 tion that they (hould be faved ? 5acramcnt 
 
 Secondly, How {hall a man preparehimfelf for the receiving of the "Sacrament **°"'''^y* 
 with care and confcience , who apprehendeth that eating and drinking unworthily 
 is not the caufe of damnation , but becaufe God will damn a man therefore he 
 neceflitateth him to eat and drink unworthily. To which two demands s he giveth 
 one anfvver, That Faith is the Gift of God ^ if they have faith , they fhall both hear 
 the rvord, and receive the Sacraments worthily : and if they have no Faith , they {hall 
 neither hear the Word nor receive theSacraments Worthily. There needeth no more to 
 be faid to evidence to all the World , that he doth utterly deliroy , and quite take 
 away all care, all follicitude, all devotion and preparation of our felves for holy du- 
 ties. If God gives us Faith , Wc can want nothing-, If God do not give us Faith 
 We can have nothing. We ufe to fay truly , That God doth not deny his Grace' 
 to them who do their endeavours, The Kingdom of heaven fuffereth violence and the 
 violent tak^ it by force , and how much morefhjU yotir father vchich U in heaven, give good Matth.. u. u 
 things to them thatas\him ? St. Taul maketh hearing to be the way to obtain faith 
 Hon- (hall they believe en him oftvhom they have not heard? And exhorteth Chriliians J?^"^''-"- 
 to veork^ ut their falvation with fear andtrembling. Devout prayers, and hearing, and ''°* '^' 
 reading, and participating , did ufe to be the way to get faith , and to increafe faith. 
 As in our natural life , fo in our fpiritual Life. We muft earn our bread in the { weat 
 of our brows. Such defperate opinions as thefe, which are invented onely to colour 
 idlenefs and quench devotion, are the pillows of Satan.We believe none are excluded 
 from the benefit of Chriiis pailion, but onely they who exclude themfelves.Abiblute 
 exclufion is oppofed to exclufion upon fuppofition , which ufeful and ncceffary di- 
 (lindion ( if he do not , or will not under{land ) we have no reafon to phanfie it 
 one jot the worfe, for his fupercilious cenfures. 
 
 My next demand was, how {hall a man make a free vow to God , who believes », q™ l 
 himfelf to be able to perform nothing , but as he is extrinfccally necelfitatcd. To ought. " "^ 
 thishe anfwers , That the nea^ty of vowing btfore he vowed, kindred not the freedom of 
 his vow. This it felfis abfurd envUigh , but wiiether it be his mifapprehenfion , or 
 his cunning to avoid the force of an argument , he comes far ihort . both of the 
 force and ofthehope of this reafon , which was this, If a man be not Left in any 
 thing to his own difpofition , and have no power over his future actions, but is an- 
 tecedently determined to what he mult do, andmurt not do , and yetknoweth not 
 what he is extrinfecally determined to do , and not to do i then it is not onely fol- 
 ly but impiety for him to vow that which he knoweth not whether it be in his pow- 
 er to perform or not. But upon his grounds every man is antecedently determined 
 to every thing he fhall do , and yet knoweth not how he is determined. Univerfal 
 tiecelfity , and free vows cannnot pollibly confilt together. 
 
 My Laft demand was , how fliall a man condemn or accufe himfelf for his fins . »t 
 who thinketh himfelf to be Like a Watch wound up by Godi> His anfwer is, though hK ^M^edi! 
 a man tbinl^himfelf necejfrtated to what he Jhal} do ; yet if he do not think^himfelfnecflJitat- 
 ed and wound up to impenitence , there will follow no impediment f-' repentance. My 
 
 B b b b b 2rgit-
 
 8oo 
 
 Caftigations of 
 
 TOMEIII. 
 
 what repen- 
 tance is- 
 
 2 Cor. 7. 1 1' 
 
 Joel », I J. 
 
 Mans concur- 
 rence vi'nh 
 Gods Grace. 
 
 Aa-?. 51. 
 
 f rov. i»4. 
 
 Mark { 1$, 
 
 argument lookcth at the time paft , hisanfwcr regardcth the time to come ■■, both 
 ways he is miferably entangled. Firft for the time pall , If a man was wound up 
 as a Watch by God, to all the individual a<Sions which he hath done , then he 
 ought not to accufe or condemn any man for what he hath done ■■, fox according to 
 his grounds , neither he nor they did any thing , but what was the fecret and irre- 
 lillible Will of God , that they (hould do. And when the fecret Will of God 
 is made known by the event , we ought all to fubmit unto it. Much lefs can 
 any man accufe or condemn himfelf without Hypocrifie for doing that , which if 
 his life had Iain a thoufand times upon it , he could not have helped , nor done 
 otherwife than he did. The very fame reafon holdeth for the time to come. 
 Thcreis the fame necellity in refpedt of Gods decree , the fame inevitably on our 
 parts for the future , that is for the time pad. The fame fubmillion is due to the 
 fecret Will of God , when it (hall be declared by the event. How ill he hath been 
 able to reconcile his principles, with the truth , and goodnefs, and juftice , and 
 power of God , and with thofe Chriftian duties which we owe unto God, as vows, 
 repentance and praifing of Gods Holy Name , the hearing of his Word , the re- 
 ceiving of his Sacraments , I leave to the judgement of the Reader. 
 
 The next thing which I difliked was his defcription of repentance. It is a glad 
 returning into the right tPay , after the grief of being out of the way. Who ever heard 
 before this , of gladnefs or joy in the definition of repentance ? he tellcth us, That 
 it IT not Chrijiian repentance without a furpofe of amendment of Life. That is true, a 
 purpofe of amendment was comprehended in the old definition of repentance, A 
 Godly forrovp for fins paft , tcith a jiedfaji purpofe to commit no more fins to be forrowed 
 for , St. Teter found no great fenfe of joy , when he rvent out and wept bitterly. 
 Andfome tell us, that fo long as he lived, he did the fame , fo often as he heard 
 the Cockcrow. I^ot Mary -Magdalene , When (he Wafhcd the feet of Chrift with 
 her tears , and wiped them with her hairs , yet (he was a true penitent , and pur- 
 pofed amendment. Nor David , When he Wa(hed his bed night by night, and 
 Watered his couch with his tears. St. Paul reckoned all the parts of the 
 repentance of the Corinthians j Godly forrorv , carefulnefs , clearing of themfelves^ 
 indignation ^ fear ^ vehement defires ^ zeal ^ revenge^ here is no Word of joy or glad- 
 nefs in all this. Joy is a confequent of repentance after reconciliation, but it is not 
 of the^elTence of repentance , no more than a fucceeding calm is of the efTencc of a 
 ftorm , or the prodigals feftival joy after his readmiffion into his Fathers houfe, was 
 a part of his converfion. He is afraid that this Doctrine of fafting and mourning , 
 and tears , and humicubation , and fackcloth , and a(hes , ferttineth to the efiablifh- 
 tnent of Komiih pennance. Or rather they were natural expreflions of forrow , be- 
 fore Rome was builded. Turnye to me with all your heart,with fafting^ and weepings and 
 mourning. Neither the Ninevites , nor the fyrians and Zidonians , did learn their 
 fackcloth and a(hes at Rome. But many men love to ferve God now adays with as 
 much eafeas they can i as if God Almighty would be fatisfied with any thing , vel 
 uva , veljuba , either with a grape , or with a bean. And with the fame meafure 
 they mere to God , he meafureth to them again. 
 
 He chargeth me that , J labour to bring in a concurrence of mans will with Gods wilt , 
 af^d apoxver inGod togive repentance ifman wiBtak^ ifibut notthe power to mak^himtak^ it. 
 Holy. It is one queftion K/r«wpfl/^*,whatGod can do,another, «trKW7j;/,whatGod will 
 do.God can determin the wil! irrefiftibly,but he doth not doit ordinarily.Tf flif necked 
 and uncircumcifed in heart, ye do alwayes refifi the Mioly Ghoft. And I have called and ye 
 refufed , 8cc, The concurrence of God and man in producing the adt of our believing 
 or converfion to God , is fo evident in holy Scripture, that it is vanity and loft la- 
 bour to oppo(e it. If God did not concurre , the Scripture would not (ay. It is G»d 
 that worli^th in M , both the will and the deed. Ifman did not concurre, the Scripture 
 would not (ay , work^ out your own falvation with fear and trembling. If our repentance 
 were Gods work alone, God would not fay to man, turnye unto me with allyour 
 heart : And if repentance were mans work alone, we had no need to pray ,Turn us 
 O Lord and we fhall be turned. We arecommanded to repent and tnbelieve. In vain 
 are commandments given to them who cannot at all concur to the ading of that 
 which is commanded. Faith and Repentance are propofed unto as conditions to 
 
 obtain
 
 Discourse 1 1 Mr. HobsV AmmadiferfTonf- 801 
 
 oBtain bkfledneHc and avoid deltruition. If thou (halt confefs with thy month and 
 ' believe with thy heart , 8cc, thou (halt bejaved. And excep ye repent , ye Jhallall hk^wife 
 perifh. To propofe inipollible conditions, which they to whom they are propoled 
 have no power either to accept or to rcfufe, is a meer mockery Our unbelief and 
 impenitence is imputed to us as our own fault, Becaufe of unbelt f thutt wm 
 broken off. knA after thy hardnejje and impenitent heart, thou treafureji up unto thy 
 felf wrath. Their unbelief and impenitence were not their own faults , if they neither ^om' a T^' 
 had power to concur with the grace of God to the produftion offaith and repen- 
 tance, nor yet to rctafe the grace of God.The holy Scripture doth teach us that God 
 doth help us in doing Worltes of piety. The Lord is my helper : And the Spirit help- 
 eth our infirmities. It we did not co-operate at all , God could not be faid to help 
 us. There is , therefore there muft be , co-operation , Neither doth this concur- 
 rence or co-operation of man , at all , intrench upon the power orhonour of God 
 becaufe this very liberty to co-operate is his gift , and this manner of acting his own „ 
 inlHtution. Kev. $.23. 
 
 Thofe words Behold lHand at the door andkitock^, are not underftood onely of the 
 Minifters outward knocking at the door of the ear with perfwafivc words , but 
 much more of God Almighties knocking at tlie door of the heart, by his prevent- 
 ing grace. To what end doth he knock to have it opened ,if he himfelf had (hut it 
 by an irrefirtible decree > God firft knocks at the door of our hearts by his preventing 
 grace, without which we have no defire to open unto Chrift: And then he helps 
 us by his adjuvant or ailiiting grace , that we may be able to open. Yet the very 
 name of Gods adjuvant , or ajjijiant, or helping grace , doth admoni(h us , that 
 there is fomething for us to do on our parts ; that is , to open , to confent, 
 to concur . Why (hould our co- operation fcem fo ftrange , which the Apoftle doth i ^°'^' '* ^° 
 aflert fo pofitively Ftve are labourers together with God. A.nd I laboured more abundantly 
 than they all ■■, yet nt I, (that is , not I alone ) but the grace ofGoJlwhich was with me. ^q^^ 
 
 The lail part cf his Session is concerning prayer, which he mefnageth no better 
 than the reft. 
 
 Firfthe accufeth me for faying that prayer is a Signification that we expecft that 
 which we pray for from God, Which he callcth a prefumpion in me ,and^ detraCti- Confidence in 
 OH from the honour of God. But it is fofartrom being a prefumption,that it is a necef- P"'^^.i *^\ 
 fary requiiitein prayer. S.James will have us pray without wavering : Let him ash^in [^ «'"*=*'')' <* 
 faith nothing wavering. -S. Paul will have men to lift up holy hands without wrath or : ' 
 doubting. And our Saviour commands , r^i&jt *^/«^j- foeverye defire when ye pray, be- J'^-^' <5* 
 live that ye 0jall receive them, and ye (hall have them, _. 
 
 I cited many Texts ot Scripture to prove the efficacy of prayer , whereof he is 
 pleafed totake notice of three i and to deny that helping , means , efficacy , availing , Mar^.u. 24, 
 difignifie any caufation ? contrary both to the Words and fcope of thofe Texts, and 
 contrary to the tenor ofthe Whole Scripture. 
 
 . Ihe prayer of faith fhaUf'ave the fic\. And I h^ow that this fhaU turn to my falvat'wn 
 through your prayers, Hannah prayed and the Lord granted her requeft. We fee the like J'^f'S* '5» 
 in Achab, in Zachary ,in Cornelius, and many others. Hezekias prayed, and the Lord pj^ji , 
 tk'id, I have heard thy prayer, I have feen thy teares. Behold I will adde unto thy d.yes ^^zy-ii, $> 
 fifteen years. Nothing can be plainer than Solomons Prayer at the dedication of the 
 Temple. Jf there be famin in the Land , if there be Peftilence , 8cc. If their enemy jKings. 8. 47* 
 hcfiiffc them in their Cities, what foevcr plague, what f never fick^iejjes there be, what prayer it"fOD. 7.i» 
 oriupphc.itionfoever be made by any manner by all thy people IJrael, 8cc. and fpread frth his 
 hands toward this houfe, heare thou in Heaven thy dwelling Place, and forgive, and do &c. 
 To all which, God himfelf condefcended andPromifed to do accordingly. 
 His reafon to the contrary, ThatMc creature living canwnrk^any effeU upon God, is mod 
 true V but neither pertinent to his purpofe, nor underflood by himfelh It is all one 
 as to the efficacy ofprayerif it work upon us, as though it had wrought upon God 
 himfelf, if it render us more capable ot his mercies, as if itrendered him more mcrci-* 
 ful. Though the Sword and the Crown hang immovable, yet prayer tranllateth us 
 from one capacity to another, from being under the fword, to be under the Crown. 
 Lartiy , he telleth us in great fadnefs. That though our Prayers toman be dijlin- 
 guijhed from o:tr thankf , it is not neceffary it (hould be fo in our prayers and thankj to God 
 
 B b b b b tlmighty'
 
 —^ ' Caftigations of TOME 1 a 1. 
 
 Almighty. Prayers and thankfgiving areour afts, not Gods Ads, and have their 
 
 dilhndion from us, not trom God. Prayer refptds the time to come, 
 
 thankfeiviiTg the time paft. Prayer is tor that we want thankfgiv- 
 
 in-' tor what we have. All the ten Lepers Prayed, Jefus Mailer have mer- 
 
 Luk 17' I? cy^on usi but only one of them returned to give God thanks. St. taul diitinguilli- 
 
 g, ' cth Prayer and thankfgiving , even in reCpcft of God. By granting the Prayers of 
 
 acor. '•"• his People , Godputtethan obligation upon them to give thanks. He might as 
 
 well have faid , that Faith , Hope, and Charity, are the fame thing. 
 
 He palTcth over the reft of this Chapter in lilence. I think him much the wifer 
 forfo doing ; If he had done lb by the rell likewife, it had been as much credit lor 
 his caufc. 
 
 Here are three things queftionable in this Sedion > firft, whether fee w/)om<j%»/; aZ/t^/^gj 
 wji^f aU things tiecejfary to be^or tvhethcr it be a contradiSion of me to my fe If to fay Jo ?Fhli^ 
 this is certain , there can be no formal contradiction where there is but one propo- 
 fitio'n. Secondly, here is no implicit contradiction v Firit becaufe there is a vaJt 
 difference between making all things HfCfjP^ry to be , and making all things to be ne- 
 ceflary Agent?. The moll tree or contingent Agents in the World when tliey are 
 are neceflarily fuch as they are i that is , neceflary to be i but they are not neceiTari- 
 ly necelTary agents. And yet he is Hill harping upon this firing , to prove fuch a 
 necellity as no man did ever deny. Thirdly, I told him that this which he contends 
 for here, is but a necellity of fuppofition. As fuppofmg a Garment to be made of 
 the FreMc/; fafliion , When it is made it is neceflarily oi the French fafhion. But it 
 was not neceflary before it was made, that it ftiould be made of the French 
 fafhion , nor of any other fadiion » for it might not have been made at all. 
 
 He excepteth , That the burning of the fire is no etherxvife neceffary than upon fuppo ■ 
 T. H miHak- fi^i"^- ^'f'^' 'uJuppofvtgfMel be c^ji upon the fire , the fire doth burn it neceffarily. But 
 eih necttfity herein he is altogether millaken. For that onely is called neceflary upon fuppofition , 
 uponfuppofi- where the thing fuppofed is or was in fome fort in the power of the free ngent, ei- 
 tion. ther to do it or to leave it undone, indifferently. But it is never in the power 
 
 of the fire to burn or not to burn indifferently.He who did ftrike the fire out of the 
 fhnt,may be faid to be a neceflary caufe of the burning that proceeded from thence 
 upon fuppofition , becaufe it was in his power , either to ilrike fire, or not to 
 ftrike fire. And he who puts more fuel to the fire may be faid to be a neceffary 
 caufe of the continuance of the fire, upon fuppofition , becaufe it was in his choife 
 to put to more fuel , or not. But the fire it felf cannot choofe but burn whileff it is 
 firci and therefore it is a neccfTary caufe of burning, abfolutely not upon fuppofiti* 
 on. what unfcen neceflity doth prejudice Liberty , and what doth not , I have 
 (hewed formerly. How mean an elleem foever he hath of the Tailor , either he, or 
 his meaneft apprentife have more fenfe than himfelf in this caufe. The Taylor knows 
 that there wasnonccelfity from eternity , that he fhould be a Taylor , or that that 
 man for whom he made the Garment , fhould be his cuflomer i and much lefs yet 
 of what fafhion he fhould makeit. But he is flill fumbling to no purpofe upon that 
 old foolijh rule , as he pleafed once to call it , whatfoever is when it is, is neceffa- 
 rily fo as it is. 
 
 Thei'ccond queflionis , whether there be any agents in the World which are 
 • more truelyfree, ortruely contingent agents , according to his grounds? And it is ea- 
 incency fi'y demonllraced, that there are not : becaufe he maintaineth that all Agents are 
 than.igno neceffary , and that thofe agents which wc call free agents and contingent agents , 
 ranee. do adt as neceffarily, as thofe agents which we fee and know to be necefTary agents: 
 
 and that the reafbn why we flile them free agents,and contingent agens, is, becaufe n>e 
 do not kiiorp vphether they n>orh^nece£arily or not. He hath told us hitherto that all a- 
 gents ad necefTarily , otherwife there could not be an Univcrfal necellity. Now he 
 telleth us that there be fundry agents, which we know not whether they work ne- 
 cefTarily or not. If we do not know whether they work neceflarily or not , then 
 We do not know whether there be univerfal neceflityor not. But we may well pafs 
 by fuch Little miflakes in him. That which I deduce from hence is this : That the 
 formal leafon of Liberty and contingency according to his opinion doth confift in 
 our ignorance or nefcience i and then it hath no real being in the nature of things^ 
 
 Hither-
 
 Discourse. 1 1. Mr Hobo's Animadverfions. gQ3 
 
 Hitherto the Worid hath eltcemed nothing more than Liberty ■, mankind hath been 
 ready to Hght for nothing fooner than Liberty : Now if after all this, thc^e be no 
 fuch thing as Liberty in the World, they have contended all this while for a (hadow. 
 It is but too apparent what horrible difordcrs there are in the World , and how 
 many times, right is trodcn under foot by might, and how the word of men do 
 riourifh and profper in this World , whileft poor Hieremy is in the dungeon , or 
 writing books of Lamentation. If there be true Liberty in the World , We know 
 well whereunto to impute all thefe diforders ■■, but if there be no Liberty in the 
 World , free from antecedent necellitation , then they all fall diredlly upon God 
 Almighty and his providence. 
 
 The Lalt quedion is concerning his definition of contingent , that they are fuch a- 
 gems as rvor\ we kfiorp }wt horv. Againft which I gave him two exceptions in my de- 
 fence. One was this. Many agents work we know not how, as the Loadllone 
 draweth iron., the Jet chaff-, and yet they are known and acknowledged to be ne- 
 celTary , and not contingent Agents. Secondly , many agents do work we know 
 how, as a Hone falling down from anhoufe upon a mans head , and yet we do not 
 account it a necefTary , but a contingent event, by reafon of the accidental concur- 
 rence of the caufes. I have given him other inftances in other parts of thisTrea- 
 tife •, and if need be , he may have twenty more. And yet though his definition 
 was (hewed formerly to halt down-right on both fides , yet he , good man , is pa- 
 tient and never taketh the Leaft notice ofit : but only denyeth the confequence ,and 
 cverlooketh the proofs. 
 
 His objedtion about the indetermination of the caufes, that indetermination doth 
 nothing , becaufe it maketh the event equal , to happen , and not to happen, is but 
 a flalh without any one grain of folidity. For by indetermination in that place is 
 clearly underftood , not to be predetermined to one by extrinfecal caufes, but to be 
 left free to its own intrmfecal determination, this wa/, or that way , indilTerent- 
 ly. So the firft Words by reafon of the indeteTmination^ have reference to free agents 
 and free events , and the other Words , Or accidental concurrence of the caujes , have 
 reference to cafual events. And both together, referenda fingula fwgulif ^ 60 in- 
 clude all contingents , as the word is commonly and Largely taken by old Phiio- 
 fophers. 
 
 Reader, I do not wonder now and then, to fee 7. H. fink under the weight of an 
 abfurdiry, in this caufe.A back offteel were not able to bear all thofe unfupportable 
 confequences,which flow from this opinion offatall deftiny.But why he (hould delight 
 to multiply needlefle abfurdities.I do not know.Allmoft e very Sedtion prod uceth fomc 
 newmonlfer.Inthisfeventeeth Sedion,I demonllrated clearly that this opinion of uni- 
 verfal necefhty, doth takeaway the nature of finne. That which he faith in anfwer 
 thereunto,is that which followeth. 
 
 F\rR ^ it is true , he a>ho taketh away the liberty of doing according to the will ^ taketh Def Kum. j. 
 away the nature of fnne^but he that denieth the liberty to will doth «ot/o. This anfwer f^^a "v ''^^' 
 hath been fufficently taken away already, both in the defence, and in thcfc Caftiga- ^,^c. 
 ations. Inevitable and unrefillible neceflity doth as much acquit the will flrom fin ,as 
 the aftion. 
 
 Again , whereas I urged , That Whatfoever proceedeth elTentially , by way of 
 phyfical determination from the firit caufe isgood ,and juft and lawful : he oppofeth 
 That J might as rvell have concluded^ that what fever man hath been made by God U a good^ 
 and juli man. Sol mighty What Ihould hinder me to conclude that every creature 
 created by God is good , (jua talis , as it is created by God : but being but a crea- 
 ture , it is not immutably good as God himfelfc is. If he be not of the fame opinion 
 he mufi: feek for companions among thofe old Hereticks the Manichees or 
 Marcionites. 
 
 So he Cometh to his main anf\vcr. Sin a net a thing really made. "Ihoje tkinns which 
 at frjl were' anions . were not then fins ^though aCiions of the fame nature with thofe 
 which were afterwards ftns.^or was then the will to anything a fin, though it were a will 
 to the fame thing, which in willing now we (hmld fin. AHionsbcc^me then fins firjl , when 
 ti)e Commandements came , &c. jherecan no aUion he made fin , but by the law. therefore 
 this opinion^ though it derive anions ejfentially from God , it derives not fins ejpntially from 
 
 him,
 
 "1^ "^ Caftig atons of TOME II I. 
 
 ;,iOT hut Ttbtively ,~afurhylihe Commandement. The Ihid thing I obfcrve in him is a 
 contradidtion to himfclt.' Now he maketh the anomy , or the irregularity and re- 
 puciiance to the law to be the f-nne , before he coiiceivcth the adion itfelf to be the 
 liii. T>olh )iot the Bijh^l> ibink^ God to he the caufe ofaV adions ? Attd arc not fms ofcom- 
 fKiffton anions ? h mmthernn aGion? A»d doth not God bimfelffay , there U no evil in 
 the City rvhich J have Hot done > And tvjs not nturther one of thoje evills , &c. lam of 
 opiiii''"-, fhat the dijUnUion nfcaufesinto efficientatid deficient it Bofiu,andfignifieth nothing. 
 This might have been pardoned to him. 
 .But his fecond flip is worfe. That the iVorld was I know not how long mthout 
 ... fy,t, I did demondrate, That upon his grounds , all fins are cfTentially from God ^ 
 wcx'A bcfoie and confcquently are lawful and juft. He anfwereth, that the adions were from 
 ,he civil Law, qq \ ^ but the aftions were not fins at the firft until there was a law. What is this 
 t(j the purpole ? It is net material , when fin did enter into the World early or late , 
 Jo as when it did enter , it were elTentially from God , which it muft needs be upon 
 his grounds, that both the murthcr and the law againft murther , are from God. 
 And as it dcth not help his caufe at all,fo if ismoft falfe.What aftions were therein the 
 ig world before riic iin of the Angel ? He charged the Angels withfoHy. And if God 
 
 t pet. 1.4- fp'ii'fd. not the Angels that finned but cajl ^them downta hell tznd the Angels which 
 k^pt not their firji ejtatc.W'h^t were thofctirft aftions that were before the finne oiAdam 
 Juik^- 'By one man fume entred into the World and death by finne. 
 
 Thirdly he erreth moR groflTely , in fuppofing that the World at firft was 
 Kom. ^ "• JawklTe. The World was never without the eternal law ,that is , the rule of jufticc 
 in God himfclf, and that which giveth force to all other laws , as the Pivine 
 Wifdom faith , By me Kings raign , and Frinces decree JHllice. And finne is defined 
 to be that which is afted ,faid , or thought againft the eternal law. But to let this 
 paflcfot the prefent, bccaufc it is tranfcendentally a law. How was the Worldever 
 without the Law ot nature ? which is moft properly a Law, the Lawthat cannot lie, 
 not mortal from mortal man , not dead , or written in the paper without life, but 
 ^°^' ' ' incoruptible , written in the heart of man by the finger of God hlmfelf. Let him 
 learn ioundcr doftrine from St. P</«/, for when the Gentiels which have not the Law 
 ij.ara-J- 14 *'* do by nature the things containedin the Law , thefe having not the Law, area lawunto 
 •$• themfihes , which Jfjcw the worky^of the Law writen in their hearts, their confciences 
 
 alfi> bearing witentffe , and their thoughts , the mean rphile, accufingor excufing one another. 
 I pafteby thofe Commandemnts of God, which were delivered by tradition from hand 
 to hand , from Father to Son. This , That mankind was ever without all Law 
 is the moft drowfie dream that ever dropped from pen. 
 
 whereas he faith , That I alloa> that the nature of fin doth cnnfijl in thit, that 
 it »* an aUion proceeding from ottr will againft the Law and thence inferreth , That 
 the formal reafon offw lieth not in the Liberty^of willinghe doth wrong himfelf^and inifin- 
 form his ReadcrUor I never allowed it,nor never ftiall allow it in that ifenfc , but faid 
 cxprefTely the contrary. My words were thefe. {_ which in our fenfe is moft true , if he 
 underftand a jullLaw , and a free rational will '] And then I added futher , That 
 the Law which he undcrflandcth is amoft unjuft Law,arid the will which is intended 
 by him , an irrational necelhtated will, where did he Learn to take that for gran- 
 ted , which is pofitively denied ? He fayeth indeed , if the Reader could trufthim , 
 That he hath (htwed , that no Law can he unjuft. But I expcft arguments , not his 
 own authority, which I value rot. He neither hath fhcwed that all La vys are juft, 
 nor ever will be able to Ihew it , until] the Greek Calends. Likewife where he feem- 
 eth not to ur.dcrftand what the rational will is ,1 do think there is fcarcely anyone 
 Authour, who did ever write upon this fubjeft , but he hath this diftinftion be- 
 tween the rational and the fcnfitive appetite. And hath particularly made this 
 main diflereiice between thtm , that , the rational appetite is free , but the fenfitive 
 appetite is ncccftary . If he alone will not underftand that which is fo cvidentand 
 To cfiv.mand ^"^'^^l^^'W received by allSchoIlers, it is eo great matter. 
 
 iii'n-uft. It isas unjuft to ccirmand a man to do that which is imp cflible for man to do, 
 
 itrpcffib liu'ts as to corr.irand him contradiftions , This filly cvsfion will rotfcrvehis turn.Thofe 
 thirgs ire faid to be impclLble to us inthemfelves , which are rot madeimpofiible 
 to us by our own cicfsult. And thofc things which wc make impoflible by our de- 
 faults.
 
 Discourse II. Mr. Hob's Aninud'verfionf^ g^,- 
 
 faults, are not impollible in themfelves. Tho(e impoiiibilities and only thofe 
 which wc by our defaults have made , may lawfully be puniOicd. Where he coii- 
 fefleth , that L^rr-fKJ^fr/ mt k^norving the Jecret nece^tties of things to come ^ do fame- 
 times iHJoyrt things that art made tmpo^ibk from eternity , it cometh every way (hort of 
 the truth. Firrt in limiting it to human Lavp-mak^rs ^ who only know not the ne- 
 ceffities of things to come ■, for my argument , That Law which comirandeth im- 
 polCbilities is an unjul^ Law , doth hold as well of Gods Law , as of mans Law 
 not that we believe any Law of God can be unjuft.- Gad forbid : but to demon- 
 ftratc tohim undeniably , that all thole things whicli he conceiveth to be impoliible 
 from eternity , are not impoiliblc from eternity , becaufe the contrary is command- 
 ed from God , and God never commandeth impoiiibilities. Secondly he cometh 
 fhort of the truth in this alfo, That he faith human Lawgivers, do fometimes in- 
 joyn impolfibilities \ for by his leave upon his grounds , they do always injoyn ei- 
 ther abfolute impoiiibilities , or abfolute necelh'ties , both which arc equally ridi. 
 culous. Laflly . Whereas I argued thus, if the Will of man be determined by God 
 without the Will of man , then it is nor mans Will , but Gods Will i he denieth 
 my confequence , becaufe it may be both Gods Will and mans Will lanfwer, it is Gods 
 will eifcdively , becaufe he maketh it neceflarily ; and fubjedlvely beca'ufe he wil- 
 cth it i but upon his grounds it is the will of man only fubjedively^ becaufe he is 
 neceffitatcd to will it , but not effedtively , becaufe he had no hand in the produ- 
 dion of it , and therefore how faulty foever it be , yet it cannot be imputed to 
 man. 
 
 Concerning his inftancc in a Civil Judge. Firft , I (hewed that it was imperti- 
 nent, becaufe neither is a Civil Judge the Judge of fin , nor the Law of the Land 
 the rule of fin. To my reafons he anfwereth nothing in particular , but in general. 
 That whereas Ijaid that the Lav> cannot jujlly funijh a crime that proceedeth from necef- 
 fity , it ivts no impertinent anfmr to fay , that the Judge loof^th no higher than the 
 puiU of the doer. Here are fo many impcrfeftions , that I fcarcely know where to 
 begin. 
 
 Firft, I never faid that the Law cannot juftly punifli a crime that procecdeth from 
 ncceffityj I always faid, and do ftill fay , Thatif it be antecedently necellitated, it 
 isnocrime, either punifhablc , or unpuni(hable. Secondly, he did make the Civil 
 Judge to be the Judge of fin , and the Law of the Land to be the rule of fin in cx- 
 prcfs terms , A Judge in Judging rehether it be fm or not , ivhicb is done againjl the 
 Lavp. Thirdly , that Will which the Law and the Judge do regard, is not his bru- 
 ti(h nccelGtated irrational appetite, but our free rational Will , after deliberation de- 
 termined intrinfecally by the agent himfclf. 
 
 Secondly , I (hewed , That his inftancc in a Civil Judge wasagainft himfelf, be- 
 caufe this which he faith, That the Judge looketh no higher than the vciH of the doer^ doth 
 prove that the Will of the doer did determin it felf freely , and that the malefadtor 
 had Liberty to have kept the Law if he would. To this he anfwers , that itproveth 
 indeed that the malefaSor had Liberty to have k^pt the Law if he would .but it proveth ^^''^'^!'^^r-I^ 
 mt that he had the Liberty to k^ep the Law. Hath not this filly fenfclcfs diftmftion oia^prttor:' ^ 
 been canvafed fufficiently yet , but it muft once more appear upon the Stage > A- freer., d-- if he 
 greed. Thus I argue-, firft, if the " malefadlor had Liberty to have kept the Law wi',',not free 
 if he would, then the malcfadour had Liberty to have contradided the abi'oKue '^ '^''''" 
 Will of God , ifhe would i then he had Liberty to have changed the unalterable 
 decrees of God, ifhe would. But he had not Liberty to have contradidttrd tiie 
 abfolute Will of God , ifhe would i he had not Liberty to have changed the un- 
 alterable decrees of God if he Would. The a(rumption is fo evident, that it were 
 great (hame to queftion it. The confequence is as clear as th e San. For upon Mr. 
 iiobs his grounds , it was the abfolute Will of God , and the unalterable decree of 
 God , that the Malefadlrour fhould do as he did , and not to do otherwife. And 
 therc(ore if the Malefador had Liberty to have kept the Law, and to have don: o- 
 therwife,if he would, he had Liberty to have contradided the Will of God, and to 
 have changed the decree of God, ifhe would. But this istooabfurd. 
 
 Secondly , to have Liberty to have kept the Law ifhe would , implyeth necelfa- 
 rily a conditional poflibility. But the Will of God and the decree of God, that the 
 
 Male-
 
 798 
 
 Cafii^ations of TOME H i. 
 
 Makfadour (houUl do as he did , and not keep the Law impUcth an abfolute im- 
 nollib lity Now it is a rule in Logick , that tmpoftbile habet in [e vim Adverbii h- 
 niverfalite'r ueaantis. An impoliibility hath the force of an univcrfal negative. But 
 anuiiivcrfal negative and a particular affirmative are contradidory. That it was 
 impollible for the Malefadour to have kept the Law , and yet he had Liberty to 
 have kept the Law if he would. There is not the Leaft ilarting hole for him through 
 which he can endeavour to creep out of this contradidion, but by making this fup- 
 pofition [_if he Tvou\d~\ to tignitie nothing, and to affirm ihat it was equally in:i- 
 pollible for the Malefadtour to Will otherwifc, and to do otherwife. Thenfee what 
 a pretty Liberty he hath Left us, even a meer impollibihty. If the Sky fall then we 
 (hall catch Larks. Obfcrve farther the vanity of this dillinAioo, between L/tfr/)! 
 to do if be rpiV, and Liberty to j»ill. When both the one Liberty and the other are 
 equally impoiliblci upon his own grounds. And yet with this mock- Liberty which 
 fignitieth nothing , he is fain to anfwer all the Texts of Scripture which arc brought 
 againft him , and all the abfurdities which are hsaped upon him. 
 
 Lallly , to fay a man is free to do anything if he Will, implieththat he hath pow- 
 er enough , and there is nothing wanting to the doing of it, but his Will. Other- 
 wife if there be not power enough to do it ( as in this cafe upon his groitnds there is 
 net ) it is as ridiculous to fay a Malefadour was free to have kept the Law if he 
 would, as to fay , a man is free to jump over the Sea if he will, or to flie in the air 
 if he will. 
 
 Yet rtill he faith , the Wilt of the MahfaUour did not determin it felf. Then by his 
 own confellion , the Malefador had the more wrong to be punilhed, for that which 
 was unavoidably and irrefiflibly impofed upon him. If the Malefadour was neceffi- 
 tited from God by an efTential determination of cxtrinfecal caufes , both to will as 
 he did , and to do as he did , he was no more a Malefaftour than his Judge. 
 1 have no reafbn to retradt any one fyllable of what I faid concerning Monfters, 
 Of tnonftcrs. but he had need to retrad his ordinary falfifying , and difmembring, and mifinter- 
 pretingofmy fayings. I affirmed ( as all found Philofophers do affirm } That na- 
 ture never intendeth the generation of aMonfler, but that every Monfter is a devi- 
 ation from the Law of thefirfi inftitution,that every creature fliould beget another in 
 his own Likencfs. Which proceedeth fometimes from the defed or inordinate 
 force of the plartical or forming virtue , fometimes from the excefs or defed of the 
 matter , fotnetimes from the tault.of the womb, wherein the conception is perfed- 
 ed , fometimes from other Lefler reafons , and therefore that the univerfal caufes, as 
 God and the Sun , are not to be blamed for Monftrous births , but that particular 
 caufe from which the excefs or dcfed , or diftortion did proceed. What was here- 
 in to derogate from the God of nature , who permittctli and difpofeth of fuch ir- 
 regularities in nature, as he doth of fins in morality, but with this difference. That 
 moral aberrations are culpable and punifliabk , but aberrations in nature are only 
 deformities , not fins. When Philofophers do fay that nature intendeth any end , 
 they do not mean that nature doth deliberate or refolve this or that , but that nature 
 doth ad for an end , which no man can deny with any credit. The Spider makes 
 her webstocatch flies, there is natures end. The Ant gathers provifion in Sum- 
 mer , for winter fu(knancc. The Bee makes Cells for a dcpofitory for honey, and 
 receptacles for young Bees. The Vine brings forth Leaves , flowers , and grapes , 
 one in order to the prod udion or preservation of another i And Laftly followeth 
 the wine which is the end of a'll the reft , which being the Lafl: , wasthefirft or prin- 
 cipal end of nature. It is not the part of a real Schollar to except againft evident 
 truth , upon Grammatical fcruples. 
 
 In the Lad: Animadverfionof this Sedion, nothing is contained that is either new 
 or requireth an anfwer. 
 Cafligatiom I cited Lipfiuf, only to fhewthat the diftlndion ofdefliny into Chriftian and Sto- 
 of the Jui-ical deftiny was not mine. And though Lifjiw^ incurred fome diflike by reafon of 
 madverfwns fomeinufitate exprelhons , yet there is no caufe why T. H. ffiould pleafe himfelf fo 
 Num. 18. much, as to think that Lipfim was of his opinion. He was no fuch friend ofany fort 
 ofdefliny, as to abandon the Liberty of the will. The Stoicks themfel ves came fliort 
 ofT. H. his univerfal necellity. Yet Ido notblame him ifhc defire to have one part- 
 ner in fuch a defperate caufe as this is. That 
 
 ,
 
 D [s CO u Rs E 1 1 . Mr. Hob*s Anpnad'verftQnf. 807 
 
 That which concerncth him in the fecond diltin<Sion, is this-, That tliough h 
 
 e ac- 
 
 knowledge a niock-Iiberty, that is, a will or an appetite of the objed, yet he main- 
 taineth that this appetite is neither moved, nor excited, nor detcrmmed to ics 
 ad ora ppetibility ot this or that, lelTe or more, by the free Agent, but altoge- 
 ther bycxtrinfecal cau(es. And fo the pretended free Agent is no more free, than^ a 
 bird which a man holdeth faft in his hind is free to flie whitherfoevcr fhe 
 will 
 
 I faid , Thofe things Which God wills without himfelf he wils freely and not 
 neceflarily, which he cenfureth in this miner. Hefayes rajhly and unmtly -.Kajhly, 
 hecjufe there U notbiug rpithoiit God, rvho U infinite , in vchom are all things , and m 
 whom voe live ,move ^and have our heit'g. And untruly ^becaufe ipbatfoever Godfor- 
 lijjevp from eternity , he vpilUdjmm eternity, and therefore neceQarily. What (hould I doe ? 
 fhould I fall down and thank this great MoguUC as the iEthiopian flaves do their ^'?^f '^ '^^''^ '"J 
 Emperour when they are lalTicd ) for thinking on me? Although I know his what csfr^ 
 Thrafonical humour very well , that his animal fpirits are meer bubbles of vain- ifum. 
 glory i and that he knowech right v/ell that he cannot reign fecurely ' whilcft there 
 is one of a dilTerent opinion furviving i ^et I am prefwaded that if he had been (b 
 well read , or fo mnch vcrfed in the writings ofother men, as to know hovv many 
 he wounded rafl}ly and untruly, in this rjjh and untrue cenjure he Would have forborn 
 it for his own fake. Hath he never heard of a common rule in Theology , that 
 Opera Trinitat'n ad extra funt indivifa , T/'f tvorkj or ads of the Trinity rcitbout it (elf 
 are widivided ? Or hath he never heard of that common diftindion between a necef- 
 Jiry being and a necejjary aCting ? The mofi perfeft manner of being is necefTarv and 
 therefore God is a necelTary bemg,&: that which he willeth within himfelf he willeth 
 necelTarily, becaufe vohatfoever U in God is Go^.But themoft perfed mannerof ading 
 without the Deity is freely , and therefore the Schooles do agree , that God is a 
 free Agent without himfelf. 
 
 Thefe free ads are principally two. The firftis the Creation, whereby things created 
 dopaffe froma not being to a being. The fecond is Government, by which all things 
 created are moved and ordered to their ends. All men acknowledge that the Deity 
 fillcth all places by its Eflencc, by its Prefence,by its Power, being within all places 
 and things but not included , and without all places and things , but not 
 excluded. They acknowledge that all things which have a reall beinc^ do de- 
 pend upon God for their being, for their making, for their confcrvation. And there- 
 fore when we fpeakofany thing that is without the Deity, wc do not intend that 
 any thing is without the ElTence.or the Prefence,or the power or the circumference 
 ofitiGodisa Circle ,whofe Center isevery where, the Circumference no where. But 
 by the works of God without himfelf, we underftand the Creation , and the go- 
 vernment ofthe World , which arc not terminated in the Deity it felf, but in the 
 creatures , which are from God as their efficient , and for God as their end , and 
 in God or thorough God in refped of their necelTary and perpetual dependancc ' • 
 
 upon him, who is the Original EflTencc of all things, J am bathfent me unto you: 
 yet they are not of God as particles of the Divine EfTence, nor in God in that ^ j 
 fenfe wherein we ufe to fay , JVhatfover U in God is Cod. And fb they are his works ad ^° "^^ ' •*- 
 extra , without the Deity. 
 
 To make good the (econd par of his cenfure that it was untruly faid , he produceth 
 nothing but his old thredbarc argument taken from the prefcience of God , which 
 hafh been anfwered over and over. Neither the prefcience of God, nor the will of 
 God upon prefcience, do imply any more than a meer hypothetical neceffity, which 
 will do his caufeno good. 
 
 In the conclufion of tliis Sedion he confefleth , That God doth not all things that To will and^lo 
 becandoJfhen>ill,h\.\tlK faith, God cannot will that tvhich he hath not rvilled from '^"^^^^ }^^ 
 eierK«3i ,underftanding by eternity, au everlatUng fuccellion v whereas in eternity •"f^^jhing.He 
 nothing is patt or to come. I have (hewed often in thefe Caftigations, the falfity , he could ^wiU. 
 ufcleffenelTe , and contradidion , of this abfurd filly fenfelefTcdirtindion , in refpedi 
 of men. But being here applied by him to God , nothing can be imagined more 
 .abfurd i for to will efficawioiily , and to do , in God are the lame thing. What he 
 doth, he doth by his will. To imaginethat many things are free to God to do, which 
 
 C c c c c are
 
 8o8 Ca(ligauons of TOM E I I 1< 
 
 arc not tree to him to will , flieweth that his meditations upon this Subject were 
 either none at all, or worth nothing. , ,^ , , 
 
 But it Hull fufficcfor the prtfentjto Akw how abfurd & how unappliablc this cxpo- 
 fition ii; to tiic two places by me produced. John Baptift told the Jetvs. that they might 
 notrtattcr thcmfelves with this,that they were the polierity of Abrabam^thoit though all 
 they (hould prove impenitent and unbelievers i .yet God was able to raife up chil- 
 dren to Abraham oflloncs. If tt were impollible for God to will the doing of any 
 Luk 3. 8. ^-j^i^ thin<». How was this truly faid <* And howcould this afford any fupply to the 
 feed of ^Itj/uw , in cafchis carnal pofterity ifiould continue obftinate> In the o- 
 ther place S. Teter drawing his fword in defence of his Malkr, Chrifi , reprehended 
 him^and toldhim that he could have a better guard to fecure him t'rom all the 
 attempts of the Jeres ,if it pleafed him not to lay down his Life freely. Jhinl{eji thou 
 that J cannot now pray to my Father , and hejhallgive me prefently more thantrvelvc 
 ■legions tf Angels ? He faith not, I can if I would, but pofl'itively , I can. Neither 
 fpeaketh he of remore pollibilities , but he fliall give meprefently. Chrift would fhew 
 by thefc words, that if it had not been his own will freely to fuffer for the Redemption 
 of mankind, he could have prayed to his Father, and he would have fent him a guard 
 of more than twelve. Legions of Angels , and ih^t prefently , without delay. If it was 
 im,poifible for God to will any fuch thing ,then our Saviours plea to S. Feter was 
 but a vain pretence , and had no thing of reality in it. if T. H regarded the honour 
 and veracity of Chrirt , he would not impofc fuch a ]ugling delufory fcnfe upon 
 his clearc affcrtion: As if our Saviour (hould have faid, Pt-fer , I ;have r.o need of 
 thy endeavours to defend me , for I could pray to my Father , and he Would im- 
 mediately fend me a Guard of twelve Legions of Angels. But to fay thctruth , 
 he is not willing to do it , and to fay the whole truth ,it is not poflible for him to be 
 willing. 
 Caftigations HeprofefTeth that he fHver faid the re ill if compelled, but doth agree rvith the reft 
 of the Ani- cf tJjg ifnrld that it U not compelled. But to let us fee that he underftandeth not what 
 t"adverfwns , i\^Qy\/Qj\^mczneihin faying, the will isnot compelled, twice or thrice in the 
 Num. 1 9 fame page he maketh it to be compelled. Many things ( faith he ) may compel a man 
 to do an adim in producing tfcf iri//. Ifa man can be compelled to will, then the 
 ,T- ff;^'^^^^ will can be compelled. This appeareth yet more plainly a little after , where he 
 compelled. ^ maketh the caf\ing of oneS goods into the fea in a l^orm , tobe a voluntary free 
 eltdtive aft : And yet he confefTeth that ttrrour was a necejfary cauje of the eleBion. 
 To which if weadde what he faith in his anfwer , A man is then onely faid to be 
 compelled, rrhen fear maketh him willingto if, it appeareth that ( according to his 
 grounds j it is a compulfory action alfo.If voluntary adtion5,may becompulfory ani- 
 ons, then (he will may be compelled. To help to beare off this blow, he dilHnguifheth 
 between the compulfwHpfthetviVandcompitlfwnoftheTohfntaryAgent^ denying the 
 formcr,but acknowledging the Izttci.'tbat is^not aCompulfioii of the tvill^ but of the man. 
 The very fame he hath again in thefe woids,7he necejjitation of the will U the jame thing 
 with the comptilfion of the man.\i t\\\shz wot 'p\d\x\]zx^on ,zn6. Bohu C as hephrafeth 
 it, ) let him tell me what is the compulfionof a man to will , but the compulfion 
 of his will. Whether by the willhe underftand the foul as it willeth , or the facul- 
 ty of the will , or the adt of willing i every way, he that compelleth a man to 
 will . compelleth his will. Let him call it what he pleafe , either to compel a man 
 to will or to compel the will i by his leave , it is a groffe contradidtion ■, forte 
 compel implyeth reluftance and oppofition. and to will, implieth inclination and 
 appctition . To necefiitate the will fas he doth ) is to compel the will, fo far as the 
 will in the tlicite adts of it is capable of compulfion. 
 That is properly faid to be compelled ,»'/'z<:fc /'iJt/; itj beginning from an extrinfcal 
 Aritt £'*• caufe , that which fuffereth contributingnothing to it ^hnt rtftjiing as much Of he can But, 
 l?-f-'i. he hath devifed anew improper kind of compulOon , which is aaCedonelybyfcar, 
 
 which is not properly a compulfion , and fuch as it is, common to many other 
 f5»m. 28 aj. caufcs with fear : AstoperfuafionI j So SauhCcrvznts compelled him to eate. Tocom- ' 
 Eft. 1. 8. mand, ^othedrinkjng was according to Law, tione'did compell. To occafion , So 
 S.Paul faith, 1 am become a foole in glorying ye have compelled me. 
 
 I pafs by his uncouth term of err j/zt'«o/t^e fTi//, in every finglc atft of Willing. ' 
 
 And 
 
 2Ccr. 13, 111
 
 Discourse I I Mr. HobsV Animadversions- 809 
 
 And his extravagant excepcion, if the jame individual man vohodidchoofe to thruwhit 
 ^uods overboard , m'vyjn clmfe not to throw his goods overboard , then he might choofe to 
 throw overboard , and not throw overboard. As if the Liberty to throw or not to 
 chrow , and the Liberty to throw and not to throw i that is , the Liberty to do ei- 
 ther part of the concradidion , or to do both parts of the contradiction were the 
 lime Liberty. And Secondly, as if a mjn who hath adaally chofen , were as free 
 to choofe now , as he was at the fame time when he did choofe. I fee if he cannot 
 rind a knot in a BulrulTi , he will do his endeavour to make it. If a man f faithhe) 
 byforcefeizeon another mans limbs ( as fuppofe his hand ) and move them as himfelf^not 
 as the other manfkafeth , the adisnfo done is not the aiiion of him that fujfereth , hut of 
 him that ujeth the force: But if lie that ufeth the force (hall give a third perfon a box 
 on the ear with that hand which heforceth , then it is the avftion of both i bat with 
 this ditference , that it is the voluntary adion of the one, and the forced or com- 
 pelled adion of the other. But fuppoiing the rirrt man had the Will of the Se- 
 cond , as much in his power as his hand, (as God Almighty hath ) and thouldne- 
 celiitate him to beat the third perfon Willingly •, certainly the Second perfon being 
 fo neceliitated, could be no more blamed for Willing in fuch a cafe, than for ftrik- 
 ing unwillingly. 
 
 That motions proceeding from Antipathies are prima primi, fuch as furprifc a man 
 and prevent not onely all adual deliberation, but all advertence of reafon , there is moiui prima 
 no doubt. But he who knoweth no other motus prtnio primos but onely Antipathies ?''""' V^^ 
 is Like to prove fomc fuch rare Divine or Philofopher, as Megabyfes (hewed him- ^°"P*^'^"5 
 felf a Painter by his ignorant difcourfe. fVhileji thouwertfilent ("faid Apelles^ thott 
 ''femedii to be fme body ^ but now there is not the meaneji boy that grinds ok^bnthe 
 L.tHghs at thee. The difference between necelfity upon antecedent fuppoiition , 
 ind necellity upon a confequent fuppofition hath been fufficiently cleared feveral 
 ;imes in thefe Caiiigations , and in my defence in this very Sedioii , to which I 
 remit the Reader. Whofoever fhall tell us that he who hath chofen to him(clf 
 the profeliion of a Komijh Prieit , is (iill no more ftccellitated to take the oath of 
 :£libate ^ than he was before he made choice of that offices and that the action of 
 nim who runs away upon the firli view of a Cat, by reafon of an antipathy 
 which he cannot help , before all advertence of reafon , is as free as a man calling 
 his goods into the Sea, to fave his own Life , after a fad and ferious deliberation. 
 And that Y who takes Phyfick out of Wantonefs , was as much neceliitated to itay 
 within doL.s , as he who Lay bedrid of an Hectick Fever. And that Balams Blef- 
 fing of Ifrael againft his purpofe and defirc i And Caiaphas his Prophefie which he 
 fpake not of himfelf , but neceffarily by the fpecial determination of the Holy 
 Ghoft , were altogether as free as Jacobs Blelling of his Sons upon election •, I fay 
 he who fhall tell us all this in earnefl upon his own word without any reafon 
 or authority , had need to meet with very credulous Difciples , Who judge of Co- 
 lours Winking. 
 
 It is true , we who fee but through a glafs darkly, do not in this mortality com- ^ r . 
 prchcnd exactly the nature of God and the Holy Angels, partly by reafon of the bol/ly inco 
 wcakncfs of our underftanding: the water can afcend no higher than the fountains the rarure of 
 head, and partly for want of revelations not to know what God hath not revealed, is God is a 
 a Learned ignorance » And therefore he who fearcheth prefumptuoufly into the Ma- """" 
 j.'iry of God , is oppreffed defervedly by his Glory. But the much greater offence £„( the gre« 
 doth lie on the other fide , that men do not indcavour to know God Co much as tcr fault is ncg. 
 they ought, and might by the Light of nature, the contemplation of the Creatures , ligen«. 
 and the revelation of Gods Holy Word, nor to fervehim according to their know- 
 ledge- How Ihall we ferve Godifwedonot know Godat all!* The Lcafi means of 
 the knowledge of God is by the contemplation of the creatures; yet even that doth 
 render men without excufe. No man but himfelf would have objected it as a pre- ^^^' '* '"^ 
 famption to any man to have faid , that God was freer to do good than mortal 
 man , and uncapable of doing evil. Yet this is that which thofe dreadful 
 terms implyed. We meafure Liberty by the degree of r ationability, and the power 
 of reafon over pasfioni he by the Largenefs or flraightnefs of thePrifon. Ours is a 
 Liberty of men, his isa Liberty of Black-bird?. If I weredifpofed tocavil at words 
 
 C cc cc 2 as
 
 1 
 
 -^ Cafligations of T O M E 1 fi* 
 
 vxcrc. I'.rf-a- as he doth , I could (hew him out of Scaligcr , That one heat is not moreintcnlivc 
 than another any more than one liberty is more intenfive than another. Both 
 phrafes are metaphorical, Intention is properly the drawing out ot the two ex- 
 trcams the one farther from the other , as in the firing of a bow by bending it , 
 and in a coard by (Iretching it out. But I forbear. 
 
 He had faid in his hrlt anfwcre,fce that can do what he mil, hath all liberty pof- 
 fible arJ he that cannot has none at all ■ildinfwered , that he who can do what he 
 ly "' omn'ipo' will', hath not onely a Liberty , but omnipotence. To this he rcplyeth , that it U 
 tcncein (hew, one thing to fay a man hath Liberty to do what he will , and another to jay that a man 
 in deed no. f^jthpower to do what he will. This is very true , but it helpeth not him at ^11. He 
 tiling. (pake diredtly of power , he that can do what he will , and ^e that cannot do what he 
 
 will. Thus I argue , either a man can do what he will , cr he cannot do what he 
 Will, if he can do whathe Will , then heis not onely free but omnipotent i If he 
 cannot do what he will , then he hath no Liberty at all. So he hath made men to 
 be either Almighty Gods , or fenfelefs Logs , both wayes he erreth. If he that 
 can do what he will be not omnipotent ( in good Englifh ) I have forgot my mo- 
 thers tongue. He that is bound hand and foot , may wifli that he were Loofed i 
 and he that is fo fick that he cannot ftand , may wi(h that he were in health , that 
 they might both be able to Walk •, but to eledt Walking in that ftate and con- 
 dition wherein they are, without fuppofition oftheloofing of the one, or the 
 recovery of the other , they cannot i for both want power, and election is of 
 things adtujilly poiiible. Tliere is onely this difference , that in probability the 
 bound man may be Loofed, before the fick man recover his ftrength. But yet it may 
 fo fall out, that the fick man may be reftcred to his health , before the other be 
 Loofed from his bonds. Therefore he faith amifs , that the fick man wanteth pow- 
 er, not Liberty •■, and the bound man Liberty , not power. If he underffood the 
 di fference between the elicite and imperate Ads of the Will , he would be able to. 
 judge of fuch cafes better than he is. I have onely one more Advertifement to the 
 Reader , thatafter all this glorious oflentation , he that can do what he will , hath all 
 Liberty po0jle , he Leaveth man as poor and bare and helplefs as a grafliopper in 
 Winter, without any Liberty to Will , and confequently without any Liberty to 
 do. 
 He dares not He nameth two Schoolmen , I think by the matching of them , they be a great 
 refer himfelf part of his fiore, Suares and Johannes a. T>nnf. So he is pleafed to call that ho- 
 tohis owD poyj of our Nation , aud one of the fubtileft Writers , that thefe Lalf ages have 
 ^*"" ■ afforded: and Four latter Divines , Luther, Melandhon^ Calvine , Terkins , whom 
 
 he always much admired. If he did fo , they are the more beholding to him , for a 
 man may fee by his Trcatifcs , that unlefs he meditated of them fometimes, he 
 hath not been much acquainted with them. He dares not refer his two forts of De- 
 vils , or his Temporary pains of Hell , or his Lawlefs ffate of Mankind by nature, 
 or hisnecellity of active obedience to all human Laws , or his inefficacy of Prayer, 
 or his Infallible rule of moral goodnefs , or his univerfal necesfity of all events, by 
 the Phyfical determination of the Second caufes i or any one of his hundreds of Pa- 
 " radoxes , to their determination. 
 
 Room fv)r a great Cenfor, not an old Roman Cenfor,but a new Englijh Cenfor who 
 Tcrirs of Art. cometh armed with his own authority , to reform not onely Authors , but the 
 Arts and Sciences themfelves , after he hath been dreaming , I fhould have faid 
 Meditating , fome years upon the top of Tamaffm, and now cometh forth fuddain- 
 ly Grammaticuf , Khetor, Geomeires, Fidor , AUptes. To flay there were to do 
 him wrong-, a Pentameter added will not contain half his exploits: a Poet, a 
 Logician, a Philofopher Natural and Moral, an Aftronomer, a Mathematician, 
 a Theologian. To what purpofe did our univerfitics nourifh fo many Little Pro- 
 feffors •* one great Profeffor is bcff , as the Cat in the Fable faid of one great way. 
 But forget not EpiUetus his rule. Remember to dijlrufi. We have feen a Mountebank 
 a Quackfalver , or Opcratour ,• or Charlatan, call him what you will vapour up- 
 on a fiage , and Height the good old Phyfitians for poring upon Galen and Hippo- 
 crates, to Learn a company of fenfelefs Aphorifms , whileft they by their own me- 
 ditation and experience , had found out remedies moreeafic, more effectual, more 
 
 uni-
 
 Discourse. I I. Mr. HobsV Animad'verfiofTr. ^ii 
 
 univerfal. We blame the Court of Rome for x\\e\v Index exfurgatoriiu Itisaflircwd 
 ligne when litigants are forced to cut out the tongues ot their own witneflTcs i 
 yet they purged out but words, or fometimes a ftntence i rarely prohibited one of 
 their own Authours. Here words and fentences and -whole Authours , and Arts, 
 go to wrack together, much like die Mahumetan reformation ,whcn they facririced 
 the moft part of their Interpreters of the Alchoran to the fire without ever reading 
 them: yet what they did ,they did by publick authority , & {pared feme as Genuine 
 Expolitors. But what this our new Cenfor doth , he doth upon his own head, and 
 like death fparing nonei iodid not they. 
 
 Down goes all Alirology and Metaphyficks. The Moral philofopher muft quit 
 his means and extrcams in order to virtue , his liberty of contradidlion and con- 
 contrariety , his necellity abfolute & hypothetical , his proportion Arithmetical 
 and Geometrical, ( I hope the Geometrician may have leave to hold it fiill Jliis 
 frincipia congenita and acquifita , his 'ikkw* and ref >!*'"' and moft of his teritis 
 of Art , becaufe Mr.Hobbs hath not read them. It is well if Moral Philofophy efcape 
 his cenfure. For if the law ofthe land be the Onely infallible rule of right reafon , 
 then the knowledge ofadlions , morally good and morally bad, belongeth proper- 
 ly to tlie common lawyer. The Moral Phlofopher may put up his pipes. The fame 
 Arbitrary power he aflumeth to himfelfe in natural Philofophy , rejefting all the 
 common termes ufed by Philofophers, tttphonix gratia^ becaufe they found not well 
 in his cares , for other reafon he hath none. Let the natural Fhilofopher no more 
 mention his intentionall fpecies , hU underiiandtng Agent and Patient^ his receptive and re- 
 duCiivc potper nf the matter ^ his qualities Symbolicall and dijjymbolical his temperament 
 ad pondus and adjuftitiam , &c. I icould have him fling a rvay his Sympathies and An- 
 tipathies ., his Antiperijiafis and the lii^.V^htthev {x. v/s.s Aftronomy or Aflrologyiii 
 my original , I do not know, nor have meanes to fee, both may fignifie the 
 famething, I am (iirc , I neither faid nor meant Judiciary or Genethliacal Aero- 
 logy , as my inftancesdo evidence. The truth is, there are fo many miftakes in that 
 impredion, that fometimes 1 fcarcely know my felf what to make of 
 them. 
 
 But be is more propitiousto theAftronomer. His Apogeum and Perigeum, 
 Artick , Antarftick , Aequator , Zodiic, Zenith , Horizon, Zones , are not fo much 
 as terms of art , but areas intelligible <«x an hatchet or a fare. What imaginary 
 circles , and Lines , and poles , and points , and an imaginary Axeltree , and 
 Ramm , and Bull, and bears, and Dragon, and yet no terms of art? What are 
 they then , Let him put it to a Jury of Malmsburians themfelves , whether they 
 underftand thefe fo well as an hatchet or a faw , and he is gone. 
 
 The like favour he (hews to Logicians, Their words of the firft and fecond 
 intention their Abftrads and Concretes , Their Subjefts and Predicates , Their 
 Modes and Figures , Their Method Synthetick and Analytick , Their Fallacies of 
 Compofition and Divifion , are no terms of Art , but plain intelligible words. He 
 that can fay this without blufliing , may difpute with any man. Porphyry makes 
 the five predicables to be ^ve terms of Art . Arc not the predicaments and polt- 
 predicaments and demonftrations apriore znd a pojieriore termes of Art ? who 
 made a Mode and a Figure to fignifie what they do but Artids > Let all the World 
 hear them , or read them , who have not learned Logick , and they (hall undcr- 
 ftandnomore of them , than cfhis Jargon. Why is not an Antecedent and Hypo- 
 thetical neceliity as intelligible as a Categorical and Hypothetical Syllogifme. An 
 Individuum vagutH, if it were nota term of Art, fliould fignifie rather anatome ,or a 
 Rogue , than an honeft perfon. Though he be fo favourable to Logick here , he 
 is as little beholden to it, as to the other Arts , v;ho knows no better what are 
 termes of Art. One of the firlT: diftinftions which we meet withal in Logick, is 
 between the firft and fecond notions. The jecond >?otw>«x , fuch as all thefe are , cal- 
 led expreflely termes of Art ., ox L"gicaU Nations ., ot L'^gicall Organs , wlvch they 
 define to be imager or reprefematians,tvhereby the utider\}anding doth firm to it felf real 
 notions & they compare them to hrafen rveights^oino value in themfelves, whereby ne- 
 verthelelTe , all forts of gold are weighed. There can be nothing more certainand 
 evident than this , That all thefc Logical and Aftronomical termes , be fecond 
 Tiotions, and termes of Art. Nay
 
 8 1 1 Caftigatofis of TOME III. 
 
 Niy, fo extreamiy^^ndTiid partial he is, that he approvcth of Barbara ^Celarent, 
 Vani Ferio which he maketh terms of Art as a ffnod invention to help the appre- 
 henfion of young men : and yet with the fame breath , rejcdteth thefe mo(t excellent 
 and moil ligniricant diliindions and exprelfions , which have been received in a 
 manner uiiiverfaily, fome of them for two Thoufand years, all of them for di- 
 vcrfe Centuries of years , in the Church , and in the Schools , as well of Theolo- 
 gy , as Philofophy , which were invented for remedies againft confufion, and helps 
 to the clearer , and more diftindt underftanding of high and difficult notions , up- 
 on this falfe and flanderous pretext , that they were invented to blind the under- 
 ftanding , bccaufe he prefumed to condemn them , before he took pains to nndet- 
 (tand them. 
 
 He addeth , thdit I cite no terms of Art fur Geometry, faying, he was afraid 1 roould 
 have put in Lines . or perhaps equality , and une quality ^ fur terms of Art. To free 
 him from this fear , I put in their numbers numbring and numbred, their fuperficies^ 
 concave, diX\6. convex, their Triangles , Amblygone , and Oxygone ^ their Cow J , Cubes ^ 
 Cylnders^ their paralleHs ^ and para lie logiammes , their proportions^ fuperpartient , 
 and fuperhipartient. Sec. their rules oj Algebra Sind Helcataim , their integers , and 
 Numerators, and Vivijors , aud Denominators , and fabrical Figures , the'iv proportio- 
 nality Arithmetical ;ii\d Geometrical , continual and difcontinual , dire£i , converfed, at' 
 ternative , inverfed^ compounded , parted. Geometry hath its words of Art and pro- 
 per exprellions, as well as all other Arts and Sciences. So hath Phyfick, Chyrurgery, 
 Law. So haveSouldlers , Mariners, Hawkers, Hunters. 
 
 But of all others he hath the Leall favour for the Divine , rohom he mH not permit 
 to ufe a voord in Freaching , but Juch as bis auditors , nor in writing , hut fuch as his 
 common Readers may underiland, I do not Like it any more than he i that a Divine 
 (hould affcdl uncouth Words, to make his ignorant auditors to gape, J had 
 fCor.i4 ^9-rather fpea\ five Words in the Church with underjianding^Scc. than ten thoufand in an 
 unkiiown tongue. But doth he make no diftmdion between the Church and the 
 Schools .? Doth he think that Theology , which hath the Sublimeft Subjeft, doth 
 not require as high, as Learned, and as diftindt exprellions, as any Art or Science 
 whatfoever? All hearers and Readers are not novices, nor of the Vulgar or 
 common fort. There are thofe who have been brought up at the feet of Gama- 
 liel , and have been admitted into the inncrmoft Clofet of the School Learning. 
 The Holy Scripture it felf though it affcft plainnefs , is not always fuch a ftranger, 
 either to Learning or el gance. The only anfwer I (hall give him to this, is , that 
 he is beyond his Laft. 
 
 In the Lall part of this Se<flion, he troubleth himfelfmore thanhe necdeth about 
 a teftimony , which I cited out of his Book de Cive , not out of any efteem I had 
 for it , for I condemned it; but to let him fee his contra dicff ion. There he made 
 the Eccleiuftical Doctors to be Infallible , here he m:ikcth them to be fallible. 
 Acontradifti- There he made their Infallibility to be a peculiar priv, ledge dcnved to them by im- 
 °°' pofition of hands from the Apoftles , whom they fucceeded , and from the pro- 
 
 mife of'Chrift : Here he attributeth it wholy to that power which is committed 
 to them by the Civil Magillrate. And what if the Civil Magiftrate commit no 
 power to them ? then by his Doctrine , Chrift breaketh his promife , and this pri- 
 J jg_ viled>^e ceafeth. JnfalUhilttaiem banc prcmifit Jervater nvjier in iis rebus qu£ adfalutem 
 fitnt necejjari£ Apojlolis ujque ad diem ptdicii , hoc eft Apojiolis & Taftonbus ab Apojlo- 
 lis fitccejjive per mjnuum impoftienem conjecrandU. Heanfwereth , that the Infallibi- 
 lity ot Ecclefiaftical Doctors doth not confift in chis , that they cannot be deceived , 
 but that a Subject cannot be deceived in obeying them, when they are 
 Lawfully conftituted Doctors. A pretty phancy , if the blind lead the blind, 
 '' '*' both fall into the ditch , Doctour and Subject together. If the Doctours be deceived 
 themlelves they muft needs deceive the Subjects , who trull to their interpretation. 
 Secondly , he waveth now the two grounds of their infallibility, that is , the pro- 
 mife of Chrift ,andthe priviledge conferred by impofition of hands i and afcribeth 
 all their infallibility to the conllitution of the civil power , which may render their 
 expofitions Lega I , according tothe municipal Laws ,but cannot render them in- 
 fallible. Thirdly, If Ecclefiaftical Doctours Lawfully conftituted , be fo far infallible 
 
 that*
 
 DiscouK'-F. II. Mr. Hob's Animad'verfions^ 81:^ 
 
 that they cannot deceive the fub)ed , why did he vary lb much notoriouily from 
 their cxpofitions at that time.as he hath done in his book i)f C;ie, when they had both 
 impclition ot hamls , and approbation from fupreme authority ? Why doth he now, 
 wanting both thepromifc ot Chrilt , andimpofition, of hands , take upon him to be 
 thetryer and examiner of the exposition , not onely of ilngle Prophets, but of whole 
 convocations, 
 
 IF Mr. Bobs did undcrlknd what true elcdtion and true compulfion is it were ^^J^'g^'^''^"^ 
 evident that eledion ot one out of more than one , cannot confift with antecedent '^^'^''^ -^'"^ 
 determination to one ■-, much lelTe with compulfion or force , where he that is com- '"f'^^^fi'^^'^ 
 pelled oppofeth and refilkth a-; much as he can. That the fame adt fliouW be both '^"fn-^^- 
 voluntary, that is with our will ■, and compulfory , that is , againft our will •, not in E'eftlon and 
 part but in whole , is impolhble. But as the Sepia to preferve her felf undifcovered compulfion 
 doth (bed forth about her a quantity of black inky blood , to hide her felf from the ir.confi(tcnt. 
 rilher ', So T. K. for fear to be catched in palpable errours , doth confound and blun- 
 der all things , making a New eledion , a new compulfion , a new liberty. There 
 is not a word of moment here that hath not been difculTed formerly in this Treatife. 
 And I do not elkem his raw meditations worthy of repetition over and over. What 
 is new in them I (hall cull out from the reft. 
 
 He telleth us , that when a Hone is thrown upwards , the external agent giveth 
 it a beginning of motion : So tar we agree , whatfoevcr gives it the continuance. He 
 faith funher ,Thzt jvhen the Hone fjllet\ it U moved doxpnvcjrd by the tower ofjome 
 other Agent, which though it be imperceptible to the eye ^ ii not imperceptible tereafon. 
 Herein wc ditfer wherein all the World hitherto have agreed. But it was very meet 
 that he fhould deny the ftone the determination of its natural motion , who had 
 denyed the intelledual foul the determinatioH of its own will. Yet fince he is pleafed 
 to concealehis new Agent , I have nodcfire tofcrape acquaintance with it ,efpeci- 
 ally upon fuch termes , to rclinquifh that intrinfecal principle which all the World 
 hitherto hath received. 
 
 So palling by his fpiritual court unfaluted , ( he Loves to fhew his teeth , 
 though he cannot bite ) and leaving counterfeiting in hope of quarter , to himfelf as a 
 perfon much more capable of that dcfign i the next new Subjedl that prcfenteth it "^^"^^^ 
 felf is , Whether there be any mixt anions, partly voluntary, partly unvoluntary. ""^'^"'°°'* 
 He denieth it pofitively, upon this ground , That one and the fame adion can never be 
 both voluntary and Hnvolttntary. I 2ni'wei{iri\ to his argument. That voluntary and 
 unvoluntary are not oppofcd contradidlorily, fo as to admit no mean , but priva- 
 tively , which do admit a mean , as the dawning of the day, or the twilight, 
 is a mean between light and darkneffe , when it may be truly faid , it is 
 partly light and partly dark. Melandhon hath an excellent rule to this pur- 
 pofe. Privative oppnfita neqttetmt effe in eodem fubjeSo gradibus excelleniibm. Pri- 
 vative oppofites cannot be in the fame fubjeH in eminent degrees , but in remifle 
 degrees they may. As to avoid importunity , a man may do a free adl with 
 reludance-, All reludtancc is a degree of unwillingneflc. When Nero in the beginning 
 of his Quinquennium was to fign the condemnation of a malefadtor, he uledto wi(h 
 that he had never learned to -writei to (hew, that though he did it willingly to {3.tis- 
 rie Jurtice, for otherwife he might have pardoned him, yet he did it unwillingly in 
 his own nature. And with this Ariflotle agreeth fully. 7here are fame aUions which are c u. 1 
 
 neither properly vnltcntary ^mr unvohtntary ^ but of a middle k^nd ,( ov m'lXcdiiAlOTis) 
 as things dnne for fear of a greater evil , or for fame honeji caufes. And he giveth two 
 inftances . This is one, of a man who throws his goods into the fca , willingly in 
 refped of the end to fave his life , but the adion being limply confidered in it felf 
 unwillingly. The other inftance of one commanded to do fome dilLoneft ad by 
 aTyrant, who hath his parents and children in his power. And fo he concludeth 
 truly That they are mixt adions , but participate more of the voluntary than of the 
 unvoluntary. 
 
 Whereas I urged that eledion ofone out ofmore could not confift with deter- 
 mination to one ■, he anfwereth, that a man freed to prifon may chufe whether he will 
 walkjtpon his feet or be haled upon thegrow.d. Which as it is falfc , as I have die wed 
 in my former defence , fo it is wholly wide from his purpofe. There is no doubt 
 
 but
 
 i8 
 
 Cajiigations of TOME III 
 
 "-" ' but he who is ncceltitated in onepartieukr , may be left tree in another •, as he who 
 isappointcd the time and place tor a Dud, may chufc his weapon. But in that 
 particular wherein he is neceilitated he can not chufe. If they will tic him to an horfe- 
 taile he mull be tied : IF they will fallen him to a fled and draw him to prifon , he 
 mull be drawn. There cannot pollibly beany eledion where there is ,andfo far as 
 there is an antecedent determination to one. 
 Rational will. He dilliketh the tcrme oi rational reiH ^ faying 7'/;frf is mthing rational hut Cnd 
 Anaels and men. I hope he is not in earned. Surely he believeth there is a reafonable 
 foule or othcrwife hedeferts his Athanalian creed -, that is , The foul of a rational 
 man 'as a will , is the will ofa rational man. Whether he make the will to be a fa- 
 culty of the reafonable foul, or to be the reafonable foul as it willcth , lam indif- 
 ferent. As the appetite ofa fenfitive cieatureis called the fcniitivc appetite ■-, So the 
 appetite ofa rational or intelledlual creature , is called the rational or intelledual 
 will. He faith he would not have excepted againft this cxpreltion , but that every 
 rvhere J [peak, ofthevoilland other faculties as of men ^ or fpriis in mens bellies. I 
 do not confine the reafonable foul to the belly: but it is a fpirit in a mans body. If it 
 be not , let him fay what it is. The will is either a faculty of the reafonable foule , 
 or ( which is all one ) the reafonable foul it felf,as it difchargeth the duties of fuch 
 a faculty. Sometimes he confefleth as much himfelf. Indeed as the veill is a faculty 
 er power of a mans foul, fo torviV is an aU of it^ accordingto that power. He jellcth at 
 my five terrible things , faying , I had no more reafonfor five than fifteen. It {ecmcth 
 that when he fhould have been reading Authors , he was meditating upon a dry 
 Summer. Let him confult vi'ithArijhtle and hisExpofitors. That which determi- 
 ned the three children , was no antecedent extrinfecal caufe , but confcience and 
 Eth.U 3.c.^,7. (j^gjy o^n judgement ,which did:ated to them their duty to their God. 
 
 He feemeth to be troubled at fundry paflages in my former defences as exempting 
 Pafffvc obedi- Subjedsfromadlive obedience to unjuftLaws, which (he faith ) mak^s it imp'jftble 
 ence. for any nation in the World to preferve it felf from Civil wars. Whether was it want 
 
 ^ of memory s or rather fubtilty in him , among thefejlpaflragcs to omit that , whether it 
 
 •4« 'P* y^ right in the fight of God to hearken unto you more than unto Cod ,judge ye. It is hard 
 thatwe who have formerly been accufed to maintain blind obedience, (liould now 
 be charged with feditious principles , which our fouls abhor. But we fail fccurely 
 between th\s ScyVa , and that Charybdis , by fleering the ancient and direcft courfe 
 of pallive obedience. We juflifie no defenfive armes againfi a Soveraign Prince. We 
 allow no Civil wars for confcience fake .When we are perfecuted for not complying 
 with the unlawful commands ofa Lawful Soveraign , we know no other remedy 
 but to futfer or to flee , according to that memorable example of the Thebsan 
 Legion, conliflingwholy of Chriflians of unmatchable valour , and fuch as might 
 in probability have defended themfelves from the Emperours fury. Yet when 
 Maximian commanded them to facrifice to Idols , they refufed,fuffering every tenth 
 man ofthem to be flain without a blow fmitten ; And when the bloody Emperour 
 came among them again to renew his command, and to fee them decimated the 
 fecond time , they cryed out with one voice , Co^«o/?f Imperator &c. Know^O 
 Emperour^ that we are all Chrifiians ^wefuhmit embodies to thy power , hutoutfiee i 
 Joulsflee unto our Saviour, iieither ourkriown courage , not defptration it felf ^ hath armed 
 Uf againfi thee ^ becaufe we chufe rather to die innocents^ than >to live nocents. Ihou^alt 
 find our hands empty of weapons , but our breaft armed with the Catholick^Faith i Andfo \ 
 havingpower torefift , yet they fuffred themfelves without refiftance to be cut in pieces.They j 
 are 7. H. his own principles which make no difference between juft and unjufl power, .1 
 between a fword given by God and a fword taken by man, which do ferve to | 
 C If on involve Nations in Civil Wars. i 
 
 whTt It i$ He fayeth it feemeth that Icall compulfion force , and he calleth it a fear of force, ; 
 
 1 called is as all the World called it , and as it hath been defined in the Schoolesfor i 
 two fhoufand years. Yet I do not believe that it is alwayes neceffary to all forts i' 
 of compulfion, that the force be actually excrcifed as it is when a man is driven : 
 hither and thither with the wind ,( there is no fear in that cafe )yet there is com- J 
 pulfion. But itfufliceth fometimes to compulfion , if the force be prefent , fuch as i 
 cannot be refilled and ready to be put in execution if there be need. As a man that 
 
 will
 
 Discourse 1 1 Mr, Hobs/ Animad'ver^iotis- Sic 
 
 will not appear freely upon furhmons , is forced by Purfevants and Serjeants , al- 
 though they do not carry him upon their backs , nor drag him upon the ground. 
 It fiifticeth that thSy be Matters and able to compel him i <r«i«>i.» m»ijm $'"'komku 
 But according to his Heterodox principles, every remote fear doth make compul- 
 fion. As if a man (hould fay that a Child was compelled to run away from a moufe, 
 or a coward was compelled to wink when a man holds up his hand at him , or a 
 man is compelled to throw his goods overboard , which he himfclf confeffeth to 
 be. freely and delibtratly eleded. 
 
 From this hrft millake of what compulfion is , proceedeth a fecond , That the 
 atiions of men compelled^ are neverthekfs voluntary: And a third , That com^ulfjoH 
 dnh not jujiifie the party compelled : al! which are meer Logomachies or contentions 
 about words , which he is fallen into, either ignorantly by not underftanding v?hat 
 compullion is , or cunningly and deliberately , to have a pretext of excepting 
 againft former authors ; although it be but like the Dogs barking at theMoon-fhine 
 in the Water. Force actually exercifed did acquit TaWi^r and the httrothedVamofel 
 from all guilt. Bit Herodt fear of a fucccfTor did not excufe the murder of the In- 
 nocents i Nor the fear of his Mailers fcverity , excufe the unprofitable fervants 
 hiding of his Talent in a Napkin. But I leave thefe contentions about words which 
 fignificnot fomuchas thefhadow of an Af?. 
 
 He hath plunged himfelf here into two real errours. The one is. That if the 
 fear be atlotoed , the aUion rvhkh itpnduceth is allorved alfo. Abrahams fear was juft, Fearofhurc 
 Ihe fear of God is not in this place , they triJl murder me for my wives jak^- But the afti- '^j'^'^j,""*,^''^"* 
 on which it produced, that is , the denial of his wife , is not allowed. Peters feat *'^^ *' 
 was allowed, but the denial of his mafter was not allowable. The other and more 
 dingerous crrour is , That fear doth abrogate a Lavr, and mah{ it to be no lam in feme 
 cafes. Take the Larger expofition of this , out of his Book Ve Cive. No man Caf2. d>i9. 
 U bound by anypaDs or crtntraiis whatfotver^ not to refiji him who goeth about tokjUhim, 
 or wound him , or to hurt his body. Mortem vet vulnera velaliud damnum corporis in- 
 ferenti , nemo paCfisfuit quibftfcunque obli^atur non refi^ere. So a Scholar may re- 
 fill his Mafter when he goeth about to Whip -him i fo a Company of Traytors or 
 other Capital Malefactors may Lawfully refift the Sovereign Magiftrate. This is 
 feditious indeed , and openeth a Large Window to Civil War. This is direftly 
 contrary to what he faid in his Book DeCive. Jnevery perfeCi Commonwealth ^ the q^^.^j,; 
 right of the f rival Sword is excluded , and no Suhje^ hath right to ufe his power to the 
 prefervation of himfelf at his own difcretion. Judge, Reader, whether we or 
 he be better Subjecfts s he who holdeth that in cafe of extream danger a Subjeft 
 hath no obligation to his Sovereign,or we who hold it better to die Innocents, than 
 to Live nocents. His reafon becaufe we bind or guard Capital Malefadlors , fhew- 
 eth a difiruft of what they may do de faUo^ not a doubt ofwhat they ought to do de 
 ]Hre. I alledged , that the omi (lion of circumciflonin the Wildernefs was nov fini 
 to (hew,that though no fear or neceffity can juftifie the breach of the negative Laws 
 of God or nature s yet in fome cafes it may juftificthe tranfgreffion of the pofitivc 
 Law , or the omiflion of a duty injoynedby affirmative precepts. 
 To my inftance of two fervants , the one fpending his Mafters money in a Ta- 
 "«;J wetn , the other having it taken away from him by force,or yielding it up upon juft 
 lib!! fear, heanfwereth nothings the fcope of them being to (hew, that ftrength 0/ 
 liS i ftmptations doth not juftifie an zOc , fo much as extrinfecal neceflity. If the fecond 
 [caufcs were as rackets ^ and men as "Tennis-balls, or Foot-bals , To what purpofe 
 did God give men reafon to govern themfelves, and to bridle their pafEons , who 
 (are toffed to and fro inevitably , irrcfiftibly , as the rackets pleafe > Reafon had 
 been a rtrter gift for the Rackets, than for the Balls, if his opinion were true. 
 That upon the planting of a Canon againfl a Wall , the battery is necefTary before Natural A- 
 the bullet arrive , is truei but there is no fuch necefTary connexion between free or gents aft de- 
 contingent Agents and their afts, as there is between the Canon and the Battery , 
 which he might have eafily perceived , if he had been pleafcd to have enlarged his 
 meditation a little farther. It was in the power cf the Canonier not to have char- 
 ged the Canon , or to have given itbut half a ehare, orto hare given no fire, or to 
 
 D d d d d Higb- 
 
 ifclH
 
 8i6 Caftigations of TOMEII^ 
 
 have turned the inouth ofit another way,Higheror Lower , to the Right hand or 
 tothelcff. Inallthed' cafes what had become ot his Battery > 
 
 If he hatli fuch a. conceit that no man doth or cc(n determin himfclf, contrary to 
 the fenfe of the wIioJc World , Let him injoy if. Some men have conceited them- 
 fclves to be Urinals , and fuffercd none to touch them for fear of breaking 
 them , but he muft not think to obtrude his flegmatick phancics upon all 
 Not voluniarl- ^ji^^^ \^^^ ^ ^yho underftand themfelvcs better. If he were not rcfolved to oppofc 
 ''' all the World without any ground , he would never have dcnycu a moral efficacy ^ 
 
 or metaphorical motion, or have affirmed that motives ., that is to fay, pcrfwa- 
 lives or rcafons , weighed in the underlhnding, do determin tlic free Agent natu- 
 rally. Is the perfwading of a man to eat , and the thrufling of it down his throat 
 the fame thing > Do an Argument and a Canon Bullet work after the fame man- 
 iier?Didhe ever hear a Bullet called a Motive to the beating down of the Wall, ot 
 Flowers called Motives to the production of the Fruits , or Meat a Motive to nou- 
 rifliment > Natural efficacy is always neceffary, and determinate , and adive to the 
 height of its power ; But Moral Agents adi not neccffarily , nor de^erminately , 
 nor always to the height of their power. The Lawyei> that he fpeaketh of may 
 refufe to plead , or delay his pleading, or plead better or worfe i and when he 
 hath done his uttermoft , it may fo fall out that he effedteth nothing for his Client. 
 I am afliamed of fuch filly verbal objedions , contrary to the known Principles of 
 Arts. Hecomplaineth that I put his notions oftentimes into mine own terms. I 
 had thought I had done him a favour to render him more intelligible , and put his 
 (enfe into the Common Language of Schollars. 
 
 The underftanding being the lOot of Liberty , and the will being but inteUe&iu 
 
 Scat- txtrc, txtenfus ad habendum ant faciendum (juod cognofcit : the ividerjianding extended to injoy , 
 
 3^7. rf 3. py jg ^^^^ Tt^Hch it kiioTPeib, it muli needs be, that the more rcafon , the lefs paflion, 
 
 the lefs reluctance , and confequcntly the more Liberty. He faith, JHjen rve marl^ 
 
 mtthe force that moves us ^ We thin\that it is not caufes but Liberty, that produceth 
 
 the aCtion. I rendred him thus ^'the ignorance of the true caufes and their poveer, U tke 
 
 reafon that we afcrihe the effeU to Liberty. Where Lyeth the fault > that which he 
 
 czWtxti force ztA firength , I call foveer : and for that vchich moves us, I fiy caufes, 
 
 as he himfelf doth exprefs himfelf in the fame place. Where I fay the ml caufeth , 
 
 be faith the man choofrth. As if there were any difference between thc(e two , the eye 
 
 feeth, 3nd the man feeth. This and a confounding of w/««fjj with Wm'/?, thefacul- 
 
 ty of Willing with the adt of Willing, and a young fuckling contradidion which 
 
 he hath found out, Thzt the rcill hath power to refufe what he rvilleth , that is, before 
 
 it have willed it , not after, is the fubltance of this Animadverfion , which defervc 
 
 no other anfwer , but thataman fhould change his rifibility into a(ftual Laughter. 
 
 I produced two reafons to prove that true Liberty is a freedom, not oncly from 
 
 compulfion, but from neceffity. The former drawn from the nature of electron , I ^"^ 
 
 6r the z(k of the Will which is always inter plura , the Later, which I called a new I ""^y 
 
 argument , becaufe it had not formerly been touched in this Treatife , taken from I '"™ 
 
 the nature of the faculty of the Will , or of the Soul asit willeth, which is not ca- |% 
 
 pable of any other compulfion , but neceffitation. And if it be Phyfically necelfi. |"w» 
 
 tatcd, it is thereby acquitted from all guilt, and the fault transferred upon thofe j"/J 
 
 caufes that did neceflitate it. This argument indeed began with a di(lin<ition , but I fei 
 
 proceeded to a dcmonftration , which was reduced by me into form in my defence , j'''fi)o 
 
 to which he hath given no fhew offatisfacSion, either in his firit anfwer, or in|''''^'id 
 
 thefe Animadverfions , except it be a concede omnia, or a granting of the conclufion.|''fei 
 
 The fame ground which doth warrant the names o('Tyrant , Praemunire, Sunday,!''^, c/i 
 
 Monday , TuefdayithSit is, life, §^em penes arhitr turn ejl, & vis & norma loqiundi)V^\t!ii. 
 
 doth likewife judifie thefe generally received terms , oithe elicit and imperate aSs of\ ''bei 
 
 </7fipi//, there being fcarcely one Author , who hath written upon this fubje(9: in | \i 
 
 Latin , that doth not ufe them , and approve them. In the Council of Per/ ( which! 'tre \^ 
 
 he himfelf mentioneth) he may find this truth pofitively maintained that voluntas »-| Ufrjij 
 
 licit adumfuum. Where he may Likewift find,what moral perfwafives or metrvcsj "fffiliip 
 
 arc, if he have a defue to Learn. \^Hh
 
 Discourse. H. Mr. Vlob'-'s Antt}iadz>erfu)nf. g,-T 
 
 Altliougli he be convicted that it tolloweth from his principles, that Gud _ „ 
 is the caufeof all fin in the World, yet he is Loath to fay fo much , for that is an un- q,^\ thTcauic 
 jetmly ^hrjje, to fay that God if the cauje of fin , becauje itfottndeth fo like a faying that of fm. 
 Godfinneth ■■, yea it is even as Like it, as one egg is like another , or rather it is not 
 Like it , for it is the very lame. NnUtimfimile eft idem i he that is the determining 
 caufe of fin in others , finnethhimfclf. It is as well againft the eternal Law, that 
 is , the rule of JuUice which is in God himfelf, to make another to fin , as to fin. 
 Yet though he will not avow f neb an unfeemly phraje , that God is the caufe of 
 fin , yet he doth endeavour to prove it by four Texts of Holy Scripture , which 
 are altogether impertinent to his pnrpofe. The firlt is that of the Prophet Arnus , ^^oj c -. 6. 
 Shall there be evil in a City , a>td the Lord hath not done it > But that is clearly under- ' 
 
 flood of the evil of punilhrncnt , not of the evil of fin* To the three other places j 5am. j6,io. 
 That the Lordfaid unto Shimci , curfe David i and that the Lord put a lyitigjtiirit i Kiug-2i'ij, 
 into the mouth of Ahabi Frophets ■■, and that of ile/;o/»oa>w/ not hearkening* to the ' ^''■'SiS'' 5 
 people , the Reader may hnd a fatisfadtory anfwcr formerly. But becaufe he 
 feemeth to ground much upon thofe Words which are added to the Lart place , 
 for the cauje was from the L'-'rd , conceiving fomefingular virtue to lie in them , and 
 an ovation at Lalt to be due unto himfelf , ( I ivtll not fay, leaft the Bifhop exclaim °""'°' '^^' 
 againfi me ) applauding himfelt like thetlie upon the Cartwheel , See rvhat a duft 
 J raife , 1 will take the Liberty to tell him farther, That there is nothing of any 
 caufeof fin in the Text , but of a caufe of Jeroboams advancement, as he might 
 have perceived plainly by the words immediatly following, "the caufe rvas from 
 the Lord ^ that he might perform his fjyi»g , which the Lord fpak^ by Ahijah the 
 Shilonite , unto Jeroboam the Son o/Nebat. Which faying was this , I n> ill rent the 
 Kingdom out of the hand of Solomon, and will give ten tribes to thee. So he hath pro- 
 duced an evil eflfedt of punifliment , for anevil eifed: of finj and a caufe of advance- 
 ment, for a caufe of fin, and a permitting, or ordering, or difpofing of fin, for a ne- 
 ceilitating or determining to fin. 
 
 Yet he produceth fix witnefles to prove that liberty is not oppofed to necc(Iity,but . . _ 
 to compuifion. Luther, Zanchy^Bucer, Calvin, Moulin, and the Synod of Dorr. Firft, for'^univerfa? 
 Reader, I defirethee to judge of the partiality of this man, who rejedteth all neccsfityan 
 human authority in this caufe (as he hath reafon, ) for it were an eafie thing to o- fwcrcd. 
 ver whelm and fmoother him and his cau{e, with tcftimonies of Councils , Fathers. 
 Dodours, of all Ages and Communions, and all forts of Clalhck Authors ) and 
 yet feeks for proted:ion under the authority of a few Neoterick Writers. A double 
 weight and a double meafure , are an abomination* 
 
 yiut hdic iVii funt habenda , aut ilia cum his amittendafunt. 
 Harum duarum conditionum nunc utram malis vide. 
 If he will reap the benefit of human authority , he muft undergo the inconveni- 
 ence alfo. Why may he ufc the teftimony of Calvin againft me in this caufe , and I 
 may not make u(e of the teftimonies of all the Ancients , Greeks and Latin , againft 
 liim ? whom Calvin himfelf confefTeth to have been for Liberty againft ncceihty. 
 Semper apud Latinos liberi arbitrii nofnen extitit: Gracos vera nonpuduit multo arrogan- 1 j a- t 
 tills ufurpare vocabulum , fiquidem mu-nXinm dixerunt , acfi poteftas fuiipfm penes homi- ,'j.f ' ' 
 nemfuifjet. But I am able to give him that advantage in this caufe. 
 
 Secondly, a man may fee by his citing ot thcfe teftimonies, that he hath taken 
 them up upon truft , without ever perufing them in the Authors them(elves. I de- 
 mand therefore, whether he will be trycdby his own WitnelFcs , in this cafe, in 
 diiTerence between him and me : that is, concerning univerfal neceffity , in natu- 
 ral , civil , and external actions, by reafon of a neceiTary connexion of fecond cau- 
 fo , and a natural determination of the Will ; If he will not, he doth not defcrvc 
 to have fo much as one of his teftimonies looked upon. 
 
 Thirdly I anfwer , That fuppofing ( but not granting) that all his teftimonies 
 were true as he citeth them, yet none of them will advantage his caufe at all. 
 Luther his Firft Witnefs difc! timed it, and recanted what he had faid. And the 
 necelfity which he fpeaketh of , is onely a neceliity of /rw/WMM/'i/it)' : and the Sy- Vifit, S,ixm; 
 nod ofPort fpeaketh only of a neceftity oi Infallibility, h\xt which do imply no more 
 than a confequent hypothetical necethty , which wealfo maintain. Zanchy , Bucer, 
 
 D d d d d 2 Cal-
 
 8i8 
 
 Cafiirrations of TOME III- 
 
 ^ Cahtn, Moulin, fpeak ofa ueceliity of finnmg , m refped of our Original cor- 
 
 ruption This conccrneth not the Liberty of the Will, whether it be free or not free, 
 but thc'power of free-will , whether it can without Grace avoid fin, and deter- 
 min it felf to moral or fupernatural good , which is nothing to the quelHon bc- 
 
 And for an effay what he mayexped from his Witneffes •, Calviit who is the 
 Cal Inflit- /.*• Lead disfavourable to him of them all , faith no more but this , Veum quotks viam 
 c> 4 d. 7- ' facere vnlt fu^ provide>!ti<e , (tiam in rebus externif hominum voluntates flcdere & ver- 
 fare: nee ita liberam ejTe ifforumeleCtionem , quin e]m Libert aii Vet arbitrium domir.e- 
 ttir. JhatGod ( not always but ) as often as he tvillmak^ way for his providence^ even 
 in external tbinns , doth hove and turn the vcih of men : neither is their ekdion fo free, 
 hut that the apod pleafure of God hath a dominion over their Liberty, Calvin did know 
 no univerfal determination of all external ads by God , but onely in fome extra- 
 ordinary cafes. He acknowledged that the will of man was free to eled in exter- 
 nal things , but not fo free as to be exempt from the dominion of God , which 
 two things none of us doth deny. So we may conclude from C*?fiw, That God 
 doth not ordinarily iiecellitate external events: that is, as much as to fay, there is 
 no univerfal neccllity. 
 
 He will yet have lefs caufe to pleafe him(elf with the Council of Dort\ when he 
 yirrfie, Theol. (hall fee what was faid there by our Britip Divines, and approved by the Synod. 
 Mm. delib. -j-j^^j q^^ made our Wih and endorsed them reith Liberty. That be leaves to every 
 Arb, Thej-^' ^j^j^^ jf^ proper manner and motion in the production of ads , and to the tfilis of men to 
 ad after their native manner , freely. That in vain are punifhments threatned to Male- 
 faUors by the Laws of men , if no man could leave undone that which he doth. They ask, 
 ', ' who in hU right wits will fay, that TiaviA could not hut have commited adultery, or af- 
 ter that he ciuld not hut have murdered Uriah/'They condemn this opinion pofitively,as 
 an error. Hominem non pojje plus boni facere quam facit,nec plus mali omiiterequam omit- 
 tit : That a man cannot do more good , or Leave more evil undone , than he doth. 
 Still he is about his old quarrel concerning the Elicit and Jmperate ads of the will , 
 not againll the thing, for it is as clearas the day-light, that there is a ground in na- 
 ture for fuch a diftindion i and that external agents have not fo much power over 
 the Will of man, to make him choofe what they think fit , as over the Locomo- 
 tive faculty and other members , to make a man move them at their pleafure. 
 But all his contention is ftill about the Words, Imperate , or commanded a£ls; As 
 if ( faith he } the faculties could fpeaK^ne to another. I anfwered him that there were 
 mental terms as weK as vocal , by which the Soul being willing , may cxprcfs it 
 felf to the Locomotive and other inferiour faculties. As the Angels do underfiand 
 one another, not by {peech, but as we behold one another in a glafs. Here he is 
 out again , quite miftakingthe plain and obvious fenfe of my words, (hewing that 
 in his Long and profound meditations, he did never meet with this Subjed. 
 M al terms- ^"'^ telling us, that by mental fpeech J underfiand onely an Idea of the found , and of 
 the Letters , whereof the word is made. And charging me mod untruly to fay, 
 That w/jfM Tarquin commanded his Sen, by firij^ing of the "fops of Toppies , he did 
 it by mental terms. This I faid truly , That howfoever si Superiour doth in- 
 timate his commands to his Inferiour , whether it be by vocal terms , as or- 
 dinarily , or by mental terms , as it is amongft the Angels ■■, or by figns , as it was 
 between larquin and his Sons , it is ftill a command. And in this cafe of the Souls 
 imploying the inferiour faculties , it is without difputc. But I never faid that the 
 ftriking off the tops of the Poppieswith his rod , . was mental Language , or the 
 terms of his mind It feemeth he hath never heard of mental term.s , or mental 
 Prayer. The conceptions of the mind are the natural reprefentations of things. 
 Words are Signs or Symbols of the inward conceptions of the mind , by impofi- 
 tion. What way fibever the inward conceptions are intimated , it is the fame that 
 fpeech is in efFed, )mii«»i«c lf}«»o», aninftrumcnt or means of Communication. As a 
 fign is an intimation to a Traveller where he may find an harbour. 
 ... He faith , No drawing can be imagined but of bodies , and whatfcever is drawn out, 
 drawfne. if drawn out of one place into another. He knoweth no drawing, but drawing of 
 
 Wire, or drawing of Water , or drawing of Carrs, Si. James (z.ith , Draw nigh 
 
 t9
 
 Discourse I I. Mr, Hob's Auimaci'verfionf. Si 9 
 
 toGod^andhevoilldravptngh to yoHiZnd no mjncan come to jne, except my father draa> 
 
 him - and ;// be lifted up from the earth , J will draw all men unto me. In all theft ]'?*''' ^' 
 
 drawings,here isno drawing out ofone place into another. A fairobjed: draws mens Toh'ts 52 
 
 eyes: A goodOratourdraweththem by theears. There is metaphorical drawing. 
 
 Take but one more : comfel in the heart of a man if lik^ deep water , but a man of under- ■''ro. 2o. 5- 
 
 jiandingwill draw it out. 
 
 A paradox is a private opinion ofone man,or a few fadious men afllimed or main- Caftigation 
 tained fometimes out of errour of Judgment , but commonly out of pride and vain "f*^'^ ^'•''" 
 glorious alfedation of Angularity, contrary to the common and received opinion madverfions , 
 of other men. Such Paradoxes were the Stoical opinions, ( Stoicks werefruitful in Num.21, 
 producing Paradoxes ; That all fins are equal , and that a wife man is allthims^z good 
 King, a good Captain, a good Cobler. I hope he will be better advited ,than Jfu-f.^evVe 
 to condemne all thofe of ig norance , who out of civility ftiled thofe newfangled 
 opinions Stoiecal Paradoxies, rather than Stoica 1 errour?. He faith , Chrijiian relieion 
 mas once a paradox. Never i A paradox is a private opinion, contrary to the com- 
 mon opinion. Points of faith arc more than opinions' Faith is acertain afTent 
 grounded upon the truth and authority of the revealer. Opinion is an uncertain alTent 
 grounded upon the probable conjedures of reafon. We do not u(e to call Turkifh 
 Hcathenilh , or Heretical errours by the nameof [-Paradoxes. I confefTe there may 
 be opinions , and confequently Paradoxes in religion , that is in fuch points, the 
 truth or falihood whereof is grounded more upon the probable difcullion of reafon 
 than upon the evidence of divine revelation : but errors in efTentials of faith are 
 not Paradoxes. He who difbelieves any Article of his Creed, is not Paradoxical but 
 Heretical. Such another miftakc is his other. That but for paradoxes wejhouldbe now 
 in that favage ignorance ^ which thoje men are in, that have not, or have not lona had laws 
 and Common-wealth. Politick precepts , and civil inftitutions , and pradical inllru- 
 (ftions which confift not in Theorie or Speculation, but in the applicationof pra- 
 ctical truths , neither arc, nor ever were called properly, cither opinions or Para- 
 doxes. 
 
 But to come to the purpofe I did not , I do not , deny that there may be fomc 
 true Paradoxes , and rather in fuch things as are found out by rcafon,th3n in fuch as 
 depend upon Revelation, which are delivered from age to age by univerfal tradition. 
 Anable indullrious perfon by conftant meditation, and the help of other mens ex- 
 perience and obfcrvations , may fometimes rind out a latent truth, or vindicate one" 
 from the oppredive tyranny of prejudice or cuftome. But this is rarely : God and 
 nature do not give all their gifts to one man , leaft he (hould grow proud. But 
 when men are compofedto Paradoxes,that as Ovid couldnot exprefs himfelf without 
 a verfe , fo they cannot fpeak without a Paradox , when tliey take upon them to 
 cenfure all ancient truths in Divinity and Humanity , andfeek to obtrude their brain- 
 fick conceptions upon all other men as Oracles, I think he who telleth them only 
 of their Paradoxes , dealeth genraly with them. Ze/f«c«f was more (evere againft 
 Innovators , whoenaded , That if any man made a propofition for a change in their 
 policie, he (hould make it with anhalter about his neck ,that if hefailcd to juftifie 
 it by reafon ,htfhould juftifie his attempt by fuffering. 
 
 I leave his Paradoxes , and come to his Subtlety, That there U hardly anyone 
 aCiion', to the caufing whereof concur not whatfoever is inxtxmn natura : And that there 
 cannot be a motion in one part of the World, but the fame mull be communicated to all the 
 rejl of the World. That is to fay, in plain Englifh ,That there is not a Pie that chat- 
 tereth , nor fo much as an afpine leafe that waggeth here in England , but it maketh 
 fome alteration in Cbinaznd PiT«,andthe eflicacyof it , like Drake 01 Cavendijh 
 doth encompafle the Globe of the Earth, and mounteth to heaven , and ("if there be 
 any fuch thing ) hclpeth to make the eighth Sphere tremble. I thought it had been a 
 modeft cxprelhon to call tliis a Paradox. 
 
 To prove this , he maketh a Narration , what a Schollar maintained to him , vvhether a 
 That if a grain or a feather be bide upon an anvil of Diamond, at the fir(l accejfe it maketh f^^}^^^ ""^kc 
 it yield , which he demonllrated thus : That if the whole World would do it, the leaji Rl\^° 
 p.irt thereof would doits part. Wherewith he relkd convinced. But his relation 
 is doubly impertinent. Firrt , we fpeak of voluntary Agents and he inllancerh in a 
 
 natural.
 
 8ao 
 
 ""C^igations of T O M E i J '« . 
 
 natural Acent : we fpeake of the yielding of the will, and he inlknceth in the yield- 
 ing of an anvile. Secondly , it doth not come home to his afTertion , becaufe when 
 a feather is laid upon an anvile of Diamond, yet it toucheth it, and by alhduous 
 touching , fomethig may be done. As we fee how dropsof rain do wearethe hard 
 Aones. And Plniy telleth that flints have been worn with the feet of Ants. Em to 
 think the chattering ofa Pie, or tfie (baking of an Afpine leaf (hould move the 
 whole World, when the greateit Earthquakes are not felt many leagues , is incre- 
 dible. 
 
 Neither do I believe that the firft touch of his feather doth make an anvile ot 
 Diamond to yield. I believe the Schollar put a fallacy of compofition and divifi- 
 on upon him. All the parts being con joyned do make the whole , and fo have their 
 proportionable part ot the efficacy ( in the produdlion of all effedts , which are 
 produced; to the whole , be it the breaking of an Anvil of Diamond , or whatfo- 
 cvcr el(e. But the parts being divided and fubdivided into grains and LefTer quan- 
 tities , though they ftill have their proportionable weight towards the producibility 
 of the (ame crtcdt , if they were conjoyncd , yet it is not ncceflary that being fo 
 divided, (hey thall adually produce the fame part or proportion of the former effedl. 
 It is not univerfally true , that the patient fuffcrs fo much as the agent ads. 
 The reckfon is b caufe qukquid reci^iimr , rfcipifwr ad modum recipientU > That 
 which receiveth, doth not receive according to the force of that which makes the 
 imprellion , but according to its own capacity of receiving. The Hrft drop of Wa- 
 ter taketh away part from a piece of clay , but an hundred drops fall before a ftone 
 doth yield,or adually Loofe the Leaft particle , though the firft drop may affedl the 
 ftone and prepare it. Suppofe one fcale of a balance to have a weight in it of a 
 pound , which depreffeth rhe fcale to the ground : put into the other fcale a 
 Weight of two pounds , it Lifteth up the other fcale and finketh that down: 
 But take away the two pound Weight , and put into the place of it a feather or 
 a grain , and try if it will Lift up the fcale proportionably. Not at all , no 
 more than if it were nailed to the ground. It were not well argued to fay , an E- 
 lephant can carry aCaftlea Leagues therefore a Ak can carry itfuch a proporti- 
 on of the way: yet I commend his difcretion for choofing fuch an inf^ance, where- 
 in he cannot be contradifted by experience. If a man could Live until the revolu- 
 ^tion of Platves year, aud the feather not be confumed in all that time, he might 
 f\ill plead as he may do now, that the feather had worn the Diamant fomcthing, but 
 it was invifible. 
 Or a falling To make his new paradox good, he telleth us a talc of a Tub : That that if a 
 
 drop move the great tun ("fuppofethe great tui? at Heydelberg^) were fikdrvith water , one link par- 
 wholc world, tide ("fuppofe a drop ,or the bunded part of a drop) being moved, all the rejl would be 
 moved alfo ^ but the greatnefs of the tun altereth not the cafe. And therefore the fame 
 would be true , if the whole World were the tun. I anfwcr firft , The cafe is not like. 
 A tun of Water is one continued body apt for motion , but the World is full of 
 contiguous bodies of all forts which are more apt to terminate an eafie motion , 
 than to continue it. Secondly, I deny that the Lcaft particle of Water, fuppofe 
 the hundredth part of a Drop, falling into a great Tun of Water, "doth move all 
 the Water in the Tun. The firfl particle moves the fecond , but more weakly than 
 itfelf was moved , the fecond moves the third, yet more weakly, the third moveth 
 the fourth , ftill more weakly , and fb fuccellively , until the motive power ceafe 
 altogetherbcfore the hundredth , orit may be the thoufandth part of the Water in 
 the tun be moved. As we fee in a flone thrown upwards , the motion is fwifter 
 or flower , of Longer or of LefTer continuance , according to the degree of the firft 
 imprellion of force, and the figure of the thing call: upwards , which ceafing by 
 continued diminution , the motion ceafeth. Violent motions are vehement in the 
 beginning , remifs in the middle , and ceafe in the end. Lafily I anfwer , that the 
 cafe of a great tun and the whole World , is rot the fame : The World is too large 
 a Sphere , and txceedeth the adivity of poor little weak creatures , which are not 
 able to Leave ;l;ch an impreliion of might , as fhould move upwards to the con- 
 vex fuperficies ci Heaven , and downwards to the center of the earth , and round 
 about to the extremities of the World. If this were true , the flie might fay in 
 
 • earneft
 
 D iscourse li. Mr. Hob 's Atiimad'verponf^ 831 
 
 tarnclt , See what a du\i I raif. It hach been given out that the burning of our 
 heaths in Enghfid did hurt their vines in France. This had been Ikange , yet not Co 
 iirange as his Paradox , That the Leall motions that are, are communicated to 
 the whole World. But wifemen looked upon this prctcnfc, as a mcer (carccrow 
 or made dragon : The hu^t it did was nearer home, to deftroy the young moore- Caiihationi 
 powtes , and fpoil lomc young Burgeffes gams. of the ani- 
 
 He cannot imagin hove the qiujHon , IFhether outward ob]eas do neceffttate or not ne- madverfions ' 
 cffuate the WiU , can any rvjy be referred to moral Philfophy. That is his fault. If Num. 22. ' 
 theobjcftsdoneccllitate the will, they take away both virtue and vice, thlt is , , 
 moral good and moral evil , which confirt in pre-eledion , and cannot I'hnd with Powtrofob* 
 antecedent neceditation to one. To reform his errour , let him confult with Ari- ^«=J* «^<«"^'?- 
 itotle. Thefe things that are fair and pleafant dofeem lo be violent ^ter afort,bccaufe be- thliofoJK 
 ing TcithoHt Hi , they move andnece0tate Agents to ad with their beauty and delight \ but ■**• 1 1- " *• 
 it is not Jo. What he addeth that the Principles of moral Fhilofophy are the lairs , is an 
 abfurd fuppofititious bbtrufion of the municipal law, in place of the law of right 
 rcafon , which errour hath formerly been fufficicntly refelled. And to his horfe that 
 is lame from fome caafe that was not in his power , I anfwer, Thatthe lamcnefTe is a 
 natural or accidental defeft in the horfe i but to inftance in an horfe as a fit fubjeft 
 of virtue or vice, is a moral dcfcd in him. If he defiretofpeak to the purpofc 
 he muft leave fuch impcrtinencies. r f ■> 
 
 In the next Animad verfion, I meet with nothing but a mecr fa wing of the wind - -m », r v 
 or an altercation about nothing. All the difference betwen Iiim and me is , concer- eth t "obtrude 
 ring an antecedent necellity , but ot a neccffity of confequence , that when a thing hypothetical', 
 is produced it muft neccffarily be Co as it is, there can be no queRion between us. He """*"y '<"' " 
 himfelf confeffeth as much , tf'heEifljop think, that I hold no other necejftty than that SumT 
 which iiexprejftdb: that old foolijh rule [ Whatfoever is, when it is , is neccffarily Co N.nr.'j' 
 :i:, ^tis 3 heunrifiiandeth me not : And he confcffeth that the ncceffity which he main- 
 tai-.eth is, i-i antecedent neceffity , derived from the beginning pftime. And yet never- 
 thcleffe , a great part of that alteration which he makes in thefe Animadverlions , is 
 ab^ut fuch a neceliity. Socrates confe/Tcth that naturaly he had vitious inclinations. 
 Tliis is no more than a proclivity to evil. If by his owncondefcenfion he fallinto fin*, 
 this is but tn hypothectiil neGellity , yet he maketh it an antecedent necellity. So- 
 crates by his good indeavours reformeth his vitious propenfions , and acquircth the 
 contrary habits or virtues . This is but an hyothetical necellity, yet he pretcndeth it 
 to be antecedent. Laflly i Socrates by the help of thefe habits which he himfelf had 
 acquired , doth freely do virtuous anions. Still here is no necellity but confcquents, 
 andlhll he pretendeth to Antecedent. Eifkr f faith he ^ thefe habits do necefttttt 
 the will , or the willfoVoweth »o/.If thefe habits or foincwhat elfe do not neceflitate the 
 \vill,it may follow freely. But faith hc^ifthey do onely facilitate men to do fuch aUs^then 
 rrbat they do,ihey do not' I deny his confequence, acquired habits are not folitary, 
 but focial and adjuvant caufcs of virtuous adions. *ji • *i 
 
 His next errour is yet more groffe , making the pcrfon of the Preacher, Sdnot the fpS'Su 
 found of his voice, to be the objed of hearing i Adding, that the preachers voice is the one with t-ff. 
 fame thing with the hearing , and a phanfie of the bearer. Thus ( as commonly 
 crrours fpring from confufion J he confoundcth the images of founds with founds 
 themfelves. What then is the report of a Canon,orthc found ofa Trumpet turned to 
 amfer phanfie ? By the fame reafon he may fay , that the Preacher himfelfis nothing 
 but a mcer phanfie : There is as much ground for the one as for the other. If he go 
 on in thismanner , he will move me beyond fmiling , to laugh outright. In what 
 fenfe the obieft of fight is the caufe offight, and in what fenfe it is not the caufe of 
 fight , I have (hewed diftin<5tly. Here he fetteth down another great paradox , as he 
 himfelf ftileth it out of gallantry , That in all the fenfes the objeH if the Agent! If he 
 had not faid the Agent, which fignifieth either the fole Agcnt,or the Principal Agent, 
 but onely an Agent , we had accorded fo far. But the Principal Agent in all the 
 fenfes is the creature indowed with fenfe , or the fenfitive foule perceiving and judg- 
 ing of the object by the proper Organ. The Preachers voice and the Auditos hearing 
 have two diftinft fubjefts , othctwife fpeaking (hould be hearing , and hearing fpcak- 
 Fng. 1 conclude this Caaigation with the authority of as good a Philofopher as 
 
 himfelf;
 
 "^ ^ """" Cafitgations of TOME III, 
 
 hjmfclf, T[Kit~itiTridicitim^otbink external things either fair or delightful to be the 
 Eth'i.ici. ^^Jg^ gj- (,„f„^,^,g aaiJnf, and not rather hint who U eafily tah^n with fuch objeas. 
 There are otherln the later part ot this Animadverfion his erroursare greater, and more dangerous 
 moticn* than than in the former. He affirmeth that t/;^ will ii produced , generated , and formed, in 
 local. fuch fort as accidents are effected in a corporeal fubjeU\and yet ii{ the will )canmt be moved. 
 
 Asit'generation , and augmentation, & alteration,were not kinds of motion or mu- 
 tation . But the lall words , becaufe it goeth not from place to place ^do (hew plainly, 
 that he acknowledgeth no motion but local motion. What' no other natural motion 
 but onely local motion ? no metaphorical motion ? that were ftrangei We read in 
 holy Scripture of thofe who have been moved with fear , moved with envy, moved with 
 compaffian , moved with choler , moved by the Holy Gholi. In all tbefe there is no local 
 motion. Outward perfwafives,inward fuggeltions are all motions. God moveth a 
 tnan to good by his preventing grace. The devil moveth a man to fin by his 
 temptations. There are many kinds of motions , befides moving from place to 
 place. He himfeirconfefleth in this Section that we are moved to prayer by outward 
 objeSs. 
 
 In the rext place , fuppoting there were no other motions than local motions, yet 
 .he erreth in attributing no motion to any thing but bodies The reafonable foul is 
 -fs''weU«°^^ moved acci'dentally, according to the motion of the body. The Angels are fpi- 
 bodics, ritual fubllances, no bodies , by his leave , and yet move locally from place to place. 
 
 Jacob fees the Angels of God afcending and defcending. The Angels came and 
 miniftreduntoChrift ■■, The Angels lliall gather theeled: from the one end of Heaven 
 to the other. The foul of Lazariu was born by the Angels into Abrahams bofom. 
 God fenthis Angel to deliver Peter out of prifon,and every where ufcth his Angels 
 as mini/iring fpirits. 
 ,. Thirdly , he erreth in this alfo. That nothing can move , that U mtmovtd itfelf 
 
 andfpri(s '" ^^^^ "^^^^ ^^^^ ^" Power to move is from God, he fpeaketh truly, but impertinent; 
 move them But ifhe mean ( as he muft mean if he mean fenfej that nothing moveth^which is not 
 felves. moved of fome fecond caufe , he fpeakcih untruly. The A-ngels moved them felvesj 
 
 all living creaturs do move themfelves by animal motion. The inanimate creatures 
 do move themfelves , heavy bodies delcending downwards, light bodies afcending 
 upwards , according to their own natures . And therefore nature is defined to be 
 an internal caufe or principle of motion and reji , &c. And even they who held that 
 whatfoever is moved,is moved by another, didjljmit it to natural bodies, and make the 
 form to be the mover in natural motion ,and the foul in animal motion. 
 . J. _ His laft errour in this Animadverfion ( and a dangerous one,^ is. That 
 ed bvGod" '" ^ ""* *^'^ly f^'d , that alls or habits are infufedby Cod, for htfufionU motion 
 moved , aud nothing U moved but bodies. I wifh for his own quiet and other 
 mens , that he were as great an enemy to crrours and innovations , as he is 
 to metaphors and dirtindlions. Affedlation of words is not good , but contention 
 about words is worfe. By fuch an argument a man might take away all Zones 
 and Zodiack^ in aftronomy , Modes ^nd Figures in Logick^, Cot^es zad Cylindres in 
 Geometry i for all thefe are borrowed termes , as infufion is. What Logician almoft 
 doth not diftinguifh between acquired habits and infufed habitcs ? If all infufion be 
 of bodies,then he never infufed any paradoxical principles Intohis Auditours. When 
 any difference doth arifc about expreffions , the onely queAion is, whether there be 
 any ground in nature for fuch an"expreffion. He himfelf telleth us ,That faitlTand 
 i-epentance are the gifts of God. To fay they are the gifts of God , and to fay they 
 are infufed by God is the fame thing , faving that to fay they are infufed by God , 
 Jsamoredi(Un6l:,and a more fignificant expreffion. I hope he will not controle 
 the language of the Holy Ghoft, I willpower out my fpirit upon all flifh: No,( faith. 
 joc .%% q- ^ -)f|^gj cannotbe , nothing can be powred out but bodies. Saint Peter telleth 
 
 Afts.j.j 5 "^ otherwife, this Jefm beingexahed by the right hand of God hath Jhed forth thli,which 
 j^eMDc/ffrjjf^i/^fdr. That was the gift of toneues, an aia or habit infufed. That which 
 was flied forth or effufed on Gods patt , was infufed on their part. So faith Saint 
 Paul , the love of Cod U Jhed abroad in our hearts by the EolyChoft: Again, hefaveth us h\ 
 Aom.j < tbewafhing of regeneration,gnd renewing of the Holy Ghcjl, which he jhed on uf fabundantiy 
 Tir.?. i. through Jefus 67;nJf:'.fJx««', the word is ft!!! the fame, figoifying an clTufioi} from God, 
 
 and
 
 Discourse 1 1. Mr. HoWs Anh»adi>er]ions. 822 
 
 and an infulion to us. All thofe Graces freely given which were infufed by the Ho- 
 ly Ghoft, andare recited by the Apoltle to the Corinthians^ are either permanent ' ^°^''*' 
 habits, or tranfient A(fts. 
 
 In the remainder of this Stdtion,is contained nothing but relapfes, and repetitions 
 of his former Paradoxical errors, (tiil confounding the intelJedual will with the 
 (enfitive appetite , Liberty with Spontaneity , the faculty of the Will , with the 
 A(ft of Willing , the Liberty of reafonable Creatures , with the Liberty of mad- 
 men and fools. Before he told us , That he that can do what he will , hath no Li- num .9 
 berty at all. Now he telleth us oi the Liberty of doing what we mU ^ in thofe thims 
 rve are able to do ■■> Before he Limited the power by the Will , now he Limiteth tiie 
 will by the power. I affirmed moH truly , that Liberty is diminiihed by vitious 
 habits j which he faith cannot be underltood otherwise , than that vitiom habits 
 mak£ a man lef free to do vitious aCiioHs. There is little doubt but he would ex- 
 pound it fo,if he were my Interpreter. But my (enfe and my fcope is evident to the 
 contrary , that vitious habits make a man lefs free to do virtuous atftions. He will 
 take notice of no dirference between the Liberty ofa man,and the bias of a bow). 
 
 Yet in the midfi of all thefe millakesand Paradoxes , he hath not forgotten his 
 old Thrafonical humor. Where I fay Liberty is in more danger to beabufed than 
 to be Loft i he telleth me, Jt is a meer Jhift ^to be thought not fiknced. I had not 
 thought him fuch a dangerous adverfary , metuent omnes jam te^ nee immerito , well 
 if it be a (hift, it is fuch a (hift as all confcionable men do find by experience to be 
 true. And for his filencing of me, impaviditm ferient rui>t£. I do not fear file n- 
 cing by him, except his arguments have fomc occult quality , more than he or I /- /i- .• 
 dream of. If a hfh could fpeak, a iifh would notbcfilcnccd by him in this caufe. f l^ ■ 
 
 There is a double qucftion difcufTed in this Sedion. Firft, Suppofing that the will 'f ^ r 
 doth always follow the Laft judgement of the underftanding , whether this do take ^'* " ' 
 away the Liberty of the will. Secondly, Whether the will doth always follow the ^ * ^' 
 lart judgment of the underftanding; both which queftions have formerly been dif- 
 courfed of in this Treatife. For clearing of the former queftion,it ought to be con- 
 lidered , that although men do ordinarily fpeak of the underftanding , and of the 
 Will, as of two diftinft Agents, or individual fubftanccs , fubfifting by themfelvesi 
 whereof the one underftandeth, and the other Willeth, partly for the eminence of 
 thefe two powers , and partly for the clearer and more diftincfl conception and com- 
 prehenfion of them. And although the pracftife of all former Divines and Philofo- 
 phcrs do warrant us in fo doing , yet if we will fpeak properly and in rigour of 
 fpeech, the underftanding and the will are but two powers, flowing from the rea- 
 fonable Soul. And that the ads of willing and underftanding are predicated ^''^"^'"'"' 
 moft properly of the man , whileft the Soul and Body are united ( ^Siuw/ y5<« ^jl1'*J^^*^ p"^',. 
 fuppofnorum ) and of the reafonable Soul after its feparation. And becaufe he fug- er»of the 
 gefteth that this is done for advantage : and that it is not without caufe , men ufe reafoDjble 
 improper language , when they mean to keep their errors from being detedted, to '°"'' 
 Let him fee that this is the fenfe of all men , and that this affertion will advantage 
 his caufe nothing, I am contented to anfwer his animadvcrfions upon this fubjed in 
 the fame phrafe that he propoferh them. 
 
 He pleadcch that the eledion of the free Agent doth neceffarily follow his Laft 
 judgment , and therefore his eledion is not free. My firft anfwer to this is that 
 determination which he maintaineth , and which taketh away freedom and Liber- 
 ty , is extrinfecal and antecedent. But the determination of the agents eledion by 
 this judgment , is intrinfecal , made by himfelf, and concomitant, being together 
 in time with theeledVion. To this now he replyeth. That the rvilland the hjl di- 
 ctate of the under jlandiiig , are produced in the fame inftant ; but the necejjity of them both 
 rvM antecedent before they were produced : As when a {lone is falling , the necejfity of 
 touching the earth is antecedent to the touch it felf, unkjiit he hindered by fame contrary 
 external motion, and then thejiop is as necejfary as the proceeding would have been. ^ 
 
 To this I give three clear folutions. Firft , That his inftance of the ftone is alto- isnodke '"^ 
 gether impertinent, the ftone is a natural agent, the man is a voluntary agent , a failing Hone 
 Natural Agents ad: neccifirily and determinately i Voluntary Agents ad freely 
 and undeterminately. The ftone is determined to its motion downwards, in- 
 
 E e e e e trin
 
 "^^^Z" C^fligations of TOMEII I> 
 
 trinfccally by its own nature , that is, by the Weight or Gravity of it , but he 
 makcth the Will ct" the free Agent, to be determined extrinfecally bycaufcs with- 
 out himfclf. 
 
 Secondly, There is not the like ncceflary or determinate connexion, between 
 the Will and' its antecedent caufes , as is between the (lone falling , and its roiich- 
 ing the ground. It was in the power of the man to deliberate or not deliberate, to 
 eled,or hot eled, but it is not in the power of the ftone, to fall,or not to fall. So the 
 motion of the iione was determined to one antecedently in its caufes , but the clc- 
 dive Will ofman is not determined to one antecedently in its caufes, until the man 
 determin himfelf by his choice. 
 
 Thirdly , Though the flone be not fuch a free undetermined agent as the man is, 
 
 and therefore this concemeth not Liberty: yet he himfelf confeffeth, that cafually 
 
 it may be hindrcd from touching the ground , unkji it he hindred by fome contrary 
 
 external motion. So the Stones touching of the ground , is ncceflary onely upon 
 
 fiippolition , unlefs it be hindred. But that neceffity which he maintaineth , is a 
 
 necellity antecedent , which cannot fojfibk he othermfe. But there is the difference 
 
 between the man andtheftone. That the thing fuppofcd [to deliberateor not tode- 
 
 liberate 1 is in the power of the man, but the thing fuppofed \_ to be hindred or not 
 
 hindred 3 is rot in the power of the flone. 
 
 Abfolutc ne. He pleadeth farther , Thzt fup^ofnig the ftone be hindred , then thefiop is neccjjary. 
 
 ceirity"aatnitt So Hill there is neceliity. Nay by his favour, if the event be neceflary to fall 
 
 teth no con- out this way upon onefuppofition , and necefl"ary to fall out another way upon a 
 
 trary fuppofi- contrary fuppofition , then there is no abfolute or antecedent neceflity at all, for 
 
 "°° ■ abfolute necellity admitteth no fuch contrary fuppofitions , abfolute or antecedent 
 
 necellity , being that which cannot poffibly be othcrwife. 
 
 My fecond anfwcr was negative , That the free agent in eleding doth not always 
 
 choofe what is beft or molt convenient , in his judgement. He affirmeth that I fay 
 
 A man may *^'»* ^ ^«' -* probable opinion , Nay I faid it was probable at the Icaft : and if he 
 
 win'contiary prefs me farther , I fay it is but too evident. Otherwife there (hould be no fin 
 
 tothediaate againft confcience, for what is confcience but the praCiica I judgment , ordinate 
 
 ofreafon. ofreafon^ concerning things to be done ^ or to be punned^ here and noip , reitb thefe or 
 
 thofe circunjjiances. And fuch a man is truly ivnv.»r<ixeA-nc condemned by himlelf. A 
 
 man who hath two diflies of meat fet before him , the one more agreeable to his 
 
 health , the other more pleafiiig to his palate, may, and, many times , doth choofe 
 
 the later and the worfe , his judgement at the fame time difallowing it. St.Faul 
 
 confeffeth that he had done that which he allowed mt. He faith it U impfljjthle for a man 
 
 Rom. f, 1$. *" ^'^^ ^^y thing which appear eth not firfl in his miderftanding to he good for bim. That 
 
 is very true, but it cometh not home. If he would fpeak to the purpofc, he fliould 
 
 fay , it is impolhble for a man to Will any thing which appeareth not in his 
 
 underflanding to be beft for him. But this isfalfe. As fuppofcone thing appear to 
 
 a man to be honelt , that is one Good ; another thing appeareth to be delightful , 
 
 that is another Good. Every man knoweth in his own judgement and confcience , 
 
 That that which is honelily Good,is better than that which is delightfully Good; yet 
 
 men often choofe pleafure before honef\y, their confcience at the fame time accufing 
 
 them for it, 
 
 I faid a man is bound to follow his confcience , as the lafl pra<f1:ical didate of 
 reafon. There is no doubt of if. The Scripture is plain. He that doubteth is dam- 
 U- 2 J. ^j^j jj-^^^ ^^^ ^ becaufe he eateth not of Faith , for whatfoever is not of faith ( that is to 
 fay , is not done upon a firtn refolution that it is Lawful ) is fm. Reafon is as 
 plain , all circumfiances muft concur to make an adtion Good , but one fingle de- 
 An erroneous fe*^ doth make it evil. The approbation of confcience is required to every good a- 
 confcience ftion , and the want thereof maketh it finful i not fimply in it felf, but to that pcr- 
 ibl'^eth firft ^^^ ^j. jj^^^ (jj^^_ y\c excepteth that a man ouaht net to follow the diCfate ofhismt- 
 then to follow derjtandtng when it K erroneouf. That is molt true with this Limitation , wherem it 
 it» is erroneous, or as it is erroneous. But there is.an expedient for this in Cafe-Divi- 
 
 nity, which I cafiiy believe he did never meet with. He who hath an erroneous con- 
 fcience is doubly obliged: firflto reform it, and then to followit: The didates of 
 right reafon ought ever to be followcd,and erroneous reafon ought efer to be reform- 
 ed,and made right reafon. I
 
 Prsco uRSEl I. Mr. HobsV Animadver^JGnS' §2< " 
 
 1 Uid due reafon was the true root of Liberty , that is plain ; The objedt of the /leafon is tli"" 
 Will is good , cither real or apparent. And a man cannot Will any thing as good, true root of 
 but that which he judgeth in bisunderltanding to be good. Nothing can affe<a'^'''"'>'* 
 that vvhich it doth not know. And therefore reafon mult of necelhty be the root 
 of Liberty. -This he taketh to be contradidory to what I fay lierc, That adlions 
 and objeds may be fo equally circumftantiated , or the cafe fo intricate , that rea- 
 fon cannot give a pofitive fentence , but Leaves the clc<aioa to Liberty or chance. 
 B>n> then ( faith he ) can a mxn Leave tbn to Liberty tvhen his reafon can give no fen- 
 tence ? And if by chance I mean that n>hich hath no caufes , I dejiroy Providence ■> if 
 that vohich hath cattfer , I leave it to necejjity. So where I fay That reafon cannot 
 give a pofitive fentence , he maketh me fay , that reafon can give no fentence. 
 There is a great difference between thefe two. The Judges name three men to the 
 Sheriffwick of a County •, here is a nomination or judgement , but not yet pofitive. 
 The King Picks one of thefe three, then the nomination or judgment is pofitive. 
 So reafon reprefenteth to the free agent , or the free agent judgeth in his under- 
 ftanding three means to obtain one end , either not examining , or not determining 
 any advantage which one mean hath above another. Here is an indefinite judge- 
 ment for three good means, though it be not pofitive for any one more than the red. 
 In this cafe tlie will or thcfree Agent choofeth one of thefe three means asgood,with- 
 oiit any farther examination which is beft. Reafon is the root of Liberty in repre- 
 fcnting what is good , even when it doth give no pofitive or determinate fentence 
 what is beft. I am neither fo vain to think there is any thing that hath a being , 
 which hath not caufes, nor fo ftupid on the other fide , as to think that all caufes 
 are neceflary caufes. Chance proceedeth neither from the want , nor from the ig- 
 norance, but from the accidental concurrence of caufes 
 
 His next charge is , "That it is falfe that anions may befo equally circumjlantiated that Aftions may 
 reafon cannot give a pofitive ( that is, a determinate ) je/jfe/jcf. Yet he confefTeth, equally be cir* 
 that in thefe things eleded , there may be an exzO: equality. If he did not con- cumf^anciated, 
 fefs it, it is moli evident in it felf , as appeareth in my former inftance of two 
 Plaifters of equal virtue : or if he pleafe in two pieces of gold of the fame (lamp , 
 Weight , and alloy , fent toone man upon condition to choofe the one, and leave 
 ■the other. He judgeth them both to be good , and is not fuch a fool as they are 
 who fay , that he would hang in a perpetual equilibrium^ and could choofe neither, 
 for want of determination , which was beft. Therefore he choofeth one of them, 
 without more to do. But he faith , there may he circumftancesin him that is toekCiy 
 that he do not ff end time in vain, or loofe both. It is true , ther are reafons to-move 
 him to eled , becaufe they are both good , but there are no reafons to move him to 
 cleft the one rather than the other , this rather than that , or that rather than this , 
 but onely the will of him that elefteth , all things being fo equally circumftantia- 
 ted , that reafon can give fentence for them both as good, but not for the one pofi- 
 tively and detej-minately , as better than the other. Whatfoever is good is the 
 objcft of the Will , though it be not always the beft. 
 
 I faid that reafon doth not weigh every indivdual objedlor adtion to the uttermofi 
 grain. He pleadeth in anfwer , 'True , but does it therefore follorv , a man gives nd 
 fentence ?' the rvill may follow the di&ate dfthe \udgement , whether the man weigh or not 
 weigh aV that might be weighed. I acknowledge it , but he miftaketh the fcope of 
 ^ my argument. The Lefs exactly that reafon doth weigh actions or objects, the Lefs, 
 exadlly it dothdetermin the free agent , but leaveth him as in a cafe of indilferency, 
 or having no confiderablc difference, to choofe what he will, as being not much ma- 
 terial , or not at all material, whether he choofe the one part or the other. 
 
 Pafjions and aff'edions (faith he ) prevail often agdinji IVifdom , but not againjl the Piliions oheti 
 judgement or diBate of the underlianding. "the will of a peevifh pajjionatefdol doth no ^^'^^^^^"^^^ 
 lefs follow the diilate of his widerfianding, than the will of a wifer man. He muft par- 
 don me , palfions prevail not onely againft Wifdom , but againft the dictates of 
 reafon. It was Medeas pallion which dictated to her , that to revenge her felf up- 
 on her Husband vvas more eligible than the Lives of her Children : Her reafon di- 
 ctated the contrary. 
 
 E e e c e 2 AH-
 
 826 
 
 Cajiigations of T O M E 1 1 T. 
 
 • Almdque cup do ^ 
 
 Mens al'mdfuadet \ video meliora proboque , 
 Veteroira fequor.^ 
 
 It was *>f. Peters fear , not his judgement , which di<3:atcd to him to deny his 
 Malicr. Every man is tetnpted when he u drawn afide of his oven Inft, not of his intel- 
 ^am. 1.13. ledual judgment, j^jcot did not curfe he mifunderftanding of Simeon 3nd Levi ^ 
 but their pallion. Curjed be their an^(r , for it was fierce , and their wrath for it was 
 cruel. As the Law is filcnt among arms , Co is realbn filcnt among pallions. Paf- 
 fion is like an unruly PaflcTgcr which thrufts reafon away from the rudder for the 
 timr. Therefore they ufe to fay that the Dominion of rea(bn , or of a reafonable 
 man , over his fcnlltive appetite, is not dcfpotical, Like the Government of a Ma- 
 iler over his flave , but political like that of a Magiftratc over the people , which is 
 often difturbcd by feditious tumults and Rebellions. Pallion is an Eclipfe of reafon 
 a fliort madnefs, the Mefamorphofis of a man into a Wild beaft that is goared , 
 which runneth upon every thing that comes in her way without confideration , or 
 like a violent torrent dcfcending down impetuoufly from a Aeephill , which bear- 
 eth down all refpedls before it , Divine and human. Whileft paffion is at the 
 height, there isno room for reafon, nor any ufe of the didates of the undcrftand- 
 ing , the mind for the time , being like the Cyclopian cave", where no man heard 
 what another faid. 
 
 The Laft part of this Sedion is liot concerning the fortunes of ^/i-*, but the 
 wtighing of avhorfe-load of feathers ^ a Light and trivial fubjed, wherein there 
 is nothing, but a contempt of School- terms without any ground, bold affirmations 
 without any proof, and a continued detradion from the dignity of the human na- 
 ture, as ifareafonabk man were not fo confiderable as a Jack-daw. When God cre- 
 ated man , he made him a mean Lord under himfelf, to have dominion over all his 
 ^T ^h^ L^d ^'^^^^"res, and put alt things infubjeSion under his feet. And to fit him for this com- 
 of iIk ^ crca- ^^.nd , he gave him an intclledual foul. But T. K maketh him to be in the difpofl- 
 tur«. t'on of the lecond caufesjfometimes as a fword in a mans hand,ameer padive inftru- 
 
 jPial.S. tf. i mentj fometimcs like a top that is Laflit hither and thither by boyes , fometimes like 
 a foot-ball , which is kicked hither and thither by everyone that comes nigh it, and 
 hereto a pair of fcales , which are prelTed down now one way , then another way 
 by the weight of tlie objects. Surely this is not that man that was created by God 
 after his own Image , to be the Governour of the World , and Lord and Mafter of 
 the creatures. This is fome man that he hath borrowed out of the beginning of an 
 Almanack, who is placed immoveable in thcmiddft of the twelve Signs, as fo ma- 
 ny fecond caufes. If he offer to flir, j4ries is over his head ready to pufh him , and 
 TauriK to goar him in the neck, and Leo to tear out his heart, and Sagitarius fo fhoot 
 an arrow in his thighs. 
 How tlic Yet he tells us boldly. That m man can underfiand that the underfianding makgth «• 
 
 underflandiDg jy, alteration of weight or Ughtnejs in the ohjeli i or that reafon layes objects upon the 
 Kfl" their ° ' ""^^^r^^nding. What poor triffling is this in a thing fo plain and obvious to every 
 proper mans capacity ? There can benodefire of that which is not known in fome fort i 
 
 weight. Nothing can be willed but that which is apprehended tobegood cither by ;reafonor 
 
 fenfe , and that according to the degree of apprehenfion. Place a man in a dark 
 room , and all the rarefi objects in the World befides him , he feeth them .not , he 
 diftinguifheth them not , he willeth them not. But bring in a Light and he feeth 
 them, and diftinguifheth them, and willeth them, according to their diftinct worths. 
 That which Light is to vifible objects , making thofe things to be actually feen , 
 which were only potentially vifible , that is , the underf^anding to all intelligible 
 objects , without which , they are neither known nor willed. Wherefore men de- 
 fine the under/landing to be a faculty of the reafonable Soul, underftanding, kotowing, and 
 judging ah imelligible things. The underfianding then doth not alter the weight of oh- 
 jtOs , no rnore than the Light doth change the colours , which without help ofthe 
 Light, did Lie hid in the darkj But the Light makes the colours to be actually 
 feen . So doth tlie underftanding make the Latent value of intelligible objects to be 
 apprehended , and confcquently maketh them to be defired and willed according to 
 their diftinct degrees of Goodnefs. This judgmejit which no nun ever denied to 
 
 in- 
 
 i
 
 Discourse. I I Mr HobsV Animadverfions. g^^i 
 
 intelligible creatures , is the weighing (.fobjeds, or attributing their juft weight to " 
 
 them, and the trying of them as it were by the balance and by the Touchltone. 
 This is not the hying ufohje&s upo,t the underjhueJittg. The underftanding is not the 
 patient but the judge, but this is the rcprcfcnting of the goodnefle or badnefle or" 
 obieds to the will, or to the free Agent willing , which relatively to the will , giveth 
 them all their weight and efficacy. 
 
 There may be difference bet weentheic two propofitions , Kepentance it not volm- 
 txry ^ aftdbyconfeqiience proceedeth jromcjujes; A.nd Repentance proceedeth from caufer, 
 And by coitfequcnce is nm voluntary-, it his confcquence were well intelligible, as it is not: 
 Al! ads both voluntary and involuntary doc proceed from caufes. He chargeth me to 
 have chopt in thefe words [ And therefore. ] The truth is, his words were, and by 
 confeqnence^ which I exprefled thus j_ and therefore. ] Iherefore and by confeqtience are 
 the very fame thing, neuher more nor lelfe. Is not this a doughty exception ? But the 
 other is his greater errour. That Repentance is not voluntary. No Schooleman ever 
 faid that th; faculty of the will was voluntary , but that the Agent was a voluntary 
 Agent , and tlie adt a voluntary ad:. 
 
 He accufeth me of cha tiding him with Blafphemy and Atheifme Ifhe be wronged ^^fligations 
 in that kind, it is he who wrongeth himfelf by his fufpicion. Spreta exolejcmt i "f the Ani- 
 fi irjfcare ^agnita vidattur. I accufed him not either of Blafphemy or Atheifme, in' "'■^dverfojts 
 the Concrete. One may fay a mans opinions are Blafphemous and Atheiltical in'the Num, 24. 
 Abftrad, without charging the perfon with formal Atheifme or Blaphemy. The 
 reafon is evident, becau la it may be , that through prejudice he doth not fee the con- 
 fequences, which other rnen, whofeeyesare not blinded with that mift ,do fee 
 and ifhe did fee them, would abhor them as well as they. For this reafon, he who S'^fpfimyin 
 chargeth one with fpeaking or writing implictie contradiftions , or things incon- ^^'\^^^^'^ ■, 
 fiftent one with another , doth not prefcntly accufe him of lying, although one part cretc differ °°' 
 of a contradidion muft needs be falfe,becaufe it may be the force of theconfequence much. 
 is not evident to him. 
 
 A man may know a truth certainly, and yet not know the formal reafon or the Amanmay 
 manner of it (o certainly. I know that I fee , and I judge probably how I fee i yet '«"°"'.a truth 
 the manner how I iee , whether by fending out beams, or by receiving in the """°'y» V 
 fpecief , is liot fo evident as the thing it felf , that 1 do fee. They who do not agree °°"<"ow 
 about the manner of vifion, do all agree about the truth of vifion.Every man know- 
 eth certainly , that he can caft a flone up into the air , but the manner how the 
 ftone is moved after it is ftparatcd from the hand , whether it be by fome force , or 
 form , or quality impreifed into the itone by the cafter, or by the air ; and if it be 
 by the air , whether if be by the pulfion of the air following, or by theccllionof 
 theformerair, is obfcure enough, and not one ofa thouland who knoweth the cer- 
 tainty of thething, knoweth the manner how it cometh to paffe. If this betrue in 
 natural anions , how much more in the adtions of God , who is an infinite being, 
 and not comprehenfible by the finite wit of man ? The water ca.i rife no higher 
 than the fountains head : A looking-glafle can reprefent the body, becaufe there 
 isfome proportion between bodies i but it cannot reprefent the foul , becauie there 
 is no proportion between that which is material, and that which is immaterial. 
 This is the reafon why we can in fome fort apprehend what (hall be after the end of 
 the World,becaufe thefoule is eternal that way; but if we do but think of what was . 
 before the begining of the World , we are as it were prefently fwallowedup in- 
 to an Abyffe, b:caure the foul is not eternal that way. Sol know that there is 
 true liberty from necellity , both by Divine Revelation , and by reafon , and by ex- 
 perience. I know like wife that God knoweth all events from eternity j the difficulty 
 is not about the thing , but about the manner, how God doth certainly know things 
 free or contingent , which are to come in rcfpcd of us, feeing they are neither deter- 
 mined in the event it felf , nor in the caufes thereof^ The not knowing oftheman- 
 ner,which may be incomprehenfible to us , doth not at all diminifh tlie certain truth 
 of the thing. Yet even for the manner fjndiywayes are prdpofed , to fitisfie the 
 curiofities rather than the confclences of man. Of which this is one way which I 
 mentioned. It were a great madneiTc torejrdla certain truth, becaufe there may 
 be fome remote difficulty about the minnerjani yet agreatcr inadnefle for avoiding 
 
 yet 
 
 the
 
 gTg Cajiig ations of TOME 1 11 ^ 
 
 ^^dklTcra-u^Ic, to~deitro7jl^ the-am^^ of God, which is by confequence 
 to deny God himfeir. His proof of necellity drawn from Gods eternal know- 
 ledge of all events , hath been fufficiently difcuiTed and fatisfied over and 
 
 I pleaded that my dodrine of liberty is an ancient truth generally received", 
 ?^libmT'"n His opinion of uni verfal necellity,an upftart paradox,and all who own it may be writ- 
 aacicm rrutir, ten in a ring. So 1 aman old poffeffor ,he is but a new pretender. He anfwereth 
 That be if in pojjefion of a truth derived to him from the light ofreafon : ^rtd it is an un- 
 hattdfome thing, for a man to derive hit opinion concerning truth byfuccejjion from his Ance~ 
 dor. I anfwer , That iuft polTellion is either by law, or by prcfcription. I have 
 allJavvs Divine and Humane, Ecclefiaflical and Civil, and a prefcription of two 
 thoufar.d years , or at Icalt , ever finceChriftianity came into the World, for liberty. 
 His opinion of univerfal Deliiny , by reafon of a neceffary connexion of the ftcond 
 caufcs , was never the general , nor the common , nor the current opinion of the 
 World, and hath been in a mani7er wholly buried for fixteen hundred years , and 
 now is firfl; conjured out of its grave by him , to difturb the World. If this be juft 
 pofleiiicn, an Highway-robber may plead pofleffion fo foonas ever he hath ftripped 
 an honert Traveller. It is not onely no unhandfom thing , but it is a mofl: comely 
 and commendable thing , for a man to derive his religion by the univerfal approba- 
 tion of the Chriftian World , from the purcft Primitive Times throughout all ages , 
 and never to deviate further, from the fteps of his Anceflors, than they had firft 
 degenerated from their predecelTors. And where he telleth us , That thefrfi Chri- 
 flians did not derive Chrijiianityfrom their Jncejiours, It is Very true , But very ifnper- 
 tinent. For they had not their religion from their own invention or prefumption , 
 as he hath his opinions , but by Divine Revelation, confirmed with miracles: when 
 he is able to produce as authentick proof for his Paradoxes , as they did for their 
 religion, he fayeth fomthing. 
 
 That whichhe calleth my fcurrilous argumentation /jf that drinkj well ^Jleeps rt>eU 
 &c. is none of mine ,but a common example ufed in Logick , to (hew the weaknefle 
 of fuch forms of arguings as his is, when the dependance is not neceffary and eflen- 
 tial , but contingent and accidental i as it is in his argument here. All actions arc 
 from God by a general power, but not determinately. The like contingent con- 
 nexion there is between aSion anifenfe, fenfe and memory, memory and eledion. 
 This is enough to (hew the weaknefTe of his argument. But he hath one main fault 
 more, he hath put more in the conclufion than there was in the premifTes. 
 will He fayeth, If by liberty J had underliood onely liberty ofaUion,and not liberty of 
 morerecon- t^HI ■, it had been an eafe matter to reconcile it rcith prefctence and the decrees vf God. I 
 ftlablewith anfwer firft. That liberty of adion , without liberty of will , is but a mock liberty , 
 prefciencc ^^d a new nothing , like an empty bottle given to a Child to fatisfie his thir(>. 
 thin Liberry -^^ere there is no liberty to will , there is no liberty to adt , as hath been formerly 
 demonftrated. Secondly, The liberty to will is as reconciliable with the prefcience 
 and decrees of God as the liberty to adt. Gods decrees do extend atlalt as much to 
 adtingasto willing. Thirdly, This liberty of afting , without a liberty of willing 
 is irreconciliable , with all the other attributes of God his truth , his jultice, his 
 goodnelTe , and his power, and fetteth the decrees of God in oppofition one with 
 another. How (hould a man have a liberty to adt , and have no liberty to will , 
 when he cannot adt freely except he will freely , becaufe willing is a neceiTary caufc 
 or means of adding ? That which followeth about Gods afpedt and intuition , is 
 meerly a contention about words , and fuch words , as are received and appovcd by 
 all Authours. Gods intuition is not of the fame nature with oursi we poor Creatures 
 do (iand in need of organs, but God who is a pure (imple infinite eflencc , cannot 
 be made prefedler by organs , or accidents. Whatfoever he feeth or knoweth, 
 hefeethorknovvethby his elTencc. The le(re T. H. underftood the tcxms oi Afped 
 and Intuition , the more apt he was to blonder them. 
 , ... Ktp^e^deth ^ If liberty canmt (iand tvithnecrffjty , it cannot liand tpitb 'the Jecreei of 
 of God is the ^"'^ ■> "Z**'^^^*^^' dfcrees}iecr(Jity''is a confequent. And be citeth (bme body without name, 
 nccdfityofall who faid *Vk will of God is the necefity of all things. I deny his confequence. Liberty 
 thing*. is conliftent with Gods deci'ccs-, though it be not oonfiftent with univerfal neceflity. 
 
 the
 
 Dr. SCOURGE II. Mr. Hob's Ammad'verpons^ g^o 
 
 The reafon is phin , becaufe Liberty is a confequent of Gods decrees as well as nc- 
 celiiry. He who (M rh^i the roiU of God rv:ts the neceftty of aU things ^ was St. /^«- D'.Gen , ad 
 Jihi. I wilh he woiikl (land to his judgenicnt , or to his fenfe of thole words. The Ut I- ^- c.\ 5- 
 meaning of thofe Words is not that God doth Will,that all things fliould be necef- 
 fary. But that whatfoever God doth Will , that mull necelTarily be. If he will 
 have all things necelLry, then all things muft be necefTary, If he will have all things 
 free, then all things muft be free : If he will havefome things necelTary , and fome 
 things free, then fome things muft be necelTary, and fome things free. When God 
 formed man of the dull: of the carthi lie might have formed either a child or a man 
 but whether he (liould be formed the one or the other , it rvai not in the condition of 
 the Creature^ but in the pleafure of the Creatnr^whofe vciU is the necefftty of things . What 
 doth this concern the Liberty of man ? Nothing. It concerned him more to have 
 undcrllood St. y^«jii)7j diftindion , between Gods Will, and his prefcience in the 
 fame place, What God veilkth (hull neceffarily be ^ (that is according to an abfolute 
 antecedent neceliity ) What Godforekiotvs (hall truly be , ( that isonely by a necelli- Itid^. d 
 ty of Infallibility ) I might produce the whole World againft him in thiscaufe. But 
 becaufe he renounced Humane authorities , I have been fparing to allcdge one tefti- 
 mony againft him. But to free St. Aiiiiin from all fufpicion of concurring , in fuch 
 a defperate caufe, I will only cite one place of an hundred , Neither is that neceft- DeCivit Dd 
 tyto be feared, which the Stoick^ fearing , were careful to diftinguijh the caufes of thinas c. 5. c- 10, ' 
 /(', that fome they fubJiraHed from necefftty, fome tbeyfubjeded to necefftty. And in thofe 
 rrhich they vpould not have to be under necefftty , tkey placed our wills, kafl they {hould 
 not be free if they were fub)(Ued to necefftty. For if that be to be called our neceffity^which 
 is not in our power , but effedeth what it can although we will not, fuch as is the necef ^'^*^'^ '^ '° 
 fiiy of death : it is as maniftft that our wills , whereby we live well or ill , are not under [ndTo" permit 
 fuch a necefftty , &c. Here he may Hnd the two forts of neceliity , which we have barely 
 had fo much contention about , the one in our power, which is not oppofed to 
 Liberty : the other not in our power, that is an antecedent cxtrinfecal neceliity 
 which deftroyeth Liberty : but he faith that it is manifeft , that our wills are not 
 fubjed to fuch antecedent neceliity. Here he may fee that his friends the Stoicks 
 the great patrons of neceliity, were not for univerfal neceliity as he is, nor did 
 countenance neceliity to the prejudice of the Liberty of the will. 
 
 Onely to permit , and to permit Liberty, do not fignlfie the fame thing in this place. 
 Onely to permit, is oppofed to ading : to permit barely , is oppofed to difpofing. 
 There are many things which God doth not ad , there is nothing which God doth 
 not difpofe. He adeth good , permitteth evil , difpofeth all things both good and 
 evil. He that cutteth the banks of a River , is the adive caufe that the Water flow- 
 eth out of the Channel : he that hindreth not the ftrcam to break the banks when 
 he could , is the permillive caufe •, And if he qpake no other ufe of the breaking 
 out , it is nuda permifio, bare pcrmilCon , but if he difpofeth and draweth the Wa- 
 ter that floweth out by furrows , to Water the Medows, then though he permit it 
 yet he doth not barely permit it, but difpofeth of it to a farthergood. So God on- 
 ly permitteth evil, that is , he doth it not , but he doth not barely permit it, becaufe 
 he difpofeth it to good. 
 
 Here he would gladly be nibling at the queftions, whether Univerfals be nothing 
 but onely words, Noshingin the World, faith he, if general ^ but the fig^nifi cations of 
 words and other figns. Hereby affirming unawares, that a man is but a word, and 
 by confcquence , that he himfelf is but a titular, and not a real man. But this que- 
 flion is altogether impertinent in this place. We do not by a general influence un- 
 derftand fome univerfal fubrtance or thing, but an influence of an indetemiinatc 
 power , which maybe applied either to good or evi{. The influence is a lingular 
 ad , but the power communicated is a general , that is , an indeterminate power 
 which may be applyed to ads of feveral kinds. If he deny all general power in this 
 fenfe, he denieth both his own reafon, and his common fenfe. 
 
 Still he is for his old crrour , that eternity is a fuccellive everlafting duration, ^"''""y" "^ 
 But he produceth nothing for it , nor anfwcrjth to any thing which I urged againft '"'^5^'''''"^ ■*"" 
 it, that the eternity of God is God himfelf, that if eternity were an evcrlalling du- ""°''' 
 ration , theii there fhould be fucceilion in God i then there lliould be former and 
 
 later
 
 830 
 
 Cajii^ations of TOME HI, 
 
 latter pall and to come, and a part without a part in God v then all things fliOLild 
 not be'prefcnt to God'i then God (hould lofe fomthing, namely, that which is pair, 
 andacquircfbmethingnewly,namely,that which is to come: and fo Gud, who is 
 without alipjdow of change , (hould be mutable, and change every day. To this he 
 is fiknt , and lilence argueth confent. 
 
 He faith "Ihufe many other tvays tvhich are propofed by Divines for reconciling eternal 
 ' prefcience with Liberty and aintmgency are propofid in vain, if they mean the fame Liber- 
 
 ty and contingency that J do^for truth and erroitr can never be rtconciled: I do not won- 
 der at his rtiew of confidence, The declining fun maketh longer Ihadowes , and 
 when a Merchant is nearcfl breaking, he maketh the faircrt (hew, to pr^fcrvc his 
 reputation as Long as may be. He faith he ]t^ioroeth the Loadjhne hath nu fitch attra- 
 Ciive power. 1 fear fliortly he will not permit us to fay that a Plailler or a planraine 
 Lcafdraweth. what doth the Loadllone then , if it doth not draw? He h^iorveth 
 that the Iron cometh to it , or it to the Iron. Can he not tell whether ? This is woric 
 than drawing , to make Iron come or go. By potentiality he undcrflandeth power 
 or might : others underlland poUibility or indetermination. Is not he likely to con- 
 fue iheSchoolmcnto good purpofe.? 
 
 Whereas 1 faid that God is not juft , but juftice it felf, not eternal, but eternity 
 why God is '^ ^"^1^' He telleth me , That they are unfeenily words to he faid of God , be will not fay 
 faid to be ]\i- blafphemour and Aiheiftical , that Cod k not juj,} , that he if not eternal. Ido not fear 
 fticeitfclf,&c. that any one Schollar, or any one underftanding Chriftian in the World, fhould 
 be ofhis mind in this. If I fliould fpend much time in proving of fuch known truths , 
 approved and cltablifhed by the Chrillian World , I fhould (hew my felf almoft as 
 weak as he doth fliew himfelf, to talk of fuch things as he underftandeth not in the 
 leaft, to the overthrowing of the nature of God , and to make him no God. If 
 his God have accidents , ours hath none j If his God admit of compofition and di- 
 villon, ours is a fimple effence. When we (ay God is not juft, but jurtice , not 
 wifebut wifdom , doth he think that v/e fpeak of moral virtues ? or that we dero- 
 gate or detrad from God ? No , we afcribe unto him a tranfcendental juflice, and 
 wifdom, that is not comprehended under our categories , nor to be conceived per- 
 fedtly by humane reafon. But why doth he not attempt to anfwer the reafons which 
 I brought, That that which is infinitely perfcdi , cannot be further perfected by 
 accidents. That God is a (imple e(rence, and can admit no kind of compodtion i 
 That the infinite elfence of God canaft fufficicntly without faculties » Thatit con- 
 fiikth not with divine perfedlon to have any paliive cr receptive powers. I find 
 nothing in anfwer to thefc , but deep filencc. Atttributes are names i and juftice 
 and wifdom are moral virtues : but the juflice , and wifdom, and power, and eter- 
 nity , and goodneffe , and truth of God, are neither names nor miOral virtues, 
 but altogether do make one eternal c(rence , wherein al! perfcdtions do meet in an 
 infinite degree. It is well if thole words of our Saviour do efcape him inhisnext 
 loh lA. 6. Animadverfions , 1 am the truth , Or St. ?aul from making Veum d.n^Deitatem , God 
 Aft! 17.' ak and the God-head or Deity, to be all one v Or 5o/(?7W(?« for pcrfona ting God under 
 prov.8.& 9. thenameof Wifdom in the abfbad. 
 
 To prove eternity to be no fucceliive duration , but one Indivifible mom.ent. I 
 
 argued thus : The divine fubftance is indivifible, but eternity is the divine fub- 
 
 ,. ... (lance. In anfwer to tliis in the firfl place, he denyeth the Maior , That the 
 
 ^f^Jc '° ' divine fubftance is indivifible. If he had not been a profefTed Chriftian, but a 
 
 plain Stoick, I (hould not have wondred fo much at this anfwer, for they held 
 
 that God was corporal. If the divine fubftance be not indivifible, then itismate- 
 
 riate , then it is corporal , then it is corruptible, then -the Anthropomorphites had 
 
 reafon to attribute humane members to God. But the Scriptures teach us better , 
 
 ]ohn. 4.14 and all the World confenteth to it , That God is a Spirit, that he is immortal and 
 
 I. Tim 1. 1 1, invifibli , that he dweVeth in light which no man can approach unto, whom no man 
 
 hathfeen , nor can Jee. It is inconfiftent with the nature of God to be finite > 
 
 It is inconfiftent with the nature of a body to be infinite. The fpeculations of Phi- 
 
 lofophers,who had onely thelightof rea(bn,werenotfogro(r, who made God to be a 
 
 moll fmple effence , or fimplicity ltCe\f,z\\ matter, which is the original of divifibility, was 
 
 created by God,and therefore God himfelf cannot be material nor divifible. 
 
 Secondly.
 
 Discourse I I. Mr. Hob''s Afiimadz/erp&nf. S21 
 
 Si-condjy he denyeth the mmor. That the Eternity ot" God is the Divine Tub- God is eternity 
 ftancc ; I proved it from that generally received rule, rphatfoever it in Cod U God.'^^^^^^ 
 His anfwer is, That this rule hah beenjdid by fame men^ thousjjnby no man i jar n>hat- 
 Joever is thought is underjiood. Said by fonne men > Nay, faid and approved by all 
 men, that ever had occafion to difcourfe upon this Subjedt, and received without 
 contradiction as a received principle of Theology. They wfio fav azainlt it 
 do, Wittingly or unwittingly , dettroy the Nature of God. That which follow- 
 eth is equally prefumptuous , 'thought by no man i for rvhatfoever is thought is un- 
 derjiood. It was too much to ceiifure all the Schoolmen for Pies or Parrots 
 Prating what they did not underlhnd. But to accufe all Learned Chriftiaos of all 
 Communions, throughout all ages, who have cither approved it or not contra- 
 didcd it , of not underllanding themfelves, is too high an infoletice. God being 
 an infinite efllnce , doth intrinfecally include all perfcdlion, and needeth not to 
 have his defers fupplyed by accidents. 
 
 where I fay to day all eternity is coexiflcnt with this day , and tomorrow allc- 
 ternity will be cocxilknt with to morrow ■•> he inferreth. It if tpell ^that his eternity 
 if notv come from a nuncjians to be a nunc fluens ^ flowing from this day to to morrnip^ 
 It werebctter , ifhe would confcfs that it is a mcer deception of his fi^ht Like 
 that of frcfli- water Paifengers when they come hrl1: to Sea , temcque urbefque rece- 
 dttnt , who think the ihoar Leaveth them , when they Leave the fhore. It is time 
 that rioweth and movcth , not eternity , 
 
 Non ieOuf Cymham, tellurem cymba relinquit. 
 To conclude this point of etcrni'y and this Sedion, God gave Himfelf this name, Exod » ij. 
 / am that I j»M,tolhew the truth,the limplicity, the independence,and immutability of 
 his cflencev wherein there is neither /«« nor m^hath been, nor fhallbe.but onely pre- 
 fent, lam. Eternity, onely Eternity is truely fimply, independently, immutably. 
 
 His rirll contradidionshavebeen handled before , whither I lefer the Pveadcri but 
 becaufe he exprefleth his fenfe more clearly her; than there , I will take the Liber- Nam 8. 
 ty to add a few words. I charged him with contradidions,in making voluntary to Caiiigations 
 prefuppofc deliberation, and yet making many voluntary ads to be without delibc- "f the Aiti- 
 ration. He diftinguifheth between deliberation , and that rvhich Jhall be conlirucd /or msdverfions, 
 deliberation by a Judge. Some voluntary ads are rafh and undeliberate in themfelves^ yet Num. 25. 
 the Judge judgeth them to be deliberate, bicaufe they ought to have deliberated^ ^k^ ^f^^fajudcc 
 had time en ugh to deliberate, whether the adion were Lawful or not. Firfl , This an- /nd^rb^ ^° ^\ 
 fweris a meer fubterfuge.The queltion between us is not what aftions are pun ilh able impcma-nc. 
 by Law, and what are not,but what is deliberation in its own nature,and whether all 
 voluntary actions be deliberate or not j not in order to a trial before a Judge, but in 
 order to the rinding out of the truth. 
 
 Secondly, Many of thefe ra(h adions do imply no crime. Nor are cognofcible 
 before a Judge , as tending onely to the Agents particular prejudice, or perhaps no 
 prejudice but advantage. In all thefe cafes , the fentence of the Judge cannot help 
 to reconcile his contradiction. 
 
 Thirdly, The ground of his diftinction is not true. The Judgedoth not always 
 Judge of fuch ra(h acts to be deliberate acts, but judgeth them to have been inde- ... «- 
 liberate acts, whenfoevcr he hndeth them to have been juftly deltitute of all man- onUiii. 
 iier of deliberation. From whence did arile the well known dilHnction between 
 Manllaughtcr and wilful Murder in our Law. Murder comjnitted upon actual de- 
 liberation is held to be done malicioufly, \_ex mslitiajua ]] But if it proceed out of 
 fuddain pallion, it is found onely Manllaughter. The fame equity is obferved in 
 the judicial Law. He who did kill ^nothct Juddainly tpithout enmity , was allowed 
 the benefit of the City of refuge. 
 
 Laftly, In many cafes thejudge cannot Judge that the agerft had fufficient time Nutn 35 
 to deliberate, nor that it was his fault that he did not deliberate, for really he had 
 not futficien: time to deliberate. And where he talketh that //;e Judge fuppofeth al/ A man canuot 
 the time after the makin,r of the Law to have been time of deliberation, he erreth molt veklihe. 
 pitifully. There needeth Little or no time to deliberate oftiie Law. AH the need of ''"' i'^!!^'^^'^ 
 deliberation is about the matter of fad , and the circu:fifiances thereof, as for evemsi"*"^ 
 
 F f f f f examp!»
 
 ^11. 
 
 CaPii^ratiofJs of 
 
 TOMEllL 
 
 Num ? ?. 
 Num. 8- 
 
 example. "^A (uddain affront is put upon a man , which he did rotexpe<ft, ncr 
 could pcllibly imagin , fuch as he apprehendcth , that flefh and blood cannot en- 
 dure, and conceiveth himreUingaged in honour , to vindicate it forthwith. This 
 is that which required doliberation, the nature and degree of the affronts the bell 
 remedies how to procure his own reparation in honour , the inconveniences that 
 may arile from a fuddain attempt, and the advantage which he may make of a 
 little forbearance, with all the circumftances of the accidents. How could he pof- 
 fible deliberateof allthefc things, before any of thefe things were imaginable^ He 
 could neither certainly divine, nor probably conje<flure that ever fuch an accident 
 Hiould happen. And therefore it remaineth Hill a grofs contradidion in him , to 
 fay that vuhmtary altpays j'lt^^ofetb deliberation , and yet to confefs that many vohtnta- 
 ry aUt are tojde liberate. 
 
 whereas he faith , That hi altvay ufed the Tfiord fporttaneous in the fame fetife i He 
 
 •nuift excufe me if I cannot afTent unto it. In one place he telleth us , That i;/ 
 
 Spontaneity is meant inconsiderate proceeding , or elfe nothing if meant by it. In another 
 
 place, he telleth us, Th^t to give ommoney for Merchandize is a fpontaneom aUion. AJI 
 
 the world knoweth that to buy and fell, doth require conlideration. 
 
 He derineth Liberty to be the abfence of all extrinfecal impediments to aVtion: butex- 
 trinfecal caufes are extrinfecal impediments , and no man is free (according to his 
 grounds ) From the determination of extrinfecal caufes \ therefore no man is free 
 trom extrinfecal impediments. 
 
 His anfwcr is , That impediment or hinderance figttifieth an oppofitian to endeavour i 
 aytd anfequently extrinfecal caufes that tak^ arvay endeavour are not t» be called impedi- 
 ments. He is very feldome ftable to his own grounds , but i* continually interfer- 
 ing with himfelf. Now he telleth us that an impediment fignifieth an oppolition to 
 endeavour-, Elfevvhcre he telleth us, That a man that is tyed is not free to walk , 
 and that his bonds are impediments , without any regard to his endeavour* It 
 were meer folly for him to endeavour to walk , who can neither ftir hand nor foot. 
 This is not alh He telleth us farther , That an inveard impediment is not dejirtiQive 
 to Liberty , as a man is free to go though he be lame. And men do not fay , that the 
 river wants Liberty to ajcend, but the power ^ becanfe the rrater cannot afcend. And is 
 not want of endeavour intrinfecal , as Well as Lanicncfs ? Or did he ever heare <£ 
 a River that endeavoured to afcend up the Channel ? It is not true therefore that 
 •endeavour is of the eflcnce of Liberty , or that impediment always fignitieth oppo- 
 fition to endeavour. Laftly, extrinfecal caufes do not always take away endeavour, 
 but many times Leave men free to endeavour to obtain thofe things, which they ne- 
 ver do obtain. If extrinfecal caufes do take away all endeavours, but fuch as arc 
 fuccesful, then thfirc (hould never be any Labour in vain. It remaineth therefore 
 upon his own grounds, that extrinfecal caufes whenfoever they do not take avvay 
 endeavours , are extrinfecal impediments and dedroy Liberty. 
 
 He faith , One may deliberate of that rvhich is impoffihlefor him to do. True , if he 
 apprehend it as polfible , and judge it to be pollible » or other wife he is ftark mad 
 to deliberate about it. 7he flmtting of the door of the Tennif-court is no impediment in 
 play until a man have a will to play , and that is not until a man have a rcillto play^and 
 that if not until he have done deliberating. Yes , even in the adt of deliberation , the 
 finding of the door of the Tennis-court (hut, determineth the deliberation, chang- 
 cth the will , and may be the onely impediment which hindretli a man from play- 
 ing. One may have a Will to play before deliberation, fometimes more abfolute , 
 out of humor , than after. Many times the Lall judgment is conditional , as to 
 play if the door be open , and if the Court be not taken up beforehand i and if it be 
 (hut,or the place taken up , then to go to bowls , or fome other exercife. 
 
 ' Wherefbcver the judgment is fo indifferent , to do either this or that , or condi- 
 tional to do this upon fuch conditions , itisnot the deliberation, or the Laft judg- 
 ment that doth determin the Liberty of the free Agent , but leaveth him free to 
 choofe either part , or to fufpend his confent to both parts , pro re ftaia. So Liber- 
 ty may remain after deliberation is done. Although lie did not ufe thefe words,yf«- 
 fuive appetite, rational hope, raiionjl fear, irrational paffions, nor confound the terms of 
 fvff.ciency , and tffciency, or beginning of being, and beginning of rvorking.vzx. hemight 
 
 Endeavour is 
 not cf the 
 lefTcBceof 
 iberty 
 
 Num, 29 
 
 There may be 
 impediments 
 before delibe. 
 ration be done 
 
 An*l liberty, 
 when it is end 
 ed. 
 
 confound the thing whereof thefe tcims arc but KOtionsiand (b he doth. 
 
 All 

 
 Djs COURSE. 1 1. Mr. Hob,V Animadverftotif. oTZ 
 
 — — - — ^ ■ ._ 9 ^ t> 
 
 All men do underftand \ve!I enough what fecret fympathies and antipathies are '■ 
 except fuch as are captious , though men underftand not ufualiy why they are as 
 why one man gapeth at a cullard rather than at a pie , and runneth away from a cat 
 rather than from a martitf. When, 1 fay, it is thus far true, that the adion doth fol- 
 low the thought necelTariiy, ( namely in antipathies and violent palfions , which ad- 
 mit no deliberation. J He demandeih hotv jar it is falj'e ? I anfwer , It is falfe in or- 
 dinary thoughts , which are not accompanied with fuch violent pallions. A man 
 thinketh a tlioufand things in a day accidentally, which he never putteth in execu- 
 tion, nor fo much as thinkerh them worthy of deliberation. 
 
 No man would have denied that habits do facilitate anions, and render them 
 lefle difficult and cumberfime , and confequently more caiie and more free , but he 
 that meant to make himfelf ridiculous. He might even as \well tell us, That he who 
 gropeth in the dark for every ftcp,is as free to walk, as if it were fairc day-light , or 
 that a foundered horfe that is afraid to Humble every foot, is as free to go,as he which 
 is found,and goeth on boldly without fear. But all this abiafe groweth from the 
 mifunderftanding of liberty. I take it for a povver to ad or not to ad , and he taketh 
 it for an abfence of outward impediment*;. This confounding of words , and the 
 heaping together of Scholailical termcs with fcorn,becaufe he never underltood them, 
 are the chiefeft ingredients in his difcourfe. I am not afliamed of Mof/w/riwo primi^ 
 or judicium practice prjQicum , or aSiuf elicitus and imperatuf i But he hath great 
 rcafon to be afhamed of his fleighting them , which he would not do , but that he 
 never learned them, and fo would make a virtue of culpable necelfity. Hefaycth he 
 will not contend with one who can uk rrnnui prima primi. Sec. He is the 
 wifer , to have as little to do withSchollars as he can . Hisbeft play isin the dark 
 where there is no fencing. ' 
 
 We both agree that feme fudden undcliberatcd ads are juftly puniflied. His Some unddi- 
 rcafon is becaufe the Agent had time to deliberate from the inlhnt that he knew the berated ads 
 law , to the inftant of his adion. But I have iliewed the vanity of this rcafon, and "l^y ^f P"" 
 that it was impoilibk to deliberate of fudden affronts and injuries which could not "' ^ ^ • 
 beexpedcd or forefeen. But if the occurrences or accidents were fuch as were 
 forefecn , or whereofthe agent was premonifhed , and he did deliberateof themi 
 or if it was his own fault or improvidence that they werenot forefeen nor deliberated 
 of, then he is punifliable, becaufe his predeliberation about fome fuch accident as 
 might probably happen , was a virtual deliberation about this very ad, which did 
 afterward happen , though it were not then aded , but oncly expeded i or 
 becaufe he refufed or ncgledcd to fore-armc himfelf by deliberation againft a 
 furprife. 
 
 Here he cavilleth about termes of adual and virtual deliberation as his manner is. ^irrua.' de/i- 
 Jf virtual deliberation be not aduil dehberatioH^it is no deliberation ; Addiug thzt J call 
 Virtual deliberation^that which ought to have been and rt>as mt. Hemiftakcth the matter. 
 I call virtual deliberation a former deliberation about this very ad feared or expeded 
 out of providence or premonition , before it was aded ,orabcut fomea ft of the like 
 nature. So it was an adual deliberation i yet not about this very act. But it might 
 have fervcd to have prevented the Agents being furprifcd , and have had the fame 
 virtue as if ithad been an actual deliberation about this very accident. Did he never 
 Icarnnor hearc of the difiinction in Philofophy between contadus verm ^ and contadus 
 virtualis ^ true touching and virtual touching ? Tiue touching, when the fuperticies ■ 
 of two bodies are togerher , fo as they can move and be moved mutually. And 
 virtual touching , when the virtue (f one body doth extend it felf to another. As 
 it is between the Sun and the Earth , the Loadllone and the Iron, the hand of the 
 ^Cafter and the Stone moving upwards in the Aire. His argument holdethas much 
 in all the cafes as in this ofdcliberation. If virtual touching be not true touching , it 
 is no touching : And if virtual motion be not true motion, it is no motion. Khali 
 find Englifh enough at all times to anfwer him. 
 
 Concerning my infhnce which he fayeth , pleafantly , doth ftink to the nofeof 
 the uuderfianding , I defue liim onely to reade the riftcenth Chapter o[ Leviticus, children not 
 I am fure he dare not call that a liii king pafTage. - w" "hd '''lY 
 
 Hefaith The Biflj^p tv.iuld ,n.ik^ but a-t iH Judge of innoce'tt children. And t'lat he "" ^^""' 
 
 Ffffi 2 ' helpeth
 
 82^ Cafligat'wjs of TOME III. 
 
 "^ hopeth we JhaV never have~the Jdniinijiratiun nf publick^JujUce tn (uch hands as hu^ 
 or in the hands of fitch asjhall tak^ Connfel from him; Becaufe I faid that if a Child 
 before he have the Lift of reafon , ihall kill a man in his pailion , yet becaufe he 
 wanted malice to incite him to it , and reafon to retoain him trom it , he fhall not die 
 for it in the Itrid: rules of particular juliice , unlefs there be fome mixture of pub- 
 lick JLirtice in the cafe. 
 
 Si ego dignus hac contumelia 
 
 Sum maxime , at tu indignm qui faceres tamen. 
 If I dcferveda reproof, he was a raoft unfit man to be my reprover, who main- 
 taineth , That no Law can be unjiiU , That in the ftate of nature it was Lawful 
 for any man to kill another , and particularly, for Mothers to cxpofe or make a- 
 way their Children at their pleafure. Ita m ilium vel educare vel cxponerefiio arbi- 
 trio & jure posft. Ve Cive^ c,p.d.2. That Parents to their Children, and So- 
 vereigns to their fubjeds , cannot be injurious , whether they kill them or what- 
 foever they do unto 'them. But what is it that I have faid? I have delivered no 
 judgement or opinion of mine own in the cafe. Iknow what hath been pradlifed 
 by fome perfons , in fome places, at fome times. Iknow whatreafons have been 
 pretended for fuch practices. Sovereign Dominion. The Law of Retaliation , 
 Pfal. 137. 8. p. The common fafety , The fatisfa<ftion or contentment of per« 
 fons or tamilies injured. But if I have delivered any opinion of mine own , it 
 was on the contrary. Though I affirm not but that it may be fometimes Lawful 
 to puni(h Parents for adJs truly treafonablc in their pofterity with IcfTer punifh- 
 ments, as Lofs of Liberty, or the Lofs of the fathers eftate , which v/as atthetime 
 of the delinquency in the fathers power to difpofe, that they who will not forbear 
 to offend for their own fakes,may forbear for their pofterities fakes. Though I know 
 thepradiceofmanyCcur.tricSjCvenin this, to be otherwife.But for death, I know no 
 warrant.P/iM)/ obferveth of the Lion, that he preyeth firft upon men, more rarely upon 
 women,and not upon Children, except he be extremely preffed with hunger. 
 
 Private right and private juftice, is between particular men •, Publick right and 
 publlck jufticc , is either between Commonwealths, as in Forreign War, or be- 
 tween Commonwealths and Subjedt,', as in cafe of Lawgiving or Civil War. Ma- 
 ny things are Lawful in the way of publlck juftice , which are not Lawful in the 
 ,way of private Juttice. But this inquifition hath no relation to our prcfcnt contro- 
 verfic. My exception, exceptthere be fome mixture of public}{,p(Jiice in the cafe , is as 
 much as to fay, Unlefs there be fome thing more in the cafe, that doth near- 
 ly concern the fafetyoftheCommonwealth.lt is not impollible but before the ordina- 
 ry age of attaining to the perfed ufe of reafon , a Child may be drawn into very 
 treafonable atempts , fo far as to ac*t a miniikrial part. And in fuch cafes there is a 
 rule in Law, Malitia fupplet atatem. He hath confcffed here enough to fpoil his 
 caufe, if it were not fpoiled already. That rpant of reafon tak^s away both crime and 
 punijhment.and ma\eth agents innocent.U want of reafon doit, without doubt antece- 
 dent extrinfecal necellity doth much more do it. How then hath he taught us all 
 this while, That voluntary faults are ']ulily punifhahle though they he neceffary? A childs 
 fault may be as voluntary as a mans. How a child may juftly be put to death to 
 fatiifre a vorv^ or to fave a great number of people , ox for reafon of State , I know not. 
 This I do know , That it is not Lawful to do evil , that Good may come of it. 
 It feemcth by the Animadverllon which T, Hhath in this Sedion, wherein he 
 Cajhgations maketh , Confi deration , undtrjlanding , reafon, and all the pajjions ( oraffedions) 
 of the Ant- of the mind to he imaginations , And by fome other pafTages in this Treatife, where 
 y.adverfions ht znnhwttth to bees and ffiders , notonely eledion , but alfo art, prudence, policy. 
 Num. 26. very near equal to that of mankind : and where he denieth to man all dominion over 
 iVwmB the Creatures , making him like a top , or a football , or a pair of Scales, and hi'; 
 He knoweth cW^feft ditference from brute beads to confirt in his Language , aud in his hand ; and 
 no reafon but his Liberty to confift in an abfence of outward impediments, afcribing to brute 
 imzginaticn beaftsdeliberation , fuch as if it were conftant , there were m caufe to call men 
 more rational thanbeafis ; That he maketh the reafon and underftanding of men to 
 be nothing-elfc but refined and improved fenfe, or the fenfe of brute bcafls to in- 
 clude reafon. 
 
 It
 
 Discourse 1 1 Mr. Hobs*/ Animadz>er^tmS' g^^ 
 
 It was an old Stoical opinion, that the aifections were nothing clfe but imagi- 
 nations j but it was an olJ groiindiefs crrour. Imaginations proceed fron\ the 
 brain, affsdions from the heart. But to make reafonand underftanding to be ima- 
 ginations , is yet grolTer. Imagination is an a<ft of the fenfitive phantafie , reafon 
 and underlknding are proper to the intellectual Soul. Imagination is onely of par- 
 ticulars , reafon ot univerlals alfo. In the time of lleep or fome raging fit of fick- 
 nefs, wlicn the imagination is not governed by reafon , we fee what abfurd and 
 monflrous and inconlilknt (hapes and phar.lics it doth colled, remote enough 
 from true deliberation. Doth the Phylitian cure his Patient by imaginations > or 
 the Statesman Govern the Commonwealth by imaginations? or the Lawyer dcter- 
 min differences by imaginations ? are Logical arguments reduced into due form 
 and an ordinary method , nothing but imaginations ? Is prudence it felf turned to 
 imagination > And are the dictates of right reafon which God hathgiven as aLic»ht 
 to preferve us from moral vices , and to Lead us to virtuous actions , now become' 
 meer imaginations > We fee the underftaiding doth often contrary and corredt the 
 imaginations of fenfe. I do not blame the puzzled Scheol-men if tlieydiflented from 
 fuch newfangled fpcculations. 
 
 And the ground of all thefe vain imaginations is imagination , As any mm may 
 perceive as eafily as he can looh^into his own thoughts. His Argument may be thus re- 
 duced , That which we imagin is true, but we imagin all thefe to be imaginations 
 I deny both his propofitions. 
 
 Firll, Our imaginations arenot always true , but many timesfuch as are fugge- 
 ftcd to us by our Working phantafies upon fome fleight grounds , or by our fond 
 or deceitful inftrudters , or by our vain hopes or fears. For one Wlitington , that 
 found his imagination to prove true , When the Bells rang him back to his Mafter , 
 turn again Whitington , Lord Mayor of honAan^ a Thoufand havebeengroffely abu- 
 by their vain imaginations. 
 
 Secondly, No man can imagin any fuch thing , who knoweth the difference be- 
 tween the reafonable and the fenfitive Soul, between theunderftanding and the phan- 
 tafie, between the brain and the heart, but confident aflertions and credulity may 
 do much among fimple people. So we have heard or read of fome who were con- 
 tented to renounce their eye-fight , and to affirm for company , that they faw a 
 Dragon Hying in the air , where there was not fo much as a Butterflie , out of a 
 mannerly fimplicity , rather than to feem to doubt of the truth of that, which was 
 confirmed to them by the teftimony and authority of fuch perfons , whofe judge- 
 ment and veracity they efteemed. 
 
 We have had enough of his underfianding underflandeth , and mil n'ilktb, or too 
 much unlefs it were of more weight. What a ftir he maketh every other Sediorl 
 about nothing ? All the World are agreed upon the truth in this particular, and un ~ 
 derftand one another well. Whether they afcribe the ad to the Agent , or to the 
 form, or to the faculty by which he adeth, it is all one. They know that adi- 
 ons properly are of Jndividuums. But if an Agent have Loll his Natural power , 
 or acquired habit, C as we hear inftances in both kinds ) he will ad but madly.He 
 that lliall fay, that natural faculties , and acquired habits , are nothing but the ads 
 that How from them , That reafon and deliberation are the fame thing (he might as 
 well fay , that wit and difcourfe are the fame thing) defcrveth no other anfwer but 
 to be fleighfed. 
 
 That a man deliberating of fit means to obtain his defired end , doth confider the 
 means fmgly and fiiccejjively , there is no doubt. And there is as Little doubt , that 
 both the inquiry , and the refultor veredid , may fometimes be definite, or prc- 
 fcribe the bell means , or the oncIy means , and (bmetimes indefinite , determining 
 what means are good , without defining which are the beft, but leaving the elcdion 
 to the free Agent. Cjjiiaatiottf 
 
 I Do not know what the man would have done,butfor his trifling homonvmv „/'.;,^ 
 
 about the nam. of -"-'■■-'- r.. , .^ . , ^ ^J the ant- 
 
 the faculty and the 
 begin again with 
 ail only which he ca
 
 8:^6 
 
 Cajiigations of 
 
 TO Mb: III' 
 
 Num,iO- 
 
 of coacupi. 
 cencc. 
 
 Jam. 
 
 t. IS. 
 
 Cajiigatiom 
 of the Am- 
 madveafioni 
 Num. 28. 
 
 Oftheintel- 
 leftiial and 
 fenfirive appe- 
 tite 
 
 aiidfeeth not , nor bath for that time any fight , fo alfo he hath the pon>er if wihng , but 
 fvil'eth nothing, nor hath for that time any will. 
 
 ^tamum efi in rebm inane ? 
 
 What profound myftcries he uttcreth,to fhew that the faculty of willing , and the 
 adt of willing , are not the fan^.e things? Did ever any Creature in the World 
 think they were.'' And that the faculty doth not alwayes a<ft. Did ever any man 
 think it did? Let him leave thefe impertinencies, and tell us plainly, whether the fa 
 culty of willing, and the ad of willing, be not diftindf things i, And whether the 
 faculty of the will benot commonly called the will by all men but himfelf-, and by 
 himfelf alfo, when he is in his hicidx intervaVes. Heare his own confellion, To rril/, 
 to el(£i, to chufe , are all one , and foto rvill U here made an a& of the will i and indeed, 
 as the will if a faculty or power of a mansfoule, jo the rvill is an aQ of it according to that 
 popper. That which he calleth the faculty here, he calleth exprefly the wiUthere. Here 
 he will have but one will, there he admiteth two diftinCi wills. {_ to willu an a£i of 
 the ■will.'] Here he will not endure that the faculty fhould be the will , there he 
 faieth exprefly , That the will is a faculty. All this wind (haketh no Oates. 
 Whatfoever he faith in this Section , amounteth not to the Weight of one 
 graine. 
 
 If he had either known what concupifence doth fignifie , which really he doth 
 not , or had known how familiar it is ( both name and thing ) in the mofl modeli 
 and pious Authours , both Sacred, and prophane , which hedcth not know, he 
 would have been aftiamed to haveaccufed this expreffion,as unbecoming a grave per- 
 (bn.But he,who will not allow rrieto mention it once to good purpofe,doth take the 
 liberty to mention it fix times in fo many lines to no purpofe. There hath been an 
 old quertion between Roman- Catholickj and Froteftants , Whether concupifcence 
 without confent, be a fin or not. And herecometh hc,asbold as blind , to deter- 
 mine the difference, committing fo many errours , and fo grofle, in one {hort deter- 
 mination , that it is a (hamp to difpute with himi* fhrafhing thofe Dodtoursfoundly , 
 whom he profefleth to honour and adimire, not for ill will, but becaufe he never 
 read them. He maintaineth that which the Romanifts themfelves dodeteft,and 
 would be afliamed of; As firft , That concupifcence , without confent , isnofm, 
 contrary to all his much admired DoUours, Secondly , That there is no concupifcence 
 without confent, contrary to both parties, which we ufe to call the taking away thefub- 
 jedofthequeliion. Thirdly, Th-3it coHcupiJcence , with confent , may be lawful , cnnttz- 
 ryto all men. Though the Church of Rome do notefteemit to be properly a finne, 
 yet they clkem it a defed,& not altogether lawful, even without confent, much lefle 
 with confent. Fourthly, That concuftfcence makes not the fin ^ but the unlawfulneffe 
 offatisfyingjuch concupifcence ,(>r the defigneto projecute what he k.noweth tobe unlawful. 
 Which laft errours are fo grofTe, that no man ever avowed them before himfelfl 
 When luji hath conceived , it bringeth forth fin ,x.\\zX. IS, when a man hath confented 
 to the fuggelHon of his own fenfuality. Though he fcorn the School-men, yet he 
 fhould do well to advife with his Dodtors , whom he profefleth to ad mire , be- 
 fore he plunge himfelf again into fuch a Whirly-pool. 
 
 If I (hould give over the well known terms of the rational ot intelieUital will ^ fo 
 well grounded in nature fo well warranted by the authority and pradife of all good 
 Divines and Philofbphers , to comply with his humour or diftempered imaginations 
 I fliould right well deferve a Bauble. The intelledtual appetite, and the fenfitive appe- 
 tite, are both appetites, and in the fame man they both proceed from the fame foul, 
 but by divers faculties, the one by the intelledtual, the other by the fcnfitivei And 
 proceeding from feveral faculties , they do differ as much as if they proceeded from 
 feveral fouls. The fenfitive appetite isorganical, the intelledtual appetite is ino- 
 ganical i The fenfitive appetite followeth the judgement ofthefenfesi The intel- 
 ledtual appetite followeth the judgement of the underftanding : The fenfitive ap- 
 petite purfueth prefent, particular , corporal delightsi The-intelledtual appetitepur- 
 fueth that which is honeft , that which is future , that which is univerfal that which 
 is immortal and fpiritual. The fenfitive appetite is determined by the objcdt. It 
 cannot chufe but purfue that object which the fcnfes judge to be good , and flie that 
 which the fenfes judge to be evil). But the intellectual appetite is free to will, 
 
 or.
 
 ' Di.scouR.^E II. Mr. Hob's Annfiadverpons, S27 
 
 or nill, or fjfpend , and mayrejcft that which thefciiies (ay co he good , and purfue 
 that which the fenfcs judge to be evil , according to the dictate of reafon. 
 
 Then to anfwer what he faith in particular. 7he jppetite and the mil are not a!- 
 waycs the fame thing. Every will is an appetite , but every appetite is not a will. In- 
 deed inthefame man , appetite and will is the fame thin^. ( fecluding natural ap- Not the fame 
 petite which concerneth not this quelUon ) but the fenfitive appetite , and the in- ^^'^i' 
 telledlual appetite are not the fame thing, following feveral guides , purfuingfeveral 
 objeds, and being endowed with feveral privikdges. He demandeth whether >«- 
 fual men and beajisdo not d( liberate andchiife one thing b;fore another Jn th fame nature 
 that rvije men doe ? Although he hath found out abruitilh liind ofdeliberation i if we 
 take the word in the right fenfe , hearts cannot deliberate. Senfual men may de- 
 liberate , but do not deliberate as they ought. And by confequence hearts adt ne- 
 ceffarily , and cannot chufe : Senfual men dochufe, or may chufe, but do notchufe 
 as they ouglit , nor as wife men do. He faith it cannot be [aid of wills that one is ra- 
 tional, another fenfitive. Not very properly : but it may be faid of appetites That 
 one is rational , another fenfitive. And why not a rational will, as well asa ra'tional 
 difcourfc. The will ofa rational creature , rationally guided , is a rational will ; And 
 fo will be when we aredead and gon. 
 
 Heconcludetli , Jf it be granted that deliberation is alrpayes^Cdisk is not ) therewere •^" (Jclitera" 
 m caufe to call men rational more than beajis , for it is manifeji by continnal experience rb""°°n- 
 that beajis do deliberate. Such a deliberation as he phancieth is not worth conten- 
 ding for, good for nothing but to be thrown to the- Dogs, or the Swine, An alternate 
 imagination , alternate hope andfeare , an alternate appetite. Here is an heap of alternates 
 every one unlike another, and all of them as far dirtant from deliberation as reafon 
 is from fenfe. Imagination is feated in the head, fear and hope in the heart : Appe- 
 tite is neither the one nor the other. Yet this is all the deliberation, and all the rea- 
 fon which he attributeth to man i and he attributeth the ftme to bruit hearts but 
 iiot at all nmcs.Ifthey had this deliberation at dlltimes,thereno were caufe to call men ra- 
 tional more than beajis. So the difference between a man and heart is this. That man 
 or rather fomemen , are reafonabie Creatures at all times , thanks to their own in- 
 durtry : and bruit hearts are reafonabie creatures at fome, times. If he had faid that 
 fome men are but reafonabie Creatures at fome tjmes, Irtiould rather have believed 
 him for this difcourfe. 
 
 He is beholden to his Catachrertical expreflions, for all the^eft of his difcourfe 
 in this Sedion. I take Liberty tobe a power of the rational foule , or of the free A- 
 gent to chufe or refufe indifferently , upon deliberation. And he makefh liberty to 
 be jao more than the byas of a bowle, a rtrong inclination to one fide, affixed by 
 deliberation. And by this abufive expreflion he thinketh to avoid the two arguments 
 which vvcre brought againrt him in this Sedtion. 
 
 The former argument was this , If every Agent be necelhtated to ad what it doth His liberty . 
 act by extrinfcal caufes , then he is no more free before deliberation , than after no "uc liber; 
 which is demonftratively true of true liberty, but applying it to his new-fangled"^' 
 acccption of liberty i He anfwereth He is more free ,but he if no Icjje necejjitated. Yet 
 withal he confeffeth that he is nccelhtated to deliberate as he doth , and to will as he 
 doth ■■, That is to fay , He is necellitate to be free. This is a freedom ofa free rtone 
 not ofa free man. Ifthis be all the freedom whicli a man hath , we murt bid adieu 
 to all elcdiion. Then there is neither frcedonie of our will ,nor of our adions, more 
 than an inclination extrinfecaliy ncceflitatedA.nd then all thofeabfurdities which he 
 hath (ought fo carefully to avoicl,tumble upon his Iiead thick and threefold 
 
 Thefccond argument was this, Deliberation doth produce no newextrinlecal im- 
 pediment , therefore eiiher the Agent is free after deliberation, or he was not free 
 before. He anfwereth. That he cannot perceive any more force of inference intheje 
 words , then offo many words put together at adventure , I wonder at hisdulnefle. He 
 defineth liberty tobe an abfenccof extrinfccal impediment?. Ifthis definition be true, 
 then whcrefover there is the fame abfence of extrinfccal impediments, there is the 
 fame liberty. But if deliberation produce no nevv extritifecal impediments , there 
 is the fame abfence ot extrinfccal impediments , after deliberation which wasbefofc 
 Therefore upon his grounds there is the fame liberty after deliberation which was be- 
 fore. What.
 
 85S 
 
 Ca(iiQJti'>f'S' of 
 
 TOME III 
 
 of the Am- 
 mitdveTfions^ 
 
 Niim' 2p. 
 fiis (Icfinion 
 ofZibenie. 
 
 Anxtogical 
 
 e- 4 i. 7 
 
 What he tdleth oitboufins that anfe in hini that deUberatah , is nothing to the 
 puipurc , The hit judgment is more than bare thoughts. But this makcth but an 
 mtiinlecal determination, an J a lucelHty upon fuppdition , not an extrinfecal 
 determination, and an antctcdcnt ncccility, of which the quciUon is between him 
 and me. A man cannot have liberty to do or nut to do , that which at the fame time ts al- 
 ready done. But a man may do that which he doth freely from all antecedent nece- 
 flity, and neceliity upon fuppotitiun is not delirudive to Liberty. He prophancth the 
 name of God, who maketh him to be corporal and divifibic,to be compounded of 
 fubilance and accidents, to be mutable, and to aquire and lofedailyinot he who argu- 
 eth foberly and (ubmilfively from the attributes or works of God. 
 He hath given a proof lately of his Theology, now he pretendeth to (hew his skill 
 in Logick and philofophy. He necdcth not to tell us that he acquired his knowledge 
 by his own meditation , he is fo Long fumbling and fpclling of every word. In the 
 rirll place he giveth us the definition of a delinition. A right definitinnis that, ( what > 
 a right derinition without a Genus ? ) rvbkh determineth thefgnification of the rvwd 
 denned. This definition argeeth as much to a Lexicon , as to a dennition. By his 
 leave , a right definitition is an explication of the thing defined by the effential terais 
 thofe are the Genus and the difference. 
 
 His definition is but a poor defcription. Heconfefleth, Thzt the rule is good in 
 defningto ufe firji form general terme , and then to rejirain the fignification thereof ^ &c. 
 He is but learning to fpell in Logick , and yet is already cenfuring. It is no marvel 
 if he never thrive of the trade. It is not onely good, but a neceflary rule , that in 
 every prefedt definition there be two notions i the one more common , whercinthe 
 thing defined doth agree with other things, the other more di(lin<!i. Wherein it 
 differs from all other things. This was Plato*/ dodrine, and AriHotles and recei- 
 ved by all Logicians ever fince i and now he taketh upon him to be Judge of it , as 
 Midas judged of Apollo* J- mufick. 
 
 He dillikes the termes. Gems and difference^ as *oo obfcure for Englip Readers, 
 ind fitter fer Shoolemen, rcomptehcnding all Logicians old and new under the name of 
 Schoolmen.Then why dothhc himfelf ufe the term of L^gici^and not rather veitchcrafty 
 or definition^ and not rather declaring ? The vulgar Reader will undcrlland his general 
 term no better than gf««f, nor his new rf/irji«t,better than the old difference^hat be rea- 
 dy tomillakc his rtfiraintofa general term,(oT the imprifonment of fomeCommanderin 
 chief. But thus it gauft be done i firft to render the people more benevolent fo a man 
 who lludieth nothing but their edification , and then to hide his own ignorance. 
 
 H- pleadeth , Thitjome words arefo general, that they cannot admit a more general. 
 Yea, hath he found out that with his meditation ? Every frclbman in the Univcrfity 
 could have told him that,and much more, That omne quod perfeSt definitur eji fpecies 
 He fayeth. Jpall give him leave to cite jomefaffages out of his book^, decorpore: And 
 he (hall give me leaveto fleight them and let them alone. If he will admit of hu- 
 mane authority, I am ready to bury him and his delUny in an heap of authorities. 
 But for his ownauthority , Idonot elkem it ( more than he produceth reafon_) the 
 .vJue of adeafe nut. 
 
 At length he hath found us out ^ Ccrnts znd a. difference In his definition of liber- 
 ty , but that lam fuch a beetle that I cannot fee them. His genus is abjence of impe- 
 diments to jflioK.Lethim perufe all the tables of tha predicaments and predicables,and 
 if he find any fuch genus there , either /iowmwm or (ubalternum , he fhall be my great 
 Apollo.To make a Genus of a privation, that is znabjence, nay an abfence of impediments, 
 was never heard of before unlefle it be true in this caufe bina vettena '^uvant, unlefTe two 
 privativcs make one pofitivc ^ two negatives one affirmative.His difference or rffiriSi- 
 oH is worft , if worfe may be, not contained in the nature of the Agent. So the efTential 
 difference is a negative alio. His liberty mufi needs be a rare Jewel, which coniiilech 
 altogether of negative 
 
 He chargcth me , That J require the matter and the form of the thing in the definition, 
 but matter U a corporeal fubjiance , andcannot bepart of a definition. Whcnibever he 
 mcdleth with thefe things , he doth but (hew his wcakncfTe i It werebetter for him 
 to let them alone. I do not fay that genus and materia areall one ■■, Butlfay that 
 genus hath a great analogy with '^t^ ♦^rit matter, and fo may be materia anakgica.yvhidx 
 
 Porphyry
 
 DrscouRFE If. Mr. Hob's AmmadverOons. c 
 ^ _y^9 
 
 Porphyry upon the pred cables might have taugli: him. The ririt matter is inde ' 
 
 tcrmmate to any torm , fo is the Genus to any difference i The matter is fufceptible 
 ot oppoht torms , fo is the Genus of oppollt differences. His reafon that matter is 
 corporeal, is as filly as his exception, and flieweth what a novice he is in Logick 
 There is intelligible matter , as well as fenfible. As three Lines are the matter of'a 
 triangle , and three propofitions of a fyllogifm. 
 
 He telleth us conridently , That a very abfence it as real as a very faculty. 
 If he told it twice fo confidently , we could not believe it , that a privation which 
 is nothing, and out of all predicaments , fhouid be as real as a quality. Potential 
 qualities ought to be defined by their efficients and proper ads, not by privations. 
 But faith he, IFbat if the veord (defined) dofignifie abfence or negation? Then it can- 
 not be defined , but oncly defcribed. And this defcription mult not be by heaping 
 together more negatives or privations, but by mentioning the habits or powers 
 whereof they are privations. What is this to Liberty which is a potential quality? 
 
 I urged that by his definition of Liberty, a fione is free toafcendinto the By Iiis Hcfini- 
 air, bccaufe thercis no outward impediment to hinder it. He anfwered , That the fo" a ('onr is 
 if one is flopped by extcrnjlimpediments , otherwife it rpould either go ubrvards eternally ^'''^^ ^o afccnd 
 or it mufi llop itfelf; but it doth not afcend eter.iaHy , and I have confeffed that nothing 
 canmoveitfelf; Arid therefore he doubts not but Twill confefs that nothing can llop it felt 
 Firft his memory is very llippery. I never faid that nothing can move it felf : But 
 if that will do him any good , I have often faid the contrary. Secondly , he doth 
 but flatter himfelf with vain hopes to think, that I will fay nothing can ftop it felf 
 Although there were no refinance in the air , when the Carters force is ceafed the 
 weight of the Hone alone is fufficient to ftop it. Thirdly , there hare been thofe 
 who have thought themfelvesas good Philofophers as he, who affirmed that the Hone 
 did find no refilhncc in the air, but was driven forwards by the following air to- 
 wards rhe air before it to prevent a vacuum: That is far from relilknce. Fourthly 
 Why might not I fay as well , that upon his grounds , a ftone is free to afcend into 
 the air , becaufe there is no outward impediment to hinder it', as he might fay 
 that the Water is free to afcend up the channel i Mennever fay that the water xvant- 
 eth Liberty to afcend, but potver. Yet th: Water hath greater impediment to afcend 
 upthe Channel, than the (tone hath to afcend in the air. Laftly , this is without 
 all doubt, that though a (lone be not capable of moral Liberty , yet if Liberty 
 were fuch a thing as he imagineth iby his definition , a ftone hath as much Liberty 
 to afcend up the air , contrary to its natural appetite , as it hath to defccnd down- 
 wards according to its natural appetite , there being no extrinfecal impediments in 
 the one motion more than in the other , the air being more ealily , or at leal^ as 
 eaiily driven upwards as downwards. Yet the ftone ftoppeth in its afcent ,but noc 
 in its defcent ,^exccpt it bs accidentally) until it come to the earth. 
 
 To the reft of this Sedion he maketh an cafie reply , That I talk^fo abfitrdly of the f^ n- 
 current of Rivers, and of the motion of the Seas , and of the weight of JFater , that it J? '•S'^'""'-' 
 cannot be carreded othermfe than by blotting it all out. He gaiftaketh but one word. It j *"'' 
 fliould have been Jt cannot be anfwered by him othervvife than by blottingit all our. ^^'^^^"f""" 
 
 Although his Paradoxes be contrary to the opinion of the whole World , yet ^^"^' 30- 
 in thefe five Lad: Sections he hath not brought one argument to prove them, but 
 onely explained his meaning , as ifhis own authority were proof fufficient. Now 
 at Lalt he brirgeth two lilly arguments. The firft is this. Nothing takith beginning Beginning cf 
 from itfelf-, therefore the w/H ta^th not beginning from it felf, but from fomething mth- monoq from 
 out it felf. I anGvcred by dUtiuguilhing a beginning, into a beginning of being , the mover, 
 and a beginning of working or adion. No creature taketh its beginning of being 
 from it felf, becaufe the being of all creatures is a participated being, derived from 
 the infinite and original being of God , in whom we Live and move and have our 
 bein.^.^ But if he underltand a beginning of adlion , it isa grof; errour to fay, that 
 nothing hatli a beginning rf its own afiions or operations within itfelf. This is 
 all I fail! , and this I faidcnnftantly. Then lio.v uninge.iuoiilly did he charge me 
 in the Laft Scdion to have confelfed , That nothing can move it felf} and in this Se- 
 dion accufe me of contradidion, for faying , That when a ftone dcfcendeth , the 
 beginning of its motion is intrinfecal. Now to juftifie hinvlclfjic faith, tliat from 
 
 G i: 2 2 a t'lis 
 
 o a
 
 840 
 
 CafiigJtioiis of 
 
 TOME III %. 
 
 The Umc fa- 
 culty willeth 
 or nillech^ 
 
 Other caufes 
 concur with 
 the wjll. 
 
 Ncccflfary cau 
 fes do not ar 
 way* aft nc- 
 ccflarily. 
 
 this which I did fay , That/i;?iJf things cannot he produced by ibemfelves , he can c:.n- 
 chde that the aU of mllhig is not produced by the faculty of vpilling. If he could do as 
 much as he faith, ytt it was rot ingcniioufly done , to feign that I had confefTed all 
 that which he thinlicth he can prove , and that I contradided my fclf, when I con- 
 tradided his Concluiions. But let us fee how he goeth about to prove it. Be that 
 hath the faculty iftviViHg , hath the facuhy of willing fomethhig infarticubr. In good 
 time. This looketh not like a demonliration. But let that pafs i ^w^ <jt fk /j«f 
 time he hath the faculty ofniliing the fame. How , two faculties , the one of willing, 
 the other of nilling ? Hola. He hath but cne faculty , and that is a faculty of wil- 
 ling or nilling fomething in particular , not of willing and nilling. He proceedeth, 
 Jf therefore the faculty of wiping be the caufe he tpiVeth any thing rvhatfoevtr ^ for thi 
 fame reafon the faculty ofniHittg wiU be the caufe at the fame time of nixing it; and fa he 
 pall tvill and nil! the fame thing at the jame time , vphich vs abfurd. I deny his confe- 
 quencc. It doth not follow, that becaufe the Agent hath power to will or nill in- 
 differently, therefore he hath power to will and nill contradidorily. He may 
 chiifc indifferently, whether he will write or not, but he cannot chufe both to 
 writeand not to write at the fame time contradidtorily. It doth not follow, that 
 becaufe the Agent hath power to will or nill indifferently , before he do actually ei- 
 ther will or nill, therefore when he doth will adtually, he hath power to nill at 
 the fame time. Hath he forgotten </;^t «/i /oo/t/^ rw/e, Whatfoever is, when it is, 
 is neceirarily fo as it is.? How often mull I tell him, that in the place of an abfb- 
 lute antecedent ncceliity , he feeketh to obtrude upon us hypothetical neccflity ? 
 
 He proceedeth, Jtfeems the Bifljop had forgotten , that matter and power are indiffe- 
 rent to contrary forms and contrary ads. No , 1 had not forgotten it , but he had for- 
 gotten it : To fay that the matter is indifTerent to contrary forms , and yet necelfita- 
 tcd antecedently to one form , or that power isindifferent to contrary ads, and yet 
 ncccliitated antecedently to one ad , is a ratling contradidion. He faith , That it 
 is fomervhat befides the matter that determineth to a certain form ^ and fomething befides 
 the povrcr that froduceth a certain aU.l only acknowledge it, and it is the piece of fenfe 
 that is in this Sedion. I made this objedion to my (elfin my defence, and anfwer- 
 cd it in thefe words. 
 
 Yet I do not deny that there are other beginnings of human adions , which do 
 concur with the Will i fome outward, as the firft caufe by general influence, which 
 is evermore requilite , Angels or men by perfwading , evil Spirits by tempting , the 
 objed or end by its appetibility •, fome inward, as the underlbnding by dircding \ 
 fo palfions and acquired habits. But I deny that any ot thefe do neccllitate or can 
 ncceflitatc the will of man by determining it Phyllcally to one, except God 
 alone , who doth it rarely in extraordinary cafes •, and where there is no antecedent 
 determination to one , (here is no abfolute necelhty, but true Liberty. 
 
 where he maketh,*/;? beginning ofmotioninajione thrown downwards, and a flone de- 
 jcendingdawnwards,to be both in the jione-iit is but a poor trifling homonymy,as the mod 
 part of hisTreatifeis.The beginning of motion in a flone afcending is in thef^onefub- 
 jcdively but not effedively, becaufe (hat motion proceedeth not from the form of the 
 fione. But in thedefcent oftheflone, the beginning of motion is both fubjedively and 
 elTcdively in the flone. And what hetellcth us of a former motion in the ambient hody^ 
 air or water ^ 10 mak^ the jlone difcend, is needlefs and fruftraneous. Let him but 
 withdraw rhe pin that holdeth the flate upon the houfe againll its Natural inclinati- 
 on, and hefhall fee prefently there needeth no motion in the ambient body to make 
 the flone drop down. 
 
 \lz d,6v\{ti\\mttoconfider with what ^race Jean fay , that necejfary caufes do not al- 
 ways produce their effeds , except thofe effcUs bealfi neceffarily produced. Ratlier kt him 
 confider with what Grace he can mifrecite that which I fay,by leaving out the word 
 neceffary. I faid neccfTary caufes do not always produce neceffaiy effedsi and I can 
 fay that with better Grace than he can deny it. When neceffary Agents and free 
 Agents are conjoynt in the produdion of the fame effed , the effed is not 
 antecedently neceflaiy. 1 gave him an inllance. Protagoras writ a Book againft 
 the Gods, de diis^utrum fmt titrum non fnt,nihil habeo dkere. The Senate ordered his 
 
 Book
 
 Discourse 1 1 Mr. HobsV Aniuiad'verfiov.T. g^l 
 
 book to beburnsd tor it. AlrhoDgh the rire be a neccirary agent, yet becaufe the " ' 
 
 Senators were free Agents , the burning of his book was not antecedently necef- 
 
 fary. 
 
 where I fay that the will is not a ncceffary caufe of what it willeth in particular ' 
 aClions , He inferreth , That there are nn umverjal acitoni , and if it be nota >fecej[jry 
 caufe of particular aCuans ■-, it is the necefjary cjiije of no aUions-, And again, he rvfuld 
 be glad to have mefet dotvtt what vohwtary actions ( not particular ) thoje are rvhich are 
 iteccfttated. It ii fcarcely poilible for a naan to exprefs hinnfelf more clearly than I 
 did , but clearly or unclearly , all ij one to him , who is difpofed to cavil. I did 
 not oppofe particular ads to univerfal ads, but to a colledion of all voluntary 
 ads in general , nua tales , as they are voluntary. It is neceffary , that all ads ge- 
 nerally which proceed from the Will , fliould be voluntary i and fo the Will is a 
 necelTary caufe of voluntary ads , that is , of the voluntarinefs of then,. But the • 
 Will is not a ncceffary caufe of the particular ads themfelves. As upon fuppoiition 
 that a man being A'illing to Write,it is neccflary that his Writing be voluntaiy,bec3ufe 
 he willeth it: But put the cafe without any fuppoiition, and it is not necelTary that 
 he Oiould Write, or that he fliould Will to Write, becaufe it was in his own pow- 
 er , whether he would Write or not. So the voluntarinefs of all ads in gene- 
 ral , proceeding from tJie Will , is ncceffary , but the ads themfelves were not 
 necelfary before the free Agent had determined himfelf; and then but upon fuppoii- 
 tion. 
 
 His excepting agaitift thefe common exprcflions, "the tvill rviVeth, or the will may 
 either tvill or falpend its aSs , is but feeking of a knot in a bulrulh. It is all one , whe- 
 ther one fay the rvill rvihth , , or the man tvilleth , or the rviE may rvili or ftijpend its a& , 
 or the man may mli or fujpend bit ads. Scaliger faith that volo velle is a proper fpeech , 
 Ivfill mll^ and received by the common confent of all nations. If he h:id any thing 
 of moment to infert into his Animadverllons , he would not make ufe of fuch Lep- 
 tologies. Canting is not chargeable upon him, who ufeth common and known 
 terms of Art , but upon him who devifeth new terms , as Canters do, which die 
 with their inventors. He asketh, Horv canhe that vnillejtb at the fame time fttfpend his 
 will ? Rather why doth he infert into his demand at the fame time. It is enough to 
 Liberty , if he that Willeth could have fufpended his Will. All this anfwcr of mine 
 to hisfecond argument was illuftrated by the inftance of the elcdion of aFope, to 
 which heoppofeth nothing but h may he , and it doth notfollotv, and I reould beglii 
 to linoTV by what arguments he can prove that the eleClion was not nece^tatcd. I have 
 done it fufficicntly all over in this Treatife. I am now anfwering to what he pro- 
 duceth, not proving. If he have any thing to demand. Let him go to the Cardinals , 
 and inquire of them , whether they be fuch fools , to keep fuch a deal of needlefs 
 ftrr , if they were antecedently neceliitated to choofe one certain man Pope, and no 
 other. Cjjiigatioiis- 
 
 I joyn thefe two Sections together , becaufe they concern one and the fame thing; of the Ani- 
 [ Namely , VVhether every fufficient caufe do neceffarily effect whatfoever it is fuffici- midverfwis 
 ent for: or which is the fame in effect , Whether a free Agent , when all things are Num. ^i.& 
 prefent vvhich arc needful to produce an eff^^ct , can, neverthclefs , not produce it. Numb. 32. 
 
 Which queflion may be underftood two ways, either inclufively , or exclufively 
 either including and comprehending the Will of the Agent , under the notion of J^I'^f*"^" 
 futficiency, and among things requitite to the producing of the effect jfo asthecaufe " 
 is notreputedto be fufficient, except it have both ability and will to produce the 
 effect, and fo as both requifitc power , and requifite will, do concur •, and then 
 there is no quclHon butthe effect will infallibly follow, pofitcaufi pmitura effMtts ■■, 
 'or elfe it may be underilood exclufively , not comprehending the will under the no- 
 tion of fufli:iency , or not reckoning it among the ncceffary rcquifites to the produ- 
 ction of theeffecti fo as the Agenr is fuppofcd tohavepovver and ability to produce 
 the effect , but no will. And then itis asinfallib'y true on the other fide, thatthe 
 effect cannot be produced. Thus far this qucll:ion is a meer Logomachy or conten- 
 tion about words , without any real difference. And T. E. doth but abufchis 
 Readers, to keep a jangling and a ftir about mthing. 
 
 But in truth the water flopeth not here. If he fhould fpeakto the purpofe , he 
 
 Ggggg2 fliould
 
 g--^ " Captations of T O M ^: 11 ?. 
 
 Hiould leave thefclhallows. It' the will of the tree Agent be included under the no- 
 tion otTutHciency , and comprehended among thofe things which arc rcquifitc to the 
 production oftheert'cct , Co as bothfufficient ability , andfufficient will, arc required 
 to the making a fut'iicienc caufe. Then it comethto be conlidcred in the fecond place 
 whether the in will things external be undet God, in power and difpolition of the 
 free Agent himfelf, which is the common opinion of all men , who undcr'tand 
 themfelves. Andthenthe produdion of theeffedl is onely neceffary hypothctically, 
 oruponfuppoiltion, that the free Agent is willing, Or elfe , Whether the will (>f 
 the free Agent be not in his own power and dirporition,but determined antecedently 
 by extrinfecal caufes , which is the paradoxical opinion ot T". H. and then the pro- 
 dudionof theeffedis, abfolutely, and antecedently , necefTary. 
 
 So ftiil the quellion is where it was , and all his bulllin.', about fufficieney and 
 efficiency, and deficiency is but labour in vain. If he would have fpokcn anything 
 at all to the purpose, helhould have attempted to prove, that every (ufficient caule 
 (excluding the will ) that is , every caufc which hath fuflicient power and ability, 
 doth nccelfarily produce whatfcever it is able to produce, though the Agent be on - 
 willing to produce it \ or that the will of the Agent is not in his own power and dif- 
 pofition. We expedt proofs, not words. But this he could not do, for he himfeU 
 in this very Treatife , hath feveral times diftinguiflied between liberty and power ; 
 telling us that a fick man hath liberty to go , but wanteth power iAnd that a man 
 who is bound hath power to go, but wanteth liberty. It he that is bound hath 
 power to go then he hath fufficient power to go, for unfufficient power cannot pro- 
 duce the cflled. And fo by his own confeliion an Agent may have fufficient power 
 and yet cannot neceffarily , nor yet polhbly , produce the effcd". 
 
 I urged , That G^sd is fufficient to produce many Worlds , but he doth not pro- 
 ducethcmv therefore a fufficient caufe doth not neceflarily prodticc all thofe effcca-s 
 which it is fufficient to produce.He anfvvereth.That the meaningUthalGodU ju^dentto 
 produce them if he xfjL'.Doth he not fee that it foUoweth ineuirably from hence, That 
 there may be a fufficient caufe without will? Doth he not fee likewife from hence 
 plainly, that for thofe things which arc within the power of man, he is fufficient 
 alfo to produce them if he will. So ftill he would obtrude a neceility of fuppofition 
 Jf a man tviV ^, for anabfolute necelfity. That which is but necefTary conditionally 
 If a man will , is not necefTary abfoultely. And he confelTeth that n--i//.'o«M/;w/«/'- 
 pofition , Jfhe roill , a man ii not fufficient to produce any voluntary aUion. 
 
 I added other inltances, as this , That the pafhon of Chrill is a fafficient ranfbm 
 for all mankind, and fo is acknowledged by all Chrilfians, yet all mankind fhall not 
 be faved by virtue of his pallion, therefore there may be a fufficient caufe without 
 production of the effed. This is the Language ofholy Scripture, Ifljtch oj you in- 
 ''■* ■ tending to build a lovpir ^ fitteih not down firji and counteth the cvli ^ whether he have ( 
 fufficient) to finish its' That is, as our Saviour expoundeth himfelf in thenext vcrfe , 
 Ifa. 5*". I.' * * whether he be able to finifh it. .So St.Taul, SiithfFho is fufficient for thefe things ? that 
 is , who is able for thefe things ? v.'hen God faith , Jfliat could I have done more for 
 my vineyard , that J havemt done ? God hath given them fufficient means , and could 
 have given them more, if ihcy had been more capablci but bccanfe they were wan- 
 ting to themfclves , thefe fufficient means were not efficacious. I looked for grapes ^ 
 faith God i How could God look for grapes, if he had not given them fufficient 
 meanes to bring forth grapes ? yet thefe fufficient means were not efficaci- 
 ous. 
 
 Thefe things being premifed , do anfwer whatfoever he faith i as this, IktBi- 
 (hoT. thinks two Horfes may be fufficient to draw a Coach , though thty will not draw , &c. 
 I fay they may be fufficient in point ofpower and ability, though they will not draw. 
 Many men have fufficient power todo what they will not do. And if the produ- 
 dtion of the eiTedt do depend upon their wiUs , or upon their contingent and uncer- 
 tain endeavours, or if their fufficieney be but conditional, as he makethit, if they 
 be not lame or rcffy , then the produdion of the qKc&. is free or contingent , and 
 cannot be antecedently neceffary. For otherwife all thefe conditions and fuppofitions' 
 are vain. 
 
 Where hechargeth mctofay,That the caufe of a Monjler if tvifufficient f^ produce aMon 
 
 Jier
 
 Discourse, i I. Mr. HobsV Aniinadverfions 
 
 fier ,he doth mc wrong , and himfelf more. I never faid any fuch thing. I hope I 
 mayhave leave to fpeak to him in his own vvords. I muji take it for anumrmo^ttntiU 
 he cite the fiace ^ where I have faid fo. I have faid, and I do (ay, That the caufe ot" 
 a Monfter was unfufHcient to produce a man, which nature and the free Ager.t in- 
 tended, but it was fuiKcient to produce a Monlter, otherwife a Monikr had not 
 been produced. When an Agent doth not produce what he and nature intend i but 
 produceth a Monlkr inltead of a Man , it is proof enough of his infufficiency to pro- 
 duce what he (honld , and would have produced , if he could. Where he addeth, 
 That that which U ju^.cient to produce a Monjier , if not therefore to be called an infuffici- 
 cnt cjtife to produce a Man , no more than that rvhicb is fitff.cient to produce a man^ ii to be 
 called an htfufficient caufe ti produce a Monjler , is even as good fenfe , as if a man 
 liiould fay , He who hath skill fulHcient to hit the white ,is infufficient tomiffe the 
 white. 
 
 He pretendeth thitfenfus divifuf, andcompofmu is nonfenfe i ( though they be Lo- 
 gical term=; of Arc ) and what I fay of tbe power of the rvill to forbear willing , or the 
 dominion of the Will over its otvn aUts , or the power of the Willin adu prima , he faith 
 are as Wild rvords , as ever xverefp'^k^n tvithin the walls 0/ Bedlam , though they be 
 as fad truths as the founders of Be^/jmthemfeivcs could have uttered. And the 
 Authors who ufed them, the greateft Witts of the World , and fo many , tliat ten 
 Bedlams could not hold them. But it may be he would have the Scene changed, and 
 have the Wifeli fort of men thruft into Bedlam , that he might vent his Paradoxes 
 more freely. So F<f/;tf accufed St. Paul of madnefs, Paul Paul, much Learning hath 
 made thee mad. 
 
 In the dehnition of a free agent , rphich when a// things needful to the produUiou of 
 the efftH are prepnt, can neverthekfi not produce it. They underllood all things need- 
 ful in point of ability, not Will , he telleth us gravely. Tint all and porver differ 
 in nothing but in this ^ that the former fignijieth the time prefent , the latter the time to 
 came. As if he (hould tell us , That the caufe and the effect differ nothing , 
 but that the effect fignificth the time prefent , and the caufe the time to come. 
 
 Laftly he [ikh^Th^t exceptljhetv him the place where hefhuffedout effeUs producible and 
 thruji into their places ejfecis produced Jje will take it for anuntriith.To content him Illia'll do 
 it readily,without fearching far for it.My words were thefe,(^The quefUon is whether 
 effeCxs producible^hz free from necellityi He fliufflesout effeCis producible and thrults in 
 rheirpIaces,effe<Ss produced^ Now that he doth this , I prove out of his own words 
 in the Sedtion preceding. Hence it is manifeji , that rehatfoever is produced, 
 if produced neceffrrily : For whatjoever is produced , hath had a fufficient caufe to 
 produce it , or elfe it had not been. Let the Reader Judge ifhe have not here fhuffl.'d 
 etfeds producible out of the queft ion, and thruft into their places elfedls produced. 
 The queftion is whether efledis producible be neceffarily produced •, He concludcth 
 in the place of the contradictory , that efFeds actually produced are neceffary. 
 
 He faith, Thit to define what fpontaneity , Deliberation, Will, Propenfion, appetite, 
 a free Agent, and Liberty is , and to prove that they are well defined ; tbere can be no 
 other proof offered, but every mtns own experience and memory , what he meaneth by 
 f'tich words. I do readily believe all this to be true , in order to his own opinions i 
 That there neitheris , nor can beany proof of them but imagination. But his rea- 
 fon was (hot at random i For definitions being the beginning of all demonflration , can- 
 not themfelvesbe demonjirated, that is proved to another man.X^orh he take all his particu- 
 lar imaginations to ht fo many definitions ordemonfirations.''Hehath one conception 
 of Spontaneity , of deliberation, of free Agent of Liberty, I have another. My 
 conception doth not prove my opinion to be true , nor his conception prove his opi- 
 nion to be true i but our conceptions being contrary , it proveth either hi?, 01 mine, 
 or both to be faife. Truth is a conformity, or congruity of the conceptions of the 
 mind with the things themfelves, which are without the mind, and of the exteriour 
 fpcech as the fign , with the things and conceptions ^ as the things (ignified. So 
 there is a threefold truth i the firft is objedivc in the things themfelves, The fecond 
 is conformative in the conceptions ofthe mind i The third is (ignative or figniticativc 
 in fpeech or writing. It is a good proceeding to prove the truth of the invvard 
 conceptionsof the mind, from their conformity with the things themfelvesi but 
 
 it 
 
 Cafligations 
 oftheAni- 
 madverfions 
 Num. 33. 
 Our concepti- 
 ons are not 
 the touchftone 
 of truth.
 
 "^^ C aft igat i ons of ■ TOME 11! . 
 
 [t is vain and ridicuious to prove the truth of things from their agreement, with the 
 conceptions of my mind or his mind. The Clocks may differ, but the courfe of the 
 Sun is certain. A mans words may not agree with his thoughts, nor his thoughts 
 agree withthc things thcmfelves. 
 
 But I commend his prudcnc; in this , and in this onely , that he hath chofen out 
 a way of proof, that cannot be confuted without his own confent, becaufe no man 
 knoweth another mans inward conceptions but himfelf. And thcbetter to fecurc him- 
 felf,hc maketh his EnghJhFxea.det judge ofLatin words and his ignorant Readers judge 
 of words ofArt. Thefe are the fitteftjudges for his purpofe.Eut what if the terms be ob- 
 (cure/'He dinCwcxcihJf the words be nnnjml^ibe tvay mitji be to nuk^ the definition of their 
 fignificafion by mutual confent. What mutual confent?Thc fignification of thefe words 
 wasttied by the univerfal confent and cuftomsAnd muft they be unfetkdagain,tofa- 
 tisfiethe humour of every odd paradoxical perfon,who could find no way togct him- 
 felf reputation, but by blondering all things? he tellethus that fie School-men iij'e not 
 to argue by rule , but as Fencers uj'e to handle weafons by quicl^iefs of the hand and eye , 
 The poor Schoohnen cannot rell quietly in their Graves for him , but he isftill per- 
 fecuting their allies , becaufe they durft prefume to foar a pitch above his capacity. 
 The School-men were the mofl exad obfervcrs of rules in the whole World , as it 
 they had been compofed altogether of rules. But they obfcrved not his rule , that 
 whatfoevcr any man imagineth a word to be, that it is. Much good may his Le- 
 sbian rule do him , which he may bend this way or that way at his pleafure. It is 
 jult fuch another rule as the Parilh Clerks rule of the time, who preferred the Clock 
 before a dyal , becaufe he fet it according to his own imagination. 
 
 He asketh me ( f )r he is much better at making knots than looting tliem ) what 
 JwiUanfwer if hejhaUash^mch')vc I wi\l]udge of the caufes of things ^ whereof 1 have no 
 idea or conception in mine oven mind> As if there were no mean , but either a man 
 muft vvant all inward notions and conceptions, orelfc he mufi: make his own ima- 
 ginations to be the touchrtone of truth. Nulla lux and nimia lux , no Light , and 
 too much Light , are both enemies to the fight. So to take away all inward con- 
 ceptions: and to ground the true being and nature ofthings upon our infallible con- 
 ceptions , are both enemies to the truth. 
 
 Albeit , He dare fay ( as he is bold enough, whileft the danger is but in words ) 
 that it' one (hould ask an ordinary perfon whether our Antipodes fhould have their 
 heads upwards or downwards , they rfould tell him as fignificantly as any Scho liar ^ 
 that theif heads were ttpwards , becaufe they are towards Heaven , And that when they 
 fay there is no body in that room , they mean no more but there is no body that can be 
 feen ,Or when they fay that veffel is empty , they do apprehend it to be full nf air : 
 Yet neither I , nor thefe ordinary perfons themfelves do believe him. How fliould 
 they apprehend fuch things rightly , until they be better informed both of the figure 
 of the earth , and the nature of the air, than they are by their fenfes. He faith, 
 7be quejiion is not , P^hether fuch and fuch "tenets be true; but whether fuch and fuch 
 words can be well defined, without thinking on the things they fignifie ? I (hould be glad 
 to find him once Rating of a queftion truly. The quellion is not whether fuch and 
 fuch words can be well defined without thinking on the things they fignifie i but 
 whether every thought or every imagination of every odd fantallick perfon , or of 
 the common people , be a right determination of the true fenfe , and fignitication 
 of every word. They who do not underfland the diflindl natures ofthings fignified, 
 cannot underUand the right fignifications of words, which are but figns ofthings. 
 
 Right difcipline or Learning and good inflrudtion , doth not only enable a man 
 to reafon tritly in more numerous or various matters , but to reafon more truly and ex- 
 adly in all matters. Yes , even in thofe things which we have Learned from our 
 own fenfes and memories. As I fhewed him before in the inftance of the Sun , 
 which fenfe judgeth to be no greater than a ball , but Learning aud reafon do con- 
 vinceus that it is many times greater than the Globe of the Earth. If he will not 
 admit this to be matter of fad , Let him try if he can perfwadc us that it is a matter 
 of right. A mans fenfe and memory doth teach him, that the Lightening 
 is long done before the thunderclap begin , bnt being better infirufted we know 
 it to beotherwife. In vain were fo many rules and precepts in Logick, if they 
 
 did
 
 Discourse 1 1. Mr. HobS- Animadverfijnt. 845- 
 
 did not teach us to reafon better , as well as to reafon in more numerous and vari- "^ 
 
 ous matters. 
 
 He inveigheth againfi Inipoltorsas bjd maliert , deceivers or deceived , that teach 
 for truth all that which hathbem dictated tj them by their own intereji i and doth not fee 
 or will not fee , that no man is fo much concerned in this reprehenfion as himlelf 
 who witliout thefe Paradoxes had continued ftill a cypher and fignified nothing.' 
 If there bs any changlings , it is no other than himfelf , not by any inchamment of 
 tvords not underlhod , but by his own overweening and vain-glorious conceits. He 
 reciteth it as a faying of mine that [matter of fad is not verihed by fenfe and me- 
 mory , but by arguments.] I never faid fo , And mtil he produce my rpordx, I mult 
 put it into the Catalogue of his untruths. Neither did I , nor any Schoolman ever 
 fay , that the teftimony of a Witnefsis the onely verifier of matter of fadt or that 
 it doth coniift in fenfe and memory ,or that it doth not confilt in arguments and Syl- 
 logilms. Thel'e are his own collcdions and conlequences, which hang together 
 like ropes of Sand. 
 
 He asketh , Horv can an unlearned man he brought to thin\ the words he [peaks ottaht 
 tojignifie , when he jpeaks fmcerely , any thing elje but that which he himfelf meaneth by 
 t^fw.?Right,he cannot be brought to think that they do llgnirie other wife than they 
 dolignitie. But although he meant never fo fmcerely, he may be brought to think 
 that the fignification by him ufed v/as improper , and that which he faid according 
 to the right fenfe of the words was untrue. As a man might fay fincerely enough , 
 that Water is'inoilkr or more humid than air , by the fceming warrant of his fenle. 
 And yet upon better inftrudlion reform his judgment, and acknowledge that then 
 he did not unierlland truly what moift or humid didfignitie. 
 
 To that which I urged , That to love any thingand to thinlijt good ^ U not the fame 
 thing--, He anfwereth no more but this , Thdit he doth r.ot thinks fo .: As if he were 
 fomc oracle of truth , or fome great Lawyer declaring his opinion to his poor igno- 
 rant Clients. Let him referve his thoughts for his credulous Schollars. His next 
 miftake is much worfe. This was but in a word , but that is in a thing , Eternity. 
 He would have his Reader believe , that fome body holdeth , That Eternity is this 
 prefent irtjlant of time i And that the next injiant is Eternity after this : and confquent' 
 ly, that there are as many eternities as there be inftants in time. He doth but dream His grcfs mi- 
 waking. Surely never any man fince the beginning of the World did hold any part flakes about 
 of this. That Eternity lliould be a part of time ; Time is but the meafure of mo- cteruity. 
 tion , eternity was before motion. Time fucceeding doth repair the Lofles of time 
 palling. But God who fs infinite can acquire nothing , can loofe nothing. Sup- 
 pofe a body to be infinite adually , it could have no middle , no extremities but 
 every point of it (hould be a center. So in the infinite Eternity of God , there can 
 be no extremities of part or to come , but a prefent interminable polTelhon of Life, 
 His ignorance is his belt plea. Let him Learn to cite his Adverfaries fayings more 
 ingenuouily , or hold his peace forever, and keep his Paradoxes to himfelf. And 
 not (hew himfelf like the Athenians , who being well beaten by the Cretians , and 
 having no other way to revenge themfelves , invented feigned itorics of Bulls and 
 Minotaures. 
 
 Being taken tripping in an apparent contradiftion about Spontaneity , making it 
 to be conliierate proceeding, and inconsiderate proceedings or nothings he hath no 
 more mind to meddle with it , but quitteth his hands of it in thefe terms. U is no 
 EngliJh,But let it figiiifie what it will , provided it be tntel'igible , it would mak^ againfl 
 me. Had not this man need to have credulous Readers , who before he knoweth 
 what the wordilgniheth , knoweth by inltindthat it would makeagainit me. Jult 
 like that Mountebanclj , who having madea Long Oration to his hearers of the rare 
 virtues of a feather , which he affirmed to have dropt from the Wing of Michaelthc 
 Archangel v and the feather being Itolen from under his fleevc out of drollery, and 
 a cinder put in the place of it , to try his humor , he went on confidently with hk 
 difcourfe ■■, telling them that though it was not the feather which he had mentioned, 
 yet it was one of the coles which St. Lawrence was broiled with , and had all thofe 
 virtues which he had formerly afcribed to the leather. So whether Spontaneity be 
 a feather or a cole , it hath ftil! the fame virtue. And if it be any thing it would mak^ 
 
 agai'Jl
 
 %^6 
 
 Caftigarionf of 
 
 TOMlillL 
 
 What is his; 
 «kliberation. 
 
 Mia is Tree Ito 
 will,ot he is 
 ROt free to do. 
 
 He Biaketh a 
 ftone as free 
 to afcend as 
 dcfccnd- 
 
 azainji vie. If it be all one to confidcr of thefittefl means to obtain a defired end or 
 objedt, and conf'der of the good and evilfequels of an adion tn come, why did he clunge 
 the definition generally received , to make a Ihew of difference, where there is 
 none by his own account ? 
 
 I was willing to have brought him to his right wits , that he might Iiave ac- 
 knowledged himfelf a reafonable man : but feeing he is fo peremptory , that all the 
 reafon and underjianding rchich man hath , if but imagination v And weighing Iiis 
 ground, thu he finds it fo in himfelf , by confideringhU own thoughts and ratiocinati- 
 ons y and which worketh with me more than all his conlidence , finding his Wri- 
 tings more full ofphantafie than of )udgment,Ibegin to relent, and am contented to 
 come to an accord with him , that he , and fuch as he can gain to be of his mind , 
 fliajl have the priviledge of phantafticks, provided that other men may fiill retain 
 their old reafon. Moreover, Iconfefs, that when I left other bullnefs to cxartiine 
 his Writings, I did meet with greater trifles than I did before. 
 
 I would gladly fave his credit , but he plungeth himfelf into fo many grofs er- 
 rours , that, Ipfaftcupiat falm fervare prorfut non poteji. Now he telleth us, that 
 deliberation is nothing elfe , but fo many wills alternatively changed , as if delibe- 
 ration was but the meafuringof a rod by inches , with his thumbs alternatively i he 
 wills, he wills not i he wills , he wills not, e^-c. And as the laft thumb-brcadrli 
 happeneth , fo the Agent either willeth or nillcth. Before he made but one will , 
 now he niaketh I know not how many alternate wills. Before he made deliberati- 
 on, to be a confideration of the good or evil (equcls of an adlion. The will is an 
 appetite, not a confideration. The will is blind, and cannot confider. Wife men 
 ufe to look before they leap, and confider before they will. But he may have the 
 priviledge to have his will ftand for his reafon, Stat pro ratione voluntas. So whileft 
 the byais of his Bowl is changing from the one fide to the other alternatively by ex- 
 trinfecal caufes, the Bowl is deliberating. 
 
 I confefs , I wondered at his definition of a free Agent , He that can do if he mV, 
 and forbear if he n> ill •-, not that I did not forefee what paradoxical fenfe he would 
 give it, but why he (hould retain the ancient terms. I remember well his dif^in- 
 d:ion between freedom to do if a man will, and forbear to do if he will , and free- 
 dom to will if he will , and to nill if he will. And have made bold now and then 
 to reprefent what a vain, falfe , ufelefs, contradi<ftory dirtindlion it is , and I be- 
 lieve itlieth at the laft gafp. But I might have faved my labour. I ufed but one 
 fhort Argument in this place •, cither the Agent can will and forbear to will , or he 
 cannot do and forbear to do, and it driveth him into a contradi(flion. There is no 
 doubt , a man can vcill one thing or other, and forbear to rvill it. If a man can will 
 and forbear to will the fame thing , then he can will if he will, and forbear if he 
 will, where he makcth the iUte of the Queflion to be , Whether a man to day can 
 chufe to morrows will ? either he feigneth or miftaketh grofsly. I will never truft 
 him with flating of Qucflions , or citing of Teflimonies. 
 
 Although it be his turn now to prove, and mine to defend my fclf , oc mycaule 
 from his objections , yet he is ftill calling for proofs i and which is worfe , would 
 have me to prove Negatives, when he himfelf cannot prove Affirmatives. Hort> doth 
 it follow ( faith he ) that a (ione m as free to afcend as defcend , unlefs he prove there k 
 fio outward impediment to its afcent , rvhich cannot be proved , for tbf contrary U true ? 
 Or , How provethhe , that there if no eutward impediment to h^ep that point of the Load- 
 flone , which placeth it f elf towards the North, from turning from the South ? Firft , for 
 the ftone, the cafe is clear , there is no other cxtrinfccal impediment to the'ftonc 
 afcending or defcending , but the medium through which it pafTeth. Now the me- 
 dium is fuppofcd to be the fame, that is , the air equally difpofed. The air is as ca- 
 fily driven upwardsas downwards; and therefore though the air give fome impedi- 
 ment to the motion upwards , yet it giveth the fame impediment at leafl to the mo- 
 tion downwards : And therefore the impediment being as vincible upwards as 
 downwards , if the caufe of motion were the fame , and the prefencc or abfence of j 
 cxtrinfccal impediments being the fame, it followcth clearly upon hi^ grounds^ 
 that the ftone is as free to afcend as defcend. Next for the Loadftone, 1 prove 
 that there is no extrinfecal impediment vvhieh holdtth it fiom turning totb.eSoutfii , 
 
 by
 
 Discourse! I. Mr. Hob's Animad'verponf^ g . _ 
 
 by fenfe and realon , both mine own and all other mens , by the common confent 
 of the World, and by his filence who is not able to pretend impediment that is pro- 
 bable , without the Itone , except it be in feme other body fardiftant , which will 
 render the difficulty the fame. 
 
 His next palTage is ridiculous. An Havphjcvams liberty toflie when her mttgs arety- -. 
 ed , but it is abjurd to fay , pe wants libtrty toflie when her wings are plucked. So fhe iVe^s free'*''^ 
 wanted no Liberty to flie when (he was naked and newly hatched ; fo he himfelf Aie "hnfher 
 wanteth no Liberty to flie from hence to China. He faith , Mctt that /peak, E»glifh '''"8«are 
 ufeto fay rohen her wings are plucked, that (he cannot flie. So they ufe to fay Hkewife' P'"'^''^''- 
 when her wings are tyed. He demindeth , Whether it be not proper Language to 
 Jay a bird er a beaji are jet at Liberty from the cage^ wherein they were impriJoned?What 
 it may be at another time , when men are difcourfing upon another fubjecft is not 
 material at this time , and as to this fubjed which we are about , it is mort'imper- 
 tinent and improper. He himfelf as partial as he is , cannot think that this Liberty 
 is any thing to that moral Liberty which renders a man capable of reward or punifli- 
 ment, any more than a Taylors meafure is to the meafure of motion. 
 
 I faid and fay again , That nothing can begin to be without a caufe, and that 
 nothing can caufe it felf. Yet I fay many things do begin to aft of themfdves, this ^ ''cg'nning 
 Che faith) is to contradiCimyfelf^ hecaufe Intake tbe aSion to begin without a cjufe. °'^'.'^'"S ^nd 
 This is not the Hrit time that he hath noted this for a contradidion. I (hall fooner ^'*"'^' 
 falve the contradidtion , than he fave his credit. As if the Agent and the aftion 
 were the fame tiling > Or as if the Agent was not the caufe of the Aftion? Or as 
 if there were any eonfequence in this ? The Agent cannot begin to be of himfelf 
 therefore he cannot begin to adt of himfelf.? Or he cannot caufe himfelf, therefore 
 he cannot caufe his adion. Nothing can caufe it , but that which is caufedby one 
 thing , may caufe another. Whereas he addeth , That it hath been proved formerly 
 that every fufficient caufe ii a neceffary caufe , and that is but Jargon to fay free caufes de- 
 termin themfelves , it is but a puffeof his vain Oiorious humour. He hath made no- 
 thing to appear but his own ignorance and miftakes. 
 
 In the Later end of this Se&ion , I made bold to make fonie ferious demands uu „( 
 to Mr. Hobs which did not at all reflect upon him in particular , but at thofe fome demands 
 Natural Notions which are common to all mankind. 
 
 The Firft demand was , Whether he doth not find by experience that he doth 
 many things which he might have Left undone if he would , &c. He anfwereth 
 Tes, if he would , but he niaketh it impolfible for him to have had any other will'. 
 So he doth as Good as tell us that he might have done them upon an impollible 
 condition or fuppofition i as he himfelf might have flown over Sea if he had had a 
 pair of Wings. This is a Contradiction indeed implyed v firft , to fay he might 
 have done otherwife , and then to add an impollible condition which makes his pro- 
 pofition negative. I am fure it is not fairly done to avoid the fcope and meaning of 
 the demand. 
 
 The Second queftion was •, Whether he do not fomc things out of meer animo- 
 fity and Will without regard to the direction of right rea(bn, &c. He anfwereth 
 This queftion was in vain, unlefs I thought my felf his Confeffbur. No, it is e- 
 nough , I dcfire not to intrude into his fecrets. 
 
 My Third demand ( as he faith ) was , Whether he writ not this defence of ne- 
 celiity againft Liberty , onely to ihew that he will have a dominion over his own a- 
 ctions. He anfwereth , Nj , but to (hew that he had no dominion over his will ^ and 
 this at my requefl. My requeft was , That what he did upon this fubject, (hould 
 ratherbe in vvriting than by Word of mouth. It fecmeth that I had the dominion ; 
 
 over his will. So might I come to be queftioned for all his Paradoxes. The truth 
 is , this was no diftinct queftion , but a corrollary of the Second queftion. 
 
 My Third demand wa<. Whether he be not angry with thofe who draw him 
 from his ftudy , or crofs him in his defires , and why he is angry with them , ( if 
 they be necellitated to do what they do ) anymore than he is angry with a (harp 
 Winter , &c. This is wholy omitted by him. 
 
 The Laft demand was. Whether he do not fometimcs blame himfelf and fay, O 
 what a fool was 1, to do thus, or thus i Or wi(h to himfelf, O that I had been 
 
 Hhhhh wife
 
 84S 
 
 Cafiigations of TOME III. 
 
 a 
 
 wife and why hedofh this if he were irreiidibly necelhtated to do all things thathe 
 doth He might as well have wiflied , O that I had not breathed , or O what a 
 fool was I to grow old. To this he anfwereth nothing, but fubtk queftions , and 
 fuHof Eptfcopjl gravity i And that he thinks in this qiiejiion , I mil appear the greater 
 fool, fuppoling that 1 meant to put the fool upon him, which I profefsmy fclfto 
 be innocent of i as he might have found by thefe words inferted among the que- 
 llions which rfifemen find in themfelvesfometimes. Though I jeft fometimes witli 
 hiscauVe or his arguments , I do not meddle with his perfon , farther than to con- ■ 
 demn his' vain-glorious prcfumption , to arrogate fo much to himfclf. Though I 
 have not half fo great an opinion of him as he hath of himfclf, yet I wi(h his hu- 
 mility were anfwerable to his Wit. Thus of four queftions he hath quite omitted 
 one negledred another, refufed to anfwer a Third, and anfwered the Fourth con- 
 trary to the 5cope of the queftion. 
 
 His bragging humour will not leave him, he ftill forgetteth Epifffiw his flieep. 
 
 Cafiigations- j^^ fg jth Wnn JJhaV have read over his Animadverfwns , Num. 31. I vpiU thinK.other- 
 
 of the Ani- ^jQ xvhatfiever I ml! confef. Male ominatis parcito verbis. I fhould fooncr turn Ma- 
 
 njadver(wns nichee , and make two Gods, one of Good, the other of evil, than make the true 
 
 Num. 31. «^ God to be the caufeof all evil. But there is no danger either of the one or of the 
 
 other. I have read over his Animadverfions, Num.^i. I have weighed them , 
 
 and I profcfs I find nothing in them worthy of a Divine , or a Philofopher , or an 
 
 ingenious perfon, who made a fad inquifition after truth", nor any thing that doth 
 
 approach within a German mile of the caufe in controverfie. And fo I leave him to 
 
 the Caftigations. 
 
 That his two inftances of Cafling ambs-ace and raining to morrow: , are imper- 
 tinent , appeareth by thefc two realons , Firll the queftionis of free anions, thefe 
 two inftanccsare of contingent adtions. Secondly , The queftion is of antecedent 
 neceflity, thefe inftances are of an hypothetical neceffity. And though I ufed the 
 beauty of the World as a M<?<^i«>M to prove Liberty , wherein contingency is invol- 
 ved yet this doth not warrant him to give over the principal queftion , and to 
 ftart and purfue new queftions at his pleafure. But Let him be of Good comfort , 
 pertinent or impertinent, they (hall not be neglefted. 
 
 Becaufe I would not blonder as he doth , I diftinguiflied actions into four forts. 
 Firft , The actions of free Agents. Secondly , The aftions of free and Natural 
 Agents mixed. Thirdly, The adions of brute bcafts. Fourthly, The adions of 
 Natural inanimate caufes. Of thefe four forts the firft onely concemeth the queftion 
 and he according to his cuftom quite omitteth it i yet it was af more moment and 
 weight , than all he faith in this Section put together. {_ A man proportioneth his 
 time each day , and allotteth fo much to his devotions , fo much to his ftudy , fo 
 much to his dyet , Co much to his recreations, fo much to neceifary or civil vifit, (b . 
 much to his reft-He that will feek for I know not what neceflary caufes of all this 
 without himfelf, C except that Good God, who hath given him a reafonable foul J 
 may as well (eek for a nectffary caufe of the Egyptian Fyramides zmovg the Crocodiles 
 ofN;7w,] This diftinction of a mans time , is an act of dominion, done on pur- 
 pofe to maintain his Dominion over his actions, againft the encroachments offen- 
 fual delights. 
 , .J. He faith here plainly , Thatl;e kiiotveth m aUion that proceedeth from the liberty of 
 he wil° \et ^""^ "''''• And again , A mans rcill is fomething , but the Liberty of his mil is no- 
 Dot free to will thing. Yet he hath often told us , That a man is free to do if he mil , and not to do 
 r. againft law] if he niH. If no action proceed from the Liberty of the Will , then how is a man 
 aiid Logick. jj^^ j^ j^ j^l^,, ^j]j > ggfore he told us. He U free io do a thing that may do it if he 
 have the wi^i to do it ^ and may forbear it if he have the tviHto forbear it^ If the liberty 
 of the will be nothing, then this fuppofition , If he have the mV, is nothing, but 
 animpollibility. And here to all that I have faid formerly againft that frivolous di- 
 ftinction , I fliall add an undoubted rule both in Law and Logick. A conditional 
 proposition, having an impofibk condition annexed to it, U equipollent to af.mple nega- 
 tive. He who is free ro write if he mil , if it be impollible for him to will , is not 
 fiee to write at all, no more than he is free to will. But this Caftle in the air hath 
 been beaten down often enough about his ears. 
 
 Where
 
 O iscQURsi- t I Mr Ho b/j- Animadverftons. ^.^ 
 
 where I fay that [ contingent actions do proceed troin the indetermuiation or 
 
 contingent concurrence oi Natural caufes ] my intention was not to exclude con- 
 tingent deternnination ,. bur neceffary determination according to an antecedent 
 necelliry , which he hath been fo tar from proving unantwerably , that he hath as 
 Good as yielded the caufe , in his ca(c of Ambs-ace , by making the necellity to be 
 oncly upon fuppofition. 
 
 Concerning mixt adions partly free and partly neceflary , he faith, That /or proof ^'"" ^• 
 (;/ ibem , I ittjiance in a lilc falling from an houje which brealteth a mam head. How 
 often muft I tell him v That I am not now proving , but anfwering that which he 
 produceth ? He may rind proofs enough to content him, or rather to difcontenthim, 
 in twelve Sedions together , from the rifth to the eighteenth i and upon the by 
 throughout the whole Book. He who proveth that eledion is always inter plura , 
 and cannot confilt with antecedent determination to one , proveth that that 'nan 
 who did eled or choofe to walk in that ftreet, at that very time when the Itonefeil 
 though he knew not ofit , was not antecedently neceffitated to walk there : And if 
 any one of all thofc caufes , which concur to the produdion of an effedbe not an- ^ necefTary cf. 
 tecedently neceffary , then the elfed is not antecedently necertary , fornoeffedcan ^''^^^^^"'^^ 
 exceed the virtue of its caufe. ciufcs 
 
 He faith , Ijhould have proved that fuch contingent aUions are not antecedently necejfa- 
 ry ^ by a concurrence of natural caufes^ though a little before J granted they are. Firft 
 he doth me wrong, I never granted it , either before or after. It is a foul fault in 
 Iiim to mirtakehimfelf, or his adverfary , fo often. Secondly, It is altogether im- 
 proper and impertinent to our prefent controverfie. Let him remember what he 
 himfelf faid. If they ( the inftances of cafting ambs-ace and raining to morrow ) 
 be impertinent to hii opinion of the Liberty of mans will , he dotb impertinently to meddle 
 with them. Not fo neither by his Leave. Though I refufe to prove them formally^ 
 or write VoUm :es about them , yet I do not refufe to anfwer any thing which he 
 doth or can produce. Such is his argument which followeth immediately. What- 
 joever is produced by concurrence of natural caufes ^ was antecedently determined in th^ " 
 
 caufe of juch concurrence^ though contingent concurrence. He addeth , Th^t though I 
 perceive it not , concurrence and contingent concurrence are all one. It may be in his Di- 
 aled , which differs from the received Dialed of all Schollars , but not in the Dia- 
 led of Wifer and Learneder men. To his argument , ( pardoning his confounding 
 of Natural and voluntary caufes) I anfwer , That if he fpeak of the immediate ad- 
 equate caufe as it is a caufe in ad, without doubt he faith truth, Caufa proxima in 
 adu pofita , impofihile efi nonfequi effedum. But he told us of a necefTary connexion 
 of all caufes from Eternity , and if he make not this good , he faith nothing. If 
 he intend it in this fenfe, I deny his alTcrtion , That whatfocver is produced by 
 by concurrence of Natural caufes, was antecedently determined from Eternity. 
 As for inftance that the Generation of a Monlkr which Nature or the Agent never 
 intended, was neceflary trom Eternity , or neceflary before the contingence was 
 determined. 
 
 Concerning the individual aftions of brute beafls , that they fliould be neceffitat- 
 ed to every ad they do from Eternity i As the Bee f for example ) how often flie 
 fliall hum in a day , and how often (he (hall fly abroad to Gather Thime , and whi- 
 ther , and how many flowers prccifely flie muft fuck, and no more, and fuch like 
 ads i I had reafon to fay I fee no ground for it. Yet the Leafl of all thefe ads is 
 known to God , and fubjed to his difpolition. Hctelleth us , That he hath pointed 
 out the ground in the former difcourje' If he have , it is the blind Senator fof whom 
 I told him formerly^ pointed the wrong way. Alibis intimations have received 
 their anfwers. But whereas I made an objedion to my felf , Are not two Jparrows Matth lo.. if, 
 fmldfor a farthing ? andone of them JhaV not fall to the ground without your father^ He 
 doth not deal clearly to urge mine own objedion, and conceal my anfwer. He 
 doth not fay , which your father cafleth not down , or which your father doth not 
 neceffitate to fall , but without your father ■■, That is, without your Fathers know- 
 ledge , without his protedion, without the influence of his power, or which is ._ 
 exempted from your Fathers difpofition. ^ 
 The Lart fort of adions are the natural adiftns of inanimate creatures, which 
 
 H h h ii h 2 have
 
 g^o Caftig atiofjs of TOME III . 
 
 havTnoTthe leaft pretence to Liberty , or ib much as fpontaneity •, and therefore 
 were declined by me as impertinent to this Qijeftion. Out of my words concer- 
 ning thefe, he argueth thus. If there be a neceQary connexion of all natural caujes 
 from the beginning , then thtre v> no doubt , but that all things happen necej]arily : But 
 '.hire is a neceffary connexion of all natural caufes from the beginning. 
 
 Firft , I deny iiis confcquence , and by it , he ( who is fo bufie to take other 
 mens heights in Logick, wherein he never medled yet but he was baffledjmay have 
 his own height taken by them that are fo difpofed. There is fcarcc a Frefhman in 
 the Univerlity, but could have taught him the difference between caufa efficiens fhy- 
 fica , and voluntaria > the one afting by neceffity of nature , the other freely accor- 
 ding to deliberation. The former cannot defer nor moderate its aft, nor z& oppo- 
 lite adions indifferently , but the later can. So though a neceffary connexion of 
 all natural caufes were fuppoled , yet it inferreth not a neceffary connexion of all 
 voluntary caufes. 
 
 Secondly , I deny his Affumption , that there is a neceffary connex ion of all na- 
 tural caufes from the beginning , for proof whereof he produceth nothing, nor is 
 able to produce any thing. All he faith he alledgeth out of me , That it deferveth 
 farther examination ■, and from thence, according to his wild roving imagination, 
 he drawcth confequences from the ftaff to the corner, that have not the leaft grain 
 of fait , or weight in them. As thefe , Hitherto he kitotvs not rvhether it be true or no. 
 And consequently , all his Arguments hitherto have heen of no effieS , nor hath he Jhetved 
 any thing to prove , that eleUive anions are mt neceffitated. Thus his Pen runneth o- 
 ver without rime or reafon. He that would learn to build Caftles in the air, had 
 belt be his Apprentife. The truth is, I was not willing to go out of mine own pro- 
 fellion , and therefore defired to hold my felf to the Queftion of Liberty, without 
 medling with contingency > but yet with the fame refervation that the Komans had 
 in their Military Difcipline, necfequi, nee fugere ^ not to feek other Queftions, nor 
 yet to ihun them, if they were put upon me. 
 
 And now we are come to his two famous inftances of cafting ambs-ace, and rain- 
 A^bs ace»^° '"^ ^^ ^'^^ raining tomorrow. Haid, that Ihad already anfwered what he pro- 
 Num. j{.$2 cl'-^ceth to prove all fufficient caufes to be neceffary caufes. Now , faith he , Jtfee- 
 meth, that dijirufiinghis former Anfxver , be anfrveretb again. O memory! he did 
 not urge them in that place , neither did I anfwer them at all in that place. But 
 though he had urged them , and I anfwered them there i yet he repeating them , 
 or enforcing them here , would he not h.ive me to anfwer him ? It is true , that in 
 another Sedion , upon the by , he hath 1; .en Gravelled about his ambs-ace, & there- 
 fore he treadeth tenderly Itill upon that foot. He faith, J bring no other Argument 
 Num.?' ta prove J the caji thrown not to be neceffarily thrown , hut this , that the cafier did not de- 
 
 liberate. By his leave it is not truly faid. I fhewed undeniably , that the neceflity 
 upon which he buildeth , is onely hypothetical. I enumerated all the caufes which 
 were , or could be recited , to make the neceflity j as the Dice , the pofiture of the 
 Cafters hand , the meafure of the force, the pofiture of the Table, &c. And 
 (hewed clearly, that there was not the leaft Grain of antecedent neceflity in any of 
 them , which he is not able to anfwer , and therefore lie doth well to be fi- 
 lent. 
 
 But if I had urged nothing elfe, This alone had been fufficient to prove , the 
 Cafter a free Agent from his own Principles. A free Agent ( faith he ) is he that hath 
 not done deliberating. He who never began to deliberate , hath not done delibera- 
 ting. There can be no neceflity imaginable, why the Cafter fhould throw thefe 
 Dice rather than thofe other; orcaft into this Table rather than that, or ufe fo much 
 torce and no more , but the Cafters will , or mecr chance. The Cafter never deli- 
 berated, nor fo much as thought, of any one of thefe things: And therefore it is 
 undeniably apparent, that there was no neceffity of cafting ambs-ace , but onely up- 
 on fuppofition, which is far enough from antecedent neceffity. 
 
 But he pleadeth farther. That /row our ignorance of the particular caufes , that con' 
 ctirringmah£ the neceftty ^ J infer that there rvas no fuch necejfity at all , rrhicb is that 
 indeed which hath deceived me , and all other men in this ^leftion. Whole fault was it 
 then firft, to make this an inftance , and then to plead ignorance? Before he was 
 
 bold
 
 Drsc oURSK 1 1. Mr. HobsV Animadz/erfjojiS' 8 < i 
 
 bold to reckon up all the caufes of the antecedent neceffity ofthiscalt, and now 
 when he is convinced that it is but a necellity upon fuppoiition , he is fain to plead 
 Ignorance. He who will not fuffer the Loadlione to enjoy its attradive virtuCj 
 without finding a reafon for it in a Fiddle-ftring, (as Sco^in fought for the Hare un- 
 der the Leads , as well where (he was not , as where {he was ) is glad to plead ig- 
 norance about the necertary caufes of ambs-ace. Whereas my reafons did evince, 
 not onely that thecaufo are unknown, but that there are no fuch caufes antece- 
 dently necellitating that caft.. Th-o, if any caufes did neceffitate ambs-ace antece- 
 dently , it was either the Cafter, but he thought not of it i or the Dice, but they 
 are fquare , no more inclinable to one caft than another , or the pofiture of the Ta- 
 ble , but the Carter might have thrown into the other Table, or the pofiture of the 
 hand , but that was by chance i or the meafure of the force, but that might have 
 been either more or lefs, or all of thefe together. But to an cffeft antecedently ne- 
 ceffary , all the caufes mull be antecedently determined j where not fo much as one 
 of them is antecedently determined , there is no pretence of antecedent neceffity : 
 Or it is fome other caufe that he can name , but he pleadeth ignorance. Yetlcon- 
 fefs the deceit lyeth here , but it is on the other fide , in the ignorant miftaking of 
 an Hypothetical necelfity J for abfolute antecedent neceffity. 
 And here according to the advice of the Poet, 
 
 Nee Veus interfn mfi dignus vindke mdm 
 •Incidcrit. 
 He calleth in the knowledge of God to his aid , as he doth always when he findcth 
 i;imfelfata Lofs V but to no purpofe. He himfelf hath told us, Thzt if camot be 
 truly faid, that the forek^oTPledge cfGodJheuld be a caufe of any thiitg]., feeing forek>toTt>- ^'""' " ' 
 ledge IS knowledge , and h^ovpledge dependeth on the exijience of the thing k^otvn. God 
 feeth not future contingents in an antecedent certainty which they have in their cau- 
 fes, but in the events themfelves , to which Gods infinite knowledge, doth extend it 
 felf. In order of time one thing is before another, one thing is after another , and 
 accordingly God knoweth them, in thpmlelves to be one before another. But his 
 knowledge is no beginning , no expiring adt. Nothing is paft, nothing is tocome 
 but all things prefent to his knowledge, even thofe thj^j i jch are future ; with 
 the manner of their futurition, ° 
 
 His cafUng ambs ace hath been unfortunate to him , he will fpeed no better with His other in« 
 his fhovver of rain. In the entrance to my anfwer , and as it were the ftating of the ftanccofrain. 
 caufe , I fhewed that rain was more contius^ent in our Climate, than in many other '".^."ne"^' 
 parts of the World, where it is almoft as ncceffary as the feafons of the year. I do morrow, 
 not find fo much weight in his Difcourfe , as to occation me to alter one Word , 
 for which I could have produced authors ci.ough , if I had thought it needful , but 
 I alledged only the Scriptures , mentioning the former and the latter rain. And 
 even this is objeded to me as a defedl or piece of ignorance. I thought ( faith lie ) Dcat: 1 1. lij,; 
 he bad kriotpn it by experienee offome'travellors , but I fee he onely gathereth it from that ^5'; *' **• 
 place in Scripture y asif the Scripture alone were not proof Good enough, except it °" '^' 
 be confirmed by the experience of Travellors. 
 
 From this preparatory difcourfe he frameth two Arguments , and puts them in- 
 to my Charadcr , as if they were my reafons. In our Climate , the natural caufes 
 do not produce rain fo necejfarily atfet times , as in fome Eafiern Countries , therefore they 
 d'l not produce rain necejfarily in our Climates , th en tchen they do produce it. Again , 
 iVe cannot fay fo certainly and infallibly , it rvill rain to morrow , therefore it is not ne~ 
 cejfary either that it fhauld rain ^ or that it fhould not rain to morrow. Such reafons as 
 thefe do become him better than me i I difclaim them, and to ufe his own Phrafe, 
 murt take them for untruths , until he cite the place where I have made any fuch ri- 
 diculous inferences , which conclude againll hypothetical neceffity, which we our 
 felves do effablifh. 
 
 But I come to his arguments, which Ifhall fct down in his own words, for it 
 cannot be vvorfe difpofed , to let us fee the great skill of this new controller in Lo- 
 gick \ Jt is neceffary th^t to morrow itfljall rain urnot rain^ if therefore it be not neceffa- 
 ty that it fhall rain , it is neceffary it fhall uot rain v otherwife it is not neceffary that the 
 propofition it (hall rain , or itjhaV not rain , fhoidd he true. To this I anfwered , that 
 
 it
 
 8o 
 
 Caftigations of T O M E I 1 f. 
 
 it was moft falle, that the propolltion could not be ncceffarily true 
 except one ot the members were t:eccirarily true , which is a truth evi- 
 tit and undeniable. This anfwcr I illuftratcd thus ■■, A conjund propo- 
 lltion may have both parts falfe , and yet the propofition be true,^x 
 /■/ the Sm Jhifte, n is day'; isa true proporition at midnight. Logicians ufc to 
 Give another example , ijanAjsfiie^thmhe hath tvivgs : The propofition is true , 
 but both the parts are talfe ; Neither doth the A(s flic, neither hath he wings. To 
 niv direft anlwer he replyeth not a word , either by denyal or diflindioniand fo by 
 his filei'.ce yieldeth the Controverfie. But to my illuftration he excepteth thus. 
 Fiift Jfhatbath a coriwrd propfilion to do with ibis in (:urfiion^ which is disjmidive ? 
 By his Good favour, there are two propofitions in his argument, the former is 
 disjuudive , which is rot queflioned at all by either party , either for the truth of 
 it or the receility of it , Nam-ely, Eithtr it will rain to morron> , er it will not rain 
 tomorrow. His fecond propofition is conjundive , and not disjundivc , Namely, 
 Jf iberefvre it be mt tiect^ary ji fl^aH rain^ it is mceffary it Jhall mt rai>!^ This cofijun- 
 dive propofition I deny ■, and 1 deny it upon this evident ground , becaufe as in 
 a conjundive propofition , both parts of the propofition may be falfe , and yet the 
 propofition true , or both parts true , and yet the propofition falfe, becaufe the truth 
 or falfhood of the propofitions , dependeth not upon the tru^th or falfliood of the 
 parts , but only of the confequcnce j So in a disjundive propofition , the disjun- 
 dion may be ncceffarily true , and yet neither member of the disjundion , be ne- 
 ctffarily , becaufe the truth or falfhood of a disjundive propofition, dependeth not 
 upon the neceffaiy truth of either member diflindly confidered, but upon the necef- 
 iary truth of the disjundion. The reafon js evident , ina disjundive propofition, 
 nothing is affirmed or denied , either of the one member , or the other , but onely 
 the neccffary truth of the disjundion. According to that rule in Logick , J« Fropo- 
 fiiotte disjundiva affirimatio & negatio a^imatur exfola conynnUione disjunSiva , mi tie- 
 ajie (ft addi negatior.emji debet tiegaiiva ep fropcfuio. Now the disjundion of con- 
 tradidories is moft neceffary , eitber it will rain to morrow , or it will not rain to 
 morrow , though neither part of the contradidion be neceffarily true. As for ex- 
 ample , A man is to pay a fum of money , either he will fay it in Gold , or he will 
 mtpay it in Cold , is neceffarily true : but it is not neceffary that he fhall pay it in 
 Gold , neither is it neceffary that he (hall not pay it in Gold, Seeing he hath it in 
 his choice to pay it in Gold or in Silver, or any other coyn which is current. This 
 is fo clear , that no man can (erioufly oppofe it , without his own difcredif. 
 
 Secondly, He faith that a conjunctive propofition is rot mac^e of two propofiti- 
 ons , as a disjunctive is. 'What then ? Fiift, This is altogethct impertinent, and 
 nothirg to hispurpofe. Secondly, It is alfo falfe. Every ccn founded propofition 
 ( fuch as a conjunct propofiticn is ) doth cither actually or virtually include two 
 propofitions. Indeed , an hypothetical propofition may fcmxtimes be reduced to 
 a Categorical , that is , when there are but three terms , for when there are four 
 teims , it is hardly reducible. What is this to the queftion , or to any diflerence 
 between us /■ ]v[{ which is the way to Lovtion ? A fackjull cj phms. He might do 
 v.'ell for his reputation (ake , to reduce his argument into any SchoJIar-like Form, 
 either Categorical, or hypothetical, or disjunctive , or any thing. But then the 
 I'glincfs of it would lireight appear. This is the neareft to his fenfc that I can con- 
 trive it ; Itiher it is necefary that it JhaVrain to morrow , or it it nccefSary that it/haV 
 rot rain io rt.vrriw ' Or ibis propofition , eithir it will rain , or it will not rain to morrow^ 
 is not necefanly trjitr I deny the disjunction. Tono cvarivm ^ Or the one of thefe two 
 ( raining or not raining ) will haf pen contingently. The disjunction is alwaysne- 
 ccffarily true , before either of the members be detciminately or neceffarily true. 
 
 whether this propofition, Ihficw that either it will rain to morrow , or it will not 
 rain to morrow , be a disjunctive propofition , or rot , is not material, It includ- 
 eth a disjunctive propofition in it ; and fheweth plainly that the certainty of a dif- 
 junctive propofition doth not depend upon the certainty of cither of the members 
 determinatcly , but upon the certainty of one of them indifferently. 
 
 Hetaketh great exception at my manner of expreflion , that God made his own 
 decrees freely , becaufe whatfoetcr was made had a beginnings hut Cods Decrees are E- 
 
 terndl.
 
 , Dis CO URS E 1 1. Mr. Hob's Animad'verfLons. 8 < -^ 
 
 urnal Befides, Godf decree U his mil ■> and the Bijhop faid formerly , that the mil of Gods decree 
 Cod if God. Although God being a fimplc and inhnite EiTence (to fpeak properly) ™n<'«*ered j- 
 isnot capable of any mannerof compofitioii, or of being perfcded any further ^Ij?"'!!'"'^ 
 Ihan he is : Yet to help our conception , we ufe to attribute to God fuchadts, and ^^ '" ^' 
 qualities , and perfedions, which being fpoken after the manner of men , are to be 
 underftood according to the Majefty of God. Such is the notion of Gods Decrees. 
 More particularly, the Decrees of God may be taken , and is taken in the Schools* 
 two ways, adlively or pallivcly. Adively, as it is an a<ft immanent in God ; and 
 fo the Decree of God is nothing elfe but Veits decernens ^ God decreeing. Or clfe 
 the Decree of God may be taken pallively , for the execution of this Decree i or the 
 order fet by God for the government and difpofition of the World, which is an ad 
 done in time i anda^fxrrj, or without the Deity. This executive Decree was 
 that which I intended , as he might eaGIy have perceived , if he had plcaftd. He 
 himfelf faith the fame, which he dillikes in me; Ihii concourfe of caufes whereof Mum. si. 
 every one it determined to be fuch as it is ^ by a likg concourfe of former caufes , 'w^y tvell 
 be called ( in rejpcB they toere all fet and ordered by the eternal cattfe of all things , God 
 Almighty) the Decree of God. What difference is there, whether one fay this' De- 
 cree was made , or it was fet and ordered , as he himfelf faith > My argument 
 holds as well 'the one way as the other. God was not neccflitated to fet this order 
 and yet this dirtinctive Propofition was always neceflarily true, either God will or- 
 der it thus , or he will not order it thus. 
 
 To my lalt argument ufcd in this Sedion, he anfwercth nothing but this, JfGad God knows all 
 had made other caufes or effeSs free from neceffity , he had made them free from his ob'« faturcpoffibi- 
 prefcience , which had been imperfeHion. Which reafon, befides all the inconfequen- '"'"• 
 ces thereof, and all the other abfurdities which flow from it , doth deny to the in- 
 finite Knowledge of God, the knowledge of polfibilities and future contingents* 
 whereas it is molt certain , That God doth perfedly know, not onely all future 
 contingents , ( not in their caufes onely, but indiemfelves ) but aifo all poflibilt- 
 ties, upon fuppofition of a condition, fuch as were never to be adually produced, 
 fFoe unto thee Chorazin , rvoe unto thee Bethfaida j for if the mighty tporkj which were jLf,,,\ 
 done in you , had been done in Tyre and Sidon , they would have repented long agoe in 
 faek^loatb and ajhes. To know certainly future polfibilities which fhall never come 
 into ad, is more than to know future events, though never fo contingent and 
 void ofnecellity. Take another inftance , TFill the men of Keilah deliver me up? ^Sam. 23.lt 
 Will Saul eome down ? He will come down, they will deliver thee up. And again 
 He was Jpeedily tak^n away, leji wick^dnefs Jhould alter his underliandiiig. 
 
 His firft endeavour m this Section is , to reduce his argument into better form i 
 and when all is done, it proveth but a Sorites. The onely commendation that I ^'^^^'g^tions 
 can give it , is this , That the matter and form are agreeable , both ftark naught. "■' '''^ '"'*" 
 Thus he argueth , "that which is an Agent, work^th : "That which wori^th , wmteth no- ^^dverfions 
 thing requiftte to produce the adion; and confequetitly is therefart afufficient caufe \ and if^^^^- 3 5. 
 a [indent caufe, then alfj a necejjary caufe. I deny his rtrlt Propolition , Tliat every ^ J' argumeoc 
 Agent worketh. There are caufes and Agent; in power , as well as in ad: But it vcifa^necefllty 
 may be , he meanech an Agent in ad » then he proveth the fame by it felf , That anfwered. 
 which adeth , worketh ■, and when they returned, then they came home again. 
 He takcth pains to prove that , which no man in his right wits can doubt of* 
 
 His fecond Propofition containcth fuch another fublime point of Apodeidical 
 Learning , called idem per idem , the fame by the fame : That which worketh, wan- 
 teth nothing requilite to produce the adion , or the effect it produceth. It may 
 want truth that is requifite to the production of that which it ought to produce. 
 But it can want nothing to produce that which it doth produce. Whatfoevcr aci- 
 eth when it acteth, doth neccffarily act what it doth act. He is ftill tumbling up- 
 on that old foolijh rule. What is all tliis to his antecedent necellity ? 
 
 His third Propofition follows , And conjequemly is thereof a fiifficient caufe. Yes 
 in his canting language, which makes dericiencc: and futficiencc to be all onc.Where- 
 unto tendeth all this? Hitherto he hath not advanced one hairs breadth. But now 
 he uniteth all his force , to pulldown the Caftle of Liberty. And if a fiifficient 
 caufe , then alfo a neeefsary caufe. I denied his confcquence, and gave him a reafon 
 
 for
 
 ^77 Cajiigations of T O M E 1 1 1. 
 
 tor it ;otherwiieGodhimrcU (houid not be allfufficient.He replyeth, That dds 
 allMtdence fig»tfeth »o more than his omnipotence^ and cmni^otence fgnifielh no more 
 than the potver to do all things that be rvJU.'^cs, Gods infinite power and fufficience 
 oashi not to be limited to thofe things which he doth adtually will, or which have 
 adual being: No more than his eternity is commenfurable by time. He was fuffi- 
 cicnttorailc up children to Abraham oi' iioncs, which he never did, and proba- 
 bly never will do. If God did all which he could do, and could jurtly do, who 
 was able to abide it ; we were in a wretched condition. A covetous perfon may 
 have more than (uHicient for his back and his belly, and yet no will to befiow it 
 vpon himfelf . So he hath proved himfelf a fufficient Agent, fufficient to make this 
 Sorites, though very in fufficient to prove his intention. 
 
 But I took pity on him, to fee him toil himfelfe to no purpofe, and was content- 
 ed out of Grace and courtefie to admit thefe two things. Firft , That every cfFedt 
 in the World hath fufficient caufes. Secondly, That fuppofing the determination of 
 the free and contingent caufes , every effed in the World is necefTary, that is 
 neceflary upon fuppolition. But this will do him no good. Necellity upon fup- 
 pofitiou is far enough from antecedent neceflity. He objedeth that neeeffity is on'y 
 (fiblc and f'^''^ "■"'->' offomeiphat in future. I deny it. He proveth it thus. NeceJ[ary is that 
 impofliblc all which cannot pffibly be otherwije. And fojfjbly is alffays underftood of fame future time. 
 one with T.H Good : where are his eyes that he cannot diitinguifli between fofftble and not foffibk\ 
 If neceflary had been that which could pofl"ibly be othcrwife: orif impoflibility had 
 laways reference to the future as well as pollibility,he had faid fomething. By this ar- 
 gue ment he might prove that yeflerday is not paft,buttocome,becaufe itisnotpolli- 
 ble to bring back yelkrday, and poilibility is always underflood of the time to come. 
 But out of pure necellity he is contented to make ufe of my curtefic. Seeing he 
 ^^ranteth fo favourably that fufficient caufes are necejjary caufes, J fhall eafily conclude 
 from it, that rrhatfoever thofe caufes do caufe are necejjary antecedently. He may eafily 
 prove it, ifhe can makepoffible and impoflible all one. I gave him an inch, and 
 he takes an ell. I admited that every effcdi in the world is neceflary upon fuppo- 
 fition, and he taketh it for granted, that they are neceflary without fuppofition. 
 But that is more than I can yield him. If that be his meaning, he had beft ftick to 
 his own grounds? but they will afford him no more relief than my conceilion.How- 
 g foever thus he argueth. 
 
 arc no't "t" Jf the neeeffity of the thingfroduced, wheKproduced^be in the fame infiant if time withthe 
 
 thcr vi\y\i ^^ exifience of its immediate caufe , then alfo that immediate cauje teas in the fame injiant 
 effeft with the caufe by which it was immediately, produced. "Xhefame may he faid of the caufe 
 
 of this caufe , and backward eternally. From whence it will follow that all the connexion 
 of the caufes of any effeCi from the beginning of the World, are altogether exijient in one 
 and the fame injiant. It is well that I meet with a beginning of the World, fori was 
 afraid of thofe words andfo bachp>ards eternally. If his Mathematicall Engins be fuch 
 as thefe he will never provefo terrible an enemy as ^rc/^iwf«/f/. He proveth that 
 all immediate caufes and their particular diftind efleds fucceilively, were together 
 in time at the very inftant of their caufation fucceffively fince the beginning of the 
 world. But he lets the queliion alone, as.bad Archers do the Butti whether 
 the firll caufe did derminc the fccond to every individual ad which it doth, necef- 
 farily and without any fuppofition, and the fecond the third, andfo downward 
 to the LaftiOf this he faith not a word. Where there is no need of proof he 
 fwelleth with arguments, where the queftion is Tie is filent.I willfliew him the pal- 
 pable abfurdityof his argument in an inftance. When Mr. Hobs make his Levia- 
 than^ his Leviathan, and he were neceflarily coexiflent in the fame inftant oftime , 
 So likewife when his Father did beget him, his Father and he were neceflarily co- 
 exiftent in the fame inftant oftime. The like may be faid of his grand- father 
 and his Great Grand-tather, andfo upwards tothe beginning of the World. 
 Therefore Adams begetting of 5f//^, had a neceflary connexion with his writing of 
 his Leviathan, fo as to nccellitate him antecedently and inevitably to write it, and 
 fluffs it whith Paradoxes. Or thus, a man kindles a fire to warm himfelf: The fire 
 and he are necefTarily coexiftent, and there is necefTary connexion between them> 
 Another man fteals part of the fire and burns anhoufc with it, the fire and the 
 
 con-
 
 Discourse. 1 I Mr. HobsV Animadverfrouf. 
 
 conflagration are together and have a necefrary connexion i therefore the kindling 
 of the fire had a necciTary connexion with the burning of the houfe , to render it 
 inevitable. See with what doughty arguments they ufe to catch Dotterels. 
 
 From hence he concludeth. That confequently aS the time from the beginning of the 
 iVorld ^or from eternity to this day ■, ii but one inftant. Better and better. Why N<"^''o*'" 
 doth he not infer likc^ife that the Sea burncth? His premifes will fuftain the one , illftam, "^ 
 as well as the other. Why will he loofe for want of confidence ? IfGod who is an 
 infinite eflence be free from all variablencfs and fucceflionof time, mult he who is but 
 a turning (hadow upon the old Exchange of this World , challenge the faraeprivi- 
 Icdge ? Becaufe Eternity is a ««>«cjb«/, muft fuccelfivc parts of time make on^ in- 
 ftantor nuncfians ? But he addeth , By this timt J kytotp it is not fo. He hath been 
 fpinning a fair thrced , and now likea curft Cow calls down his meal with hi-; foot* 
 Firlt, to endeavour to prove that it is fo, and then confefs that it is not fo. N-'ith'er 
 can he fay , that he proceedeth upon my grounds, whileft his own grounds are fo 
 much higher than mine. I make but an hypothetical neceffity, which implierh on- 
 ly an accidental connexion s He mikcth an abfolute antecedent nccetficy, which 
 implieth a ncceffary Connexion of the whole conjoindt feries of caufts and 
 effects. 
 
 I cited hisfenfe, that he could add other arguments if he thought it good Lo' „ f. . 
 gick, He complaineth that I mif-recite his words, which are / could add if I thought ^'^i^^^'^""'^ 
 it good Logick^, the inconvenience of denying neee^ty^ as that it de^roys both the 'Decrees ^^"^ '.''^ ^^~ 
 andprefcience of God Ahnighty. And are not thefe reafons drawn from the decrees '"'"^^^'j'" 
 and prefcience of GodArguments ? or are they not his prime arguments? Hdw "''•'') '^^"^•3 
 glad would this man be to find any pretence of exception? He diftinguiflieth abfur- 
 dities and inconveniences : Absurdities ( he faith ) are impoffibilities , and it is a good 
 form of reafoning to argue from abfurdities , but not from inconveniences. If all ab- j. ^ admit- 
 furditiesbe impoflibilities, then there are no abfurdities in rerum natura, for there can teth no abfar- 
 be no impoflibilities. This it is to take the fenfe of words not from Artifts dicies but iin_ 
 in their own Arts, but from his own imaginations. By this reafon there never po'^'^'''""- 
 was an abfurd fpeech or abfurd adlion in the World , otherwife abfurdities are 
 not impollibilities. But he hath confuted himfelffufficiently in this Treatife. One 
 abfurdity may be greater than another ", and one inconvenience may be greater than 
 another, but abfird and inconvenient is the fame thing. That is abfurd which is 
 incongruous , unreafonable not fit to be heard. Truth it felf may accidentally be 
 faid in fome fenfe to be inconvenient to fome perfons at fome times. But neither 
 abfurdities nor inconveniences in themfelves do flow from truth. Now let us fee 
 what are thofe inconveniences which he mentioneth here. To deftroy the decrees 
 and prefcience of God Almighty. There can be no greater abfurdity imagined , than 
 thcfc which he calleth inconveniences. He himfclf hath at the leaft ten fcveral 
 times drawn arguments in this Treatife from the prefcience of God. Where wis 
 his Logick then ? or hig memory now? And in this very place where he condemn- 
 eth it zs no good form of reafoning to argue from inconveniences^ yet he himfelfdoth 
 pra<9:ice it, and argues from inconveniences. But he hath worn this fuojedt fo 
 thread-bare , without adding either new matter or new ornament , that I will not 
 weary the Reader with a necdlefs repetition, but refer him to my defence , which I 
 dare well truft with his Animadverfions. 
 
 It is vain to talk any Longer of keeping this confroverfie fecret. Neither do I Cajiigations 
 regard whether it was made publick by his fault or his friends, or who it was that upon the A- 
 hanged out the Ivy-bufh before it, to beg cuftom and procure utterance for hisfirll mmadverfi- 
 fardel of Paradoxes. He t\\\nkzt\\k\'i great confidence in me to fay ^ that the edge of ons. 
 difcourfe veasfo abated , that it could not eaiily hurt any rational man, who was not Num. 37. 
 over much poffefled with prejudice. But I have much more reafon to wonder at 
 his tranfccndent confidence. The People of China did ufe to brag that they onely 
 had two eyes , The Europeans one eye , and all the reft of the World no eyes. But 
 he maketh himfelf to be a very Ar^iu , all eye , better fighted than either Eagle Or 
 Serpent , and all the reft of the European World to be as blind as Moles or Beetles, 
 like fo many changlings or enchanted perfon' that had loft their fenfes. For my 
 part lam more confident fince I fee his Animadverfions than before. And why 
 
 I i i i i fhould
 
 8^6 
 
 Cajiigations of 
 
 TOME 111. 
 
 AbufesJo not 
 flowefTentially 
 from good 
 doftrines, as 
 from univerfal 
 ncccflity. 
 
 Ca^Vtgations- 
 efthe Ani- 
 madverfions 
 Num. 38. 
 Solid reafons 
 work fooncft 
 upon folid 
 judgments. 
 
 ihould 1 not be conhdcnt in this caufe ? Grant me but that there is a Gud , That 
 he ij juli , and true , and good , and powerful, that there is an Heaven, and an 
 He'll and a day of Judgment , that is , rewards and punifliments i That good 
 and evil virtue and vice , holinefsand fin , are any thing more than empty names. 
 That there is any eledtion in the World , That admonitions and reprehenfions, and 
 praifes and difpraifes , and Laws and confultations do fignifie any thing , That 
 care and good endeavours are to be cherifhed i that all motives to Godlinefs , and 
 Religious Piety are to be maintained , and I cannot fall in this caufe. There is 
 no doubt but the befl Doftrines may be abufed, as the Dodrine of Gods Providence 
 to idlenefs , and his patience to procraftination , aud his mercy to prefumption. 
 But fuch abuLs do not flow neccflarily and efTentially from good Dodtrines , as 
 they do from univerfal neceflity. He telleth us how Cod deaktbrvith tbofe whom he 
 rviV bring to a blejfed end, and how he hardneth others : but he telleth us of nothing 
 tliat is in mans power under God to do, either to prevent this hardening, or to at- 
 tain this Blelfed end. He talketh of a mans examining his xvays , but he teachetb 
 withal that a man is either neceliitated unrefiftibly to examin his ways , or other- 
 wife it is impofiible for him to examin them. He mentioneth fome who reafon er- 
 roneously , J jhali he faved , I Jhall be faved , irhether I a>a\ uprightly or no. But he 
 teacheth alfo that they are neceffitated to reafon erroneoufly, or pot walk upright- 
 ly , and that they cannot avoid it by all the endeavours which are in their power. 
 Fo r according to his principles , nothing at all is in their power , either to do, or 
 to /cave undone, but onely to cry patience, and (hrug up their (houlders , and 
 even this alfo is determined antecedently and inevitably to their hands. 
 
 So he maketh man to be a meer footbal or tennis ball, fmitten to and fro by 
 the Iccond caufes , or a top laflied hither and thither. If the Watch be wound up 
 by the Artift, what have the wheels to do to be follicitous about any thing, but 
 onely to follow the motion which it was impoffible for them to refill ? when he 
 firft broached this opinion , he did not forefee all thofe abfurd confequenccs which 
 did attend it , which might eafily happen to a man, who buildeth more upon his 
 own imaginations , than other mens experience 5 and being once ingaged , he is 
 refolved to wade through thick and thin , fo long as he is able. 
 
 We are now come tohisLaft Sedlion, which is as full of empty and unfignificant 
 vaunts , as any of the former. True real worth u(eth not to fend forth fo many 
 bubbles of vain- glory. The quefiion is not whether perfonsOncepubiickly ingaged 
 in the defence of an opinion , be more tenacious of their crrours , than thofe who 
 have no fuch prejudice » which his own example doth confirm fufEcienily , and no 
 rational man can doubt of > but whether folid fubftantial proofs do work fooner 
 upon perfons of wit and learning , than upon thofe who are ignorant , whofe judg- 
 ments are confufed and unable to difiinguifh between feigned (hews, and real truths. 
 How fhould he who underftandeth not the right fliate of the quefiion , be fo likely 
 to judge what reafons are convincing , and what are not, as he who doth under- 
 fiand it ? Or he who knoweth not the diftindiion between that neceflity which is 
 abfolute , and that which is onely upon fuppofitions be a competent judge, whe- 
 ther all events be abfolutely neceiTary ? He might even as well tell us that a blind 
 man is more likely to hit the mark, or judge rightly of colours, than hethathath 
 his fight. 
 
 He himfelf doth halfconfefs as much , Iconfefi the more folid a mans tvit it , the 
 better wiH folid reafons rvork^upon him. What is if then that difgufieth him ? It is the 
 addition odhat rehieh I call ^ that is to fay , much reading of other mens Vuclrines , 
 vfithout weighing them with his own thoughts. When did either 1 or any mat^ 
 elfe ever call that learning , to read Authors without weighing them ? Such 
 extravagant expreliions become none but blunderers, who are able to fay no- 
 thing to the quefiion when it is truely fiated. But I wonder what it is which /:»<? 
 calleth learning. Nothing but a phantaftick opiniaflretie, joyncd with a fupcrcilious 
 contempt of all other men that are wifer or learneder than himfelf making the private 
 thoughts of ignorant perfons to be theftandardand publickfeal oftruth.Asthe Schol- 
 ler thinketh , fothe bellclinketh. If there were nothing elfe,this alone (to except a- 
 gainft them who fiiould bebothhis Jurors and his Judges ) were enough to render 
 
 him
 
 Discourse I L Mr. Hobs*/ /4nimad'verlio?2f' 8<7 
 
 him and all his Paradoxes fufpeited. Let him remember who faid , Learning hath 
 no enemy , but ignorance. 
 
 If he had ever read thofe Authors whom he condemneth , namely, Ihe Fathers 
 and Dolors of the Church , his prefumption had been fomewhat rnore tolerable, 
 though too high , but to condemn them all before heeverreadany of them, requir- 
 cth a Prophetical Light , to which he is no pretender. In the mean time he would 
 have his Readers believe that what is done by him upon defign, meerly to hide 
 his own ignorance , is done out of depth of judgement. Like the Fox in the 
 Fable , which having loft his tail by mifchancc , pcrfwaded all his fellows to cut of 
 theirs , as unprofitable burthens. The Philofnpher divided men into three ranks : Three forts of 
 Some who knew good and were willing to teach others , thefe he faid were like men. 
 Gods amongrtmen. Others who though they knew not much, yet were willing to 
 learn, thcfe he faid were like men among bc-afts. AndLallly, fo me who knew 
 not good, and yet defpifcd fuch as fhould teach them. Thefe he efteemed as bealls 
 among men. 
 
 Whereas he talketh of fuch , as requite thofe who endeavour to infiruU them at their 
 oTvn intreaty , roith reviling terms ^ although he dictate more willingly thandifpute, 
 where no man may contradidi him \ yet neither do I take him to be of the ranck 
 of inftrudlers , before hehimfelf hath hrll learned v nor is he able to bring fo much 
 as one inftance of any reviling, or fo much as difcourteous Language throughout 
 my defence- If his back was Galled before , and that make him over-fenlibIe,and 
 fufpiciousof an affront, where none was intended , who can help it t' But now 
 he himfelf having (hewed fo much (corn and petulance in his Animadverfions^though 
 I have abrtained from all reviling terms , yet I have tempered my ilile fo , 
 as to let him plainly fee, that he is notfo much regarded , nor half fo formidable an 
 Adverfary , as he vainly imagineth. 
 
 In the next place he fetteth down eight conclufions which he dreameth that he 
 hath proved in this Treatife. It is good beating of a proud man. Though he be 
 thrown flat upon his back at every turn , yet he hath the confidence to proclaim his 
 own atchievements with a filver trumpet , when they do not dcferve to be piped 
 upon an Oaten reed. I will make him a fair offer , if he have proved any one of 
 them , or be able to prove any one of them , I will yield him all the reft. Bcfides 
 the notorious falflioodof them all, the two Laftare apparently ridiculous, That the 
 dodlrine of Liberty is an error that mak^th men , by imagining they can repent rvhen -.|,g ^^r,ftrine 
 they Tfill^ negle^i their duties i and moreover ma\t^s them unthankful for Cods Graces^ ofli'jerty -.na- 
 hy thinking them to proceed from the natural ability of their own TPiH. The Dodrine of keth no m u 
 Liberty from fuperftoical necelfity , doth neither make men truncos nor facrikgos , S^*^'!.] f°^ 
 neither ftupid blocks void of all activity, nor yet Sacrilcgioufly to rob God of his 
 honour. We know and acknowledge , that both free will, and the good ufe of tree 
 will in repentance and all other ads of gratitude towards God , is from God , and 
 proceedeth from Grace. Thefe inferences which he makes are no confequences of 
 our Dodrine , but his own drowfie dreams. All men that are not blinded with 
 prejudice , do fee clearly , that it is his defpcratc Dodrine of inevitable necelfity , 
 which makcth men to negled their duties, by teaching them to believe , that 
 though they be impenitent or unthankful , yet it was not at all in their power to 
 have been otherwife , they are as they muft be , and as God hath ordained or ne- 
 cellitated them to be. ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ 
 
 He takcth me up iot faying unskilfully , that they wh) difpute PhihfiphicaUy of God faculties. 
 afcribe unto him m proper faculties. Indeed I do not wonder it he who afcribes to Num. 24 
 God potentialities and fuccelKvc duration, who denies that the divine fublknce is fi^/r «■ i:'-'. 
 indivifible, and fiiththat actus funplicifimns fignifieth nothing , who makes an in- '" ^ ' 
 corporeal fubllance to be acontradidicn , do make him likevvife to be compounded 
 of fubftance and faculties. But they who penetrate deeper into the ugly confe- 
 quences of thefe bold and blind alTertions , who confider that whatfocvcr is truly 
 infinite, is not capable of any variation or fludow of turning by change \ and that 
 whatfoever is infinitely perfedin it felf , cannot be farther perfeded by the fuppli- 
 tnental addition of any faculties or accidents , will not judge my affcrtion to be un- 
 skilful, but his Paradoxes to be diOionourable to the divine nature, and derogatory to 
 theMajefty ofGod. liiiia His
 
 g-^ -^ Cafligationfof T O M E 1 1 f . 
 
 His reafon of this reprehenfion is, Becaufc to difpute Philojuphkally is todifpute by 
 natural reafon , and from principles evident from the Light of nature , and to dijpute of 
 the faculties and proprieties of the Subjed whereof they treat. VVliat, whether they have 
 any faculties or no .'' that were very hard. It feemeth that Chriftian Philofophers 
 are not Philofophers with him. And why tnay not a Philofopher make ufe of Di- 
 vine Revelation? bat let him not trouble himfelfabout this. This truth hath been 
 fufficiently cleared already by the Light of Natural reafon. Either the Divine Ef- 
 (ence is infinitely perfed: in it felf, or God is not God. And if it be infinitely per- 
 fedin it felf, it cannot be farther perfedted by any faculties. 
 
 He faith he tpouldfain ^ww of me what improper faculties J afcribe to God , I af- 
 cribc no faculties at all to God , except it be anthropopatheticaily, as the Scripture 
 a(cribes eyes and hands to God , which muft be underllood as is befeemingthe Ma- 
 iefty of God. Headdeth, That IkjiotP not how to mak^ it good that the will andun- 
 derjlanding of God are faculties , and yet tviU have thefe words [ his underftanding and 
 his will are his very cflence 3 t'' pofifor an axiome nfPhilofophy. It is true I know not 
 how to make them faculties in God , fpeaking properly, and yet I doubt not of 
 this truth, that Gods underlhnding and his will are his very EflTcncc. And this 
 very objedion (heweth clearly , that he neither underftandeth me , nor himfelf. 
 This axiome that the will and the underftanding of God are his very cflence , is a 
 tit medium to prove they are no faculties, ^iequid ejUn Veo ejl ipfe Veus , What- 
 foever is in God , is God > If he have any thing to fay againft it, why is he fi- 
 lent. 
 G d is incotn- '^^^^ ^^'^ '^ incomprehenfible , and that his Nature can neither be exprefled nor 
 prchcnfibJe- conceived perfedly by mortal men , is a truth undeniable , not to be doubted of. 
 How fhould finite reafon be able to comprehend an infinite perfedion ? And there- 
 fore they who do fearch too curioufly into the Majefly of God, or define his nature 
 too fawcily and prefumptuoufly , are juftly to be reprehended. The Pipe can con- 
 ilonii7.24. vey the water no higher than the fountains head. But on the other fide, feeing 
 ^fal. 1 1 J, ^f^^ jnvifible things of him , that is , his eternal power and Godhead are clearly feen from 
 can.wc ai-eob^ '^^ Creation of the World. And feeing he hath given us his word to be a Light un- 
 ligedVc fearch to our feet , and a Lanthorn unto our paths , not to endeavour foberly and humbly 
 after him, to know God , fo far as he is rcprcfented to us by the Creatures , and revealed unto 
 us in the Scriptures , to the end we may Glorifie him as God , and help others to 
 know him and Glorifie him aright, is inexcufable ingratitude. It is not then fimp- 
 ly the inquiring into , or the difcourfing of the Nature of God , but the tranfgreG- 
 fing of the right manner and due bounds of our enquiry, which is unlawful. The 
 Fathers difputed well from the Nature of God , againft the Anthropomorphites. 
 Q So did St. Paul againft the Idolatrous Athenians , For as much as we are the Off- faring 
 
 To admit that. "/ 'j'^^i ""^ ^'^^ ^nd move and have our bdng in him and from him ^ we ought not to 
 God is infinite think^that the Godheadis lik^ unto Gold and fiver ^ or ftone Graven with Art. I acknow- 
 i» enough to ledge, that though all pollible perfedion ought to be afcribed to God , yet the 
 conuter,/^, fafef^ vvay to exprefs him is by negative attributes. Admit but one negative attri- 
 bute , which all men mufi: admit, and do admit, that believe aGodiand I will eafily 
 evince all the reft from thence,that is,that he is , adually infinite, or an indivifible 
 unity of infinite perfedion. If Gods being be infinite, then it is not by fuccellive 
 duration. In fucceffive duration, fomething is added every minute v but to that 
 which is infinite , nothing can be added. Again, if Gcd be adually infinite, then 
 he is not divifible nor materiate , nor corporal , nor hath parts without pares : an 
 aggregation of finite parts , cannot make up an infinite being. If God be adu- 
 ally infinite , then his underftanding and his will are not diftind faculties , then his 
 goodnefs and his wifdom , and his juftice , and his truth, are not diftind quali- 
 ties. For if his will be without his undcrftanding , or his juftice without his wif- 
 dom, then his underftanding and his wifdom are not infinite, for that onely is 
 infinite, without which nothing is or can be. It is not therefore enough to afcribe 
 unto God whatfoever is honourable, unlefs we do it in an honourable manner, 
 that is , infinitely \ and that we can never do , but by making him an indivifhk ii- 
 nity of infinite being and perfedion. Not accidental, but cflential , or tranfccndent 
 perfedion. He who calleth God mofi petfed, ''though T. //. fee it not j comes 
 
 (licrt
 
 Discourse. 1 1. Mr. HobsV Animadverftons. 
 
 fhort o.f"chat honour which is due to God. Moft perfed is but a degree ofcompa- 
 rifon. But he who calleth him perfcftion it felf, acknowlcdgcth that all the per- 
 fedionof the creatures is by participation of his inrtaite perfedion. Such errours 
 as thefe forinerly recited, do deferve another manner of refutation i and when he 
 is in his IwAde intervalks ^ hehinfifclf acknowledgeth what I fay to be true , That 
 God is incoraprehenfible and immaterial . Andhehimfelf proveth fo much from 
 this very attribute of God, that he is infinite, Ci. c.i^.f. 14. Figure is not attributed 
 to God, for every figure it finite. Neither can he he comprehended by w , for whatfoever 
 toe conceive is finite i mr hath he parts , n>hich are attributed onely to finite things i nor 
 is he more than one , there can be but one infinite. 
 
 Whereas I called ReWthe truetophet , he telleth us Gravely, That Tophef rras a Topher, 
 place not far from the IFalls 0/ Jerufaicm , and confequently on the earth s adding after 
 his boafting manner , That he cannot imagin rvhat Jwillfjy to this in myanftver to his 
 Leviathan, M«/f/? J fay that by the trueTophet in this place, U meant a not true 7ophet.Who- 
 (bever anfwereth his Leviathan will be more troubled with his extravagancies, than 
 with his arguments. Doth he not know that almoii all things happertd to them as 
 tigures ? There may be a true myftical Tophet as well as a literal y and there is a 
 true myftical Gehenna or vally of Hi «Ho« , as well as a litteral. He that (hould 
 fay that Chrift is the true Pafchal Lamb , or the Church the true Jerufakm^ or John 
 Baptili the true Eliof , may well julHfie it , without faying , that by the true Paf- 
 chal Lamb is meant no true Pafchal Lamb , or by the true Jerufalem no true Jerw 
 falem , or by the true Elias , no true EUm. What poor fluff is this.? 
 
 Andfohe concludeth his Animadvejiion with a rapping Paradox indeed. 'Irue True Rf Ii'glon 
 Religion confijieth in ohidience to Chrifis Lieutenant , aud in giving God fuch honour confifts h not 
 both ttt Attributes and anions , as they in their feveral Lieutenancies JhaU ordain. That '° obeiiience 
 Sovereign Princes are Gods Lieutenants upon earth, no man doubteth , but how l°^""42*° 
 come they to be Chrifts Lieutenants with him ^ who teacheth exprefly , that the ' ' ' 
 Kingdom of Chrift is not to begin till the general RefurreAion ? His errours corns 
 fo thick , that is difficult to take notice of them all ; yet if he had refolved to main- 
 tain his Paradox , it had been ingenioufly done to takcnoticeof my reafons againft 
 it in this place. 
 
 Firft, what if the Sovereign Magijiratejhall be no Chrijiian himfelf ? Is an Heathen 
 orMahumetan Prince the Lieutenant of Chrift , or a fit infallible Judge of the con- 
 troverfies oi Chriftian Religion ? Are all his Chriftian fubjeds obliged to Sacrifice 
 to Idols , or Blafpheme Chrift upon his command ? Certainly he giveth the fame 
 Latitude of power and right to Heathen and Mahumetan Princes that he doth to 
 Chriftian. There is the fame fubmillion to both , J authorife and give up my right of ^<"-'. <"> '7 ^^ ' 
 Geverning my felf to this man , whom he maketh to be a mortal God. To him alone 
 he afcribcth the right to allow and difallow of all Doctrines, all forms of worfliip 
 all miracles, all revelations. And moft plainly in the 42. and 43. Chapters of his 
 Leviathan, where he teacheth obedience to infidel Princes in all things, even to 
 the denial of Chrift , to be neceffary by the Law of God and nature. 
 
 My Second reafon in this place was this. What if the Magiftrate ftiall command 
 contrary to the Law of God ? muft we obey him rather than God ? He confeffeth, 
 That Chriji ought to be obeyed rather than his Lieutenant upon earth. This is a plain 
 concelhon, rather than an anfwer. But he farther addeth , That tbe quejlion is not 
 who is to be obeyed, but what be his commands ? Moft vainly. For if true Religion 
 do conlift in obedience to the commands of the Sovereign Prince , then to be truly 
 Religious it is not needful to inquire farther than what he commandeth. Frujira 
 fit per plura quod fieri poteji per pauciora. Either he muft make the Soveraign Prince 
 to be infallible in all his coinmands concerning Religion , which we fee by experi- • 
 ence to be falfe , and he himfelf confeffeth , that they may command their Subjects 
 to deny Chrift ; orelfe the authority of the Sovereign Prince doth juftirie to his fub- Lev.C'^.Zi 
 jects whatfoeverhe commands , and then they may obey Chrifts Lieutenant as fafe- 
 ly without danger of punifhment as himfelf. 
 
 My Third reafon was this. If true Religion do confift in obedience to the com- 
 mands of the Sovereign Prince, then the Soveraign Prince-, is the ground and 
 pillar of truth , not the Church. But the Church is the ground and pillar of trut!i, 
 
 not
 
 "^51 Cajiigations of TOME III. 
 
 Tim.c.JH 
 
 not the Sovereign l?rince. "thefe things rvrite J unto thee, 5cc. that thou mayeji %ojr 
 hon> though oughtdi to behave thyfelfin the houfe of God , which is the Church of the li- 
 ving God, the pillar and ground of truth. What the Church iigniheth in this place 
 may be dcmondrativdy collcded , both from the words themfelvcs, wherein he 
 callefh it the houfe of God, which appellation cannot be applied to a fingle Sovereign 
 much lefs to a Heathen Prince, as their Sovereign then was. And Like wife by 
 the things written , which were dircdtions for the ordering of Ecclefialiical pcr- 
 fons. 
 
 The Lart Argument ufed by me in this place , was ad hominem , Why then is 
 T. H. of a different mind from his Sovereign and from the Laws of the Land con- 
 cerning the attributes of God , and the Religious Worfhip which is to be given to 
 him? The Canons and conftitutions and articles of the Church o( England, and 
 their Difcipline and form of Divine Worfliip , were all confirmed by Royal 
 authority. And yet Mr. Hobs made no fcruple to afTume to himfelf, that which 
 he dcnyeth to all other Subjcd-s, the knowledge of good and evil , or of true and falfe 
 Religion , and a judgement of what is confonant to the Law of Nature and Scri- 
 pture , different from the commands of his Sovereign and the judgement of all his 
 
 ji»m- I't- fellow Subjeds , as appeareth by his Book De Give, Printed in the year 1642. Nei- 
 ther can he pretend that he was thena Local Subjedl to another Prince,for he diifer- 
 ed more from him in Religion, than from his own Natural Sovereign. 
 
 This Paradox hath been confuted before , and fome of thofegrofs abfurditie<v 
 which flow from it repre(ented to the Reader , to all which he may add thele fol- 
 lowing reafons, 
 
 I King 12,15 Firll, true Religion cannot confift in anything which Is finful v But obedience to 
 Sovereign Princes may be finful. This is proved by the example of Jeroboam, who 
 eftablilhed Idolatry in his Kingdom. And the Text faith , Ihis thing became a fin. 
 It may be he will fay , This Idolatrous Woilhip was a lin in Jeroboam , not in the 
 people, whoobeyedhim. But the Text taketh away this evafion , branding him 
 ordinarily with this mark of Infamy , Jeroboam the Son of Nebat who made If- 
 
 Secondly i True Religion cannot confift in obedience to contradictory command?. 
 But the commands of Sovereign Princes are often contradictory one to another. 
 One commandeth to Worthip Chrift , another forbiddeth it. One forbiddeth to 
 offer Sacrifice to Idols , another commandeth it. Yea the fame perfon may both 
 forbid Idolatry in General, and yet authorife it in particular. Or forbid it by the 
 publick Laws of the Countrey , and yet authorife it by his perfonal commands. 
 
 Thirdly , True Religion is always juftified in the fight of God. But obedience 
 
 to the commands of Sovereign Princes is not always juffified in the fight of God. 
 
 This is clearly proved out of his own exprefs words. JfJjaifiever is commanded by 
 
 Ln. C.22. the Sovereign power , is as to the S ub'yVt , ( though'notfo aJtPays inthe fight of of God) 
 
 '■jufiified by their command. Whence it is evident by his confeilion , that the wicked 
 
 commands of Sovereign Princes are not juffified by their own Royal authority, but 
 
 are wicked and repugnant to the Law of God. And confcquently that of the Apoffle 
 
 ._ hath place here. Whether itbe right inthe fight of God to hear^n unto you more than unto 
 
 T" '' God , judge ye. True Religion hath always reference unto God. 
 
 fourthly. True Religion doth not confift in obedience to any Laws whatfoever 
 which are repugnant to the moral Law of God, or to the Law of Nature. This 
 De cive c. ?• Propofition is granted by himfelf. The Laws of Nature are immutable and Eter- 
 NHm.29^^1 nal. ^ And aH iVriters do agree that the Lave of Nature is the fame with the moral Law. 
 fy\ 26.^' •^S^'"' Sovereigns are all SubjeSs to the Law of Nature , becaufefuch Laws be Divine. 
 ^'' ' ■ and cannot by any man or Common-wealth be abrogated. And in all thin^^s fiot contra- 
 ry to the moral Law , that is to fay , to the Law of Nature , aVfubjeds are'botmd to obey 
 that of Divine Law , which is declared to befoby the Laws of the Common-wealth. But 
 the commands ot a Sovereign Prince may be repugnant not onely to the Moral Law 
 or the Law of Nature , but even to the Laws of the Common wealth. This affum- 
 ItvMift. c. 34 ption is proved four ways. Firff by his own confeffion , h is manifeft enough that 
 when a man receiveth two contrary commands , and h^ows that one of them U Gods , he 
 ought to obey that and not the other. If there can be no fuch contrary commands, 
 
 then
 
 Discourse IL Mr. Hob's Aniwad'verfionf, g^, 
 
 I 
 
 then it is not manifelt , nor yet true. Secondly, this is proved by the refolution 
 
 of two Queries. The hrll is this, JPljether the City ( or the Sovereign Prince ) be T>e C 
 
 to be obeyed , if he commntd direUly to do any thing to the contumely of God , or forbid to < ^^^' '^' 
 
 t^orfhipGod. To which he anlvvereth diredly , mn ejfe obediendum , that he ouaht Nnm ,<? 
 
 not to be obeyed. And he gives this reafon , becaufe the fubjeds before the conlUtttit- 
 
 on of the Commonwealth , had no right to dery the honour due unto God ; and therefore 
 
 could transfer no right to command fuch things to the Commonrpealth. The like he iiath 
 
 in his Lfviathan, A&ions which do naturaUy figntfie contumely , cannot by humane pom- C. - 1. 
 
 er be made a part of Divine Pf^orfhip. As it the denial of Chriii upon a Sovereign's ' ^ 
 
 command , ( which he juftifieth ) were not contumelious to Chrili ■■, or as if fub- 
 
 )c6is , before the conlutution of the Commonwealth , had any right the'mfelves to 
 
 deny Chrili. But fuch palpable contradictions are no novelties with him. How 
 
 doth true Religion conlift in obedience to the commands of a Sovereign , if his 
 
 commands may be contumelious to God , and deny him that Worfhip which is 
 
 due unto him, by the eternal and immutable Law of Nature, and if he be not to 
 
 be obeyed in fuch commands ? 
 
 His fccond Queftion is ^ If a Sovereign Prince fhould command himfelfto be worfhip- 
 pedtvith Divine Worihif and Attributes^ whether he ought to be obeyed? To which he ^^'^'"' 
 anfwereth , Thu although Kings Jhculd command it , yet we ought to abflain from fuch 
 attributes arfignijie his independence upon God , or immortality , or infinite power or the 
 lik(\ and from fuch a&ions as do fignifie the fame. As to pray unto him being abfent to 
 askjhofe things of him which none but God can gives as rain , and fair weather or to 
 offer facrifrce to him. Then true Religion may fometimes conliil in difobedience to 
 the commands of Soveraign Princes. 
 
 Thirdly, that the commands of Soveraign Princes in point of Religion, may be 
 contrary to the Law of Nature , T which needeth no new promulgation or rece- 
 ption) doth appear by all thofe Duties internal and external , which by his own 
 confelUon , Nature doth enjoyn us to perform towards God , and all which may 
 be , and have been countermanded by Soveraign Ptincesv as to acknowledge the 
 exiftence of God, his unity, his infinitenefs , his providence , his creation of the T^^ C"'f> f' 
 World, his omnipotence, his eternity, his incomprehenfibility , his ubiquity, to I5* 
 •worfliip him , and him onely with Divine Worfhip , with Prayers , with thankf- 
 givings , with oblations , and with all exprellions of Honour. 
 
 Lallly , this is proved by Examples. Nebuchadnezzar commanded to worfhip 
 a Golden Image. And Darius made a Decree , that no man (hould ask any petiti- ^^"" 3- 4' 
 on of any God or man for thirty days, fave of the King onely. Yet the tranferef- ^^"' ^ "'' 
 fion of both thefe commands of Soveraign Princes , was juflilicd by God as true 
 Religion. 
 
 Fifthly, Chrift will deny no man before his Father for true Religion; But thofe 
 ■who deny Chrift before men , to fulfill the commands of an earthly Prince , he wi\l w * 
 deny before hit Father which is in Heaven. And therefore Chrift encourageth his Di- - Ju ' 
 fciples againfl thefe dangers, which might fall upon them by difobedience to fuch ^^' ^^' 
 unlawful commands. Fear not them which kjhhe body ^ hut are not able to kJll the 
 foul i but rather fear him which if able to deflroy both body and foul in HeV. But Mr. 
 Uobbs hath found out an evafion for fuch Renegadoes. Whatfoever a Suh]eVt is com- 
 pelled to , in obedience to his Sovereign , and doth it not in order to hit own mind but in 
 order to the Laws of hU Countrey ^ that aUion is not his ^ but his Sovereigns \ noi- is it 
 he that in this cafe denieth Chrijl before men, but h'n Cover nour , and the Ltw of his 
 Countrey. If this Fig-leaf would have ferved the turn, Sftedrach , Mpjch , and 
 Abednego needed not to have been cart into the fiery Furnace. For though they had 
 worfliipped the Golden Image, by this dodrine they had not been idolaters, but 
 M^Mc/Wwzzijr onely and his Princes. If this vvere true, Pj«if/ might have elca- 
 ped the Lions Den. If he had forborn his praifes to God, Darius had been faulty, 
 and not he. But thefe Holy Saints were of another mind. I hope,though he might 
 in his hafte and pallion, cenfure the blefled Martyrs to be Fools, ( which were fo tr-. 
 many, that there were five thoufand for every day in the Year, except the Calends r;/'/ j 
 oi January , when the Heathens were fo fntent upon their Devotions , that they ri ' 
 negleded the (hughter of the poor Chrifiians, ( yet he will not eflecm himfelf wi- 
 
 fet
 
 Ui 
 
 Cajiigdtions of 
 
 TOMEllf 
 
 Ezeh 28. 3. fcr than 'Daniel. Behold thou art tvijer than Daniel , was an Hyperbolical , or rather 
 Rom. to.io. an Ironical exprellion. Tf^ith the heart man betieveth ttnto righteoujnefs , and mtb the 
 month i! confffton made tinto Salvation. If a man deny Chrift with his mourh , the 
 taith of the heart will not ferve his turn. 
 
 Sixthly, Chrid denounceth damnation to all thofe , who for faving of their 
 lives do deny their Religion , and promifeth eternal life to all tho(e, who do feal 
 the truth of their Chriftian Faith with their blood , againft the commands of Hea- 
 thenirti Magilhatcs. mofoeier rvillfave h'n hfe/hai lofe it , and tvhofuever rvili lofe hit 
 life for my fak: (hall find it. Chrift doth not promife eternal life for violation of true 
 Religion. 
 
 Ladly , no Chriftian Soveraign or Commonwealth , did ever affume any fuch 
 authority to thcmfelvesv never any fubjedts did acknowledge any fuch power in 
 tlieir Soveraigns: Never any Writer of Politicks, either wakmg or dreaming , did 
 ever phanfie fuch an unlimited power and authority in Princes, as this which he 
 afcribeth to them, not onely to make, but to juftiHe all Dodtrines, all Laws, all 
 Religions, all adions of their Subjedts by their commands', as if God Almighty 
 had refcrvcd onely Soveraign Princes under his own Jurifdidtion , and quitted all 
 the reft of mankind to Kings and Commonwealths. In vain ye worjhip me^ teaching 
 for Vodrine the commandments of men, that is to fay, making true Religion to con- 
 fill in obedience to the commands of men. If Princes were Heavenly Angels , free 
 from all ignorance and paliions , fuch an unlimited power might better become 
 them. But being mortal men , it is dangerous , left Phaeton-Yikc , by their vio- 
 lence or unskilfulnefs , they put the whole Empire into a flame. It were too too 
 much , to make their unlawful commands to jullirie their Subjedts. Jf the blind lead 
 the blind , both fall into the ditch. He who impofeth uplawful commands , and he 
 who obeyeth them , do both fubjedt themfelves to the judgments of God. But if 
 true Religion doth conlift in adtive obedience to their commands, it juftifieth both 
 their Sub)eds and themfelves. True Pvcligion can prejudice no man. 
 
 He taketli upon him to re fute the diftindtion of obedience into aftive and paflive, 
 As if a fin againji the Larv of Nature , could be expiated by arbitrary punijhments impo- 
 fed by men. Thus it happeneth to men , who confute that which they do not un- 
 derltand. Pailive obedience is not for the expiation of any fault , but for the main- 
 tenance of innocence. When God commands one thing, and the Soveraign Prince 
 another , we cannot obey them borh adlively ; therefore we chufe to obey God ra- 
 ther than men , and yet are willing , for the prefervation of Peace , to fufFer from 
 man, rather than to refift. If he undcrftood this diftindtion well, it hath all thofc 
 advantages which he fancieth to himlelf in his new Platform of Government, with- 
 out any of thofc inconveniences which do attend it. And whereas he intimateth, 
 that our not obeying our Soveraign adlively , is a fin againii the Lan> of Nature , 
 meaning by the violation of our promifed obedience , it is nothing bur a grcfs mi- 
 ftake ■> no Subjedts did , nor ever could make any fuch padt, to obey the com- 
 mands of their Soveraign at^ively , contrary to the Law ot God or Nature. 
 
 This reafon drawti from univerfal *pradtice was fo obvious , that he could not 
 mils to make it an objedtion, "The greatefl objedion is that of the praUice ^ when men 
 as}{^tvhere and tvhen fuch potoer has by SubjeCls been acknoivkd^d. A fhrewd objedti- 
 on indeed, which required a more folid anfwer, than to fay. That though in all 
 places of the World, menjhould lay the Foundation ofthetr Houfes on the f and, it could 
 not thence he inferred , that fo it ought to be. As if there were no more difficulty in 
 founding and regulating a Commonwealth , than in diftinguifhing between a loofe 
 fand, and a hrm rock 5 or, as if all Societies of men, of different tempers , of 
 different humours, of different manners, and of different interefts , muft of necef- 
 lity be ail ordered after one and the fame manner. If all parts of the World after 
 fo long experience, do pradtife the contrary to that which he fancieth, he muft 
 give me leave to fufpedl, that his own grounds are the- quicklands , and that his 
 new Commonwealth is but a Caftle founded in the air. 
 Theiurtpow. That a Soveraign Prince within his own dominions , is cuftos utriufque tabuU , 
 crof i'riDccs. the k-^eper of both the Tables of the Law, to fee that God be duely fervcd , and 
 juftice duely adminiftred between man and man , and to punifh fuch as ttanfgrefs 
 
 in 
 
 T>e Cive. 
 c. 14. 
 Afiive and 
 palfive obedi 
 cDce. 
 
 Lev. c. 20. 
 
 Univerfal pra- 
 Aice agaJD^ 
 him.
 
 Discourse. II Mr. HobsV Animadz'erfionr. 
 
 in either kind with civil punifliment i That he hath an Architedlonical power to 
 fee that each of his Subjedts do their duties in their feveral callings, EcdciialHcks 
 as well as Seculars •, Tiiat the care and charge of feeing that no Dodrine be taught 
 his Subjec'i:s , but fach as may confiil with the general Peace , and the authority 
 to prohibit fcditious pratflifes and opinions, do refide in him i That a Sovereign 
 Prince owcth no account of his adions to any mortal man i That the Kings of 
 England in particular have been julily declared by adl of Parliament Supreme Go- 
 vernours in their own Kingdoms , in all caules , over all perfons , as well Ecciefi- 
 altical as Civil, isnotdenyed, nor fo much as queitioncd by me. Otherwife a 
 Kingdom , or a Commonvvealth (hould be deftitute of neceflary means for its 
 own prefervation. To all this I do readily alTent , all this I have vindicated upon 
 furer grounds than thof- defperateand delkudtive principles which he fjppofeth. 
 
 But I do utterly deny that true Religion doth confift in obedience to Sove- 
 reign Magiikates , or that all their injundtions ought to be obeyed, not onely paf- 
 fively , but adlively , or that he is infallible in his Laws and commands , or that his 
 Sovereign authority doth juftirie the adlive obedience of his Subjedts to his unlaw- 
 ful commands. Suppofe a King (hould command his Judges to let Naboth on high I. Km, 2i.p 
 among the people, and to fet two fons o( Belial before him , to bear witnefs agalnft 
 him , faying. Thou didft Blafpheme God and the King , and then carry him out 
 and ftone him , that he may dye. The regal authority could neither juftirte fuch 
 an unlawful command in the King , nor obedience in the Judges. Suppofe a King 
 fhould fet up a Golden Image , as Nebuchadnezzar did , and command all his Sub- 
 jedts to adore it , this command would not cxcufe his Subjedts from Idolatry, much 
 lefschange Idolatry into true Religion. 
 
 His anfwer to the words oi Peter and John do fignifie nothing. The High Prieft jq^ 
 and his Council commanded the ApolUes not to teach in the Name of Jefus. Here '^' "' 
 
 was fufficient human authority, yet fay the Aportles Whether it be right in the fight of Gad 
 to hearken unto you more than unto God^judgeye. The queftion was not what were the 
 command?,that was clear enough, what God commanded, and what man comman- 
 ded, but who was to be obeyed, which could admit no debate. He asketh ff/;!*; has 
 the Biflwp to do with vchat God fayes to me vphen I read the Scriptures, more than I have to He confeffetli 
 do with what Qf^dfays to him when he reads them ? unlefS he have authority given him , that Ecdefia- 
 hy him whom Chriji: hathconflituted his Lieutenant. Firll I anfwer his queftion with have a'privi"* 
 a queftion , What if the Bifliop have fuch authority, and he hath not ? He cannot ledge above 
 deny but the Biftiop had fuch authority , when be had not. And yet he doubteth himfelf. 
 not even then to interpret the Scriptures contrary to both the Biftiop, and to Chrifts 
 Lieutenant. Secondly , I anfwer , That by his own confellion there is a great dif- 
 ference between him and me in this particular , Our Saviour hath promijed this infalli- 
 hility , in thofe things which are necejjary to Salvation to the Apoftks , ttntiU the day of ^ ^ Cive. c. 
 Judgement , that is to fay , to the Apojiles and to Fajiors to be confecrated by them by ^7- 
 impofnion of hands. Therefore the S overeign Magijirate , as he is aChrijiian , is obliged 
 to interpret the Holy Scriptures , when there is queftion , about the myfteries of Faith by 
 Ecclefiaftical perfons rightly ordained. Unlefs lie have fuch ordination by impofition 
 of hands, I am better qualified then he is for the interpretation of Scripture , by his 
 own Confellion. 
 
 But he fuppofeth that a Bipop or a Synod of Bifltops , pouldbe fet up for our civil 
 Sovereign. A likely thing indeed. Suppofe the Skie fall then we (hall have Larks. 
 But to gratitic him , Let us fuppofc it. What then ? Then that which lubjed a- 
 gainft him, he could objeH in the fame words agjittft me. So he might, if I fhould be fo 
 fond as to fay that true Religion did confilf in obedience to that fingle Bifhop, or 
 that Synod of Bifhops, as he faith, that it doth conlift in obedience to the Sovereign 
 Prince. He deceiveth himfelf, and mittaketh us , if he think that we hold any 
 fuch ridiculous opinions. If he could (hew that Bifliops do challenge an infallibili- 
 ty to thcmfclvesby divine right , and which is more than infallibility , a povver to 
 authorife all their commands for true Religion, he faid fomcthing to the purpofe. 
 He telleth us that he remembers there have been B^oli^s written to entitle the B'lfl'opsto 
 divine right underived from the Civil Sovereign. Very likely if the Law of Nature 
 do make a Divine right. Perhaps a Locomotive faculty , or a Liberty ot refpira- 
 
 K k k k k tion.
 
 864 Cajiigatiofjs of TOME 111^ 
 
 tion, which all other menrdo challenge as well as Bifliops. Buthemeaneth in Re- 
 ligion , Why not? They have their Holy Orders by fucccflion from the Apoftles , 
 not Irom their Civil Sovereigns. They have the power of the Keys by the concef- 
 lion ot Chri/t , iFlnfe fins yet remit they are remitted , trhafe fins ye retain they are re- 
 tained. None can give that to another, which they have not themfelves. Where 
 did Chrift give the power of the Keyes , to the Civil Magiflrate. 
 
 I was far enough from thinking of Odes , when I writ my defence of Liberty. 
 That which he calJeth my Ode , was written about a Thoufand yearsbefore I was 
 born. I cited it onely to fliew the fenfe of the primitive Chrifiians , concerning o- 
 bcdience to the unlawful commands of Sovereign Princes , that we ought to obey 
 God rather than them<^ And to that it is full, 
 
 Juffum eji C^faris ore Gallieni , 
 Princess quod colit, ut colamus omnes^ 
 JEternum cob principem dierum ; 
 FaUorem doniinumcfue Gallieni. 
 This pat him intofuch a fit of verfifying, that he could not forbear to make aParode 
 fuch as it is, wherein out of pure Zeal ( if it were worth taking notice of J he re- 
 taineth the erroursofthc Preft. 
 
 And focontounding Regal Supremacy with a kind of omnipotence , and the ex- 
 ternal Regiment of the Church with the power of the keyes, and Jurifdidion in the 
 Inner- court of confcience , and forreign ufurpations with the ancient rights and Li- 
 berties of the EngUJh Church , and i. rtipendiary School-mafter ( who hath neither 
 title nor right , but themeer pleafure of the mafter of the family ) with Bifliops , 
 who are the fucceflburs of the Apoftles in that part of their office, which is of ordi- 
 nary and perpetual necefluy, and the Kings proper Council in Ecclefiaftical affairs-. 
 He concludeth his Animadverfion with this fair intimation to Dr. Hammond and 
 me, That if we had gone upon thefe his principles , When we did write in defence of the 
 C/;Mrc/j f/ England , againji the imputation cf Schifm^ quitting our own pretences of 
 ]urifdiUion and]\is, divinum , we had not beenfo fhrewdly handled, as we have been by 
 an Englifli Tapifl. I hope neither the Church of 'England, nor any genuine fon of 
 the I.ngU(h Church , harh complained to him , that the Church hath fuffercd any 
 difadvantage by our pains > nor our adverfarics in that caufe boafted to him of any 
 advantage they have gained > I do rather believe that it is but his own imagination 
 without ever reading either party. Why fhould he interrupthis fadder meditations 
 wiih reading fuch trifles? But for his principles ( as he calleth them ) I thank him, 
 I will have nothing to do with them , except it be to (hew himhow deflrudive 
 they are both to Church and Commonwealth. But this I believe in earnefi: , that 
 if we had gone upon his principles, we fliould not have made our (elves the objedt 
 of our Adverfaries pity , but well of their fcorn. 
 
 In his conclufion , or in his pofifcript ( chocfe whether you will call it ) firft he 
 fetteth down his cenfure of my defence, with the fame ingenuity and judgement 
 that he hath (hewed hitherto , that is none at all , which I efieem no more than a 
 deaf nut : Let the book jufiihe itfelf. And as to the manner of writing , he bites 
 firft, and whines ; doth an injury and complains. The Reader will find no rail- 
 ing in my Treatife , nor any of thofe faults which he objedeth ; I rather fear that 
 he will cenfure it as too complying with fuch an Adverfary. But he had not then 
 given me fb much occafion , as he hath done (ince , to make him loofe that plea- 
 fure in reading, which he took in writing. 
 
 In the next place he prefenteth to the Readers view a large muf^er of terms and 
 phrafes , fuch as are ufcd in the Schools, which he calleth nonfenfe, and the language 
 of the Kingdom cf darkfiejs, tint is z]l the confutation which he vouchfafcth them. 
 He hath (erved them up often enough before to the Readers loathing. Let him 
 take it for a warning, whercfccvcr he reneweth his complaint, I (hallmakebold 
 to renew my liory ot old Harpalle , who complained that the room was dark, when 
 the poor Bedlam wanted her (]ghr. There is more true judgement and folid reafon 
 insnyonecf thewcrftcfthole phrafes which he derides , than there is in one of 
 his whole Sections. 
 
 Thirdly , he cavilleth againft a faying of mire, which he repeatcth thus. He hath 
 
 faid
 
 Discourse H. Mr. Hob's Ammadzierjions. 85 r- 
 
 fa'id that bis opituo.t u demimjirable in n-jfon^^ though he be not abls to c>mp7ehe;!d how ~ 
 
 It confijietb together vrith Gidi eternal prejcience ; and though it exceed his roeak^cabacity 
 yet he ought to adhere to that truth which is manifejh Whence he concludeth after this 
 manner. So to him that truth is manifeji and demo4\hahk by reafm , which is beyond 
 his capacity. Let the Reader fee , what an uningenuous Adverfary he i=. In my 
 firft Difcourfe of Liberty I had thefe words [ we ought not to defcrt a certain 
 truth , bccaufe we are r.ot able to comprehend the certain manner ] To which he' 
 anfvvcreth , Jnd J fay the fame. In my defence I repeat the fame words , adding 
 thefe, [Such a truth is that, which I maintain , That the will of man in ordinary ' 
 actions, is tree from extrinfecal determination. A truth demonftrable by reafon 
 received and believed by all the World. And therefore though I be not able to 
 comprehend, or exprcfs exadly , the certain manner how it confiHs with Gods 
 eternal prefcience and decrees, which exceed my weak capacity, yet I ought to 
 
 pacity. Thirdly , he ieaveih out the word [ exaftly. ] A man may comprehend 
 truly that , which he doth not comprehend exadlly. fourthly , he omitteth frau- 
 dulently thefe words [ the certain manner, ] A truth may be certain and demon- 
 ftrable, and yet the manner of it not demonftrable v or a man may know feveral 
 ways of reconciling two truths together , and yet fluduate in his judgment , to 
 which of them certainly and exprelly he ought to adhere. It is certain, that by 
 the force of a mans arm a fcone is thrown upwards V and yet the certain manner 
 how to reconcile this with another truth. That tphatfiever acieth upon another body 
 aUeth by a touching , is not fo eafily found out. The Incarnation of Chrifc is cer- 
 tain , yet the certain manner palTeth both my capacity and his. Lafcly , I do not 
 fay ( as he fuggcfreth, ) that that truth which is demonftrable by reafon, paflTcth 
 my capacity, but the certain and exadt manner how to reconcile this truth with 
 another truth. Yet there are fundry ways of reconciling of them •, and I have fhe w- 
 cd him one in the fame Seftion , which he is not able to refute. See how his di- 
 fcourfe hangs together like ropes of fand. The prefcience and decrees of God , 
 pafs the capacity of mortal man i therefore the Liberty of the Will is not demon- 
 ftrable by reafon. 
 
 From the hard words and mn-fenfe of the Schools, he paffetii to my little Ligick 
 and itj Thilofophy. It skilleth not much what he faith, unlefs he were a greater 
 Clerk. He hath pafTed over a great part of my Defence untouched •, but I have not 
 omitted one fcr.tence throughout his Animadverfions , wherein I could rind any 
 one grain of reafon. And among the reft , have fatished his filly cenfures, or igno- 
 rant exceptions, in their proper places, and the fplinters of thole broken reeds itick 
 in his own fingers. 
 
 Before he concludes , hedraweth up a Summary of what he and I have main- 
 tained , very confufedly , moit imperfeflly , and in part falfly. Methinks it rcfem- 
 bleth that unskilful Painter , who durfc not leave his Picftures to the free judgment 
 of the Beholders, unlefs he writ over their heads. This is a Dog, and this is a 
 Beari we had fuch a Summary or draught of the Controverfie in his Fountains of 
 Arguments, before his Animadverfions, as a Proeme. And now we have fuch 
 another Breviate in the conclufiou , by way of Epilogue , after his Animadverfi- 
 on-. He is very diffident of his caufe, who ftandeth in need of fuch Proems and 
 Epilogues, and dare not truft the indifferent Reader to choo(e his own diet, unlefs 
 lit dotirll chop it and chew it for him , and then thrult it down his throat. The 
 lait word may be efficacious with an ignorant multitude , who are like a Ship at 
 Hulle , every wave puts it into a new poHture. But more accurate palates do nau- 
 (eate and loath fuch thrice-fodden coleworts. I leave the Reader to compare Pica 
 with plea, and proof with proofs and let truth overcome. 
 
 Thus he concludeth with a fliort Apology , left the Reader (hnuld think, that he 
 hath not ufed me with thit rejpeci which he ought , or might have done , without difad- 
 vantage to his caufe. His oiiely reafon is , becaufe divers in their Books aud Sermrns^ 
 without anfwering any of his Arguments , have exclaimed againft him , and reviled him 
 
 K k k k k 2 j,r
 
 "556 ~ Cajiigations of T O M E 1 1 1. 
 
 for fome things delivered by him in his BookJDe Give. What doth tliis concern me > 
 No more than the man in the Moon. Yes he faith, whereof the Bijhof ofDexx-^is 
 one. Moft falfly. I never preached againft him, nor writ againft his Book De Gi- 
 ve but privately to himfelf, and then with more refpcd than either he oritdcfer- 
 ved. But his meaning was not by this Apology , to make me any reparation, but 
 to deterrc others from medling with him, left he (hould make examples of them, as 
 he boafteth he hath done of me. Beware Reader, he heareth hay on his horn. If he 
 have gained any thing by his difrelped , much good may it do him. I do not en- 
 vy him. Let the Reader judge. And if he have any fpark of ingenuity left in 
 him , let himfelf judge, whether he hath made an example of me or of himfelf. Or 
 if he like it better , let him thruft his Head into a Bu(h, and fuppofe that no Body 
 feeth his errours , becaufe he is not willing to take notice of them himfelf^ 
 
 DIS-
 
 TOME iir 
 
 DISCOURSE in. 
 
 THE 
 
 CATCHING 
 
 O F 
 
 LEVIATHAN: 
 
 OR, THE 
 
 Great Whale. 
 
 Dcmonftrating out cf Mr. Hobbf his own Works, That ro 
 man who is througly an Hobbifi, can be a good Chriftian, or a good 
 Gommonwealths-man , or reconcile himfelf to himfelf. 
 
 Becaufe his Principles are not onely Jeftru^^ive to all Reli* 
 gioHjbut to all Societies j extinguilbing the Relation between Prince 
 and Subjeft , Parent and Child , Nlafter and Servant , Hufband 
 and Wife : and abound with palpable contradi(^ions. 
 
 By JOHN BRAMHALL D. D. and Bifliop 
 
 of D E R R Y» 
 
 Prov. 12. ip. 
 ^e lip of Truth (hall be eftablijhed for ever, but a lying tongue is but for a moment. 
 
 DUBLIN, 
 Vrinttdin the Year M. DC- LXXVI.
 
 Discourse II. 85p 
 
 
 To the Cljriftian READER. 
 
 CHriftian Reader, this (hort Treatife was not intended , or fcnt to thePrefs , 
 as a compleat refutation of all Mr. Habs his errours in Theology and Poli- 
 cy: but onely as an Appendix to my Ca(ligationi of his Animadverfiots ^ to 
 !et him fee the vanity of his petulant feoffs and empty brags , and how open he doth 
 lye to the La{h , whenfoever any one will vouchafe to take him in hand xo purpofe. 
 But fome of my Good Friends have prevailed with me to alter my defign, and 
 to make this fmall Treatife independent upon the other. He who claflieth ordina- 
 rily with all the Churches in the World , about the common Principles of Religion; 
 He who fwervcth fo often , fo affededly , from the approved rules , and iiealdi'ul 
 conliitutions of all orderly Commonwealths : He who doth not onely dilturb , but 
 dertroy all human fociety , and all relations between man and man : He who can- 
 not preferve unity with himfelf , but ever and and anon is interfering , and tripping 
 up his own heels by his contradictions , needeth no juft confutation , or lingle , or 
 other Adverfary , than God, and himfelf, and all mankind. 
 
 If he did ground his opinions upon any other authority than his own dreams •, If 
 he did interpret Scripture according to the perpetual tradition of the Catholick 
 Church, and not according to his private diftempered phantafies : If his difcourfe 
 were as fall of deep reafons, as it is of fupercilious confidence , fo that a man 
 might gain either knowledge ot reputation by him i a great volume would be well 
 beftowed upon him , Vigna res ej]et ubi quis nervos intenderet fuos. But to what 
 purpofe is it to draw the coard of contention with fuch a man , in fuch a caufe, 
 where it is impiety to doubt , much more to difpute ? 
 
 ^dd cum illis agar, qui neque jus , neque bonum aut xqitum fciunt ? 
 Melius peps , profit, obfit, nihil vident, nifx quod luhet. 
 For mine own part , as long as God (hall furnifh me with ability and opportuni- 
 ty , I will endeavour to beftow my vacant hours upon a better Subjed: , conducing 
 more to the advancement of primitive Piety, and the re-union of Chriftendom, by 
 difabufing thehood-winked World, then this. ( Thisdoth tend to the increafe of A- 
 theifm and deftrudion of ancient truth )un!efs the importunity ofT. H. or fome other 
 divert me to look to my own defence. I defire thy Chriftian Prayers, that God who 
 hath put this good delire into my mind , by his preventing Grace, will help me by 
 his allifling Grace , to briiu'' ihe fame to good effed. 
 
 '^The P KEF ACE. 
 
 Hitherto I have made ttfe onely of a Buckler to guard my felf frnm Mr. Hobs his 
 ajfjults. WJjat pjffed between him and me in private had been buried in perpe- 
 tual filence , if his flattering Vifciples ( not rvithout his nrvn fault, rohether 
 it rvere connivance or neglect is not material to me ) had not publijhed it to the World to 
 my prejudice : and nope having carved out mine own fatisfaUion , I thought to have defi- 
 jied here , as not ejleeming him to be a fit Adverfary, who denieth all common prihciplesjbut 
 rather tobe lih^ apillaroffmoak^breakjngout of the top of fome narrorv chimney ,&fpreading 
 it felf abroad lih^ a cloud, as if it threatned to tak^ p.ijfejjion of the rvhole Region of the air, 
 darkc>^i''>g '^'f" ikie & feeming to pierce the Heavens. And after all this, when it hath offended 
 the eyes a little for the prefent,thefir: r puffe of wind, or a few minutes, do altogether difperfe it. 
 I never nourished within my breajl the Icaji thought of anfwering his Leviathan , as 
 hav ing Jeen a great part of it anftvered before ever J read it , and having moreover receiv- £), ^. Q 
 ed it from good hands , , that a Roman-Cjtfco//c^rrj/ about it : but being .bravedby the p. I. S. 
 author in Irint , as giving me a title for my anjwer , Behemoth againft Leviathan. 
 And at other times being fo folicitnus for me what I would fay to fuch a pafTage in my 
 anfwer to his Leviathan , imagining his filly cavils to be irrefragable demonllratims \ t 
 mil take the Liberty ( by his good leave ) to threw on two or three fpade fulls of earth , Qu. p. 20. 
 towards the final interrement of his pernicious principles and other mufhrome fr- ibid. p. 340. 
 TOUTS. And, truly, when I ponder ferioujiy the horrid confequences of them , J do not 
 voonder fo much at his mUtaken exception to my civil form of valediUion , \_ So God ble(s 
 us ~\ mifcalling it A buffonly abuling of the Name of God to calumny. He conceived 
 me amiji , that becaufe in times lejifcrupuhm and more confcientious ^ men nfedtobhf!' 
 themfelves after this form at the naming of the Devil \ therefore J did intend it as a Fray- Qu. p. 20. 
 
 er 
 
 I 
 
 1
 
 g The Catching TOMEIlI ' 
 
 -Zj:,!,^ deliverance of all good Chrijiians from him , and bis bljfphemom opnions. 
 
 J do believe there never rvjs any Author Sacred or Frophane, Ancient tr Modern^ Chrj- 
 fliMt Jew , MahimetJii , or Fagan , that hath inveighed fo frequently and Jo bitterly a- 
 Qain\\aU fai'ned phantafms , with their firji devijers , maintainers ^ and receiver s , 
 as T. H. hath done , excluding nut of the nature cf things the Souls of men , Angels^ De- 
 vils andaViticorforealfuhjiances, as fidions, phantafms ^ andgroundhjs contradiUions. 
 Many men fear the meaning of it is not good, that God himfelfmufi be gone for Company^ oi 
 being an incorpireal fubjiance , except men will vouchafe by God to underjiand nature. So 
 much T. H himfelf feemeth to intimate. This concourfc of caufes , whereof every 
 one is determined to be fuch as itis by a Hke concourfe of former caufts, may well 
 be called ( in refpedl they were all fet and ordeitd by the eternal caufe of all things, 
 God Almighty) the decree of God. If Gods eternal Decree be nothing elfe but the 
 Qv. p. Sc. ^gyj^ojtYJe of all natural caufes , then Almighty God is nothing elfe hut nature. And if 
 there be no fpirits or incorporeal fubftances , he muji be either nature or nothing. T. H._ 
 defieth the Schools , and therefore he k^orveth no difference between immanent , and ema- 
 nant or tranfent aBions , but confmndeih the eternal Decrees of Cod before all time , with 
 the execution of them in time , which had been a foul fault in a Schoolman. 
 
 And yet his Leviathan , sr mortal Cod, is a meet phantafm of his own' devifng^ neither 
 
 fiejh norfjh , but aconfufwn of a man and a whale ^ engendered in his own brain : not 
 
 unliki Dagon the Idol of the Fhilifiims , a mixture of a Cod and a man and a fp. The 
 
 Leviathan a true literal Leviathan is the whale-fifh , Canft thou draw out Leviathan with 
 
 mcer phan- an hook? whom God hath made to take his paftime in the great and wide (ea. 
 
 tafm. And for a Metaphorical Leviathan^ J know none fo prefer to perfonate that huge body 
 
 Job. 41. I. asT. ^'himfelf. "The Leviathan^ doth not taki h'n paliime in *f'^ deep with fo much 
 
 Pfal.iC4 2^ freedom , nor behave himfelf with fo much height and infoknce^ as T. H. doth in the Schools 
 
 T.U. The tior domineer over the lefjer fifljes with Jo much fcorn and contempt , as he doth over allo- 
 
 trueLevia- ther authors --, cenfuring, brandings contemning , profcribing whatfoever is contrary to 
 
 han. his humor ; bujlling and bearing down before him whatfoever cometh in his way, 
 
 creating truth and faljhood hy the breath of his mouth , by his fole authority 
 
 without other reafon i A fecond Vythagoras at leajl. "fhefe have been felf conceited perfons 
 
 in all Ages, but none that could ever King it lik^ him over all the Children of pride. 
 
 Ruit, agit, rapit, tundit 6c pofternit. 
 
 Tet if not his Leviathan fuch an abfolute Sovereign of the fea as he imagineth. God 
 hath cholen the weak things of this World to confound the mighty, "the little moufe 
 jiealeth uf throng the Elephants trunkjo eat his brains, mailing him dye defperately mad. 
 The Indian rat creepeth into the billy of the gaping Crocodile , and gnaweth his bowels gf- 
 funder. The Great Leviathan hath his Adverfuries i the Sword-fifh which piercetb his 
 belly beneath , and the thrajher-fip , which beateth his head above: and whenfoever thefe 
 two unite their forces together aq^ainfi him , they dejlroy him. But this is the leajl part 
 of his Leviathans fufferings. Our Greenland ffhers have faund out a new art to draw 
 him out of his Cajile , thatis,ihe deep, though not with afiJ^J-hook^, yet with their harping 
 irons , and by giving him line and f pace enough to bounce and tumble up and down , and 
 tire himfelf right out, and try all his Arts, asjpouting up afea of water out of his mouth 
 to drown them , an d jhikjng at their Shallops with his tail to overwhelm them : at lafl to. 
 draw this formidable creature to the fhnre , or to their ^ip , andflice him inpieces, and 
 boil him in a Cauldron , and tun htm up in Oil. 
 
 J have provided three good harping-irons for my felf to dart at this Monfier , and amre- 
 folvedto try my skill and fortune, whether lean be as Juccejleful againji this phantafiick^Le- 
 viathan , as they are againii the true Leviathan, 
 
 My frjldart U aimed at his heart , or Theological part of his dijcourfe, to fliew that hii 
 principles are not cjnfjient either with Chriflianity^ or my other Religiivi. 
 
 The Second dart is aimed at the chine, whereby thisvaji body is united and fitted for ani- 
 mal motion, that is, thepolitical partof his difcourfe'-, tojhcw that his principles are pernici- 
 cus to all forms ofGovernment^and aVfocieties, and dejlroy allrebtions between man& man. 
 The third dart is aimed at his head or rational part of his difcourje , tofliew that his 
 principles areinconfijient with themfehes, and contradiB one another. Let him tak^ heed, 
 if thefe three darts do pierce his Leviathan home , it is not all the Dittany which groweth 
 in Greet that can mak^ them drop eafily out of his body, without the utter overthrow of hit caufc. 
 ■ ■ ■ -hxrebit lateri lethalis arundo. 
 
 CAP.
 
 87 r 
 
 T O M E III 
 
 DISCOURSE III 
 
 o 
 
 CAP. I. 
 
 That the Hobbian Frinriples , ire VilhuCtive to Chrllianity and all Religion. 
 
 r &■ 
 
 He Image ofGod is not altogether defaced by the fall of man but that r. ,;^^ * 
 j there vvill remain fomc praftical notions of God& Goodnefsi which '"" 
 3t^! when the mind is free from vagrant dcfircs, and violent paiiions do (^'i^^'^" ""d 
 Oiine as clearly in the heart , as other fpcculative notions do in the '^_^'"^'^ °f 
 head. Hence it is , that there never was any Nation fo barljarous or ^'"^' 
 favage throughout the Whole World , which had not their God. They who did 
 never wear cloaths upon their backs , who did never know Magiftrate, but their 
 father, yet have their God, and their Religious rites and devotions to him. Hence 
 it is , that the greateft Atheirts in any fuddain danger do unwittingly cafl their eyes 
 up to Heaven , as craving aid from thence , and in a Thunder creep into fome hole 
 to hide themfclves. And they who arc confcious to themfelvcs of any fecret crimes 
 though they be fecure enough from the juftice of men , do yet feel the blind blows 
 of a Guilty confciencc, and fear divine vengeance. This is acknowledged by T.H. 
 himfelfin his lucid interval-. That tve may k^ow what tvorjhif of God tiaturaUreafon 
 doth ajjigft , let us begin with his attributes , where it is manifeft in the fir ft f lace ■■, That ^''^^^•J'^'¥- 
 exijiency U to be attributed to him. To which he addeth infinitenefs, incomprehe>tfibi- 
 lity^ unity ^ ubiquity. Thus for attributes , next for anions. Concerning external 
 anions , wherewith God is to be worjhipped , the moji general precept ofreafon is , that 
 they be figns of honour ^ under which are contained Prayers, Thanksgivings, Obla- 
 tions , and Sacrifices. Yet to let us fee how inconfiftent and irreconcilable he is 
 with himfelf i elfewhere reckoning up all the Laws of Nature at large, even twen- 'T Una friend 
 ty in number, he hath not one word that concerneth Religion , or that hath the ^g religion, 
 leaft relation in the World to God. As ifa man were like the colt of a Wild Afs in 
 the Wildernefs without any owner cr obligation. Thus in defcribing the Laws of 
 Nature , this Great Clerk forgettcth the God of Nature, and the main and princi- 
 pal Laws of Nature, which contain a tnans duty to his God , and the principal 
 end of his creation. Perhaps he will fay that he handleth the Laws of Nature 
 there, onely fo far as may ferve to the conllitution offettlement ofa CommonweaUh 
 In good time , let it be fo. He hath devifed us a trim Commonwealth, which 
 is neither founded upon Religion towards God, nor juftice towards man , but 
 meerly upon (elf interefl , and felf prefer'jation. Thofe raies of Heavenly Light , 
 thofe Natural feeds of Religion , which God himfelf hath imprinted in the heart of 
 man , are more efficacious towards the prefervation of a Society ■■, whether we re- 
 gard the Nature of the thing , or the Bleliing of God , then all his pads , and fur- 
 renders , and tranfJations of power. He who unteacheth men their duty to God, may 
 make them eye-fervants , fo long as their interefl doth oblige them to obey , but is 
 no fit mafter to teach men confcicnce and fidelity. 
 
 Without Religion , Societies are but like foapy bubbles, quickly difTolved. It 
 was the judgment of as wife a man asT. H. himfelf, ( though perhaps he will hard- 
 ly be perfwaded to it ) that Kome ought more of its grandeur to Religion , than ei- cjcfjjr. 
 ther to ftrength or Ihatagems. fP^e have net exceeded the Spaniards in number , nor -^ffpgyir' 
 the GaVes injirength , nor the Carthaginians in Craft , nor the Grecians in Art , 6cc. g^^f j,,p 
 but we have overcome all Nations by our Tiety and Religion, Qf^j 
 
 Among his Laws he inferteth gratitude to man as the third precept of the Law of ^ j. , r^ 
 Nature, but of the gratitude of mankind to their Creator , there is a deep filence. 
 If men had fprung up from the earth in a Night like mufliromes or excrefcencicsi 
 without all fenfe of honour , juftice , confcience , or gratitude he could not hav« 
 vilified the human nature more than he doth. 
 
 From this (hatneful omiflion or preterition of the main duty of mankind , a man 
 
 L n 1 1 might 
 
 Ci'l
 
 Ihf CatchiyjS ! TOME II L 
 
 might eallly take the height of 7'. K his Religion. But he himfelf putteth it paft all 
 conicdiircs. His principles are brim ful of prodigious impiety. In tbcfefour things^ 
 o'^iHJMS of Gbojis , ignarance of fecorid caufis , devotion to Tvbat men fear ^ and taking of 
 thvm cjfiial for Prugnoiikkj , confifieth the natural jeed of Religion ■> the culture and 
 improvement vvhereot , he rcfcrrcth only to policy. Human and Divine politicks arc 
 Cic.i6.f.i. but politicks. And again , Mankind hath this from the confcience of their otpn vneahc 
 „^R and the admiration of natural events , that the moji part of men believe that there U 
 an inviftble Cod^ the mali^r of all vifible things. And a little after lie telleth us , That 
 fuPerftition proceedeth from fear mtboitt right reafon, and Atheifm from an opinion ofrea- 
 foH , without fear , making Atheifm to be more reafonable than fuperftition. What 
 is now become of that divine VVorfliip which Natural reafon did allign unto God, the 
 honour of exifteuce, infinitenefs, incomprehenfibility ^ unity, ubiquity ? What is now 
 become of that didtate or precept of reafon -, concerning Prayers, thank^sgivings, obla- 
 tions, lacrifices > if uncertain opinions, ignorance, fear, miflakes, the confciercc of 
 our own weaknefs, and the admiration of natural events be the onely feeds of Reli- 
 gion. 
 
 He proceedeth farther , Tiiat Atheifm it felf, though it b'e an erroneous opinion, and 
 V feth thenfore a fin , yet it ought to be numbred among the fws of imprudence or ignorance. He 
 Atl One addeth,tirdt an Atheiji itpuniffied not as a Suh\eU is punijhed by his Kiog^becauje he did 
 C a. r*i9. ""' obferve haves : but as an enemy by an enemy , becaufe he would not accept hates. His 
 reafon is , becaufe the Atheiji never fubmitted his roiH to the veiU of Cod , tvhom he ne- 
 C !■; fiv. ^^'' '^""g'-" *" ^^- "'^"'^ ^^ concludcth that mans obligation to obey God , proceed- 
 eth from his weaknefs. Manifejium eji obligationem ad prejiandum ipft (Veo ) obedien- 
 tiam , incumbere hominibw propter imbecilitatem. Firlt it is impoflible that (hould be- 
 a fin of meer ignorance or imprudence, which is diredy contrary to the light of 
 natural reafon. The Laws of nature need no new promulgation, being imprinted 
 ^u.p,i^'J. naturally by God in the heart of man. J'he haw of nature was written in our hearts 
 by the Finger of God , reithout out ajfent ; or rather the lan> of nature is the affent it felfe. 
 Then it Nature di6tatc to us that there is a God , and that this God is to be Wor- 
 fliipped in fuch and fuch mariner , it is not poffiblc that Atheifm (hould be a fin of 
 meer ignorance. 
 
 Secondly , a Rebellious Subjed: isftill a Subjc<5t , de jure, though not , defaSo , 
 by right , though not by deed : and fo the moft curfed Atheift that is , ought by 
 right to be the Subje<ft of God , and ought to be puniflied not as a juft enemy , but 
 as a difloyal Traytor. Which is confeiTed by himfelf, 'this fourth fin ( that is, of 
 thofe who do not by word and deed confefs one God the -Supreme King of Kings ) 
 Ci.c. I'yfiP' i'^ ''•'^ natural Kingdom of Cod U the crime of high treafon , for it is a denyal of divine 
 power , or Atheifm. Then an Atheift is a Traytor to God , and puni(hable as adi- 
 to be floyal Subje(ft , not as an enemy. 
 
 Laftly, It is an abfurd and diflionourable aflertion , to make our obedience to 
 
 God to depend upon our weaknefs , becaufe we cannot help it , and not upon our 
 
 iCor.d.J . gratitude, becaufe we owe our being and prelervation to him. iFho planteth a I at 
 
 vineyard^and eateth not of the fruit thereof ?0r who feedeth a flock, and eateth not ofthemill{^l qu 
 
 R«v.4i I . of the Flockfhnd again, Ihou art Wonky hord to receive Clory ,& honour and powtr,] k 
 
 j or thou hafi created a\i things , and for thy pleafure they are and were created. But it I 
 
 were much better ( or at leaft not fb ill ) to be a downright Atheift , than to makcj fell 
 
 God to be fuch' a thing as he doth , and at laft thruft him into the Devils Office te 
 
 the caufe of all fin. , k\\ 
 
 For T.H.his God is not the God of Chriftians, nor of any rational men. Ouij rte 
 
 Veiiroyes q^ j j^ every where , and feeing he hath no parts , he muft be wholly here , andi k'\\ 
 
 ^'"^''?"'' wholy there , and wholy every where. So nature it felfdiftateth. It cannot h 
 
 y* faid honourably of Cod that he it in a place , for nothing is in a place; but that whitti 
 
 C <; rij. '•""^' F''F^^ bounds of its greatnefl. But T. H. his God is not wholly every where. N' 
 
 ■' man can conceive that any thing u all in this place, and allin another place at the fame timi timi, 
 
 he.p.i I . /"'■ Kw-'f of ihefe things ever have or can be incident tofenfe. So far well , if by conceivil corpo, 
 
 iog he mean comprehending i but then follows , That thefe are abfurd fpeeches tak{:'Ani 
 
 upon credit, without any fignificatton at aH, from deceived Fhilofophers ,and deceived ci'^^ 
 
 deceiving School-men. Thus he denycth the ubiquity of God. A circumfcriptiV* •( i^^,.^ 

 
 Discourse III. <?/" Leviathan §7^ 
 
 a definitive , and a icplctive being in a place, is fome heathen language to 
 him. 
 
 Ojr God is immutable without any fnadovv of turning by change , to whom all 
 flings arc prefent , nothing pall nothing to come. But T. H. his god is mcafured Hi/ emnhy. 
 by time, looling fomcthing that is paft, and acquiring fomething that doth come 
 every minute. That is as much as to fay, That our God is infinite, and his 
 God is finite, for unto that which is adually infinite, nothing can be added neither 
 time nor parts. Hear himielf , 'N^r do J underhand rvb at derogation it can be to the di- ^i-^^- 
 li'ie perfiCuon , to attribute to ii potentiality, thai U i/i E«g///&, pon>ir , ( fo little 
 doth he underlland what potentiality is ) and fitcaftve duration. ' And he chargeth 
 ir upon us as a fault i that will not have eternity to be m endlcffe juccejfion of time 
 How ^fucccfftve duration ^ and an endkS'e fucajfion of time in God ? Then God is finite, 
 then God is elder to day , than he was yelkrday. Away with bafphemies. Before 
 he detfroytd the ubiquity of God , and now he deftroyeth his eternity. 
 
 Our God is a perfefl , pure, llmple, indivifible , infinite elTence i free from all ^^ i''"/'^'' 
 coropofition of matter and form , of fubftancc and accidents. All matter is finite "'-^'' 
 and he who acfteth by his infinite cfTence, needetli neither organs, nor faculties nor 
 accidents, to render him more compleat. But 7. H. his God is a divifible God 
 a compounded God, that hath matter, and qualities,or accidents. Hear himfelf^ I 
 argue thu.%lhe divine Jub\tance u indivisible Jbut eternity U the divine fubftance. The Maior 
 ii evident bee jufe God }s ?i&:ixs fimp\k'd]im\is; The minor it confejjed by all men that 
 rehatf'cvcr ii attributed to God, u God , Now liften to his anfwer, Ibe Maior it Co far 
 from being evedient ' that Ac^us fimplicillimus fignifieth nothing. The Minor U faid by G) p ^A-i 
 fime men, thought by no man : rvhatfoever U thought ^ii undcrftoed. The Maior was this 
 The divine fubji Mice ps indivifible Is this far from being evident ? Either it is indivifible' 
 or divifible. If it be not indivifible, then it is divifible, then it is materiate then it is 
 corporeal, then it hath parts, then it is finite by his own confeffion. Habere partes, Ci.c 1^^.14. ■> 
 aut ejfe totum aliquid, funt atributa finitorum. Upon this filly conceit , he chargeth me ' "* 
 for faying. That God w notjul}, butjullice it felf not eternal , but eternitie itfelf which 
 he calleth unjeemly words to be faid of God. And he thinkcth he doth me a great 
 courtefie in not adding blafphemous and athei[hcal. But his bolts arc fo foon fhot and ^.p.266. 
 his reafons are fuch vain imaginatious, and fuch drowfie phantafies that no' fad 
 man doth much regard them. Thus he hath already dellroyed the Ubiquity the 
 cternity,andthe fimplicity ofGod. I wiih he had confidered better with himfelf 
 before he had defperately call himfelf upon thefe rocks. 
 
 But faulo maiora canamus ,my next charge is , That he defiroyes the very being 
 cf God, and leavs nothing in his place but an empty name. For by taking away ^'^ exijhnce 
 all incorporeal fubftancc , he taketh away God himfelf. The very namef faith he ) 
 :;f an incorporeal fubltance is a contradiSion. And tufay that an Angel or Spirit is an 
 incorporeal jubjiance, is to fiy in efcd , that there k no Angel or Spirit at all. By the 
 fame reafon to fiy , That God is an incorporeal fubltance , is to fay there is no God 
 atall. Either God is incorporeal , or he is finite ,andconfirts of parts , and confe- '^'^^'^" 
 q ' ciy is no God. This , That there is no incorporeal fpirit is that main root of 
 Awi^ifme, from which fo many leiTer branches aredaily fprouting up. 
 
 When they have taken away all incorporeal fpirits , what do they leave God.hin?- 
 fclf to be > He who is the fountain of all being , from whom and in whom all crea- 
 tures have their being, muft needs have a real being of his own. And what real 
 being can God have among bodies and accidents ? for they have left nothing elfe in 
 the univerfe. Then T. H. may move the fame queliion of God, which he did of 
 devils, I tvould gladly k^totp in what da fis of entities, the Bijhop ranl^th God ? In- 
 hnite being and participated beingare not of the fame nature. Yet to fpeak accor- ^u.i63> 
 ding to humane appprehenfion ( apprehenfion and comprchcnfion differ much " 
 T. H. confefTeth that natural reafon doth didate to us, that God is infinite, yet na- 
 tural reafon cannot comprehend die infinitenefle of God) I place him among in- 
 corporeal fubftanccs or fpirits, bccaufc he hath bcenpleafed to place himfelf in that 
 rank , God is A fpirit. Of which place T. H. giveili his opinion , that it 7^^'.4'24- 
 is unintelligible, and all ot'ners of the fame natuie , and fall not under humane 
 UHderjiandi/tg. Le.p.2o2. 
 
 L 1111 2 jh=Y
 
 874- The Catchin(^ TOME 
 
 They who deny all incorporeal (ubdances, can underltand nothing by God,buc 
 citiicr nature/not njtiiram naturMttem^thzt is,a natural rfa/ author ofnaturc,but «jfar- 
 natttratam , tliat is the orderly concourfe of natural caufcs , f as T. H. feemeth to in- 
 timate j or a hdion of the brain without real being , chcrithcd for advantage an<3 
 politic!? ends , as a profitable error, howfoevcr dignified with the glorious title of 
 the etcrnjlcjufes of all things. 
 -p. . Wc Iiave fccn what his principles are concerning the Deity , they are full as bad 
 
 . ^ ^ , . ^* or worfeconccrning the Trinity. Hear himftlf: ^/'fr/yw//fcft/,?jf Mrfprfyf«ffJ,jx q/}fH 
 ■•''" ' as he is reprefeiited. And therefore God who has heen reprefented^that ii^ferfortated 
 thrice ^ may properly enough be f aid to he three Terfons ^ though neither the rrord Terjan 
 nor7rinity be afcribed to him in the Bible. And a litle after , to canclude the dalfrine of 
 the Trinity, as far as can be gathered diredly from the Scripture , is in Jttbjiance this, tf/at 
 the God If ho kalrvayes one and the fame , tvas the perfon reprefented by Mofes , the perfon 
 reprefented by his Son incarnate , and the perfon reprefented by the Apojlles. As repre- 
 fented by the Applies ^ the holy fpirit by vrbich they fpake is God' As reprefented by his 
 Son that xvas G( d and Man, the Son is that God. As reprefented by, Mofes, and the high 
 Preijis, the Father, that is tofay, the Father of our Lord Jefus Chr'iji is that God. From 
 whence ree may gather the reafon rehy thofe names , Father , Son, and Holy Gho{l , in the 
 fgnification of the Godhead, are never ujed in the OldTeftament. For they are perfon s, 
 that is , thty have their names front reprefenting , which could not he till diver fe men 
 had reprefented Gods perfon , in ruling or in direUing under him. 
 
 whoisfo bold as blind Bayard ? The cmbleme of a little boy attempting to lade 
 all the water out of the fea with a Cocckfhell , doth fitT. B. as exadly as if it 
 had been fhaped for him , who thinketh to meafurc the profound and infcrutable 
 myfieries of religion by his ownlilly, (halloxv conceits. What is now become of the 
 great adorable myflerie of the blelfed undivided Trinity ? itisfhrunk into nothing 
 Upon his grounds there was no Trinity. And wc murt blot theft words 
 out of our Creed, "The Father eternal , the Son eternal, the Holy Ghoji eternal. 
 And theft other words out of our B;bles,Lft us maks '"'*« ''/'f'^ "'"' image. Un- 
 lefTe we mean that this was a confulcationof God with MoQs and the Aponies. 
 "What is now become of the eternal generation of the Son of God, if thisSonfhip 
 did not begin until about four thoufand years after the creation were expired. Upon 
 theft grounds every King hath as ntony perjons as there be Juftices of Peace, and 
 petty Conftablcs in his kingdom. Upon thisaccount God almighty hath as many 
 perfons as there have been Soveraign Prirces in the World fince Adam. According 
 to this reckoning each oneofus like fo many Gerions, may have as many perjorts as 
 we pleaft to make procurations. Such bold prefumption requireth another manner 
 of c )nfatatio;i. 
 
 Concerning God the Son forgetting whathehad faidelftwhere , where he calleth 
 
 him Godand m^n , zndthe Son of God incarnate ,hedoubteth not to fay thoitthe word, 
 
 hypifiaticjl is canting. As if the fame perfon could be both God and man without a 
 
 perfonal ,that is , anhypofiatical union of the two natures of God ai?d man. He 
 
 Le.2i. alloweth every man who is commanded by his lawful Sovereign,*^ deny Chri^ with 
 
 his tongue before mer. He depofeth Chrift from his true kingly office , making his 
 
 Le.p.2yi. Iqngdom not to commence or begin bifore the day of udgement. And the regiment, where- 
 
 Ci.c.iT f.'y.d T^ith Chrifi gcverneth his faithfulin this life, is not properly a kjngdom , but a pajhral 
 
 rff.ce, or aright to teach. And a little after ,Chri\i had not kingly authority committed 
 
 to him by his Father in this World , but onely confiliary and doCirinal. 
 
 Hetaketh away hisPriellly or propitiatory office; And although this a£i of our 
 
 J f^ Q redemption be not alwayes in Scripture caled a Sacrifice and oblation , but fometimes a 
 
 *^* ^ * price , yet by price we are not to urderfiand any thing , by the value whereof he could 
 
 claim right to a pardon for mfrom his rffended father , but that price which God the Father 
 
 wasplcafedinmercyto demand. And again, Net that the death of one man, though with- 
 
 L.fp.261 out fnt ,can fatiifie fonhe iffence (f all men in the rigour of juliice , but in the mercy of 
 
 God that ordained fuch Sacrifice for f,n as hewas pleaftdinmercyto accept. He krowethno 
 
 diiftrcnce between one who is meer man, and one who was both God and man, 
 
 between a Lcvitical Sacrihce and the allfufficient Sacrifice of theCiofft, between the 
 
 the Blood of a Calf, and the precious Blocd of the Son of God. 
 
 And 
 
 1
 
 Pi s^couRSE 1 1 I. of Lev iathan g^T 
 
 And touching the prophetical OtKce of Chrilt ,1 do much doubt whether he do 
 believe in carnelt , that there is any fuch thing as prophecy in the World. He 
 makcth very little difference between a Prophet znd a nt adman ^ and a demwiack^^ 
 And if there rvere nothing elfe ( faith lie) that hervruyedthdr mjdntjje, yet that very ar- Le.p.^d. 
 rggatingfuch infptration to themfelves ^ if argument enough. He makcth the pretence 
 ofinfpiration in any inan to be , and alvvayes to have been , an opinion pernicious to 
 peace, and tending to the dijfolution of all civil goverment. He fubjedteth all Prophetical 
 Revelations fronn God, to the fole pleafure and ccnfure of the Soveraign Prince ^^•T''^^9' 
 either to authorize them, or toexaudtorate them. So as twoProphets prophtfyins 
 the fame thing at the fame time, in the dominions of two dilfcrent Princes the 
 one (hall be a true Prophet,the other a talfe. And Chrift who had the approbnion r 
 of no Soveraign Prince , upon his grounds , was to be reputed a falfe Frophat every ^'f'^^^' 
 where . Every man therefore ought to confider who U the Soveraign Prophet , that U to jay 
 roho it is^ that U Gods Vicegerent upon earthy and hath next under God the authority of 
 governing Chrijl an men, and to obferve for a rule that doSirine which in the name of God 
 he hath commanded to be taught, and thereby to examine and try out the truth of thofe do£i- 
 rines which pretended Prophets , rvitb miracle or without , IfyaH at any time advance 
 &c. And if he difavow them,then no more to obey their voice; or if he approve them then to 
 obey them as men , to whom God hath given apart of the fpirit of their Soveraign. Upon 
 his principles the cafe holdcth as well among Jews andHeathens,as Chrillians. Then 
 he that teachcth tranfubihntiation in France, is a true Prophet •, he that teacheth it 
 in England, afalfc Prophet. He that bhfphemeth Chriil in Conllantinople, a true 
 Prophetihe that doth the fame in Italy , a falfe Prophet. Then Samuel was a falfe 
 Prophet to contell with Saul a Soveraign prophet: So was the man of God, who ''^'*'"' '5 
 fubmitted notto the more divine and prophetick fpirit of Jeroboam. And Elijah ^^'"S,^3- 
 for reproving Ahab. Then Micaiah had but his defcrts , to be clapt up in prifon, ^^'"g-'^* 
 and fed with bread of afflidtion , and water of afriiftion , for daring to coutradict ^^^'"•'^• 
 Cods Vicegerent upon earth. And Jeremiah was juftly thrown into a Dungeon,for pro- rr 
 phefying againll Zedekiahhis Liege Lord. Ifhis principles were true,it were ftrange ^^'** ^ 
 indeed , that none ot all thefe Princes , nor any other that ever was in the World 
 fhould underftand their own priviledges . And yet more ftrange , that God Al- 
 mighty fhould take the part of fuch rebellious Prophets , and juftihe their prophelies 
 hy the event ,'\( it wets tiac,thit none but the Soveraign in a Chriliian ( the lezfon is c * - 
 the fame for ]ewi([\}Common-wealth can'takf notice what if or whatii notthe word of God * 
 
 Neither doth he ufe God the holy Ghoft more favourably than God the Son. 
 Where S. Peter faith Holy men of God fpake as they were moved by the Holy 
 Spirit -, He fayeth By the Spirit , if meant the voice of God in a dream or vifionfuper- Lev,p,->]A., 
 natural , which Dreames or vifions , he miketh to be no more than imaginations , 
 which they had in their Sleep or in an extafie rvhicb in every true Prophet were fupernatural, Tg,f, ,,^ 
 hut in falfe Prophets were either natural or feined,zx\d more likely to be filfe than true. To 
 fay God hathfpok^n to htm in a dreame,if no more than to fay. He Vreamed that Cod fpake to 
 him, &c. io jay he hath feen a vilionor hear a voice is to fay that he hath dreamed Lev.p.ip^t 
 betn-eenfleeping and waking. So S. Peters holy Ghoft is come to be their own imagina- 
 tions, which might be either feined,ormiltaken, or true. As if the holy Gholl did en- 
 ter oneiy at their eyes and at their eares, not into theirunderflandings,nor into their 
 mindsi Or as if the holy Gho!> did not (eale unto their hearts the truth and alfurancc 
 of their Prophelies. Whether a new light be intulcd into their underrtanding5,or new 
 graces be infpired into their heart, they are wrought, or caufed, created imo^e- 
 diatelybythe holy Gholls And fo are his imaginations , If they be fupernatural. 
 
 But he mull needs fall into thefe abfurdities, who maketh but a ]nl\ otinfpiration. 
 They who pretend Divine infpiration to be a fupernatural entering of the holy Choji into a 
 man, are(af he thinkj)in a very dangerous dilemma^for if they worfhip not the men whum j^^^ p ,^ j^ 
 they conceive to be infpired,theyfali into impiety ; And if they worfhip them, they commit 
 idolatry. So miftaking the holy Ghoft to be corporeal, fomething that is blown 
 into a man ,and the Gracesofthe holy Ghoft to be corporeal graces. And the tvcrds 
 impowered or infujed virtue , and , inbtown or infpired virtue are as ahfurd and infgni- Lev.P.iy- 
 fcant , as a round quadrangle. He reckons it as a common crrour,That faitk andjandi- 
 ly m-e not attained byjiudy and reajon, but by fupernatural injpiration or infufon. And 
 
 lai-
 
 976 
 
 The Catching TOME III 
 
 hietli this tor a hrni ground. Fjith and fanDity are indeed not rery frequent, hut yet 
 U-P169. ibex are not miracles , but brought to fajfe by education , dijcipltne , .correclion, undo- 
 ' tl/r natural vfayes. I wouia fcetlic gveatcft Pelagian ot them all flie higher. 
 
 Why (liould he trouble himfclf about the holy Spirit , who acknowledgeth no 
 fp'rit but either a fubtile fluid inviiible body, or a ghoft or other idol or phan- 
 tafme of imiginafion i who knoweth no inward grace or intrinfecal holineffe. 
 UjIv a rpord ivhicb i.t Gods kjngdome anfivereth to that, which men in their hfngdomf 
 Lft.p.220. j,j}fo caVpublicK, or the Kings. And ze^zin ,vpherefoever the word holy is tak^n pro- 
 perly, there isjiilljomeihiug fmgified oj propriety gotten by confent. His holineffe is a 
 relation, not a qualityi but tor inward fandtification, or reall intufed holinefle, in re- 
 fpeft whereof the third perfon is called the holy Ghoft,becaufe he is not oncly holy 
 iiihimre!fe,butalfomiketh us holy, he is fo great a ftranger to it, that he doth al- 
 together deny it, anddifclaim it. 
 Ve due c. We are taught in our Creed to believe theCathoHckor llniverfal Church. But T. 
 - f 22 d. W. teacheth us the contrary , That if there he more Chriflian Churches than one, all of 
 '.^ them together are not one Church perfonally. And more plain!y,NoB' if the whole number 
 
 Le P.206. of Cbrijiians be not contained in one Common-wealth-, they are not one perfon, nor is there 
 an Vniverfal Church, thathath any authority over them. And 2gz\r),lheVniverfal Churchis 
 Ci.c.iJ-f-^ . not one perfon, oj which it caif be faid, that it hath don, or decreed-, or ordained,or excommu- 
 nicated,or abfolved. This doth quite overthrow all the authority of general Council?. 
 All other men diftinguilh between the Church and the Common-wealth: Onely 
 'X.U, maketh them to be , one and the fame thing. Ihe Common-wealth of Chrii^ian 
 men and the Church of the fame are altogether the fame thing, called by two names, for two 
 reafitir. For the matter of the Church & of the Common-wealth is the fame,namly the fame 
 Chriflian men-. And the forme is the fame, which conffleth in the lawfull power of convocating 
 Ci c n.r.2 1 . them.znd he nccheconcludeth That every Chrijiian Common-wealth is a Church endowed 
 Ci'c'.iS.f.i . "-""^ "^ fpiritual authority. And yet more fully,*!/;? Church if it be om perfon, is the fame 
 thing which the Common-wealth of Chrijiian, called a Common-wealth,becaufe it confiflethof 
 men united in one perfon their Soveraign: And aChurch becaufe it confiUth in Chrijiian 
 men united in one Chriflian Soveraign. Upon which account there was no Chriftian 
 Church ill thefe parts of the world, for fome hundreds of ycers after Chrift becaufe 
 there was no Chriflian Soveraigne. 
 
 Neither is he more orthodox concerning the Holy Scriptures : Hitherto, that is 
 Le.p.20'y . for the books of Mofes , the power of making the Scripture canonical , was in the civil 
 Soveraign. The like he faith of the o'd Tcflament, made canonical by Efdras. 
 And of the New Teftament, That it wasrtot the Apojiles which made their own writ- 
 ings canonical ^But every convert made themfo to himfclf. Yet with this reflridlion,That 
 J ^282 until! the Soveraign ruler had prefribed them , they were but con njel aud advife , which 
 '"' ■*' whether good or bad, he that was counjclled might without injifftice refuje to ohferve ,and 
 being contrary 10 the Laws ejlablijhed ,could not without inp<flice objtrve. He maketh 
 thePri^mitive Chriftians to have been in a pretty condition. Certainly the Gofpel 
 Lc. 28 '. '^^'^ contrary to the Lavvesthen eflabliflied. But moA plainly , 7he word oftheln- 
 treperter of the Scripture vs the word of Cod. And the fame vs the Interpreter of the 
 C ilF 18 Scripture,and the Soverjign Judge of all 'Do&rines,th3X is , the Soveraign Magirtrate,/^ 
 ' ' whofe authority we mujl jiand no leffe than to "Their s,who at jirjl did commend the Scripture 
 to lis for the canon of faith. Thus if Chriftian 5ovcraigns , of different communions 
 doclafh one with another , in their interpretations,or mitlntcrpretation of Scripture, 
 ("as they do dayly) then the word of God is contradidlory to it felf-, or that is the 
 word ot God in ore Common-wealth , which is the word of the devil in another 
 Comrron-wealth : and the fame thing maybe true 'and not true at the fame time 
 which is the peculiar priviledgeof T'. H.to make contradidtory to be true together. 
 All the power , virtue, ufe, and efficacy , which he afcribcth to the holy Sacra- 
 j ^T r: mcnts , i? to be [ignes'wr commemorations. As for any fealing , or conferring of 
 J 7^' "* grace , he acknowledgeth nothing . The fame he faith particularly of Baptifme •• 
 ''*-'■''* upon which grounds a Cardinals hat, or a Serjeant at arms his mace, may be called 
 
 SaLraiTcnts as well as Baptifir.e, or the holy Eucharifl , if they beonly fignes or 
 connmemorations of a benefit. If he except , that Baptifme and the Eucharifl, are 
 ot divine inflitucion , but a Cardinals red hat , or a Serjeant at arms his mace are 
 
 not
 
 Dij CORSE IH, of Leviathan 877 
 
 not : he faith truely , but nothing to his advantage or piirpofe , feeing he deriveth 
 
 all the authority of the word and Sacraments , in refpcd of Subjcds , and all our 
 
 obligation to th^m, from the authority of the Soveraign Magiftrate , without which. 
 
 thefe words repent and be baptized m the Name of Jefus\ are bt(tco!e>if:l\ Le.^' 133. 
 
 m command. And fo a Serjeant at armcs his mace , and baptifmc , proceed both 
 
 from the fame authority. And this he faith upon this filly ground'. That «o«/;?W 
 
 IS acommjnd , the performance whereof tendeth to our oven benefit. He mioht as well 
 
 denie the Ten Commandemcnts to be commands becaufe they have an ad^antagious 
 
 promife annexed to them , Do this and thou jhall live i And curfcdU every one that 
 
 comimieth not in all the vpords of this Lan> to doe them. 
 
 Sometimes he is for holy orders , and giveth to the Payors of the Church the 
 right of ordination and abfolution , and infal!ibility,toomuch for a particular Pa/lor 
 or the paftourscf one particular Church. It k manifeji ^ that the confecration of the r- r 
 chiefeji Dortours in every Church , and impaftion of hands ^ doth pertein to the DaUours '^T'J'^^' 
 of the fame Church. And it cannot be doubted of , but the pomrof binding and looftn& 
 TViK givenhy Chrifi to the future Fajiours ,i after the fame manner of to hU prefent jlpo- 
 ftles. And our Saviour hath promifed this infallibility in tbofe things rvhich are nece£ary Ibid 8 
 tohtsJpojlles, untillthe day of judgement, thatiftofaytotheApoJilesandPajiours to 
 be confecrated by the Jpojiles fucceffively , by the impofition of hands. 
 
 But at other times he ca/kth all this meale down with his foot, Chriflian Sove- 
 raignes are the fupreme Paflors , and the onely perfons rehom ChrijHans noiv hear fpeakg Lf.p.323, 
 from God, except fuch m Godfpeakfth to in thefe daiesfupernaturally. What is now be- 
 come of the promifed infallibility ? 
 
 And it iif-om the civil Soveraign , that aV other Pajlours derive their right of teach- 
 ing , preaching , and all other fmCiionj pertaining to that office , and they are' but his Le.p.ip 6 
 Mimjiers in the fame manner as the magilhates offoa>ns , or Judges in Courts of Jujiice 
 and Commanders of Armies. What is now become of their Ordination / Magiflrates 
 Judges, and Generals , need no precedent qualifications, he maketh the pafto- 
 rall authority offoveraigns to be jure divino, of all other Paflcrs jure civili. He ad- 
 dcth, neither U there any Judge of He reft e among SubjeHs, hut their own ciuil Soveraign. 
 LziWy , The Church excommunicateth no man but whom Jhe excommunicateth by the 
 authority of the Prince . And the effed of excommunication hath nothing in it , neither of 
 dammage in this World ,nor terrour upon an Apojlate , if the civil power did prefecute or 
 not affiji the Church. And in the World to come , leaves them in no worfe eflate, than ^''''' ^7'f'^^' 
 thofe who never believed, the dammage rather redoundeth to the Church. Neither n 
 the excommunication of a Chrifiian SubjeU , that obeyeth the laws of his own Soveraign 
 of any efeCf. Where is now their power of binding and loofing ? 
 
 It may be fotneCfT. H. his difciples defireto know what hopes of heavenly joycs '^° ^^'^' 
 they have upon their makers principle?. They may hear them without anygreat 
 contentment, there is no mention in Scripture , nor grottnd in reafon, of the ccelum 
 cmpyreum , that is , the Heaven ofthe blefled , where the Saints fhall live eternally Le p 288 
 with God. And again , I have not found any text that can probably be drawn to prove 
 any ajcenfion ofthe Saints into Heaven , that is to fay , into any coelum empyreum. But Lept^o 
 he concludeth pofitively, thit fa Ivation Jhall he upon earth , when God Jhal! reign at ^ 
 
 the coming of Chrift in Jerufalem. And again , In (hort , the Kingdom of God isacivil 
 Kingdom ■■, &c. called alfo the Kingdom of Heaven , and the Kingdom of Glory. All the 
 Hobbians can hope for, is, to be reltored to the fame condition which Adam was 
 in before his fall. So faith 7. H. himfelf , From whence may be inferred , that the 
 EkU, after the refurredion, Jhall be reftored to the ejiate where Adam was beforhehad ^^'h 345'^<' 
 finned. As for the beatifical vifton he defxneth it to be a word untintelligible. 3 °' 
 
 But confidering his other principles , I do not marvel much at his extravagance 
 in this point. To what purpofe (hould a coelum empyreum , or Heaven of the Blef- 
 fed, fervc in his judgment, who maketh the blelTed Angels that are the inhabitants 
 of that happy manfion, to be either idols ofthe brain, that is in plain Englifh, no- r f, o ? 
 thing, or thin, fubtile , fluid bodies, defiroying the Angelical nature. Ihe uni- 
 verfe being the aggregate nfali bodies , there is no real part thereof that is not alfo body, l^e.p- ^Iti 
 And elfe where , Every part cf the univerfe is body, and that which is not body ^ ism 
 part of the univerfe. And becaufe the itntverfe is all , thai which is no part of it, is no- 
 
 thinv
 
 ""^ Ihe Cat ching "^ TOME III. 
 
 ' 'thnta^ andconfequently no rchere. How ? by this ciodtrine he maketh not onely the 
 
 Angels , but God himfelf to be nothing. Neither doth he falve it at all, by fuppo- 
 fing crroncoufly Angels to be corporeal fpirits , and by attributing the name of in- 
 corpoical fpirit to God , as being a name of more honour^ in whom we confidcr not what 
 attribute htji expreffetb his nature , whith is ijicomfrehetifihle ^ but what beji exprefieth our 
 defire ic honour hint. Thougli \vc be not able to cbmprchend perfedly what God is, 
 yet we are able to comprehend pcrfedly what God is rot , that is, he is not im- 
 perfect, and therefore he is not finite, and confequently he is not corporeal. This 
 were a trim way to honour God indeed , to honour him with a lye. If this that he 
 fays here be true. That every part of the umverfe ts a body , and wbatfoever is not a bo- 
 dy is nothings Then by this dod:rinc, if God be not a body, God is nothing-, not 
 an incorporeal fpirit, but one rf the idols of the brain ^ a meer nothing, tiiough they 
 think they dance under a net, and have the blind ot Gods incomprehenfibility , be- 
 tween them and difcovery. 
 
 To what purpofe fhould a ixlum empyreum ferve in his judgement, who deni- 
 ech the immortality of the foul? The doUrine is nexv^ and hath been a longtime far other- 
 wife'^ namely ^ that every man hath eternity of life by nature ^ in as much as his fouli's 
 immortal. Who fuppofeth that when a man dieth , there remaineth nothing of him hut 
 L(p''^^9' hiscarcafe; Who m^^^^h the word foul in holy Scripture to fignifie always either the 
 life, or the living creature ? And expoundeth the carting of body and foul into hell- 
 fire , to be the cajiing of body and life into hell-fire. Who maketh this Orthodox 
 truth , That the fouls of men arc fubftances diltind from their bodies , to be an er- 
 ■Lif'F* 3+ • j.^,^^ contraUed by the contagion of the demomlogy of the Greeks , and a window that gives 
 entrance to the darh^doUrine of eternal torments. Who expoundeth thefe words of 5o- 
 ■ hmon , \_ Ihen jhall the duji return to the earth as it was , and the fpirit Jhall return unto 
 p / « God that gave it. ] Thus, Cod onely kotows what becomes of a mans fpirit , when he ex- 
 CC.127. pjygti^ He will not acknowledge that there is a fpirit, or any fubliance diliind 
 I t> 244. ^""^"^ ^^^ body. I wonder what they think doth keep their bodies from ftink- 
 ing. 
 
 But they that in one cafe are grieved , in another muft be relieved. If perchance 
 T. H. hath given his Difciples any difcontent in his dodrine oi Heaven , and the ho' 
 ly Angels, and the glorified fouls of the Saints , he will make them amends in his do- 
 m'mco( hell, znd the devils , znd the damned fpirits. Firft of the devilsi He fanci- 
 cth that all thofe devils which our Saviour did caft out , were phrcnfies , and all 
 U'f'3^'39' demoniackj, ( or perfons poflefled , ) m other than madmen. And to ju/lifie cur Sa- 
 viours jpeakjng to a difeafe as to aperfon , produceth the example of Inchanteis. But 
 he declareth himfelf moft clearly upon this fubjedl, in his Animadvcrfions upon my 
 reply to his defence of fatal deftiny. there are in the Scripture twoferts of things which 
 ^.p.i6o . are in Englifh tranflated devils. One is that which is called Sitan , Di3ho]as , Abad- 
 don , which penifieth in Englijh an enemy, an accufer, and a defiroyer of the Church of 
 Cod, in which fenfe the devils are but wicked men. the other fort of devils are called in 
 the Scripture Dsmonia , which are the feigned Gods of the Heathen , and are neither bo- 
 dies nor jpiritual fuhflances , bat meer ph an fie s andfidions cf terrified hearts , feigned by 
 the Gxetks, and other heathen people, which St.Vzu] calleth nothings. So T- H. hath 
 killed the great infernal devil , and all his black Angels, and left no devils to be fea- 
 red, bi^t devils incarnate, that is wicked men. 
 
 And for hell he defcribeth the Kingdom of Satan , or the Kingdom of darkitefr, to be 
 
 a confederacy of deceivers. He telleth us that the places which fet forth the torments 
 
 Le.p.''27. ofHeW in Holy Scripture, da defign metaphorically a grief and difcontent of mind from 
 
 the fight of that eternal felicity in others , which they themfelves through their own incre- 
 
 T . dulityand dif obedience have loji. As if metaphorical dcfcriptions did not bear fad 
 
 '^' ' truths in them , as well as literal i as if final defpcrations were no morethan a litUe 
 
 fit of grief or difcontent^ and a guilty confciencc were no more than a tranfitory 
 
 paflion i as if it were a lofle fo eafily to be borne, to be deprived for evermore of 
 
 the beatifical vifion : Andlaflly,«as ifthe damned , befides that un(peakable lofTe, did 
 
 not likewife fuffer adtual torment/ , proportionable in fomc meafure totheirowu 
 
 1ms , and Gods juftice. 
 
 Laftly for the damned fpirits , he declareth himfelf every where , that their 
 
 fuffering
 
 of Leviathan 87^ 
 
 fuffcrings are not eternal , 7he firejhall be unquenchable^ and the torments everlajhng: 
 but It cannot be thence inferred , that he who jhall be cajl into that fire , or be tormented ^g ^.^ 
 with thnfe torments^ Jhall endure and refiH them jo as to be eternally burnt and tortured^ and ' ^' 
 yet never be dejiroyed nor dye. And thongh there be many places that affirm everlaji- 
 ingfire^into vehich men may he cajl fuccefftvely one after another far ever : yet I find none 
 that affirm that there Jhall be an everlafiing life therein , of any individual ^erfon. If he 
 had faid , and faid onely ,that the pains of the damned may be kflencd, as to the 
 ^ degree of thenn, or that they endure not for ever , but that after they arc purged by 
 long torments from their droflfe and corruptions , as gold in the fire , both the dam- 
 ned fpirits and the Devils themfelves (hould be reftored to a better condition , he 
 might have found fome Ancients ( who are therefore called the merciful VoUnurs ) 
 to have joyiied with him, though ItiJl he (hould have wanted the fuffrageofthe 
 Gatholick Church. 
 
 But his (hooting is not at rovers, but altogether at randomc , without cither 
 prcfident or partner. All that <'fer«^^^>(;,allthofc torments which he acknowlcdg- 
 eth, is but this , Thit after the refurre^ion , the reprobate Jhall be in the ejlate that 
 Adam and his pojierity rvere in , after the ftnne committed , faving that God fromifed a 
 Redeemer to Adam and not to him : adding, t/;jt they Jhall live as they did formerly , 
 marry ^ and give in marriage ■■> and conjequently engender chMien ferpeiually after the ^^'P- 345' 
 reftcrreUiott^ as they did before., which hecalleth an immortality of the kind .^ but not of 3 "i^' 
 theperfinsofmen. It is to be prcfiimed , that inthofe their (econd lifes, knowing 
 certainly from T- H. that there is no hope of redemption for them from corporal, 
 death up:)n their well doing, nor fearof any torments after death fortheirill doing, 
 they will pafTe their times here as pleafantly as they can. This is all the damnation 
 which T. H. fancieth. 
 
 In fumme I leave it to the free judgement of the undcrftanding Reader ,by thefe 
 few inftances which follow , tojudge what the Hobbian principles arc in point of 
 religion. Ex ungue leonem^ 
 
 Firft, that no man needs to put himfelfto any hazard for his faith , but may (afely 
 comply with the times. And for their faith it is internal and invifibk. ^^'D* ^'^^^ £<.. czai. 
 the licence that Naaman had , and need not put themfelves into danger for 
 it. 
 
 Secondly, heallowcth Subjedls , being commanded by their Soveraign ,to deny 
 Chrift. T^rnfejfionxfith the tongue is but an external thing, and no more than any other 2* 
 gfflure , whereby we fignifie our obedience. And wherein a Chri\lian , holding firmly in 
 bis heart the faith ofChriH , hath the fame liberty which the prophet Elifha allowed to 
 Naaman, Sec. who by bowingbefore the idol Rimmon, denied the true Cod as much in 
 effeU, as if he had done it with bis lips. Alas why did St. Peter weep fo bitterly for Le. p. 371, 
 denying his Marter, out offear of his life or members? It feemeth he was not acquain- 
 ted with thefe Hobbian principles, and in the fame place be layeth down this ge- 
 neral conclufion. This we may fay, that whatfoever a SubjeH is compelled to,in obedience 
 ta his Soveraign, and doth it not in order to his own mind, but in order to the law of 
 his Country , thataUion if not hU , hut h'vi Sever aigns -, nor vs it he, that in this caufe 
 denieth Chrili before men, but his Governour and the law of hit Country. His inftance 
 a Mahumetan commanded by a Chriftan Prince to be prefent at divine fervice , is 
 a weak millakc , fpringing from his grolTe ignorance in cafe-divinity , not know- 
 ing to diftinguifh between an erroneous con (cicncc , as the Mahometans, is and 
 aconfcience rightly informed. 
 
 Thirdly , if this be not enough , he givcth licenle to a Chriftan to commit ido- _3* 
 latty,or at leaft to do an idolatrous adl, for fear of death or corporal danger. To pray ^^-P- 33*°' 
 unto a KiniT voluntarily for fair weather , or for any thing which God onely sjH do for us, 
 fl divine worjhip , and idolatry. On the other (ide , if a King compel aman to it by the 
 terrour of death , cr other great corporal punifhment , it U not idolatry. His reafon is ^ 
 bccaufe?t U mt afignthat he doth iyirvardly honour him Of a God, but that he if defirous 
 to favehimfe If from death, or from ami fer able life. It feemeth T. H. thinketh there is 
 no divine worfhip, but internal. And that it is lawful for a man to value his own 
 life or his limbs more than his God. How much is he wifer than the three Children,^ 
 or Daniel himfelf ? who were thrown , the firft into a fiery furnace, the laft into 
 
 M m m m m th*
 
 ""^^ Ihe Catching TOME lib 
 
 the Lyons denne, becaufe they refufed to cgmply with the idolatrous decree of their 
 
 Tev.P,l9^. Soveraign Prince. ,.,.,.,. , r ■ - x . 
 
 A fourth Aphorifme may be this , Jbat rvhich ufaid in the Jcnftme , n *r better 
 to obey God .than man, hathplacein the Kingdom ofGodby fad,a)idnot by nature Why? 
 nature it felt doth teach us, that it is better to obey God, than men. Neither can 
 he fay that he intended this only of obedeince , in the ufe of indifterent adtions and 
 eeftures, in the fervice of God , commanded by the commonwealth, forthatisto 
 obey both God and man. But if divine law and humane law cla(h one with another, 
 without doubt it is evermore better to obey God than man. 
 
 His fifth conclufion rray be that the fliarpeft and mod fuccefsfull fword , in any 
 war whatfoever, doth give foveraign power and authority to him that hath it,to 
 approve or reject all (brts of Theological dodrines, concerning the Kingdome of 
 God , not according to their truth or falfehood , but according to that influence 
 which they have uponoolitical affaires. Hezrehim, But becaufe thir JoUrine will ap- 
 
 Le.f. 4. j,^^^ ^g^gj^ ^(„ a novelty , J do but propound it, maintaining nothinginthis or any other 
 paradox of religion , hut attending the endof that difpute of the fword , eoncermng the au- 
 thority ( not yet amongfi my Contrymen decided ) by whtch all forts of dodrine are to be 
 approved or rejeded, &c. For the points of doctrine concerning the Kingdome of of God , have 
 (0 great influence upon the Kingdome of man, as not to he determined, but by them that under 
 Cod have the foveraign power. Careatfutcejjibus opto-, §uifquis ah eventufa&a ^notanda 
 putat. Let him evermore want fucceffe, who thinkcth adions are to be judged by 
 theirevents. This dodrine maybe plaufibleto thofc,who defire to fifli in trouble4 
 waters: But it is juflly hated by thofe which are in Authority , and allthofewho 
 are lovers of peace and tranquillity. 
 
 The lait part ofthis conclufion fmclleth ranckly of Jeroboam , NotpJhaUthe King- 
 dome return to the houfe of David , if this people go up to do facrifice in the houfe of 
 
 i.Kingi'2. ^1^^ j^g^^ ^j Jerufalem, whereupon the King took^counfell , andmade two calves ofgold^ 
 
 ^^' audfaid unto them ,Jt ii too much for you to go up to Jerufalem ,behold thy GedsO Ifrael , , 
 
 which brought thee out of the land of Egypt, But by the juft difpofition of almighty 
 God , this policy turned to a fin , and was the utter deftru(9:ion of Jeroboam and his 
 family. It is not good jefting with edg-tooles , nor playing with holy things : 
 where men make their greateft faftneffe , many times they find moft danger. 
 
 His fixth paradox is a rapper .Ihe civill lawes are the rules oj good and evill, juft and 
 
 a c 12 Ci unjufl , honefiand dishonejl , and therefore what the lawgiver commands that is to be ac- 
 counted good ^what he forbids bad. And a little sftet , before empires were , juft and 
 umuft were not , at whofe nature is relative to a command : every aUion in its own nature 
 U indiferent. "that tt is juft or unjuft proceedeth from the right if him that commandeth. 
 Ihertfore lawfull Ki>?gs makg thofe things which they command , juft by 'commanding them^ 
 and thofe things which they forbid unjujiby forbiding them. To this adde his definition 
 of a fin, that which one doth or omitteth, faith or willeth,contrary to the reafon of the com- 
 monwealth , that is the[_ civil'] lawes. Where bythclawes he doth not underftand 
 
 Cp.c.'iA'f the written lawes, eletfted and approved by the whole commonwealth i but the 
 vcrball commands, or mandates of him, that hath the foveraign power , as wefind 
 in many places of his writings. 7he civil lawes are nothing elje hut the commands 
 
 ^7' .f.6 of him that if endowed with joveraign power in the commonwealth, concerningthe future 
 
 '^ . adions ofhUjub]e£is. And the civil lawes are faftned to the lips of that man, who hath the 
 
 Le.p.iop foveraigne power. 
 
 Where are we? in Europe or in Afia> Were they afcribed a divinity to their Kings, 
 and , to ufe his own phrafc , made them mortal Gods. OKing live for ever. Flatterers 
 are the common moaths of great palaces > where Alexanders friends are inorc 
 numerous than the Kings friends. But fuch groffe palpable pernicious flattery as this 
 is, I did never meet with, fo derogatory both to piety and policy. What deftrves he 
 who fhould do his uttermoft endeavour to poifon a common fountain, whereof all 
 the common- wealth muft drinke? He doth the fame who p»ifoneth the mind ofa 
 
 (or 
 
 to, 
 
 feir 
 
 I, 
 
 foveraigne prince. j J, 
 
 Are the civil lawes the rules ofgood and bad.juft and unjuft,h^neft and dijhnttcft /And what ' "'«. 
 I pray you are the rules of the civil law it felf .?Even the law of God and nature. 
 If the civil lawes fwervefrom thefe more authentick lawes , they are Lesbiaia rules. I '»)ii 
 
 wh$t ' »w«.
 
 DiscouRsa n I. of Leviathan ggj 
 
 ffhjt th; laff giver commands 'n 1 1 be accoutted good, what he forbids had. Thi* was ~~~ ' 
 jufl the girb of the Athenian Sophillcrs , as they are dcfcribed by Plato. Whatfo- 
 ever pleafed the great beall \_ the multitude, ] thev called holy , and jurt , and good. 
 And whatfocver the great beall dllikcd , they called evill ,unjult, prophane. But 
 he is not yet arrived at the height of his flattery. LawfuU Kings make thoje things 
 Tvhich they command ]u\i by commanding them. And thofe things which they forbid unjiijily 
 forbidding them.Pit other times when he is in his right wits he talketh of fuffering,and 
 txpf^.ing their reward in heavett.Ajtd going to Chriji by martyrdfme.And if he had the forti- 
 tude tajufer death befhould do better. But I fear all this was but laid in jefr. How 
 Ihould they expeft their reward in heaven , if his dodrinc be true , that there is no 
 reward in heaven ? Or how (hould they be Martyrs , if his doftrine be true, that 
 mne can be Matyrs but thofe who converfed with Chriji upon f^rt/j .? He addcth , Before Jj,p.2''i, 
 "Empires ^ juji and un'juji were not. Nothing could be written more falfe in his fenfe, 
 more difhonourable to God , more inglorious to the humane nature. That God 
 fhould create man and leave him prclcntly without any rules, to his own order- 
 ing of himfelf, asthe OUridg leavcthhcr eggesin thefand. Butin truth there have 
 been empires in the World ever fince Adam. And Adam had a law written in his 
 heart by the finger of God , Before there was any civil law. Thus they do ende- 
 vourtomake goodneffe, and juftice, and honelly, and confcience, and God him- 
 felf^ to be empty names without any reality, which fignitie nothing , further than 
 they conduce to a mans intereft.Othcrwifehe wonld not, he could not fay,That every 
 aUiott as is it invelled with its drcumiiances, it indifferent in its own nature. 
 
 Something there is which he hath a confufcd glimmering of, as the blind man 
 (ces men walking Itk^ trees, which he is not able to apprehend and expreffc clearly. 
 We acknowledge, that though the lawcs orcotnmands of a Soveraign Prince be 
 erroneous, or unjuft, or injuriuos.fuch as a fubjedl cannot approve for good inthem- 
 felves iyet he is bound toacquicfce, and may notoppofe or refill, otherwife than by 
 prayers and tears, and at the moll by flight. We acknowledge that the civil laws 
 have power to bind the confcience of a Chriftian, in themfelves, but not fromthem- 
 fclvcs, but from him who hath faid , Let every foul be fubjeS to the higher power. Ei- 
 ther they bind ChrilHan fubjeds to do their Soveraigns commands, or to fuffcr for 
 the teftimony of a good confcience. We acknowledge that in doubtful cuk^femper 
 prefitmitur proKege & lege ^ the Soveraign and the law are alwayes prcfumed to be 
 in the right. But in plain evident cafes which admit no doubt, it is alwayes better 
 to obey God than man. Blunderers whileft they think to mend one imaginary 
 hole , make two or three reall ones. They who derive the authority of the 
 Scriptures, or Gods Law, from the civil lawes of men,are like thofe who feck to un- 
 derprop the^heavens fromfalling with abullruni. Nay, they derive notonely the autho- 
 rity of the Scripture,but even of the law of nature it felf from the civil law. Ibe lawes 
 <)/"«<it«ref which need no promulgation) in the condition of nature aremt properly lawes, 
 but qualities which difpofe men to peace and to obedience.when a Common-wealth it oncejii- j_^^ p^ j.g 
 led,ihen are theyaUually laws^andnot before.God help us into what times arc wc fallen, , 
 when the immutable lawcs of God and nature are made to depend upon the 
 mutable lawes of mortal men, juft as if one (hould go about to controll the Sun by the 
 authority of the clock. 
 
 But it is not worthy of my labour , nor any part ofmyintention, to purfue every 
 (hadow of a quelHon which he fpringeth. It fliall fufficc to gather apofie of flowers 
 C or rather a bundle of weeds ) out of his writings, and prcfent them to the 
 Reader, who will eafily dillinguilh them from healthful plants by the rankneiTe of 
 their fmell. Such are thefe which follow. 
 
 1. lobe delighted in the imaginaiiononely^ ofbeingpofjeffed of another mans goods , £f^-,^ j-j^ 
 fervants, or wife^without any intention to tak^ them from him by force er fraud, W no breach 't' 
 
 of the law which faith, Tlmtfhall not covet. 
 
 2. Jfa man by the terrour oi frefent death becompelledto do a fall againfi the laiv , be 
 
 if totally excufed, becattfe no latv can oblige a man to abandonhii ownprefervation. Nature ^^ j^„^ 
 eomfelleth him to the fad. The like dodrine he hath clfc where, when the ACtor doth ^ ^_ g ^ _ 
 anything againli the law of nature by command oj the Author , if be be obliged by former 
 cavenantsto obey hitn ^not he, but the Author break^tb the law of nature. 
 
 M m m m in 2 ^, it
 
 882 
 
 The Catching TOME III 
 
 V. Jt if a dvUrine repignatit to civil Society, that rvhatfoever a man does agaitiji his con- 
 
 Le.p. i6S.fcie)tcc is fw. , , r , ■ i 
 
 4. The kingdom of God it not ffmt , but to them that fm ; that n to ti)em , Tpho have not 
 r 8^2 perjlrrtKd due obedience to the Latps of Cod;nor to them if they believe the necefary 
 
 ' ArMei of the ChriftijH F.uth. 
 C/.C.17./.2 V 5. jye mufl kiioivihji the true acknowledging of fin if repentance it felf. 
 
 6. J't ot'inion publickly aj'pfitited to be taught cannot be herefie , nor the Soveraign 
 If. P. 2 48. Princes .that authnife the jame , heretickj. 
 
 7. lemVcral and ffiritual government y are but ttvorcords to makg men fee double, and 
 Ci.c. ii;-/-5 tniii.>k^ thtir bnfult Sjveraign ^SccThere if no Other government in this life, neither of 
 
 Siiiteior B.eligion,but temporal. 
 
 3. It ismZiifii t'-'at they ivhn permit ( or tolerate ) a ctntrary doUrine to that rvhtcb 
 ihtmfehes bencie , and thinkjiectfj'ary , do againjl their confcience, and mil .,as much at in 
 Ci.c. 1 5 /• 1 i'- fjj,t„ In th , the eternal dijirudion of their jubje&s. 
 
 o. Subhiif fin if they do not worfhip Cod according to the lavps of the Common- 
 
 Ci.c.io.j.iv. J j^^ Tobelieve in Jefus [ in jcfum "] w the fame at to believe that Jefus isChriji. 
 Lf./>.330. ^^ Jhexe can be no contradiction between the Laves of Cod and the larves of a 
 
 Chrijlian Cummon-trealtb yYet wckc Chriltian Common-wealths daily contradict 
 
 one another. 
 . 12. Niman giveth but mth intention of good ta himfelfe : of all voluntary a£fs the ob- 
 
 Lep.J'). ^^^:^ to every man fc/j cwk^W. Mofes,St. Paul, andthe Decii wcrerot of his mind. 
 
 13. There is no natural kiiowledge of mans eftate after death , much lejfe of the reward 
 which if then to be given to breach of faith , but onely a belief grounded upon other mens 
 fjyng.,that they kltow it fupernaturally,or that they kitoa> thofe ,ihat l^new them, that k>tete 
 
 others, thatkiterv it fupernaturally. 
 
 14. Davids kjllin'^ofVriah , rpasno injury to Uriah .^ hecaufe the right to do nhathe 
 Le.p.'^o6.. pkajtd tVM given him by "Uriah himfelf. 
 
 15. ToTpfiom ithelongeth to determine controverfies, which may arifefrom the divers in- 
 terpretation of Scripture ., he hath an imperial power over all men which acknowledge tit 
 
 C/.c. 1 8/ 1 4. Scriptures to be the rvord of God. 
 
 1 6. iVhat if theft , what if murder, what if adultery , and univerfally what is an in- 
 Ci.c.p.f.ip jury, if k^town , by the civil law ; that if , the commands of the Soveraign. 
 
 17. He admitteth the incelluous copM/atiw/j of the Heathens accore/wg to their hea- 
 thenifh hwes to have been lawful marriages. Though the Scriptures teach us cxr 
 prelTcly , that for thofe abominations the land of Canaan fpewcdout her inhabitants, 
 
 C i. 14. EX(7(^. 18. 28. 
 
 vi.c.i^' 4' j^_ jjjy ^i^^f ^g gfij^y. ^fd^g offaitlj, befdet this, that Jefus U Chri^, Uneceffary to a 
 
 Cj ' 18 f9 Chriflan man for falvaiion. 
 .k. .j,y. ip_^ Becaufe Chrijis kingdome if not of thisworld, therefore reither can his Minijiers^ 
 
 milefje they be Kings , require obedience in his name. They had no right of commanding, n« 
 power to makg lawes 
 
 20. IpaiTe by his errours about oatbes , about vows, about the rcfurredion, 
 L.p.2c)6. about the kingdom of Chrift, about the power of the lieyes, binding, loofing, 
 270. excommunication, cJ^c. His ignorant mirtakes of JweritKW congrui , nnd condignij 
 
 adive and paflive obedience, and many more, for fear of being tedious to the 
 Reader. His whole works are an heap of milha pen errours, and abfurd para- 
 doxes, vented with the confidence of ajugler, the brags of a Mauntebanck,and 
 the authority of fome P)i»/^^^''rji,or third C<j/o,lately dropped down from heaven. 
 Thus we have feen how the Hobbian principles do deftroy the exilknce, the 
 ' nmplicity,the ubiquity,eternity and infiniteneffe of God,the dodlrine of the blefTed 
 Trinity, the Hypoftatical union, the Kingly Sacerdotal and Prophetical Offices 
 of Chrilt i the being and operation of the Holy Ghoft, Heaven , Hell , Angels, 
 Devilj, the immortality of the ^oul, the Catholick , and all National Churches j 
 the holy Scriptures , holy Orders , the holy Sacraments, the whole frame of Re- 
 ligion , and the vvorfhipofGod-, the laws of Nature, the reality of Goodnefle, 
 ]uliice,Piety,Honefty , Conrcience,and all that is Sacred. If his Difciples, have fuch 
 an impiicite faith, that they can digeft allthefc things, they may feed withOeftriches. 
 
 G AP
 
 Discourse III. of Leviathaa 88: 
 
 C H A P. 2. 
 
 7hat the Hibhian Principles do dejlroy all reljthns betneen man and man^ and the whole 
 
 frame of a Comrmn-reealth. 
 X'Hs firlt Hirpiriij-iron is thro'.vn at the heart of this great While v that i? , hi? 
 Religion i tor with the heartj. man believeth unto righteoufiejje. Now let inai 
 look to his chine •, that is , his Compare or Common- weahli. My next task is to 
 (liow that he detiroyeth all reiatioui becwccn minand man, Prince and Subjedt Pa-- 
 rentand child, Husband and wite. Mailer and fcrvant , and generally ail So- 
 ciety 
 
 It is enougli to dafli tiic whole frame ot his Leviathan or common- vvealti) in pie- 
 ces. That he contelTeth it is without example i as if the moldine of a coiirrioii- 
 wealth were no more than the making of gun-powder , which was not fbuna out 
 by long experience , but by meer accident. Ihe j>^reateji ebjedion ( fii:hT . H. ) ii Ls.p. 107, 
 that ofpradice, when men ask^ivben and rohere fuch porperhas by fubjtiis been ack^iofp- 
 ledged. It is a great objcdtion indeed. Expcreince the Miitriflc of fooles is t'le beil, 
 and almolt the onely proof of the good nefTe or badncfTe of any form of government. 
 No man knovveth where a (hooe wriiigeth , fo well as he that weaieth if. A new 
 Phyfitian mult have a new Church-yard, wherein toburythofi whom he killeth. 
 And a nevv unexperienced Polititian , coinmonly putteth aU into a combulHon. 
 Men rife by degrees from common fouldiers to be decurions , frcm decurionsto be 
 Centurions , from Centurions to be Tribunes, and from Tribunes to be Generals,by 
 experience , not by fpeculation. Akxander did but laugh at that Oratour who 
 difcourfed to him of Military affairs. The Locrian law was well gronnded , that 
 whofoever moved for any alteration <n the tried policy of their Common-wealth 
 (hould make the propotition at his own perill, with an halter about his neck. New 
 Statefmen promife golden mountains, but like frefli flies they bite deeper than thofe 
 which were chafed away before them. It were a Ihangc thing to hear a man dif- 
 courfe ofthePhilofophers Stone who neverbeftoweda groatfworth ofcharcoleinthc 
 inquiry. It is as firange to hear a man didate fo magiilerially in Politicks,who was 
 never Officer nor Counfellor in hislife,nor had any opportunity to know theintri/iues 
 of any oneftatc. If his form, of government had any true worth or weight init , 
 among fo many Nations, and fo many fucceeding Generations from the Creation 
 to this day , fome one or* other would have light upon it. HislLevlathan is but an 
 idol ofhis own brain. 
 
 Neither.is it fufficient to fay.That in long lived Common-ivealthi the fnbjeSfs never did Jbid; 
 difpttte of the Soveraigns power. Power may lie moderated, where it is not difputed 
 of. And even in thofe kingdomes where it was lealt difputed of, as in Perlia , 
 they had their fundamental laws , which were not alterable at the pleafure of the 
 prefent Prince. Whereofone was,as we find in theltory of Edher, and the book 
 of Daniel, that the law of the Medcsand Perfians altered not : much leiTe was it 
 alterable by the onely breath of the Princes mouth, according toT. H. his Prin- 
 ciples. 
 
 He urgeth,that thou^i in all places of the iVorld menpould lay the foundations oftheir Ibid^ 
 houfes onthe find^ it could not thence he inferred, that jo it owht to be. He was a 
 afhamed to make the application. So fuppofe all the World lliould beout oftheir 
 wits and he onely have his right underlUnding. His fuppofition is a ii.poolitionof 
 an impollibility, which maketh an affirmative propoluion to turn neguive, much 
 likethisothcrfuppoiition. J[ the skje fall^TPeJhalt have lark^s ■■, that in is p'aia En^lifli , 
 We fhall have no larkes. His argument had held much more (kongly thus all 
 theworldlay the foundationof their houfes upon firm ground ,and not upon the 
 fand , Therefore he who crolTcth the pra<ftice of the whole world , out ofan over- 
 weening opinion that he feeth further into a mill-ftone than they all, is he that 
 builds upon the fand , and dcferveth well to belaught out of his humour. 
 
 But he perfiftcth ftill , like one that knows better how to hold a Paradox, than 
 a Fort; "the shjll of making and maintaing Common-voeahhs cottfjieth in certain rnks, as 
 doth Arethmetick, and Geometry , and not as Tennis-play , on pra^iice onely ■■, which 
 rules neither poarmen had the leifure , nor men that have had the kifure ^ have hitherto 
 had tlie curiofity or the metHd to find out. O excellent/ how fortunate are we ifwc 
 
 knew
 
 S84 
 
 [he Catchhai TOME III. 
 
 knew our own iKippineHi;, to have this great difcovery made in our dayes ? What 
 pity it is that this new Mercury did nut live in the dayes of the old Mercury, ^a 
 firos citltHT bomimm recintum voce frmavit w/»<x,That the art of prefer ving the world 
 
 m 
 
 ■vvc 
 
 perpetual tranquility.lhould not be difcovered until the evening of the world. May 
 ..'c not hope ( fmce he pleafcd to tell us that after the Refurredlion , mankind fliail 
 £,fp, 340. be eternally propagated j that thefe monuments of his may efcapc the laft rire, as 
 wcllasfomcoihcrs are fuppofcd to have efcaped the general Deluge , for the good 
 of ihofe fuccelhvc generations, they being his own invention, as well as this frame 
 of government. 
 
 Yet his argument is moil improper, and moft untrue. State- policy, which is 
 wholly involved in matter , and circumftances ot time, and place, and perfons, is 
 not at all like Ariihmetick,a>td Geometry, which ^xc altogether abllraded from matter, 
 but much more like 'tennu-flay. There is no place for liberty in Arithmetick 
 and Geometry, but in policy there is, and fo there is in Tennis-play. A game at 
 Tennis hath its vicillitudes , and fo have States. A Tennis plaier muft change his . 
 play at every liroke, according to the occaiion and accidents: fo murt a Sates- man 
 move his rudder differently , according to the various face of heaven. He who 
 incfnageth a Common- wealth by general rules, will quickly ruinc both himfelf, and 
 thofc , who are committed to his government. One mans meat is an other mans 
 poifoni and thofe which arc healthful Rules for one Society at one time , may be 
 pernicious to another Society , or to the fame fociety at another time. ' Some Nati- 
 ons arc likeHoifes , more patient of their riders than others -, And thcfame Nati- 
 ons more patient at one time than at another. In fumme , general rules are eafie, 
 and lignihe not much in policy. The quinteffence of policy doth confift in the 
 dexterous and skilful application of thofe rules to the fubjedt matter. 
 
 But 1 will not relt inprefumptioiis. Concerning forreign States , and firft fuch 
 as are not cnely Neighbourhoods,but Allies,of a Common-wcalth,fuch,ashave con- 
 traded friendihip and confederated thcmfelves together byfolemne oaths, with in- 
 vocation of the holynamcof the great God of Heaven and earth: He teacheth, 
 C 2 f 22 That//«fc <j» oath doth bind m mere than nudum pi&um, a flaked Covenant.lt is true, 
 * that every Covenant iseitherlawfull or unlawful). If it be unlawful , an oath can- 
 not be the bond of iniquity ; If it be lawful, it bindcth in confciencc , though it 
 were never confirmed by oath. It is true further , That he who can releafe the 
 naked promife can releafe the fame promife, confirmed by an oath , bccaufc it was 
 not made or intended as a vow to God, but as a promife to man. But yet to fay 
 that d nakfd Covenant bindetb no lejfe than an oatb^ Or thzt an oath addeth mthingto 
 the obligation ,cr that the mecr violation ot a Covenant is as great a finne , as perjury 
 and covenants breaking twifted together, is abfurd , and opencth a large gap of 
 forreign war. 
 Le.^. 6^. Secondly he teacheth. That i« all times Kings and ferfons of Soveraign Authority^ 
 
 becatife of their independency^ are in continual jealnjtftes^ and in the fiat e andpoflttre ofgla- 
 diatoitrs, having their weapons pointings and their eies fixed on one anothir. It is good 
 for a Soveraign Prince to have his fword alwaies by his fide , to be ready to protedt 
 his Subjedts, and offend thofe who dare invade him : but to put Princes in the 
 pofture ofgladiators,watching continually where they may hit one another, or do' 
 one another a mifchief, is dangerous. There can be no firm amity , where there 
 is no mutual confidence. T. H. his perpetual diffidence and caufeleffe jealoufies , 
 which have no ground, but an univerfal fufpicion of the humane nature ,( much 
 like the good womans fear, that the log would leap out of the fire, and knock out 
 the brains ofher child , do beget perpetual vexations to them that cherifli them ) 
 arguea fclfguiltinelfe, teach them whoare fufpedled, often to do wor(e than the/ 
 imagined, and ordinarily produce holtility and war. T^hefiatecf Common-wealths 
 among themfelves vs natural, that U,ho{Hle. Neither if they ceafe to fight, U it peace ^ 
 ^ic. 15 .}.']• ^,^j ^ breathing fpaces vcherein the one enemy ohferving the motion or countenance of the 0- 
 thir, doth ejhem hU fecuriiy not frrmpa&s butfrcm the forces and counfelsofhU advcrfary. 
 He maktth confederacies to be but empty fhews without any reality 
 
 But for all other neighbour Common- wealths, which are not confederates, but 
 cxercifc commerce one with another , by th" Law of Nations i he reckons them all 
 asenemies, and in a ftate of nature, ( the Hrbbian nature of man, isworfethanthc' 
 
 nature
 
 Di scoRse III, of Leviathan 8S^ 
 
 nature of Bears, or Wolves , or the moft favage wild beafts; and makech it lawful "" 
 
 to dcflroy them, nocent or innocent, indifferently. All men that are mt Subjeas 
 
 areeither enemies, or elfe they have ceafedfrombeifigfo by fame precedent Covenants. But 
 
 agai»fl enemies , vphnm, the Commnn-ncealthjudgeth capable to do them hurt^ it U larvfid l-e-f. 16-^. 
 
 by the original right of nature , tn mak^e war rcherein the fword judgeth not, nor 
 
 doth the viSor mak^ dijiitijiion ofnocent and innocent. Here is no precedent injury 
 
 fuppofed , no refufal to do right ( omnia dat quijujia negat ) nor the leaft fufpicion 
 
 of any will to wrong them , but only that the common-malth ( that is the Prmce ) 
 
 judge them capable to do them hurt. 
 
 Neither doth he hold it needful to denounce war in fuch cafes ,[but makethit 
 lawful to fupprefTe them , and cut their throats without any warning. From this •^"'•^ ^^' 
 Imtvixa-V] diffidence of one another, there is no way for any man tofecure hirnfelffo reafonable 
 Of anticipation , that jj by force or mles to majier the perfons rfall men he can fe lona till ^'- <'-'>-f-^> ^ 
 he fee no other ponder great enough to endanger him. And this it no more than hisorvn 
 confervation requireth, and ii generally allowed.Yor in theflate of meer nature the larvs 
 of nature are filent , as to the adtual exercife of them. And this he may do velpalam 
 vel ex inftdiis, either by force or treachery, what is now become of the law ofNa- 
 tions ? How much were the old Romans better neighbours than thefe new Hob- 
 bians .? They did not fo eafily fall to the fliedding of humane bloud , but fent their 
 Legate firft to demand juftice ,and after three and thirty dayes expedation in vain Liv 
 to proclaim aloud upon the confines of the enemies Country , Hear Jupiter and 
 thou ]uno, ^irinus thousand aVye Gods , that this people U jnjuji, 8cc. And then the 
 Herald or Fascial lanced his Javeline into the enemies Country, asa defiance and 
 beginning of war, ' 
 
 Thus deftruftive are his principles to the publick .peace and tranquillity of the 
 World, but much more pernicious to the Commonwealth itfelf. He did prudently 
 fo deny that virtue did confift in a mean, for hehimfelf doth never obferve a mean. 
 All his bolts fly over or under, but at the right mark it isin vain to expcd him!. 
 Sometimes he fancieth an omnipotence in Kings^ fomctimes he rtrippeth them of 
 their juft rights. Perhaps he thinketh that it may fall out in politicks, a^ it doth 
 fometimesin phyfick. Bina venena invant,T wo conttzry poyfons may becortie a Cor- 
 dial to the Common-wealth. I will begin with his defers, where he attribateth too 
 little to,power. 
 
 Firft he teacheth, that no man is bound fo go to warfare in perfon , except he do 
 voluntarily undertake it. A man, that is commanded as a Souldier to fight againjithe 
 enemy , may nevertheleffe in many cafes refuje reithont i«j«/?icf, Of thefe many cafes, he 
 fetteth down onely two.T'nll n>hen he fubjiituteth afufficientfouldier in hU place', for ^'h ''2. 
 inthUcjfehedeferteth not the fervice of the Commonrpeahh. Second\y, there U aHoxvance 
 to be made for a natural timoroufneffe,or men of feminine courage. This might parte as a 
 municipal law, to exempt fosne peribns at fome time in fome places. But to extend 
 it to all perfons, places and times,is abfurd,and repugnant to hisowngrounds,who 
 teacheth that jujiice & injulHce do depend upon the command of the Soveraign,thzt n>bat- 
 foever be commandeth,he maketh larvful andjujl by commanding if His two cafes are 
 two great impertinencies, and belong to the Soveraign to do, or not to do as Graces: Judg.j.^ 
 who U timorous or fearful, let him depart, not to the Subjeds as right. He for- 
 getteth how often he hath denied all knowledge of good and evill to Subjedts and 
 fubjcded their will abfolutely to the will of the Soveraigni The Soveraign may \tfee- 
 very mansjirengh and wealth athispleajitre. His acknowledgement that the Sove- Cic. 6.f. i?, 
 raign hath ri^t enough to punifh hlf refufal with death,is to no purpofe.The queflion 
 is not Vr-hether his refufal be punifhable or not , but whether it be jvift or not. Upon 
 his principles a Soveraign may julily enough put the moft innocent Subjea: in the 
 World to death, as we (hall fee prefently. And his exception when the defence ofthi 
 Common-weahh recjuireth at once the help of all that are able to bear armes, is no anfwcr 
 fo the other cafe, and it felf a cafe never like to happen. He muft be a mortal God 
 indeed, that can bring all the hands in a Kingdome, to fight at one battle. 
 
 Another of his principles is this, Security is the end for which men mak^ themfelves ^'-c. c£f3' 
 fubjeSs to others ,which if it be not enjoyed no man is underflood to have fub']e&ed himfelf 
 to others, or to have loji his right t» defend bimfe If at his own difaetion. Neither if aiiy 
 
 mm
 
 885 The Catching TOME III. 
 
 man underfiocd to b'ave bound hinijelf to any thing , or to have relincjuijhcd his right over 
 all things^ before his crcH fccttrity he provided for. What ugly confeqnences flow from 
 this paradox, and what a large window openeth to fcdition and rebellijn,! 
 leave to the readers judgement. Either it muft be left to the foveraign determina- 
 tion whether the fubjeds fccurlty be fufficiently provided for , And then in vain is 
 any mans fentencc expcdcd againft hirnfelf, or to the difcrttion of the fubjeft ( as 
 the words themfelv es do fecm to import, ; and then there need no other bellowes* 
 to kindle the Hrc of a civill war, and put a whole commonwealth into a combufti- 
 on, but this fcditious Article. 
 
 We fee the prefent condition of Europe, whit it is ', that moft foveraigncs havefub- 
 jeds of different communion from themfelves, and are necellitated to tolerate ditfe- 
 rent rites, for fear lead whilft they are plucking up the tares, they fliould eradicate 
 the wheat. And he that Oiould advife them to do other wife , did advifc them to 
 put all into fire and flame. Now hear this merciful! and peaceable Author : It is 
 manifeft that they do againjl confcience , andtvijh , as much OiU in tbem, the eternal de- 
 Jirudton of their fubjcSs^ who do not eaufefuch doUrine andfuch worjhip^to he taught and 
 exhibited to their jubjeUs, as they themfelves do believe to conduce to their eternal 
 Ci c n.f.'i. f'*^^"*^""'" 3 or tolerate the contrary to be tanght and exBibited.D'id this man writ waking 
 or dreaming. 
 
 Andhowlbever in words he denic all refiftance to the foveraign , yet indeed he 
 admittethit. No manU bound by his paiis vchatfoever they be ^ not to ref(t him ^ who 
 rj.e 2.f.i^.l'^i>tgtth upon him death or wounds ^ or other bodily dammage. ( by this learcing the 
 Schollar if he be able , may take the rod out of his mafters hand , and whip himj 
 It folio weth, Seeing therefore no man it bound to that which is impo^ble ^they who are 
 tofufftr death or wounds or other corporal dammage^ and are not conftant enough to endure 
 Le. 12. them, are ywt obliged to fufer them. Any mote (aUy Jn cafe a great many men together 
 already refjied the foveraign power unjtiftly ,or committed fame capitall crime ^ for rvbieh 
 every one oj them expeUeth death whether haue they not the liberty to join together , and 
 ajjiji and defend one another} certainly they have, for they dt) but defend their lives, which 
 the guilty man may as well do, as the innocent. "There was indeed unjujiice in the firfi 
 breach of their duty. Iheir bearing of armes fubfequent to it , though it be to maintain 
 what they have done, is no new unjuji ad. Why (hould we not change the name of 
 Leviathan into the KebeVs catechifm ? Obfervc the difference between the primitive 
 fpirit , and the Hobbian fpirit. The Thebaean Legion of known valour in a good 
 caufe , when they were able to reiift, did choofe rather to be cut in pieces to a man , 
 than defend themfelves againit their Emperor by armes ,becaufe they would rather 
 die innocent, than live nocent. But T. H. alloweth Rcbellsand confpirators to 
 I make good their unlawful attempts by armes : was there ever fuch a trumpeter 
 of rebellion heard of before ? perhaps he may fay that he alloweth them not to jufti, 
 fie their unlawful! adts, but to defend themfelves. Firfi: this is contrary to himfelf 
 for he alloweth them to maintain what they had unjujily done. This is too much and 
 too intolerable, but this is not all. Secondly , If they chance to win the field who 
 mufl fuffer for their faults ? or who dare thenceforward call their Ads unlaw- 
 ful! 
 
 Will you hear what a cafuifthc is ? And for the other injiance of attainingfoveraignty 
 l^ f . 75' ^y rebellion , it is manifeji that though the event follow , yet becaufe it cannoti reafonably 
 be expelled , but rather the contrary, and becaufe by gaining it fo, others are thought to 
 gain the fame in //% manner , the attempt thereof is againjl reafon. And had he no other 
 reafons indeed againff horrid Rebellion but thefe two ? It feemeth he accounteth 
 confcience ,or the bird in he breafi, to be butanldoll of the brain. And the King- 
 dome of heaven ( as he hath made it) not valuable enough to be ballancedagainft an 
 earthly Kindome Andasforhell he hath expunged it and all the infernal! fiends 
 out of the nature of things , otherwifc he could not have wanted better argument? 
 Ci.c. 2.f again!! fuch a crying Cm. 
 
 ip. Another of his theorems is , that no man if obliged by anypaUsto accufe himfelf. 
 
 Which in fome cafes is true, but in his fcnfe , and in his latitude, and upon his 
 grounds, it is mof! untrue. When publick fame liath accufed aman before hand, he 
 may be called upon to purge himlelf or fuffer. When the cafe is of publick con- 
 cernment.
 
 Discourse I 1 1. (jf Leviathan 
 
 ccrnment,and the circumltancc^ pregnant, all nations do take the liberty to examine" 
 a man upon oath in his own caufe, and where the fafety and welfare of the com- 
 monwealth is concerned, as in cafes of high trcafon,and for the more full difcovery 
 of confpiracies, upon the rack. Which they could not do lawfully if no man was 
 bound in any cafe to difcover himfelf. His reafon is filly, For in viin da we makg 
 him Promifct who when he hath performed, we k>iow mt whether he have performed or 
 not. And makes as much againii all examination of witneffes as delinquents. Jn 
 vain do wt mai^ them give teiiimoriy^ who wljen they have tejiified, we \i^ow not whether 
 they have given right tejiimony or not. 
 
 But his next co«clufion willuncafe him fully, and (hew us what manner of man 
 heis,Iif the common-wealth come into the power of its enemies ^fo that they cannot he 
 refijied, ix who had the foveraignty before^ U ttnderjiood to have loji it. What enemies he Ci-c. 7V^i8° 
 meaneth ,fuch as have the jult power of the fword, or fuch as have not, what he 
 meaneth by the 'common- wealth the whole Kingdom, or any part of it, what he 
 intendcth by cannot he refiihd , whether a prevalence for want offerees to refirt them, 
 or a viftory in a fct battle, ,or a hnall conqueft, And what he meaneth by lofing the 
 Soveraignty, loofing it de faHo. or de jure, loofing the poffelh'on only ,or looting 
 the right alfo , he is filent. It may be , becaufc he knowcth not the differencei 
 wemuft (earch out his fenfe fome where elfe. The obligation of fubjeils to the 
 foveraign U underjiood to Lli of long, and no longer , than the power lajieth^by which he is 
 able toproteU t'oem,&c. JFt:erefoever amatffeetb proteCiian, either in his own or in another s 
 fword, nature apptieth hif obedience to it , and his endeavour to maintain it. By his 
 leave this is right dogs play, which alwaks take part with the Itronger fidci But/L^./'. ii. 1. 
 yet this is general. 
 
 The next is more particular , when ins warforrtign or inie^ine the enemies get a. 
 final victory, Jo x the jorces of the Commonwealth keeping the field no longer , there is no 
 farther protedion ofJubjeCis in their loyalty, then U the Commonwealth diffolved, andevery 
 man at liberty to proteU himfelf , by fuch courfes as his own difaretionjhall fuggejiunto him. 
 Yet thefe words /i«w/ wciory are doubtful. When Davids forces were chafed out 
 of the Kingdom , fo that he was notable toprotcfthis fubjeds in their loyalty , 
 could this be called a final vidory? 
 
 The next place is home , He who hath no obligation to his former joveraign, but that 
 of an ordinary fubjeii,hath liberty to fubmit to a Couquerour, when the meanes of his life is 
 within the guards and garrifns of the enemy, for it is then that he hath no longer froteUion 
 ^mbim,\_\\is SovCTa.xgn'] but is prote^ed by the adverfe party for his contribution, r ^j^' 
 
 And he condudeththat a totaU fubmi^on is as lawfull as a contribution. Which is con- ' " 
 trary to the (enfc of all the world. If a lawful foveraign did giveagencral releafe 
 to his fubjed , afwell as he giveth him licence to contribute, he faid fomthing. And 
 to top up all thefe dilloyal paradoxes he addcth,That they who live under the proteSion 
 cf a Conqueraur openly , are underjijod tojubmit themfelues to the goverment. And that 
 in the very aS of receiving protection ^openly, and not renouncing it openly , they do oblige 
 themselves to obey the lawes of their protector, to which inreceiving protection they have 
 afiinted. 
 
 Where thefe Principles pre vail, adieu honour, and honefty, & fidelity , and loyal- 
 ty: all muft give place to felfintcreft. What for a man todefert his Soveraign up- ^p- 137 
 on the firft prevalence of an enemy, or the firli payment of a petty contribution, or 
 the firft apparence of a fword, that is more able toproted us for theprelent ? Is this 
 his great lawQfnature,/'afi/j \ia»dnm,to jia>tdto what we haVe obliged our felve.s < Then 
 Kings from whom all mens right and property is derived , (houUi not have fo much 
 right thefefclves in their own inheritance as the meaneft fubjed. It ieemcth T, H. 
 did take his Soveraign for better , but not for worfe. Faiye fall thofe old Roman 
 fpirits,whD gave thanks to Terentius Varro , after he had loft the great battle of 
 Cannsby his own defauU,becaufe hedid not defpair of the Commonwealth. And would 
 not fell the ground that Hannibal was encamped upon, one farthing cheaper than 
 if it had been in time of peace , which who; one thing that difcouraged that gteat 
 Conn£ from continuing the fiege of Rome. ., 
 
 His former difcourfc hath as many faults aslir.cs. Fitft all Soveraignty is notfrom 
 
 1^ n n n n the
 
 bsT^ The Catcbinii TOM E 111, 
 
 the people. He himfelf acknowledgeth,ThatMfr/y Empire or .?omr was i>jftiutted 
 r h\ God in the Creaiion.attd was Monarchical. Secondly, where the application ci Sove- 
 
 Cfcr. 10./. 3. J ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ p^^f^^j, j5 fjQno the people, yet there are other ends btfjdcs pro- 
 tedicn. Thirdly , protedion is not a condition,thoi'gh it be a dutyi A iailing iu 
 duty iioth not cancel a right. Fourth!y,prot(.aion ought to be mutual. The fub'jcd 
 ouJu to defend his King, as well as the King hisfubjedi if the King bedifablcd to 
 protect his fubjed by theiubjeds own fault,bccaurehe did not a'.iiii him as he ought, 
 thisdoth not warrant the fub)ed to feekprotcdiOl^ elfewhcrt. Fifthly he doth not di- 
 Minguilh between a jull Conqueror , who, hath the power of the fword , though he 
 abufe it , and him that hath no power at all. 1 will try if he can remember whofc 
 words thefearcv Ihey that have already infiituted a Commonxvealth , heing thereby bound 
 
 te.p. 8$. ^ covtnant ta own tie aUions and judgements of one ^cannot lawfufSy mak( a ntw covenant 
 among themjehes to be obedient to any other Jin any thing whatfoever^withom his fermifton. 
 Jnd therefore they that arefubjeCis to a Monarch, cannot without his leave cali off 
 Monarchy, mr transfer their ferfm from him that bearethit^to another man. Thisis 
 home both for right and obligation. 
 
 Sixthly , there arc other requitltes to the extinaion of the right ofa Prince, and 
 the obligat'ion ofa fubjed ,than the prefCHt prevalence or conqucft of an enemy. 
 Seventhly nature doth not didateto a fubjed to viokitc his oaths and allegiance, 
 by ufinghis endeavours to maintain protedion wherefoever he feeth it , either in his 
 own fword or another mans. Eighthly,total fubmiffion is not as lawful as con- 
 tribution. Ninthly, adual fubmillion doth not take away the Soveraigns right ,or 
 thefubjeds obligation. Tenthly, to live under the command or protedion ofa 
 Conquerour doth not neceffarily imply allegiance. Laftly ,iiiuch lefTc doth it im- 
 ply an aifent to all his laws, and an obligation to obey them. 
 
 Thefe are part of T. H. his faults, on the one hand agaioft Monarchs, oppofite 
 enough to peace and tranquility , which none can approve who either have a fet- 
 tlement ,or wilh one. But his faults are ten times greater and grofler for Mon- 
 archs, on the other hand , in fo much as I have thought fometimes that he obferved 
 them'ethod cffome old cunning Parliament men, who when they had a min^ to 
 crofle a bill, were alwayes thehigheft for it in the Houfc, and would infert fomany 
 and fo great inconveniences into the ad , that they were fure it could never 
 
 pafle. 
 
 Tuta frequenfq-, via eft per amici fame nomen. 
 Thus he maketh the power oi Kmgs to be focxorbit3rt,that no fubjed who hath 
 cither confcience or difcretion, every did or can endure ifoto render Monarchy 
 odious to mankind. 
 
 I pafle by his accommodating of the four firll Comnvindmcnts of the Decalogue to 
 Soveraign Princes, which concern our duty to Almighty God. Lee hib firll Paradox 
 Le.t. 177. of this kind be this. A Monarch doth not bind himfelfto any man hy any pafJs^for the Em- 
 C/. C.7./. II pire which he receiveth. Audit is vain to grant Snxerugnty hy wax "f precedent covenants, 
 "the opinion that any Monarch receiveth his power hy cove>!i':t ■> -.hat is to jay^oncon- 
 Le. p. $9. Elliott /learned ly expounded )proceedeth from want of underftayuitng this eafie truth, that 
 covenants beingbut words and breath,[_ marke that] have no force to oblige 8cc. butfrom 
 the pibUck^ fword. What is now become of all our Coronation oathes, and all oui 
 Liberties and great Charters > 
 Q- efn Another Paradox is t\\is:Ev(ry Monarch may mal^ his Suceffour by his lafl will,and 
 •f* 5*> 9 ^y^ rphich one may transfer to aitotinrby tejhment^that he may be the fame right ^ive orfeU 
 whileji he is living. Tberefure to whomjoever he difpojeihit eithtr fir love or monyjt is law 
 fully di}pofed- And there is no ptrfU form ofgovtrmnent where the difpofing of the fuccefport 
 Le.p.gp. is not in theprtfent Soverai(ni. The whole body ofthe kingdom of England were of 
 another mind in King Johns cafei and if he had difpofed the Soveraignty fo a 
 Turke, as fomc of our Hirtoriographers relate that be made an overture , it is not -- 
 likely that they would have turned Turkifh flaves. * 
 
 Hear a third Viiodoya. "The SnveYaign hath fo much power over every fuhjed bylaw, 
 ■-..■.c.6./.i8« jyg^^^fy g}jfrrljo is not ftibjtd to another hath over himfe/f ithat is^abfolute \ to be Itmi- 
 tedby the power of the Common- wealth , and by no ether thing. What neither by the 
 Laws of GodjUorNatiue, nor Nations, nor bytheiaws of the Land,ncJtherco- 
 
 adjvely
 
 DiscouRSE 111. <jr Leviarhan %jo 
 
 a(!^lively nor dire(ftivc!y ? Would noc this man have made an excellent guide fur 
 princes? But more of this anon. 
 
 I Proceed, when the Soveraigncomniindeth' any thing to be done aga'tn^ hii orvnfoT- 
 mer law i the command its to that particular fj&^ if an abrogation <f the law. Parliaments Lr p'lS-J. 
 may fliut up rhcir (hops , there is ho need of them to repeale former lawes. 
 
 His iifth excefle is a grievo^us one , That before the in{Htutionof aGommonweaUh , 
 every man had a right to do whatfofver be thought necejfary to his own prefirvation, fub- 
 dtiing, hurting, or killing any man , in ord^r thereunto. And this ii the foundation of ■^^' ^^^' 
 that right nfpttnijhing which is eficercifed in every Commonwealth. And his fentence in 
 brief is this i That if the Magiiirate do examine and condemn the Delinquent, then 
 it is properly punifliment, if not, it is an hojiile ^fl, but both are juftitiabie. judge 
 Reader , whct4icr thou wilt truft St. Paul orT. H. St. Paul tcUeth us, that the 
 Magiiirate is the ordinance of God, the Mtnifler of God, tbe Revenger of Cod, the Sword- ^''' ^^'^'^' 
 bearer of God to execute wrath upon him that doth evil. 
 
 No faith T. H. punifhment is not an aft of the Magiftrate as he is a Magiftrate 
 or as he is an Officer of God to do juftice, or a revenger of evil deeds » but as he is 
 the onely Private man, who hath not laid down his natural right to kill any man ajt 
 • his own difcretion , if he do but fufped that he may prove noifome to him, or con- 
 ceive it ncccflfary for his owti prefcrvation. Whoever heard offuch a right before , 
 fo repugnant to the Laws of God and Nature? But obfcrve Reader what is the 
 refuit of it , that the Soveraign may lawfull kill anyofhisfubjedts, or asraanyof 
 them as he pleafeth , without any fault of theirs , without any examination on his 
 part, mcerly upon fufpicion, or without any fufpicion of the leall crime, if he do 
 but judge him to be hurtful or noifome ,as freely as a man may pluck up a weed , 
 becaufe it hinders the nouirfhment of better plants. Before the infiitution of a Common- ^. 
 wealths every one may lawfully be fpoiled and killed by every one, but in a Comm 'ntpealth ^* ^°*J*' 
 oncly by one, that is the Soveraign. And by the riaht of nature we deftroy without be- 
 ing ttnjujl , all that is noxious, both bealh and men. He makes no diiherence between 
 aChriftian and a wolfe. Would you know what is noxious with him, even w/jj/- 
 foever he think^th can annoy him. Who would not defire to live in his Common- ^.;>.Ktf. «^* 
 wealth , where the iJoveraign may lawfully kill a thoufand innocents every mor- 14.0, 
 ningto his brcakfaft ? Surely this is a Commonwealth of filhes, where thegrcat 
 ones catc thelcffer. 
 
 It were ftrange if his Snbjeds fliould be in abetter condition for their fortunes , 
 than they are for their lives, no I warrant you : do buthearehim. Ihy dominion 
 and thy property isfo great , and lajietb fo long , as the Commonwealth \_ that is, the So- ^'•'^•i'- 1-7' 
 verign^ will. Perhaps he meaneth in fome extraordinary cafes ? Tufh , in all cafes , 
 and at all times. When thou didii chufe a Soveraign , even in chufing him thou 
 madcft him a deed of gift of all thou hali , Et tu ergo tuum jus civitati concejpiii, and ., . , 
 therefore thou haft granted all thy right to the Commonwealth 
 
 Yet fome may imagine that his meaning is only that property may be transferred 
 by lawes or Adts of Parliament from one to another, ^s the Lacedemonians, when 
 they permitted children to Jleal other mens goods , they transferred the right from the 
 owners to the Children. No, no, T. H. is not tor general laws, but particular v.-rbal Ci,z.\^.f.io. 
 mandates. The Kings word is [undent to tak^ any thing from any (ubjeSl , if there 
 he need, and the King is judge of that need. If by need he did undcrlland cxtrcam £,<> 10. c5. 
 necellity , for the prefervation of the Commonwealth, it might alter the cafe?. ' ' 
 But this need is like Ahabs need of Naboths vineyjrd. There is nither necellity, nor 
 Commonwealth in the cafe. The Lacedemonian thefts were warranted by a ge- 
 neral law, not only conftnted to univerfally, but fworn unto. And if it had been 
 otherwife, the value was fo fmail, and the advantage apprehended, to be fo great 
 to the Commonv/ealth , that no honeft Subjed would contradift it. 
 
 Pvight and Title may be traasferred by law , and there can be no wrong, where 
 confcnt isexplicit and univerfal s fuch confent takethaway all errour. But if the 
 confent be onely implicit , to the makinu; or admittingof juft laws, and unjuft 
 lawes be obtruded in the place of juft, the SuL.jcft fuffers juftly by his own Ad : but 
 he or they that were trulkd finne. And if he be a Soveraign , owcth an account to 
 God : if fubordinate, both to God and man. But he juftificth the taking away ot 
 
 N n n n n 2 men? 
 
 II
 
 The Catchw(r TOM^ HI. 
 
 mens cftatc?, either in part , orin whole, without precedcnc Law, or precedent 
 neccfiity , or fubfequcnt fatisfadion. And maintaineth ,that nut onely thcSubjed 
 is bound to fubmit, but that the Sovcraign is juU in doing it. 
 
 I cannot paflc by hii good affcftion to the Nobility o( Europe: Jn tbffe farts of Europe, 
 T f, 9 it hath been tak^ for a right cf certain perforts, to have place tnthe hijjjbeft Council of 
 ''' '^' State by inheritance: , but good courtfcl comes mt by inheritanet. And the politick^ ii an 
 harder {iuJy than Geometry. I think he niiftakes the Council of State for the Par- 
 lianicnr. And who. more fit to concur in the choice of Laws, than they who arc 
 moll concerned in the Laws, than they who muft contribute moft, if there be oc- 
 cafion, to the maintenance of the Laws. No art is hereditary more than politicks. 
 A Mufitian doth not beget a Mufitian. Yet we fee the fathers eminence in any Art, 
 begets a propenfion in his pollerity tothc fame. And where two or three fucccliive 
 generations do happily infiR in the ftcps one cf another, they raife an Art to great 
 prcfe(ffion. 1 do eailly acknowledge that politicks arc an harder ftudy then Geome- 
 try, and the praftife inorc than thcorye, gained more by experience than by ftudy. 
 Therefore our Parliaments did prudently permit the cldcft fons of Barons , to be 
 prefent at their confultations , to fit them by degrees , for that perfon which they 
 mud one day fuftein. But he had a mind to (hew the Statcsmenhis tccth,as he 
 had done to all other profellions. 
 
 There are many I thererrours and miftakes in his Politicks, as this, JhatSevc- 
 Ci cT ( Ar fg^'fy cannot be divided, or that there ctnnit be a mixed from ofgoverment, which is 
 i?A iVo." ^ ^^^^ miftaking of the qucfiion. For though it be fomctimes ftiled a mixed 
 ^''' ' monarchy, bccaufe it doth partake of all the advantages of Ariftocracy and Demo- 
 without partaking of their inconveniences, yet to fpeak properly , it is more aptly 
 called a temperatcd or moderated Soveraignty,rather than divided or mixed.Neithcr 
 did any Englifh Monarch communicate any cflential of fovcraignty to any fubjedtor 
 Subjedtswhatfover. all civil power, legiflative,' judiciary, military, was ever exerci- 
 fed in the name of the King, and by his authority. The three Eftates of the King- 
 dom afTembled in Parliament,were but fuppliants to the King, to have fuch or fuch 
 Laws enaded; what is it then that hath occafioned this milkke^though the King hath 
 not granted away any pait of hisSoveraign power, yet he hath rcftrained himfelf by 
 his Coronation-oath , and by his great Charters , from the exercife of fome part of 
 itinfome cafes , without fuch and fuch requilite conditions ,c except where the 
 evident neceihty of the Common wealth, is a difpenfatioii from Heaven for the con- 
 trary } So he hath rcftrained himfelf in the exercife of his legiflative power, that he 
 will govern his fub)e<fts by no new Laws, other then fuch as they fhould afTcnt 
 unto. It is not then any legiflative power, which the two Houfes of Parliament 
 have cither cxcluHvcly without the Kmg, or inclufively with the King, butare- 
 ceptive, or rather a preparative power, /w qua nen, without which nonev» Laws- 
 ought tobeimpofed upon them:and asno new laws, fononcw taxesor impofitions 
 which are granted in England by a Satute Law. 
 
 By this it is evident how much' his difcourfe o^ three Jouls animating one body, is, 
 •wide from the purpofe , and his fuppofition oi Jetting up afupremacy agaifili the Sove^ 
 raifiity. Canons agatyili Larvs , and a gho(i!y authority againji the cii-i/, wcigheth lefTe 
 than nothii-'g, feeing we acknowledge, Tliat the civil Sovcraign hath an Atchite- 
 (Ttovjical power , to fee that all Subjcdfs within his dominions do their duties in 
 their feveral callings ,forthcfafcty and tranquility of their Commonwealth, and to 
 purifh thofcthat are exorbitant with the civil fword, as well thofe who derive their 
 habitual power imnicdiatly from Chrift, asthcfc who derive it from the Sovcraign 
 himfeif. Then the conftitution of cur Englifh policy was ret to be blamed , the 
 exercife of tbe power of the keys, by authority from Chrifl , was not to be blamed 
 but T. H. defcrvcth to be blamed , who prefumeth to ccnfure before he un. 
 dcrflands. 
 
 Another of his whimfics is , That no Liw can be unjufi j ly agood lav Jmean, not < 
 
 r 9 juft Lw , jor no lave can he U'ljuji , &:c. J( H in the Laves oj the Commonwealth , of in 
 
 ^f.p.io . the larrs of gaming, rfhatfctitr the. Camjhrs aV agree on, ififjufiicetononeofihem. An 
 
 opisiion ablurd init fclf , andcontradidory to his own ground. There may be laws 
 
 tending-to the contuniely ci God^to Atheifme, to denial of Gcds providence, to I 
 
 4 dolatry
 
 Di s^couRSE II I of Leviathan ' %^ 
 
 dolatr/, all which he confefTeth to be crimes ot'high trirafon againll God.Thcre may ^ "^ ~ 
 
 be Laws againft thcLaw of nature, which he acknowkdgcth to be the divine 
 
 LifP ^(ternally ' imvutahle, which G d hatk madf known to all men, by his eternal 
 
 rvordb)TH in tkenijelves ^ that is to jay ^natural reafun. But this queftion, whether ^z. c"i4./.4. 
 
 any law can be unjull, hath becu vlcbatcd more fully between him aud me, in my 
 
 anfwerc to his Animadverfions. The true ground of this and many oth:r of his 
 
 miliakes, is this, that he tancieth no reality of any natural judice or honcliy nor 
 
 any relation to the Law of God or nature, but only to the Lawsofthe Common- ■^"•^ 4- 
 
 wealth. So from one abfurdity being admitted, many others arc apt to follow. ^. 
 
 His Occonomicksarc no better than his politicks. He teachcth parents j/;^/ they ^'''^•^fl 
 cannot he injurious 1 1 tbeirehildnn ,fo long as they are in their power. Yes, too many r- r 
 wayes both by oaiillion and ^mmilTion . He tcachcth mothers that they may cafi ' ^' 
 arvay their infants ^orexfoje 'ibem at their own difcretion lawjully. He tcachcth parents 
 iadiffcrently, that where they arefue from all fubjeClion, they may tak^ "^■^y 'he life of 
 their children or kill them, and this juftly. 6)^^, _ 
 
 What horrid dodrines are thcfc'' it may be he will tell us, that he fpcakcth on- '' 
 
 ly ot the itatc of mecr nature , but he doth not, for he fpeaketh exprefly of Com- 
 monweilths,and parallelleth Fathers with Kings and Lords to whom he afcribeth 
 abfolutc dominion, who have no place in his itatc ufmcer nature. Neither can he 
 fpeak of the rtateof meer nature, for therein, according to his grounds, the children 
 have as much privilcdge to kill their Parents, as the Parents to kill their chil- 
 dren , feeing he fuppofcth it to bea ftatcofwarofall men againftall men. 
 
 And if he did fpcak of the fiate ofmeer nature, it were all one. For firft his 
 flate ofmeer nature is a drowfie dream of his ownfeigning, which looketh upon 
 )Hen as if tbey were fuddinly grown oitt of the ground likf mu/hroms. The primigenions ^- <» /- 
 and moCt naturall (late of mankind, was in y^dam before his fall, that is, the ftate of ''^" ^'^' 
 innocence. Or fuppofc wc (hould give way to him to expound himftlf of the 
 <htc of corrupted nature , that was in Adam and his family after his fa!!'. But 
 there was ho fuch Itatc of mecr nature as he imagincth. There was Religion, 
 there were Laws, Government, Society: and if there ever were any fuch barbarous 
 favagc rabble of men , as he fuppofeth, in the World, it is both untrue and di(ho- 
 nourablc to the God of nature, to call it the ftate ofmeer nature,which is the ftate 
 of degenerated nature. He might as well call an hydropical dirtcraper, contracted 
 by intemperance, or any other difeafe of that nature, tlie natural flate of men. But 
 there never was any fuch degenerate rabble of men in the World, that were with- 
 outall Religion all Government, all Laws, natural and civil: no, not amongft the 
 moft barbarous Americans, C who except fomc few criminal habits, which thofe 
 poor degenerate people, deceived by national cultom, do hold for noble) hare more 
 principles of natureall piety,and hoQctty, and morility,then are readi'y to be found 
 in his writings. As for the times of civill war,they arefo far from being without 
 all padts and governours, that they abound overmuch with padts a.nd governovrs 
 inaking policy not only to fee m but to be double. 
 
 This evident truth miy be demonli rated from his own grounds. All thofe places q- ,- 
 of holy Scrij)ture,by which vre are forbidden to invade that which is another mans, as tkett ' '^-'* ^ 
 fh.ilt not k^ll^thohfljalt not fteale,th it (halt not commit aduUery^do confemthelawof di{\in- 
 Ctionofmine and thine. For iheyjiippife the right of all wf«, to all things to be takfn a- 
 TTjy- How can that be, when he confefTeth every where, that thefc are the eternal 
 lawes of God and nature. But that which is much more true, they both fuppofc 
 and demonffrate that there never was any fuch right of all men to all things. Let 
 him call them lawes or theorems, or what he plcafe, they confut that (late of mcer 
 nature which he maketli the foundation ofhis comtnon wealth. Hitherto he hath 
 ben too high for the parents. Now they mullcxpedl a cooling card.Tk quejUonwho 
 is the better man, hath no place in thr condition ofmeer nature, where all men are equall. 
 Are the parent and child cquall/' Tt, they are equally who can do equall things one 
 againji another^ But they wbocand.i the great ejl th'r,igs, that is to kill,can doequall[thiitgs, 
 Iherefore all men by nature are equjll amnngthemfi-hes. U. the (on have as ftrong an 
 artr.c, and as good a cudgel! as his father ,hc is as good a man as his father. 
 
 Another of his aphorifrnes is, pjiemall domi::i>n is not fo derived from generation, Lep.iQ2, 
 
 as
 
 8«^ 
 
 rhTCatckwo TOME III 
 
 as i\ thcnjurt ihe parent had cicminton uvir hh child^ bccauje he begat hm^ but by the 
 \hildsmifent,(itber exprejjr, or byotbirfufficieKt argutments didared. And will you fee 
 liow this conlcnt is gained.? T/;e attaining to joieraign forrer ts by irvo Tvaies,e>ie by 
 ttaturall force as when a man mak^th his children jiibtmt tbtmjelves and their children 
 f, S8 tohis govtrntnent, asbeingabktodefiroy themif they refufe. Thefe principles are 
 ^^' • ' fo fi)(e tliat the very evidence of truth doth extort the contrary from him at other 
 time?, ^he Bipopjarp ther vas pater Hall government inAdam^wbicb he migbt-do eafily^as 
 ^«."P' 13^* ^^y nodeep consideration And again, To >y// enes parent, it a greater crime than toh^ll 
 another For the parent ought to have the honour of ajoveraign, though he have furrendred 
 he. p. 1^0. hif porver to the tiiil laa>, becaufe be had it originally by nature. Great is truth , and 
 prevaileth. 
 
 If this were ;ja f/ff/ co«/ii/fMfi<»f, the more he defervcth to be blamed, who at 
 fomtimcs robbeth both parents of their honour, fome , other times the man 
 onely, as hy the right of nature the dominion over an infant doth belong frjl to him who 
 hath him firjl in his power. And it if manift[l that he that vi home rjooner in the power 
 .. . r 2- of h'ii mother than of any other, fo that Jhe might either hrin^ him up,or cajl him outsat her 
 '^ pleajure, andhy right. Never without the fathers licences again, i« theftateofnatHre 
 
 it cannot be hiiorvn jvho is father of aninjant, but by the relation oj the mother. Ihere- 
 fore he is his, whom the mother would have him to be, and therefore themtthers. Doth this 
 man believe in earneft that marriage was inftituted by God in Paradife, and hath 
 lbid.f. 3. continued ever fince the creation. He might as well tell us in plain termes, thatall 
 the obligation which a child hath to his parent, is becaufc he did not take him by 
 the heelcs and knock out his braines againft the walls, fo foon as he was born. 
 Though this be intolerable, yet there is fomething of gratitude in it, and in that 
 rcfpeft it is not altogether fo ill, as his forced pa(Ss. 
 
 How repugnant is this which he faith of the mothers dominion over her children, 
 
 to the law of nations? By the law of the tv^clve tables a father might fell his child 
 
 twkc, his v£nnmdet. The mother had no hand in if. Neither doth the judicial 
 
 Exod. 21 7. law of the Jevves, diffent from ihis. If a manfellhis daughter to a maid fervant. 
 
 Num'. ^50 4. So like wife a childs vow might be invalidated by the authority of a father, but not 
 
 ofa mother , 
 
 He aboundeth every where with fuch deftrudive conclufions as thcfc,as to getters- 
 tion God hath ordained to man an helper,& there be alwayes two that are equallyfareMS^ 
 Le.t 102- IheVominion therefor tver the child fhould belong equally to both , and hebe equally ftthjeS 
 to both, which ii impf^ffibte, forno man can obey two mafters. Whether had he for- 
 gotten the commandemcnt Honour thy father and thy Mother, or thinkcth he that 
 obedience is not a branch of honour. ? 
 
 In the next place his principles deflroy the fubordination ofa wife toherhuG- 
 
 hind.7he inaqualiiy of natural flre>igth is leffe,ihanthat a man can acquire dontimion over 
 
 a woman withcut wa^? And he givcth this reafon why the contrary cuOome prc- 
 
 ^. f^ vailcth, hcaw^tCemmonweaUhs were coiiflituted by fathers cffimites, net by mothers of 
 
 Ifc'J I o' f'^milies, and from hence it is tlyat the domefiicall dominion belongs to the man. The 
 
 '"'' * fcripturcsallign another reafon of the fubjtdion of the woman, and the rule of the 
 
 man, namely the ordinance of Almighty God. Cen.^.i6. And Sf. Paul fecond- 
 
 eth it. JVvmen are commanded to be under obedience,as aljo faith the taw.i. Cor. 14.34. 
 
 I trow that law was not made by fathers of families. Wives fttbmit your fehes unto 
 
 your own hufbands, as unto the Lord. Eph. 5. 23. Why i becaufc of the civill law? No 
 
 fuch thing /or tfcf husband k the head of the wife,even as Chrifi it the head of the Churchy 
 
 V. 2^. And the man is the image and glory of God, but the woman is the glory bf the 
 
 man{t fir the man is not of the woman , but the woman if the man., neither was the man 
 
 created for the woman, but the woman, , for the man. i.Cor. ii. 7. 8. 9. He 
 
 ■wouXdinot fuffer awomat io ufurp authority over a man. i 7im. 2. 12. much lefTc 
 
 over hcrovvnhubband. 1 might cite Sf. Peter to the fame purpofc, butlamafraid 
 
 lefthelhould accufe both S. Peter and St. Paul of partiality, as well as_ the flrft 
 
 founders of Commonwealth^. 
 
 Upon h sprincipks ro man is fure of his own wife, if the foveraign plcafcto 
 di<;porejher to another. Fir although the law of nature do prohibit theft,or adulery.&c. 
 Tct if the civill law command a man to invade any thing, that is rot theft or adultery 
 
 And
 
 DtscoRsE HI, of Lcviarhan Sp 
 
 '> 
 
 And what is the civil law in his fcnfc? the command of the bivgivtr: and hts commjud 
 
 it thedeclaration of hit rvill. So if the lawgiver do but declare hispieafure that any C'uc.ii,.f.ic. 
 
 onefhallenjoy fucha mans wife, or that (lie (hall no lodger be his wife , according IM-I. 13. 
 
 to his grounds,husband and wifemuir both obey. JVhat is theft? 9>hat it murder? fFi)jt 
 
 is adultery ? n kiiown by the civ'tll Liw^tbat is by the commands of him that is Soveraian 
 
 in the Commontvealth. and wirhnut the Sovcraigns command,if either party do but 
 
 fufpciit one3nother,the party fufpeiSed is difobliged , for there It no paCt^ where credit U Ci.c^<^.f.i6 
 
 noi given to him that maketh the pacl, neither can faith be violated where it it not had. 
 
 The next politicall relation is between the Milkr and the fervant, which the 
 Hobbian principles do overthrow as well as the relt. One of thefe principles is, that 
 a Majhr cannot do any wrong tohis fervant^ becaitfe the fervant hath ftibjtHedhn widto ^'-c- S* f^- 
 the wiiofhii Majier. In all (uch fubmiiiioHS there's evermore cither exprefTedor im- 
 plieda/j/w, orafaving ofhisduty to God, and his allegiance to his Prince. Ithis Ci.c.i.f.'^. 
 mafter Oiallpunilh hioifor not doing contrary to thefe, or by menaes compcilhim to 
 do contrary to thefe, he doth him wrongi No man can transfer that right toan- 
 other, which he hath not hirofelf. The fervant before his fubrrviliion to his marter 
 had no right to denie due obedience to God, or due allegiance to his Prince. 
 
 Another of his Paradoxes is, that wbofoever if obliged to obey the commands of any 
 other ^bt fur e htk^iow what he will command^ U bound to all hit commands fwtply^ and 
 without reJiriSion. N«ti> he that is obliged, is called a fervant, he to whim he tth.^und a 
 Majier. what if the Maliers command be contrary to the lawes of God or nature ? Or ^'•'•^•f-7 
 the lawes of the Commonwealth. In the prefencc of a greater authority, a IcfTef au- 
 thority ceafeth. Such implicite obligations are ever to be underftood, quantum 
 jus fisquefuerit, according to law and equity. 
 
 Hitherto fervants have been grieved , but now they (hall be releived, if T. H. his 
 authority can do it. Servants who are holden in bonds are not comprehended in the dc 
 finition of fervants, because theyfervennbypaU, bttt to avoid beating: And therefore 
 if they fly away, or hjUtheir majier, they do nothing contrary to the lawes cf nature. For Ci.c,S.f.ji 
 to hind them U a fig», that the binder didfuppofe them tiot fufficiemly bound by any other 
 obligation. His confequencc is infirm, becau(c the Mafter binds hi s ferrant, there- 
 fore he di(ku(ts him, therefore there were no Pads. A man may give his parole 
 for true impri(bnment,and having given it to a ju(t enemy is obliged to hold it.* 
 what if his conquetour or ma(tcr did (pare his life, upon condition that he (hould 
 be true prifoner,untill he could find out a fit exchange for him ? This was a lawful! 
 padt. Then doth not T. H. inftruft the prifoner well, to cut his conquerours throat 
 who fpared his life, upona lawfull condition. 
 
 But to dispell thefe umbrages, he tcacheth that<»/«-i/a«t tvhois caji into bonds, 
 or any way deprivedofhis corporal liberty, it freed from that other obligation which did ]l,iJ^ C 
 arife from hii pa^,So as according to his principle,Ifa fervant, f that is more than a 
 captive, ) having not onely had his li(e fpared by a juft Conqucrour, but alfo con- 
 tradtcd and engaged himfelfto be aloyall (ervant, as firmly as may be, (hallnever- 
 thele(re be caft into any bonds by his m3fter,or be re(\rained of his corporall liberty, 
 upon delinquency, or juli fufpicion, he is acquitted of all his pads andoblis^ations, 
 and as free to run away, or cue his mafters throat, as if he had never paired or 
 ingaged at all. 
 
 His defaults come fo thick, I am weary of obferving them. Take an hotchpotch 
 together. 
 
 1. In the fi ate of nature, profit is the meafure of rights 
 
 2. Every one is an etiemy to every one , whom he neither commandeth nor obeyeth. Ci.ci.f.io 
 5. N/t onely tn contend againfi one, but even this very thing not to confent, is odinu'ifor ^^- <'• P- f-3' 
 
 ttot to confent with one in fame thing, is tacitely to accufe him of errour in that thing, as to ^i- <:• ^-Z 5. 
 J^fient in many things, is to hold him for a fool. In the name of God , what doth he 
 hold the whole World to be ? I am fure he di(renteth from them all in many 
 things. 
 
 4. h iinot reafonable that one perform flrfi, if it be likely that the other will not perform _ . ^ 
 afterwards, which whether it be likely or no , he that feareth JhaJI judge. It is true he ^^.a.^.ii* 
 addeth, That in the civil State, where both parties may be compelled , be who is to per- 
 form firji by the contraU, ought to perform firji. But what if the civil power be not a- 
 
 b!e
 
 ""S^ The Catc hing TOM E f [ 1, 
 
 ble to compel Jnm? What if there be no WitnclTcs to prove the Contraefl ? then the 
 civil power can do nothing. May a man violate his Faith in fcch cafes,upcm gene- 
 ra! fufpicions of the fraud and unfaithfuJnefs ot mankind > 
 
 <• If a feofk have elided a Sovereign for term of hfe^ and he die, neither thefeopk he- 
 ( A /"'■f elt£lion, nor he before hit death, having ordained any thing about a place of meeting for 
 Ci. CJ.j'i . ^^^^ eledkn, it is brvfulfor every one, by eqtial, that is, naiuralrighty to fnatcb the So- 
 'verjignty to himfelfifhe can. His opinion ot the ftate of nature is a very bundle of 
 abfurdities. 
 
 6. When a Majler commandeth his fervant to give money to a ^r anger ^if it be not done, 
 Ij. v. 7. 4. the injury is done to the Mafier, whom he had before covenanted to obey, hut the dammage 
 
 redoundetb to thejiranger, to tthom he had uo obligation , and therefore could nut injure 
 him. True according to his Principles, who maketh neither confcience, nor honc- 
 liy, nor obligation from any one to any one, but onefy by pads or proraifes. All 
 jull men are of another mind. 
 
 7. "Ihofe men tvbich are Jo remifty governed, that they dare tak^ up arms to defend or 
 introduce a new opinion, arejiill in rvar, and their condition not peace, but onely a cefatiou 
 
 Le.f.pi' of arms, for fear of one another. Why is ttie fault rather imputed to the remifnefs of 
 the Governour, than to the fedition of the people, and a ftate of war feigned, where 
 none is? The reafon is evident, hecaufe he had no hand in the Government, but had 
 a hand in the introdudion of new opinions. 
 
 8. In a Soveraign Afiembly, the liberty to proteft is taken avpay , both hecaufe he that 
 protejietb there, denietb their Soveraignty, and alfo whatfoever is commanded by the Sove- 
 
 T J, „ raignpomer, is as to thefubjeS , jujiified by the command , though not fo alivays in the 
 ''[•^^1' fight oj Cod That is not taken away which all Soveraigns do allow , even in the 
 competition for a Crown, as was verified in the cale of the King of Spain , and the 
 Houle oiBraganza, about the Kingdom o( Portugal. It is no denial of Soveraign- 
 ty, to appeal humbly from a Soveraign mifinformed , to himfelf better informed. 
 The commands of a Soveraign perfon or Aflembly , are fo far juftified by the com- 
 mand, that they may not be refiftedi but they are not fo far juftihed, but that a loy- 
 al Subjedt may lawfully feek with all due fubmiffion, to have them redihed. 
 
 9. If he rvhofe private interefl is to be debaied and judged in a Soveraign Afieinbly,makg 
 as many Friends as he can, it is no injujlice in him. And though he hire fuch Friends 
 
 Le.p 122. ^i*h money, unlefs there be an exprefs law againji it , yet it is no injujiice. It is to be 
 feared, that fuch provocations as this, are not very needful in thefe times. Is it not 
 unlawful to blind the eyes of the wife with bribes , and make them pervert Judge- 
 mem? Others pretend expedition, or an equal hearing, but he who knoweth no ob- 
 ligation but pacts, is for downright hireing of his Judges, as a man fhould hire an 
 Hackney-coach for an hour. There is no gratitude in hireing, which is unlawful in 
 the buyer, though not fo unlawful as in the feller of Jufticc. If any man digged a 
 pit, and did not cover it, (b that an ox or an afs fell into it, he who digged it was to 
 make fatis^dtion. He that hireth his Judges with money to be for him right, or 
 , wrong, diggeth a pit for them, and by the equity of this Mofaical Law, will appear 
 
 *''"'^-^*'-33-notto be innocent. 
 
 Thus after the view of his Religion, we have likewifc furveighed his Politicks, as 
 full of black ugly difmal rocks as the former, di(ftated with the fame magif^erial au- 
 thority, A man may judge them to be twins upon the firft caft of his eye. It was 
 Solomon's advice, Kem«ve not the ancient Latid-nurkj which thy Fathers havefet. But 
 f. H. taketh a pride in removing all ancient Land-marks, between Prince and Sub- 
 
 p 22 28 '^'^' ^^^^'^'^ ^"*^ Child, Husband and Wife, Mafter and Servant, Maji and Man. Ni- 
 ' //«'after a great overflowing, doth flot leave fuch a confuiion after it as he dothv nor 
 an Hog in a Garden of Herb<;. I wi(h he would have turned probationer a while, 
 and made tryal of his new form of government firft in Ws own houfe,before he had 
 gone about to obtrude it upon the Commonwealth. And that before his attempts 
 and bold endeavours, to reform and to renew the policy of his native Countrey, h« 
 had thought more ferioufly and more fadly of his own application of the Fable of 
 
 Le.p. 177. Pf/fK/ hisfoolifti daughters,rp/jo dtfiringto renew the youth of their decripit father, did 
 by the counfel of Medea cut him in pieces andhoyle him together witbjlrange herbs ■^ut 
 made not of him a neve man* 
 
 ■e A p.
 
 Discourse 1 1 1. of Leviathan gp^ 
 
 "^^ ~ CAP.^~ ~ — — ' 
 
 That the Hobbiait Principles are inconfxfient one with another. 
 
 MY third Harping- Iron is aimed at the hcadof his Leviathan, or' the rational 
 part of his difcourfe, to fhcw that his Principles are contradictory one to an- 
 -ocher , and confequently dcfiruftivc one of another. It is his own obfervation. Ihst 
 which tak^th aroay the reputation oj wifdom in him that forme th a Religion or addeth 
 to it when it IS already, formed , /'/ an enjoyning a belief ofcontradidories : fo} both parts Le.p.^%, 
 of a coKtradicuon cannot po fib le be trite. And therefore toenjoyn the be lief of them is an 
 argument of ignorance. How he will free himfelf from his own cenfure I do not 
 undcrftand let the Reader judge . ' 
 
 He affirmeth that an hereditary kingdom is the beft form of government,;^^ are 
 madejubieas to him upon the befi condition , whofe intereftit is that we fhould befafe and ^' <:'T-ofi^' 
 found And this cometh to pafje when we are the Soveraigns inheritance, ( that is in an 
 hereditary kingdom ; /or every one doth of his accord ftudy to preferve his oven inheri- Le.p. pp. 
 iance. Now let us hear him retraa: all this. There is no prefeU form of government Cic.p.f.i^. 
 where the difpofwg of the fucceffion is not in the prefent Soveraign. And whether he ^'h »??♦ 
 transfer it by tejiament , or give it ot fell it, it is rightly difpofed. 
 
 He affirmeth , That which isfaidin the Scripture , h is better to obey God than man 
 hath place in the Kingdom of Qod by pad , and not by nature, ' One can fcarcely meet 
 with a more abfurd fenllefle Paradox, That in Gods own Kingdome of Nature 
 (where he fuppofeth all men equal , and no Governour but God , ) it (hould not be 
 better to obey God than man, the Creatour than the creature, the Soveraign rather 
 than a fellow-fubjed. Of the two it had been the lefle abfurdity to have faid , that 
 it had place in the Kingdom of God by nature, and not by pad, bccaufe in the king- 
 dome of God by paft, Soveraigns are as mortal gods. 
 
 Now let us fee him Penelope like , unweave in the night what he had wovcnin 
 the day, or rather unweave in the day , what he had woven in the nighf. his 
 tnanifeft enough , that when man receiveth two contrary commands, and k^ows that one Le.p. 221 
 of them is Cods , he ought to obey that , and not the other , though it be the command even 
 of his lawfull Soveraign. Take another place more expreffe ,fpeaking ofthc firft t ^ oj.^" 
 kingdom of God by pad with Abraham , &c. He hath thefe words , Nor was there j/*j ' 
 any contraCi which could adde to or firengthen the obligation-, by which both they and all i^- ^ r 
 men elfe were bound naturally to obey God Almighty. And before any fuch Kingdom ^'r^' ^ 
 of God by pa<f^. As to the moral law they were already obliged , and needed not have ^ *' 
 been contraSed withaV. He fancieth that God reigneth by pad over Adam and Eve 
 but thU pa^ became prefently voide. And if it had flood firm , what Kingdom of 
 God by nature could have been before it ? But he reckons his Kingdom of God by 
 pad from Abraham ,/r('>M him the Kingdome of Godby paii takes its beginning. But 
 in Abrahams time, and before' his time, the World was full of Kings : every City 
 had a King , was it not better for their fubjeds to obey God than them ? yet that 
 was the Kingdom of God by nature, or no Kingdom of God at all. 
 
 Sometimes he fayeth the Laws of nature zvcGods Lzws,whofeL3ws( fuch cfthemas 
 obliged all mankind ) in refpeci of Cod ,af he it the God of Nature, are natural, in „ 
 
 refpeSi cf the fame God, as h if King of Kings, are Laws ■■, and right reafon is a Law. '^' ''^' 
 And he defines the Law of nature , to be thediUate cf right reafon. Where by the ^''^'^y'^" 
 way obfervc , what he makes to be the end of the Laws of nature, T/je /w/rco;z- 
 fervation of our lives and member s^fo much as if in our power. By this the Reader may 
 fee what he believes of honelty or the life to come. At other times he faith that 
 they are no laws. Thfe which we call the Laws of nature being mthingtlfe but 
 certain conclufions,underftood by reafon, of things to be done, or to be left undone. And a qi cAfA^» 
 law , if we fpeak^properly and accurately, U the jpeechofhim that commandeth fomethhtg 
 hy right to others, to be done, or not to be done, fpeaking properly, they are not laws, m they 
 proteedfrom 1 nature. 
 
 It is true , he addeth in the lame place , That m they are given by Cod in holy 
 Scripture, they are moji properly called Laws for the holy Scripture vi the voice of Godnding 
 all things hy the ^reate\\ right. But this will not falve the contradldion, for fo the 
 Laws of nature fhall be no Laws to any ,but thoft who have read the *>cri- 
 pture , contrary to the fenfeofall the World. And even in this he coatiadideth 
 
 O o 00 o him-
 
 ■^5' T/je Catching .. TOMEITI^ 
 
 himfelfalfo the Bible i^ a Lav. to whom? to all the World ; he IqioTPeth it i4 not : 
 ^.P. i'5^- Hon' came it then to be a LawtomfVidGodJpeaKit viva voce to m >Havem any other 
 warrant for u than the word cftheTrofhets> Have we feen the miraces > Have tpc any 
 I affitraitce of their certainty , than the authority oj the Church ? And fo he 
 con<:ladeth That the authority of the Church is the authority of the , Com- 
 monwealth the authority of the Common vt^calth, ,thc authority of the 
 Soverajon , and his authority was given him by us. And fo the Bible 
 was made Uiw by the affetit of the SubjeUs. And the Bible if their only Law, where the 
 ^^'^ civil Soveartgn hath made it fe. Thus in feeking to prove one contradidion we have 
 
 W-332- ^gf with two. , , . ,, , , 
 
 He teachcth that the Laws of nature are eternal and immutable , that which they 
 Qu c. 3./.2*- .^ ^^^ ,iever\be lawfuUihat which they command never mlawful. At other times he 
 Ci. c. •).). 2. ■'^^^^j^^jj^ ^ jji^j j^ j^jf ^and cfpecially in a war of all men againjlall men the Laws of 
 nature are fxknt. And that they do not oblige as Laws , before there be a Common- 
 wealth conftituted. when a commonwealth U once jetkdy then are they aUually Laws , 
 
 Le i'. n8. and not before. '. ■ ^, i ,. 
 
 ' '^ ^ Hcfayeth trHereligionconffteth in obedience to Chrijis Lieutenants, and in giving God 
 
 (a , fuch honour , both in attributes and adions^af they in their ftveral Lieutenancies ^(hall or- 
 
 ^«.p.334- j^j-„.^^j,ieh'Lieutenant upon earth is thc>fi-fwt «r;/(»»«^//iraff. And yet contrary 
 
 to this he excepteth from the obedience due to foveraign Princes , all things that are 
 
 contrary to the laws of Cod , who ruleth over rulers. Adding that we cannot rightly 
 
 a c 6S.\.%. transfer the obedience due to him upon men. And more plainly , 7/ a foveraign Jhall 
 
 ^ cvmmandhimfelfto be worfhiped with divine attributes and adiont, as fuch as imply an- 
 
 independame upon Cod , or immortality , or infinit power, to prayunto them being abfenty 
 
 or to ai\thofe things of them which onely God can give , to offer facrifice , or the %, Al- 
 
 Ci.c.i^f l8' though King^ command uf wemuji abjiein. He confcffeth. that thefubjeds of Abraham 
 
 had fumed , if they had denied the exigence or providence of Cod, or done any thing that 
 
 was exprtjjely againft the honour of Cod , in obedience to hU commands. And aHiont 
 
 Ci.c.ip.fy. ji,ji are naturally fignes of contumely , cannot be made by humane power a part of 
 
 Le. p. ip2. Jij^ine worjhip, cannot be parts of divine worfhip , and yet religion may confift in fuch 
 
 worfln'p, is a contradidiion. 
 
 He confcffeth ,7hat if the Commonwealth jhould command a Subje£l to fay or d« fame 
 
 /q thing that U contumelious unto God ^orpould forbid him to worfhip God, he ought not to 
 
 Ci.c.l')'flo- ^y^y^ ^j^jj ygt maintaineth that a Chrijiian holdingfirmly the faith ofChrJji in bis heart, if 
 
 he be commanded hy his lawful Soveraign , may deny Chriji with hit tongue , aliedging 
 
 that profeffionrr'ith the tongue isbut an external thing. And thatit is not he in tbatcafe,who 
 
 denieth Chriji before menJbuthUGovernour^ and the law of hitCewttry, Hathhefofoon 
 
 Le.'p. 271. j-pj.^^^ himfelf ? Is not the denial of Chrift contumelious to God 
 
 Hq zffirmeth thiX if a Soveraign pall grant to a Sub'jeU any liberty inconfiftent with 
 Soveraign power, if the Subjedrefufe to obey the Soveraigns command , being contrary to 
 Le t.i'^l. the liberty or anted, it it a fin, and contrary to his duty , fr he ought to tah^ notice of 
 what is confijlent with Soveraignity &c. And that fuch liberty wm granted through 
 ignorance of the evil confequence thereof. Then a Subjed may judge not only what is tit 
 for his ownprefervation but alfo what are the effcntiall rigtUs ofSoveraignty, which 
 Ci.c. 1 2./^ I. is contrary to his dodlrine elfewhere. It belongs te Kings to difcern what is good and 
 evil ■■, and private men , who taki to tbemfe Ives the knowledge of good and evil, do covet to 
 he as Kings, which confflcth not withjhe Jafety of the Commonwealth i which hecalleth 
 afeditious doUrine , and One the difeafes of a Crmmonwealth. Yet fuch is his forget- 
 Le. p. 168. fulneffe , that hehimfelf licenfeth his own book for the preffe , And to be taught in the 
 V niverfitie s ,zs contdmug nothing contrary to {he wordof God or good manners ,ot 
 . Le. p. 3P5' to the dijlurbance of puhlic\tranquillity. Is not this to take to himfelJf the knowledge 
 of good evill ? 
 
 In one place he faith the juft power of Sonraigns is abfoluie , and to be limited by the 
 
 o firergth of the Commonwealth and nothing tlfe. In other places he faith his power is 
 
 ^'•^ °v' *^* tobelimitted byJ the Laws of God and nature. As there is that in Heaven, though 
 
 Le.f.p'ioj. „gf on earth, which he fiould Hand in fear of, andwhofe Laws he ought to obey. And 
 
 though it be not determined in Scripture, what Laws every King Jhall conjlitute ,in his 
 
 Lt.p.iP9 dominiom^etitUdstermined, What Law he fhall not eonjUtute, And it is true, that
 
 Djscourse I [ I. of Leviathan 897 
 
 Soveraigfis are alijubjeti to the laws oj nature , becanfe fuch larvs Is divine, and cart ■ 
 mt by any man or Common-wealth he abrogated. In one place he maintaincth thitall 
 menby nature are equal among themjclves. In another place, that the father of every man q^ c i ( 2 
 ffis originally his Soveraign l,ird , with power over him of life & death. Le P iii' 
 
 He acknowledgeth that God is not onely gW, andj«/f ,' and merciful, but the ''^' ' 
 beft. That nature doth didate to us that God ii to be honoured ■■, and that to honour, 
 M to ihink^tf highly of his power and goodnejje as w pojjihle , and that nothing ought to 
 be attributed to him ,butwbat is honourable. Nothing can be more contrary to his £j c.ic./Tp. 
 goodnefTe, or more dirtionnurableto God , than to make him to be the caufe of ^^ V j gg' ' 
 all the finne in the World. Perhaps he will fay that thU opinion mak^th God the caufe 
 oj fjM : But dothnot the Bijhop thi;ill_him the caufe of all aHions ? And are not fins of com- &u.p.i'7S. 
 mijfion aUions ? Is murder no adim ? And doth not God himfelffay^Non ed malum in 
 civitate quod ego non feci ? And wm not murther one ofthofe evils? The like doiSrine 
 he hath. Qu.p. 108. and 23f. 
 
 I chanced to fay, thatil a child, before he have the ufe of reafon, (hall kill a 
 man in his pallion ,yet bccaufe he had no malice to incite him to it ,nor reafon to 
 reftrein him from it, he fliall not die for it in theftrid rules of particular juftice , 
 unleffe there befome mixture of publick juftice in the cafev (hewing onely what was 
 the law , not what was my opinion. An innocent child for terrour to others , in 
 (bme cafes m^ be deprived of thofe honours and inheritances , which were to have 
 defcended uponhim from hisfather, but not of his life. Amazia (lew the murder- 2 Chro.2 1.4. 
 ers of the King his father , but he fit w not their children, hut did at it is written inthe 'Deut.2^.jp, 
 Law , in the booh^of Mofes , The fathers Jh all not dye for the children , nor the children for 
 the fathers , AT\d he prefentiy taxed me (01 it , The Bipop would mah^ but an ill 
 Judge of innocent children. And the fame merciful opinion he mantaineth el(e- 
 where. All punifhments of innocent SubjeSs, be they great or little, are againji thelaw ^•/'•277. 
 of nature. For punijhment is only for tranfgreffion of the law , and therefore there can be Le.p.16'). 
 m punifhmenu of the innocent^Yct within few lines after he changeth his note. In Sub- 
 jeGs who deliberately deny the authority of the Commonwealth ejiabliped, the vengeance 
 if lawfully extended , mt onely to the fathers, but alfo to the third and fourth generation. ,.j 
 His reafon is,becaufe this offence confijieth in renouncing of fubjeCiion-fo theyfufer not at * 
 SubjeHs , but Of enemies. Well , but the children were born fubjeds as well as the 
 father,and they never renounced their fubjcdtions : how come they to loofc their 
 birth-right, and their lives for their fathers fault, [{there can be no puni(hment of the 
 innocenti'fo the contradidtion? Hands ftill. 
 
 But all this is but a copy of his countenance, I have (hewed formerly cxpre(rcly 
 out of his pv'mciples , That the foundation of the right of punijhing , exercifed in every 
 Commonwealth , is not the juft right of the Soveraign for crimes committed , but that 
 right which every man by nature had to kill every man. Which right he(aith every Sub- 
 jedl hath renounced: but the Soveraignj by whofe authority puni(hment is infiicfted, 
 hathnor. So if he do examine the crime in juftice, and condemn the delinquent, 
 then it is properly puni(hment. Tfhe do not, then it is anlioftile adt , but both waies 
 juft and allowable. Reader , if thou pleafc to fee, what a ilippery memory he hath: 
 ftir thine own fatisfadion, read over the beginning of the eight and twentieth 
 Chapter of his Leviathan. Innocents cannot b'e juftly puni(hed, but juftly killed 
 upon his principles. 
 
 But this very man , wlio would feem fo Zealous fomctimes for humane jaltice, 
 that there can be no jufi punidiment of innocents, no juft puni(hment, but for crimes 
 committed , how ftandeth he affected to divine juftice ? He regardeti it not at all , 
 grounding every where Gods right to afflict the Creatures upon his co nnipotencc; 
 and maintaining that God may as jiiftly afflict with eternal torments without lin, 
 as for (in. "though Cod have power fi affhd a man , and not for finne ,witho:t injujiice: 
 Shall we think^ Godfo cruel, as toaffiiQ aman,and not for fin , with extrean, mdendlejjf 
 torments? Is it not cruelty ? No more than to do the fame for finne, when he that afpiSetb ^ 
 might without troublehave k^pt him from finning. Whether God do afflict eternally, ^'^'^3' 
 or punifti eternally ■-, whether tlie Soveraign proceed judici3lly,or in anhoftileway, 
 Co it be not for any crime committed i it is all one as to the juftice of God and the 
 Sovereign , and all oj^ets to the fufferings of tlie innocent. But it may and d«tk 
 
 O o Q » (fttit
 
 SpS 
 
 ne CatchiK^ TOME HI. 
 
 "Tten happen in Gommontfealtht, that a Subjedmay be put to death by the command of the 
 Scveradn pon'er, and yet neither di the other wro>7g;that is to fay,both be innocent, 
 for that is the vvholefcopc of clieplacejcis agamft the law of nature to punifh in- 
 nocent Subjefts faith one place, but innocent Subjects may lawfully be killed or 
 put to death, faith another. _ ,,,., 
 
 Sometimes he maketh the inaitutinn of Soverajgnty to be oncly the laying down 
 the right of Subjefts, which they had by nature. Tor he who remtinceth qt pajfeth a- 
 tray hU right, giveth not to any ether man, a. right which he had not hcfcre, becatife there 
 u nothinz^ to which every man had not right by nature , hut anely {landetbout ofh'n way, 
 that he may enjoy hU oren orginal right ^Tftthout hindtrance jrom him , not without hin- 
 drance from another. Aud elfewherc ,7^^ SuhjeHs did not give the Soveraign that 
 Le.p- 65. ^j^if^ym g^giy /^ hying down theirs Jhrergtbenedhim to ufe bii own, &c. So it was not 
 l^- P- '^^* given^ut left to him'& tohim onely. And the tranflation of right doth conjiji onely in not refi- 
 Ci. C.2.J. 4. jf^^, |j£ might as well have faid,and with as much fcnfe,ffce tramferring of right doth 
 confiji in not transferring of right. At other times he maketh it to be a furrender , 
 or giving up of the fuh]eUs right to govtrn himfelf to this man. A conferring ef all their 
 I p Of '7 po^erand firength upon one man , that may reduce al their wih by plurality of voicesto 
 ' one wil. An appointing of one man to hear their perfon^and ackiiowkdgingthemfelves to 
 
 be the authours of whatfoever the Soveraign fhall ad, or caufeto be aded in thofe things 
 whith concerned the common fafety -.a fubmiffioa^of their wills to his will, their judgements 
 to hit judgment. And David did no injury to Vriah, becaufe the right to do what he 
 Le.p, 109- ^ifafed, was given him by Vriah himfelf. Before we had a transferring without 
 transferring , now we have a giving up without giving up, an appointing, 
 or conrtituting,without appointing or conftituting,a fubjedlion without fubjection, 
 ^^- ^ J- f ,. anauthorifing without authorifing : What is this/* 
 • • !)•;• T' Hq {^y£^Y[ i[^^i jf cannot be f aid honourably of God, that he hath parts or totality, which 
 are theattributes of finite ;/;i»g/.lf it cannot be faid honourably of God , that he hath 
 parts or totality,then it cannot be faid honourably of God that he is a body forevery 
 1> p .271 .body hath parts and totality. Now hear what he {z\th,Every part of the Vmverfe is 
 hody'tAnd that which U no body it no part of the Vniverfe.And becaufe the Vniverfe is 
 that all that which is no fart of it , M nothing. Then if God have parts and totality, 
 God is nothing. Let him judge how honourable this is for God 
 Le. p.*- ". 57. Hcfayeth, JFe homur not God,but dijhonour him by any^iut kffc than infinite. And 
 ^^.l^j^^ how doth he fet an infinite value upon God , who every where maketh him to 
 'fubfift by fuccejfivt duration. Infinite is that to which nothing can be added,butto 
 that which fubfiftcth by fuccellive duration, fomething is added every minute. 
 
 He faith, Chrift hath not a Kingly authority committed to him by his Father in the 
 World , but onely confiliary and dcdrinal. He fahh on the contrary , Jhat thelqngdom 
 Cf.c.iyJ-6 cfjudah was* his hereditary right from King David. 8cc. And when it pleafed him to 
 play the King , he required entire obedince,Milh. 21. 2. Go into the village over agahtfl 
 you , and flreightway yt fljaJl find an affe tied , and a colt with her,loofe them and 
 bring them unto me. And if any man jay ought unto you , ye fhall fay ,1he Lord hath 
 ^'-''^^'J-^ needoftbem. 
 
 He faycth , 7he infiitutibn eternal punifkmtnt was before fn. And if the command 
 Ci, c. 4. f9 he fuch as cannot be obeyedwithout being damned to eternal death ,then it were madneffe 
 to obey it. And what evil hath excommunication in it, but the confequent, eternal 
 Le.p. 2^'^. p(„,jf,ment ? At other timeshe fayeth there is no eternalipunilhment. It is evident 
 that there [hail he aftccnd death of every one that fhall be condemned at the day of Judge- 
 ment, after which he fhall die no more. He who know€th no foul nor ipirit , may 
 well be ignorant of a ipiritua! death. 
 Lf.fc.idS. He faith , It is a diGrine repugnant to civil fctiety that whatfoever a man Joes againjl 
 
 Cf^'^itf.i.hittonfcienceisfw. "Yet he himfelf faith . It U a fin whatfoever om dotb againfi his 
 Ci.c. iZ'.f.l' ccnfcitnce , for they that do that, defpife the Law. 
 
 He faith. That all ptwer fecular and fpiritual under Chrift , is united in the Chrifiian 
 Corr.mnnweahh'--, that is, the Chiiftian Soveraign: Yet he himfelf faith on the contrary 
 h cannot he dcitlicd of , that the fewer of binding and locfng , that is , of remitting mi 
 retatmngfns.f^ which we call the power of the keycs ) was given by Ckrtfi tofuntrt 
 Tajlf'urs in ihefamt manner as to the prefent Apijllej.Andall pcwer of nmittirgfn which 
 Chrift himfelf had ,wai given ioike Apffiles. All fpiritual power is in the Chriflian 
 
 Magiftrate.
 
 D ^couRSE III. ij Lfv^athan 899 
 
 Magiftrate, Some fpiricua! power ( that is thepovcr of ;li; kc-ycs }ij intliefuc- 
 ceiTours of the Apoflles , that is not in the Chriltian , Magiitratc, is a 
 contradi<fiion. 
 
 He confeffeth , That it ii maiftfeji that from the afcenfwn ofChrifl until the converf:gn 
 of Kings , the forcer Ecckfujiicalivas in the Jpojiles^ and fo delivered unto their furctjf- 
 ours by impnfuion oj hands. And yet draight , torgetting himfelf ,he takcth away all r 
 power from them, even in that time when <here were no Chrillian Kings in the ''' ^' '^' 
 World. He alloweth them no power to make any Ecclefiaftical lawes or confti- 
 tutions, or to impofe any manner of commands upon Chriluans. Toe ofice of the 
 ApojilesrvMnot to command , but teach. As Schoole-Mallers,not as Commanders. Ci.c.17 f.-^d. 
 Yet Schoole-Mafters have fome power to command. Hefuffcreth not the Apoftles Le\ p. 269 
 tffl ordain , but thofe whom the Church appointeth , nor to excommunicate , or '' 
 
 abfolve, but whom the Churclipleafeth. He maketh the determination of all contro- 
 verfies to reft in the Church not in the Apoliles. And refolveth all queftions into 
 the authority of the Church. Ibe eleClion of Dolors and prophets did refi upon the 
 authority of the Church of Antioch. And if it be inquired by tohat authority it came 
 to pajfethat it tvof received fr the command of the BoJy Ghvfi, which thofe Prophets and 
 Voiiors faid proceeded from the Holy Choji , tee muji necejjarily anjwer , By the authority Ci.c.X'j.f.2\ 
 of the Church of Antioch. Thus every where he aferibeth all authority to the Church, 
 none at all to the Apoftles, even in thofe times before there where ChrilHan Kings, C''<:- 17-/2 5. 
 He faith not , tell it to the Apo{iks;but tell it to the ChHrch^thattve mayk>tow the definitive Ci.ciS.fi. 
 fentence^ whether fin , orno fin is not left to them, but to the Church. And it is manife{l ^ 
 that all authority in Jpirituall things , doth depend tipon the authority of the Church. 
 
 Thus not contented with lingle contradictions he twifteth them together-, for 
 according to his definition ofa Church,therc was no Chrillian Church at Antioch^or 
 inthofe parts of the VVorld,eithcr then or long after. Hear him. A Church if a company r * j« 
 of men prcftjJingChriJiian Religion, united in the perfon of one Soveraign, at whofe com- '^' 
 mand they ought to ajjemble, and without whofe authority they ought not ti ajfemble. 
 Yet there was no Chriftian Soveraign in thofe parts of the World tl.en ,or for 
 two hundred yeares after, and by confequence , according to his derinition , 
 no Church. 
 
 He teacheth, That when the civil Soveraign is an infidel, every one of his own fub]e[is 
 that refijieth himyfinneth againjl the Laws of Cod, and rcjfdetb the councel of the Apojiles, Le, p. ^^it-. 
 that admonijheth all Chrifiians to obey their Frinces, and all children and fervants to 
 obey their Parents andMajiers in all thing. As for not rcfifling he is in therfght, but 
 for obeying in all things, inhis fenfe, it is an abominable errour. Upon this, 
 ground , he alloweth Chriftians to deny Chrift ,to facrifice to idols , fo they preferve 
 faith in their hearts. Hetelleth ihtm , 7hey have the licenfe that Najman had^and 
 need not put themfelvcs into dangtr for their faith. That is, they have liberty to do any 
 external zdcs , which their infidel Soveraigns (hall command them. Now hear 
 contrary from himlelf. When Soveraigns are not Chrifiians , in ffiritual thingt, that 
 is in thoje things which pertain to the manner of worflnpping Cod, fome Church of Chrifii- 
 ans U to be /o/Zt/Wft/:) Adding , that when we riaay not obey them, yet we may C'.c. iS./^'ia, 
 not refift i\\cm ,h\xie!tndumcil ad Chrijium per rnartyriuin , we ought to fuffcr 
 for it. 
 
 He confeffeth , That matter and power are indifferent to contrary formes and con- 
 trary ads. And yet maintained every where that all matter is ntcefluate by the ^.^.252; 
 outward caufcs to one individual formi that is, it is not indifferent. And all pow- 
 er by his Principles is limitted and determined to one particular ad. Thus he 
 fcoffethatme for the contrary, very learnedly , as if there reere a power that were 
 not a power to do fme pjrticnhr aa , or apower to kiV, a7td yet to kill no body in parti- _ 
 cular. Nor doth power fgnife anything aUnally ,but thofe motions and prefent aSs , °^' •?' ^■ 
 from which the ah that it not now , but (hall he hereafter, neceffariiy proceeds th. If " •V'-;--- 
 every ad be neceflary , and all power determined to one particular ad , as he fiifh- 
 here , how is power indifferent to contrary Ads, as he faith there ? 
 
 He acknowicdgeth , That though at fome certain difianct the reall and very objiS Le, p ^, 
 feem invejhd with the phanf.e it begets in uf\yetfiill the ohjeU it one thing, the image 
 »r phanfte is another. And Vet aflirtneth the contrary. That the Preachers voice U the 
 
 fimi
 
 ^~^ Ue Catching TOME 111 . 
 
 TJ^thhfTwith hZri'ii^^^liiiTajha^tjiein the hearer. Even lo he might lay , that the 
 
 colour oAhe fight , is the fame thing with feeing. Men utter their voice many times, 
 
 when no man hcarcth them. ,,,,■,, r^ j ^ 
 
 He faith hfpiraiioitirnpheiagiftjuperiiatural^atid the immediate hand of vod. On 
 
 Le.p' 324- ^^^ contrary he fayeth ,7o fay a man jpeak^et by fupernatural tnfpiration , U to fay he 
 
 Le.p.iQO. ^^^ ^^ ^^^^.^^ MreioJpeaKorfomepong opinion of himfelffor which hecan alledge no 
 
 r pi6q natttral and fufficient reafon. Ut xto^oxicxh t\\\s O'^rnxon ^ that faith and fanBityare^ 
 
 Y /_ not to be attained by fludy and reafon , int by fupernatural tnfpiration , among the difea- 
 
 '^' Igsof aComtnonwealtb , And laflly he acknowledgeth wo proper iw/^iraJio« ,i«< fe/oB'- 
 
 i^arf one thing into another , not metaphorical ,but inclining the fpirit. 
 
 H e faith, Ordinary men underfiand the word body andempty , as well as learnedmen , 
 And when they hear named an emfty vefjel the learned as rveU as the unlearned^ mean and 
 ^i-p'3^7' underfiand the fame things namely, that there is nothing in it that canbejeen, and tvhether 
 it be truly empty , thi plow-man and Schoole- man k^otio alikg. Now heare him confefle 
 the contrary. Jn t'^efnfe of common people not all the Vniverfe it called body , but onely 
 Le.p'^oy fuch parts thereof as they can difcern by the fenfe of feeling to repji thefarce^or by the fight of 
 their eyes to hinder themfrom farther profpeQ: therefore in the commin language of menhir 
 and aeriallfitbfiances , ufe not to be tak^n for bodies. 
 
 He holdeth that no law may be made to command the will. The ftyle of law fj, 
 
 ^f.p-^S^' T>o this or dnnotthis sorifthou do ihUjthouJhaltfufer^thif. But m law runs thus. IVill 
 
 T> C 14. thli , or will not this \ or if thou have a will to thii^thou /halt fuffer this. And yet he de- 
 
 , ^ ' ' ' fineth fin to be that which U done , or left undone^ or f^okgn or willed contrary to the reafon 
 
 ■'*''* of the Commonwealth. Then the lawsof men are made to bind the will, if that 
 
 which is willed contrary tothe laws be a fin. 
 
 He faith , Neceffary vs that which U impoffibk to be otherwife , or that which cannot 
 ©«.*?.26.C'' Poffibly be i andpoffihle and impnjjible haveno fignification in reference to the time pafi , or 
 4z6. '""* prefent.but onely time to come. Yet in the very fame paragraph he aflerteth ,j Mfcf/J?/y 
 
 fi-om eternity ,or an antecedent neeeffity derived from the very beginning oftime. 
 
 He fayeth ,1here is no doubt aman canwill one thing or other, or forbear to wiHit, If 
 G)u p.z 10. a r"3n can both will and forbear to will the fame thing , then a man is as free to 
 will as to do. But lie teacheth the contrary every where , That a man is free to do if 
 he willjbitt he U not free to will. 
 
 He faith , Though God gave Solomon his choife ,that is, the thing which he fhould 
 <?« P-J'i- choofe , it doth not follow that he did not alfo give him the aH of eleUion j that is, detcr- 
 mine him to that v.-hich he (liould choofe. To give a man choife of two things, 
 and determine him toone of them , is contradidory 
 ©K.p.aoS. He confefftth , That it U an abfurdjpeech to fay the will is compelled. And yet with 
 the fame breath he affirmeth, That a man may he compelled to will' The reafon 
 why the will cannot be compelled is , becaufe it implyeth a contradi(9:on. Com- 
 pulfion is evermore againft a mans will ; How can a man will that which is againft 
 Ibid. his wi! I > Yet faith T. H. Many things may compel a man to do an adion in producing hit 
 
 will. That a man may be compelled to do anadtion , there is no doubt , but to 
 fay he is compelled to do that adion which he is willing to do, that is when a new 
 will is produced, or that a will to do the aftion is produced then when the man 
 is compelled, is a contradldtion. 
 Ci.c. 17./27. He maketh the foveraign Prince to be the onely authenticity interpreter of Scripture 
 Le.P.2p6. znd to have Tajiorall authority iurtdivino, which all other F ajl or s have but ']urc dy'ili , 
 yet in all queftions of faith , and interpretation of the' Word of God , he obligeth 
 the foveraign to make ufe of Ecclefiaftical! Dodours, rightly ordained by impo- 
 fition of hands, to whom he faith Chri{i hath promijed an infallibility . His gloffe that- 
 this infallibilty U not fuch can infallibility , that they cannot be deceived themjelves , but 
 Ci.c.ij,f,2^ that a fiibjed cannot be deceived in obeying them, is abfurd,for fuch an infallibilityfUpon 
 ^u.p. 214. 'lis grounds^ the foveraign had without their advifc. To pade by his confuted and 
 party coloured difcourfe , how doth this agree with his former objection ? which I 
 fliall inferthere mutatis mutjndU. That the right interpretation of fcripture fhould de- 
 pend upon the infallibility of Ecelefiafticall VoClors , many incommodities and abfurditier 
 which muft follow from thence , do prohibit, the chief efi whereof is thU , that net onely all 
 cix ill obedience wou^ be taken away, contrary to the precept of Chrijl, but alfo all focieij. 
 and humane peace would he diffolved , contrary to the lawet of nature. Tor whilfi they
 
 Drs CORSE III, of Leviathan 
 
 901 
 
 mak^ the Eccitftajtical VoBors the ivjallible Judges , what pkajeth Gvci,a/id what 
 diJpU'ajhh him , the juhjeUs cannot obey their Soveraignj, before the Dodors have judged 
 of their cummandsy rrhether they be confornuble fg Scripture omot. And fa either they 
 do not obey , or they obey fur the judgment of their VcSors , that U they obey their VoUors 
 not their Soveraign . -Thus civill obedience if takfn away. Thefe are his own words 
 with a Utcle variation , onely putting in the Doctors for the fubjects. I confider 
 rot what is true or falfe in them for the prefent^but only (hew thcinconfiftency of 
 his grounds, hcSw he buildeth with one hand , and pulleth down with the other 
 
 He faith it is determined in Scripture what lawes every chrifiian Kingjhall notcon- 
 fiitute in hvi dominions. And in the next words, Soveraigns in their own dominions r 
 are thefole Legijiators , And that thofe boohj only are canonicallin every nation which ^'^'^^9= 
 are ejiablifhedjbrfuch bythefweraign authority. Then the determinations of Scripture 
 upon hi? grounds arc but civil! lawes, and do not tie the hands of Soveraignes. He ^^'^'^^9' 
 teachcth us everywhere that *jbe/«t/fgKfW commands of a Sovereign^ contrary to his 
 former lawes, is an abrogation of them. And thzt it is an opinion repugnant to the na- 
 ture of a commonwealth, that he that hath the foveraign power isfubjeU to the civil! laws. 
 The determinations of Scripture upon his grounds do bind the hands ofKings , 
 when they themfelves pleafc to be bound no longer. 
 
 To conclude fometimes he doth admit thefoule to be a difiindt fublhnce from 
 the body , fometimes he denieth it. Sometimes he maketh reafon to be a na- 
 tuarll faculty , fometimes he maketh it to be an acquired habit. In fome places he 
 alloweth the will tobe a rationall appetite^ inother places he difallowes it. Some- 
 times he will have it to be a law of nature, that men mufl: ftand to their pacts , 
 Sometimes he maketh covenants of mutuall truft in the ftate of nature to be void. 
 Sometimes he will have nopunifiiment but for crimes that might have been left 
 undone, At other times he maketh allcrimes to be inevitable. Sometimes he will 
 have the dependance of adlions tipon the will to be truly liberty , At other times he 
 afcribethliberty to rivers, which have no will. Sometimes he teacheth that though 
 an aftionbeneceifitated , yet the will to break the law maketh the adrion to be un- 
 juft , at other times he maketh the will to.be much more necellitate than the action. 
 He tclleth us that civil law-makers may crre and fin in making ofa law, Aud yet the 
 law fo made is an infallible ruleiYes to lead a man infallibly into a ditch. What 
 flioulda man fay to this man .? How fhall one know when he is in earneft , and 
 when he his in jeft. He fetteth down his opinion juft as Gipficstell fortunes, both 
 waies,that if theonemifle, the other may be fure to hit, that when they are accuftd 
 of falfehood by one , they may appeale to another. But what did J write in 
 fuch a place. 
 
 It was thepraife of John Baptift , that he was not lik^ a reed fl'iakgn with the wind^ 
 bending or inclincing, hither,and thither,this way and that way, now to old truths, 
 then to new error?. And it is the honour of every good Chriftian. St.Pauldoth 
 excellently defcribe fuch fludtuating Chrifiians by two comparifons , the one of 
 little children, the other ofa (hip lying'at Hull, E/'k 4. 14. Ihatwe henceforth be 
 no more children toffed too and firo, and carried about with every wind of do&rine, as z 
 child wavers between his love and duty,tohis parent or nurfe on the one hand,and 
 (bme apple or other toy which is held forth tohimon the otjier hand ,or as a (hip 
 lying at anchor changeth its pofture with every wave and every puflfe of wind. As 
 the laft company leaves them, or the prefcnt occafion makes them , fo they vary 
 their dilcourles. 
 
 The time was when T. H. was very kinde to me , to let me fee the cau(es and 
 grounds ofmy errours. Arguments feldome work^onmenoj witandleartiing, when they ♦Cr/'* 334''' 
 have once ingaged themfelves in a contrary opinion. Jf any thing will do it, it is the (Ijerving 
 of them the caufes of their errours. One good turn requireth another. Now I will 
 do as much for him. If it do not work uponhimfelf: Yet there is hope it may 
 undeceive fome of his difciples. A principall caufe of his errours is a fancying to 
 himfelf a general (late of nature, whicli is fo far from being generall,that there is not 
 an in(tance to befound of it in the nature of things, where mankind was altogether 
 without lawes and without governours, guided onely by felf Intereft , without any 
 fcnfe ofconfcience,juftice, hone(ly,or honour. He may fearch all the corners oiAmeri-
 
 ^o a 7 he Catching TOMEUl 
 
 "TTwith^a candle andlaruhoriTarnoon day, and alter his tr'^kiTe paines , return a 
 
 Monefi inventus. r ■ i-l ^ ^ .. i i 
 
 Yet all plants and living creatures are lujedt to degenerate and grow wild by 
 deeree?. Suppofe it iliould lo happen that fome remnant of men, either chafed by 
 war or perfccntion, or forced out of the habitable world for fome crimes by them- 
 felves committed , or being caft by fliipwrack upon fome deferts,bylong converf- 
 inewith falvage hearts , lions, bearcs , wolves and tygers, fhould in time become 
 more bruit ifli( it is his own epithetev)than the bruites themfelves,\^ould any man in 
 his right wits make that to be the unlverfall condition of mankind, which was onely 
 the condition of an odd handfull of men, or that to be the ftate of nature, which 
 was not theflate of nature, but an accidentall degeneration > 
 
 He that will behold the ftate of nature rightly ,muft look upon the family of 
 Adam, and his pollerity in their fucceflive generations from the creation to the 
 deluge, and from the deluge ,untill Abrahams time, when the firft Kingdome of 
 Godby'pa<S is fuppofed by T. H. to begin. All this while ( which was a great 
 part of that time the world hath flood ) from the creation lafted the Kingdom of 
 God by nature, as h e phrafeth it , And yet in thofe daies there were laws and 
 Ce», 14. governm.cnts, and more Kings in the world , than there arc at this prefent, we find 
 nine Kings engaged in one war , and yet all their dominions but a narrow circuit 
 of land. And lb it continued for divers hundredsof years after , as we fee by all 
 thofe Kings which ]o(hua difcomfited in the land of 0«fla«. Every City had 
 its own King. The reafon is evident, The originall right of fathers of families was 
 not then extinguiflied. 
 
 Indeed T. H. fuppofeth that nnen did fpringout of the earth like Mufliromes or 
 Mandrakes. 7hat ire may return again ta the ftate of nature ^ and confider men as if 
 they K'ere even now juddenly fprouted and grorpn out of the earth , after the manner of 
 „. c, f Mujhroms , reithout any obligation of one te another. But this fuppofttion is hothfalfe 
 C/.C.8./.I. g^^ Atheirtical , howfocver it dropt from his pen. Mankind did not fpring out of 
 the earth, but was created by God , not many fuddenly ,but one to whom all his 
 pofterity were obliged . as to their father and ruler. 
 
 A fecond ground of this his errours is his grofle miftake of the laws of nature , 
 which he rclatethmoft imperfectly , and moft untruely. Amoral heathen would 
 blufh forfliame , to fee fuch a catalogue of the laws of nature. 
 
 Firft he maketh the laws of nature to be laws and no laws; not /u»/ 
 but 7heortms,\iv/s which required not performance but endeavours ,hws which were 
 fiknt,and could not be put in execution in the ftate o( nztme. where nothing was ano- 
 ther mans ^and therefore a man could not fleale^where all things were common & therefore 
 no adultery ^where there was a ft ate of war.& therefor it was law full to hjll^where all things 
 were defined by a mans own judgement , €^ therefore what honours he pleafed to give unto 
 his Father -.and laftly,where there were not puhlick^judgements, and therefore no ufe ofwit- 
 neffes. As for the firft table he doth not trouble himfelf much with it , except it be 
 to accommodate it unto Kings. Every one of thefe grounds here alledged,arc 
 moft falfe , without any verifimilitude in them , and fo his fuperftructure muft needs 
 fall flat to the ground. 
 
 Secondly he relateth the laws of nature moft imperfectly , fmothering and con- 
 cealing all thofe principall lawes, which concern eitiier piety, and our duty towards 
 God, or juftice , and our duties towards man. 
 
 Thirdly , fundry of thofe laws which he is pleafed to take notice of, are either 
 mifrelated , or mifinterpreted by him. He maketh the onely end of all the laws of 
 nature to be ti>e /oKg confervation of a mans Ufe and members , moft untruely. He 
 maketh every man by nature the onely judge of the means of his own confervation. mod 
 untruly. His father,and Soveraign in the weightieft cafes, is more judge than him- 
 felf. He faith that by the law of nature every man hath right to all things ,and over all 
 f erf ons, moi\ untruely. He fayeth the natural condition of mankind is ;» w-^r /j/jD 
 men , again^ iM men , moft untruely. And that nature diUateth tons to relinquifh this 
 icigned right of all men to all things, moft untruely. And that nature didateth to a 
 man to retein his right ofpreferving his life and limbs, though againft a Uwfullmagiftrate, 
 
 law-
 
 Discourse III. of Leviathan 
 
 905 
 
 lawfully proceeding , moft untruely. I omit his uncouth dodrin about pacts made 
 In the ftate ot nature: and that he knoweth no gratitude, but where there is a trult 
 /iV««^ Thefe things are u.nfound , and the reir of his laws, for the moft part * 
 poor trivial! things , m comparifon of thofc weightier dilates of nature which he 
 hach omitted. ' 
 
 All other writers of Politicks do derive Commonwealths from the fociabilityof 
 nature , which is in mankind , molt truely. But he will have the beginning of all 
 humane fociety to be from mutual feare : as much contrary to reafon as to autho- 
 rity. We fee fome kind otCreatures delight alltogether in folitude, rarely, or never 
 in Company. We fee others, ( among which is mankind ) delight altogether in 
 - company , rarely, or never in folitude. Let him tell me what mutual! fear of dan- 
 ger did draw the filly Bees into fwarmsi or the Sheep and doves into flocks jand 
 what protection they can hope for, one from another > and I fiiall conceive it 
 poliible, that the beginning of humane fociety might befrom fear alfo. 
 
 And thus having invented a ht foundation for his intended building, ycleped 
 thejlate of meet nature, which hehimfelf firft devifed for that purpofe, he' hath been 
 long moduling and framing to himfelf a new form of policy , to be' builded upon 
 it : but the belt is, it hath onely been in paper . All this while he hath never had 
 a finger in morter. This is the new frame of at/o/afe Soveraignty ^ which T. H. 
 knew right well would never Hand , nor he (hould be ever permitted to reer" up 
 in ourEuropseanClimates, or in any other part of the habitable World , which had 
 ever feen any other form of civil government. Therefore he hath fought out for a 
 lit place in America, among the Salvages ,totry if perhaps they might be perfwaded, 
 that the Laws of God and nature , the names of good and evil , juft and unjuft 
 did lignihe nothing, but at the pleafure of the Soveraign Prince. 
 
 And becaufe there hath been much clafliing in thefe Quarters about Religion , 
 through the dlftemperd zeal of fome, the feditious orations of others, and fome 
 perniciousprinciples, well meant at firft,but ill underftood, and worfe purfued, to 
 prevent all fuch garboiles in hisCommonweaIth,hehath taken an order to make 
 his Soveraign to heChrijisLieutettantupon earth,in obedience to whofe commands true reli^ 
 gion doth confiji: Thus making policy to be the building ,and religion the hangings, 
 which muft be fafliioned jurt according to the proportion of the policy and (" not 
 Cas Mr. Cartwright would have had it ) making religion the building , and 
 policy the hangings, which muft be conformed to religion. 
 
 Well the law is coftlv , and I am for an accommodation, that T. H. (hould 
 have the folepriviledge of fetting up his form of government in America , as being 
 calculated and fitted for that Meridian. And if it profper there, then to have the 
 libertyto tranfplant; it hither: who knoweth ( if there could but be fome means 
 devifed to make them underftand his language ) whether the Americans might not 
 chufe him to be their Soveraign ? Bnt all the fear is , that if he {hould put his prin- 
 ciples in pra(ftife,as magiftrally as he doth didate them , his fuppofed fubjefts 
 might chance to tear their mortal Go^/ in pieces with their teeth, and entomb his So- 
 veraignty in their bowels. 
 
 FINIS 
 
 An Advertifemcnt to thcREA D EK. 
 
 Tlecaufe J kitoTP but ef one Edition o/Mr. Hobs his Leviathan , and of his ^e^ions 
 concerning Liberty ; therefore Ilxive cited them ttvo by the page. Le, (landing for Le- 
 viathan , and ^. for ^ejiions. But becaufe there are fundry editions of his bookj)c 
 Give. , I have cited that by the Chapter and Se^ion , according to his parii Edition. 
 
 Ppppp
 
 T O M E IV. 
 
 DISCOURSE I 
 
 THE 
 
 CONTROVERSIES 
 
 ABOUT THE 
 
 SABBATH, 
 
 AND TQB 
 
 Lords Day; 
 
 ii WITH THEIR 
 
 Slerpecttte fDUigationsf. 
 
 Clearly , fuccindly , and impartially ftaced , difcufTed) 
 
 and determined. 
 
 By JOHN BRAMHALLD. D, Bifliop 
 
 of D S R R Y, 
 
 DUBLIN, 
 Friuted in the Tcsr M. D €♦ L X X V I*
 
 
 f* 
 
 
 
 T' 
 
 <, > 
 
 ia A 
 
 »■ 
 
 
 vil^HT 
 
 
 S 
 
 I -1 y
 
 — po7 
 
 TOME IV, 
 
 DISCOUR SE J. 
 
 THE 
 
 CO NTRO VER SIES 
 
 ABOUT THB 
 
 SAB BATH, 
 
 AND THE 
 
 Lords Day: 
 
 With their rerpcftive Obligations* 
 
 Clearly, fuccinftly and impartially ftaccd, dif cuffed and de- 
 termined &c» 
 
 OUdefired my judgment of the true ftate of the Queftion concerning the 
 Sabbath and the Lord's day indefinitely, without intitiuting any particular ^^^' ** 
 [Queftion now agitated about them. Wherupon I fufpeded that ei-^''^'"'''"'^ 
 \[hci7^bcophilHi Brabournes recanted errour of the perpetuall morality of thejoybts *° 
 Jewilh Sabbath^ and an abfolute necellity that all Chriftians wereobliged 
 toobfervc itevcrlalKngly, had been revived to trouble the Churchi Or that Anabap- 
 tifme hadfpread its Rootes wider and deeper in England of late, which doth not al- 
 low fo much as a Relative hoiynefTe of one day, or one place, or one perfon more 
 than another: or at the leaft that the opinion of fome comment Divines had fprouted 
 up higher than formerly it ufed to doe in our Coaftsi who have afTerted a power and 
 liberty to the Catholick Church,or to any particular Church, to tranllate the pubiick 
 AfTembliesof the prefcnt Church from the Lord's day to any other day in the 
 week,andto make that to be their Lord's day. Yea with fuch a latitude as not tobind 
 the Churchto the Septenary Number , which if it thought fit , might fet apart one 
 day in eight or ten for the fervice of God. And although none of thcie did ever actu- 
 ally change the day, nor any of them ever go about to change it, that I have read 
 o{ ,exceptone ( neither do I condemn him^ but leave the credit of theStory to the 
 AuthjrJ yet I feared leaft this buld licentious Age , under the mifiaken Notion of 
 chriftian Liberty f Like ^/riw J might produce fome fuchnevv? Monfter; and ac- 
 cording to my fufpicion I applyed my difcourfe to the eftablirtiing of the perpetuall 
 neceility of obferving the Lords day by all chrifcians , and the immutability of it. 
 Neither do I (hrink now from any thing I faid then. 
 
 Since I found by chance in the hands of a friend two treatises, the one yours, the 
 other Dr. H«/f«'/, written inpartuponthis f.ibje(?t.I confe(s my curfory view of them fttiffieii 
 was not fofficient whereupon to ground an exadt difcuflion of the Differences be- 
 tween yoa, but fufficient to direft me to the true ftate of the Queftion which if I 
 
 con-
 
 of the Sabbath TOME 1 11 L 
 
 conceive rightly doth not much concern thole thu.gb which arc truly controverted at 
 this day in the Chrillian world. I fliall dehvcryou my judgement clearly and fuc- 
 cindly rather parcing away what fccmcth to n.e lupertluous,than adding any thing 
 that ij Heterogeneous to incumber theQueltion. 
 Siii- 2 As firftj I boggle not at the name of SaHf^ applyed to the Lord's day, fp wc un- 
 
 The HMaion dfjjiand ft rightly ofanAnalcgicalSabbath*' Theimm utabic lawof naturfidothre- 
 conceining the .^^ ^^^^ ^^j ^^ woifbippcd, and that i'owc timcbefet apart for the worlhip ofGodi. 
 Snincnt" This Indefinite time was limited to the Seventh day by the pohtive Law of God, as 
 the day peculiarly defigncd to the publick worfhip of God. which ordinance was 
 to lall as long as the Jewifh politic : But (hat being expired , the firft day was fee 
 a part to Chriftians for the fame end. So without controverfy our day fucceedeth 
 their day in the performance ofthatcvcrlaftingduty, which by thcLaw of nature wc 
 owe toGod. Thofc daycs which are defigned to thcfame cndare capable of the fame 
 denomination :to be a fabbath or a day ofReft is common to them both:yetI confeflTc 
 1 judge other names more proper than that ofSabbath ,citherSunday in a civilDialcdt, 
 or the4-ords day in an EcclelialHcal. But to imagine thatUc^ufe our day fucceedeth 
 theirs in the performance of that moral duty,which wcowc to God , therefore an 
 cxprefs commandement to fanctifie their day,doth obligcus to obfervc our day, or 
 therefore ourLords day is fubjedl to theRuics oftheJewilhSabbath,isjuft fuch another 
 miflake,as if a man fhould Argue thuf, BaptifmcSucccedeth circumcifion , therefore 
 God's Injundion of circumcifion to Abraham doth oblige us to be baptifed,or there- 
 fore all theLaws of circumcifion do bind Chriftians in BaptiGis. As the Sacra- 
 mcntsare diverfe ,Iewi(handChriflan , fo are their Grounds. 
 
 Secondly, neither do I trouble my felfc about thofc authorities or Tefiimonics 
 which arebsought out of heatheniih writers , to prove that the feventh and eighth 
 Aad HMthfti- daycs were efteemcd holy by thcm,becaufe leflccm the whole difcourfc to be im- 
 !fh FcftivallJ pertinent to our prefent contifovcrfierFor neither were thofe obferTations univerfal 
 ( as all the Laws of nature are ) nor the woiftiip divine worlhip, nor the objedthc 
 true Gcd , neither did they ground their worfliip upon right reafon , but upon 
 heathenifli lies and fables; 1 might add,that they who make fome of thcfc allegations, 
 do miftake the day of the month for the day of the week. 
 
 Thirdly,! quarrell with no man about the other weekly holy days befidcs the 
 Lords day, that is Wcdnefday , Fryday,and Saturday, The two former were never, 
 and other clkemedFeflivalls bythe Church,butFafts. Saturday was Kept fefli vail indeed, but 
 wcek/y hoJy. neither univcrfally in all places, nor perpetually in all Ages. Sunday alone hath been 
 '^** obfervcd evermore and every whore, All thefe impertinent debates concerning the 
 
 name of the Sabbath, or other heatheniih or Chriftian holy-dayes, I do willingly 
 pafle by in filencc. 
 Se£i. ". Then to give you my fenfe of this prcfcnt controvcrfie dearly and fuccin<ftlyj The 
 Two qu^ionsfnain QuelUons which concern the old Sabbath, arc two: Firft , whether the Law of 
 concerning jheNature( which is properly theMcralLaw) doth prefcribe to all mankind the Sanfti- 
 flabbath ficationof this or that Seventh Day in particular, or any Seventh Day in the Week 
 indefinitely. Secondly,if the Law of Nature do not prefcribe it, whether it were 
 impofed upon mankind by any pofitiveLaw of God. 
 
 To the firft Queftion I anfwer, that a Law may be called Moral , either from the 
 
 end, 'f;at is, to regulate the manners ol men: and in this (enle, without doubt, the 
 
 Sior. 4, r . qJ- (j^j. igvyiQi Sabbath was,and the Law of the Chriftian Lords Day is , a mo- 
 
 were s woisl "'^^"'' , „ , , „ , , . ^. .... 
 
 ora^ruiallaw. Or a Law may be called moral, trom the duration ot it, which is not made upon 
 
 temporary refpcds , nor alterable according to the various exigences of times, or 
 
 places, or pcrfons. So a perpetual Law is called a moral Law , though it be no ex- 
 
 prefs precept of the Law of Nature. In this fenfe alfo , without doubt the Law of 
 
 the Sabbath was a moral ( that is to fay a perpetual) Law, I mean refpcdtively to the 
 
 Jewilh Church, or fo long as that Church, Religion, and Polity did continue.Thcre- 
 
 fore Exod.31. 16. it is called a ferpetual coventnt and ver, 17. a fign betrceen Cad 
 
 and them for ever 
 
 Thirdly, the moral Law in the moft ftrift and proper fenfe, dothfignifie the Law 
 
 ©f Nature, that is, the dictate of right rsafon, tijiat fuch and fuch things are good , 
 
 that
 
 - — — -. T 
 
 DlSCOURSl T. 
 
 and Lords Day 
 
 909 
 
 tRat it is difagrecablc to the iiudledtual nature to omit them , and fuch and fuch~ ~" 
 
 things fo bad, that it is difagreeable to the intelleftual nature to prad^ife them, or 
 approve them. Now before I anfwer pofitively, whether this Law of Nature do 
 prcfciibe the obferration of a Seventh day, it is neceflary to premifc this dillindtion. 
 The Law of Nature is fometimes taken aridly, for the principles of moral honefty, 
 and conclufions drawn evidently from them , which natural reafon 'doth didate to 
 all intellediial creatures: and fometimes more largely, fo as to comprehend not on- 
 ly foch principles and conclufions adequate to them, but moreover all fuch things 
 as realon didateth to all men, to be confentaneous or agreeable to thofe principles 
 or conclufions. In this fecond fenfe, it is undeniable that the Seventh day's Sab- 
 bath, and the Lords day, are both founded upon the Law of Nature: That is, the 
 Law of Nature doth prefcribe, that fome time be fet apart for the Worfhip of God. «. 
 And in purfuance hereof, the pofitive Law of God, or of the Church, doth fet apart diai" hT'"^ 
 
 inoc 
 
 Reaibn. 
 
 a.Rcafoti 
 
 one day in the Week for this time. But in the firft and more proper fenfe, the Law thrhoiyncfTc 
 of Nature dicbtcth nothing of our Weekly account, or of the holinefs of any one ofoueday in 
 day in :he Week more than the reft. My reafons to make good this AfTertion , 'u^ ""'' '?'°''* 
 arc four. ' than anot/, cr. 
 
 The firft is takci^ from the teftimony of every mans own confcience: Let any , 
 man examine the pra<ftical notions of God and of Religion,which he findcth dlAited 
 to him by natural reafoni and if his mind be ferene, not clouded with unruly palfi- 
 ons, nor diverted by exorbitant dcfires, efpecially if he have not extingui(hed thofe 
 rayes of Heavenly light by a long cuftome of prefumptuous and habitual fins , and 
 fo fuperftamped the Image of Sathan, or fome bruit bead , upon the Image of God, 
 already much decayed by the Fall of man i he (hall find, that the light of natural 
 reafon doth didate to him, that there is a God, and that this God ought to be wor- 
 (hipped, and fome time fet apart for his Service: but he (hall find nothing at all of 
 the computation of time by Weeks, much lefs of one precife Day in the Week to be 
 dedicated to the Service of God. This knowledge is derived unto us, either by the 
 revelation of God, or by education, and the inftitution of man , as is confeffed by 
 the greater part of them, who ftand for the perpetual morality of the. Sabbath in 
 this ftridcr fenfe. 
 
 My fecond reafon is taken from the abfolute impoflibility of obferving one and 
 the fame precife Day in the Week by all mankind , by reafon of the different rifing 
 of the Sun in fevcral Countric?, infomuch that our midnight is noon-day with our 
 Antipodes-, and much more, by reafon of the impoflibility of diftinguifhing one Day 
 in the Week cxadly from another in many Countries, who have no Evenings and 
 mornings diftinguiflied by the fetting and rifing of the Sun, but all day. or all night, 
 for two months, three months , four months, rive months together, whereas the 
 Laws of Nature arc common to all mankind, and oblige all mankind vvhomfoever, 
 whenfoever, wherefoever ;fhey are the indifpcnfable rules of Juflice in God himfelf. 
 Pofitive Laws are made '£«•■ »» «r^«7r«? for fuch cafes as do ufually occur. In extra- 
 ordinary cafes, the Law-giver may difpenfe with his own Ordinances •, but there is 
 no difpenfation with the Law of Nature, being the eternil Rule of Juftice in God 
 himfelf, and imprinted by him in the heart of man. And therefore feeing, that 
 not onely the precife obfervation of one and the fame Day in fevcral Countries, but 
 alfothe exadt and diftindt obfervation of any one Day in feven,in many Countries, 
 is often impoilible, it followeth demonftratively , that the Law of Nature doth nei- 
 ther prefcribe the obfervation of one and the fame Day precilely to all men, nor the 
 obfervation of one day of feven diRjndlytofome men. 
 
 My third reafon is, becaufe the Law of Nature is immutable and indifpenfablc, as , 
 being a copy of the eternal Rule of Juftice in God , and therefore called the Image ■ 
 of God, much decayed by Original fin, but not quite defaced. All other things are 
 turning (hadows upon the old exchange of this World, but in God alone there is 
 no (hadow of turning by change. Therefore the Schools do teach us , that God 
 doth often will a change, but never change his Will: To will a change argueth a 
 changein us, not in God. As a Crown & a fvvord may hang immoveable upon the 
 Roolc of an houfe, ytt a man may remove himfelfe from under the one to be under 
 the other: But if God (hould change his Willjhe fliouldb; mutable himfelfe, for the 
 
 Will 
 
 Reafoi].
 
 ^lO 
 
 A Difcottrfe of the Sabbach 
 
 TOME nil. 
 
 AD objeftion 
 aofwercd. 
 
 4. RcafoD 
 
 Will of God is God himfeUe. Therefore the difpcnfatioiis of God may change, and 
 the pofitive laws, of God or man may change, according to tlicchangesof places and 
 perlons and times; But the morall Law, or Law of nature, which isrheundiangcablc 
 will of God or the sternall law of God to man,c3n never change. But it is evident 
 and undeniable that the Sabbath,or the day fet apart for the fervice ofGod,hath been 
 Julfly changed from the feventh day to the firft day of the week i And tlie law of 
 the Sabbath hath been changed; therefore the Law of the Sabath is no exprcfTc 
 branch of the Law ofnature, and the obfervation either of the firft day,or of tiie fe- 
 vcntb day was not determinatly prefcribed by the Law of Nature. 
 
 It is objeded, tjiat though the Law ofnature do not prefcribe one certain deter- 
 minate day in the w£ei<efor'thepublick fervice pfGod, yet it prefcribethfomeoneday 
 in the weeke indefinitely.. Thus they confefTe that by the Law ofnature all dayes arc 
 Indifferent, and no one day Holyer in it felfe than another, but relatively, as it is de- 
 signed or imployed,tp more holy ufes than other dayes. But that which they obje^ 
 is evidently untrue; natural reafon taketh no notice of any fuch natural anduni- 
 verfal computation of time by weeks : and it hath, been demonftrated already ,that 
 the univerlal obfervation of one day of feven neither is, nor can be the diftate of na- 
 tural reafon : neither is there any ground either in reafon or revelation , nor autho- 
 lity divine or human, to prove this pretended prefcription ofnature for the fant^i- 
 fication of one day infeven indefinitely. The Scripture faith, God bleffed the feventh 
 day and hallowed it. And the commandement : The fcvenih day is the Sabbath of 
 the Lord thy God: both thefe places are determinate to the feventh day, not indiffe- 
 rent to any one day of feven. And under theGofpel Chriftians obferve thefirflday 
 in the weeke determinatelyi but where wee fhall find this one day of (even indeter- 
 minate I know not. It is clear that it was devifed meerly to reconcile the Jewifh Sab- 
 bath with the Lords day> and to make the Commandement for the one to fit the o- 
 ther. All the truth, which it hath init,isthat which we fay: That thelight ofnature 
 doth fliew us that God ought to be worfliipped, and confcquently that fome time 
 ought to be fet apart for his fervice; But what that time i5,or ought to be, an hour, 
 two, or three in each day, or one day, or more In each week, or both an hour ,'oc 
 more in each day, and a day or more in each week,dependeth either upon the ele- 
 <^ion of particular perfons according to their occafions and opportunities , or upon 
 the pofitive precepts ofGod orour fnperiours. 
 
 Fourthly, I prove that the Law of mankind diclateth nothing of the holynefs of 
 one day in the week more than an other,from the grounds and reafons of the com- 
 mandement of the Sabbath : if they be natural and univerfal],3nd fuch as are known 
 to mankind by the light of natural reafon, then the Law of the Sabbath is a Law 
 of naturei if not , it is other wife. Now the grounds of the commandement of the 
 5abbath are thefe : God bkjjed the Sabbath day and fuidified it , becaufe he 
 rejled i» it from allhis rvorh^t which God created and made : Gen : 2: 5: And the 
 fourth commandnnent infix dayes the Lord made heavsn and earth ^ the fea, and 
 all that in them is and rejied the feventh day , rvherefore God bUjfed the feventh 
 day and hallotped it. Now the creation of the World in fix dayes is knovvn only 
 by divine revelation not by the light of natural reafon. And although it were 
 knownby natural reafon, yet this conclufion , that the feventh day is therefore to be 
 fandified forever , is no necefTary inference by the light of natural reafon , but de- 
 pendeth upon divine or humane inftitution. 
 
 Another reafon of the Sabbath is is fet [down deut:5, 15. the Lord thy God 
 briught thee out of Egypt with a mightie h*nd and ftretcbed out arme» therefore 
 the Lord thy God , commanded thee to keepe the Sabbath day y This -reafon is neither 
 naturall nor univcrfall, but concemeth the Ifraelftcs only. 
 
 There be other reafons of the Sabbath, as to be a figne to diflinguifhthc Ilraelitc 
 from all other nations, and to be a type of the refi ot Canaan, of the fpirituall reft of 
 Chriflians and ofthe refl of heaven: But now Chrilt hath broken down the 
 partition wall between Jew and Gentile and fo there is no longer any ufc of a 
 diftindive figne. 
 
 Now iWtyfes are fulfilled, and all thefe dark fliadowsmufl flie away at the glor- 
 rious arifeing of the Sun of righteoufnefs ; from all thefe reafons put together it ap- 
 
 peareih 

 
 Discourse III, 
 
 And Lords Day 
 
 9ir 
 
 icfc 
 ■eft 
 
 iM 
 
 all? 
 
 peareth evidently, that the grounds of the Sabbath were not natural norperpetual, 
 and by conlequence that the Law of the Sabbath was no Law of nature ; neither do 
 I fee any thing natural in it, but the fctting apart a time for the ferviceofGod , and 
 the feafonable relt of the creature , which might be done by hallowing a part of 
 each day , or a part or parts of fome other day or dayes, or a fixth day or an eighth 
 day for any thing that natural reafon doth dilate to the contrary. I confefle 
 there arc fometimes reafons given of moral prsecepts, of the eternal Laws of nature, 
 as this, that thy dayes may be long in the Land lehich the Lord thy God givetb tixe : and 
 this other, the Lord vciH not hold him guiltlejje that tak^th hit name in vaine: but they 
 arc no fuch reafons as thefe ; they were reafons for the obfervatlon of the Law, and 
 thefearc reafons of the Inltitution of the Law. As the reafon of the Inftitution is,fois 
 the law : the reafon is not natural , therefore the Law is no Law ofnature- 
 
 Some make the Law of the feventh day's Sabbath to be moral and of perpetual 
 right , not abfolutly, but upon fuppolitionof divine ordination •, which ( if they 
 undcrftand the moral Law properly and llridly as they ought for the Law o f na- 
 ture )isaplaine contradiftion in adjedo. The Law of nature is sternal without 
 any refpedto the pofitive Laws of God. And that Law which oweth its perpe- 
 tuity to a poiitive Law of God , is 170 branch of the Law of nature. Fromall, 
 which hath beenfaid ,1 conclude, that the Law of nature doth not praefcribe a 
 Seventh day Sabbath. 
 
 And fo from the Law of naturel proceed to thepofitive Laws of God , to ex- 
 amine, whether any pofitive Law of the feventh day Sabbath did and doth oblige all 
 mankind univerfally and pcrpetualy from the beginning. Laws do not bind before 
 they be promulged. The law of nature is promulged fuificiently by being written in 
 the heart of every man by the finger of Godi& therefore it is called lex nata^mn datay 
 a La wborn with us and in us, not given to us. But we have feenfufficiently,that the law 
 of the feventh day Sabbath is no fuch Law, and therefore bindeth not before pro- 
 mulgation. 
 
 The firft promulgation of this pofitive Law is fuppofed to have been as early at the 
 creation. Gen, 2.3. God blejfed the feventh day and fanUiji edit, that is, he confecrated it 
 to his own worfhip, and commanded mankind to keep it holy. And without all 
 peradventure, if the Sabbath was not commanded then, yet it was predetermined 
 tnd deftinatcd then. But firfl: fuppofing that this interpretation were as authen- 
 tick as the text it fclfe, yet this being confeffcd to be but a pofitive law ofGod,and no 
 cffcntiall branch of the eternall law oi nature,it is difpenfable, and bindeth no longer 
 than the good pleafurc of him whoimpofed it,and maybe changed by the fame au- 
 thority which made it. I adde further that though this did include in it an expreflfe 
 abmmandment of Almightie God , yet it concerneth not our queftion about the 
 Lords day at all, otherwifc than exemplarily. An exprefle Law to obferve the ft- 
 venth day of the week, as the publick day of Gods worlhip, doth not eftabli(h> but, 
 if it were ftill in force, did controlc the fetting apart of the hrrt day to that very 
 ufe , exclufively tothe feventh; And fo I might omit this whole difcourfe as im- 
 pertinent. But for the Readers farther fitiffadtion I adde two other anfwers. 
 
 The former , that though I will not abfolutcly deny, but that a livj may per- 
 haps be clofe couched in thefe words: God Blejjed the feventh day and fandified it : 
 becaufe fome perfons,whofe judgments I honour, have thought fo , yet I am not fo 
 fharpe fighted as to diicover it , as finding neither any certainty of it , nor 
 firong prsefumptilsn for if. The text tellcth u<;, what God did himfelfe , not 
 what hecommanaed us to do. God may do one thing himfelf ,and yet 
 'command us to do the contrary. As God may think fi: to take away the life of a 
 man's Parent , and yet the fonis bound by the commandmciit of God to pray for 
 his Parents life; neither is there any contradidion herein, becaufe the fubjedt is 
 not the fame. 
 
 To dcale ingenioufly , thofeappofite reafons which arc brought to fhew , that 
 this place conteincth no a(itual law , arc either abfolutely convincing to a perfori 
 unbiafled, or come very ncare it. I will name but t wo Reafons for the prefent. The 
 One i$, that it doth not appeare other wife than by weak and &rfetched conjedutcs, 
 that CTCr thcfeventh day was obfecvedas a weekly feftitaluntill the dayes of Mojeu 
 
 Q^qqqq neither 
 
 Moral upon^: 
 (uppofition & 
 contnidi'ion 
 
 SeS. 5, 
 The {iofitive 
 law of the 
 Sabbath 
 
 Sf a. ^. 
 
 Firft 
 protHulgatioK 
 pretended. 
 Gen» 2 
 
 Sen: 2. 
 precept. 
 
 J;i 
 
 I. rft5/c«,
 
 ■■ ; -^ "^ A Oif course of the Sabbath T O M E 1 T 1 1 . 
 
 — --^j;7;rr;^f^;~j^ , to whom it is pretended that this Law was tgiven , 
 
 -or bv Alpt'l his Rclgioiis Ton, nor Sdh , nor his Ion Enos , nor Enoch, who walked 
 wi'.h Got! nor Noah ■ a Preacher of Rightoufnefs , nor Melchijedech , a prieft of the 
 mod hifth' God , nor Abraham the Father of the faithfull , nor Ifaac nor lacob , nor 
 any other Patriarch or perfcn whatfoevcr:we find oblafions , and prieRs , andAIters , 
 and facrifices , and groves or Oratories , and^ prayers , and thanksgiveings , and 
 VOVVC5 and whatfoevcr natural rcafon doth didate about the fervjce of God :but 
 we find not one inrtancc of the Execution of his fuppofed Law of the feventh day 
 Sihbath. And doth not this feeme ftrangethat fuch a folemne Lawjhould be given 
 to Adam and all mankind and not the leaf t print or token of theobiervationof it be 
 to be found for two thoufand years, untill if was renewed to the nation of the 
 lews in the wildernes , firft preparatorily at the falling of Manna, in, order to 
 the Rathering and difpofeing thereof. Exod: i6. and then more folemnlyandmore 
 ]ceil!a(ively^upon Mount Sinai. And that thence forward the hiftory rf the 
 following Agesfliould abound with fo many proofes ofthcconftant obfervatjon 
 
 of it . ■:, . :i. 
 
 The other Reafon is taken from the Teftimony of holy Scripture. Nchem: p, 14. 
 i.reaJuH. ihoit cameji dorvn alfo upn Mount Sinai &c. And madeji kiioivn unto them thy 
 holy Sabbath by the hand ojMoCcs thy fervant. JndEzek, 20 : 12. J brought them 
 into the mldernefs &c. moreover J gave them alfo tny Sabbath to be afign betvpen me a>nd 
 them. Laws are made known and given , not when they are renewed, but when 
 they are hrft promulged ; but the law of the Sabbath was made known by Mufet 
 and given by God in the wilderneft. After this we fee how often God complaineth, 
 of them for polluteing his Sabbaths, before this wc find no fuch complaint. But if 
 this place of Gen. 2.5. had been a pofitive Law pfthe Sabtath , there had been 
 ten times more caufe of fuch a complaint before than after. 
 
 The firft Sabbath, that we find in holy fcripture to have been ever obferved by, the 
 the I, Sab- |fj.ae]ites, was in the Wildemeffe upon the feventh day after the firft falling ofman^^ 
 ^•*'^ na which was the two and twentieth day of the fecond month ; But it is evident 
 
 that the fifteenth day of the fame month, which ought to have bef n their Sabbath or. 
 day ofreft,if they had confhntlyobferved any Sabbath or weekly day of reft before 
 that time, was not obferved asa Sabbath or day of reft at all, but fpent in Journying 
 and Murmuring Exod^ 16. i. From whence one of thefe two things muft neceflari- 
 ly follow. Either that the Ifraelites in the WildernefTe C where they were at their 
 own difpofition)did obferve no weekly Sabbath before that time. Or that they ob- 
 ferved it not upon the fame day of the week, that they did afterwards. Whetherfo- 
 cver of thefe they admit, either the one or the other, their pretended neceflity of the 
 univerfall obfervation of the feventh day from the firft creation, by vertueofa 
 pofitive Law of God given to all mankind, doth fall flat to the ground. 
 
 Myfecond anfwerto thisplace ofGcn:2.3.isthis,that the fanctyifyingofthe feventl» 
 day there .is no more than the fanctifying of Jeremy from his mothers wombe. In: 
 the meaning I. 5. That is the defigning or deftinating of him to be a prophet, or than the 
 c/Gen. a.?. Separateing of St. Paul from his mothers wombe. Cal. i 15. So the fanftification 
 of the feventh day may fignifle the decree or determination ot God fo fanctifie it in 
 due time. But as j^frf wyj adiual fandification, and St. Paul's aftual feparation 
 followed Long after they were borne. So the adtuall Sandifiation of the Sabbath, 
 might follow Long after the ground of God's decree for the fandification of that 
 day, and the deftination of it to that ufe. 
 
 I have weighed fcrioufly thofe teftimonies, which are produced out of the fathers 
 "the opinion by both parties pro f( coMtr<j. Firft, of thole, who maintaine the negative, that there 
 ofthe Fathers. y/2iST^o ll^iw oiihe Sabbath impofed either upon mankind in general orthejewilli 
 nation in fpccial ,for the fandification of the feventh day Sabbath before the time 
 of Me/pi-, and that none of the patriarchs from A dam to Mofes did ever obferve it 
 as commanded exprcfTly by God ; the chiefeft of thefe , and the prime Leaders arc 
 juji in Martyr, Jrenxus, 'lertullian^ Euftbius, Epiphanius, who all fpeake clearly 
 and fully to the point, not at random or upon the by, but upon fetpurpo(e;iit 
 fomuch as there remaineth no third, but either to acknoledgc what they fay tobc 
 true, or to renounce their authority in this particular point, Tq whom a larger 
 
 referve
 
 Discourse I And the Lords day piq 
 
 refcrvcor recriiitc of other authors might be added, who thuu'^ii they Ipjake not 
 fo diredly or point blank as thcrc,yct they fay the fame thing in crtldt, or they fay 
 that, from which the fame thing nuy be inferred by neceffary confequence. On the 
 otherfide, the Teltimonies of Ongen, Cyprian^ Bafii, Nazianzen, Athanafms are 
 alledgcdibut as their Times were later,fo their Tedimonies are not fo full,norr levelled 
 directly at the Qiieiiion. 
 
 Firft the teftimonyof Origen maketh firongly againft them, who produce \i,in]obx.'lT<,. 
 tbofe things, rvbich were aftertvafds commanded about the Sabbath , thofe Job anticipating 
 did both fjitlfU himfelfe, and taught htsjons tofuHfil: Firft it is molt certaine,that the Authorittit 
 Example of 5F"^ can have no relation to the Law of the weekly Sabbath.' Thofe^ ' ' 
 iblemnedevotionsofjo^ and his (bus were not performed every (eventh day accor- 
 ding to the Law of the Sabbath, but every eighth day inot with any reference to the 
 dayes of the week: or of the creation, but according to the number of his fonns and 
 if he had had another fon,thea(rembly muff have been putoifuntill the ninth day,that 
 isuntillthe days of their feafting were gon about. Job: r. 15. Secondly hefaith 
 the contrary to that, which they would have him fay, that the Law of thefabbath 
 came in after Jobs time, otherwife in what tolerable fenfe could Job, have bcenfaid 
 to have anticipated the commandement of the Sabbath , if the commandement of 
 the Sabbath had been of force even from the creation. And that pretended com- 
 mand ( if it had been a command) had really obliged Job: Eat the commandement- 
 given by Mofes the Legiilator of the Israelites could not have obliged Job, if he had 
 Jived in thole dayes,as he did not. Thirdly I anfwer that Origen never thought of the 
 weekly Sabbath in that place,but of anAnniverfary Fe(fivall,which feftivals are called 
 Sabbaths, as well as the weekly. The words of Ori^f« are.- Pr^ci^it ttamque in Lege &ci 
 Ihe Lord commandeth in the law and faith: Seven dayes (halt thou celebrate a Feliivall to 
 the Lord thy God, and thou flfalt feali, thou and thy fan and thy daughter and Servant and 
 thy Maidy and the Stranger that is within thy gates ^ and the Foor or needy. This was the 
 commandement which Job anticipated,then follow the words alledged by them and 
 immediatly in the fame Icntcnce. Et hojpitalitatem et Eleemojynam et mifericordiam &c: 
 The Law which Origen intendeth, is the Law of hofpitajity. He dreamed no inore 
 of the weekly Sabbath there, than of the Man in the Moon. 
 
 Saint Cyprian faith no more,as he is alledged by themfelves, but that the Numhct^ffusfncte 
 of feven obtained authority from the creation of the world, which is moft true, from 
 that ground he (aith, not from that time. And that it was honoured with the Solem- 
 nity of a command, but when it was fo honoured Saint Cyprian is filcnt. The very de- 
 lignation or deftination of'ittothe publick worfliip of God was a great honour 
 but the accompliihment of that honour was at the legal cftablifhmcntofit.It ismuch 
 more material that in the fame place St. Cyprian refhatntth the feventh dayes Sab- 
 bath to the Jews Jn hebdomadibus apud Bcbrxos dies Sepimtu Sabbathum idem 
 Kequies appelatur. 
 
 It had been better to have paflTed by St. Bafil and Nazianzen in Silence, tlian to 
 produce them as wittnefres,when they fay no thing material totheprefentcontrover- 
 Jie. All that they are pretended to (ay is this, that ti[;e Seventh day from the creation 
 was made the Sabbath who doubeth of it ? But what day , the fame individual day 
 or the fame fpecifical day .? And whofe Sabbath , or day of reft .? Gods, or mans ? 
 and when it was made, at the creation or in the wildernefs,and how it was made, 
 Legiflatively or Exemplarily , by Gods Decree, Deftination or by adlual efta- 
 blifhmentC which are the onely things in queftion ) they fay nothing. 
 
 That of Athanafius feemeth to have more weight in it, as it is cited by them t'bb'""e'^'' 
 j4s long as the former age and creation obteined their force and efficacy, fo long the Sab- drcumcifintie 
 baths were obferved:yct even this commeth not home to a law. Many are ready to 
 admit, that from the creatioo fome devout Perfon<;, either out of refped to Gods 
 example or by fome Special Infpiration,did freely obferve the Seventh day as holy 
 to the Lord , who do yet deny any univerfal Law binding all mankind to the ob- 
 fervationofit. And that this is the uttermoll: which Athanafnn co<M intend, ap^ 
 pcarcth evidently from hiixirelfe, where he telleth us that in the booke of £.\W«j 
 the Sabbath had it's begining : tunc et Sabbathi obfervantia initium fumpfjt. B Jt the i^ „^p^, 
 plain truth is, /^ttej/!«J is grolfiy abufed in citeing him thus. His former Age |"m>« 
 
 03 p q q 2 is
 
 ""^74 A Dif course of the 'Sabbath TOM ii l iTi. 
 
 ■ i^thc age untill Chrill, and the obfervation of the S.bbach which he (peaks ut theie 
 was in Berufalem, as Athanafms hath it exprefflIy,buL drat the -words arc iT;oit guile- 
 fully omitted in the Citation . It is much to be wiOied, that they who cite great Au- 
 thors would either view them more carefully, or cite thtm mors faithfully, and not 
 apply that to the Patriarchs before the flood, which the Author fpeaketh exprcfllyof 
 the Children of Ifrael. If I were to choofe fome place cfa Father, w Hereupon to 
 ground my judgment of the Sabbath and the Lords day, I could not eallly hx on a 
 better place than tbih of Athanafius. 
 MpiphMitiut gy( theif rnoft materiall objcdlion is out of Epifhaniuf, who they fay maketh 
 con Ethn ^ ^^^^ ^^^ Sabbathi the one by nature defined from the begining, the other defined 
 *^*^''^' afterwards under the Law; If this be true, then not only the politive Law cfGod. 
 but the very Law of nature doth prefcribe aSabbath. But the truth is Epiphanius 
 Knowcth no fuch thing. He knoweth fome Sabbath , which came wcelily by the 
 courfe of natures But he knew no fuch determinate Sabbaths,which arc prcfcribed 
 by the Law of nature ; yea juft contrary, in the very place alkgded, he maketh all 
 forts offabbaths to be Legal Sabbaths, or Sabbaths Defined by pofitivelaw. C*'fi- 
 Ttnar : ctf«/: p«»« >■«? «fi«»o©t^e<«» • K/u©'. 8cc,the Law faith he hath defined diverfe forts of Sabbaths, 
 Ebionoeosn. &fo he divideth them into weekly Sabbaths, and monthly Sabbaths,and yearly Sab- 
 ^i.Edit baths-, but Ifil he maketh them to beall Jewifti Sabbaths, all legal Sabbaths Efi- 
 Petavii. phaniits is cleere enough in the cafe, tbefevettth day Codciaftd jrcm all hU works, and 
 bhjfedit and fanQifyed it , and msnifefitd ittoMeJis by anA)igell. It was not the 
 demand, et flj^ individual feventh day,but the fame fpecifical feventh day, which God manifcP 
 mens. «. 12, ^^^ ^^^^ Mofes. If the feventh day had been obferved conihntly from the creation, 
 though it had been onely by the Israelites , there had been little need that God 
 rtiould have made it known to Mo/e/ by an Angel. The feme Father in his Paviar; 
 ■c ■ r faith , 7here tvere only "types in the LatP, but in the Cofptl truth it fe If is conieined, 
 
 pip an. j)jfygj^an> the circutncifion of the body P^as prtfcribed^and that lafied ami U the greatar- 
 """u ^ ** cumcifioHfollorred^ihat is Baptifine ^ fphicb urtumcifetb us from our fuis ,jigning tu in 
 t.t. .6. the Hame of the Lord. Moreover they bad the Sabbath, ipbicb hadeth tts tothe great Sab- 
 bath that is the Ke(t of Cbriji^ that tve may reft from our fins in hint. If the lame law 
 which prefcribed circumcifion to the Jewes , pre(cribed alft» Baptifme to the Chrif- 
 tians ior the fame Law which prefcribed the Sabbath to the Jewes had, prefcribed 
 the Lords day teChriftians, this had been the proper place )or E/up/;j«?w to have 
 told us of it, butheknew no fuch thing: Then the Law of the Sabbath and the 
 Law of circumcifion had not ceafed at all, but they did ceafe, I conclude this 
 point, that it is moO probable thofe words Cer.: 2.3. God bkjjed the jcventb day and 
 hallorvedit : do not necelTarily iiply a commandement ..and ifthey did, yetChrif- 
 tians do not obferve the Lords day now by vertue of it. Bu: I feem to my felf to 
 have infixed 100 longupon this point, feeing I have formerly declared that although 
 we granted all which they dellre, that thole words did include an univerfal com- 
 mandement to all mankind, yet being at themoitbu.t a pofitive law , and therefore 
 free, and therefore changeable , and the day being now adually changed by juft au- 
 thority , they do not at all oblige Chriftians : neither doth the obfervation of the 
 Lords day at all depend upon them. 
 
 The next pofitive Law is the fourth commandement of the Vecalogue't Eut if the 
 
 fornaer , even being fuppofed to be an univerlall commandement, doth not bind 
 
 Sed. 7. Chriftians, much lefs doth the fourth commandement as it was given by Mofes to the 
 
 IhcLawofrhe people of J/drf/ bind them, that is,as it was a national Law.I fay, as it was given by 
 
 -"'^dLm ^t "'* Mofes to the people of Jfrael. for in the fourth cotr.mandcment fomething is moral, 
 
 or prefcribed by the Law of nature, namely that a fufficiert time befetapartfor the 
 
 fervice of Almighty God:This is perpetual and itrmutablc^as being grounded upon 
 
 the eternal rule of JufHcc. And this the Schooles call tJ.e /ubftance of thecomman- 
 
 dement : And fomething inihetoi'iih ctnr.mandtmcr.tisrct ir.oralin theftridand 
 
 proper ienfe , that is, it is not prefcribed by the Law of nature, but Injoyncd by the 
 
 pofitive law of Gcd,as the determinate time and other circumflanccs, which they call, 
 
 modtmfar.Cificandi: the manner of fsndifyingthe fabbath. 
 
 This manner of fanftifying the Sabbath, with the time, and many other circum- 
 stances, were prefcribed hy Gcd to the Jew , yet not fo precifely in all refpeds,but 
 
 that 
 
 M
 
 Discourse I, And Lords £>ay nf:- 
 
 that many things were Ick co the deceroiioation ot th; Jrvvi.h Cfiurch i as the " 
 
 forms of their Hymnes and prayers and thanksgivcings. Ail that which -concerneth 
 the manner of fandifying the Sabbath is mutable, and may be adually changed 
 fo it be by thofe, who have competent authority to make fuch a change, and fo as 
 the Law of nature be not violated, which requireth that a fufticient time be fet apart 
 for the fervice of God. But whether that time which is fufficientonce ,be fufficienc 
 evermore, and whether that time which is necefTary once, be neceflary evermore, 
 is not fo pertinent to this prefenr queltion. The continual volubility of Humane' 
 aJlaires, and the perpetual pradtice of all Churches do fecme to require morehu- 
 miliation , and more invocation and more thanksgiveing at one rime than iC ano- 
 ther; Certainly fo much time is necefTary as is prefcribed pro bic et nunc , by the 
 jurt Laws of God or man. 
 
 Some catch hold upon the Letter of the Fourth Commandment , Kmsmhcr that 
 thoH k^ep holy the Sabbath day^ that is, fay they, not precifely the Seventh day, but the 
 Sabbath day, whether it be Saturday or Sunday, the feventh day, or the firll day, or 
 any other day of the Week indefinitely and indifferently , which is fet apart by juft 
 authority for the fervice of God i but the words following do abfolutely control 
 them, fetting down exprclly and determinately what Sabbath day is there intend* 
 ed. Iht feventh day U the Sabbath of the Lnrd thy God-, and the reafon following: For 
 infix days the Lord made Heaven a»d Earth , and rejied the feventh day , wherefore the 
 Lord blefied the feventh day, and halloaed it. The reafon is not indifferent for one day 
 in the Week indefinitely, but for that one day in the Week determinately. It isover 
 great fupinenefs to make the Spirit of God argue thus , God hallowed the feventh 
 day, for reafous proper and peculiar to that day, therefore do thou remember to ob- 
 ferve the lirft day, and not that day. 
 
 Thus we have feen, that although the Law of Nature doth not prefcribe the fan- 
 dirication of the feventh day determinately, yet the fandification of the feventh day 
 was grounded upon the Law of Nature. And although the pofitive Law of God 
 in the Old Teftament concerning the Sabbath, doth not bind us now further, than 
 it containeth in it fome exprefs Principles or conclulion of the Law of Nature, yet 
 the equity of thofe Laws, and whatfoever they have in them of the Law of Nature, 
 doth flill oblige us. We are more bound to God than the Jevus^ and ought at leail 
 ro pay him as much moral duty and fervice as they. Excepting always fuch typical 
 and Psedagogica!, and Ibme other rigorous injundions, wherewithal God thought 
 fit to nurture that ftiff-necked Nation. c « a 
 
 So I proceed from the Sabbath, and that relation which it had to the Law of Na- Qr? , 
 ture, and the pofitive Laws of God in the Old Teftament to the confideration of the ^J^ ^^. ^^^^ 
 Lords day. All parties do agree, that the Saturday-fabbath is abrogated', and the ftioo n y jo 
 moral duties of that day jultly tranilated to Sunday ; but whether Sunday be now gre«asfome 
 obferved by Divine Right or Humane Right, whether the change was maae imme- '^^gine. 
 diately upon the Refurredtion or AfcenfionofChrift, or afterwards in procds ot'timei 
 and by whom it was made, whether by Chrift,orby his ApoiUes, or by the Church, 
 is cootroverte .1; yet, 1 hope, the Controverfie is not fo great or important , as fome 
 imagine. They who ground the Sabbath upon Divine Right, do not affirm perem- 
 ptorily, tiiat it was commanded by Chrilt inhisownPcrfon. And they who ground 
 it upon Humane Right, do not exclude his Apoflles. Some fay it was decreed by the 
 Apoltlcsi they who fly lo well:, fay it was approved by the Apoftles i they who hold 
 that there was a Divine Precept for this change, do not hold pofitivcly , thar it was 
 the perfonal precept of Chriil,but either of Chrift in his perfon,or of his Apolt!c5,or of 
 Chrift by his Apoftles. And on the otherfide, they who deny a precept, do not 
 deny it abfolutly , but with tins relfridtion recorded in holy Sjiipcurc. So all parties 
 do acknowledge it to be an Apoftolical Tradition: And tor my part , although I 
 do mort firmly believe that all fupernatural truths necefTary to falvation in point of 
 the Chrilf ian faith, the Holy Gholf fo guiding the penns of the Evangcliits and 
 Apoflles, are conteined in holy Grripture, wherein our greateft Advcrfarys when ■ 
 they ftate die queftion cxaftly do agree with us, \_ I fay that all thofe things were 
 written by the Apoflles which were necefTary for all men , faith 'Bellarrmne ~\ So 
 in truths of an inferiournature,and efpecially in Pradial truths fuch as this, I do wholy T>e verba dei 
 
 Tub- I: 4.C. II.
 
 gi6 A DiscoNRSEo/r/j? Sabbath TQMEiltl 
 
 ^(i Tubfcnbe to the dete7nMnatK)nct'l)r. luld. It is i ■ t itcwiitcing which giveth 
 
 Chorch things their Anthojity,but the worth & credit of him that dLlivcreth thtm,thcugh 
 
 1 .•4-c. 20. but by words and lively voycc onely- And his appendix to the fifth booke. They 
 ( th-e Papirts ) make divine traditions equal with the words, precepts and dcdiincs 
 of Chrilt , left unto us in writing.- Apoftolical( Tradition ) with the written pre- 
 cepts of tiie ApolHcs , and Ecclefiafiical with the written precepts of the Paftors of 
 the Church. And he contedeth, that there is no reafcn why they (hould not fo do, 
 if they could prove any fuch unwritten traditions,or as it is in the former place any" 
 fuch unwritten verities. All the danger is,lcrt particular Traditions fliould be obtru- 
 ded for univerfal traditions,or new upftart traditions for old Apoftolicall traditious* 
 But in this cafe concerning the Lords day wc may kt our hearts atrell: For though 
 the original Inllitutiun of the Lords dcjy, be noi ! c corded in holy fcripture exprcfly, 
 yet foniuch is recorded as is fufficient to fatiftic al! confciemious Chriftians,that there 
 was fuch an iiirtitution , cither ofChriilor of his Apofiles, or of Chrift by his Apo- 
 ftles : And with the helpe of the perpetual practice and tradition of the Catholick 
 Church,evcr flnce the Refurredion of Chrid, is fufficientto convince all Gainfaiers. 
 Hethar piofefTcth Chriltianity, and will not be fatifhed with the perpetual! , and 
 undoubted tradition of the univerfal Church of Chrift,thatis of the whole world of 
 believcrs,includeingthe Apoftlcs themfelves,is utterly incapable of any real fati{Fa<ftion, 
 ajid buildeth his religion more upon hisown willfull humour,and private Phantafje , 
 than upon true judgment , and too much undervalueth the authority of the Catho- 
 lick ,fymbolical Church and the promiftmade by Chrill , unto his Church thathe 
 rvouldbe vp'nh it alxvayes even unto the endofthervorld. 
 *^'*^ }^ ° Now for the Readers further fatiftaftion in my enfucing difcourfc upon this fubjcd, 
 ^ Sea.p. J ^m j.j.fo]ve tiicfe five queftions 
 
 $. <5»c lo J f\xi\ by what authority , divine or humane the weekly Feftival of the Church 
 was changed from Saturday to Sunday , and who changed it? Secondly, when , 
 or at what time this change was madc> Thirdly, what were the rcafons or grounds 
 of this change? Fourthly, whether the Lords day, as is now eflablifhed,be changeable 
 to another day or not? and fifthly And laftly, what is the right manner offandify- 
 ing the Lords day. 
 Scti.io To the firftqueftion, by what authority this change was made .1 finde no caufe 
 
 Firil bywiiit todoubtformy part ,but that it was made by the authorityof Chrifl , that is by 
 ^^^hw& '^^"'"^ authority. It is true that we find no exprcfs precept recorded in holy fcrip- 
 ah«Eie«il ^"^^ ^^"^ '^^ letting apart the firft day of the week for the fervice of God.- neither is 
 
 it necefliiry , that there (hould be fuch an Expreft Precept for it , found in holy 
 fcripture, to prove it to be of divine right. The perpetual and univerfal pradt^iceof 
 the catholick Churcli,includeing all the Apofiles themfolves, is a fufficient proof of 
 the divine right of it,that at lealUt was an Apofiolicall infiitution and ordinance, 
 not temporary for an age or two , but perpetual : not locall for a place or two , 
 but univerfal. I fay at the kaftan Apoftolical Inftitution •, for the refurredfion of 
 Chrift upon this day, and his diverfe Apparitions to his Apofiles upon this day, and 
 his fending to them the holy Ghoft upon this day, And all this at fuch time as they 
 were aflfembled together in their ufual place of prayer ,and in all probability whilft 
 they were performing the duty of the day, did atkaft evidently point out untothem 
 this day for his publick worfliip , and ratify their aflcmbling upon this day 
 
 KtbAMbiM. ie *° ^^ '^"" fervice. 
 
 femente Vlhcrtfotc ^ Athamfiut faith anciently theSabbathf or fa turd ay ) was in high 
 
 ^fteeme, which fokmnity the Lord tranflated to the Lords day. And Efiphanius in 
 f^'t**r ^""* ^'* fcrmon upon Chrills refuredion,upon theday of his refurrcdion. 7bisii theday, 
 e Rejitrr. fphich God hleffedj}?d Ja»difycd , becauje in it he ceajedfrmi all his Labour^vphenhe bad 
 Alt ie ■■ • .f^'''f*^^y^"^"'P^'P^''^ ''-'^ Sjlvation^ both of thnfe onthe Earthy a>id thoje under the Earth. 
 defj.iZc-'o ^"^S'*^^"* '^^'f'^ ^''3f the Lords day was facredor confccrated by the refurrccftionof 
 Epi :* iig. ^^''''^' '^^^ ^^'^^ '^^ ^^'^'^ '" diverfe other places, and particularly in his hundred and 
 nineteenth Epifile to Januarius. But the Lords day was declared , or promulged 
 not to Jews but to Chriftiansby the Refurredlon of the Lord, et ex itlo cupit hahen 
 I'eiihiiattmfuani. which laft words may admit three various conftru<3ions : either 
 fx illo, from him, it began to have its Feftivityi ortx iHo, From that time it began 
 
 to 
 
 i;
 
 Discourse I, And hords Oay P^T ■ 
 
 tohavc its Fellivity : or ex itla , from that tiling , that is, from the RelurrectTon Q( 
 Chrift.Choofe which of thefe fenfes you wiU,if you ibnd to the authority of St/y^«- 
 jiin, the difference is ended. To fay, that the Rel'urredlion of Chrift was the occafioii 
 of ir, is not enough, either tor zfacram eft, that it was made facred by if, or zfandi- 
 ficaiHS f(f, that it was fandfined by if, or a declaratm eft, it was promulged byir. 
 
 But it is not at all material to me, or to the Divine Right of the Lords Day,Whc^ 
 ther It was confecratedby Chrld himfelf, or by his Apoltks dire(fted by his Spirit. 
 That it is an Apoftolical Tradition, no man can well deny, and' that it was no tem- 
 porary or local conftitution, which are mutable, but perpetual and univerfal , both 
 t!ie duty, which is required that is the worOiip of Chrift, and the ground where- 
 upon It is required, that is the Refurrecftion of Chrift , and the uniforme pradice 
 of theCathoiickChtirch,do prove fufficiently.Whenfocvcr,wherefoever theChriftkn 
 faith . was propagated , the obfervation of the Lords day was propagated with it.- 
 ^Jofe^h of Arimathxa taught them the obfervation oftheLords day in Britaine 
 *n the very Reigne oi 1}berm Cajar. St. Matheiv or the Eunuch read them the 
 »ame lefture in Ethiopia : and St. "Thomas in India; and although many of their con- 
 Vertshave had littleor no commerce with the reft of Chrifttendom , unf;! of late 
 Years , yet from their converfion untill now they have all of them obferved the 
 Lords day religioufly. From whence we may fafcly inferre , that if it was not in- 
 l^ituted by Chrift himfelf, which is much molt probable , It was an Apoftolicall 
 Conftitution, and and not a free cuftome intruded into.the Church in long tracSt of 
 ^'me ■■, nor yet a conftitution of one fingle Apoftle , but of all the Apoftles, or the ^' ^''g' ^^ 
 A poftolicalcolledge, and that fpeedily after the Refuredtion of Chrift. •> . ^^ptcopt 
 
 It is St. Auftifi's rale, that whatfoever the univerfal Church doth hold , that. waS ^"''^ ^'- 4 
 "C't inftituted by councills , but always reteined ,js moft rightly believed not. to '^"P'^S- 
 have been delivered but by Apoftolical Authority. 
 
 Such an univerfal tradition is the Lords day. The fame Father fpcaketh yet more 'S'«'. 25. de 
 Expreffly as to the day it (elfe. The Apoftles and Apoftolick men decreed (San- Temp, 
 xerunt) that the Lords day ftiould be obferved with religious fblemnity. By Apofto- 
 lical men in St. Auftin we ought to underftand , not Ordinary Paltours indued' 
 with Apoftolicall qualities, but fuch perfons, who though they were not ofthe 
 number ofthe twelve Apoftles, yet were imployed by Chrift as Apoftles in the plan- 
 ting of Churches and the government of them. Th.e(e twelve Prime Apoftles, and 
 the fecondary Apoftles, who were their contemporaries, whom he calleth Apoftolick 
 men, that is the Apoftolical colledge,accordingly either as they had been direAed 
 by Chrift after his refuredion , but before his afccnfion , or were infpired by the 
 Holy Ghoft , Were thofe who decreed the religious Solemnization of the firft day 
 ofthe week or the Lords day. Therefore with good reafon doth St. Bapl reckon 
 this as an Apoftolical tradition, that upon the firft day ofthe week, they made, their p^c*,,,.. 
 frjwxji*i>«Ji«g «pri^fcf='here are two Apoftolical traditions twifted togetheri firft for g I ' 
 the time of their holy aflemblies ,upon the firft day ofthe roeek^, fecondly for the ge- ' '° 
 
 fture, that wzsftanding, and both in memory ofthe refurred^ion of Chrift. Neither 
 was this the tradition of one fiiigle Apoftle as ( Saint Johns Tradition about the oh- 
 fervation ofEafter is fuppofed to have bccni though for my part I believe noluch 
 thing, but that (ome of his difciples did miftake a prudentiall complyance with the 
 letpes, both for the keeping of that Feftival, and ofthe 5abbath .for a time, the better 
 to gain them to Chrift , for a different tradition ) But a tradition ofthe whole Apo- 
 ftolical Colledge. This appearcth by the uniforme obfervation of the Lords day 
 in all Churches, nether was it a new upftart Tradition, becaufe no Apoftolical 
 Church doth take any notice of any new , or later introdudtion ofthe Lords day 
 among them, but derive it from their firft converlion. 1 might prove this more, but 
 that is generally acknowledged, even by thofe who are not fupe<5ted to have attri- 
 buted too much to the Lords day. As that learned Bifliop[ wee believe that the B^opf^Mte 
 holy Apoftles ordained Sunday to be a weekly holy day ] If the Apoftles did or- ofthe Sab. 
 dain it , then there was an. Apoftolical precept for it , cither written or unwritten. 
 The fame is afterted hy Breretvvod. How hath the firft day of the week gained 
 the celebration and folemnity to become tlie Sabbath of Chriftians .? By the confti- 
 tution of the Church, and onely by that : yet "of that moft ancient ChurcIiC I confeffe) pj ,y, 
 
 which ^^
 
 '^^'-^'^ 'a Difcourfe cf the S abbath T^M E UlT, 
 
 which next followed the afcenfion or" our Redeemer. 
 
 Againfl this which I have faid , two things of moment are objedcd : Firft, that 
 a conftitution ofanyChurch wharfoever makes but an hunrian Right .-If they did 
 i.obitUon. onelycppofethatdivineright of the Lords day, which fome indeavour to derive 
 from the Fourth commandment, or from any pofitive Law of the Sabbath in the 
 old Tcftament , I (hould not oppofe them at all : for I do firmly believe that nonf 
 of them do bind Chrifiians now, further than theirnatural aequitie , and Exempla- 
 rily . But to make Apotlolical conliitutions to be but human Laws , that 1 can- 
 not admits and withall believe, that the holy Ghoft hath divine Authority. Lef 
 them but cart their eyes upon that Apoftolical fanftior, A9s 15. 28. h feemcth good 
 to the Holy Ghoji and tout, to lay upon you no greater burthen than thefe nece^ary 
 things. And that veiy Appoftolical conlUtution there mentioned doth concernc 
 this very cafe, more than perhaps moft men apprehend : for it difchargeth all the 
 Gentiles, which were Chriflians, from the neceffary obedience of the Law of Mofes , 
 and particularly from the obfervation of the Jewilh Sabbath. Is it a likely thing 
 that the Jewes Sahbath (hould be abrogated by divine Law, and the ChrWtians 
 Lords day be introduced by human Lawes. 
 
 The former objedion is yet farther urged. Tliat thofe conftitutions which were 
 made by the Apoftles , as they were Apoftles,and wereinfpiredby the Holy Ghoft, 
 did make a divine right , but thofe prudential conrtitutions, which they made as 
 ^ Paftors of the Church domakc but human right. Let it be admitted that the Apo- 
 ftles themfelves both might make, and did make feme difpenfablc conftitutions, fuch 
 as the Church might abrogate ; But either they were local or temporary laws, 
 fitted to fome particular times or places, whereas this ofetvation is perpetual and 
 univerfal for all times and all places of the Chriftian world where there is, andfb 
 far as there is, a poffibility to obferve it. Or elfe thofe Apoftolical conftitutions wcjc 
 about fome petite cerimonies and circumftanccs, whereas this conftitutton is about 
 that One necefiary thing , the fervicc of Almightic God, and that time which is to 
 be fet apart for the performance theie of. Or laftiy , the grounds or reafonsof thofe 
 'Conftitutions were mutable grounds or reafons ', and being adually changed in 
 traiSoftime, and fo become impcditive of greater good, God Almighty doth 
 difpenfc with them, and the fuccceding Church may abrogate them. But the ground 
 of this conftitution is cvcrlafting , to honour Chrifts refuredion, and to ackrKSw- 
 Icdge him to be our God: 
 
 Secondly it is objeded, that there is no precept of Chrift or his Apoftlesfor the 
 abrogation of Saturday , and folemnization of Sunday recorded in holy Scripture: 
 2. ih'jtHion. I anfwcr three wayes, firft it is not material, whether there be a formall precept fta 
 it or no, either written or unwritten. The precept is written in mans heart by the 
 finger of God , that a time is to be iet apart for Gods fervicc , and needeth i:ot to 
 be recorded in paper : which being fo , thePradiice cf the Apoftlcs to folemnize ttie 
 firft day of the week, to that end, that Chriftians might imitate them( which is re- 
 corded in Holy Scripture) is a fufficient preceptor dirc^ion of Chriftians to the 
 particular time . Not oncly the formal precept, orally given , of thofe who haveau- 
 thority , but the certain intimation of their pleafur e, by what way (bever it be don^ 
 doth oblige their fubjeds. T<jr<jKiM intimated hispleafure to his fon fu fficicntly by 
 cuttingofthetopps of the fairefl poppies, without fpeaking a word > and hebotJn 
 undeiftood himand obeyed him. The ancient or common Law of England dotli 
 not confift in ftatutes, but in old cuftomes , and prefidents grounded upon pra- 
 dice. A cuftom immemorial uncontrolled is a fufficient proofe of ibveraigne ap- 
 probation ; And example is a more compendious way of diredion than precepts. 
 To queftionnow whether there was a formal precept for that, which all the Chriftiaa 
 world hath obeyed ever fince Chrifts time, and (hall f bey urtill Chrift? fccond cona- 
 ing, is a ftrange degree of Folly. 
 
 Secondly, I anfwer , that fo there was a precept , it is not material whetheT^ 
 it was writttn or not. A Generalls order muft be obeyed howfoevcr it be give* , 
 whether by word or writing. Andhe who fhall difobey it , and except againfe^ 
 it, becaufe it was not given him in writing, if he be called before a councill <^] 
 warre for his contempt, will find his errour, I have (hewed formerly that, our oWs- i 
 
 gatioK
 
 Discourse I hnd the Lords dav 
 
 y. — ' — — ^ y yiy 
 
 gation to obey Apoadical precepts doth not depend upon the writtiny; ot them "^ 
 
 but upon ApoAolical authority, becaufc Chrift made them his vicegerents in his 
 Church. As my Father fent me Jo fend J you. He who had a certain guide and 
 wouM not follow him without a note or dire<aion in writeing defervcd to be 
 leftbihind. Mutato nomine de te HarraturFabuh . the Lords day was folemnized 
 by Chrillams before the new tefiament was written. 
 
 ' Thirdly I anfwer that it is not fo cleereas fome would make it , that there is no 
 ApoJfolical precept recorded in Scripture for tranfferring the moral duties of the 
 Sabbath to the Lords day. Firft wee hare a folemne decree of the Apoftolical 
 college in the point , for difcharging Chriftans from the neceflary obfervation of the 
 La w of Mofes, wlnreoftbe Law of the Sabbath is a fart. Ad. 1 5. fecondly for the 
 obfervation of ths Lords day as a time fet apart forhis fervice, wee have cither a 
 precept , or that which cometh very neare it, and ftrongly implyeth that there was 
 fuch a precjpt. i. Cor; 16. i.z.Narv concerning the colleHionfir the Saints as J have 
 given order to the Churchis ofGalatia , even fodo ye : upon the firji day of the meklet 
 every one of you layby him in Ihre, as Codhath proffered him,that there be no aatherin^s 
 when I come. I obferve firft that this was no bare intimation of the Apoftles defire 
 butan adt ofApollo'.ical authority,or an exprefs ordinance or command. As Jhave 
 given order to the Churches ofGalaiia , cvenfo do ye. Secondly that this was no pe- 
 culiar ordinances for the Churches oi Corinth, but for the Churches of Gj/d»w 
 alfo; And from the parity of reafon it may be juftly prcfumed , that it was for all 
 other Churches where fuch colledions were to be made. Thirdly that the received 
 cuftome and pradtice of the Church was then , about twenty ycares after the paffion 
 of Chrilt for Chrirtians to aflemble themfelves together conftantly upon the firft day 
 of the week , if it had not beenefor this reafon, that is thepublick afTembly of all 
 who were interefled in this affaire at that time, and the agrecablenefs of fuch a 
 pious and charitable woike with the oth.r duties of the Lords day the firff day of 
 thefucceeding week had been a moft improper day for all Chriftians to caft up their 
 accompts of the forepart week,and to proportion their weekly charity to their week- 
 
 Ily gaines ( as the Text requireth. As God had proffered him) after the week was en- 
 ded and the weekly Feftival was paft. NowfuchAflemblies could have no other 
 ground but the Refurrcction ofChrift upon that day, and the fanftification of that 
 day to the publick fervice ofGod. That this was the common pradtice then , and 
 this the end of their affembling, is evident both from other Texts of Holy Scripture 
 and from the perpetual cuftome of the univerfal Church. Fourthly we obferve 
 hence, that the collection for the faints is a proper worke of a Feftival , and a part 
 of that duty which wee owe t© Chrift upon the Lords day. In as much as ye have Apcl: 2. 
 done it unto one of thefe little ones , ye have done it unto mt. whereupon the fame 
 Apoftle grouudeth his exhortation. 7o do good and communicate forget notj for ivitb 
 fuchfacrifices God is voell pkafed. Hcb: 13. id. And that it was fo efteemed in the 
 primitive times, luftin Martyr is aluculent wittcnefs,who maketh thefe collections de pkcief: et 
 or oblations to be a Lords daydutie. And St. Cyprian , who Taxeth the omiffion elee mof: 
 ofthis duty, upon that day , as a fault, docft thou being rich belive that thoucorbonam 
 celebrateft the Lords day rightly ,who never regardeftthe poorc mans Box's 
 
 From all which obfervations I concludthat though the Text do not cxpreffly 
 :ommand that the firft day of the week (houldbe obferved as the Chriftians weekly 
 FeftiTal , neither can it be inferred from thefe words in adivided fenfe, yet ifwe 
 take them in a compounded (enfe with refpedt to the uniforme pradtice of the pri- 
 mitive Church , then and ever fincc , they do plainly prove that the firft day of the 
 week was the weekly Feftival of Chriftians at that time and do ftrongly irrpHcor 
 rather fuppofe , that before this Apcftolical ordinance there was another antece- 
 daneous preempt for the obfervation of the Lords day according to the Judicious 
 detern.ination of Bi(hop IVlite in his treatifc of the Sabbath. It is not neceftary to 
 demonftrateoutof Scripture that the Apoftles ordeined theSunday a weekly Holy- /'Jg •' 152. 
 day &c : For it could not poffibly have come to paftc, that all and every Apoftoli- 
 lical Church throughout the univerfal world fliould \o early and in the beg^ning of 
 their plantation haveconferited together to make the Sunday a weekly Feftival , un- 
 leflTe th:y had been directed thus by their firft Founders.the Holy Apoftles them- 
 
 Rrrrr fclves:
 
 A DifcoHrse of the Sahbath TOME 1111 
 
 fdvcs :And fo he concludeth cut f fSt. ^;/ffw. That it is moll tightly believed to 
 have been delivered by Apofiolical authority. If it was delivered , net only by 
 paftoral , but by Apofiolical authority , that is by Apoftles , as Apofiles ■-, there 
 is no reafonto doubt of the divine right of it. I conclude that it is evident that 
 the Lords day was an Apoftolical ordinance , and that it is very probable that the 
 Apollles were direded pcrfonally by Chrirt to do what they did , both about the 
 time and place ofhis worfhip , and the perfons who were to ferve him.according to 
 that remarkable place of St. Cltmcm^i contemporaiy.and very familiar with the Apo- 
 liles,in his undoubted epiftle to the Corinthians,as authentick a Teftimony as can be 
 produced after thcHoly Scripture. [We ought to do all things in order, which our 
 Lord commanded to fae performed at fet feafons, both oblations and Liturgies^ 
 and commanded them not to be done rafhiy or difordcr]y.«»v'<»'6t/it»titx«iej7c)s»oiit, 
 But at appointed, feafons and hours. And where and by whom he would have 
 them performed , he himfelfe hath determined by his foveraign will, that all 
 Ckm: Ef: I. things being done holily, and according to his good pleafure, might be agreeable 
 cnrinth (q ^jj vvill ; They therefore who make their oblations at the appointed times are 
 
 Oxon.an: acceptable and blefled, who following the commandements of the Lord do in no 
 '^^iS' wi(e tranfsgrefle. ] IfChrift himfelf did prefcribe rules both for the times and pla- 
 
 ces , when and where divine offices were to be performed , and the perfonsby 
 whom , as St. Clement z^xmtt\\ with great confidence , there is little doubt to be 
 made , but the Lords day was his own ordination. And fo I have done with the 
 firll queftion , by what, and whofe authority the Lords day is obferved in the 
 Church. 
 
 The fecond queftion is, when Sunday began to be oblerved as the weekly Feflival 
 ^ "* ofChriftians, to which lanfwer by degrees. Firft that it was kept Holy by all 
 hen the chriftians throughout the univerfalChurch immediatly after the age ofthe Apoliles, 
 Lords day j^^. ^[^j^-j^ wehavealmoft as many witnelTeSjas there are writers of thofe ages, whereof 
 begaujirji fome were fuccelTours oftheApoftles,andfome were their contemporaries : as St. , 
 to be "M"' Cltmept , St. Ignatius , Melita who wrote a book of the Lords day, Vionyfxusoi 
 ^''^ Corinth , Jufitn Martyr , "Tertullian , Origen , &c. This trueth is undeniable , and 
 
 fo generally confelTed that I forbeare to fet downe any Teflimonies about it. This 
 was one of the grounds of that great miftake and calumny which the Heathens caft 
 upon the primitive Chriftians , that they adored the Sun , becaufe they prayed to- 
 wards the eaft, and kept Sunday as a weekly Feftival. 
 
 The heathens might well fcoffe at our Sunday devotions, but no Chriftians did 
 ever diflikc,or difeftecme them » not the Eijwi/f j themfelves , who thought the 
 Law of the Sabbath continued ftill in force , much lefs Clemens Alexandrinus ot 
 Origen. Thofe two Fathers did not at alldiflikc the folemnifation of Sunday, that 
 . was farre from themi but they difliked the Indcvotion of thire hearers upon other 
 
 ^"g' daysinthe week. Tell meyouthat meetat the Church onely uponFcftivaldayes 
 
 X the Emphafis lies in the word only ) are not other days Feltival dayes ? are they 
 not the Lords days .' The very truth is they were not well pleafcd that their audi- 
 torsin Alexandriadid not repaire as frequently to their daily Sermons, as they 
 defired , or as they did to Sunday Aflemblies 
 
 My fecond conclufion is that Sunday was obferved by Chriftians as a weekly Holy 
 day, in the dayes ofthe Apoftles themlelves, and by the Apoftles themfelves, 
 whence St. lohn calleth it the Lords day, as by an ufuall and well known name 
 Rev: I. lo. either becaufe the Lord was the author, or the Lord was the objed of 
 Sunday devotions iand fo the Catholick Church hath evermore underllood that 
 place. I am not ignorant how fbme would have the Lords day to fignify the day 
 of Judgment, but moft improperly and without any reafonable ground. Wasttic 
 day of Judgment a fit time for the revelation of things that muft fhortly come to 
 pafs? what have the Seven Golden Candlefticks, and Seven Starres, and Seven 
 Epiftlesto do with the day of Judgmeut Pothers by the Lords day would under- 
 ftand , not the weekly , but the anniverfary day of Chrifts refurrecftion , or Eafter 
 day, which according to the Jewifh manner ofobfeivingthat Feaft( which St. lohn 
 followed) might fall upon any day ofthe week. Though it were fuppofed,yea ad- 
 mitted, that St. John did tolerate the cbfervation of Eafter according to the time
 
 Discourse I knd ^he Lords day 02, 
 
 fet downe in the Mofiical Law,or it may be obferved it fo himlelf at Ephdus m a ' 
 
 congregation of converted Jews, tocomphe with the difpenfation ofthe ApoiHes 
 
 made upon prudential reafons , the better to gaine the Jews to Chrift or to re - 
 
 teine them in the ChrilHan Religion , and to make a dillin<aion between Tewilh 
 
 rites, whereof God had been the author, and heatheniOi rites , whereof the 
 
 Devil had been the Author", and laftly togive the Mofaical Law an honourable 
 
 burial. Yet what rcafon was there to obferve it after the JewiOi manner in Patmos 
 
 which was the place of his exile, where in probability there was never a Tew ?how- 
 
 foever the Common conlcnt of all Interpreters, and the perpetual pradtice ofthe 
 
 Catholiek Church in all ages, from St. hhn to St. Ignatius his Scbo\hi and fo 
 
 downward until! this day, to give the name of the Lords day to Sunday ' and to 
 
 no other Fellival of the Church weekly or annually , do fufficiently affure us what 
 
 St. /«/;« did underlland by the Lords day. Butbecaufe this quelHon concerning 
 
 the oblervation ofEalter rtold did make fucha noifeand Hubbub in the world and 
 
 icemeth to commit the Apoftles together , St. John againft St. Peter and St. Paul 
 
 as if they k ft contradidory Traditions and precepts to their difciples; And bccauft 
 
 this fuppofed tradition of St. John is made an argument topyove that the Lords day 
 
 was not inftituted by Chrill or his Apoftles, I will indeavour to (hew that this diffi- 
 
 rence was, as moll differences prove to be, when they are examined to the bortome 
 
 of no great concernment in Theology , but a point of prudence and dif- 
 
 cretion only. 
 
 Wee find a Quellionftarted by fome pharifaically affedted Chriftians , whether it 
 was needful for the Gentiles to be circumcifed , and to obferve the Mofaical Law 
 Aft; 15. 5. Under the Mofaical Law both the Law of the Sabbath , and the' 
 Law ofthe pafieover were comprehended. To decide this doubt , the Apoftles and 
 elders of the Church affembled in council , wherein they freed and difcharged the 
 Gentiles from all neceflary obedienceto the LawofMofes. But as for the lewes 
 though they declared the Law to be, .4 Btirthen ^ which neither rve nor our Fathers 
 were able to beare , and that both we and they muft cxped falvation , rot from our 
 obedience to the Mofaical hzw^h\it through the grace of our l^ord Jefus Chriji. Aft. 
 15. V. lo.i I. Yet they did not forbid the Jewes all complyance with the Law ofMofes, 
 nay rather out of prudential and Charitable confiderations they both advifed thetii 
 to it, and by their own example incouraged them in it. Aft. 21. 20. thou feejl 
 Brother hotv many thoufands of Jews there are which believe ^ and they are zealous of 
 the Law , and they are informe i of thee , that thou teacheft aV the Jews which are amona 
 the Gentiles to forfak^Mojes &c. Therefore they exhort him to purify hinafelfe ad- 
 ding that Touching the gentiles winch believe they had written and condudeth that they 
 Ihoutd obferve no fuch thing. Thence it was that St. Pj«/caufed Timothy^ whofe 
 Mother was a Jcwefs to be circumcifed Aft. i<5. 3. to give fatisfaftion to the Jews, 
 This prudent indulgence, and charitable condefcenfion of the Apoflles to the Jewes, 
 the better to reteine thofe in the Chriftian Religion , who were converted , and to 
 facilitate the converfion of thofe who were unconverted , was the true and 
 the only reafon ofthe obfervation of Saturday as a weekly Feftival in the primitive 
 Church , for fome ages,after the Law ofthe Sabbath ( as to the legal obligation of 
 it^ was utterly abrogated, Efpecially inthe Eafterne Church, where the Jews were 
 difpcrfed all over in themoft noted places. But in moft parts ofthe VVefterne 
 Church,where Aflembliesof jcwilh converts were very rare, Saturday was obfcrved 
 rather as a weekly Fait thana Feftival. This was the true reafon, and the only reafon 
 ofthe obfervation of Eajierin (bme Afiatick Churches according to the Jewiih 
 Accompt: And likewife why Ealier was never obferved accordingto the Jewifh 
 account in the Wcllcrnc Church , where there were no fuch confiderable number of 
 Jews or Jewifh converts in thofe dayes. Yet neither did this Apoftolical Indul- 
 gcnceextend at all either to the diminution of the Feftival folemnity of Sunday, in 
 any Churches Eafterne or Wefterne, nor produce any fuch irregular Keeping of 
 'Ea\\er inthe Wefterne Church, where though the Britannick Churches did not ob- 
 ferve it uniformly with the Roman upon the fame Sunday , by reafon of their dif- 
 ferent computation , yet they alwaycs kept it upon a Sunday , and yet derived their 
 manner of keeping it from the exampleof St. John, 
 
 R rrr r 2 Neither
 
 ^11 
 
 A Difcourfe of the S abbath TO ME 1111, 
 
 Neither did this Apollolical difpenfation extend to the Introduceing of any 
 IcwiOi rites which were oppofite to the truth of Chriftian Religion. They had 
 nopafchalLamb at Ea/ffr , they had no Jewifli facrifices upon Saturday -^ they ufed 
 to have in the Ttinple upon their Sabbath, which had derogated ; much from 
 ihetrue Pafchal Lamhe that takithaway the fmns of the world, and ' m the all fuf- 
 ficient Sacrifice of the Crofs. 
 
 Thus we fee upon how fmall grounds, that great controverfy about Eafier wzs 
 founded. That St John might wtllbethe Author of the Revelation , and yet his 
 [ Lords day ] be Sunday . A general precept and a particular difpenf tion, made 
 by the fame authority that gave the Law , are not contradidory one to the other, 
 nor in confident one with another. The Law ofcirCumifion upon the eighth day 
 precifely, was neither abrogated nor invalidated by the ncceffary delay of circum- 
 cifion in the wilderncflTe for many yeares together : much lefs were the obfervation 
 of Saturday for a time in many Churches , and the keeping of the anniverfary Feaft 
 of Ea/kr in fome Churches of the Eaft at the ]e with times , but after the Chrillian 
 rranner,inconfiftcnt with,or contradictory to the more regular and more ChriiHan 
 pradtife of the Catholick Church ; whilft neither the one nor the other were fought, 
 to be obtruded as neceffary upon Chriftians. And this was the reafon why Poly- 
 carpus and thofe other Eafterne Bifhops who kept the Feaft of Eafter at the fame time 
 with the Jewes , were not condemned as Heretickj or Sehifmatiekj by the Church, 
 becaufe they did not maintain their own cuftome to be of univerfal neceHity,nor con- 
 demne the cuftomes of other Chriftians. And yet the §^artodecimans , who ob- 
 fcrvcd the fame cuftom thzt Pholycarput andFolycrates did, were juftly condemned 
 as Hercticks and fchifmaticks by the Charch, becaufe they mainteined that their 
 cuftome was univerfally necelTary, and would have impofed it upon all other 
 Chriftians. 
 
 This is the firft time that we meet with the name of Lords day , but wc find the 
 thing more early , as in the place formerly cited, i. Cor: i6. 2. upon the firji day 
 o\ the vi>ee\, let every one of you lay by him infiore as God hath proffered him, that there 
 he m gatherings xphtn J come. In which words we find two afts required. The 
 firft is the private ad' of every Chriftian, which no man can take cognizance of but 
 himfelfc , that is to liquidate his cleerc weekly gaines , and lay by a proportion of 
 it for charitable ufcsfrecly of his own accord: oaf iavrS •nditwThe other ad is publick 
 to dcpofitc his bounty or charity in the common Treafury of the Church, which 
 foUoweth in the next word Sn •■«.e<'f «y freafuring or ftoreing up, that is in the com- 
 mon treafury of the Church. That this is the right fenfe appeareth by the laft words. 
 Ihat there be no gatheringwhen I come. If every particular Chriftian had deteined his 
 oblation in his own hands, there muft of r.eccflity have been a new gathering. But 
 whatfoever thetApoflle propofed to himfeU, it is likely feme of them proved back- 
 ward enough. For which reafon he fent an expreflc to them to fee that , their 
 bounty'tvas made tip aforehard 2.C©r. 9. 5. 1 fliall need to add nothing to what I have 
 (aid before upon this Text,but only tfr )ur gment of a learned Bifliop who cannot 
 beaccufedof beint: a Sr.fcbatarian. [ Alihou^h this Text of St. Paw/f maketh nof 
 expreis* mention of Church Afteroblies rn this day,yet becauft it was the cuftome o 
 Chriftians, and likewife becaufe it is a thing convenient to give Almcs npon the 
 Church d ayes, it can not well be gainfaid but that in Cor/MfiS? and Calatia the hxA 
 . day of the week was appointed to be the day tor Almes and charitable contribution 
 
 ^" !'/ "/ The fame was alfo the Chriftians weekly Holy day for their religious Affemblies^ 
 
 the Sabbath ^^ fgith ^ not condcfccnded unto,[ but appointed.^ 
 
 Fa : 212. ^e j^„j tj^e Apoftolical pradifc yet more clearly Ad. 20. 7. jind npon the frfi 
 
 day of the rveek^ rvhen the difcipks came together to breaks bread , Paul preached unio thm 
 ready to depart on the morrow, and continued his Jpeech untill midnight. Sundry old 
 bookes read 'it , when we were come together , intimating that St. Lwii^f himfclf 
 was prefcnt and an eye wittncfs, which Beza takes to be the truer reading. We have 
 fcen formerly weekly colledions for the Saints , vpon the frfiday of the week^, which 
 is inic branch of the duty of the Lords day. Now we have religious Aflcmhlies, 
 and communicating and preaching upon, the firft day of the week.. We find that Chrift 
 rofe again upon the firft day: wc find Sundry of his Apparitions upon the firft 
 
 day
 
 £)1scourseI, And Lordf Day 
 
 925 
 
 day. We hnd the Holy Ghoft given at fuch an Affembly upon the day ofpemecofi 
 that TPas the Firit day. In all thcfe places the time, that is, the firft day is em- 
 phatically expreired. He who would perfwade us that all this happened by chance 
 which happened (o often , let him (hew us as much for the Second day or the third 
 day , or any other day of the week, fo emphatically expreffed, without any apparent 
 reafon. 
 
 But they fay, the words 'e» Tir^i«TS.^«|3/B«'T«, do fignify fome one day of the week 
 indefinitly, both in this and other places. They have an hard province, not only 
 to oppofethe authority of the Church of England , which tranflatethic upon theM 
 ^jy,butalfo the unanimous confentof the Fathers, who expound it of the firit day 
 and the very letter ofthe text ; we never find thefe words, 'E,T!r^.?^;,c-.C£«vJ. 
 thoughout the whole Scripure taken indefinitly for fome one day in the week , nei- 
 ther will the particle which isadded,fufrer it to be taken indefinitely; moreovcr'they 
 make the Holy Ghoft to babble fuperfluoufiy ^if no more oughtto be underftood 
 but feme one day ofthe week indefinitely, what needed fo many emphatieaj ex- 
 prelTions of that which all the world knew before .? whatfoever is done , muft be 
 done upon fome day ofthe week, unlefs they could find out fome day which is none 
 ofthe Seven dayes. IfSf. Pi<«/had ordeined that collections fhould be made upon 
 fome day ofthe week indefinitely , what account could he in reafon have expeded 
 of his precept,when the Trumpet gave fuch anuncertein found. But it is evident that 
 that one day, whereupon Chrill did rife again was the firftday, and no other. And 
 that one day ,whcreupon he appeared was the fame firft day. And fo throughout 
 one day is the firft day and no other. The reafon of this denomination is obvious : 
 one day by on Hebraifmefignifying the firft day properly, as Gen: 1. -j.Tht evening 
 and the Morning were ane day. that is the firji day. 
 
 It followeth when the 'Difcipler came together^not when they were called or fum- 
 moned to come together cxttaordinarily. It implieth ftrongly, that the ordinary 
 religious affemblies ofthe primitive Chriftians were upon the firft day of the week » 
 as if one ftiould fay. At the feaji of the paffover when Filate did releafe a prifoner 
 t9 the people. It implieth filats cuftome of rcleafing a prifoner to the People 
 every Paflbver. 
 
 To break? bread. 1 know that breaking of bread in Holy Scripture often fignifyeth 
 temporal refedlion, but in this place and fundry others it fignifieth evidently diftri- 
 butionof the Holy Sacrament , and the context will not beare any othcy fenfe as 
 I. Cor : 10. 16. "the breads which we bTea\^ is it not the communion ofthe Body ofChriji 
 And Ad. 2. 42. "they continued jiedfaflly ^ in the- apojllej doSirine and fellowfhip 
 and breaking of Bread and prayers. Where prayer and doftrine ate joyned with 
 breaking ot bread , what can be underftocd but the Holy Eucbariji . It had been a. 
 very mean commendation of the primitive Chriftians, to have faid that they . 
 prelevered ftedfaftly in eating and drinking,or at their temporal Refedlion?. And (o 
 in this place not only the authority ofthe Church of England , and the contl nt of 
 antiquity, but even evidence of reafon doth evince, that it muft befo underftood. 
 when was this meeting > upon aSundaysaday confefledly dedicated to the publick 
 fervice of God in the dayes ofthe Apoftles. Who were they that did mfet ? a fclc- 
 &cd company of particular Friends? no, but the difciples in general. How was 
 this breaking of bread accompanied ? with a loiig Sermon. A fitter companion for 
 a Sacrament than for a Feaft. The cafe is fo plain , that it requireth no long 
 debate. They may as well tell us,that when Eutyihui fell from the window , he 
 didbut drop do wne from the Table, as that this breaking of bread was no more 
 than an ordinary Repaft. To fit in a window might be a convenient pofture for 
 an hearer at a long fermon, but no convenient pofture for a gueft, or for a waiter at 
 a feaft. Yet ftill I deny not that there might be a civil refe»ftion,But I would rot have 
 the civill refeftion to exclude both fermon and Sacrament, which did accord well 
 together in thofe dayes. 
 
 Laftly fome would perfuade us that St, ^au?s Sermon was nothing elfe but fome 
 occafional difcourfe as they fate at meat, wherein they do once more defert out 
 authorifed tranHation , which ftileth it preaching. And in the contents of the 
 oliapter ,brcaking of bread is expounded to be the celebration ofthe Lords SLipper.lf 
 
 the
 
 p24 
 
 A DiscoNRSEo/i/?^ Sabbath TOMElill 
 
 thepulpitbe an effcntial ofalermon,it may be it was no Sermon. But certeinly it 
 was a Theological difcourfe ht for fo great a partor upon an Holy day to fuch an 
 AfTetr.blie of which number St. L«i;f maketh himfelf to have been one ver(; 5. 5. 
 If it had not been a matter of Importance , St Paul would not have continued 
 hisdilcourlcuntill midnight. St. ?aule^s departure the next morning was a good 
 rcafonofthc prolonging of his difcourfe, but was no reafon at all of the choice 
 of the firft day. That proceeded folely from the cultome of the church to aflembk 
 upon that day. 
 
 Todrawncarcr yet to thcfpring's head, or the fourceof tl e Lords day. In the 
 fccond chapterof the Ads of the Aportles thedefcent of the Holy Ghort is defcribed. 
 Judtfhen the (Jay of Peiitecofi vcas futy ecme^they vrere all a>ith one accord in one place. 
 That the day otPentecoft fell that year upona Sunday is undeniable, bccaufe the 
 Rcfurredion of Chrift was upon a Sunday : And Pcntccoll was the fiftieth day from 
 the Refurrcftion. Occiditur Agnus , celebraiur pafcha &c: the pafchal Lamb was 
 flaine, the pafTeover was celebrated , and fifty dayesafter the Law was given 
 written by the Finger of God. The true pafchal Lamb was fiaine, thetrue paff- 
 ovcr was celebratcd,and fifty dayesafter the Holy Ghoft was given, which was 
 the finger of God. They were all , what all ? All the Apoftles : no,all the difciples, 
 all thofe hundred and twenty, whereof we reade Aft : i. 15. So much the Apo- 
 logy of St Feter, as the fpcaker for the Apoftolical college doth teliify. 
 Aft.' 2. 14. diftinguifliing the perfons infpired from the Apoftles Theje are 
 not drunken, as yee fuppofe, fomuch the Prophefy oi loel doth infinuat 
 under the notion of Sons and daughters, and fervants and handmaids. So 
 much St. Chryfofionie faith exprefly upon the fame Text. In one place,what place .? 
 even C^naculum Sionis, That upper Room upon the Top of mount 5io« , where 
 Chrift kept hislaft paffover , inftituted the Lords Supper , appeared to his Difciples 
 the door being (hut , ordeined his Appoftles , wherein Matthias was chofen, where- 
 in the Holy Ghoft dcfccnded in the likeneffe of cloven tongues of fireidoven tondte 
 difcretion ; ofFire, to exprefs devotion. Wherein the order of Deacons was infti- 
 tuted, wherein the councils of the Apoftles at Jerufalem vjexc cdcbxzted . That 
 place which was ftiakcn miraculoufly upon the praiers of the Church, as an un- 
 doubted teftimonie of Gods prefence . That place which was the firft Chriftian 
 Church upon Earth. 
 
 So here we have another folemnc aflembly cfChriftians upon theLordsday, 
 or the firft day of the week,in a place confecrated by Chrift himfelf for holy aftions: 
 And that approved and authorifed by the vifible defcent of the Holy Ghoft,f6 as this 
 day may truly be laid to be facred to the whole Trinity, to God the Father , as the 
 firft day of the Creation , wherein the moft noble creatures, the heavens and the 
 Holy Angells were made, and which preferveth the memorial of the creation as 
 well as the Seventh day. To God the Son whofe refurreftion upon this day was 
 the new creation of the world. ToGed the Holy Ghoft, who on this day de- 
 fccnded vifibly upon the difcipleSjas if he ftiould proclaime aloud , that he hallowed 
 that day to himfelf. 
 
 But it is objefted that all this honour given here to this day , was to the day 
 of Fenteeoli ^ which fell accidentally that year upon the firft day of the week. 
 Firft,if it were fo, that doth but prove it to have been a double Feftival, wherein a 
 weekly and an annual Feftival did meet together , in which cafe neither of thera 
 ought to be robbed of their juft honour. Secondly the Law of the Jewifh pentecoli 
 was then utterly abrogated by the death of Chrift , and could challenge no further 
 right but an honourable interrcment. If the Chriftian Feftival ofEaftcr ought trom 
 thence forward to have been generally kept upon Sunday, in memory of Chrifts 
 Refurrcftion, according to the cuftome of the Cacholick Church except only in 
 cafe of Apoftolical difpenfation for prudential reafons , then the fezi\ of Pentecvji 
 ought alfo thenceforward to be obferved upon Sunday. And then all this honour 
 willfall,not accidentally but originally upon Sunday, as thedayof Chfifts Refurrc- 
 ftion. Thirdly no contingence can derogate from the prefcience and difpofition 
 of All-mightie God , whoafteth all that is good, permitteth all thatisevill , and 
 difpofeth all things, both good and evil. Nothing could be more contingent 
 
 than
 
 DfS COURSE I, And hords Day 
 
 9^5 
 
 than the fale of Jofefo into ^gypt , and the meanes of his advancement there yet 
 the whole fuccefs and feriesof it was ordered by the providenc e of God. 
 
 That the true Fjchal Lamb fhould be flaine that very dayj and that very houre, 
 when the Jews kept their paflbver , and that both Ea/ifr and Petitecoji fhould 
 fall out that yearc upon a Sunday,the day ofChriftsRcrurre(ftion,might have much of 
 contingency in it.yet the whole affaire might be fo ordered by the providence of God 
 tor the honour of Chrift. The rarer that it was for Fentecoji to fall upon a funday, 
 themorc honour it was to the Lords day,that it fhould fallout fo juft then, and 
 jocofoules be con verted by the firft Chriftian Sermon upon that day. Itisaseafy 
 to imagine that a Printers box of Letters fhould drop one by one into their diflindt 
 places , or that a fhip at fca (hould Ikere it felf againft wind and Tide in the midft 
 of rocks and fands info the Harbour without a Pilot , as that all thofe inteftine 
 difcords between Augustus , Ambory and young Tomfey , of the Eaft againft the 
 Weftjthe Tea againft the Land,fliouldall be hufht up foon a fuddaine juft before the 
 birth of the Prince of peace. And that all the machinations of the ]ewts,ard the ma- 
 lice oftheScribes and Pharifees,and the treafon of JudasWkt fo many poyfon? tem- 
 pered together by a fkiltul phyfitian, fhould produce fuch a faveing remedy for 
 mankind , even the facrifice of the true pafchal Lamb, in fuch an admirable order 
 juft at the time of the JewifhpalTover , and that the defeent of the Holy Ghoft fhouM 
 fall out upon the day of Pentecoft, when the Law was given ,and that the new 
 creation of the world by the refurreftion of Chrift , and the new Illumination of 
 the world by the Holy Ghoft , fhould fall out both upon the Lords peculiar day, 
 which from that very time forward was deftinated to be the weekly Feftival of the 
 Church. And fothat day, which without doubt was the beginning of dayes , and, 
 if the old tradition faid true , fhall be the ending of dayes fhould be confecrated to 
 him , who is. The kegiming and the ending , thefirfi and the laji. Rev : i. 8. 1 fay 
 it is not imaginable how all this fhould come to pafTe in fuch a divine order , but by 
 the foveraign overruling providence of God, who can determine the Event with- 
 out neceflitating the agents, who hath predetermined many things to be done with- 
 out predetermining the doers of them, where the thing done is good,and yet the doe- 
 ing of it finful ; whofe divine power and wifdome hath infinite wayes to accomplifh 
 his purpofe without doing violence to the nature of his creatures,whofe prefci- 
 ence is infallible , yet importeth no antecedent , but an hypothetical neceffitie. 
 Things are not therefore , becaufe they are fore knownc, but therefor they are fore- 
 known , becaufe they fhalibe ,yea fhall be infallibly in Gods difpofition , yet preferv- 
 ing the natures of free and contingent Agents. 
 
 Thefe are the moft remarkable inftances which we find in Holy Scripture of hal- 
 lowing the Lords day. And thefe fhew plainly that our Church had good ground ffom. oft'ans 
 to fay , that immediatly after the Afcenfion of Chrift , Chriftian people began to and place of 
 chufe them a ftanding day of the week to come together in. It was immediatly prayer, 
 indeed after the Afcenfion , for we find a prefident within ten compleat dayes : 
 neither is the word chufeing inconliftent with that I fay. A man may chufe that 
 which is commanded. Deut.3J. ip. 1 have fet before you life a>td death ^hkjjhtg and 
 curfing , therefore chuQ Ltfe. And Jo(h .24.15 chufe this day re horn you will ferve 
 &c: hut as forme andmy houfe , we will ferve the Lord. 
 
 But yet we do not wanf fomc confpicuous markes to guide us highcr,or at leaf! to 
 intimate thus much unto us,even before the Afcenfion of Chrift , as his rifeing 
 againe from the dead vpon this day, and his vouchfafing as upon this day to make 
 his principal apparitions to his Apoftles in their Oratory, or houfe of prayer, 
 whiU^ they were jecretly ajfembled for feare of the Jewes. As. John ; 20. ip. when 
 he ordeined his Apollles. And. Jo: 20, 1$. when hs rooted Infidelity out of the 
 hearts ot nis Difciplesj both times upon the Lords day , both times in their houfe of 
 Prayer, both times when they were fecretly afTembled. There is fomethiegin a'l 
 this. Itdeferveth to be obferved how all the EvangeUfts Msibeiv.^ Mark^Luk^ and 
 ]ohn do punctually and Emphatically name the firft day of the week , as if the 
 Holy Ghoft fcemedto be delighted with this circumftance of the time or day which 
 was defigncd for his own fervice. We do noc find the like mention of any 
 otherdiy of the wcck.except the Sabbath,whilft it continued the Lords holy day. St. 
 
 Mathew
 
 "-^e A'pTT^^^^ ^/^g Sabbath TQMEIIII 
 
 ' — iv^Wlcllcth us that aponthe^cry dawning of thefirft d7y cf the wff^thctwo 
 
 Mariejh^id the early news of Chrifls refurrcftion , firft from an Angel, then from 
 hirDicHMtib: zS. i, -Jf. Mari^. tcllethus both of his rcfurrc(3ion early the firji 
 day of the week: Mar; i6: p. and of his Early Apparition to the women , particularly 
 to Mary Magd: upon the time frjl day of the vreel^ and after to the two difciples 
 fravaling to Emaus. And laftly to the Eleven Apoftks upon the felfe fame day. The 
 very fame is related by St. tith^ with the fame cncvim^zr^ct^ oUhe firli day of the 
 7Petl{_. St. John Balketh thiscircumftanceno more then the reft. Jo .• 20. i. thefirft 
 day of the veek^eoneth Mary Magd: And v. ip.lhe fame day atEvemng being the firji day 
 ofiheweek_&c. And yet in thefame chapter he procecdeth yet to another Apparition 
 to the Apoftles. Afur eight day ver :26. as after three (/iy^/fignifyeth the third day 
 Mar; 8. -^lAo After eight dayes lignifieth the eight day inclufively in the language 
 of the Scripture. The Evangelrft might as well have faid the next Lords day or the 
 next firil day of the week, If any man (hall think that all thcfe emphatical expref- 
 fions of the rirft day of the week , and of no other day of the week , until they end 
 finally in adown right Lords day, were altogether without dcfignc and fignify no- 
 thing ,1 muft crave leave to diffent from him. 
 
 That which fomc objc(ft concerning the two difciples travailing to Emaus 
 makcth nothing againft what I fay , becaufe it was the day of the Refurredion , 
 , or firft day ofthe week , but much for it. Neither are Chriftians obliged to fuch a 
 ftriit reft upon the Lords day as the Jewes were upon their Sabbath , much Icfs 
 to fuch a Reft as the Pharifies had introduced , who would not allow a man to 
 roaft an Apple , or pill an onion , or kill a flea upon the Sabbath for feare of pro- 
 faining it. Works of neceflity, pietie and Charitie even upon the Sabbath did all- 
 waycs carry with them a difpenfatson from heaven, and upon the Lords day in 
 a greater latitude, with lefs cau(c of Scruple. It mi^ht be thofe two Difciples were 
 imploycd by the Church in that doubtful time to the honkoiCleofhas which was 
 iviEmaus: And fo all thcfe three favourable requifitcs,picty neceffity and charity might 
 concurre in thatvoiage. This we are fure of,theirdifcour(e was fuch as might well 
 become thofe who were then fanftifying the Lords day , although ' ey were 
 not yet fully (atiffyed that Chrift was rifen againe , until they received final fatif- 
 faflion from Chrift himfelf. How fliould they be fatiffied then more than the reft of 
 the Apoftles who cfteemcd the words of the women that related it to be but /<//«■ 
 falts and helievedi them not . Luc:24. ir. 
 
 Moreover we read in the fame place that fffns tookg bteadandBleffed it, and brak^ 
 andgave unto them Luc ; 24.50. And that he was known of thofe two difciples in 
 breaking of bread. I fliould be loth to conclude from hence for an half communion 
 with the Papift , becaufe there is no mention in that text ofthe cup, whereas they 
 thcmfclves do hold the wine as neceflary to be offered as the bread, though not fo 
 neciffary to be diftributed as the bread > though at other times they change their 
 note, wittenefs that o( BtlUrmine. The bread may be taken away if the cup be 
 given. Yet this doth not convince me that it was not the facrament ofthe Lords 
 Supper fyncchdochicaliy cxpreffed efpecially feeing! find the words to be exadtly 
 the fame with thofe of St. Mtth : chap; 26. v. 26. And of St. Mar:c. 14. v. 21. 
 ; And of St. Luc : c. 22. v. 19, -at the inftitution ofthe Sacrament. And find the fame 
 
 words repeated by St. P<i«/e upon the fame occafion. i. Cor : 11,23. Neither 
 is this my private opinion, many Fathers and other Ecclefiaftical writers both ancient 
 and moderne have held the fame. For the prefent I will content my felfe with 
 - the Tcftimonics of two Fathers. The one is St. Hiereme inhis Ep'n^iph o[ Panl^ 
 Q And renewing her journy (he came to Nicopolis, which was formerly called tmaut, 
 where the Lord being known by breaking of bread, did dedicate thehouf'^ of Cleo- 
 f has to be aChurch.]The other is St. ^KjJj«,who haveing (hewed that the impediment 
 deconf which hindered the two Difciples from knowing of Chrift , was from Sathan , pro- 
 tvang.l. 3. ceedeththus,[Chriftgave leave untill the Sacrament of bread,that the unity of his bo- 
 c. 25. dy being partaked,the impediment of theEnemy might be underftood to be remov- 
 
 ed.] The Sacrament of bread, and the participation of the unity of his body, can 
 have noother reference but to the holy Eucharifi. I know fome others afTcrt that this 
 was not the holy Encharifi it felf , but a figure of it , which to my purpofe , to (hew- 
 that
 
 Discourse T. a»d Lords Day ^ 0^7 
 
 that chis was an lioly attion,proper tor the Lords day, is enough. So in ftead'oTarT 
 alTront to the Lords day, we nject wiih a great honour to iti but Chrid himfelt'did 
 celebrate either the holy Euchauii, or at lead a Figure of it upon this day, bein" :hc 
 very day of his ReCurredion, the Firlt Chriftian Sunday, or Lords d 'y,tha't ever'was 
 when the Sun of Righteoufnefs did arife to enlighten the children of this World. ' 
 Out of what ha;h been faid ,it doth appear , that the Lords day was celebrated 
 from the beginning, that is, from the Refurredion of Chrift, in purfuance of his di- 
 rection or example, and that without all doubt there was, either an Apoftolica! pre- 
 cept for it, written or unwritten , or Apoftolical pradice , equivalent to a precept. 
 Wiiit concerneth the Apoftlcs, is altogether undoubredi what concerneth Chrift is 
 pioiifly prefumed, that when he appeared to his Apoftles after his Refurredio'n ,' a- 
 mong his other inftrudions which he gave them, in things pertaining to the Kingdom 
 of God, AH J I. 3. he did give them a particular diredion for the obfervation of this 
 day, according to the teftimony of St. Clement, a contemporary of the Apoftles, for- 
 merly cited. Howfoevcr, here isenosigh out of the Scripture it felf, to prove the 
 Divine Right, and the antiquity of the Lords day. And thus much may ferve for 
 the anfwer to the fecond queftion, when the Lords day began to be obferved as a 
 weekly Holyday. 
 
 The third Queftion is, what were the groands of the change of the Sabbath to the SeS: i2. 
 Lords day? Although the Law of Nature doth not prefcribe the fandifying of :hc rfl^y ihe 
 Seventh day, or Firft day, or any other 4ay of the Week in particular, yet the fandi- wtckJyFeiU- 
 
 ■ fying of them was very agreeable, to what the Law of Nature doth pref..ribe . And vaL changed 
 yet fjrther, hath a certain majelly and conformity in it, fit for the Service of God: as fr'^m Satw- 
 if we iliould fay, our God is one and the fame God, therefore we worfhiphira af one d;:y 
 and the fame time, with one and the fame Worfliip. Thofe Heathens who faid. that 
 as variety oflnftruments doth make the beft Mufick, fo variety of Worftiip ismoftac- 
 
 ■. ceptable to God, did not rightly underftand or confidcr, either the all-fufficiency of 
 God, that our devotion can add nothing to hioij orthe manifold indigence ofthe Hu- 
 mane nature, whiclxbeingdayly varioully exhaufted, muftdayly bevarionfly fjpoiied. 
 The Jewilh Sabbath having. continued fo many ages in the Church , from tae'tifr.-i; 
 of Mofes until Chrift, now both it, and all other their typical and ceremonial Lawes 
 
 I .were taken a way by Chrift, and declared to be utterly abrogated by his Co<ifumma- 
 
 ^ turn ej}^ it is jiitilhed, upon the Crofs: In fign whereof, the veil of the Temtk did rent 
 from the top to the bottom, to (hew, thac the exprefs Image cf thofe Heavenly Truths, 
 which before had been but drawn in dark obfcure colours and Figures, wasnowper- 
 fedly expofed to the Light. Thus much is exprefly affirmed bySc.Pj«/, €ol.2.i6i 
 Let no man judge you in meat or drink,, or in r(jj>eil of an hhly-day, or of the nexv moon, or 
 of the SMath days, rvhtch are ajhadoiv of thi/!gs to come, but the body is of Cbrifi : which 
 manifeft declaration of himfelf agjinft the Jervijh Sabbath, with fome other places., 
 did render t'.e Ebionites fo offended with St. Faul, that they did notonly retu(etoad- 
 mit his Writings, butalfo fathered manifeft lyes upon him> as that he was a Gentile 
 both by Father and Mother. That being at Bierufslem , he turned a Jemjh Prodlyte, 
 in hope to have gained the High Prieft's Daughter to Wife,but milhngot his aitn.hc 
 grew difcontenred, and writpallionatelyagainftCircumcifion, and the Sabbath, and 
 th.Law ofMojV/So then theLegal obfervation of Saturday was ceafed,according toSt. 
 Pa»/, although the firft o^jfervation of it, as a day of gratitude to God , was pcr/ni:- 
 ted long.3fter inthe Church, for d ivers weighty reafon.s. The Law of the Sabbath 
 )eing abrogated, and the obligation thereof being ceafcd , after it had continued fo 
 nany ai^es in the Church , it had been (bme dlfparagement to the Chrittian Church, 
 cither to have come ibort of the Jetvs in the performance ot" moral duties to God, 
 Ifer that every particuhv perfon or congregation , (hould be left to his or their ov-n 
 laedion of the time of Gods folcmn WorQiip , without either order or uniformity. 
 1 And therefore the Firft day was prefently , I had almoltfaid immedntely , upon or 
 after the Refurredion of Chrift, (et apart tor the publick fervice of God. But w,,y 
 the Firft day, rather than any other day of the Week > This day was the beginning 
 lof time, wherein the World began. What day more fit to bededicated to God , 
 Ithan that which was the Fiift fruits of time > The Firft-born were defigned as Holy 
 Ito the Lord. Wb.en Zacharfs tongue was loofed, the Firft ufe he made of it , was 
 
 Sffff to
 
 — g ■ A Difconrse of the Sabbath T O M E 1 1 II 
 
 to praife the Lord. A Jove principiuni. Upon this day the moll uoble creatures 
 were made, the Heaven and the Earth, and the immortal Awgels, and the Light 
 which God created as a mean, between corporeal and incorporeal fubftances , that 
 the Atlici(t might fee every day beforehis face , a refimblance of the union between 
 ills (bill and his body, in the union of the light with the air. The Firft day of the 
 Creation doth preferve the memory of the Creation, as well as the day after the Cre- 2 
 
 ation. S 
 
 This was the day, which God adorned more than any other, with the manifold 
 difpenfations of his grace. Upon this day, the Jfraelites were fuppofed to have gai- 
 ned their liberty from their Egyptian Bondage. Upon this day , certainly Manna 
 was Hrrt rained down from Heaven. Upon this day, Chrift is faid to have been born 
 for us, and to have been baptifed in Jordan , and the Star to have appeared to the 
 Wifcmen. Upon this day, Chrift arofe again from the dead, and made his moft fre- 
 quent apparitions to his Apoitles,until his afcenfion. Upon this ciay, he fent the Ho- 
 ly Ghoil: and the Primitive Chriflians had a tradition, that upon this day, hisfecond 
 coming to judge both the quick and the dead, fliould be. So both ingratitude and 
 difcretion, that the Lord at his coming might hnd them imployed about his Service , 
 no day could be rttterfor the publickWorihip of God,than this. BleQedis thatfervanty 
 tvhom his Lord, vphen he cometh,Jhall find fo doing. Math. 24. 4<5, But all Authours do 
 agree, that the fpecial ground of the tranflation»of theday, was the RefurredJion of 
 Chrilt, which was the new creation of the World, If the memory of the old crea* 
 tion, and Gods refiing upon the feventhday,had fuch an influenceupon theFirft Pa- 
 triarchs, that itispioully believed by fome, that they did freely without any com- 
 mandment, obferve that day ot reft, according to the example of God , why (hould 
 not Chriftians hallow the day of ChriftsRefurrc(flion,in memory of mans Redempti- 
 on, or the New Creation, complcated upon that day by Chrift. And fo much for the 
 grounds of the Tranflation. 
 SeS: I J. The Fourth queftion is, whether the Lords day may be changed by the authority 
 Whether the o^ the Church, from the Firft day to another day of the Week? It is generally admit- 
 Lordi day '^^i ^hat one day hath no natural or inherent holinefs in it, more than another: like- 
 may be wife that it was never yet changed from Chrifts time until this day , by any Church, 
 
 changed, isgenerally confefTed. Thirdly, that it may be changed defacfi^, in Fad, without 
 right, no man can doubt. They, who did not ftick to change tlieir Bible into an AI- 
 choran, would not ftick at changing the Lords day. The Lords day is not more 
 precious than the Lord himfelf, whofe day it is, and they who allow no diftindion 
 of days, as to relative holinefs, will make no fcruple at abrogating this Holyday. But 
 the queftion is, whether the Lords day being taken infenfit compofitu,zs it is the Lords 
 day, with reference to the Precept, or authoritative example of Chrift,or of his Apo- 
 ftles, or either of them, may yet be lawfully changed. 
 
 They who maintain the affirmative part, that it may be changed , do it fo coldly 
 , and fo faintly> that they even teach their Readers to doubt ofthe truth of their after-' 
 tion^ ^i timide mgat^ docet r.egarr. For they acknowledge, that it were a temerari- 
 ouf^ or an uncomly or unhandfoiriC adf, to make fuch a change, which implieth,that 
 there muft be fomerhing in fuch a change, inconfiftent with , or dift'<rtancous from 
 the Principles ofreafon or Religion. Asformy felf, befides the odious brand of de- 
 fuUorious levity, I hold upon my former grounds, that fuch a change were not one- 
 !y unhandfome and temerarious, but altogether unlawful. 
 
 My Reafons arc three: TheFirft is taken from thedefed of fufficlent authority , to 
 abrogate that which hath been inftituted, either by Chrift, or by his Apoftles i whe- 
 ther it were by cxprefs precept, or by authoritative example. Every thing ought to 
 be loofed by the fame authority by which it was bound, or by a fupcriour Authority. 
 Apoftolical authority at leaft did bind the Church to obferve this day, and iefs than 
 Apoftolical authority cannot loofe the Church from the obligation to obftrve this 
 day. I readily acknowledge, that the Apoftles made fome local and temporary Or- 
 dinances, but thofedid never bind without that place for which they were made, nor 
 beyond that time for which they were defigned. Moreover, fcmetimes the reafonor 
 ground of a temporary Ordinance doth ceafc", In fuch cafe, it is not the authority of 
 the prefent Church, which abrogateth an Apoftolical Ordinance, buttheLawexpi- 
 
 reth 
 
 t
 
 Discourse I. And Lords Day 939 
 
 reth of it felfc when it is become impeditive of greater good. But the ordinance 
 of the Lords day is quite of another nature. Firrt it is an univerfal ordi- 
 nance , as appearcth by the univerfal tradition of the whole Chriftian world. 
 Secondly it is a perpetual ordinance as appeareth by the perpetual obfervation of it 
 in all ages without exception. 
 
 A Second rcafon is taken from the ground of thisordinance , that is the rcfurrcc- 
 tion of Chria, and all thofe other graces which he difpcnfedto us upon this day. 
 Put all the confideration which this world can polCbly afford into the other fcalc* 
 and they ate not lufficient to counterballance thcfc. The creation of the world was 
 a very fiifficient ground for the obfervation ofthe Seventh days Fcftival 
 by all mankind, if God had been pleaafed to injoyneit. So the Redemption , or 
 new creation of the world the Refurre<Ition of Chrift is a fufficient ground' to 
 Cbriftiaris for celebrating the Lords day as a memorial thereof, and as the Tewifli 
 Sabbath was to indure as long as the Jewifli Politic and »Iigion did indurc (o the 
 Lords day ought to indure as long as Chrirtian religion , that is untill the Second 
 comcingofChrifl. Until then we arc to expect no new Lawes , no new revela- 
 tions , no new grounds. And then all temporary Sabbaths and Lords dayesfliall 
 ceafe , and the Saints (hall celebrate one perpetual Lords day with Chrift in 
 Heaven. 
 
 The third rcafon may be taken from the perpetuity ofthe duty of the Lords day 
 which (hall never ceafe whilcft this world continueth. As the celebrating of the 
 Sabbath was to the Jews a figne between God and them , teftifying thatGod who 
 made heaven and earth was their God , fo the celebration of the Lords day to 
 ChrilHansis a profeffion , that the Lord who role againe upon that day, and tri- 
 uinplicd over Hell & death and the grave,is their Lord. When the duty of Chriftians 
 to this Lord doth ceafe, when they may lawfuly change him for another Lord, then 
 the Lords day may ceafe, untill then it is immutable. I will conclude this point 
 ■with the words oi Jtha>iafius[_He commanded not the obfervation ofthe Sabbath 
 ( or Saturday ) to the new creature ( that is to a Chriftian ) that he might acknow- j # tt. 
 ledge a beginning in the Lords day,but neverthelefs interminabU, and that he might ■" ' . 
 hold for certeine that the grace of it {hould never ceafe.] '* sircum. 
 
 The laft queftion is , what is the right manner of fanctifieing the Lords day , in 
 difculfing whereof, that we may not be like Blundcrercs, who do commonly con- 
 found refpcftive truths with abfolute and ncceflary truths, and if they find foraething ^ ^ ix. 
 in the Lords day , which is of divine right, they conclude prefently that all things nfheman- 
 perteining to the celebration of that day arc of divine right. And if they find fomc- •' r-/ „Qi. 
 thing in it , which is of humane right , they conclude that the day it felfe hath no ^"" "^ ^^ 
 right, but humane. It is neceflary to diftinguifti the rights of the Lords day -y'"! 'j y 
 by the Law of nature , by the Evangelical Law , by the pofitive Law of God, and '■^' 
 
 by humane Law , either Ecclcfiaftical or civil.- for every one of thefe Lawes have 
 fomc influence upon the Lords day. 
 
 Firfl for the Law of nature, that which the Evangelical Law dctcrmineth for the 
 firft day,the Law of nature prefcribeth indeterminatly for fomc time to be hallowed 
 or fet apart for the fervice of God. So he who profaneth this day , doth tranfgrefs 
 both the Law of theGofpel and the Law of nature. 
 
 Secondly the Law of nature requireth that the time fet apart forthe fervice of God 
 be fufficicix for the folemn performance thereof , without hafting and hudling 
 up, like a dog upon the banks oi' NiIhs which lapps and runns at the dms time as if 
 God Almighty would be content with any thing , either with a grape or with a 
 beane , which was Cains errour. Jnte Ft'cim^ ftfrigus erit^Si mijfn in unzbrj. 
 But thatthe fame proportion of time is always ncceflary, or aUvayes fufficicnc or 
 ought allwayes to be imployed equally inthcfame office ,1 rind nothing in the Law 
 of nature. One time aud one condition may require more devotion than another 
 and different kinds of devotion as well as different degrees, as more Prayer, or more 
 thankfgiveing, or more iiumiliation,or more inftruction, or more adoration, or more 
 facramcnts , according to the various exigences oftimcsand places and perfon?. 
 Thirdly the Law of nature doth didate that the duties of the Lords day o leht 
 
 Sfffl2 '%0 
 
 \
 
 '77^ A Discourse of i he Szbhuth TOMEllI I 
 
 i^bepcrformcd vvithTudTgi^aviry , decency , Majeaie andlblcmnity , as is fi: for 
 
 the great God of heaven and earth. 2, Chron: 2. 5. the houfe Tchkh J build is great J'or 
 crmU our God above all Gods. And agreeably to the condition of the times and qua- 
 lity of the pcrfons. Thofe ornaments which are neceffary for the fervice of God, in 
 a creat Cathedral in times of peace and plenty, are not convenient for a rural oratory, 
 or in tit^"^5 of ^^"' ^"*^ '"'^'B^^"' f'^ijdome it jujiified of her Children. Upon this 
 confiderationthe moft of our Ceremonies do depend. 
 
 Fourthly the Law of nature doth didtatc that at fometimes, when we are more 
 fcnfible of Gods blcffings , we ought to offer up part of that which he hath given 
 ustohiso'.vn fervice, or to fupply the neceffities of our brethren for his fake, as wc 
 fee in the praftife oiCain and Abelfiom the beginning. I know not how thiscultome 
 of free oblations came to be almoft loft in our Church ^in point of pradtice,fincel do 
 not remember ai.y thing material that hath been obferved againfl it ; fo likewife the 
 Law of nature doth teach us that God is to be adored : Thou pah ivorpipthe Lord 
 thy God , and him only /halt thou ferve. And to me it feemeth very ftrange , that a 
 nun aiay frequent fonie Churches that boafl: of the name of Reformed, and yet hardly 
 tir.d any one adt of adoration in the publick fervice of God. As i( either the 
 erroneous adoration of the creatures had frighted us from the neceflfary adoraition 
 of the true God, cr as if God did not require corporeal Adoration, aswellas 
 fpi ritual. 
 
 So from the Law of nature I pafs over to the Evangelical Law , grounded upon, 
 the precept or authoritative example, either of Chrift our Saviour, or of his Apoftles, 
 or one or both of them, and fo received and believed by the Catholick Church. Now 
 the main influence , which the Evangelical Law hath upon the Lords day , is 
 double. Firft to appoint this day for a weekly Feftival throughout the Church of 
 Chrifi: , which honour Saturday cr the Seventh day had obteined formerly in the 
 Jewifli Church. Secondly to point out the proper offices and duties of thisday,being 
 generally and indefinitely conlidered, according to the example or pradtice ofChrill 
 or his Apoftles , upon the firft day of the week recorded in Holy Scripture, 
 that is. Prayers and thankfgiveings , and fermons and Sacraments, andworkesof 
 piety and charity. Thus far as to the appointment of the [day , and the duties of it 
 in general. Thefirltdayof the week, orthe Lords day is of Evangelical, that 
 is, divine Right. 
 
 But for the circumftances of the time and place and ceremonies and forms, the 
 Gofpel hath ordered little or nothing. Thefe depend upon the Law of nature 
 C which implyeth divine right , as well as the Ecclefiaflical Law , fo far as the dic- 
 tates thereof do goe) And the Ecelefiaflical Lawes of the Church, and the civil lawes 
 of the Commonwealth , which two laft fort of Lawes being capableof inlargmtnt 
 and contradiction, of dipenfation and abrogation , may make that adt upon the 
 Lords day to be ncccfTary or Lawful, or unlawful refpeftively , in one time or at 
 one place, which is notfo neceffary, or lawful , or unlawful refpedtivelyin another 
 time , or at another place. The beft ground that a devout Chrifiian can go upon, 
 to know what the Law ofnature and the Evangelical Law do prefcribe , as necef- 
 fary for the right obfervation of the Lords day, is the pradice of the primitive un- 
 corrupted Church , and the examples of devout and difcreet Chriflians. Now 
 after what manner the primitiveChriftans did celebrate theLords day, we can not have 
 a better wittnefs then Juflin Martyr^ namely in afTembling and reading the Holy 
 Scriptures, and preaching and hearing and meditating , and praying, and thankt- 
 giveing &c: and charitable collections for the poor according to every mans Ability, 
 which the Bifhop diflributed to orphans and widdows &c ; which place of JujUn 
 Martyr may ferve as an authentick expofifion of St, Fatds collcdion for the 
 Saints. I. Cor: 16. 1. 
 
 So from the Law ofnature and the Evangelical Law,I pafTe to thepofitive Lawes 
 of God, comprehended in the old Teftament concerning the Sabbath. But for thefe 
 I 1 ave declared my felfe fufHcientiy that tlicy bind no Chriftians further than ihext 
 is a natural equitie in them r which is not their binding but theLaw ot natures) 
 or further than they are authorifedby the Gofpel, or at mod beyond the cxemplaiitjr
 
 Discourse [ hnd the Lords da y o^ , 
 
 of them. Tliat we who are Chriliians, fRould not come Ihort ot Jetfu^oi any other 
 Religion, in perfoiming thofe moral duties which we owe to God. As for typ.cal 
 and ceremonial duties, they oblige not Chrifiians at ail , being neither impofed, nor 
 intended ever to be impofed upon them. Thus the great quertion of the Sabbath 
 which fomc have made the fame ufe of; that the Ivy doth of the Oak, to climb up by 
 it them(elves, fallcth to the ground. 
 
 Laftly,for humane Laws, either civil or Eccleliaftical , which concern the Lords 
 day, fo far as they do not difagrce with the Evangelical La w,or the Law of Nature, 
 they have power to bind the confcienccs of Chriftians, not from themfelves, that is' 
 from humane authority, which hath no power over the confcience,but in themfelves' 
 that is, by virtue of the Law of God, which commandeth every foul to befubjeii to the 
 higher pomrs; and howfoevcr the cafe is miftaken , the moll of thofe controverfies 
 which wehavc aboutthe Lords day,forthe lawfulnefsor unlawfulnefs of tbisorthat 
 Labour, or this or that Recreation, do depend upon humane Law, which doth vary 
 according to the divers exigencies of times and places. There is little to be found, 
 either in the Law of Nature, or in the Evangelical Law , whereupon to ground the 
 decifion of fach Queftions. But this is the humour of the timcs,to ferve up every pet- 
 ty controverfie to a Fundamental point of Religion, whereupon falvation and dam- 
 nation doth depend. 
 
 Thus we have feen this great controverfie reduced to a very narrow compaflco 
 That as the right of the day is divine and unchangeable, fo the manner offandtifying 
 it ("excepting fome uncontro verted generalities) is humane and changeable , fo as no 
 change be made,but by fuch as are rightly qualified to make iti and fo,as in the change 
 nothing be taken away, which is commanded by the Law of Nature, or the Evange- 
 lical Law. And on the other lide,nothingbc introduced whichis forbidden by the 
 Law of Nature, or the Evangelical Law. 
 
 And fo you have my judgment of the Sabbath and the Lords day, clearly anddi- 
 ftindly, without cither afFe<5ion or animofity. Neither have I feen any thing obje- 
 dedagainfl it, with any colour of reafon , out of the Doiftrine or pra<a:ice of the „ ^. 
 Church of EKg/W,butonly that which is aliedged out of our Homily of the time ^i n-^^' 
 and place of Prayeri to which authority,! for my part do readily fubmit,fo faras lam ^''J^y""^ 
 bound by the 35th. Article of our Church , Ihefecond tome of Homilies doth contain *^* "■( . 
 godly and healthful DoSrine^ and necejfary for thefe times. Although I cannot fee how *^\ j 
 this atteftation, or indefinite afrcrtion,doth either authorife or oblige me, or any ge- '^""j'*'""'' 
 nuine Son of the Church of England^ to defend every individual exprellion, or mirta- 
 ken dedudiion, which may be contained in that whole Tome v yet I have no need to 
 make ufe of that advantage. For in very dced.the whole Homily being duly weigh- 
 ed, doth agree wholly and throughout with thofe conclufions , which I have laid 
 down in this Difcoutfe. 
 
 The ends, why the words of this Homily arc urged, are two", Firft, to fhew that 
 the Fourth Commandment of the Decalogue, doth oblige all Chriliians to the obfer- 
 vation and fanftification of the Lords day, not onely equitably or exemplarily , be- 
 caufe Chriftians ought not tocome fhort of Jen>s , in the performance of moral Du- 
 ties, T which fenfe I have already admitted) but legally and prcceptively. The right 
 words of theHomilyCfor they are varioufly cited)are thefe. [As concerning the time 
 in which Almighty God hath appointed his people to affemble together foIemnly,it 
 doth appear by the Fourth Commandment of Godi Remember, faith God, ] j/^jt 
 thou keep holy the Sabbath day. And a litleafter, in the fame Homily, [We-murt bc'carc- 
 full to keep the Chriffian Sabbath day, that is, the Sunday, not onely for that it is 
 Gods exprefs Commandment, but alfo to declare our fclvcs to be loving chi!dicn,e5^c. 
 Thus it may plainly appear, that Gods Will and Commandment was to have a 
 folcmn timeand fknding day in the week,whercin the people (hall come together. J 
 Thefe Phrafei, Gods Will, Gods appointment, Gods Commandm.cnr, Gods exprefs 
 Commandment, dofeem to imply, not onely an equitable, but a legal obligation. 
 
 lanfwer let the words implie what they can , and let all be admitted which can 
 f ollibly be inferred from them , yet they come as much fhort of tliat which ouj;ht 
 to be proved , as there is dirtance between them and us in this controverfy. The 
 words of the fourth commandementmay be conisdcrcd tv/o wiycs either as they arc
 
 9^" 
 
 -» 
 
 // Difantrfc <i the Sabbath TOME IIH 
 
 u p 
 true 
 
 lit ol the MoUital Law and Jcwilh decalogue, and in this fcnfc it is undeniably 
 ..V.J that they arc abrogated , at the pallion ot Chrilt , when he cried. Jtiffini- 
 Oicd. And accordingly that Apofiolical college did acquit the Chriflian gentiles tor 
 cvcr'tVoiTi all ncccfTaiy obligation,not onciy to the words of the Fourth Conimande- 
 mcnt.but to the wiiulc Molaical Law. Afl: 15.24. And in thisfcnfe they arc now no 
 commanJctncnt ot God to Chriftians. Or the words of the fourth Coinmandc- 
 ment may be conlldercd according to the moral and fubftantial part of them, that is, 
 lofar as and no further , tlian they comprehend within them the exprcfs didtatcof 
 the Law of nature, that fome time is to be fct apart , as a time of relt for the fo- 
 lemne fervice of God , and in this fcnfc , and fo far , and no further the words of 
 iheFouithCommandcment areaLaw to Chrit^ians. The Law of nature compre- 
 hended in the Fourth commandement faith,thou (halt fet a part a time of folerone 
 rcll for thepiiblick fervice of God. The Evangelical Law faith this time fhall be up- 
 on the tirlt day ot the wcck,aiid fliall be fpcnr in fuch and fuch holy cxercife. The juft 
 Lawes of our lawiul fupcriors civil and Ecclelianical do go yet farther, as tothc place 
 and duration of time and manner of fandification. He who (hall negleft this duty 
 at this time, in this place, after this manner is not only a tranfgreflbr of human 
 Law, but of divine Law, df the Evangelical Law and of the Law of nature com- 
 prehLndcd in the Fourth Commandement. 
 
 This clearc and manifelt fenfe of the words of the Homily is fet down cxprefly 
 in the Homily it fclfc. Albeitthis (Fourth) Commandement of God doth not bind 
 ChrilVian people too (trcitly to obferve and keep the utter external Ceremonies of 
 the Sabbath day,as it was given to the Jcws,as touching the forbearing of work and 
 labour in time of great neccffity , and astouching the precife keeping of the feventh 
 day after the manner of the Jews (gr we keep now the rtrft day, which is the Sun- 
 day, and make that our Sabbath that is our day ofreft,in honour of our Saviour 
 Chrift , who as upon that day rofe from death , conquering the fame moft tri- 
 umphantly, yet notwith(^anding whatfoevcr is found in the commandement appcr- 
 teining to the Law of nature ,as a thing moft godly , moft juft and needful for the 
 fetting forth of Gods glory , it ought to be reteined and kept of all good- 
 Chriftian people . Here needcth no glolTCjUOthing can be more exprefs than the 
 homily itfelfe,that the Fourth commandement dothnot bind Chriftians overftreitly. 
 2. not to the external ceremonies of the fabbath. 3. not as it was given to the jews. 
 4. not as to the rigorous part of it , to forbcare all work. 5. not as to the time, the 
 rirftday of the week being juftly fubftituted by Chriftians for the Seventh, d, not as to 
 the endiourend is to honour the refurredlion ofChrift.y. and laftly tofpeak one for 
 all the Fourth commandement obligeth Chriftians no further than that part ofit 
 which appcrteineth to the Law of nature, who ever yet denyed that it obligeth (b 
 far .'' All men acknowledge that the Law of nature is immutable,indifpcnfable 
 inabrogable , except a few paradoxical innovators , who underftand not what the. 
 Law of nature is. Thus in the place ofan objcdtion out of the Homily, we have 
 tound a moft fingular firmament of our cau(e. 
 
 The fecond reafon why this Homily is cited , is to ihew that the whole Sabbath 
 day of the 24. hours ought to be imployed by Chriftians in the adlual fervice of God 
 without any liberty of working, or recreating thcmfelvcs,by vertuc of this comman- 
 dement. The very words alleged arcthefe. [ even fo God hath given expreffc 
 charge to all men, that upon the Sabbath day, which is now our Sunday , they 
 (houid ceafefrom all weekly and work-day labour, to the intent that like as God 
 himfelfc wrought fix daycs and refted the Seventh and blefTed and Sandifyed it, and 
 confecrated it to quictnefs and reft from labour , even (b we, as obedient people 
 fhould ufe the Sunday Holily , and reft from common and daily bu()iicfs,and alfo, 
 give our felves wholy to heavenly exercifcs of Gods true religion and fervice .1 
 1 anfwer firft , that ftill they halt upon the fame fore. Chriftiansare not obliged 
 2t a'l by the Fourth commandement to any duty, as it is a Mofaical Law, but as it 
 comprchendctha branch of theLaw of natnre in it. Secondly that this Law of na- 
 ture doth not extend it felfe cxprefly to any day, either natural or artificial, but 
 oncly to a fufficicnt time. W'hatfoevcr is more then this proceedcth cither from the 
 
 EvargclicalLaw, or from hi mane Law. Thirdly I anfwer that tliis a^crtion which 
 t the
 
 DISCOURSE I, And herds Day p2 2 
 
 they would ground upon the Homily, is diametrically oppofue to the main (cope ot 
 the Homily, which declareth exprefly, that the Seventh day, or Sabbath day, ot'the 
 Fourth Commandment, is quite taken away, and another day Cthat is, the Hrd day] 
 put in the place thereof. That the (Iridl obligation to the external ceremonies of the 
 Sabbath, is quite ceafed, and that the rigorous exadion of a corporal reft , from all 
 neceffary works, during the whole Lords day', efpecially after the folemn Offices of 
 the day are performed, is likewife ceafed. And if from all works,much more thcex- 
 adion of a rigorous reft from lawful recreations, which were ever efteemed an infc- 
 rioiir part ot the Sabbaths reft, and are noway incompatible with it, but when the/ 
 become immoderate, and hinder the Duties of the day. 
 
 Fourthly, waving all thefe advantages, I anfwer, that it is one thing [to give our 
 felves wholly to the fervice of God] which the Homily requireth , or rather, which 
 the Law of Nature requires,that when we come to dratv water xpith joy out of the reells 
 vffilvatiJH, Ifa. i2. 3. we fhould leave all fordid thoughts,all vindictive and vagrant 
 defires behind us, as the Serpent leaves her poifon in her Den , when (he goes to the 
 Fountains and it is another thing , to oblige all Chriftians to fpend the whole natu- 
 ral day in the folemn and adtual woiftiip of God, which no Law of Nature or Na- 
 tions, Divine or Humane, did ever require , and that by virtue of a Jewifb Law, 
 which was long fince abrogated. The Homily (aith nothing to this purpofe , but 
 defcribing the uttermoft obligation of the Law of Nature, it concludeth thus, [And 
 therefore by this Commandment Cthat is, by the moral part of this Commandment, 
 •which is a branch of the Law of Nature) we ought to have a time, as one day in the 
 week, wherein we ought to reft, yea , from our lawful and needful works.] Theex- 
 prefs di<Sateof the Law of Nature is j/«jj!c««t time, no more: As one day hi the 
 jpffi^, isthe Authours inftance, as conlentaneous tothe Law of Nature, not di<3"a- 
 ted exprefly by the Law of Nature. If the Law of Nature had limited us exprefly 
 to one day in the week, it had been improperly faid [as one day in the weeji] by 
 way of fingle and voluntary inftance. If the Law of Nature had prefcribed one 
 whole natural day, he fliould have faid , during which, or throughout which we 
 ought to reft, not [wherein we ought to reft. It is needlefs to infift longer upon 
 thisfubjed, feeingthe greateft Champions of the adverfe party do acknowlcdge,that 
 the Lawof Nature prefcribeth no fuch thing as one whole day in the week. 
 
 Let usfuppofe, what we may never admit, that this Jeveifh Law , Remember thou 
 k^ep holy the Sabbath day, had been an univcrfalLaw given toall mankind , and that 
 it had not been abrogated by the death of Chrift, yet being an affirmative precept, it 
 binds femper, but not adfemper, always, but not to the aftual cxercife of our devoti- 
 ons at all times, if a man joyn devoutly with the Church in the publick Service of 
 God, and tune and prepare himfelf before hand for that one necclTary work , and 
 watch over himfelf the reft of the day , that he do nothing unworthy of Gods fer- 
 vant; And Laftly, if behave an implicite defire upon all opportunities to advance 
 the glory of God, if he eat, and drink, and fleep, and recreate himfelf moderately to 
 this end, to inable himfelf to ferveGod the better, and fo do incorporate and inter- 
 weave fuch religious thoughts and ejaculations, amongft his natural, moral and even 
 fecular imploimcntsffo they be lawful and needful, not fervile, mercenary or fordid^ 
 he makes his common actions to become works of piety , and fit exercifes even for 
 Holy days. 
 
 So the Homily and I agree throughout. The Homily denieth not the Lords day 
 the name ofSabbath, no more do I. The Homily finds no Law of the Sabbath in 
 Gen. 23. no more do I. The Homily finds no feventh days Sabbath before Mofes 
 his time, neither do I. The Homily gives no power to the Fourth Commandment, 
 as it was given to the Jews, to oblige Chriftians, but onely asit was, and fo far asit 
 was a Law ofNature, the fame do I. The Homily makes the firft day of the week 
 to fignifie the Lords day, fo do I. The Homily makes theend of changing the week- 
 ly Feftival of the Church, to have been in honour of Chrifts Refurredion, the like do 
 I. Laftly, the Homily derives the Lords day down from the afcenfion of Chtift im- 
 mediately, the fame do I. 
 
 To conclude, he who hallowcth the Lords day, as the weekly Feftival of Chrifti- 
 ans, doing fuch duties upon it, as Chrift aud his Apoftlesdid, which are recorded for 
 
 cur
 
 
 9^4- 
 
 A Discourse of the Sabbath TOME iTlI 
 
 ijur imiiation, and imitating the example ot aevout and difcreet Uinltians in the 
 obfcrvation ot it, fuch as lived in all Ages, before thefc controverllcs were raifed, and 
 fwcrving not from the juft Laws of the Church and Commonwealth where he li- 
 veth,hjth done whatfoever is rcquifitc to be done by a goodChriftian upon this day. 
 But if any man will fly higher, above this pattern and thisrule, out of free devotion, 
 without either Jereip or fuperftitious Fancies, or feeking to obtrudehis own princi- 
 ples or pradicc upon others, as neccfTary to be followed,! do not blame him, hcin- 
 clincth to the fafer extreme. 
 
 "Ihc Ccuclufwn concerning my Lord Frimate. M 
 
 StS: 1°. chrifiian Header, when I tirft handled this controvcrfie , I knew nothing at all of ™. 
 
 the prcfcnt occafion of it, neither did I dfcam that any of my Friends were engaged 
 in ir. Since, I find, that my learned and moft Reverend Metropolitan is concerned 
 indircdtly in it, I mean the late Lord Primate o( Armagh^andct whofe pious and mo- 
 derate Government, I lived fundry years a Bifhop in the Province oiVljier , whilcft 
 i-iic political part of the care of that Church did ly heavy upon my fhoulders,! praifc 
 God, vvc were like the candles in the Levitieal Temple , looking one towards ano- 
 ther, and all towards the Stemme. We had no contention among us,but who (hould 
 hate contention moft, and purfue the peace of the Church with fwiftell paces. And 
 ifthc high-foanngcounfcls of fome fliort-winged Chriftians , whofe eyes regarded 
 nothing but the prefentprey, with the rebellious pradices of the Jri/^ Enemy , tyed to- 
 gether like Sampfon'?, Foxes with Firebrands at their tails, had not thrart us away h 
 from tlic Stern, and chafed us from our Sees with Bellonas bloudy whip , wc might 'n] 
 before this tilne, without either perfecution or noife, have given a more welcome and 
 comfortable account of the 7r;/^ Church,than I fear one Age is likely to produce. And 
 if that pious Prelate were now living, I verily believe he would allow all , or at lead 
 not disapprove any thing which I fay in this Trcatifc. lie 
 
 Very lately, fince it was finifhcd, 1 received a Book out o( England, called [_ The \i 
 Judgment of the late Archbifhop of ^rwjg/;^ Among other things about the Sabbath, 
 and thcobfervationof the Lords day, publifhed out of the Primate's own Papers, by 
 my ancient Friend DeanBfrttard, out ofa pious intention T according to thediftates 
 of his own reafon^ to have fupprefTcd fome fpreading controverlics, by the interpo 
 fition of my Lord Primate's authority. If I had been prcfent, I fhould have difTwa- M k\ 
 ded him from it, out of thefc prudential confiderations. Firll, my Lord Primate is(| be 
 dead in the honourable efteem of all honeft men, both tor his Learning and Piety, 
 And on the one fide, as it is an uncomely thing for any man, who refts unfarisfied 
 with what is urged as his Judgment, to contend with a Pcrfon of his Eminency af- 
 ter his death (which (hould make Friends wary in publifliing Pofthumous Works , 
 he who is ftcured from taking blows , ought not to give blows.^ So on the other 
 fide, it is an cxpofing of his juflly acquired honour, to the hazard ofa diminution. 
 Wc fee the Church oiRome are wifer in their Generation , who do not bring forth 
 the Relicksofthcirmoft eftcemcd Saints in a publick procellion , to obtain rain, or - 
 fair weather, or peace, or the like blcfling, until they fee a great probability of it, and 
 fome evident propeniion in the Heavens, or in the counfels of men , to the granting ^ k 
 of their dcfires. If there had been a mgral certainty, that my Lord Primate's autho- m b 
 rity thus delivered, would have proved Vikc the diAitcs oi^ Pythagoras among his" 
 Scholars, an infallible means to procure an univerfal fubmiliion, Ilhould have appro- 
 ved this ad as prudential, but I find no fuch certainty, nor fo much as any probabi- 
 lity ofit. 
 
 For in the Second place,whowiIl give any great regard to pieces of letters, whcr&! 
 they cannot view the cohcrcnce,nor compare that which is alledgcd with the Ante- 
 cedents and confequents? Ihave known an objedion urged for a conclufion ,and „, 
 that which was fpokcn in the perfon of another, mifiaken for the authors own judg- ^ k 
 ment. But fuppofe here were no Fragments, but intire letters or difcourfes fas I do 
 not doubt but they arc , where they are publiflied for fuch jyetmen do not ufe to 
 weigh their words fo exadly in private letters, as in thofe treatifes which they dc- 
 ligne for the PrclTes; and yet further in private letters which are not intended for -• 
 publick view men take a great liberty to complie with thofc i to whornthey.^ ,„ 
 write, efpecially they whofe natures are averfc from perfonal altercations, as' mfJ| Ijj; 
 
 Lor^ 
 
 < 
 
 iiC 
 
 la
 
 DiscouRsa I. and Lords Day. 
 
 Lord Piimate vvas,whcrehe did not apprehend himlelf tohave been much provokedT" 
 There is neither obligation nor difcretion, for a man alwayes to publifhhis mind 
 in a private letter. 
 
 Thirdly, here arc diverfc things publidied , which lam confident my Lord Pri- 
 mate would not have had publiflied , as ( to omit thofe needlefTe exafperations of 
 Dr. HeyUn ) that twitch, which is given to the Learned and judicious Btlhop of 
 Winchelter, Dr. y^M^rewf/ ,fecond to no man, if he had an equal in his laft Age 
 without any great reafon . Pag 135. And that affront done to Dr. Wlyite the 
 Reverend Bidiop ofE/y. Pag : p8. And that undeferved check given to M. Mead 
 Pag; 78. That the immediate Seventh day, before the Sabbath appointed by God 
 upon the fall of manna, was not obferved as a Sabbath ( as it ought to have been, if 
 they obferved any Sabbaths before that time) is very demonftrable out of the Holy 
 Scripture. 
 
 Fourthly and laftly I find fevcral glances in this book in fundry places againftlatc 
 innovations, as if the Bifhopsand their partieshad brought in fome great innova- 
 tions. In the name of God what are they .? Is bowing at the name of Jefusan in- 
 novation ? becaufe my Lord Primate , though he did not cenfure it yet withftood 
 the putting of it into the Canons of Ireland . P. 132. A ftrange innovation indeed, 
 .which is as ancient asthe gofpel,and fo univerfal that all the Churches of the world 
 £j|f , Weft, North & South do praiitice it , except three or four petty Churches of late 
 dayes. Neither do thofe few oppofc it,but acknowledge it to be[^a pious civilitylThc 
 i8ch Canon of our Church doth prove it to be no innovation, which eftabliflieth 
 it upon two great grounds, reafon and cuftome. Or is the innocent name of an 
 Altar which all the Primitive Church uled without any fcruple, or the placing it at 
 the Ejft end of the quire , or the bowing towards the Eaft, when we enter into the 
 quire an innovation ? it is juft fuch another innovation for antiquity and univerfality. 
 Such an innovation as myLord primate himfelf was bound to obferve, by the ancient 
 Statute of that Cathedral Church in Ireland, whereof he was a member , before he 
 was either ArchBifhop or Bi(hop,and 1 believe byjhis folemne 01th alfo. They who 
 accufe us of innovations may do well to be fparing for their own fakes, left they get 
 fuch an account as is not anfwerable butby the fword,asAlexander undidthe gordian 
 knot. We are no innovitors,buf they who accufe us of innovations ,are both innova- 
 toars and Veterators. But fuppofeing every thing conteined in this book ,had been 
 the certain and deliberate judgment of my Lord Primate, I fee but three things 
 throughout it which have any fhew of a material difference between him and me ia 
 this queftion. The firft is conteined. p; 78. in a letter to Di.trvijfe. [And the Text, 
 Gen : 2. 3. ( as you well note ) is fo clear for the ancient inftitution of the Sabbath , 
 and fo fully vindicated by Dr. Kivet from the exceptions of Go»?jr«f , that I fee no 
 reafon in the Earth, why any man fliould make doubt thereof.^ Firft, I apprehend 
 thefe words to be at firft none of my Lord Primate's but Dr. Ttvijje's words in a 
 former !etter,onely repeated by myLordPrimate and allowed. This appcareth evi- 
 dently by the parentheiis \_ As you well note] which may be referred to the whole 
 fcntence , butmuft be referred to (bme part of it. Howfoever if thefe words were 
 all my Lord Primates , yet here is no contradition between him and me. He feeth 
 no reafon to doubt on the one fide, and others fee no reafon in the Earth to doubt 
 on the other fide. Neither part define a,ny thing, neither part deliver their own 
 votes. There is butadumb ftiew of a contradiction at the moft: And tlioughwcdid 
 both declare our felvcs pofitively and contradictorily , yet it is nothing to the 
 prefent controverfy about theLords day. If Gen : 2. 3. were a Law for thc7. day, 
 then I am certain it is no Law for the firft day now: whether there be cau(c of 
 doubting let the Reader judge, by what I have faid tormerly in this Treatife upon 
 thisfubjed, to which much more might be addcdjf it were needtul. 
 
 The fecond and third appearances of difference between my Lod Primste and me 
 are conteined in the claufe of a letter toMr.Lfy, pag: 105 in thefe words[Formy 
 own part, I never yet doubted, but took it for granted , that as the fetting offome 
 whole day a part for Gods folemn worfliip was Juris divini «jfKra/k,fotliat this fo- 
 * lemnday (hoald beone in fevcn, was J^wri; ^<vm/ /'■'ii</:'i recorded in the fourth 
 Commindemsnt. And fuch a hf divinum fofuivnhatlmcin, as Baptifme and 
 
 T « 1 1 r tiK 
 
 P3^
 
 Di [course of the Sabbath T O M K 1 I 11 
 
 "the Lords Supper are crtabliflicciby,both which ly not in the power of any man 
 or An-cl to change or alter ] Wlua the commillion for knighting many came forth, 
 a friend of mine, a commillioncr, fliewcd me a claufe in rhe (htutf; which 
 brought mc with in the compafTc of the Law, but at the fame time he held his 
 thumb over an other claufe, which acquitted me. No man is obliged to anfwer 
 to findc daufcs, when there may be another claufe concealed, which would explaine 
 (11- aniwcr that wliichis alledgcd. It is not material whether wedoubt or doubt not, 
 but ctrtcinly there is great caufc to doubt of the truth of this propofition , that the 
 iaw of nature doth didatc the fcttingoutof a whole day to Gods folcmnefcrvice; 
 change a whole day into afufficicnt time , and there is no doubt at all. Neither is 
 it material at all, what a difputant taketh for a granted , but what he can prove, or 
 thedefcndent will grant. I dare fay no leained adverfary will grant any fuch thing. 
 But <'rant or not grant it, if we diftinguifh the lawof natureas we ought, and as 
 it is already done in this treatife,thcrc is no difference at all between my Lord Primate 
 and me in this point. The law of nature is fometimes taken properly and ftridlly 
 for the principles of moral honcftie, didtated expreffly to all intclleiftual creatures by 
 natural rcafon, and in this fenfe thefctting out a fufficient time for Gods folemne wor- 
 fljip is Juris DivininatuTalis , a principle of law of nature, but fo is not the fetting 
 out a whole day for Gods folemne worfliip. At other times the Law of nature is 
 taken more largely , fo as to comprehend not only fnch exprcfs principles of mora! 
 honefly as nature didlatcth to all intclle(iVual creatures, but alfo fuch conclufions as 
 are confentaneous and agreeable to thofe principles. And in this fenfe it is true 
 that the fetting apart a whole day for Gods worfhip is Jur'vs Vhini mtnralis or dic- 
 tated by reafon to all infellectiial creatures, to be agreeable and confenteneous to 
 the principles of moral honefiy. The Caw of nature doth prefvribe that a fufficient 
 time be fet apart for Gods fervice ; and whatfoever time be fet apart , more or lefs, 
 foicbe fufficient,it is agreable to this Law , and made in purfuance of it: fothis 
 contradiction is vanifhed. 
 
 The third difference hath lefs ground than the fecond: for I my felf do readily 
 acknowledge that the fetting apart one day in feven for the folemne worfliip of God 
 was Juris divini pofitivi^ a branch of divine Law. And that this Law was not 
 changeable by man or Angel , which is all that my Lord Primate faith. But it was 
 both changeable and actually changed by the i'ame divine authcrity that Hrftgave 
 it ; and though it was changed from one feventh day to ?.n other, yet this was not 
 by vertue of the fourth Commandement an old Mofaical Law , which fo far as it 
 was Mofaical isabrogated, but by vertueofa new Evangelical Law, as hath 
 beeft declared. 
 
 It is true, that in the firft convocation after the Earle oiStraff^rds coming to the 
 Sword in Ireland , the queftion was calmly debated \v. thehoufcof the Bifhops con- 
 cerning the Englifh and Irifh Articles, whether (;f them were fitter in point of 
 uncontrovcrted truth, and unity and uniformity , and prudential complyance with 
 tender confciences,to be impofed upon the Irifh clergy. This was done before it 
 was oncemoved in thehoufcof the clerks. All which being acted in an other aP- 
 femblv,might well be unknowne to the Deane. Neither was it firll propofcd by my 
 Lord Primate , but in truth oppofed by him , and with him joyncd Dr. Mjr/i«Bi- 
 fliop o^Meath , not out of any difaffcction in either of them to the Englifli Articles as 
 I judge , but out of love to the Irifh. The truth or untruth wherccf were not fo 
 much as qucftioned then, but the authority , whether of them fhould be ac- 
 linowledged for the future, to be the Articles of the Church of Ireland, And the pub- 
 lick Standard and feale of our Irifli doctrine. 
 
 There were no thoughts of two difiinct ftandards atthattimc. And if any Bi- 
 fnop had been known to have required any man to fiibfcribe to the Irifh Articles , 
 after the Englifh were received and authorifed under the great feale of Ireland, he 
 would have been called to an account for it. 
 
 I donot remember any more but two, that fpake in favour of the Irifli Articles 
 at that time.- If there were any , they were very few, and did it very faintly. As 
 for Dr. Bedall Bifhop of Killmore,I did not take him to be fo much a friend to the Irifh 
 Articles, though he did ufe them , and mult have ufcd them at that Irme when the 
 
 Deane
 
 Discourse I, And Lords Day 9:^17 
 
 Deanc faith he examined Mr. Price in the Irifh Articles : for then they were in 
 force and authority. Then the Englifh Articles were not yet introduced mto Ire- 
 land. And attcr a tuil and tree difcullion, it was refolved by the very much greater 
 part of the votes for the Articles of England. It is mcer mockery to cry up liberty 
 ijf confcience , and leave no liberty for opinions. To td\ in general truths (which 
 :io party can deny to be futficlent to falvation ) doth commonly produce unity. But 
 the particular determination of unneceffary controverted points is for the moft part 
 inconiilknt with it,and ifit be over fuddainly preffed , like ftrong medicines to a 
 body unprepared , it otten incrcafeth the malady. As men have more power over 
 their own adions, than over their own judgments, by fo much their pradifes are the 
 more proper objctfis of Lawcs, than their opinions. 
 
 No man can imagine, that thischange could be made without fome fortofrelu- 
 dation, on the part of fomeCvery few J Biniops,who perhaps had had anhand in fra- 
 ming the Irijh Articles, rather out of a tender refentment 'of the honour of their 
 Church, lert another Church Should fcem to gi-. e laws to them , than out of an opi- 
 nion of the nccellity of thofe Articles. But concluded it was,and a precedent found 
 of an ancient Synod at Cajhel, which decreed the conformity of the Irifh Churcli, to 
 the cuftoms of the Church oi England: and my Lord Primate himfelf being Prefident 
 of the Convocation, did fend for the Prolocutor of the Houfe ofthe Clerks, ai^ the 
 reft ofthe Clergy, and declare to them the Votesof the Biftiops , and move them to 
 afTent thereunto, whish they did accordingly. All which , the Ads and Reccrdes 
 of that Convocation do fufBciently teftitie. 
 
 I was the man, who acquainted the Earl oi Stra-fferd with wh»t the Convocation 
 had done, which he thankfully accepted, and readily ratified. Neither do I remem- 
 ber, that his Lordlhip had any further hand in the change of the Articles, yet was I 
 the onely man imployed from him to the Convocation , and &om the Convocation 
 to him. 
 
 Here was no ground for an (^aching truth^ in my Lord Primate , againft the Earl 
 of ^rrjjfyr^, upon this occafion. Whofoever vented that malicious llander out of 
 Ireland, deferved a whetftone for his labour , unlefs he knew more than either the 
 Earl oi Strafford himCelfj or any of his Friends ever fufpeded. But neither was the 
 Noble Earl fo dull-lighted, as not to fee light through a Mllftone,as well as that In- 
 forttier, if there had been an hole in the middeft of it i neither was the good Primate 
 of fuch a vindiAivedifpofition (vindidive is too low an expre/Iion , I might more 
 aptly call it Diabolical) as to write difcontents in Marble , and like another Haman, 
 togive bloudycounfel uponprirate difgufts. I dare fay , if the Reverend Dodtout 
 to whom this Information was given, had known the Lord Primate , and his dove- 
 like fimplicity, how (Tow he was to take offence , and how ready to forgive and for- 
 get, as well as I did, he would himfelf throw the rirftftone at that Informer, who, if 
 he lived in Ireland, could not chufc but fee what mutual and cordial refpedts pafled 
 daily between thofe two great Perfons, from the firft day cf their acquaintance to 
 the laft. 
 
 On the one fide, witnefs all thofe conftant and continual Offices, which my Lord 
 Primate did perform with cheerfalnefs to the St3.te oi Ireland , during the Earl of 
 Strafford\ Government, and to the Earl himfelf, in order to the King's fervice , in 
 the Pulpit, in the Parliament, in the Convocation, at the Coancil- Table, in the Star- 
 chamber, in the High Commillion. And on the other fide, witnefs the Regal Vifi- 
 tat ion committed to my Lord Primate's Judge of the Faculties, tlie preterment of 
 his Brother-in-law, Mr, Hilton, without any Suit made,forIus fake, to be a Baron of 
 the Exchequer. The naming of himfelf^ before all the Peers ofthe Kingdom, to be 
 Godfather to his Child Cno (uch fmall obligation in JreUnd.) The procuring of the 
 Kini?,s Warrant for him and his Succeffours, Archbilhop oi Arnngh , to take place of 
 the Lord Chancellour oi Ireland, for the time being, in conform. ity to the cultoinc of 
 E-.U'hnd. Andlaflly, which weigheth more with mc than all the reft , the chuling 
 him tobe his Ghollly Father, and Spiritual Advifcr, at his Death, and his receiving 
 Ab.olution.and the Holy Sacrament ofthe Body and Bloudof Chriil from hishands, 
 when he had Chaplains of his own in the City, doth convince me, and all ingenuous 
 perfons, that there was no dilTatisfaftion ofeither party agiinft the other. 
 
 Ttttta If
 
 'o->S A Discourse «///jtf Sabbath TOMEIIII 
 
 It the honour m a third perfon was not concerned m it deeply, 1 could add fcrric- 
 thing more of what palTcd between them two at that time , whikit my Lord PrH 
 mate was Jittinghim for Eternity; and like a light in a Watch-Tower, ftewing hira^ 
 the dangers which were in thcmouth ot theHarbcur, and pointing him rut the rea- 
 dy way into the Armsof his Saviour, to evidence to the world the great care of the 
 one and the great oblcrvar.ce of the other, and the mutual love otihcmbotl;^ ior it 
 paffed not under the Seal of confellion, and 1 had it frcm my Lord Primate himfclfl 
 
 Yet, although I durll upon the hazard of my own life , scquit my toid Primate 
 tfom any fuch vindidtivc defign , as hath been imputed to him , ytt knowing the 
 Iweetncfs and facility of his nature, how irkfornc all downright contradidlion was 
 imto him, and what influence the very nam.e of [ Thy friend BenhjcJjd ^ had upon 
 ibmc of his lefs deliberate adlions , I cannot exempt him from all furprife at all 
 times, norconcurring unwittingly to accomplifh the more politick devices of fuch 
 perfons as wanted his iincerity. God had given him more of the innocence of 
 thcdovc, than of the prudenceof the ferpent. And from this fource his fevere 
 cenfureofDr. Hey Iht ^it he was not otherwife provoked , feemeth tome to liave 
 proceeded , in a matter, if I judge aright , not altogether ,fo pertinent to the true 
 controverfy about the Lords day. But that was private , and without doubt he 
 meant it no further. Men do often take liberty to whifper an exprellion in the 
 earc of a private friend , which they would not have cried publickly at the 
 Market- crofle. 
 
 How his letter came to be publiflied to the world, in private Ihave heard , and, 
 
 if my intelligence be right, as I firmly believe it is , the printing of that paflage hap-^ 
 
 pcned more by the advifers fault than the publifhers : howfbever it be , the plaintifTc 
 
 hath carved out his own reparation over feverely , and intimated to the world a 
 
 more crying crime againfi the innocent Primate than any errour in judgment canpof- 
 
 fibly amount unto > And which is no fmall aggravation of a mihntormation, after 
 
 the deceafc of the party accufed , whom , I dare fay , all men that know well, will 
 
 readily acquit without any long timeto deliberate upon it ,not only from the crime, 
 
 but from all fufpicion of it. I have a requelt to both the Antagonills, that they will 
 
 give over this controverfy, and feek for honour by more noble Atchievements ior at 
 
 Icaft that whatfoeverfcopc or liberty they taketothemfelvesoneagainlt another about 
 
 their other controverted points , they will fufTcr the aflics of this reverend prelate 
 
 to rel\ in cafe , who. was an honour to his native Countrcy , An ornament 
 
 to the Reformed Church , a' confcionablc preacher and an Exemplary patterne 
 
 ■ ' ofpietie. •' t - 
 
 TOME I V.
 
 TOME IV 
 
 DISCOURSE II, 
 
 SERMON 
 
 PREACHED IN 
 
 York-Minfter, 
 
 Before his Excellency the 
 
 M AROUESS 
 
 O F 
 
 NEW-CASTLE, 
 
 Being then ready to meet the 
 
 Scotch Army, 
 
 ^ublifl)eO tl)en Ijp fpecial Command 
 
 VI gy JOHN BRAMHALL DD. Lord Bifliop 
 
 of Perry- 
 
 PnntedFirftat YORK, i6^^. 
 Reprinted at DUBLIN, 1676.
 
 ?Jg( 62. 
 
 Vage 69, 
 
 AMoiig the piiblick Prayers of the Church o( Scotland^ in the time of their Perfc- 
 cutionby (.hcFrench-mm, Printed by 'thomm Bafiandine^i'^']'). Having acknow- 
 ledged their perjury, and breacli of Faith to England^ and that God did jullly puniih 
 thcni by that Nation, for whofc caufethey offended, and afterwards being delivered 
 from that bondage, by the help of the EngUJh, they give thanks in thefc words. 
 
 OLord,p(i»g vphen tve by our ownfotver rvere altogether unable to have freed out 
 fe Ives from the tyranny of Strangers, and from the bondage ofthraledome preten- 
 ded againji m, then of thine efpecialgoodnejs didji move the hearts ef our Neigh- 
 bours, ( of tvhcm rre had deferved }io fitch favour ) to taks ^f^ them the common burtloot 
 rvitii Hf^ and for our deliverance^ ttot dHely to fiend the lives of many ^ but alfo to hazard the 
 jhie and tranquility ij thdr Lam and Cummonvpealth. Grant unto us fl Lord^that tfith fucb 
 renrence rve may remtihber thy benefits received^that after this , in cur default, we fievff 
 enter into hojiility againji the Realm and Nation c/England; Suffer us never, Lord , to 
 fall to that ingratitude and detefiable unthankfklnefs, that rt>e fhai feek^the death and de{iru- 
 dion ofthofe, whom thotthafi made injlruments to deliver m from the tyranny of mereilefs 
 Strangtrs. 
 
 This folemn Confeffion is now forgotten, without any provocation on out parts, 
 or the lead alteration in Rcligjon^ «he,y inVade the children of their Deliverers, ShaU 
 not Cod fee it, and reqttire it. 
 
 -^. ..-• 
 
 OPv. 
 
 i 
 
 , I *'llllt
 
 TOM E~^i v: 
 
 DISCQU R SE ir. 
 
 2 S.m. lo. 12. Be of gogd courage^ and letui pby the mentor ourpopk, and for the Ci- 
 ties of oar God, and the Lord do that which jeemeth him good, 
 
 \nh Chapter containeth three parts , Davids Ambaflage, HjmkmV 
 iDifcourtelie , and David's Revenge. 7hen faid David , I n>tUJhea> y ^ 
 ki'idnejfe unto Eanun thefonne Nahajh, at his father (hewed kindmfjc ^^''J^^' 
 unto me. It was truly faid by Solomon ,Lot/e is \\rong as death. Cant. 
 ^ 8. 6. Gratitude is a branch that fprings from this root. It is not 
 3jburied in the grave.but defcends from the parents upon theirpofterity. 
 
 941 
 
 Non dijfecanda Jed dijjitenda eji amicitij^FticndMp ought not to be flafhedin funder,but 
 to be unttitchcd by degrees. But now what is become of this forgotten vertue> which 
 like the Phoenix is much talked of, but fcldome feen. Nothing growes aged fooner 
 than a good turne. Now the world hath taken out a new le(ron,by cancelling the 
 obligation to avoid thedebr,and by picking fome feigned quarrel,torob good dc'erts 
 oftheir due reward. Thisis now held the more compendious way for degentrous 
 fpirits, todifingage themfelves. The King oi'Jmmon did find no fuch meafure from 
 David : but the King oi Albion findes it from too many treacherous Zibas, to whom 
 both He and his Father have (hewed other manners of kindnefles , than Nahafh 
 did to David. 
 
 Hanntin was an Idolater , and more than that, an Ammonite , of whom the Law 
 faith, Deut. 23. 6. Ibou (halt nor feeJ^their peace ,n;r their profperity all thy dayi-sfor 
 ever. Difference in Religion difoblige no man from civill duties: Faith is to be kept 
 with an Heretick , and offices of humanity are due from a Jerc to an Ammonite. 
 
 Bat things well intended are not always rightly conftrued , Mj/j wfnj-, >«;»/«/ 
 animus. The Spider will extraftpoyfon out of the fweetert flowers. A fore eye will 
 be off:nded with the light of the Sunne. Notwithwithftanding all Htzek^j'^'s pieiv , 
 Rahjkal^eh will not fVick to fay that he hath pulled down the Altars of^ God, Ijiy 36^ 
 7. So here , Davids courtefie is traduced. The Princes of .<^m>M(;« fay to their, ^ 
 Lord , Think^li thou that David doth honour thy father? hath not David rather fent his '^^J'^ 5* 
 ferva-tts to jearch tht City, and to fpye it out. They fpake not altogether without reafon; 
 ambaffadours are often honourable fpiesv but in this cafe their llirpici on wasground- 
 leffc. You fee we are not the hrft Nation . whom needlefTe ]ealoufie< have undone, 
 or imaginary Fearcs have plunged into real dangers. Evill Counfl-llors who infufe 
 malignant notions into the eares of princes , are like thofe who poyfon a common 
 Fo:mtiin , whereof all the City doth drinke. On the other Hde, BkfTed is that 
 KiiigdoiTic, where the Kings friends are ^/fxj«<^er/ friends,where the fivourersof 
 the Common weahh, are the favourites of the prince i fuch may be truly"called,the 
 Harfemet? and Chariots of Ifrael, 2 King. 13. 54. But fuch were not thefe Princes of 
 Ammori. Evill counfel in the end proves worlt for them that give it. By feeking to 
 prevent David, they invite him to their own ruine. Thusthe will of God 
 is tulhlled ,even whil'll it is (hunned. Yet thefe evil Counfellors were not in nuhi- 
 bui . in the clouds, the fad was evident. If it were fufficient to accufe, who fhould 
 be inaocent ? The Wolves in the treaty with the (licep , defired that the Dogs 
 might be deftroyed , as Incendiaries and evill Counfellors, ( Cin youblame them.?^ 
 that tliey might range and worry at their pleafure. 
 
 Tic evill Counfellours fuffered julily: But Hmun wasnot innocent to tak^ Davids 
 fervmts , and (have off halfe their beards , and cut oftheir garments in the middle : That 
 is, to ftrip them of the two principal outward ornaments of a man , natural , 
 H»ire, the other artificial, Clothes. I find four grofTc errours in thispafTige. Firft, 
 againrt the light of nature , to puni(h upon a bare fuggetlion , without proole or 
 
 dif«
 
 9V 
 
 A Sermon before the TOME IIII. 
 
 .'ifcullion whereas in criminal caufcs the proofs ought tobe clearer than the noon- 
 liay-Iight.' Secondly, againli the Law of nations , to ufe Ambaffadours in that bar- 
 barous manner , whofe office is facred , and ought alwayes to protedl their perfons: 
 yctwc fee how Gods Arabafladours have often met with the fame entertainment. 
 Thirdly, agtinfl: the rule of policy , Firft to difgracc and provoke men of parts and 
 power, and then to difmifle them; which errour colUhc Sjwwuf j dear , when, 
 they had the 'Reman CoKfuls and Legiotis in their mercy , cooped upatCW;«w: 
 They did ncithcy difmiffe them honourably , to oblige the Romans , as they were 
 firft advifed , nor cut. them off every mothers fonne, to difable the Romans to rc- 
 veng , as they were advifed in the fccond place , but caufed them , after they had dif- 
 armed them , to pafle difgracefully under the yoke , and fo difmifTed them with re- 
 proach , which they revenged foone after with the ruine of the Samnites. Fourthly, 
 againft piety. By the Law, tome garments were proper to Lepers , Levit. 13, 45, 
 They were forbidden to round their heads ^or to mam the corners of their beards^ Lev, 
 19. 27. But the Ammonites thought to put a jeere upon the Jewifli Religion, even 
 as fomc of late have ludibrioufly abufed thofe holy Garments, and Bookes , and 
 VeffcUs, which we ufe in the fcrvice of God. The Ammonites found that it was not 
 good to jcft with edge tooles : profane Lucian was torn in pieces with dogs: and 
 the other will find , that God is a fevere avenger offuch impious fcoffcs. 
 
 Davids care of his fervants (hcwes , how Governours ought to proteft their In- 
 yerje 5. feriour and fubordinate Miniftcrs , in the execution of their commands, and to 
 
 preferve them) from contempt. 
 
 The Ammonites fee their errour when it was too late: there is no doubt, but even 
 
 Verfe 6. then upon fubmifton David would have remitted the injury i but their confcienccs 
 
 told them, the abufe was toogroflc and publicke to be forgotten. Wc fee by daily 
 
 experience, that confcience of guilt, and defperation offorgivcnefle, drive men into 
 
 courfes pernicious both to themlelves and ethers. 
 
 Therefore to fecure them{elves,the.<^>«ffzoMi<fjwage ^^000. Syrians, but in the dif- 
 
 Verfe 6, pofing of their men,this is worthy of obfervation, that they kept themfelves, near the 
 
 Verfe 8. gates,for a fure rctreatibut theSyrians they placed in the open field.It was never held 
 
 to be difcretlon in any Nation, to bring Armies of Forrei gners, whom they could 
 
 not regulate, into theif chief ftrcngths and holds.-witneffe the Mammertines in Mtjfana, 
 
 the Samns in Britaine. 
 
 But here they met with J oab , zn overmatch for them in the art of Ware, as he 
 (hewes by the ordering of his men, verfe p. By his provident fcrecaft, verfe 11, 
 Fear the worft , and the beft will alwayes fave itfelfe. And laftly, hy his gallantry 
 in my Text , Be of good courage , and let us play the men, for our people .,and for the cities 
 of our God , and the Lorddae that vehich feemeth him good. 
 
 In which words, 1 obferve foure parts; firft A brave exhortation,Bf of good courage. 
 Secondly , a magnanimous refolution , And let us play the men. Thirdly , A jull 
 reafon , For our people andfor the cities of our God. Fourthly. A pious fubmillion , 
 And the Lord doe that which feemeth him good. 
 
 It hath been ever the cuftomeof Generalls, before an ha7ardous Battel , to cheerc 
 up the hearts of their Souldersin a Pathetical oration, with arguments drawn from 
 the approved valour and vertue of themfelves or their anceftors , from the afTurcd 
 hope of rich fpoilcs , from the jufticc and piety of their caulc. So God commands., 
 Deut.20. So joab pradifeth in my Text, Be of good courage &c. 
 
 I cannot pafle in lilencc by the brotherly love of Joab and Abipai,vetCe 1 1. If the 
 
 Syrianshc too ftrong for me, thou (halt help me , and if the Ammonites be too ftrong 
 
 for thee , I will help thee. As when one foot trippes , the other is ready prefcntly 
 
 . to fuftain it. And herein my Text, By encouraging one another to play the men> 
 
 or rather to play the man, As it is faid of the Children oi Jfiael , that they went out 
 
 as one man, i Sam.i i. 7, That is, with one heart, and one foule, animated with the 
 
 fame defire of the publick good. The left hand doth not itand more in need oi^ the 
 
 right, than an army doth of the concord of ^its Commanders i Where I (be this 
 
 blelTcd fympathy , I cannot but cccho out that of the Pfalmill, Behold boTo g.ud and 
 
 joyfull a thing it is, brethren to dnell together inunity: for there the Lord hath promifed 
 
 his bUfling,and life for evermore. Pfal, 1^^. But where men are drawn intoadion 
 
 as a bcarc to the ftake , by force or feare ■■> where a little bale Plunder is preferred
 
 Discourse 1L Marquefscf Ncvvcaftlcr 
 
 ^"^'L?.r "i'' r '? DcCru^^^on and Dili.pa uo, ; The God othcaven and eanh 
 ev«rb!eire this Army trom ,r. And ifthere be any pcrfons within the found ofmy 
 voyce , who are confc.ous to thcmfel ves of fuch fmiffer refpcds.or of any other im- 
 
 Majc.ly by tnat love which tney owe to theirnative Country; to facrirtce tliem this 
 uay to the comn:ion Ca:ife, or at leafi with the Serpent to depolite them fo long, till 
 tins Army returnc againe m peace. ° 
 
 And the onely way to peace is C.«r^g., which yeeUs to no chances, is terrified 
 wun no danger^Et^ft tf!^ duat opes a;u,„umquej.n-r. There cannot be a worfecoun- 
 feilor then Fearc in time of danger. Fejlimus in dubiU angur timor. Fcarc caufed 
 Mojes to ftagger at Gods Commandement,Exa^. 3 „. Feare caufed Elias to fliefrom 
 tne woman.lh threatnings of Jefabel , i Kin, 19. 3. fearc caufed feur to deny his 
 Malier. Feare will metaraorpliore a held of Thirties into an army of men. Fcare will 
 caufeamantotrcmbleatthe/.W«/^y&^^,We^/e, Uv. 26. 36. As a man ftandine 
 upon the edge of feme lofty turret, or precipitious cragge, without any to pufh 
 him forward, even by looking downc, is in danger to tumble down h-ad-lone 
 through Feare , So aegenerous Feare betraies the fuccours of the foule. Therefore 
 when Gideons Army was to give the charge upon the Enemy, he caufed Proclamati- 
 on to be made in the Camp, w/w/J U timeroHS, let him depart; JvJr. 7. 3. The reafon 
 is given. Vent. 2o.8.1ealthis example make his fellow fouldicrs to^'^;;rit, But nothing 
 is difficult to Courage. In the land of Canaan there were Gia^t=, ro wbome the 
 Jfraelites being compared did feem but Graflioppers, yet laid C^U and Jofhua 
 Feare them not, they are breadforus. Num. 14.. 9. Bread which is eaten without any 
 labour or difficulty. When Saul was to be inaugurated . King by Samuel, he fee 
 nothing before him but a flioulder, i Sam. g. A meane di!h for a Royal entertain- 
 ment i fome have found out amyftery in it,C they mightbetter call it an allegory, ) 
 That as tke (boulder doth beare up the heart? fo the courage and fortitude of a\ing, 
 doth fuftaine the body politicke , fo to teach Governours hew they ought to beare' 
 the burthen of the Commonwealth. The ancient law of governing the Koman Army 
 was reduced to two heads ,Firrt, Nonfequi Secondly ,Nonf ulcere. Fir;i, not tomake 
 a ralh hazard without good gr. .und he that loveth danger fhall perifh in if. Second- • 
 ly, not to decline danger timeroully when it offers it felf, and cowardly to betray 
 a good caufc. Therefore as one faid that pronunciation was the hrlt, and fecond, 
 and third part of a good OratouriSo may I fay thatco«rjge is the hrrt',and fecond,' 
 and third part of a good commander. It is a (lander calf upon Religon, that it makes 
 men Cowards. The feare of God is the beff armour againft the fcare of man. Reli- 
 gion is the root of Courage, Heb. 11.33. By faith our fathers fubdiied Kingdomes, &c . 
 rt>axed valiant in fight , and turned to flight the Armies of aliens. Let the Heathens 
 bragge of their Pw« and C«r/H, that devoted their lives to death for the love of 
 their country. 
 
 Vicit amor patr't£, laudumqtte immenfa oupide. 
 We have our Mofes and'P<j«/,that deiired to be made Anathema's for their brethren 
 their Socrates drunke hispoifon cheerfully: Our Cyprian faid Ami^i to tlie fentence of 
 his own condemnation. Their Scevola burned his hand for miffikina, Torlenna. Wee 
 are able to name a catalogue of martyrs,who have kiffed the Ifake.CJng Hymns in the 
 middeft of the fire, v/ho have accounted their fufferings , Palmes-, t'leir punifhmcnts, 
 triumphs-, their infamy, glory i their Exile , their counrryj their bonds, their crowne; 
 their prifon, their paradifei their deathday, their birthday; So in Coj^rj^e we equall 
 them, intbecaufe we farre excell them ithis is good courage indeed. Some think to 
 exprclTe their courage by roat'ng 6cblafpheming over their cup;, by unfefonable du- 
 els and quarrells, by mutining againff their Commanders, by tyranniling over their 
 inferiours , by trampling under foot all Laws both of God and man ;this is fo farre 
 from good courage, thatit is rather an argument of co a-ardifc. True courage is fear- 
 full to offend God, hath a reverend regard of the Laws , is obedient to fiiperiours, 
 courteous to equalls, indulgent to inferiours, and evermore grounded upon agood 
 
 U u u u u caufe , 
 
 9\^
 
 944 
 
 A 5-fr;;/(;/7 before the T O M f' till 
 
 "ciiilc and accoinpnacd with chccrfulnefs and refolution, thai's my next point. A,:d 
 
 let U! play ih men. 
 
 A (Uaniic kind ot'pby, but the terrible face cf War is fpcrt to a Martial and ex- 
 perienced mind. As Job faith ot Ltiutha)U That he (fieemeth iron at jirarv , accvuntJ 
 darts as jhibble, and Ijughrth at the JhakJK^ cf the j^ear^ 2 Sd m. 2 . 14. Let the yourg mtH 
 arirea>tdplay before »r, a fatal skirmifli, where not one furvived. Virtue is derived a 
 viro from a man,(o the Phrafe is ufcd, i Sjit:.^. p. ye PhiUllines he firong , and 
 quit \oitr felves likf men.\n the fame Dialed, I>ji]d fpca'keth to Solomon, 1 King. 2.2. 
 Be thouftroHg, andfhew thy felf a nan, that is, of a mafculine viitue and Ipirir. A man 
 not a child, Va tern cujiu Ktx eji fuer, woe is that Province where the Governour is 
 a child, uncertain, mutable, without FcfoUition. El'hef. ^ 14. 7bat rve henceforth 
 be no more as children tofjed to and fro, &c. Fludtuating men without refolution , are 
 compared to children, who may be drawn any way with a fair word , or an apple. 
 Or to fhips lying at H«//, tojjed to and fro^ ftill changing pofturcs. Secoadly , a man, 
 not a woman without couiage and refolution. God provides flridly, Veut. 22. 5. 
 "J hat a man (Ijalhiat wear a womans garment , much lefs put on womanifli manners:. 
 There could be nothing more opprobrioully objeded than this, 
 Vos etenim juvenei ammos gerit'n muliebres, 
 lllaqtte virgo viri. 
 W hence was that braggc of a Lacedemonian woman,that they onely brought forth 
 men. Let us play the men. But the dntiEmphafis lies in this word «/, let us play. 
 It was Cefar^s honour, that his commands to his Souldiers were not Ite, Go ye, but 
 Venite, Come, let us go. It was Ahimelcch's charge to his Army , If^hat ye fee me do^ 
 do qitickfy, Judg, 9. 48. Vigna Cideonitarum genere fententia ^ afaying worthy of the 
 Son oi Gideon. The example of a Leader hath a ftrong influence upon his Follow- 
 ers. Obfcrve the words ot Vriah, 2 Sam. 1 1. 1 1. The Ar\, and Ifrael., and]ui3h, a- 
 hide in tints ^ and my Lord Joab i* encamped in the (pen Fields , AndfhM 1 go into mine 
 hojife to eat and drink/ my LWjoab, there is his pattern. It was debated among the 
 PhiIof(.phers, whether an Army of Lions having an Hart to be their Captain , or an 
 Army of Harts having a Lion to be their Captain, were the more confidcrable Army, 
 and it was determined , for the Army of Harts, having a Lion to rneir Governour. 
 Th'. greac wheel of a Clock fets all the little wheel; on going. h\Ahxaiider''s time, 
 all the hlacedonians were Souldiers. In Augujhis hi? Reign , all the good wits in 
 %ome were Poets. The example of a Leader draws iiis Followers, as the Loaddone 
 draws iron, or the Jctt draws chaffe. In a word, a vigi'ant and a refolute Comman- 
 der, is like a light in a Watch-tower , to dired his Con^r-ny to the fafe Harbour of 
 Vidory. But a negligent and cowardly Leader, is like Firesmade among the rocks, 
 brings his followers the ready way to ruinc and deftrudioni Therefore faith Joah^ 
 Let us flay the men. 
 
 But what is refolution without a good cairfc> Joab wanted not that, for our ^eop'e, 
 and for the cities of our God. For our people, that is, our wives, our children, our pa- 
 rents, our neighbours, our friends, our native Countrcy , and/or the cities of our God^ 
 that is, our Churches, our Religions So for our people , and for the cities of our God, is 
 pro arv & focii,(ot our altars and for our fires, for our Church and Commonwealth. 
 The very Heathens could teach us by the light of nature, that we are not born onely 
 for our felves, but partly for our parents, partly for our Countrey. Vlyfes preferred 
 the fmoakc o( Ithaca his Native Soil , before all thofe pleafant Regions that he had 
 fcen. 
 
 Nifcio qua natalefohim dulcedine cunUos 
 Vucit. 
 
 Whether it be by the inftind of nature, as beafis love their dens, birds their neflsv 
 or by civil inflitution, as having the fjme Laws, the fame Ceremonies, the fame Tem- 
 ples, the fame Markets, the fame Tribunals. It was the prayers of the Elders for 
 Boaz, Thatfcf might do tpnrthily in Ephntah, and be famous in Bethlehem, Ruth 4. 1 1. 
 that is, in his native Countrey. It was Ljiher'^s refolution for her Countreymen, Jft 
 peri(h, Iperifh. And Nehemiah, though for his own particular he was Cup- bearer to 
 a great King, yet his affcdions are ftill the fame to his Countrey , Whyfhnuld not my 
 countenanae be fad, when the city, the place ef my Fathers Sepulchres lieth rraiie , and the 
 
 gates
 
 Discourse II. M^rr/we/r t?/ Newcaftle. 941; 
 
 gates thereof an bunted mthfire, Nrhem. 2. 3. Abraham that was fo ready to facri- 
 ricc his onely Son upon a mccr command, yet when God requireth him to leave his 
 native Countrcy, he preiTeth it home to him vi^ith many reafons and promifc;. Gen, 
 12. I. Brutus commanded hi; own Sons to be flain before his eyes , for confpiring 
 againrt their Countrey. When Sampfon without any weapon in his hand , fet upon 
 a Lion as though it had been a Kid, JuJg. 14. 6. the reafon is intimated in the verfe 
 precedent , for the fateguard ofhis father and his mother. There cannot be a jufkt 
 War than for defence of our Countrcy. It was 7uliys wi(h, that everyone mRome 
 had it written upon his Forehead, how he (bod nffe&sd to the CommonweaJth. 1 
 think it were a good wifh for England at this prefent , that we might know who are 
 truly zealous /tr their people. 
 
 The other reafon is altogether as lirong, And for the cities of our God. The Itali- 
 ans give fundry additions to their chiefelf Cities,as Florence^thc Fair, Venice^ the Rich 
 Gemua^ the Stately, Millain^ the Great, Rowe, the Holy. This is certain, no City in 
 the Univerfe can have a more glorious title than this in my Text , to be one of the 
 cities of our God. But why are the cities oHjrael called the cities of God i For two 
 reafons , Firll , becaufethe Lord had a peculiar intereft in thisLand above all other 
 Lands, Lei/if. 25. 23. Ihe landfhall not be fold for ever , for the land is mine , ye are 
 firangers andfojourners rvithmei So the Lord was the true Owner,; the Israelites were 
 bur the ufutrudtuaric5. Secondly, becaufe they were the Church of God , Judah was 
 his Santtuary^ Ifraelfcix Dominions, in them he had put his Name. Sol mm knew the 
 true mother from the feigned,byhcr love to the childi So a genuine Son of the Church 
 may be diftinguifhed from a counterfeit, by his affedion totheChurch, By the rivers 
 0/ Babylon we fate down and wept, when we remembred thee Sion. And, Arife , O 
 hord, and have mercy upon Sion, for why, thy fervants think^upon her (iones, and it pittieth 
 them to fee hfrin the dull. But the Church requires not onely our affedtions and fup- 
 plications, but our be(i endeavours. It is recorded of Iheodofus that good Empe- 
 rour, to his eternal honour, that upon his Death- bed, he was more follicitous/or the 
 cities cfCod, that is, the Churches, than for himfelf, or his pofterity. And when or- 
 dinary endeavours will notferve.the fword is nevermore juilly drawn than to defend 
 Religion: As we read of thofe Builders of 5Ffr«/<jfew, who laboured with their trovv- 
 els in the one hand, and their fwords in the other hand, Nf /;. 4. 17. But the(e %vere 
 Builders up, not pullers down, whatfoever they did was by the licence , and upon 
 the fpecial warrant of the great King Artaxerxes. not rebellioufly upon their own 
 heads. What a pitiful complaint did Labtn make for his Images? tukrunt deos,thcy 
 have taken away my godsi and Mary, foi the dead Body of our Saviour , tukrunt T>o- 
 minum , they have taken away my Lord. Much more have we canfe to be moved, 
 when men go about by force to rob us of our Religion. A private man may law- 
 fully keep the poflTellion of his houfeor land, againft all adts of violence , much more 
 may a whole Church hold the poflellion of their Religion. Three forts of lofles 
 principally concern a manv Firft, in his Ellate, that is but chaffe i next, in his Body, 
 that is but bran i Laftly, in his Soul, that is the flower, and there is the greatcftlofs : 
 Whatfhall it profit a man to win the whole world, and loofe his foul ? We do not read of 
 any Wars among the Heathen for Religion, except to punifti Sacriledge. The rea- 
 fon was partly in their Gods, which were fociable to admit fellows. When Tiberius 
 made a motion in the Senate , tohaveChrift admitted into the number of their Gods, 
 it was anfwered, that he was impatiens confortis, not like their Gods , he would admit 
 no companions; And partly in themfelves, many of them were of opinion, that as va- 
 riety of Inftruments makes the fweeteft confortj (b variety of Religions makes the beft 
 harmony in the ears ofGod. But now fee how the World is turned , Sacriledge is 
 grown a principal partof GodsService,(or elfe fomehave but a little Ihare of Religi- 
 on, who yet defpife all others as profane. "> Now uva velfaha, a Grape or a Bean, is 
 too much for Gods Service, though David wa.i ofa more generous difpofuion, 2 Sam. 
 24.24. Nay, but I will furely buy it of thee at a price, neither will lofer burnt-of.rings 
 unto theLordmy Godofthat which doth coji me mthina^. Now the Duties which many 
 men pay to the Deity, are nothing but opinions and crotchets, and tor thefe they think 
 it lawful for private meii to mingle Heaven and Earth together, forSabjedi to invade 
 their Sovereigns Dominion':. They who lately cryedfor nothing b.ic liberty of con- 
 
 U u u u u 2 fci-
 
 A Hennen before the T O M E IIII , 
 
 fcicucc , now wiirobmidc their owne conceits upon Itrangcrs by the Ivvoid. In this 
 cafe he is no good Chrillian, ro good Commonwealths man, no true Erghfh man 
 that will not fay cheerfully with Jcab in my Text, Bf o/ gocd courage^ and let us piny 
 the men for our people, atid for the Cities of ottrGcd. Veo duce^ fcrro comitante., wiih a 
 good fword to attend them, and God Almighty to lead them. 
 
 That brings me to nr.y Ia(l part, And let the Lord doe that rehich feenuthhim good. 
 This Hiewes Jojhs dependence upon God^andhisfubtr.idion to the will of the Lord, 
 If he fee it be good tor us to be Conquercrs, we fliall be Cnnqucrers, If not, we 
 fhall die glorioully > however, Ble^ed be the name of the Lord. Men never profptr 
 who dcale ti'oMa)c(Hcally, and will needs be their own carvers with God. When 
 the Hufbandrnan hath tilled and fowne his ground, he may not chalknge a good 
 crop at the hands of God, but expcdl it of his bounty : Faul may plant, and Apollo 
 rrater, but (iiUit is God that gives the cncrcafe. We are blind, and know not what is 
 truly good for our felves. Terierjynus nif periijfemus , faid 7hemificcles to his chil- 
 dren. We had pcrilhed, if wc had not perifr.ed, that is, in our own opinions. 
 Kachell longs and cries for children , and (he dies in Child-bed. Therefore the Hea-. 
 then prayed, O Jupiter, If 1 beggeof thee thofe things which will prove hurtful to 
 me, withhold them from me. But that which/ef»Jf/jE> good to God, is alwayes 
 truel^good, who difpofeth all things fweetly, and out of poyfon can extrad: a good 
 cordial. Then let usdoe our duties, and fubmlt the fucceflc to God. Carking and 
 macerating cares dry up the bones, plow up deep furrowes in the forehead, make the 
 white almond tree toflourifh before the time, fhortcn the life. Our Saviour bids , tak^ 
 110 thought , yet Saint Paul tellesus. That he ibat taktth no care^is tvorfe than an Infidcll: 
 How are thefe reconciled? Take care for the mcanes,thati$ good i Take no care 
 forthcevent, that is bad. "folk quod tuum f/?,Take up thy part, and leave Gods part 
 to himfclf, Tlay thou the man, and let God dot that which feemeth himgoid. 
 
 Butbelides the dependence, it lliewes al(b Joahs confidence, let not us be wanting 
 to our felves, and God will not be wanting to his owne Caufc. The known juitice 
 of the Caufc is a great incouragement to a Souldicr in the day of Battel!. This was 
 the reafon of that Roman policy , before they began any Wars, the Herald or Fecial 
 went to the confines of the enemies Country, and made a folcmne prayer, Audi Ju- 
 piter, and thou Juno, ^irinus thou ^and allye Gods C^Uftial , 7err(jhial,and infernal, 
 Icallyoitiorvitnefse that this people is unjujl, &c. And having fo faid, he thi'ew his 
 javelinc into the enemies Countrey. But leaving them to their fuperftitions. It is 
 an happy conflid: which is undertaken for a good caufe, where they neither fear 
 fmne from the flaughter of their enemies, nor danger from thcirown deaths, where 
 they kill fccurely, and are killed more fecurely being defended with armour without, 
 and with a good confcience within. Now I have done with my Text. 
 
 The Application is (hort. The Princes of ^wwwj confpi re aginfl: Vavid, they 
 were kinfmen as defcendcd fi-om Lot, but no fubje(Ss , the lefTe was their crime. 
 Thcfc find themfclves too weak , and therefore hire an Army of mercenary. Syrians , 
 Grangers to them both, to invade IfraeL This forcerh JojbK'wg, Vavtds General to 
 divide his Army,part againftthe Syrian s,'p2ixt againfi thcy^w»Jo;/z;x,Churchand Com- 
 monwealth are both at ftake,but by the valour and providence o(Joab, the Syrians 
 arc firft beaten, and prdfently thereupon ,the hearts of the Ammonites faile them •* 
 they never looke ii^to the field againe. Habba the royal City oi Ammon is taken by 
 King David, and upon this occafion Sjrij is abfolutely fubjefledto the Crown of 
 Ifrael. Let thcfucceffe prove anfwerably to all that hate his . Majefiy, and let the 
 application be to lils Enemies. But let thofe that love him he as the Sunne 
 when he goeth forth in his. might. So and never but fo fhall this , Land 
 have r(fi. 
 
 The Exhortation will be fome what longer. It was wifely faid, Ex/fr??j(^ /;fl/?ix 
 unitatis vinculum, Aforrcigne enemy is orought tobca compcfer of Domellick dif- 
 ferences. Nature doth teachusto unite our felves for our owne prcfcrvatfon. Caft 
 water into a dufty place, and it will contrad it felfc into round globes to fave it 
 fclfe, An Emblem of afTociation i yet this is contrary to it*s owne difpofitior. Humid 
 bcdiesare eafily conteined in other bounds, difficultly in their owne. Vvmitio vomi- 
 iionemfedat, &c. If a veinebe broken within the body, the ready way ( fay the phy- 
 
 Cit'uns)
 
 ] :> t s c o u R s E 1 1 "^ i argnefs ofN g wc a ftlc. ~ ' ^TT 
 
 liciansj to Itay the bleeding, is to open another without. It a Forreign EnemTdo" 
 not cure ourrancorous difpolicions one to wards another, lean fay nomore,but ®«( 
 perd:re xuh Jupiter^ hos priiti dcmentat, whom God will have dearoved he'firft mfi 
 
 vuos 
 
 , . , , „ - Athent- 
 
 ans, even in their own judgment, yet they reiecfted it in this tcfped, left they ihould 
 teach their Neighbours ofLxcdemvi the way in like cafes to Athens, or give them an 
 haunt to make fuch fuits. What I pray you would they have done' , if the fuit had 
 been unjuft and unlawful, if their Neighbours had made fuch a motio'n in a chargea- 
 ble, commanding, holiile manner. 
 
 I have feen their lateft and fiiorteft Declaration, Tent from Baririckto the Commif- 
 fioners,in a Letter to Sir 7homM Glemhjm^toCztlihc their Brethren of England in thefc 
 three things, concerning their prcfent Expedition. i.OftheJKfineffofiheirejufe.2. Of 
 the Ur>pfulmfs of their calling thereto.^.OUbe faithfuhefs of their carriages thereinXt xhtv 
 fail in any one of thefc,their Expedition isunjuft,& cannot be approved in the judge- 
 ment of a Brother ^ioi h mtm txftttgnlis circiim^antiis, malum e'x quolibet defe^u.Eut if they 
 fail in every one of thefcCasthey do,) what good (hall wc expcd fromfucha Voyage.Do 
 men gather grapes of thorns, or figs ofthijilts? Mat. 7. 1 6. Firft, for the jujinefs »f their 
 caufe. Hearing them fo often tell of their clear demonfirations, who would not have 
 expedted fome down- right authorities, and prefidcnts from the Word of God, or at 
 1^-aft fome authentick proofs from the National Laws of one or both Kingdomcs ? 
 Thefe are the ftandard and meafure of Jufiice to U5. Who would not have cxpecSt- 
 ed,that they fhould at leafthave endeavoured to havcanfwered the late A£is ofPaei- 
 fication, fo folcmnly palTcd in both Kingdoms? But for all thefe,bchold a deepfilence 
 Iffdence be not a plenary confent, yet in this cafe it implies ftrongly, that they knovy 
 in their own confciences, that the Laws of God and man are both againft them. But 
 in ftcad of thefe, they profefs before God and the World , that their hearts are clear from 
 all fuiifter intentions, that the love ofChrifi reqttireth Chrifiians to bear one anothers bur- 
 thens, xhzt the hare of Nature doth challenge their care and endeavour to prevent their own 
 danger, tehich is wrapped up in their neigbbonrs, Alas, what poor bulruftics are thefe 
 to bear the weight offo much Chriftian bloud , as is like to be (hed in this Caufc? 
 That Plea taken from their own danger, fliews us plainly, thathowfoever they pretend 
 the love ofChrili, yet their charity begins at home. Indeed there is no fence for fear, 
 but what caufe have we given them to fear ? Nihil timendum video , fed timeo tamen, 
 Unle(s it be that of the Wifcman, IFtjd. 17. i i..Wick{dnefs condemned by her own trit- 
 nefs,is very timerous ,and being pr, fed with cunfcience, alwayts forecafteth grievous things. 
 But let us take their words for once, feeing wc can have no other aflfurancc of theiri«- 
 tentions. It is not a good intention^ nor a pretended love of Chrijl, nor a fuppofed ne- 
 ceftty, nor any one ot thefe, nor all of thefe together , that can juftiHc an unlawful a- 
 (3:ion, h is not lawful to do evil, that good may tome of it. Charity and Juftice goe al- 
 ways hand in hand together, this is forfearof an uncertain danger, to run into a ccr- 
 • tain fin. But they tell us, that they come to refcue the Kings per fan out of the hands of 
 evilCounceilors,veho are enemies r' Religion. In ferious caufes, it is difhonourable to 
 trifle with pretence?. Do they think, or can they think, that the King is kept in du- 
 rance againii liiswill? orneceliitatedtodo any Aft contrary to thediftate of his own 
 reafon^ lappealtothcirownconfciences. It were greatly to be wilhed , that they 
 would once fpeak out and name the evilCouncellors. The Hiftory of this Kingdoms 
 doth fl-iew,thar Treafon hath often put it felfinto this drefs,fcd{ing to hide its defor- 
 mity from the World, under thispaintedmaskof removingfi^//Co«;?cf///r/. God be 
 blefTed, HisMajefty hath now the Flower of both Houfes of Parliament about him,^l 
 hope thefe are not x.\\z evilCouncellors , and daily more and more are repairing to him, 
 fo many for number, fo venerable for their condition, that allyourCommittees putto- 
 gether, do nor defetveto be named upon the fame day. If we look bick to former 
 
 Par-
 
 ^ A Senf /on before t he ^^_^^ JP^^ ^ J.^*^ 
 
 -^ ■ Pai!ianuntr,%vc IhalTtind the molt of thcfc Great ConfeJJonrf, and in will, Martyri 
 
 tor this Coiimionwcaltli. Some of them clapt up into the Towcr,othcrs into the 
 fleet others dif)uniced in the Coiuitrcy, and diiabledto have all offices for their 
 love to their Coiintrcy, and fliail we now be frighted from them with the name of 
 evill Counccllors } But yet perhaps they arc f«fWZfi-/oKe/i^iort> It may be fo, to that 
 KcIi<'ion which innovations would introduce by force ot Armes, but not to that 
 Religion which is enablillied by the Laws of this Kingdomc, and which God hathfo 
 jcuii bklTcd to us and our fathers with peace and happincffc. 
 
 In the next place they goe about with the fame fucccflc , to jufiijle the larcfulnejfe 
 rf their calling. An hard task, feting England is quilc without the Sphcar of their 
 adivity. Here 1 cxpcded that they fhould have cited fome fundamental league 
 ot'both Nations to thispurpofc , or fomethingthat might have fatiffied confcicnce. 
 But all they fay in defence of their calling ,( except the iterated Pleas of their own 
 neccliitv, and mifchievous Counfells, which they infert here again, ) may be re- 
 duced to this bricfe fumme , That this Expedition is defired by our Varliament and 
 concluded by the confent of their Committee: We will for the prefcnt fuppofc, that 
 wiiich wc know to be otherwife,and they are never able to prove,that the two Houfes 
 were fall,and frse,both from force & fear. Yet there are three maine imperfedions in 
 their calling,Firll,nothingcan give what it hath not, but it is clear by our Laws that 
 the two Houfes never had,nor have any pov;er of Armcs,but his Majefly alone. Se- 
 condly,if theParliamenthad power to call, yet they being Subjefts, have no powerto 
 entertain fuch a motion'withoutthe confentof their Soveraign, notwithltanding all 
 their vowes andCovenants , which never bind a Subjed contrary to his allegiance^nor 
 a Child contrary to his filiall duty. Thirdly it is as clear that the Parliament can give 
 no fuch conclnfive powerto a Committee. They themfelves are but probers for our 
 Shires,Cities,andBurroughs,and by the Law, aVefuty cannot makg aVepttty. Then 
 let all men judae what a calling thisis like to be, where theCaufcis without all 
 cfficacy,thc objeft without capacity, and the Meanes without idoneity 
 
 Their lafl labour is to clear the faithfulnejje of their carriages herein , And that is 
 by their j>romifes. A weak tenure , any man may be rich in proniifes. The pipe 
 playes fweetly whileft the Fowler is about is prey. But they goe farther , to give 
 the publicke Faith of the Kingdom of Scotland. It feems they think that E)?^///^ men 
 are to be catched with chaffe. What is the Publicks Faith of a Kii^gdnme vvorth with- 
 out the concurrence of the King ? efpccially being given by a ComiTiittec. There 
 was a time when fuch a thing called the publick^faith^ would have pafTcd currently, 
 though not with a Scrivener > yet with fome credulous Citizens , but now they 
 will as foone trait a Knight of the pofl. They know not how to implead the Fttb- 
 lich^Faitb, or to arrcft the Fublic}{Faith^ or to imprifon thcTtiblichJ'aiih The De- 
 clarers appeal to their former voyagejHou' little dammage was occafioned by thdr 
 meanes^ how little dijorder teas c ommitted by them. But to paffe by many things that 
 snight be juflly alledged , inrefped there is an AB of Oblivion ^ Then they were 
 well paid , with a large overplus, ( I hope it was not for a Come-againe, ) now they 
 can expeft no paimentin mony, and in fuch a cafe how is it poffible thai the foul- 
 diers (hould be kept from diforder ? Laftly, they ingage themfelves, that this, Ex- 
 ped ition Jhall he made no ufe of to any other ends, than are expr cjfed in the- Covenant, and 
 in theTreatyfubfcribed by theEngliJhcommiponers.W/hzt^riOt accidentally by particular 
 perfons? what Ccwwmff can undertake that? Wee have not (ecn any Covenant o{ 
 theirs to invade England, If they have made any fuch, it binds thcin neither more nor 
 leffe,than Berods oath did bind hitii to cut off John Baptifls hea6,Mato 14. 7, Or that 
 defperate vow , Ac!s 23. 12. did bind the Jews to inurther Vaul. But we have feen 
 a Copy oftheJreaty, If it be true it is the highcft burthen that ever was impofcd up- 
 on a Kingdom. The Englip Commifiioners know how to cut large fwatchcs of other 
 mens Cloth. But who fliall tie. the bell about the Cats ncck^* It gives them all the 
 Lands and Efiates of all popijh Prelatical perfons , and of all Malignants who have jfSijhd 
 or contrtbtttedto the King ( That is ofall men ) between Trent andTwecdc , untillall 
 the Arrer ages for England <«««/ Ireland, and the charge of this war he fatiffied, with cau- 
 tion , that the Army Jhall not depart till then oitt of England, that is untill thcDay 
 of judgment. But all thecraftis incatchingvthis is like one oftlie Popes Donations, 
 
 it
 
 DiscoiirseII. 
 
 \Urquefs of NewGaflle. 
 
 it wants the confenc 
 
 of the right 
 
 949 
 
 owners. NL-n will fight hard before they be 
 liripp;d of their livelyhoods. Who ever h;jrd that a conquering fword wasca- 
 pableof any dirtinftion between pcrfons ? Lucidenia fortma , a good eftatc will be 
 found more dangerous then a different opinion either in Religion or Policy. All 
 the favours their Englilh friends can cxped , is Polyphemus courtefie to Vlyffes to be 
 lall eaten up. 
 
 The cafe being tlius , Give mc leave for one word to your Excelkucie. Be of good 
 courage, and let us play the med ,fuf our people, and for the cities ofejtr Go I. Repel 
 the Syrians , and the Ammoniies will foone turne their backs. We may conjedure 
 fafcly now , where the rtrength of this S amp fo n , this great Rebellion hath laide all 
 this while. If the Lord return yoa again with Vi(aory,you (hall bring bacii both a 
 Laurel-Garland to deck your own Temples, and an Olive-branch of Peace in your 
 hand, for our happinef;. 
 
 I have another Word to the Auditory, Be of good courage , and let us play the men, 
 for our people, and fur the cities of our God. In this cafe , I wi(h to every true Englifh- 
 man, the fpirit and affeftion of that Souldier , who having his legs cut off in Fight 
 for his Coantrey, yet defireJ to be caft into the breach , that he might dull the edge 
 of one Sword more. It is better to dye, than furvive the honour of our Nation, & 
 to fuffer thefe things which arc worfe than death, Schifm, Slavery, Beggery, & what- 
 foever an infulting Enemy can inflid: upon a degenerous people. Vulce & decorum 
 eji pro fatria mori. It is a fweet and comely thing for a man to dye for his Countrey, 
 and for his Religion, ^am gloriofirevertunttir viSores de prdilio, quam beati moriun- 
 tur Martyres in pr^liePHuw glorioufly they rcturnConquerours from the Battle? or 
 how blefiedly they dye Martyrs in the Battle? If they overcome, they are crowned 
 with a Lawrel-Garlandi If they dye, with a Crown of Martyrdom, faith St. Bernard. 
 
 If wee compare our prcfent condition, though heavy through Affeffements, and 
 fome diforders of anecellitous unpaid Army, with what it was within the circum- 
 volution of the laft year, or little more, when we were blocked up almoft on every 
 fide, and this City , no w a patterne of loyalty to the whole Kingdome , was even 
 ready to have been made a neft of Rebellion, we (hall find that we have cau(e to 
 ble(re God and the Inftruments of our fafety. Indeed the burthens of the Country 
 have been great,but how colledtcd,how diftributed,how ordered,all men are net fa- 
 tisfied. This is evident, that thofe who have btm the greateji beat and burthen of the 
 day,tho{c that hnvt jeoparded their lives unto death in the high places ofthefieldiox our 
 protedion, have had the lead (hare. I fay no more, nor would have this conftrued 
 to the difrepute of any welldeferving Patriot. 
 
 ^!i monet ut facias quod jam facts, ipfe monendo 
 Laudat, 
 
 Anoble Fr(?«cfc-wd« in his Defcriptionof the feveral intereils ofthe(e European 
 Km^dorx'^^i^^hof England, thzt it is Magnum a«;mj/, A great creature that can- 
 not be df Ihoyed,but by it's own ftrength. Let us yet hold together and everyone in 
 hii ownc element contribute his utterrooft endeavours to the advancement of the 
 pL'n'ick welfare,W!thout all fini(ier refpeds: And then I doubt not but we (hall both 
 furvive thi= ttorm,and fee Sun-[hine and Halcyonian dayes again in England. There- 
 fore , Be of good courage, and lei us play the men, for our people ,and for the Cities of our 
 God and the Lord doe that vohich feemeth him good.
 
 s 
 
 By 
 b
 
 TOME IV. 
 
 DISCOURSE III. 
 
 SERMON 
 
 PK EACHED AT 
 
 DUBLIN, 
 
 Upon the 1 3. of Jpril , 1661^ 
 Being the Day appointed for His M A J E S T I E S 
 
 Coronation ; 
 
 WITH TWO 
 
 SPEECHES 
 
 MADE 
 
 In theHoufe o{^ttX%^ the 1 1. of May^ 166 \^ when theHoufc 
 of Commons; prefented their SPEAKER. 
 
 By the moft Reverend Father in God , J O H N Lord Arch- 
 biihop ot hrmagh^ Primate and Metropolitan of all hdaud^ 
 
 Printed at DUBLIN Firft, \66o. 
 Reprinted t 6 y 6.
 
 T "*■ ■)» 
 
 i }C 
 
 ^ 
 
 r.^ 
 
 — T 
 
 /^ 
 
 ' o 
 
 H 
 
 
 ',iV
 
 Discourse 111, 
 
 P'^g 
 
 TOME IV. 
 
 piSCOURSEJII. 
 
 Pfal. 12^. 7. He that nov^goeih onhisu>ay mcfin^^ a>,dbeamh good feed, Jhall doubtlefr 
 come again with joy, and bring his Jheaves with him, aoumejt 
 
 Nthefaddeftafflidions and blackeft ftorms,that can befall a man in this 
 
 world,( give me leave to make this thankful acknowledgment ) there 
 
 IS no companion or comforter like the Pfalmes of DW He that 
 
 afpeaketh experimentally , is the beft Phyfician both for foul and body 
 
 i Being to peak unto this auditory upon his Majefties happy reftitu- 
 
 tion, I htted and hxed my thoughts to the firitVerfe of this Pfalm 
 when the Lord, turned again the captivity of Sion,then wre we lih^e tothemthat drea- 
 med. When the Lord, not the Lord Cyrw in relation to the Jews thoueh the 
 edjA for their reftitution came out from him, but the Lord of Cjrw nor the Lords 
 of Parliament in relation to us, though they helped to lay the foundation of our 
 prefent happinefs, but the Lord Paramount of Heaven and Earth. When the lord 
 turned. In God there is no (hadow of turning by change. But With us there 
 is nothing but turning , and returning, we are all turning {hadows upon the old 
 exchange of this world. 
 
 When the Lord turned the captivity, that is, the BabiloniOi Captives, by an ordinary 
 hebraifm. Soit is faid of Chrift,he led captivity captive, that is, thofe who were 
 captives to Sin and Satan, he reconquered , and made them to' become his own 
 lervantsi And what were we better than Babylonifli captives, while we fojourned 
 in idolatrous and fuperftitious Countries? 
 
 There are two forts of captivity , corporal and fpiritual ■■, both are bad but the lat- 
 te r tentimcs worfe. In a corporal captivity the Tyrants are external, but in fpiritu- 
 al captivity they are internal, in our bofomes and bowels. There the ilings are fliarpi 
 but nothing fo (harp as the flings of a guilty confcience. Corporal Tyrants may dif- 
 poflefs us of our wealth, our life, our libertyi but fpiritual deprive us of our fouls of 
 Gods image,of eternal bleflednefs. There, one or two members do finful and flavifh 
 officesi but here allour membcrsare weapons of unrighteoufncfs. Corporal captives 
 have but oneMafier, but fpiritual captives have many Mafters, Pride commands to 
 fpend fk ccveteoufnefs to fparc. Nay the fame vice diftrads them with contrary com- 
 mands, as vain-glory forceth them at the fame time to foar aloft in the air,and yet to 
 creep beneath upon the carth,to fwcll inwardly vvithpride,to crouch to the meaneft 
 perfons, to obtaine popular applaufe. Corporal flaves have hope to efcape by flight 
 but in fpiritual captivity no flight can help us,unlefs we could flic away from our 
 felves. Laftiy, corporal captivity doth end with life. Death is a perfed cure of all 
 humane miferies. But in fpiritual captivity death is but a beginning of Uavery, and 
 a fliutting of the door of liberty with the key of eternity. 
 
 But can Mountains be led away captives ? otherwife what fignifieth captivity of 
 Sion > I anfwer , that as we fay, there is more of Mw» Martyr at P^r7V,then there is 
 of M''" Mjrtyr at Mon Martyr, So it might be truly faid,there was more of Sion car- 
 ried to Babylon than was left at 5/w. Firft, the Temple which was the glory of 
 Sion, was demoliflicd. Then the Ceremonies,and Sacrifices, and Ordinancesof *?«« 
 were aboliflied. Thirdly,the holy veiTcIs and garments and other, utenfiles and fa- 
 cred ornaments were exported. Laftiy, thePriclts and Levites,and people of God 
 were all carried away captive. Thefe were the living 5io« , without thekSim 
 was but a dead caikafs of it felf. Juftly therefore is the captivity of the people of 
 God called the captivity of Sion. 
 
 Then were we, that is^ by way ofHiftorical narration: or thenree jhall be, by way of 
 
 X XX XX 2 pro-
 
 $'54 
 
 A Sennen upon TOME IIIK 
 
 > II 
 
 "^pwtjhetical predidioii. Either Icnfc may be admitted. LiK' ihtm tbut dmm. 
 that is like thofc who are between fleeping and wakings the events were fo Urange, 
 lb unexpected, incredible, that we doubted whethere they were real events or vain 
 fancies and drowlie imaginations. Others tranflateit, /^i;? ihejetkatarecowjcrud^ 
 or lih tlMe that are recovered [ion\, (omc languiftiing ficknefs and reftored to their 
 foimerlhength and vigour. , , -^ .. , r tr 
 
 But whilell I was makmg a paralel between thejcwifli captivity, and clour Eng- 
 lift] captivity, and of our deliverance and reflitution with theirs, 1 fee the flower 
 which I had delignedfor the fubjeftofmy difcourfCjCropt away before myface,this 
 ncccflitattd me toalter my meditations from the firft Verfe to the lalt Verfe of this 
 Pfalm. The former was more emphatical for the Jewifli captivity. But the later 
 fuites altogether as well with our prefcnt condition. He tbut now gotthonhis 
 way wtepitgaiid beareih forth good feed, pali doubtlefs come again ffith joy, and brir.g kis 
 (heaves tFtth him. 
 
 It is not my manner to amufe my hearers much with various ledions or tranila- 
 tions. Every language hath its proper idiotifmes, or peculiar forms of exprclhon, 
 which differ more in found than infenfe. The wcrft reading or tranflation is com- 
 monly not fo ill, as thofe clafhings, and uncharitable alterations which are about 
 them. Various ledions may fometimes bring feme light to the underllanding, 
 but they fluke that Chriliian faith which is radicated in the heart. Break ice in 
 oncplace, and it will crack in more; Suffer the truth of facred writ to be quel^ioned 
 in a word or a fyllable, and you weaken the authority , and lefTen the venerable 
 cftimationof the whole text. That which fatisfyethme, and may fatisfyany good 
 ChrilHan, is this,that God who hath given the Holy Scriptures to his Church, to be 
 the key of his revealed ceunfels,thc anchor of their Iiope,ihe evider.ce of their bleffed- 
 nefs, will not fuffer thofe Scriptures to be fo far corrupted in any thing that is fun- 
 damental and neceffary, that it can hinder the falvation of his fervants. Take (his 
 Text for aninftance, that there is ,no fuch danger in various leftions or tranllations, 
 if they be expounded according to the analogy of faith, and that fenfe of the fcri- 
 ptures, which the Holy Ghoft did give to the Church, together with the 
 Scriptures. 
 
 tie that going goetb filth the otigim\. He that goeth en his rpay Cahh our tranllati- 
 cn, oxhe that goethforth, tliat is , forth ofhis houfe tofow, or forth of his Countrey 
 into exile, weeping, or penfivc, orforrowing: And beareth forth good feed, whethet 
 wc read beareth or dratveth, gO0d feed, or precious Cetd, or the furring feed, or the hop- 
 per ot feed basket^ is not material. Shall doubt lefs come again Tviihfny. Theoriginal 
 is, in if>mmingfhall cotne^thzt is,(hallcome without fail. Shall doubtlefs come again 
 jvithjoy. This word onlyfeemeth tome to be franflated over flat, and might be 
 rendered more aptly rvith afhont of joy, or tvith joyful acclamations,hy allufion to thofe 
 harvefi dances, which they ufe in many places, when they bring in the laft load of 
 their harvcll with great pomp, fliouts, and acclamations ofioy. Av.d bring hit 
 Jheaves n>ith him, thzt is , the incrcafe of his feed , thefruit of his labour, the reward 
 of his patience. 
 
 In the words we may obferve a double qualification, The former, he that now 
 goeth on his rvay weeping , the httet, and beareth forth good feed. And a double prog- 
 noftick, the loxmer, /hall doubtlefe come again with joy, the latter, and bring his /heaves 
 with him. We may obferve how going forth and comming, again weeping and fnouting 
 for ]oy, feed zwdifheaves do anfwer one another. 
 
 And now that we have fcen the fenfe,Iet us fee how fitly thcfe words do agree tothe 
 exile and 'happy reftitution ofourSoveraignKing Charles the fecond. Firii, he went 
 on his way, more like indeed fome Bode or ordinary melTenger than a great Prince- 
 He went forth of £?/g/iW(i into Frjr.ce, from Trance to Holland, form Holland iftct 
 fome lelTcrexcurfioninto Scotland^i Fifl\es and Guclls gain little by long keeping, ) 
 where, to fpcake modcffly, he was not entertained like the hundred and tenth Prince 
 of that family: To give a civil honour to Gods vicegerent was to idolize thecrca- 
 ture. But no honour could be tco much at the fame tirr.c lor a corfRoiy of their 
 owne Commiilioner?. There was nothing to be heard but riiC Crn rr.ii!."oi;ersof 
 C lilKthc tribunal of ChrilVhe Scepter cf Chrifl, the eternal Gorpel.Oh partiality, 
 how doft thou blind rricns eyes' Bffbrc
 
 Discourse iP His Majt^ics Keftauration 
 
 Beiore cms ^dv^nmre to riT^ he had thSIiihrs for Ireland, where the gr^r^ft" 
 and belt part of the Kingdom did either profcts to hold for him , or defire to retu-n 
 to him.onely two Cities did hold outagaiDii him, Vublin and Londo4derrmDd if mv 
 ' intclhgence do not tail me, thofe cxpeded onely his own prefence to have fubtnitted 
 with more honour and advantage. 
 
 However it was, I did willi, ifit had been Gods will, that hehad come over that 
 Inbrid might have had a fignal honour in his reftitutionthen, as it contributed large- 
 ly arterwards.but God difpofeth ail things fwcetly. ^ 
 . From Scotla>id he mnt on his tvay for England. But the iniquity of the Amoriis 
 was not yet tali. God had fomcthing to do with his rod before he call it into the 
 tire: fomething in Jamma^ fomcthing in he lmd,i:omtt\\]n^\n Scotland, fomethinein 
 I^ighnd ir felf, to bring the firii contrivers of our miferies to (hame and condien pu- 
 nifliment by th.ir own power, to prepare and facilitate a way for his MajcflieSiefti- 
 tution, without citufion of blood. God hath more noble means , and fitter oppor- 
 tunities to effed his own dtfigns, than man can comprehend. We pra'a} thee God 
 roe ackstoo'kdge thee to be the Lvrd. That Englilli Voyage, though otiier >. ue uafuccef- 
 tul, was an h^ppy prefage of this great bleliing, which we now enjoy, that God who 
 preferved his Majelcy fo miraculoully then , had fom: great work to do with him. 
 From E-tgljiid he returned to France,{iom France to Germany, from Germany to Flan- 
 ders, from FUnders to France back again, thence to Spain, thence to Flanders^ thence 
 to Holland, and fofor England, where long, and long, and long may his Crown flou- 
 rifli. Was everSovereignPiince fo tofled to and fro, and bandied hithcr?nd thither 
 by the rackets of a contrary fortune? changing his Itations as often as the old Patri- 
 archs did , whilell they dv/elt in Tents. This was no comfortable life to be al- 
 ways rolling up and down. Which the next word in my Text implics,that is, rvee- 
 }'i>tg. He that goeth on his n>ay rveeping. 
 
 I may fay of weeping,as our learned Countreyman the Lord Verulam faid of hope, 
 that it was a good Breakfaft, but an ill Supper. Early tears,likethemiftdefcending' 
 prognofiicate a fair fereneday. As April (howers bring forth May Flowers. They 
 who prove Bf«;jwi«'s,fons of the righthandi are commonly firft J5e;/OT/f/,fons offor- 
 row. Chrilt himfelf did wear a Crown of Thorns , before he obtained a Crown of 
 Glory. Jofefh was tir(l clapt up clofc in a dungeon, where he faw neither Sun, nor 
 Moon, nor Scars for a feafon, before the Sun, Moon, and Stars did fall down & wor- 
 fhip him. No man can rationally doubt , whether our dread Sovereign did fow in 
 tears , before he reaped in joy , who confiders fadly what a mifery it is, for a great 
 King, to be banifhed from all his Relations, to be thruft out of his Native Countrcy, 
 and Hereditary Kingdoms, into the mercilefs World, to live in want. A French Au- 
 thour of good note, relates with pity and commiferation, the deplorable condition of 
 the Lancaftrian Family, being of the Blood R.oyaI oi'Engiand, in the Court of CW(Vj 
 Duke o( BfirgHridy. That whereas God and Naturehad provided fo bountitully tor 
 all other creatures, the fowls of the air, and the beafts of thefield , that they never 
 feared the want of food, onely men, the beft of creatures, and Princes thebeftofmeo, 
 thould fometimes not know where to find fultenance for to morrow. A man may 
 juftly fear want ofnioney,or want of means, or want of friends, but wantof forrows 
 and tears he need not fear. Forreign kindred and allies do fcldom contribute much 
 to the wiping away of thefe tears. Like winter-brooks , they Avell with kiudnefs, 
 when one hath no need of them, but when they (hoiild beufeful, they are dryed up. 
 And he, that trufts unto them, may exped St. Peter^s lot, v/hen his nets were full, he 
 needed but to beckon to his fellows , and prcfently they were all at his elbow i but 
 when he did fing his lachryrme, he had not one of them to comfort him^ Every one is 
 a kinirnan to him that is profperous, but a friend in need is a friend indeed. 
 
 And truly, when I compare our ncccfTary expenfes in the long time of our banith- 
 ment abroad, with our comings in, I cannot attribute our prcfervation fo long to any 
 thing,but to a fecret blelling of Almighty Gcd. He that fed the Ifraclitcs with man- 
 na in a barren wildernefs, and preferved their fhoes and their raiment from wearing, 
 and waxing old,Hc that fed Eliah by Ravens,Hc that bietTed the poor widovvs hand- 
 ful of meal, and hcrcrutc of oyl, will not futferhis Servantsto dye for hunger. 
 
 But the cares and troubles of Princes arc incomparably greater, and their wants 
 
 more
 
 OS 6 
 
 // Servian upofi 1 OME llll 
 
 ,n He pinchiiv than tlinlc iit private perfons. Their Motto may be the candle,burn- 
 ina with thclabiir Letters, A. S. M. C. Alns jervkm meipfam conttro. In ferving o- 
 il-^rs 1 walic away my felt". Theircarcs extend to all their followers, toprovide tor 
 their neccliities as well as lor their own. The fufferings of all their Sub)ed,s & Re- 
 lations do touch them more nearly than others. Thoui^hts rroubled Nehuchadnez- 
 zjr*s head , whikit hisSubjcdts fl'ept fecurely upon either ear. When the Preacher 
 hath but fallen upon the Martyrdom of our late Sovereign, or thofe inftruftions 
 which he left behind him,how have I feen his Majefiydiffblve into tears>that brought 
 to rivmir.d that of Sr. j4t<{hrt,proruf(rantflumhja oculorum meornm accepahik tuumfa- 
 crificiiiin^Thcjljods of mine eyes did break Jvrth an acceptable facrifice unto theefiGod.This 
 is tlie fir'll qualihcation, He that goeth on his way weepng. 
 
 The fccond (oWows^and bringeth forth good.fecd. It is a metaphor taken from Sovv- 
 erf.'W'hat a man fowes, that he may certainly exped to reap. But what isthe good 
 feed which our Sovereign did bear forth with him? I anfwer, Firft, a good title,P/fK 
 &fo}i droit, God and his right. There is a mulhrom errour lately crept into the 
 •world and almoft thruft oat again, That Dominion is founded in grace, not in na- 
 turei That the wicked Iiive no interell in their Pofleffions or Ellates , but are like 
 moths which make their houfes in other mens Garments,That all things belong pro- 
 perly to the Eled, Pjk/, Jpollo, Cephas, things prefent, things to come, all are theirs, 
 if they be Chrills. Ex his pr£mijps neffjfario feqiiitur clhtfw. Admit this once, and 
 then they who take themfelves to be true JJiraelites, may with a good confcience rob 
 and plunder the profane £^^f/MJ/x of this world. Nothing is more hidden than true 
 Grace. We know it not in another, hardly in our felves. Therefore, if grace Chouli 
 give an interell to pofTedions, no mans title fliould be certain, from whence of neccf-- 
 fity muft follow an incredible confufion. But our God is a God of Order. Religion 
 neitiier alters, nor takes away any mans right. Ananias was no Saint, yet St. Veter 
 told him, that he had a good interelt in his Eftate, was it not thine orvi\? The truth is. 
 Dominion is founded in nature, not in grace. It was faid to our Hrft Parents, imme- 
 diately rpon the Creation : Keplenijh the earthi and have Vominion, &c. Every fon of 
 Jdam may challenge ah interell in his own Eftate by virtue of this concellion. 
 
 All is yours, faith the Scripture, that is, not every individual creature,but every fpe- 
 cics or kind of creatures. All i/3'o«r/,that is, not by way of civil pofTellion, but by 
 divine Ordination. A'l things by Gods difpofition, ferve for the good of the Church, 
 and help forward the falvation of Gods fervants. Or, All is yours,andyoa areChriJis^ 
 that is, you onely who are Chrifts, have the fandified ufe of the creatures. This is far 
 enough from a civil po(reliion,far enough from a jult title, fuch as King Charles had, 
 not grounded upona Fanatick ExpoHtion of a Text of Holy Scripture, nor uponthe 
 tickle humours of a giddy multitude, nor upon the Traytcrous diftates of a feditious 
 Oratour, butupon the evident Laws of God, of Nature, of Nations, and the munici- 
 pal Laws of thefe Kingdom^ upon a radicated fuccellion from Royal Progenitours, 
 He himfelf being the hundred and tenth Perfonof one Family, who hath fwayed the 
 Scepter. I do not know any Prince in Europe, or in thefe parts of the World , that 
 can fay the fame. A Title roclear,as if it were written with a beam of the Sun, which 
 no true Englifhrnan in his right wits did ever yet oppofe , but one or two Forreign 
 Pcr.fioners, maintained onpurpofe abroad, to kindle Scathfires at home, jvho gained 
 nothing by the quertion, but to render themfelves ridiculous. 
 
 This was the good feed, which KingC/>jr/fj did bear forth with him, A good Title, 
 which though it feemcd for a time to perifli under the clods, yet we fee it fprouts up 
 again. A tcmpeft brings Achilles his Arms to Ajax^s Tomb, to reverfean unjaftfen- 
 tcnce: And -(^jroK's rod devoured the rods of the Enchanters, to the comfort ofall 
 Loyal Subjecfts, and the confufion of all E^'/'/ij^ Juglers forever. This is the firft 
 grcdfeed, which King Charles did hear forth with him. A good Title, 
 
 A fccond fort oi good feed, which King CW/tv did hear forth with him, was the te- 
 ftimony of a good confcience, wiof of offence, towards God and tnivards trtan. A good 
 confcience is a better proofof innocence, than a thoufand witnefTcs, and will make it 
 felf a Garland of the lying reports of Sycophant?. When Kins^Charles was rtrft cha- 
 fed out oiEngland, his age was not capable of much guilt , and his onely crime was, 
 that ( which'in truth was his chiefcft glory,) he was the Son of fuch a Father. Thofc 
 
 ac-
 
 Discourse III. H;j Majcftics Reftaiiracion ' ZTZ" 
 
 accLufcd jcaloulics and tears , which the hrft dcvilcrs and fpreaders ot them "did" 
 
 know afluredly to be damnable lies", are now vanifhed. Truth the daughter ot'time 
 hathdircoveredthcnrro all the world to have been counterfeit ftiews. they feared' 
 an apoliafy to Popery ,ycr King d/^jr/t>x the Father, dyed a glorious Martyr , and 
 King Charles Son.hvcs a Noble Confcffour of the true faith, profefled in the Church 
 ot Ennland^ having (hewed evidently by a choufand proot~s , that he is no fuch 
 reed (haken with the wind. They complained of tyranny againft him, whofe one- 
 ly deted was overmuch goodnefs, and lenidy. Let their high Conrtsof.Injultice 
 Ipeak, let their black roll ofSequeftrators and committee men fpeak, let all the great 
 Townes \x\England^( which they made fliambles of good Chri/hans, and loyal Sub- 
 jedtsj fpeak, let "Iredagh fpeak, and that torrent of loyal blood, which was poured 
 out there, barbiroudy upon cold and deliberate thoughts , like water upon the face 
 of the earth, who were the Tyrant-;. Ca]tu the Emperour, out of a ridiculous, 
 aifeftation to make himfclfe like the Gods, did aflume Mfrc«nV rod, y^/^o/lo'/ bow 
 and arrows, Mjr/ his fword and fhield. But King Charkshzth ever better enfigncs 
 of the Deity , Juliice , Mercy, Piety and Temperance. Thefe make up the 
 image of God, where' thefe abound, the bird in the bread fings fweetly. He, who 
 hath thefe may with comfort expc dan happy deliverance from all his troubles. 
 Hetlutgoeth vnh'u vpjy weeping, ar)d beamh forth thU feedmth him ^fhall doubtlcfs 
 come again reith joy. 
 
 The third fort of good feed, which King Charles did bear forth with him, was 
 a good Religion. A Religion not refi^rmed tumultuouny,according to the brain- 
 fick fancies ot an half witted inultitude , dancing after the pipe of fome feducing 
 charmer, bat foberly, according to the rule of Gods word , as it hath been evermore, 
 and every where interpreted by the Catholick Church, and according to the pureft 
 pattern of the primitive times. A Religion, againft which, the greateft adverfaries 
 thereof, have no exception, but that itprcferreth grace before nature, the written 
 word before uncertain traditions, and the allfufficient blood of jefus Chrift, before 
 theftained works of mortal men. A Religion, whicH is neither garifli with fuper- 
 fluous Ceremonies, nor yet fluttifli, and void of all order, decency, and Majefty in 
 the fervice of God. A Religion, which is as careful to r'etein old Articles of faith, 
 as it is averfe from new Articles. The eflences of all things do confift in indivi- 
 fibili. Faith is adulterated, as well by the addition of new Articles, as by the fub- 
 ftradion of old. Religion, which is not like to perith for want of fit organs, like 
 thefe imperfedi creatures produced by the Sun upon the bankes of Nz/k/, but (haped 
 for continuance. The ferrour of Ko»Mf. They fear out moderation more than the 
 violent oppolition of others. The watch tower of the Evangelical Churches. I 
 have feen many Churches of all forts of communions, but ne\er any, that could di- 
 nainifhthat venerable eftimation, Which I had for my mother, the Church ofE/fg- 
 httd. From her breads 1 received my firft nourifiiment, in her armes I defire to end 
 my dayes ; Blefled be he that blefTcth her- This good feed, that is, the Religion of* 
 the Church of England, K\\\^ Charles Aid bear forthwith him. This he brought 
 home with him , without turning either to the right hand orto the leff, And like 
 the Laurel tree, ( the tree of Conquerers, _} he gathered ftrength and vigour, even 
 from oppofition , Cre/cit J»<J pondere Virtur. ,^ 
 
 I cannot deny, but that fome of us have (Parted afide like broken bowes, out of 
 defpair in this their bitter trial, wherein they have had their goods plundered, 
 their eftates Sequeftred, their perfons imprifoned, their Churches aliened, wherein 
 they have been divorced from their neareft relation, and difabled to difcharg 
 the duties of their callingsto God, wherein fome of them have been flaughtcrfd, o- 
 thers forced to maintain themfelves by mechanick labours, others thruft out of 
 their native Countries, to wander like vagabonds , and exiled beggars up and 
 down the mercilefs world. But, God be praifcd, they are not many. If we com- 
 pare this with any the likepcrfecution in Europe, you fliall never tinJ, that fo few 
 Apoftated. As if they had beeninfpired with the free fpirit of St. Chryjlfiomehrvill ihey 
 hanifhmethe earth is the Lords, and the fulnefse thneof ? If they ca^i me into the fea, 
 I will rfwjewtcT Jonas i If into a fiery fi<rnace,the three children;lf among the vcilde beafis, 
 Daniel iJfthey (ione me, J have S. Stephen /or my companion ■■, If they behead me, ]ohr\ 
 
 Baptiji
 
 958 
 
 A Sermon Hpan TOME UH. 
 
 BaVitii V ]j they plunder me, mk^d 1 came out oj my mothers womb, aMdnak^d mult J return 
 aoa'tn. Or with the hcroical mind of Sr. Ambrofe, Vullifne ad vincttb me abripere? 
 VohtPtas efi mihi, 8cc. will yehale me tc prifon? it is a delight unto me. To deatli? 
 I will not incircic my felf with a guard of truHy follow, rs, nor lay hold on the al- 
 tars as a fupplyant to favemy life, but will be freely offered upfor the altars of my 
 God. Spices being brayed in a mortcr Smell more fweetly, fo thefc fervants of Chrilt, 
 being beaten andbruifcd by pcrfccutors, do yield a more fragrant odour in the nofc- 
 thrils of God and man. The ground of their conllancy,next ro thegoodne's of God, 
 ivas the examples of our dread Sovcraign his courage and perfcverancc. The exam- 
 ple of a great Princc,is like the great wheel of a clock,which fcts all the leffer wheels 
 agoing. This fhall one day Crown his temples with a diadem, more bright than 
 the beams of the Sun,as far excelling that Crown, which he is to receive this day, as 
 the radiant fplendour of the Sun, doth exceed the dim fliining of a glowworm. 
 Then, if Ttti^, an heathen, could fay, that the Rowawi did owe their vidtories, and 
 good fucceifes, more ro their religions piety, than either to their number, or Ihength, 
 or policy) why fhould Clirilliansdefpair, or doubt, that King Charles, who went on 
 his way weeping, and didbeare forth fuch precious feed with him, (hould come 
 again with joy, and bring his (heaves with him. 
 
 The laftfort of good iecd, which King Charles did bearc forth with him, was the 
 prayers and good affedions of his Subjeds. Tyrants might deprive him of his other 
 contributions, thi^ihey could not deprive him of. If St. ^/</?w did attribute (b 
 much to the prayers and tears of his Mother Monica, what might not be hoped from 
 the prayers and tears of fo many thoufands, powred out to God in private, for tbcir 
 King and Country, Church and Commonwealth, Liberty and Religion. At a 
 GfrwiJ« Dyct the princes fell upon a controverfy, which of them had the beft coun- 
 try. The Palatine commended his, for the fruitful foil •, the Saxon his, for the Silver 
 mncs^theBavartjnhh, for (lately Cities-, the Duke of^//ffKifrg<',inpraife of his 
 Country, faid onely this,that he durft lay his head in the lap of any fubjedl through- 
 out his Dominions, either by day, or by night; /wkk(»» ambo, an happy Prince of 
 an happy people, where that evil fpirit had not walked, which fet diflenfi on be- 
 tween Abimekch, and the mcnoiSichem. 'England was notalwaycs fo happy, when 
 fome counterfeit Phyficians, ( like the wolf in thcfable, )perfwaded againltherown 
 fenfe, that (lie was (ick to death, without all kind of recovery, unlefs (lie would 
 put hcrfelf into their hands to be cured. She did fo. And whatthe iffue had been, 
 ifGodalmighty had not looked down upon us from heaven, with an eye of pity, 
 wehave feen. Yet thi* was but a green ficknefs tit. When thatht was over, (he 
 threw away her chalk and coles, which (he had eaten in corners, and returned to 
 eate more healthful food at her Fathers tabic. Or, it wasa (hort fit of madncfs ; 
 Phocifirt, ( faid Vemades) lool{_ to thy felf, when the Athenians/,^// into their mad fitf. 
 And thntiDen\3ides^( replyed F^ociow) leok,to thy felf, when they return to their right 
 wits: But, God be praifed, even whileft this epidemical diftemper did rage the 
 moll, there were not onely feavcn thoufand in England, but feaventy times feuven 
 thoufandjwho never bowed their knees to BaalBerith, the God of the Covenant, 
 but continued loyal Subjedts, and orthodox Chriflians, and were not afraid \yith 
 the Serpent, tocxpofe their bodies to the blows, and their citatcs to be a prey to 
 their perfecutors, that they might fave their head, firfl:, their fpiritualhead, that is, 
 Chrilf, (econdly, their political head, that is, their Soveraign Princev and laftly, 
 their ecclefiaftical head, or lawful fuperiours in the Church. Thefc were the true 
 Ifraelitts,who wreflled with God by their prayers, and prevailed. I have done with 
 the fecond qualification, and heardh forth good feed. I come now to the catafirophe .* 
 Shall doubtlefs come again with ]oy. 
 
 Every word in my text proclaims,that there is an interchangeable vicillitude of 
 all humane affairs. Here wc have, goingforth and coming again, weeping and acclama- 
 tions of joy, fowing and reaping, /feaf and (heav es. He that goeth on his way weepings 
 and beareth forth good feed, fhall doubtlefs come again with joy, and bring hpsjheavrs with 
 him. That o( Solomon, There is a time for every thing, a time to plant, and a time to 
 pltickjup^atime to build, and a time to pulldown holds in Cities and publick focieties, 
 as well as private Familes, and they may fet the Moon upon their gates , as well as 
 
 the
 
 . Discourse in. His Majefties Reftauration ot-g 
 
 the old Komanr did upon their fhoes, to put thcin in mind ot the unltability of rhis" " 
 
 World. One is, anot)ier was, and a third (hall be, even as it pleaieth God, in whofe 
 band there is a chain to lift them up, or let them down at his pleafurc. The great- 
 eft Monarchsand Monarchies in the World, in comparifon of him, are but "tttu roris 
 antelitcatti, drops of morning dew, quickly diyed up with the hear oftheSuT;, or eau- 
 ly difperfed with the lea(t puffe of wind. All places have their days and nights 
 their Summers and Winters, their Sun-fliine and Storms. Nnfublunaryrhing isfta- 
 ble. The Sun hathits Eclipfes, the Moon hath its Waxingsand Wainings, the Sea 
 hath its Ebbings and Flo wings, the Elements their fuccellive changes. Peace and 
 . War , ficknefs and health, plenty and dearth, do fucceed one another. The whole 
 World is a reftlefs whirligig, running violently, fomefimes this way, fometimesthat 
 way. A reed fhaken hither and thither , with every puffe of wind. A tottering 
 quagmire, whereupon it is impolfible to lay a fure foundation : like a fick man, that 
 can take no reft in his bed, but is continually toiling and turning from (ide to fide. 
 
 St. Paul doih defcribc our right image, in two Metaphors, 4 Eph. 14. That we 
 henceforth be no more children^ tojiedto and fro , and carried about with every vptnd ofDo- 
 cir'tne. The former Metaphor is taken from little children. You may draw a child 
 any whither from his duty, from his intereft,from his cngagemcnts,with ? fair wordj 
 or an apple, or fome new tangled toy, or fear of fome bugbear, or prom i(es of gold en 
 mountains. So we like children, are eafily led into a fools paradifc, not with apples 
 ofEden, but with apples of 5o^fl»7, which turn to duft when they come to be enjoy- 
 ed. The other Metaphor is taken from a (hip lying at Hull, tofledto andfro^ and car- 
 ried about with every wind-, even fo do we fludtuate between the broken waves , and 
 contrary billows of different opinions anddefires. 
 
 ^ Thus we arc changeable in our minds,but we are as changeable in our Eftates.Now 
 we abound with wealth, God knows how fbon the beft of us may be necclGtated to 
 beg an halfpenny of PafTengers with great Bellijariuf. Now every mans tongue is a 
 filver trumpet to found cut our praifcs, which perhaps deferve not to be piped upon 
 an Oaten reed. God knows how foon this Hofanna may be changed to cructfige^znd 
 we be loadcn with more unjuft calumnies, than ever was hlcffed Athanafm. Now we 
 enjoy the fweet fauce of all teraporalblellings, that is, health, God knows how foon 
 ficknefs may caft us upon our reftlefs beds , and change our fweet repofe into weari- 
 fbme toffings. God knows how foon we may be choaked with the fumes of a viti- 
 ous ftomack, or drowned with Hydropical humours , or burnt up with cholerick di- 
 ftempers, or buried alive in the Grave of melancholick imaginations. Now we fit in 
 the beauty of peace, every man under his own Vine, and his own Fig- tree. We know 
 nothowfoon our ringing of Bells may be changed to roaring of Cannons. It is the 
 mercy of the Lord, thatthefe milchiefs do not overwhelm us. 
 
 This vicillitude of humane affairs, is necefTary to the being of the World. Beafts 
 would multiply without numbcr,if none were brought to the Shambles.Fifties would 
 fill the Sea,and Fowls the Air, if the greater did not devourthe lefs, and both ferve 
 for the ufe of man. By nature we are born thicker into the World, than we dye out 
 of the Worldi every Age builds Cities, Towns, Villages, fo, as if God did not fome- 
 times thrurt in the fickle of his juftice into the over-rank held of this World,&: fvveep 
 away whole multitudes by war, or famine, or peftilencc, two Worlds could not con- 
 tain us, ten Worlds could not nourifh us. 
 
 If any place would have pleaded a priviledge to exempt it felf from this changea- 
 ble vicilHtude, what rather than Hierufalem ? yet it had not one ftonc left upon ano- 
 ther. Or 6j;7fr«j«?», whofe magnificent buildings were lifted up to Heaven > yet it 
 was caft down to Hell. Pliny and Strabo write wonders of the Walls of Babyhn, yet 
 now it is become a place for Owls to fcreech in, and for Satyrs to dance in. And now 
 grafs grows where once 7roy ftood. Alas , wherein can any City or Society place 
 their confidence, to protedt them fro v: this common viciliitude> In Navies or Jnna- 
 doesFhow eafily may they be caft away, or da(hed in pieces againft the rocks : as the 
 Ships of Jehofhaphat were at Ezeon-Geber. Or, in walls and fortifications? when the 
 walls oiHierico fell down at tiie found of rams horns, and the ftiout of an Enemy.Or, 
 in prudent Politicians? when God can infatuate the wifcdomof the wife, and turn all 
 their counfels into folly, as he did the counfels of Achitopbel. Or, in numerous Ar-: 
 
 Y y y y y "^'^s
 
 
 pdo 
 
 A Sermon npoij TOME II 1 1. . 
 
 inics ofcxpcrienced Souliiicrs> wh:ii he can fill their hearts witl\ panical teais, lo thit 
 ten (hall chafe an hundred. Or,in Leagues and Confederacies ? when be can fct £-. 
 fhraim againll Mjnajjes, and Mjitafiei ap,ainli Efhram, and both againft Juda. Na- 
 vies Armies Garrifons, Counlellours, Confederates, arc no more able to prevent this 
 common vicillitude of all humane affairs, than a fhield of paper, to rellrt the (hot of » 
 
 Cannon. , r i i • r i 
 
 firli then, feeing that by the Ordinanceof God,there is fucha ncccifary vicillitude 
 of all things, let us not think vainly to tranllate this valley of tears into a paradifc of 
 perpetual blils, or to clip the wings of profperity, that it Ihould never flyaway. Eve 
 called hcrcldell Son Cain, a pojjejjiun^andhc proved a vagabond. Then as skilful Pi- 
 lots, whilfi the fcafon is calmcfV, do provide for a (iorm , and as good Soukiiers do 
 keep a vigilant ccntry in the time of truce: fo when we have enough, let us remem- 
 ber the time of hunger, and when we are rich, think upon poverty and need , EccUf. . 
 18.25. when we are at home in peace. Ictus think upon thofe times , when vi?c ■ 
 hanged our Harps upon the willowsby the rivers of Babylon: Fearthe worii, and the 
 bcft willfaveit felf Darts that arc forefeen,fe!domc do apy great hurt. Above all, 
 take heed that thou never boalt of to morrow, for thou knoweft not what a day may 
 bring forth. 
 
 SiJcondly , fince there is fuch a viciffitude of all humane affairs , why fliould any 
 man murmure or repine at his prefent condition? The murmuring fpecchcs of meiiiJ 
 arc like arrows (hot up in defiance againft Heaven, which always fall down again up- 
 on their own heads. Should we receive good at the hand ofGod,and not cviR who 
 can fay that hisfuflferings are equal to his finsi' God rcwardeth many beyond defert, 
 but he never puniflieth any beyond deferr. 1 know that the Saints themfeives are 
 involved in National judgments, as well as others, as Hiercniy, Ezckiel, Da>iiel, in the 
 captivityibutit was ablellingto them, not a punifhment. As it weremadncfs tor a 
 Boatman, tothink that by the flrengthof his arm and cable, he was ableto drawthc 
 main rock to his little boat , and not fopull himfelf and his little boat to the main 
 rock; So it were ameerfollyfor any man tothink , that by his fhugling againll the 
 ftream of humane affairs, he fliould be able tochange the courfe of the World, and to 
 make it pliant to his defires. It is both pious and prudent to think that to be ever- 
 more beff for us, which God fends. 
 
 Thirdly , fince humane affairs arefb mutable, no extremity fhould make us dt* 
 fpair. When the bricks are doubled, when our mifcries arc at the higheft , when all 
 the hclpof man doth fecm to fail us, then comes Mofes to deliver us. When VharavlJ's 
 Butler had forgotten jFc/^ffc, then God remcmbredhim.Anllfurcr willtruft a Banque-' 
 ruptupon a Pawn. And (hall not we trufi God Almighty with our deliverance, 11 n- 
 lefs hegivt us a pawn for performance of his word? Remember that judgment whicli 
 fell upon the Samaritan Lord for his infidelity, Ihough the Lord Cfaid he (houldmah 
 vnyidoTci in Heaven, could this thing h(?Thc Lord did not make windows in Heaven, 
 yet that thing was, and came to pafs at thetime prefixed , but he lived not to enjoy 
 the benefit of it. God hath unimaginable ways to bring his own defigr.s to cffe(5,as 
 we fee with wonder and admiration this day. Tiius, as the woman of Canaan did 
 pick comfort out of the name of dog: fo we may gather hope out of the vanity and 
 Vicillitude of all fublunary tilings. After darknefs we may hope for light, after a 
 tempcft tor acalm, after wearifome tolhngs for fwcet repofej when the (lorm is wea- 
 thered, and the black clouds overblown which darkened the face of the Sky , and 
 fccriicd to take pofTcllion of the whole region ofthe air, and to pierce the very Hea- 
 vens, (uddenly behold a viciffitude. As no profperity is permanent^ fo no adverfity 
 "is perpetual. After exile comes a Countrey, after feed-time comes Harvel}, and af- 
 ter weeping comes joy. He that ',urv goeth on his u^jy rceefiiiHT^ andbearethforih gond 
 jeed^Jhall doubtkfs come again with joy. 
 
 I told you before, that ourTranilation, which renders it oncly joy, feems tome o- 
 vcrflat, and fhort ofthe Original, which iignifiesa (Ijom, or acclamation of joy, fuch as 
 Harvell-men do ufe when they bring home their HarveR-dame , or the lali load of 
 their Summers crop, with mufick, and feafiing, and (houting. If ever this was veri- 
 fied in any exiled Prince, who had gone forth weeping , and came again with joy to 
 his Kingdom and Native Countrey, it was verified in King Charles it his happy rclVi- 
 
 tiition,
 
 Discourse 111. His JVIajefties Ke/iauratbiT g6t 
 
 tution,and entrance into his Royal City. I have fee n high exprdiions ot ,oy " 
 
 in forreign parts upon the like occif on,I fee when the King of France that now is, 
 returned to his City of Puw, after he had been thruft out of it by his own SHbieds: 
 but fuch loud acclamations, fuch univerfal expreinons of joy, I did never fee or 
 hear, as were then made to welconi in King Charles •, that as a Father faid hyper- 
 bohcally of the fin of Adam, that it was an happy fault which obteined fuch a re- 
 deemer ; fo we may fay in the fame fcnfe ( and no other,) that it was an happy ex- 
 ckuion which produced luch a reltitution. 
 
 There remains onely one word yet untouched in this part of my Text that is 
 doubt lejsjhail doubtUfs come again rvithjoy. What then is it fo undoubted a tru'th that 
 every one who is thrull out ot his right here,fliall be reftorcd with fuch joyful accla- 
 mations? O no, God's judgments in this life arc imperfed,andthe difpenfations of 
 them are infcrutable, In rebus divinli magna efi caligo, there is a great milt in the ways 
 of God. Gods temporal promifes ought to be underftood with an exception of the 
 Crofs, unlefs he fee it to be other wife expedient for the advancement of his own 
 glory, and the eternal good of his fcrvants. God puniOieth fome finnershere ro 
 lliew there is a )uil )udge,and leaves others unpuni(hed,to {hew there is a jad^em'-'nt 
 to come. This truth is affirmed cxprefly by Solnmon.EdcC.y.i-^.All things have Iften in 
 the days of Vanity, there U a jufl man that perijheth in hisrighttoufiiefe.and a mck(dman 
 that prolongeth hU life in his trickdnefs. And if we had not plain Scripture for it, 
 the example of our late dread Soveraign King C^ar/^x the firft, was proof fufficient, 
 who was murthered by his own SubjedtSjC that had fworn allegiance to him, ) in his 
 Capital City, before the gates of his own Pallace, in the fight of his own people, m 
 the face of the fuH, under a formality of Juftice. God did fee all this then, and 
 doth now require it, require it here in part, but will require it hereafter to the utter- 
 moll farthing, from all thofe, who had an hand in that crying parricide, and have 
 not, or fhall not walh away the guilt with unfeigned tears. That happy Martyr 
 is now following the lamb in his whites, and reapsin joy what he did fow in tears > 
 And his Son is this day Crowned with his Royal diadem, with the fliouts and ac- 
 clamations of his ^ubjeds, So true is that of my text, that cither here, or hereafter, 
 or both. He that goeth on his way rpeeping, and beareth forth good feed with him.Jhall 
 doubt kfs come again vcitb acclamations of joy, and bring his (heaves with him. 
 
 This brings me to the lall claufe of my Text, and bring his (heaves with him. This 
 life is a feed time, whatfoever we fow here, we arc fure to reap hereafter,even to a 
 glafs of cold watter. As furely as when thou feeft a man carting feed out of an 
 hopper, thou mayeft foretel what fliall be the crop. The feed and the (heaves can- 
 not chufe butbc the fame graine. Onely the {heaves are feed multiplyed,it may 
 be thirty fold, it may be iixty fold, it may be an hundred fold. So (heaves do 
 fignify all thofe advantages which we reap by his Majellies rcftitution. 
 
 The firft (hcaf is Peace, the nearer that focieties approach to unity, the Farther 
 they are from feat ofdillolution. When the Romans did find thcmfelvesin any great 
 peril, they ever fubmitted themlelves to one Didator, as a facred anchor, and fure 
 remedy to take away their divifions. His Majefty hath not onely (lopped up the 
 fpring of all our divifions by his jult title, but hath purchaled our peace by parting 
 with his own juft rights, to fatiffy the interefis of all parties. Let his example be 
 our pattern, to do whatfoever wecan with jullice for the publick peace, although it 
 be to our own private prejudice. The Pythagoreans h^d a rule to leave no print of 
 the bnttome of the cup in the afhes,that is, in reconciliation to retein no re(en.tment 
 of former quarrels. The divided fides of a wound do meet together in a scarre. 
 And (trange plants by inoculation, do become one tree. It were hard that quarrels 
 fhould be immortal, or more durable than nature, or tiiat the pallions of the mind 
 fhould be more malignant and difficult to be' clofcd, than the wounds or ulcers of 
 the body, and that no way fliould be left to unite the divided members ofCnriff. 
 Doth God delight as much in the obfervation, or not obfcrvation of ind liferent Ce- 
 remonies , as he doth in the love and unity of brethren, and j'.i!l obedience to law- 
 ful fuperioars? or is it his will, that for a few innocent riteseftablith^d by Law, King- 
 doms Ihould fwim with blood, Monarchies be turned upfided i.vn, and innocent 
 Chriftians be brought to utter beggary .? It is a folly to dote fo upon the body , 
 
 y y y y y 2 as
 
 p52 A Sermon upon TO ME HIT. 
 
 as to cherKh the fores and ulcers thereof; or out ot hatred to the ulcers to deUroy 
 
 the body. The not dillinguifliing between the cflcnces and abufe of particular 
 Churches, liath been the caufeof all ourmiferies. This is the firft fheaf which King 
 Charles brings with him, that is, Peace. 
 
 The fccond (heafis theopening of our Courts, the reftoring of our lawcs to their 
 vigour, and the clhbiifhment of Juftice among us. What a wretched condition was 
 thTs Poor Kingdom in, which neither had Court open, nor Sherif legally appointed, 
 nor fo much as a Juftice of Peace for fo long time together? It was the mercy of God, 
 thatthc policieand frame of this Kingdom was not utterly deflroycd,and brought to 
 confufion. The Law is like the wrcli of a mufical inftrument, which puts the jar- 
 ring ftring in tune. It is thcballance of the Commonwealth, which gives thefame 
 weight to gold and lead, the rule and fquare of juftice, the ftandard and meafurcof • 
 the Kirgdom,the foundation of liberty, the fountain of equity, the life and foul of 
 policy. Parents may leave a Patrimony to their children, but the Law preferves if, 
 Armesmay conquer Kingdoms, but laws eftablifli them. A City may befafe with- 
 out walls, but never without Laws. That we eat and fleepin quiet, that our houfes 
 are not hred over our heads, nor our daughters deflowred before our eyes, it is the 
 bcncht of the Laws, witliout which, wefhould bite and devour one another, as the 
 greater tiihcs do thelefs. This is the fecond fliea f which King Charles brought with 
 him, that is, the Laws. A third ftieaf is experience. IVobeto thee Land, vcheu 
 thy Kvig is a child^Ecclef. lo. i6. That is, a child in undcrftanding and experience. 
 The inexperience o£Kehoboamzr\A\n$ yo\in^ counfellours quickly deftroyed the 
 Kingdom. We ufe t© fay,a new phyfician muft have a new Church yard. A new 
 phylkian is not more dangerous to the body, than a new politician totheftate. It is 
 written of Pjr/H/, that in opening a fair Pomegranate, one demanded of him, of 
 what thing he defired fo many as there were kernells in that Pomegranate ? He 
 replyed, fo many Zw/y/rKj'/, that is prudent and experienced counfellours. God 
 be praifed , our Darius may be a Zo/>yr«/ to himfeJf, having had that advantage 
 which none of his prcdeccflburs ever had, to have viewed with his own eyes the 
 chiefeft of his neighbours Courts, Kingdoms, and Commonwealths, their interefts, 
 their Laws,and forms of Government,their ftrength and weaknefs, their advantages 
 anddifadvantages, both in warrc and peace, things of excellent ufe to a Prince, 
 and this may well pafs for a third {heaf. And Jiiall bring his (heaves with 
 him. 
 
 A fourth {heaf,and the laft, which ffhall mention at this time , is Security. Ufur- 
 pers are always full of jealoufies and fears. The reafon is evident, Wifd. 7. 1 1, 
 Wickfdnefs condemned by her orvn teftimony is very timdrous^ and being prejjed rvitb 
 conJcience,all TPayes forecajlethgrievoHS things. It was obferved ofRichardthc third,that 
 after he had murthcred his Nephewes,and ufurpcd the Crown,hewore hishand con- 
 tinually upon his Dagger. A plain fignc of inward guilt. When the wife men made 
 this demand .w/^f re jf he that is hornKing of the Jervs}Herodw2i trouhlctl and zWHiertifa- 
 letn with him. Succeflor in(iat,pellimnr,fatelles ijerrum rape^perfunde cunas [anguine. A 
 fuccefibure is come, we are chafed away. Go Souldiers, catch your fwords,and make 
 the cradles fwim with blood. Thefe inward fears render them cruel and vindi- " 
 Aivc,and make them multiply their Souldiers and their guards, Wherein their only 
 hope of fafcty dothconfift. Thefe grow chargeable to a Commonwealth, and 
 eafilyfrom Servants turn Maftersifrom all thefe burdens and fufpicions we are freed 
 by the reftitution of the right Heir. So every way King Charles brings his Jheavei 
 veith him. 
 
 AFrince,as fupercminent above others in goodncn;,as5jx</ was in ftature,and more 
 adorned with virtues than with his purple. To whofe happy Coronation this day 
 is dedicated. Much may he give, long may he live, a nurfing Father to the Church, 
 a patron fo the Common wealth,a protedour to his friends, a terrnur to hisenem.ics, 
 an honour anda darling to his Country. Let the hopes of all thofe who envy this 
 daycs happineft, melt away as winter ice, and flow away as unprofitable waters. 
 And long, long may his Crown flourifti, which this day firft adorns his temples, un- 
 til he change that corrruptible Crown with an immarcefcib!!- Crown of 
 glory. 
 
 when
 
 Discourse lir ' His Majefties Rernuration 962 
 
 When I conlider with my ielt the condition of the molt flourifhing Conmw — 
 wealths, as Athens , how fatal they have for the moftpartbcen to perfons of eminent 
 virtues, whereof few efcapcd both banifhment and poifon , I cannot but admire our 
 happincfs under the belt ot Monarchies i when I compare thofearts and exacftions 
 which are iifed in our Neighbour Countries, where the whole Ellate of the Com- 
 monwealth goes through the Magilhates hands in the (hcrt compafs of a very few 
 years. Much good may the mock-liberty of their tongues do them, which their pur- 
 fes pay for. I cannot but proclaim, O happy England , if thou kncweft thine own 
 happinefs. But neither the time permits me, normydefires invite me to f"j!| upon 
 this fubjea. I will turn my dilcourfe into Prayers , that the great God of Heaven 
 and Earth will give his Majelly a long life, a fecure Empire , a prudent and faithful 
 Council, a loyal and obedient people, expert and valiant Armies. BlelTed be he that 
 blefleth him, and let every Loyal fubjed fay Amen. 
 
 Ihefirfi SPEECH by my Lord Primate »o the Speskir rf the Houfe 
 
 of Commons. 
 SJR, 
 
 THe Lords Juftices of this Kingdom have gracioufly heard that relation which 
 you made unto them from the Honourable Houfe of Commons, touching their 
 cledion of you to be their Speaker , together with your modcft defire to decline the 
 place as too heavy tor yoa. They know right well the great importance of the 
 Placci but they know as well your great ability to difcharge it. Neither doe they 
 look upon you as a Child, that hath the reins put feemingly, and for a flicw into his 
 hands, but as upon an experienced Charioteer, who knows how to dilcharge all the 
 duties that belong unto his Office dexteroully, and without ofkntation and to di- 
 fpofe and dircd the hand of that little one by the occult motions of his own to 
 feem to do that, which in truth is his own proper work. They know that the Ho- 
 nourable Houfe of Commons is no little Fly-boat, but a Ship Royal of the fecond 
 magnitude , and the Cargafoon as rich as the Ship is great. Therefore they have 
 committed the charge of it to you, as to a Skilful Pilot. In fumme, the Lords Tufli- 
 ces do exhort you to add courage and refblution to your modefty and other great 
 parts, that youmay adorn that Province,whichby the fuffragesof that Houfe is com- 
 mitted to your care. For as the Houfe of Commons have advifedly chofen you 
 their Speaker, fo the Lords Julliccs,by his Majefties authority,do as advifedly confirm 
 you their Speaker. 
 
 And now Mr. Speaker, I have one thing more to add,which I am requited by the 
 Lords Jurtices to impart unto you; That is, that you being by your place an alBrtant 
 to the Houfe of Peers, and fummoned by Writ, to the difcharge of thattruft, yet the 
 Houfe of the Lords taking into their ferious confideration the polfibility , or rather 
 the probability that fome of their allilknts might perhaps be chofen Speaker , to let 
 all the World fee, that they are equally careful of the priviledges of both HouVes, in 
 order to the common good of the Kingdom, they parfed a Vote this morning, that 
 if any of their alfiftants ^(hould be chofen Speaker of the Houfe of Commons ,' they 
 would difpenfe with him probac vice , faving alvvayes to the Houfe of the Peers all 
 their juft rights and priviledges for the future. So that there remains nothing ^ but 
 that you gird your felf to your Office whichis call upon you from all hands. 
 
 7he fecond SPEECH hy my Lord Primate to the Speaker of the Houfe 
 
 of Commons. 
 Mr. Speak^r^ 
 
 YOU ftile this place aptly, a mount oftransfigHratim.,. and, truly fo it is. Wc be- 
 hold the greateft transfiguration here that ever was icen in this Kingdom , on 
 fuch a fudden, either in our days , or in the days of our Forefathers. A converfion 
 from the greateft Anarchy, and confufion , to order, and a fetled Form of Govern- 
 ment. If nothing elfe did evince it, this change and transfiguration alone , were a- 
 ble to make good the truth of that old MiKimc^Kes fjciU redettntadfrijiinum fiatum^ 
 Things do cafily return to their former condition. ^ Otheijwife it were" impoliible 
 that fo much eonfufion fhould be attended with fo much order ; or the word of A^ 
 
 nar-
 
 9^4- 
 
 A Ser>fit>n upon TOME I III 
 
 narchics witli the belt ot Monarchies. It is better to live under the Sicilian Ty- 
 rants or the Roman Decemviri, or the thirty Athenian Ufurpcrs , than to live in an 
 Anarchy, where there isnoGoverrmcnt. It is better to live wlicre nothing is law- 
 ful ihan'vvhereall things arc iawtul. Better one Tyrant than a thoufim!. I Ihall 
 not need to yrd's this further. Cal\ but your eyes back to the by-palFed years, and 
 you will Tee this better demonnrafcd by expeTience,tlian it is polhblc to do it by rca- 
 fon. But behold a fudolcn transfiguration. Neither the morning nor the evening 
 Star in the Heavens is more beautiful , than Jurticc and good Government upon 
 Earth. To it we owe our profperity, our liberty , our fecurity , all we arc, all wc 
 have all we can be in this World , without which we (hould be like Fitlies in the 
 Sea or Fowlsin the Air. The greater devour the Icfs: Fifces f.c fxpe niinntos magnm 
 iomeftific aves entcut acciftUr. Thofe innovators and incendiaries wholabour to puU 
 down a (etlcd Form of Government, are like a phrenetick perfon, who takes pains to 
 hew down the bough whereon hehimfelf doth ftand. As thofe two figns, or rather 
 meteors, Cal\oT and Folux^ when they appear double to Sea-faring perlons, promife 
 ferenity and a prcfperous voyage,but when they appear lingleor divided,they threa- 
 ten a Itorm, whether it be by reafonofthe denfity or rarity of the matter , or what 
 other natural caufes , I leave to the Philofophers to determine. So where power 
 and Juftice do meet together, it promifeth profperity and peace v but where they 
 are divided, power without juflice , or juf^ice without power , it prognofticates a 
 tcmpell to a State. 
 
 From your mount of Transfiguration you fliew us a King, Tott Boufe of Commons 
 behold a King. As Anarchy is the worfl: of mifgovernments, fo Monarchy is the bcil 
 of Governments, the moft ancient, the mo(\ univerfal, the moft natural, the molt no- 
 ble, the moft advantageous Form of Government. I do dot deny the lawfulncfs of 
 other Forms, but I do altogether deny that any other Form is fo noble, (o natural, or. 
 fomuch froin God. There is one God in the world, a Monarchy ■■> one foul in the 
 body, a Monarchyi one Sun in the Heavens, a Monarchy, oneMalkr in each Family, 
 and one Monarch in each Society. It was good counfel, which Lycurgtu j-ave a mu- 
 tinous Citizen, that would have had him bringa Democracy into the State , that he 
 {hould try itfirft howhe liked it in hisown Houfe , and fufter his Servants to be his 
 Quartermafters. The filly Bees do teach us thus much, who know no Law but the 
 Law of nature, yet thcyhave their King. And that which is much more ftrange , 
 which 1 have feen by ocular experience. Take their King prifoncr in a Cane, as it 
 is ufual to do, and they will feed him with honey through the nicks and crevifesof 
 the Cane. So long as you detain him there , they will never fwarm , norfctk for 
 new habitations tor themfelves. Remove him and his prifon into another hive, and 
 they will all flock after him, and travail for him. Put a Ihangc King into his cane 
 or prifon,and they will befb far from feeding him,that th.ey will flop up all the holes 
 of the cane with wax, and ftarvc him for an Ufurper. How much more are the 
 Clly Bees more obfervant of the Laws of nature, than degenerated men. Inflmme, 
 the foul of Sovcraign power, which is infufed by God into Democracy and Arillo- 
 cracy, is the fame that it is in Monarchy. But the organ is not the fame, nor foapt 
 to attain the end. But God and nature do always intend that which is bcft-, that is, 
 Monarchy. And in fome cafes, the cxirtcnce of Kingly Government is from God, 
 as well as the elTence. But God never inftituted any other Form than Monarchical. 
 He himfelf vouchfafed to be King of his people.and gave them firftMc/fj- as a Viceroy, 
 Mofej TFos King in jcfurun. And afterwards he gave them a radicated fuccelt on of 
 Kings. N^^ Commonwealth hath the like plea (or it felf. 
 
 And 3": Monarchical Government is thebeft Form of Governments, To our Englifh 
 Monarchy is the bcft Form of Monarchy. By the blclfing of God , wc live in the 
 moft temperate part ef the temperate Zone. And in joy a Government as temperate 
 as the C'imate ir felf. We cannot complain cither of too much Sun , or too lirtlc 
 Sun. The beams of Soveraignty are neither fo perpendicular over our heads 
 that thev canfcorchus, nor yet fo oblique, but that they are able to warm us. 
 Should we go about in a madding humour to difTolve a Frame of Government, 
 which made our Forefathers happy at home, and famous abroad , or loath our own 
 Manna, and long after the Flefhpots and Onions of Egypt? If wcdcte npon forrcign 
 
 po-
 
 DiscouRss 1 1 L His Majeftics Heflau ration- '^- 
 
 poiities, ic is ontiy becaufe we do not know tl^mrConfuIt but with tli^hlTdo 
 
 know them, and wc will quickly fay, our lot is fallen in a faire ground* 
 
 And fo tiom Kings you come to Parliaments, which have evermore had a vcne- 
 rnble ellcem in the world, if not under the name of Parliaments, yet under a more 
 ancient name of Cmndlli, or Conveniioas. As the infcriour orbe? do by their tranf- 
 vcrlc and uppofite yet vincible motions, (lay and moderate the rapid force, of the 
 prinmrn imbtle, or Hrft Spherfc : So Parliaments by their Fabian Counfeils do tem- 
 per and moderate the quick motion of Soveraign power. I- fpcak notthis of any 
 danger that hangs over us. God be praifcd, we have no fuch^ young PWt.;?/, but 
 one that harli been as much and aS long acquainted with Fabius as with Marceltty 
 and knows how to ufc the Buckler as well as the Sword. But Parliaments have a' 
 iurther advantage than that of Counfcll onely,namely in republicks to aggregate and 
 unite, and to render the whole focicty one political body,and in Monarchies to fup- 
 ply,and fecond, and execute. Then the affaires of a Kindomgo profpcroufly on, 
 when they joy a 9W ^«tij// in advancing publique. defignes. 
 
 From Parliaments in general, I come to the reafons cf fummoning this Parlia- 
 ment in particular. But that is fo evident, that he that runs, may read it. Yet 
 though it be fo obviou^ that no man can mils it,ormiftakeit, and that itrnayieera 
 fuperfluous to do that Dver again, which hath been done fo excellently alreadyby 
 my Lord Chancellour, as one of his Majefties reprefcntativcs ; yet for order 
 and method fake , I £ball allign three reafons for convocating this prefent 
 Parliament. ,-, 
 
 Thelirliis, difcrimination of perfons, and difiindiion of poffellions. Methinks 
 I am now in one of the fields oi Egyp^wpon the banks ofNiluf, prcfently after the 
 inundation otthat river, when it is )ult returning into the old channel. And all you, 
 that hear me, look like fo many mcafurers that are here on purpofe to givceverypro- 
 prictor his right poflellion,and to fet them out their true bounds. Never did an in- 
 undation of ZVi/w make a greater confufion of diftind poflTeUions asd intcrcfts, than 
 the late Rebellion hath made in Jre/jW, blending all cllates in one confufed maft. 
 Kings, Dukes, Bifhops,Knights,and pawns are all confufedly mixed together in one 
 baggc. It were folly. Noble Peers and Patriots, to ask what you do here-, As great, 
 as if one fhould inquire upon the banks of M/w what the meafurers do there pre- 
 fentlyatter an inundation. It is to fix every man in his proper ftation,wherein,hc is to 
 ferve his King and Country. This is the ftrrt end cf this Parliament, the diliindion 
 of poflTeilions. 
 
 A fecond reafon is that, which is commonly the reafon of fummoning 'all Par - 
 liament«:, that is to fatiffy the juft debts of the Kingdom, and difingagethepublique 
 faith. We could not doit, it vvas impollible. And neceifity muft yield to impolli- 
 bility. But his Majeliy hath done it for us, and fatisfycd the publique debts out 
 of his own rights. The time hath been, that the publique faith of the Kingdom 
 hath been flighted. No man had a publique trurt, and fo no man could be fued 
 upon a publique faith. But King Charles hath redeemed the publiq le or edit again, 
 by fatisfying the publique debt?; But he fatisfyes them in a Parliamentary way. St. 
 Vaul faith, that an oath is the end of all ftrife,fo is a Parliament. For as there lyeth 
 no appeal from God in the interiour Court. So there lyeth no appeal from Parlia- 
 ment in the exteriour Court. I mean, a compleat Parliament of King, Lords, and 
 Commons, whofc act is the adt of each individual Subjedf. This is the fecond 
 reafon of calling this Parliament, to fatisfy the publique debts of the King- 
 dom. 
 
 A third reafon of convocating this Parliament,!? flie providing for the Army for 
 the future, vvfirhout impofing too great a burthen either upon the E'lgHfh or Irijh 
 Subjedt. Two things make a Prince gratefuU to h-s people. Ej(y eares to hear grie- 
 vances, and light hands m impoftytg Subfidies. And to fpeak t!ie truth,a great part of 
 the diff^nfions in E'tgland have fprung from this fouros The King could notlive 
 upon the revenues' of his Crown without running into debt, nor tholedcbts be paid 
 without railing new Monopolies, or impofing new taxes, asShip- money, or the like, 
 or parting with fome branches of his Prerogative Iloyal. Hitherto England hath 
 been ncccititated fofupply the defeds of Ireland., it is to be feared not over willingly. 
 
 Now
 
 ^66 
 
 A Sermon upon, ^c T O M E 1 1 II 
 
 Now It hath plcafcd God to put into liisMajeliics hands anopportunityiofadvyncing 
 his revenue to a compcfcncie, that Jrdand may be able for the future to bear us own 
 burthen, without charging cither the Eitglijh or Jrifh Subjed: in ordinary cafes. And 
 this opportunity he puts wholly info the hands of his Parliament, as the proper 
 iudg both to fupply the ncceliitics of the Kingdom, and to prevent them. Thefe 
 arc the three reaibns of calling this Parliament, i. The diltinguifhing of poffetiions. 
 2. The fatisfadtion of jult debts. 3. And the raifing the Revenuesof the Ciown to 
 a jull competency. LaAIy, Mr. Speaker, you defcend to the unity of both Houfes. 
 His Majefiy hath done whatfoever hath been defired of him, and is yet ready to do 
 whatfocver can be defired of a gracious Prince. It is our own faults, our own fro- 
 wardnefs and unfeafonable oppofition to one another, if we be not happy. All things 
 preferve themfclves by unity, and the nearer they approach to unity, the farther 
 they arc from fear of diffolution. This le0bn old Sillurm taught his Sons by a bundle 
 of rods, vvhilcft they weretyed together , all their conjoyned ftrength could not fb 
 much as bend themi but when the bundle was divided, and every Son had his 
 lingle rod they did eafily fnap them in funder. So faid he, You my Sons are in- 
 vincible whikft you preferve unity,but if you fuffer your felves to be divided, you 
 are Iol>. This Icffon Meneniiu Agrippa taught his hearers by the welknown apolo- 
 gy of the belly, and the other members, whiieft they did nourifh unity , and all 
 a<fted for the publique advantage of the whole body, each member had his fharc 
 and dividend in this happinefsv but when they began to mutiny and divide interefts, 
 & to weigh their own particular merits too narrowly,and all to grumble at the belly 
 as an idle, gluttonous, and unprofitable member i they found by colHy experience, 
 that their well and ill fare were infcparably interwoven together, and that they 
 wounded that member which they maligned thiough their own fides. On the other 
 part, difunion is the ready way to deftrudion. Si colUdimur^ frangimur^ i( we be 
 beaten one againft another, we arc both broken in pieces. It was not the power of 
 Rome, but the divifions and fubdivifions of the Bmamx, which rendred themaneafy 
 prey to their Conquercrs. It was not Fhilip, but the diffenfions oi Athens ^hebes and 
 Sparta, that ruined Greece. It was not Scipio^hut the fadions of Ha««o and Uanmbal 
 t\\iX. 6^i{toyed Carthage, Our own eyes have feen a fmall handful of confederated 
 Provinces abk to oppoft the greateft Monarch in Ewropf ,and were 10 far from finking 
 under the weight of fuch a warrc, which had been able to break a back of flcel, that 
 h'kc palme trees they did grow up under the weight, from dilirejjid orders , to high 
 and mighty ftates,or like Mofes hisbufii, not onely not confumed, butfprouting and 
 bloflbming in themidft of the flames. This virtue of unanimity , is that whereupon 
 our Richcs,our Honour , our Religion , our Laws,our Liberties, our Kingand Coun- 
 try, our Fires and Alars, and all our hopes.do depend. 
 
 Hoc opus, hoc fiudium, parvi prnperemus & ampli, 
 
 ft patriae volumtK,fi mbii vivere chari. 
 
 The anfrver of the Lords Jufiices to Mr. iSpeakers la(i propofitions 
 That they will be very careful and ready to mantain the Houfe in all the juft liber- 
 ties and priviledges belonging to it. u Afreedom from arrefts for themfelvcsand 
 their Servants inall cales whereuntothePriviledgeof the Houfe doth extend. 2. Mo- 
 deft and moderate liberty of fpeechvoidofall licentioufnefs which their Lordfhips are 
 confident that the Houfe is fo fa^r from defiring (to have it tolerated,' that themfclves 
 would be the firft and fevcreft cenfurers ofit. 3. Seafonable and free accefs to their 
 Lordfhips upon all occafions. 
 
 TOME
 
 TOME IV. 
 
 ISCOURSE IV. 
 
 THE RIGHT 
 
 way ^o Safety 
 
 •AFTER 
 
 SHIPVVRACK: 
 
 /N A 
 
 SERMON 
 
 PREACHED 
 
 To the Honourable the Houfc of CommOnSf, in St. ?atric1(% 
 Church, Dnhlin^ J«»» i 6. i 66 i^ 
 
 At their Solemn Receiving of the Bleflcd 
 
 SACRAMENT. 
 
 By the moft Reverend Father in God , J O H N Lord Arch- 
 biQiop of Armaghy Primate and Metropolitan of all Ireland* 
 
 Printed at DUBLIN Firft, i6 6u 
 Reprinted t 6 j 6.
 
 (^66 
 
 n%%%mnnm%%nnn% 
 
 17. Jnne 1661* 
 
 ORdered, That the underramcd perrons,or any three or 
 (iiore ot them , do repair unto His Grace the Lord pri- 
 mate- ot ail Ireland ,and in the Name of this Houfe, return 
 thanks unto His Grace for his great pain? taken vcfterday in 
 Preaching and Adminiftring the Holy Sacrament of the Lords 
 Supper unto the Members of this Houfe,, and to defire His 
 Grace that he would caufe the fame to be Printed. 
 
 Sir^ Henry Tichburne, Sir, Franck Hamilton* 
 
 Sir, Theopihlm Jones^ Sir* Robert Fortjj* 
 
 Ml* ot the wards* Sir^ Richard Kirle, 
 
 Copia Vera» 
 
 Ex^ per Thilip Ferneley Clcr^ Pari* 
 
 iitisttitisitiinfitii
 
 9^9 
 
 TOME IV. 
 
 DISCOU RSE IV . 
 
 Prov. 28: 13. Ui that covereth hit fiiujhall not fro^er: hut whofo coMfeJJeth aftdforfaK- 
 eth them, Jhal have mercy." 
 
 IN thefe words, two diflereiu ways , which finncrs take to attain to happi- 
 nefs, are reprcfented to us, t!\c one fliort and broad, but impaffable, by rea- 
 fon of thieves and precipices", Ee that covereth hUpni (hail mtproff>er: the o- 
 thcr long and (hait, but certain and fccure,r^w/9 conjejjeth and forjaketh them, 
 ff:aU have mercy. Or if you will, a common (hipwrack, wherein two planks 
 arc prefented to us, ro favc us fiom drowning v the one painted, but rotten, which 
 will undoubtedly deceive us that is, the plank of dilhmulation ; Ee that covereth hit 
 fmsfljall mtprojper: the other rugged, but found , which will infallibly bring us fafc 
 to Land, that is, the plank of Repentance ; He that conjejfeth and forfakfth them,JhaU 
 have mercy. 
 
 Or laftly, w&may confider herein the fore, the Chyrurgcry, and the fuccefs: The 
 fore is fin, the courfe of Chyrurgery is double and diiferent, the one by healing over, 
 or binding up, the other by incifion, or clcanfing ouci the one with fupple oyl , the 
 other with (harp vinegeri the one by bathing, the other by lancingi the one by cove- 
 ring, the other by confelh'ng. The fuccefs is likewife double and different, propor- 
 tionable to the two waysof curci the one unprofperous , Jhall not profiler i the other 
 pxoQpcxous, Jhjll have mercy. He that covereth hU fins jhall not projper: but tvh jo confej- 
 jeth andforfjkfth them, (hall have mercy. 
 
 The fore is fpiritual and epidemical, that's tin, 2 Chron. 6.When every one flullkytoro 
 bis oven fore. And more emphatically, Jfa. 1.6. it is (tiled a putrifying fore. So long 
 as our firll Parents continued in the flatc of innocency , rofes grew without thorns, 
 as St. Ambrofe obferved. As there was no fin, fo there was no ficknefs i no fores in 
 the World, either of foul or body. Indeed it was not impolfiblc for them to fin, Co 
 they (liould have been Gods, not mens but it was poliible for them not to have fin- 
 ned, which is as much as the Angels in Heaven can challenge to themfelves: for ma- 
 ny of them fell irrecoverably, becaufe they found not a Redeemer, and thofe, which 
 ftood, owe their confervation, as we do our redemption, to the Crofs of Chrill, Col. 
 I. 20.. But by the fall oCJdam,the Image of God became defaced in man, the rayes 
 of Heavenly Light eclipfed,thefpirkles of Divine Grace cooled, the Underdanding 
 infatuar.d, the Will confounded, the AffeAions difordered, and in place of thefc per- 
 fedttons, Sm cnrred into me World as an hereditary contagion , a fpirirual leprofie, 
 with the co.nfcquents of it, all manner of fores and difeafes , both of loul and body, 
 which cannot be cur*d with all the Balm in Gilead, nor cledin^'d withal! the water in 
 the Oceans but onely by the bloud of Chrift , and in order to that , by Repentance » 
 which is the Cure commended in my Text. 
 
 Hence all thofe fvvarms of Feavers, Catarhs, Gouts, Palfies, Apoplexies, and the 
 like, which do infeft the Body of man more than any other living creatures : We 
 may be burned up with cholerick diilempers , drowned with hydropick humours, 
 choakM with the fumes of a vitious flomack, and buried quick in the Grave of 
 melancholick imaginations. But the chicfeft dcfcds arc thofe of the Sou!, as i. Ig- 
 norance, that in fo thick a mift of Erroursand Se<fts, we know not how to find out 
 the truth-, and that, which tops up 0'.>r folly, is , that we are grown too wifein our 
 own conceit-:. 2. Concupifcencc, that peftilenccof the foul, whofe cinkercd blof- 
 foms are tlill fprouting up in the moll regenerate hcartsithis weakened the power of 
 .9j/»P/o«, infatuated the wifdom of 5o/ow9« , defiled the holinefs of P-iivr^. 3. Self- 
 
 Z z ? 7, 7 2 love ,
 
 97^ 
 
 A Sermon upon TOME IIIK 
 
 love, an hidden poyfon, thcru<rort"lie mind, the moth ot hoTincls, the parent of en- 
 vy,thc original of all vices. 4. Difcontent, which makes us prize what we want, 
 flcieht what wc enjoy, more fcnfible of fufferings than of bleflmgs i iikc little chil- 
 dren which, for want of fome toy which they affed, throw away all they have, and 
 fall a' crying; wc follow contentment hard, but as Fools do an Ignis fatma, always 
 atadiliance. 5. Prepollcrous feari If we doill, we fear MagiRratcsi if we do well, 
 we fear dctradors: If we be rich, we fear thlevesi if poor, creditors: If wc hate, wc 
 fearcnemies, if we love, Corrivals. 6. Diliiufls We all fay, wc trtft God, but for 
 the moftpart fooncr with our fouls, than with our Elktes, and hardly without a 
 Pawn, as Ufurcrs would trufl a Bankrupt. Laftly, Hypocrifie; If ilicre be a mote in 
 the Eye , there is a Beam in the Heart , if there be a Beam in the Eye , 
 there is attack of mifchief in the heart ; We look one way, and row another 
 way, blow hot and cold with the fame mouth,and have our hearts more double than 
 our breath.- We flatter for advantage, and we flander for advantage ^ we fcrve God 
 for advantage, and it need be, we ferve the Devil for advantage. Then fince wc 
 liavc ail made fhipwrack of Baptifmal Grace by fin, fincc all without exception doe 
 Hand inneed of a fecondplank to fave them from drowning , it remains that we 
 makcchoiceof oneofthe two prefentedtousin my Texti Diflimulation, or Conver- 
 fioni covering, or confefling: That's the next part : He that covereth hisf'HsJhjll not 
 fnjJxT: but vphofo confejieth and forfaketh themjhall have mercy. 
 
 There are three good covers of fin in Hol> Scripture, i. Charity, 2. Convcrfion, 
 3. Pardon: The twofirfl are mens covers, the third is Gods cover. 
 
 I. Charity, Pror.10.12. Hatred jiirreih ttp firife, but love covereth allfns, and I Pff. 
 4, 8. Charity Jhall cever the multitude o//5«/,Charity thinketh no evil, charity fufpe- 
 deth no hurt, charity interprets all things in the bcflfenfe > Charity doth rot aggra- 
 vate or exaggerate the faults of men, but feeks-to extenuate them, imputing them to 
 a good intention, or to ignorance , or to furprize, or to the violence of temptation 1 
 Charity delights not in carrying about fardles of Tales and calumnies , asPedlcrs do 
 tl.eir packs, from houfe tohoufe,nor to divulge the faults of men , as curfed Chant 
 did the nakednefs of his Father, but to conceal them, and tofupprcfs them, zsjofeph 
 was not willing to make Mary a publick example; Charity is not vindidive, to 
 write injuries in marble, but buries them in oblivion. He that wants this cover, is 
 an unclean VtlTeliHcthat hath not this Wedding-garment, is fuie to be caf^ intoout- 
 er darknefsj but he that hath it isblefTed, he {hallptofpcr: Judge not^and you Jhall not 
 he judged, 
 
 Thefecond good cover isConverfion, Jam. 5. 20. He that cmverteth a(imter, (hall 
 fave a foul, and hide a multitude offws, Juff as he converts a (inner, and faves a foul, 
 fohc hides fins, not primitively, but derivatively, not principally , but fubordinatelyj 
 not foveraignly, but miniflerially. He converts morally, but Grace phyfically i he 
 by perfwading, bijt Grace by renewing. Now Converfion being an infallible way 
 to Remifiion , he that helps to convert , helps to cover fini that's one way. 2. He 
 that converts a man, helps to amend him, and after amendment, the fhame of former 
 fins Iscoveredi the memory of them is rather a ba3ge of Honour, than a note'oflg- 
 norainyi like thefcar of a Souldiers wound, after it is h^ led. Thus he hides the 
 fins of his Convert. But he hides his own fin likewife, that is, difpofitively he ren- 
 ders himfelf more capable of Godspardon. BleJJed are the mercifnl, for thiy Jhall ftti 
 mercy: But thofe bufie bodies, whofe affcdions aic flronger than their judgements , 
 who labour with tooth and nail to fpread broad their erroneous drcams,muft expeA 
 nofharein this bleflingiJTo heto ym Scrihei ajid ^harijets^hypocrites: fir ycu compafs fea 
 and land tomakf a Vrojelyte^and makghim two fold more a child of HeU,than your f elves. 
 The third kind of covering of fin is the iorgivirg of it. Pp/. 85. 2. Ihouhaft for- 
 given their inicjuity^ and covered all their f us: that is , covered them from the eye of 
 thy Ji'ftice; as a woand is covered with a Plaifter , to cure if, as a dead body is co- 
 vered in the Grave, to avoid theilench of if, as the doors of the Ifraeiites were co- 
 vered with the bloud of the Pafchal Lamb, to caufe the deftroying Angel topnf*; by 
 them. In the fame regard elfewhere , the rerfiiflion of fins is called a fcrgetting oj 
 them, a cafiing of them behind thebaci^. a buryi'ig them in the bottom if the Jea: of all co- 
 vers, this is the beft, Vfal. 32. 1. Bkfied is the man vohofe trarfgre^on is forgiven , and 
 rvhojefm is covered. , Bu*
 
 Di!^cpURSElV« tiis Majeftics Coronation. 071 
 
 But thelc are not the covers intended in my Text, the hrll of which is downrieht ' 
 
 denial, as Gehez.i thought to have oiitrjced hisMalkr, and Ananiai and Sapphira. Sr. 
 Feter. ?rov. 30. 7he harht eauib and ivi^eth her mouth, and faith. What have I done? 
 Men are too apt to forget the alt-feeing eye of Godi like Woodcocks, which thruft 
 their heads in a bufli, and think no man fees them, becaufc they fee no man. Let the 
 leprolie of Gehezi , let the fudden death of Ananim and Sapphira warn us to take 
 heed how we feck to cover our faults with lyess well may it advantage a man a lit- 
 tle for the prefent, as a lye got St.Pf/er his admifiion into the High Priefts hall , but 
 it hath ever a foul ending,and within a while forfeits the whole ftock of a mans^ cre- 
 dit and reputation: Therefore the Scripture faith , That a lying tongue is hut for » 
 moment-, and to God it is a very abomination, Prov. 12. 22. Then tell the truth and 
 ihame the Devil; When a faultis ingenuoufly difcovered, the amends ishalf ma'dc. 
 
 The fecond Cover, is mincing of extenuating of our fins, as the fluggard , Tet a 
 little Sleep, a little Slumber, and Jonathan did but tafte a little honey upon his Rods 
 end: But a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump , a few dtadfiies eaufe the oyntmem of 
 the Apothecary to jiink^^Ecd. 11. He that clippeth a little of the Kings Coyn, is 
 guilty of Treafon; every little fand hath his weighty and it is allone whether a maiv 
 be prelTed to death with an heap of fand, or amafs ofLeadi whether a fhip be over- 
 whelmed with one great wave, or drowned with cnany fmall Leaks. More perifh 
 by the daily habitual prcftimptuous pra<ftice of leffer fins, than by one foul acS of 
 fome greater fin. Wc detcO that horrid Paradox, That all fins are equal i That he 
 is as great a tranlgrelTour that kills a Cock- chicken without a caufe,as he that mur- 
 thers a Prince. But he that makes light of any fin, when he comes to make up his 
 account with God, deftroys himfelf» yet this is often our condition : A mote in ow 
 neighbours eye flnrvs greater than a beam in our otpn. 
 
 The third Cover is that of ExcilTes. i9a«/ pleads for a Sacrifice to the Lord , to 
 excufe hisowndifobedience. Gehezi pleads the nccellity of the Sons of the Pro- 
 -phcts for his Bribery, JudM alledgeth the poor to palliate his covetoufnefs. When 
 the King of Heaven invites men to his great Supper, one hath married a Wife, ano- 
 ther purchafed a Farm, the third muft go to prove fome Oxen> many frame excufes 
 to themfelvcs with as much eafe as the Spider weaves her webs. Every fin hath its 
 cloak, malice and revenge pretends lealof Juftlce : Wilful murther , I mean in our 
 Duellifis, which cries to Heaven for revenge , muffles it ftlf up in the cloak of ho« 
 nour and reputation. Thefe Fig-tree Leaves may ferve to cover our fins well e- 
 nough, whilft it is Vacation, but take heed of the Term-time when it comes ; When 
 confcicnce begins to fpit fire and brimftone in our face , when the Devil pulls off 
 the hood wherewith he hath blinded us j then all the(e painted Excufes vanifli a- 
 way , we hear nothing but Hues and Cries , we fee nothing but evident Deftru- 
 dlion. 
 
 The fourth Cover is, transferring of our fins upon others; as Adam upon the wo- 
 man, the Ifraelites upon their F'ather«,T/)f Fathers have eaten fin^re grapes, & the chil- 
 drens teeth are fet on edge-,3LS if the multitude ofdelinquents did le^Ten the offencc,nay ra- 
 ther, the more the Tranl^reflbrs, the nearer are the Judgements of God. Others 
 accufe ihe Times, and evil Company of their faults. How (liould one ftick fay it 
 remained unfcorch'd in the midft ofa flaming Bundle? Tis true. As fire begets fire^ 
 fo dothfm •, evil manner f corrupt good, though the operation be not always prefent • 
 Poyfon muft have a time of working.- The more our familiarity grows with fin, the 
 lefs the deformity thereof appears; After the Mufick is ended, the Tune fiillra- 
 mainsin our Ears. He that makes Confcicnce of his ways, muft avoid evil com- 
 pany as he would do poyfon, or an houfe infeded with the plague > and write. 
 Lord have mercy upon us on the one Door, as well as on the (5ther. Others make 
 Satan their Cover, and caft their Sins upon his Score. The Devil may foUicit us, 
 but he cannot neceilitate us: He could not thruft the Apple by force down Eves 
 Throat, nor pulh Chrift by violence down from the Pinnacle : He hath a Height of 
 pcrfwading, not a power of compelling ; He blows the Coals, but the Fire is our 
 own: He 'bite?, but it is thofe which thruft thcmfelves into his Jaws : Kefii the 
 Vevil, and he mil fly from you. Laftly, . Some make God himfelf the Cover for their 
 Sins 5 of all Covers this is the worft, So Adam^the Woman which thou gave\\rH'^ 
 
 £'jch
 
 972 
 
 ■ A Scrwoa up on li^^^-i'- 
 
 Such arc thty which imkc all things in the World even Sin it fdf, to come to pafs 
 f tallv incvitably,by virtue ola nccellitating Decree of God. Such arc they which 
 make their Redeemer their Packhorfc Cbc it Ipoken with Reverence ) to bear their 
 rdumptuous Sins: as if he had fl:cd his prcciousBlood to purchafe our Liberty , 
 tliat wc might turn Libertines: Deceive not your (elves-, to whom ChrilHs made 
 Redemption, to them he is made Righteoufncfs and fandirication. This is the 
 fourth Cover, the Tranlfcrring of our Sins upon Others. 
 
 The fifth Cover is hypocnlic. This was y4t/i/om'/ Cloak forhis Rebellion: Such 
 Covers were Caiit^s Sacrifice, E}au''s Tcsii5,J(zebel 's Faft, the Phariltes Alms,fhe 
 Harlots Vow , the Traytors Kifs. The World is full of (uch Juglcrs and Mounte- 
 banks in Religion, of all Seds, who cry. Great is Diana; s.ud nugnihe the Image 
 that fell down from Jupiter i meaning nothing but their profit : who cry aloud. 
 Lord Lordt and mutter to themfelves, Vamihi falkre, da juftum findumq, videri : 
 Give me grace to cheat and to delude the Eyes of the world : painted Sepulchres 
 very Glow-worms, which have a counterfeit Light, without anyHeatj Pidtures 
 which double profpcdivcs, that to the Light, prefents an Angel , the other from the 
 Light, a Devil; we have pulled down other Pidlurcs to fet thefe up in our churches. 
 Noihing is more odious unto God , than to make allalking-horfe of Religion : 
 Chrilt throws out feven woes againft Hypocrites : Other Sinners may be converted, 
 the Hypocrite hardly, bccaufe he hath converted Conveifion it felf intofin. Such 
 as devour iViddorvs houfes under a colour of long prayers, {hall receive the greater 
 damnation. 
 
 The fixth andlaft Cover is Impudence, to defend our Sins.and glory in them , 
 which is ufedby none but thofc who have already gotten one Foot'within the gates 
 of Hell. Feriijje futo CMi/>«</or pfr///: Part Shaine, paft Grace. St. ^»/?i« bewails 
 his Youth, led in the Streets of Babylon '^hcic when he heard his Companions boalHng 
 of their lewdnefs, he was forced to feign thofc things he never did,lealt he (hould 
 appear (6 much more vile,byhow much he was more innocent. Ti\at which was 
 his Deteftation, is now the onely Garb for a Gallant : Such a Gallant was Cham , 
 that gloried in the Nakednefs of his own Father, whilfl his more modeA Brethren 
 covered it with their Faces backward : fuch another Gallant was Caligttla , who 
 laid He likfd nothing better in his otfn Ptfpofuion than hU Impudence : A Voice fitter 
 for a Hangman than an Emperour. It was the height of Jjraels iTn, That fhe had 
 a whores Forcheacl,and rcfufcd to be afliamed.'Shamefadncfs is the praifc of Nature, 
 the Harbinger of Grace, the Enfign of Hondty , the Seat of Virtue- the Witnefsof 
 Innocencie. But glorying in fin is the next Link to D*mi;ation. ,Thcy that ufe 
 fuch vain Covers as thefe, fliall one day wifh for another cover, even the Mountams 
 to fall upon them, and the Hills to cover them from theprf-f.nceof the Lamb. Su 
 unprofpcrous is this courfe of concealing: That's the next pnt, Shall nut projper. 
 
 Firrt, He fhall notprofper in hisfiniiie ll,all not findc that Happiiufs and Con- 
 tent in it which he expedts. Ainon was Tick of love until he enjoyed Ihamar, that 
 moment palTed, his Love was dogged with Hatred and Repentance. What a deal 
 of convenience andheartseafc did Ahah promife to himfelf in Nji'0</;'j' Vineyard i 
 and the very fitft time he goes to take polTclfion of it , he meets there with the 
 Tidingsof the utter ruine of Himfelf and Family. Hfro^ violated all Lawsof God 
 and Man, burthcned his Confcience , waded through a Sea of Blood, all to fettle 
 the Kingdom upon his Soni and he proves an unthrift •, offers half ofit to a wanton 
 Minion foraDance.So Goods ill gotten, arc like a Coal of Firein a tharch'd houfe. 
 Remember Jnerod. Before Judc:s had fingved that bcggerly fomc of thirty pieces of 
 Silver , his Defires were upon the Rack ■■> heforgot his Duty to God, his Fidelity 
 to hisMaiier ,his care of his own foul. But when he once had it , he could not In- 
 dure to look upon it, as being thecaufe of his bane i lie ca.^s it away as an infetftious 
 Ragihe difgorgeth itin the very Temple;his dctelhtion of that poyfonous morfel 
 was greater than his reverence to that Holy Place. When P/wW//leanKine had 
 devoured the fat, they were ftill no better favourfid themfelvc;. Let us all. but 
 look back to our formerExceffcs, and unlawful Pleafures and fee ifwemay not figh- 
 ing fay with the Apofflc, what profit had xpe of thnfc things rehereofrve are now asham- 
 ed? So he fliall notprofper in his fin. 
 
 Second-
 
 DiscotiR^ni. Before the Parliament ' ^ZT 
 
 Secondly, He fliajl not prorperTn hi^Mairs i not in his temporal undertakings 
 
 Jer. 22. 30/ IFrite thU man childhji^ a man that jhd not pro/per in bit day;. Jfrad 
 could not profper fo long as the accurfed thing remained hidden in Achan's Tent 
 the eleven Tribes profpercd not againll Benjamin^umW they had humbled themfelve^! 
 by falling. Jonas profpered not in a Ship untill he had reconciled h.imfelf to God \ 
 then heioundfafetyin the B-l!y ot" a Whale. Neither' fli ail he thrive or profper 
 in' fpiritual Graces : No Mjr can ferveboth God and Belial: Thefe hidden Sins 
 do choak the Seed of tlic Word, thfy hinder the Efficacie of our Prayers, they 
 make the bleffed Sac^^am.^it to become poyfon, and our Fafts %pd Humiliations , to 
 be meer Mockeries. The Grace of God will not fufferfuch Mates, to be chamber- 
 fello-.vs, and fellow commoners with her in the fame Heart, To afk for which of 
 our fins things have fucceeded unprofperoully with us, were to feck a man in 
 Athens at noon day,vvith a Candle anda Lanthorn. The Lord fandific our fuC- 
 feringstousi until then, wc connot profper in our Affairs. 
 
 Thirdly , He fhall not pofper in his concealment. Gud will bring it to light, 2. 
 Sam. i2.2.1hoH didfi it jecraly^hiiij rvilldn thif thing before all Ifrael^ and before the 
 Siin:"-FornothingU covered, which fltall not be revealed^ Luk. 12.2. AI moll incre- 
 dible are the ways which God ufeth for the Difcovery of crying 5'ins i efpecially of 
 Murther. WhillUhe Earth is covered with Snow, the Ditches, and Dunghills, and 
 Deformities thereof are hid i but by the melting of the Snow they are difcovered : 
 So the villanous Projedts of Diffemblers are fo covered with a (hew of Snow white 
 Innocence and Candor,that they are able like ZeitxUh'is Counterfeit Grapes,to deceive 
 a piercingEye But when time (hall bring Truth to light, their horrid uglincfs will 
 appear to the Eye of the World ; we may this day ob(crvc the footfteps of 
 God's juftice,how he brings the fame Troubles home Co their Doors who have been 
 under hand the Contrivers and Fomenters of them among their Neighbours ." 
 And now Bellona begins to fhakc her bloody whip among them, as if God (hould 
 fay, Thoudid(Ut(ecretly, but I will do this thing before all Ewro/ie, and before 
 the-Sun. Jufi art thou , Lord , and right are thy judgments. So he (hall not profper 
 in his concealment. 
 
 Fotrthly, he (hall not profper In obtaining pardon for his fin i and then all his, 
 other Advantages are too much to his co{\:JFhat Otallit profit a man to gain the rvhole 
 fforld, and lofe his own Soul. A damned fpirit in Hell may as foon hope for for- 
 ^givenefs at the Hands of Go 1 . as that per(bn who hides and cherilheth his (inspri- 
 "vately in his Heart*, this is to make God Confederate with us in our wickcdnefs 
 and diffimulation •• Tis in vain to skin over afore, whilft dead flc(h remains 
 within j the Weapon mult firft be pull'd out, before the wound can be cured : The 
 Medicines, of falvation profit not a wounded Soul, until the fiery darts of Satan 
 be drawn out by Repentance. So he (hall not prolpcr in his Recovery. 
 
 La(tly,Thefe words, He Jhall not profper^aic a /«ii»nf,and lignitie as much as he fhall 
 fufferfmartforit. • 
 
 1. He (hall fufferin his Confcicnce, thofe C^Ci» vulnera, thofe blinde blows which' 
 nomanknov.'sbut he,which feels worfe tkan all the Plagues of Ejiypt ^ and 
 Botches of Job. This made Cain a Runnagate upon the face of the Earth. 
 
 2. The judgements of God fliall purfue him both iri this Life, and the Life to 
 come. Herod did not only not profper in his aim, to entail the Crown to his 
 Pofterity , but the day came that paid for all, fuch a conglomeration ofunmcafura- 
 ple Torments, as theyare defcribed by Jofeplm^AiA hardly ever meet together in 
 one man, and which is worfe, thefe were but the forerunners of greater: JudM 
 did notonely mifs his contentment in the thirty pieces ot Silver,but he got thirty 
 Curfes;you may finde them P/i/. 105?. Money psrifhed, but the Curfcs ftuckby 
 until they brought him'to an halter. Envie not aMurtherer that braves it upon 
 the ftage for the firft or fecond Ad of a Tragedy,nor an Oxe, that is fatting for the 
 flaughter, nor a Thief that is riding in ftate to his Execution : Have patience and 
 exped the Catalkophe, Ecclef. 8. though a (inner dnh evil an hundred times, and the 
 LwdliiUprolonjetb his dayijet 1 k:tow it rpill be well rvith them that fear the Lordi but 
 it fljill nn be well with the wicked. Thus every way he Ihall not profper. 
 
 And fo Ikive him larking under aNet, treafuriilg upto himfelf math again<i the day 
 
 of 
 
 \
 
 " A Sermon before ~ TOMEIJ H 
 
 oj n-rjih , to come to the true Convert in tlic next Words. 
 But hi\hji confejscib and forfah^th them, (hall have nurcy. 
 
 Conlellion witli its Rcquiljtcs, Contrition and amendment of life, which is here 
 called /iW'A"^ '^'^ make acomplcat Repentance. Which fome Fathers llyle a fe- 
 cond Table atter Shipwrack, others a Baptifm of pains and tears; yea, fomc of them 
 doubted not to fay, That Confcllion did Icofc the bands of fin , and extinguifh the 
 Fire of Hell, that is, not by way of merit, but by way ofimpetration> not by paying, 
 but by pacifying the wratli of God , and fo averting his Judgenaents. No, thofc 
 blclTcd Saints did never dream that the Covenant of Grace , vvhereunto we arc ad- 
 mitted by Baptifm, Was evacuated by aLapfeinto fini or that any new and different 
 Covenant was cildblirtied by Repentance, grounded partly upon the merits of Chrift, 
 and partly upon our fclvcs. Let Confellion and Repentance have their due, but let 
 them not thruft Chrift out of the Chair, from whofe Grace they flow , from vvhofe 
 acceptation they have their Efficacy. Thrice happy are they which ufc this Plank 
 aright, to bring them through the raging Billows of this finful world, to the Haven 
 of Eternal blifs. 
 
 Confellion is as ancient as our Firft Parents , whom God himfelf did call 
 to the performance of this duty. It was pradtifed among the Jfraeliter, 
 by Divine Precept , Nnm. 5. 7. By thofe Jeives that repaired to the Ba- 
 ptifm of J l»', Mjtth. 3. By thofe Ephefian Converts , ^Hs 151. prefcribcd by St. 
 James, Jam. 5. Coufej's one to another, and pray one for another. Endowed with fuch 
 ample privilcdges, as in the firlt Epiftlc of St. John, Jf vre conjefs our fins, he is faith- 
 ful anJjuji to forgive us our fins, andckanje us from all unrighteoufnejs. Ai.dhcre in my 
 Text, He that covercth his fins pall not profper, but be that confeffeth andfurjak^th them, 
 pall have mercy. Th.cre is no better phylicl; for a full ftomack than a Vomit, nor 
 for a foul replete with fin, than Confellion. Bodily fores do oftentimes compel a 
 man to put off natural fliamcfac'dncfs, and to expofe his lefs honourable parts to the 
 view of the Chirurgion. Ought not every one to be asfollicitous for his foul ? Wc 
 offend God three ways i by the imaginations of our hearts, by the words of our 
 mouths , by the adtions of our lives. If wc intend to pleafe God , wemuft take a 
 clean contrary courfe, for evil thoughts of the heart , bring condition of the hearf, 
 for corrupt fpecches of the mouth, bring confellion of the mouth-, for wicked adions 
 . of our life, bring fruits worthy anilndmcnt of life. By this means wc bring glory 
 to God, and fhame to our felves, and prevent that great contution of face , which o- 
 therwife muft fall upon us at the Day of Judgement , before God and Angels and 
 Men. A contrite finner flandsnot upon terms of reputation with God, or with his 
 Church, why fhould we be more affraid to confefs, t!ian we were to offend ? to 
 make thofe the wltncfles of our Tears, who have been tht witnefTes of our Faults.? 
 to take away the fcandalthat weour ftlves have given ' Let the world take notice 
 of our fin, fo it may like wife take notice of our Repentance. A great ficknef^ often 
 ufhcrs in health, and abetter habitude of the body: a broken Bone , when it is well 
 knit, grows the ftronger: So the firji paJj be la^, and the hjipall he firjl. Indeed 7«- 
 mcence (if that herb of Grace wereto be found; is better than Confeffion : but there is 
 more joy in Heaven over one finner that npenteth, than ninety nine juji perfons that need no 
 repentance, among the holy Angels: Da Faterfempcr eis gaudere dc nobis, &c. Granf, 
 O Father, that they may alwaycs rejoyce over u-;, that thou mayefi: alwayes be glori- 
 fied by them for us, that we and they together may praife thy Holy Name i O thou 
 that art the Creatour of Men and Angels. 
 
 No man can doubt but the Komanijls havegrofly abufed Confellion, by tricking it 
 up in the Robes of a Sacrament, by obtruding a particular and plenary enumeration 
 of all fins, to man, asabfblutely necelfary to Salvation by Divine Inftitution, by ma- 
 king it with their commutations, a remedy rather for the Confefforspurfe, than the 
 Confitents foul, by impoling ludibrious penances; zsChaucer obfervcd,Heknevv how 
 to impofe an eafie penance , where he looked for a good pittance, by making it a 
 pick lock to know the fccrets of States and Families , Scire volunt feaeia domia atque 
 inde timeri, by abfolving before they enjoyn Ecciefiaflical fatisfadion , by reducing 
 it to a cuftomary Formality, as if it were but the concluding of an old fcore to begin 
 anew. So on the other fide it cannot be denied, that our Proteflant Confeflions are 
 
 for
 
 Discourse IIH. Before the Parliament o^- 
 
 for the molt part toogencraTi Weconfels we are iJnners, and that's all, vvhicli []7^. 
 
 fies nothing : And a little too prcfumptuousj They that dare not trurt their mvn 
 judgement about their Efhtes, without the opinion of a Lawyer, nor about their bo- 
 dies, without the advice of a Phyfician, arc wife enough for their Souls, without any 
 nther diredion: And a little toocarelefs, as if we were telling aftory of a third pcr- 
 ion that concern'd not us: Weconfefs light Errours willingly, which neither in- 
 trench upon our credit, nor threaten us with puniflimenti but greater crimes, where 
 the difcovery brings with it fear of ignominy and difgrace, or fuffering for them , 
 we conceal and cover with as much art as may be. LalHy, Even whilft we are con- 
 felling, we have too often a mind to return roith the dog to his vomit , and with the 
 fotv to her rvsllowing inihe mires what is this but a plain mocking of God ? Far from 
 any hopes of Mercy : For though Covering alone be a fufficient caufe of punilh- 
 ment. Be thatcovereth his fmsjhull not prober : yet Confeffion alone , without forfa- 
 king, is not a fufficient caufe of Mercy ■■, But he that confejjeth and forfa]i^th^ (hall have 
 mercy. Not forbears them in natural, or oncly by an outward abllinence, but forfa- 
 keth them, js a man would carta fnake out of his bofome, with detel\ation. An 
 outward ablHncncc is not thetrue change of a Chriftian:likc aDog thatis muzzel'd 
 or a thief that is manacled, which ftill retain their former difpofitions: When the un- 
 clean ^irit returns to his old habitdtion, and finds it fwep andgarni(hed, not throughly, 
 but fuperficially deanfcd by an outward Reformation , without an inward Renova- 
 tion, /^f^riwg/ tvith him [even other fiirits , and the latter end of that man is rvorfe than 
 the beginning, Hc that abftains from an old fin, not for confcience towards God,but 
 for fear offhame orpunifliment, is like that Wolf whereof the Father fpcaks, which 
 came unto the Sheepfold, tokilland todevour : the Shepherd waking, the dogsbar- 
 king, feared him away indeed, but altered not his wolvifli nature : Lupus venit fi-t- 
 mens. Lupus redit tremens^ Lupus efl &fremens & tremens. So he forfakcs them not, 
 onely forbears them. 
 
 Again, Forjak^s them , not conceals them ; Penetration of Bodies is a Monfter 
 inPhilofophy : an Heart inwardly replete with fecret fins, hath no room for Grace: 
 A good LefTon , or a good Motion to it, is like a Spark of Fire falling iijto a Vcflel 
 of water, prefently extingufiied, or like good Seed falling a among Thorns, foon 
 choak'd.Whatfcllowfliip hath Light with Darknefs,or C H R I S T withBi-//j/> 
 In natural Tranfelementation, there muft be fome affinity between the Bodies, as 
 Fire and Air, not Fire and water, for the too great contrariety : but in fpiritual 
 Converfion, no difparity can hinder the change : The greateft fins do often produce 
 the moft fignal converfions, as it was in Saul, changed in the height of his fury from a 
 Pcrfecutor to an Apoftle, froma wolf to a Shephcard, from a Pyrat to a Go- 
 vernour. 
 
 " We cannot live as Amphibianr'm rwo fuch contrary Elements as arcfolvcd courle 
 of fin and of Godiinefs i fuch half Converts, who have nothing but a few idle 
 yawning defires can expcdt nothing at the hands of God , buttobe fpewcdoutof 
 his mouth for their luke-warmnefs i the mouth of Hell is full of fuch vain Withes and 
 •wifliers'', which ufe no ferious means to gain them liberty, but oncly thrufi: their 
 heads out of the Grate, tolooke about them. A man tnay breakeall the Command- 
 ments of God, and be guilty of none, if it be againft his refolution , if he be heartly 
 forry for it : It is not fo much Sin , as Impenitence, for which men are damu'd ; And 
 on the other fide , he that breaks but one Commandment habitually, and rea- 
 fonably , is guilty of all. 1 fcarc this is many of our Conditions , wc rather 
 cover our fins , or forbear them than forfake them i wcc delire rather to nuke 
 a Truce with God, than a Peace-, we do with our fins, as Servants do with 
 their fires when they go to Bed, put them not out, but rake them up : fo when 
 we come to reckon with COnfcience,and to make up our Accompts with God, we 
 do not defire to take an cverlafting farewell nfour fins , ah hoc momento in S.ternum , 
 as St. AulHn faith, but onely a Coverfeu, to hide them in an heap of Devotions, for 
 the prefent vvhileft. wc are doing fome fuperhcial Duties to God, or whilli the ^ 
 
 Ibleffed Sacrament doth ftrike a kind of R.everence into our hearts, with a purpofe 
 to reafTume them upon the firft opportunity •, as the Serpent doth her poyfim, which . 
 (h.-hid left b:hinde her in her D:n. Can any man think that fuch a tained (lio w of 
 
 Aaaaaa fii
 
 cfj6 
 
 A Sermon Sic, TOME UH 
 
 YorfakiiiTourllnlT^aTbTacaptable tu Gud ? O no! it is coo holIow-hTartcd. That 
 convcrlion which hiidcs mercy,mull be ferious and fincere;Gods fcigivcncTs and our 
 forfaking, go /iill hand in hand Wi^cihcr.Forgive us our mjj>affcs,th(.r(:"s&.c cnci Jrd 
 lejdus not i)tlot(i>il'tJiiJii, there's theothcr : "Turn ihy fmc from tnyfws^ Lord.thcrts 
 the (ctmcr ■■, And injke '"^ a clean heart, theic^s the hucr : Lord have mercie upor us , 
 there's forgivcncfs "•) ^'-'^ incline vur hearts io It^ep thy Lan\\htx€i forfaking : That 
 brings me to the la(l p3rt,7^j// have mercy. 
 
 0° c mi'^ht ask, which of all Gcds Mercies ? The Air we breath, the Light we 
 behold the G)0und we tread upon, the Meat we cate, whatfocver wc arc, or 
 have or hope fcr, it is his mcrcie ; By it we live, and move, and have cur being, "thou 
 hajicrcTPnedme veith thy mcrcie, faid Vavid : it is a Metaphor taken from a Garland, 
 ■which is compofed of many and different Flowers. Gods mercy was the onely mo- 
 tive to our redemption", his merciful Grace preventing us and alliding us, is the 
 oncly means to apply this Redemption i the confiderationcf this mercie is that 
 which incourageth ust?i Repentance. As Chrift prayed father forgive themwht 
 poor Thief grew b'old , Lord remember me. Mercie is the end of our Repentance , 
 that we may finde forgivcncfs : Mercie is our fupporter in all our forrows for tin , 
 that we roar not out with Cain, My fin is greater than that it can be forgiven , nor 
 betake our felvcsdtfperately, with Judas, to sn halter. Mercie is our onely pica, 
 when we do repent ; we cannot fay we have done fuch and fuch good offices for 
 the time paft, we are too unprofitable Servants i we dare not promife of our felves, 
 to be more ftrviceable for thetime to come , we are too defultory creatures: Lord 
 forfakenot us, leaft we forfake Thee. Mercy is the objedofour hopes, the total 
 fumofour defires i both Grace and Glory do depend upon Mercy. So mercie is the 
 beginning, the middle, the end of our happinefs. 
 
 But St. John will tell us what mercy tiiis is i Jfrce confe(i our fins, he vsfaithfuland 
 juft to fcrgive us cur fins :This mcxcy thei\ is fcrgivenefs of fin. That which is called 
 Mfrcyhere is called JujUce there : It is mercy to make a gracious promife, but it is 
 luftice to k cep it. W'ithour this Mercy of forgivenefs , all the other Mercies cf God 
 are no Mercies, but Judgements ; In this Mercy trucbleffednefs doth confift, Bltfjed 
 ii the man n-koje iniquities are forgiven: what comfort can a perfon fure to be con- 
 demned have, without hope cf a pardon i* The beA mufick in the world, is , Son 
 thy fins are forgiven </;ff, when God fhall firetch forth the Golden Scepter of Mercy, 
 that is, to allthofe who for his love do mortifie their earthly mcmbers,and fcrfakc 
 their own Lufts: For he that hideth his fins Jhall net pr(j}er, but he that conftfieth and 
 forfaketh them, (hall have mercie. 
 
 Now among all the means ordained by God fcr the obtaining this faving 
 
 mercy mentioned in my Text, after Baptifmal Grace, there is none more efficacious 
 
 than thcbleffed Sacrament of the Body and blood ofChrirt,the veiy conduit-Pipe 
 
 of Grace to all worthy Com,municants, the Mama of Life and irrmortality, the 
 
 precious antidote agairft the fling and infedion of the infernal Serpent , that in- 
 
 eflimaUe Love-token, which ChriO at hisdepariuie leftto his Church, tcfkeepin 
 
 retr.embrance of him i the true pool cf Bethtjc'a, wherein we may be cured of all 
 
 our infirmites. Preparation of cur fe!ves is reccfTary before the performarce ofall 
 
 holy Duties, but efpccially befcie the holy Saci:mcnr. We ought torepairto the 
 
 participation of this, with as great care and arxicty , as if we were immediately to 
 
 depart out of the World. It was death foran urciici mcifed perfon to eat of the 
 
 PafchalLamb : we mtft circumcife our eycs,ci:r cars, ci r hands and our hearts; and 
 
 take heed how we come to this Weeddirg Fcaf} , without the Weding Garment. 
 
 herd , Be nitrajul to all thrfe vrho frej-^re their whole hearts to feekjibee,thougb 
 
 thiy be not Jurged occcrdirg to the Furificaiirn if the Sarduary. 
 
 TOME
 
 r O M E IV. 
 
 S O M E 
 
 PA 
 
 Containing fiiort Occafional 
 
 DISCOURSES 
 
 Or Theological 
 
 L E T T E R S. 
 
 Written hy the fame Author. 
 While in Exile. 
 
 DUBLIN, 
 Printed in the YEAR M* DC* LXX VI,
 
 9^9 
 
 TOME IV. 
 
 DISCOURSE V. 
 
 A Short 
 
 DISCOURSE 
 
 TO 
 
 S"* Henrv De Vic, 
 
 About a Paflage at hh Table , after the Chriftening of hi« 
 Daughter ANNE CHARLOTT* 
 
 Ofperjons dying rpithout Baptifm, 
 SIR, ^ ^ 
 
 ^< he difcourfe which happened the other day, about your little daughter 
 {^ I had quite forgotten till you were pleafed to mention it again laft 
 * • night. If any thing did fall from me, which gave offence to any there 
 prefcnt, I am right forrowful , but I hope there did not ; as on the o- 
 ' ther fide, if any occafion of offence had been given to me , I fhould 
 readily havefacrificed it to that reverend refped, which is due to the 
 phceyour iahk, anciently accounted a facred thing, and to the Lord of it your kW. 
 This morning lying mufing in my bed , it produced fome trouble in me, to con- 
 fider how palfionatly we are all wedded to our own parties, and how apt we arc 
 all to cenfure the opinions of others , before we under/land them while our want 
 of Charity is a greater errour in our fclves, and more difpleafing to almighty God, 
 than any of thofe fuppofed afTertions, which we condemn in others i efpccially 
 when they come to be rightly underltood. And to (hew that this particular breach 
 is not fo wide, nor the more moderate of either party fo difagreeing, as is imagin- 
 ed, I digcfled thefe fudden meditations drawn wholy , in a manner , from the 
 grounds ot the Roman fchools i andfofoonasi was rifen , I committed them 
 to writing. 
 
 Firft, there is a great difference to be made , between thefole want ofbaptifm 
 upon invincible neceility , and the contempt or wilful ncglccfr of Baptifm when 
 it may be had. The latter we acknowledge to be a damnable fin and without 
 repentance and Gods extraordinary mcrcy,to exclude a man from all hope of falva- 
 tion. But yctif fuch aperfon, before his death, (hall repent and deplore his necled 
 of the means of grace , from his heart, and defire with all his Soul to be Baptifed , 
 but is debarred from it invincibly , we do not, we dare not pafs fentence' 
 of condemnation upon himi nor yet the l^oman CathoHcks themfelves. Theque- 
 ftion then is, whether the want of baptifm upon invincible ncceliity , do evermore 
 infallibly exclude from heaven/ 
 
 Secondly, We difiinguilh between the Vifible fign , and the Invifible Graces be- 
 tween the exterior facramentall Ablution , an.! tiic grace of the facriment, thatis 
 
 inte-
 
 "^^ Of dyin^ without Eaptifm TOME llH 
 
 interior Kt^tncration. V\ e bcijcvc, that v\holctvcr hath thetormtr hath the latter. 
 
 .loubtly favcd. Secondly, Wc believe that without baptifmal grace, that is regene- 
 ration, no man can enter into the Kingdom ofGod. But whether God hath fo ti- 
 ed and bound himfelf to his ordinances and facraments that he doth not or cannot 
 conferr the grace of the lacraments, extraordinarily , where it fccmeth good in his 
 tyc?,without the outward element, This is the qutltion between us. 
 
 Thirdly, We teach that the cafe is not alike with little infants born of ChriftiatJ 
 Parents, who dy unbaptiftd, without their own fault, and men of age anddifcrction 
 fuch as Wcodemw was, to whom Chrift faid, Except ye he born again of water and of 
 the ff>iritye cannot enter^ into the Kingdcm of Heaven'. Tl.cfe later can have no hope 
 of falvation in an ordinary way, except they be Laptifcd either in deed or dcfirc. 
 But wc dare not pafs a definitive (entence againll the former, whofc want of Baptifm 
 is not their own fault, but the fault of their Parents, feing that God hath faid, that 
 jij he lives the fon fhall not bear the iniquJiy of hii father. Yet do wc not believe, that 
 the Children of Chridian parents do derive any inward or inherent fandity by pro- 
 pagation Cas is by fomc imputed to us, amifs^. We know well that a Chriilian be- 
 gets not aChriftian. But that holinefs , which faint P^iw/ afcribes to the Children of 
 believing parents, // the rcot be Holy ^fo are the Branches , we expound ofan exterior 
 or ecclctianical fandtity ,or a right to the Sacrament of Baptifm fcy the privilcdgeof 
 their birth, being not born forreiners, but natives and free-men of the Church. And 
 for as much as they have a right to the facrament , but arc defrauded of it without 
 their own defaults, wc believe, that God, who hath not limited his grace to his 
 outward ordinances, may and doth many times according to his good pleafurc 
 fupply thedefcd of ethers, and operate in them the grace of the Sacrament by his 
 Holy Spirit. That this is truth, I prove by five arguments, drawn out of their owti 
 grour.ds. 
 
 Firll, if the grace of the Sacrament be communicable without the (acramcnt, 
 then there is a poflibility of falvation without adfual baptization ; but the grace of 
 the facrament is comtnunicable without the facrament, as appcareth in Martyrdom ^ 
 which is generally confefled to fupply the defed of Baptifm. Luk.p. 24. JVl^ofoever 
 pall lofe his life for my fakf fhall fave it. And Matth, 5. 10. Bltjjed are they vfho fuffer. 
 perfecntion for rightemfuefsjal^e , for theirs is the kingdom of Heaven. If it be obferved, 
 That Martyrs are Eaptifcd in their own blood , I anfwcr , that Martyrdom indeed 
 is fometimcs called Baptifm^ improperly and analogically,bccaufeit'fupplies the want 
 of Baptifin i but itisno Sacrament, no proper or true Baptifm, becaufe wanting 
 the effcntials of the Sacrament , the matter, which is water, which element and no 
 other Chrift confecrated in 'Jordan to the myftical wafliing away of fin i asalfo the 
 form, 7 Baptize thee in the name of the Father, and of the Son , and of the Holy Ghojl, 
 This is one exception without contradidlion. 
 
 Secondly,St. Paul faith, 2 Cor. S. 12. If there be firfi a vril'ing mind, it is accepted, 
 according to that a man hath, and not according to that he hath not. God binds no man 
 to imj oihbiliiies, which are not made impoflible by hiniftlf. When adual Bap- 
 tifm ci'.'.not be had, the dcfire of Baptifm is accepted for Baptifm it felf. As St. 
 ^mbriife CiUh of Valentinian, that he was Baptifcd in Iik dcfire. Thus much i* 
 acknowledged by all Roman-Catholicks, and maybe collected out of the council of 
 Trent. If it be objeded that the defire of Baptifm can have no p'ace in infants,for the 
 dcfedtofReafon. I anfwer two ways ; firft, there maybe the fame invincible nc- 
 ccliuy for an infant which is for a perfon of age and difcret'on v as fuppofe the mother 
 (hould be delivered ofChild in a Defert, where there is nn water, & dy before either 
 the water can bt brought to the Infart or the Infant, to the water: The child wants 
 the ufe of reafon to dcfire Baptifmi the parents do defire it for the Child , but want 
 means to procure iti (hall they chriften it with fand, as it was (brntimes done to 
 a Jew in tl-,e like cafe, at the inftant of death. Tliis would be no celebration, 
 but a bold prefumption and profanation of the Holy Sacrament. How much better 
 were it to commit it to the fecret and cxtiaordinary mercy of God, whohath 
 
 Not
 
 Discourse V\ Of dyin^ rpiihout Baptifm ^§7 
 
 not bound his power to rhc bacranifncs, as all Divines do agree. What reafol^ ' 
 
 be given vvhy neceliity fliould difpcnfe with the want of adtual Eaptifm and yet the 
 fame neceility iTioiild i.o: difpcnfe with the want of an adtualdefireof Baptifm> efpe- 
 ciilly (ieing the want ot delire in Infants, proceeds horn anabfolute and antecedent 
 nccellity^ut the want ot the Sacrament in perfons of years mighthavebeen prevent- 
 ed , andisbecomcjnvincibiy ncccffary by their own fault, which dcfcrves the lefs 
 conlideratior. Secondly, I anfwcr, tr.at Gerfort, and Gakiel , and Cardinal Ca-etan 
 great Dodouis m the Roman Church, do maintain, That when Eaptifm cannot be' 
 adtualiy applied to Infants, the delire of their Parents to have them baptifed is fuffi- 
 cient for their Salvation. Thofe Dodtours were more merciful to Infants to whom 
 Chna gave fo many exprelLons of his Love , than the rigid Confrovertifls of thefe 
 times. The bell is, whether they be wheat or chaffe,yet mens tongues or pens muft 
 not wninow- their, they m„(i jiand or fall to their own Majhr. This is called Baptz'fmus 
 fljmiiiif , the Eaptifm of the fpirit. ' 
 
 Thirdly, the Roman Schools do define concerning fuch abortive Infants as perifh 
 in their mothers womb,both under the Law of Nature,and oiMofes, and of Grace 
 that except they be llain for Chrills fake, as fome have been , and fo become martyrs 
 indeed, though notin will, becaufe they are rot capable of Eledlion, that ex £qtio & 
 lege communis in equity and by ordinary right, they cannot be fa»edi'but withal they 
 .add, that it is not to be denied^ but that by fume other means or remedies extraordinary 
 they may be faved^if foit fliall \eem goodto God in hU extraordinary providence. But Ab- 
 ortives have no greater priviledges than thofe, who live to behold the li^ht. There- 
 fore we ought not to cenfure them for want of the ordinary means , but to leave 
 them alfo to the extraordinary providence of God. 
 
 Fourthly, if Infants which dye unbaptifcd, be excluded from all hopeof Salvati- 
 on,^thcn it is by reafon of that Original corruption, which they derive by propaga- 
 tion from their Parents, becaufe «o polhtted thing canenterinto Heaven^ (For we know 
 that Infants are not capable of any adlual fins) but this reafon is not fufficient : for 
 the Jervijh Infants were as fubjed toOriginal fin, and had a remedy appointed for it 
 by God, as well asChrilfians, that is, the Sacrament of Circumcifion, which though 
 it fhould be admitted, that it did not caufally produce Grace , yet it isconfefTed by 
 the 2lr)»w;;ii/j, that it did certainly procure Grace, and was as flriclly enjoyned to 
 them, as Eaptifm is to us, Gen. 17. 14. Ihe uncirmmcifsed male child fhall be ait off 
 from his people. But this not withllanding, the Jercifhlniiints ^ dying without cir- 
 cumcifion, might be faved. Neither is God more propitious to the Jervifh Infants, 
 than totlie Chriftian: for, he hath loved the tents ofSion above all the tabernacles of]z- 
 cobi therefore Chrillian Infants maybe faved likewife without Eaptifm. That the . 
 Jervifl} children might be faved without circnmcifion, is thus proved, by theinftitu- 
 tioii of God. Circumcifion was not celebrated till the Eighth day after the nativi- 
 ty, but many thouCznd J ewijh Infants dyed before the Eighth day, and confequently 
 without circumcifion : to exclude all thofe from hope of Salvation for want of cir- 
 cumcifion^ which by Gods owin Ordinance they might not have , intrencheth too 
 much upon the goodnefsof God. More particularly, David's childdyed upon the 
 feventh day, and yet David doibted rot to fay, 2 Saw. 12. 23. I ihall go to him,but 
 .he fhall not return tome. Dj^i^ cotild not go to him either in Hell , or in Limbiis 
 Infantum. And of this Opinion Sf. Gregory fcemeth to be, as he is cited by the Ma- 
 iler of the Sentences, D//1. 4. lib. 4. Ihut rvhich Baptijm doth with us , that fame the 
 faith of the parents performed in the Law of Nature. If in the Law of Nature, why not 
 as well in the Law oi Mofes and of Chrifli* Molt certainly, if Infants might be faved 
 in any one of thefe three ftates, without fome Sacrament or other, then in all the 
 three without exception. 
 
 Fifthly, itis confeifed, that in the Primitive times, Baptifm was aum'niflred ordi- 
 narily but twice in the year, that is, at Eajier and at Jf^hitfuntide\ and many did de- 
 fer their Baptization till the hour of death , that they might depart more undefiled 
 out of this world. But confidering thofe infinite dangers which hang continually 
 Qverthe heads of mortal men, whilll they arc in this vale of mifery , and how many 
 arefweptaway out of this life, even in an inftant by fudden death, by ficknefs, oro- 
 ther cafualtics, fome fleeping, fome eating, fome walking, this practice had been the
 
 g^ Of dyin'y without Baptifvt TOME 11 H 
 
 molt unlik dnd dangerous in the whole world, and the lofs of millions ot louis, if 
 all perfons dying unbaptifed, were infallibly excluded out of Heaven ■■> cfpecially lit- 
 tle Infants , who being incapable of reafon , cannot fupply the want of adtual Ba- 
 ptifm by their hearty dcfircs. I do not examine the grounds of this delay, nuther 
 do 1 juftihe the pradicc , but it argues (irongly, that they did not clkem theoncly 
 want of Baptifin without contempt, ( or as they conceived ncglcd ; to deprive all 
 (urt s (^t perfons from hope of Salvation. 
 
 You may be pleafed to remember, how it was urged that '^t. yluftin was of the 
 fame Faith with the Church otRome in this particular. And it was then anfwcred, 
 that he did ncitheragrec with them nor us in this Qjcfiion. Sr, ^ullhi is in this a 
 hard Father to little Infants and Innocents from ad'ual fins, in that he concludes all, 
 who dye unbaptifed, in Hell. The Church ofKome teacheth conttarily , that they 
 are not inHell,but in a certain Limhiu Infantum, The Proteftants leave them to the 
 mercy of God, and doubt not, but that many of them arc in Heaven. St. jiuftin 
 faith, they are certainly damned. The Proteftants fay , they may be favcd. The 
 Komjnijis fay, they cannot be favcd , and yet they are not damned. TheKcmanifir^ 
 fay, they [affcrptenam damni,hvit not panam fenfus i a privative, but not a pofitivc pu- 
 nifhment. St. Aujiin faith, they fufferboth privatively and positively , the very Fire 
 of Hell. The Proteftants believe, that many of them do fuffer neither. Obferve 
 the words of St. Aujiin. 
 
 Hypog. li. 5. The firji place the faith of CathoUeks doth believe, by Divine Artthori- 
 <j, to be the Kingdom of Heaven, from tf hence he that is not baptifed, is excepted. Thefc 
 cond. Hell, where every apojiate or'firanger from the faith ofChriji,Jhall prove eternal tor- 
 ments. T'he third, we kjiorv not at all, yea we do not find it to be, in the holy Scriptures. 
 
 Lib. de merit. 8c remif. peccat. Neither is there any middle place to any perfon, that 
 he can be any where but with the Devil, who if not with Chrijl. 
 
 And in his 18. Sermon upon the words of the Apoftlc, He that isfuch an one , let 
 him chufe now where he deftres to dwell, when the time is that he may be changedtfer there 
 are two Habitations, the one in the eternal Kingdom, the other in eternal Fire. 
 
 And Serm. 232. Let no mfin deceive himfelf. Brethren, for there are two places , and 
 there is not any third: He that fhall not merit foreign with Chriji, without doubt (hall perijh 
 with the Devil. 
 
 The like he doth lib.2j, deCivit. Dei. cap. ^i^. 
 
 When we urge thefc places againft Purgatory, they anfwcr, that St. Jujlin (peaks 
 
 of eternal places againft Pf%JK/,who had invented a third place befides Heaven and 
 
 Hell for children, which dyed unbaptized. And in the two firft places indeed, St. 
 
 . An\}in fpeaketh exprcfly againft Pf/(»^i«/, but the other are general , neither diftin- 
 
 guilhing Infants nor old mens temporal nor eternal manfions. 
 
 But leaving Purgatory for the prefent , as not concerning the Queftion which is 
 row in hand, this makes more ftrongly againft the Romi(h Limbits Infantum, which 
 they themfelves do make to be eternal, and againft which , by their own confeflion 
 in this Anfwer St. >tfwjfi« difputeth. St. Auftin dkh, he kliew no fuch place , he did 
 not find it inholy ScriptureSihe faith , He that is not with Chriji ( that is , in Heaven 
 where Chrift is) is with the Devil, that is, in Hell. He makes no mean between an 
 eternal Kingdom and eternal Fire, between reigning with Chriji , and perifhing with the 
 Devil. 
 
 To conclude. Infants unbaptifed according to St. Aufline, muft either be flieep or 
 goatsi either ftand upon the right hand, or upon the left i cither heare come ye bhfled, 
 or go ye curfed-, either inherit a Kingdom, or be caft into eternal Fire, prepared for the 
 Devil and his Angels. 
 
 This is more than a mecr lofs of BlelFcdnefs. But the Romanics do not, dare not 
 fay, that all Infants unbaptized are with the Devil, that they perifh with the Devil,thzt 
 they are in eternal Fire. And therefore we may conclude on the other fide,that they 
 are with C/;r;]^, that they enjoy an eternal Kingdom , where they reign with their Sa- 
 viour» or atleaft, that fomeofthem are crowned, fome tormented, according to the 
 giod pleafurc of God, whofe extraordinary help is then often found, when thehel^ 
 of man doth fail. 
 
 This is all which was then mentioned, which I have reduced to its heads : And 
 
 which 

 
 Discourse V. 
 
 which I take to be the Doftrine of the foundcft Englifh Divines, and which 1 be 
 lieve to be the truth ; faving alwayes my Canonical obedience to my Spiritaal Mo- 
 ther tiic Church olEngUnd, and in an higher degree to the Catholicli Church when 
 It (hall declare it felf in a true and free Oecumenical Council. But neither l' nor a- 
 ny Protcftants do believe, that the Church of K owe, including all other Churches of 
 that Patriarchate or of its Communion, is that Catholick Church, 
 
 985 
 
 TOME
 
 '9^4 
 
 TOME IV. 
 
 DISCOURSE VI. 
 
 ^^ 
 
 A N S W E R 
 
 T O 
 
 Two Papers , 
 
 Brought me by Captain S T E W A R D Laft Night ( I think 
 from Mt. Robinfon ) June ip. 1645* 
 
 H E Proteftants have no true Priefts , becaufe they have not the 
 Form of ordaining Priefts , which was and is in the Catholick 
 Church, from whom they pretend to derive their Priefthood. 
 
 The Form of their Ordination confifts in thefe words , 'Receive 
 fovcer of admjnijiring the Sacraments^ and preachingtbe Word : But by 
 thefe words, is not given any power to facrifice nor confecrate the 
 Body of our Lord. 
 
 If you fay, that by thefe words is given power to adminifter all the Sacraments , I 
 difprove it i for then the fimple Priefts would have power to adminifter the Sacra- 
 ments of Order, and to make Priefts , and to give the Sacrament of Confirmation : 
 And fo to make them Priefts, youprovethem to be Eiftiopsi which is contrary to the 
 Dodrine of the Proteftant Church, that holds a diftindtion between Biftiops and 
 Priefts. 
 
 There is another part of the Miniftry of Reconciliation, confifting in the due Ad- 
 miniftration of the Sacraments, which being the proper Sacraments oftheGofpel, 
 muft therefore necefTarily have reference to the remiflion of fins i and fo the ancient 
 Fathers do hold, that theCommilHon.jFoto 20.23. is executed by the Minifters of 
 Chrift, as well in Baptifm as in penitence: Likewi(e, that the Miniftry onely is mans, 
 but the power is Gods. 
 
 ^jig. §u£Ji. in Lcvit. Cap. 84, &c. He cites ten places of the Fathers rvithoitt 
 
 the vfords. 
 
 An ANSWEK. 
 S J K, 
 T Cannot but take notice by the language, that the Authour is an E»gJiJhman-, and 
 furely our Eti^lip Komifh Priefts do beftirr themfelves notably in thele diftradcd 
 Times, to withdraw their Countreymen from the Communion of the Church of 
 Englandjthw which I believe the world hath no particular Church more Orthodox, 
 and in which, fundry of their own Learned Writers do confefs a poftibility of Salva- 
 tions thatis, fuch as weigh the matter without prejudice. I know not how theft 
 
 diftra-
 
 Discourse VL Of Protefiants Ordination, 
 
 dau-aCted cimcs ai.iypiepirctoaK perlonstora cnangcTbutTgenerous nature whi^h ' 
 would noceahly leave a Friend in diilref? , would be loath upon fuch fublunarv 
 grounds to bidfirewjl to their Spiritual Mother. 
 
 I commend the A uhour thus far, that he hath picked out two queftlons, which if 
 they vvvre as true asciieyare material, to vvir, th.u we have not Holy Orders in our 
 Church, nor the Miniftry of the Pveconciliation,he (hould not onely gain thofe Gen- 
 tlewomen you mentioned, but all us to fly over readily to his party. But if he fail 
 as I believe certainly that he will, I expedl no fuch matters from him, but onely 
 that he ceafe to trouble thofe, whom he cannot better, and labour no more to draw 
 them, or any others out of Gods blelling into the warm Sun. He argues thus. 
 
 lbtva>ho have not the Form of ordjinht^Priefis^ which rvat and is in the Catholic^ 
 Chtinb^ hive ni true Priejh : But the Protejianis have nit the Form of ordaining 
 Vficp , which reas and is in the Catholick^ Chnrch. Therefore they have no true 
 Vnejis. -^ 
 
 To his fccond Propofition, I anfwer three ways. i. By the Form of Ordination, 
 he either underllands the Eflential Form which gives a being to the thing doncj if he 
 underltand this Form ofOrdination, his Propofition is»ue, and the Protelhnts have ft.^ 
 the true Form: Or elfe,by theForm of Ordaining , he underftands all cxteriourand 
 accefTary Rites', and thus it is not necertary, that the Form or manner of Ordaining 
 be the fame in all Churches, and fo his Propofition is falie. He cannot but know 
 that the Form or manner of Ordaining, is not the fame in the Eajferw Churches , and 
 in tlie J^'Wfmz Churches, and yet he cannot deny , but that xhtEafiern Churches, as 
 Gr£cia, Rujjta, d^c.have true Priefts, and a valid Ordination. 
 
 Secondly, I diftinguirti between the Form of Ordaining, znd aForm of Ordaining.' 
 IheForm implies or feems to imply, that there is but one certain precife manner or 
 ritual ofOrdination in the whole Catholick Church i this I altogether deny : but^ Form 
 onely implies one lawful Form of fundry , that have been ufed in the Catholick 
 Church. This the Proteftants have, and more warrantable by Scriptures , Fathers, 
 and Councils, thantheir own. Thirdly, thefe words [rvhich is and was ufed"] would 
 be more clearly expreffed. Fir/J, which is ufed: How? onely in a part of the Catho- 
 lick Church, or in the whole Catholick Church? and which was ufed , that is, ei- 
 ther of lare times, fince innovations were crept into the Church oiRome^ or of anci- 
 ent timcs,3nd fince the days of the Apoftles. If he underltand onely a part of the 
 Catholick Church, and later Ages, it will do him little good. If he undcrftand the 
 whole Catholick Church, and all Ages including the Primitive times,- it would ad- 
 vantage bis caufe much. But he will never be able to prove, that their Form is fuch 
 a Form. 
 
 In the next Scdion , the Authour , waving his former Argument which was 
 drawn from the pradrice of the Catholick Church , endeavours to prove , that the 
 Proteltant Form of Ordination is not fufficient. His Argument may be thus re- 
 duced. 
 
 That Form which gives not power to facrifice,nor confecrate the BodyofChrijl, is not fuf- 
 ficient. This Propofition is granted. 
 
 But faith he, the Vrotejiants Form gives no power tofacrifice nor to confecrate the Body 
 ofChrijl. This Propofition is denied, which he endeavours to prove thus. 
 
 This Form^ Receive power to adminifter the Sacraments, and to preach the word, 
 doth give'no power tofacrifice or confecrate the Body of the Lord. 
 
 But this is the Vroteflants Form of Ordination , Receive power to adminiihr the Sacra- 
 ments, and to preach the Word. Therefore, &c. 
 
 I anfwer, Firit to the minor, that thefe words do not contain the whole Form of 
 the Proteftants Ordination, for there is likewife impofition of hands, both of the Bi- 
 fhop and the Presbyters there prefent, to the end, to admit the perfon ordained into 
 the Office ofaPricrt or Presbyter in the Church of God. 
 
 Secondly , I anfwer to the major-, thefe words do give fufficient power toconfe- 
 crate^rfor howfiiould headminifier, that cannot confecratc> ) and alfo tofacrifice, fo 
 fcr as an Evangelical Priert doth or cm facrihce, that is, a commemorating facriHce, 
 or a reprefentative facrificc, or to apply the facrifice of Chrifi by fiieh means, as God 
 hath appointed. But for any facrifice, that is meritorious or propitiatory by its own 
 
 power 
 
 p8^
 
 986 
 
 Of Frote jiants O tdinat'rn^ L?^ ^ '*^' 
 
 power or virtue, dillinct from thelacriticc cf Chirft, I hope the Authour will not fay 
 it ithc do, he wi'll have few partners. 
 
 ' In tlic thirJSc(flion he varies irom both the former. There he thinks the Pro- 
 tclbnt ordination gives too little, here he thinks it gives too much-, to wit , a power 
 of' ordination and contirmation, which Pricils are not capable of. The argument 
 
 may be reduced thus. , ■ -.i i c j ■ 
 
 Jliheje words^ Keceive forcer to admimlUT ihe Sjcramaiis^ do give fcrvtr to 
 Mclminlier allthe Sacraments , then they give fotver tufjmple Vritjis to ordain and 
 
 But they do not give power to fimple Prjefls to ordain and confirm : Jherefore they give 
 not VoTVir to adminilhr all the Sacraments, 
 
 The Minor is proved , Becaufe to Ordain and Confirm are proper to Bijhops , There- 
 fore , &c, , , o . , 
 
 To this I anfwer : that taking the word Sacrament m that large fcnfe, which 
 the Church oiRome doth , I mightgrant all that is here faid without any prejudice 
 to the Church of England , which neither futfers fimple Pricfls to ordain nor 
 conhrm. 
 
 But I anfwer Secondly, that in a ftrid fenfe ( as the word Sacrament is taken by 
 the Proteftant Churches ) neither Confirmation nor yet Ordination arc Sacraments. 
 It is folly, for Ordination efpecially, to wrangle about the word, when we agree 
 upon the thing. Thirdly I anfwer, that the word All is added by the Author, more 
 than is contained in the Proteftant form , which can intend no more or other Sa- 
 craments than fuchas are in the power of a fimple Pried to adminifter. Laftly, 
 The Author may meet with fome, and I doubt not hath met with fundry,as well 
 protertants as of his own party, who diftinguifli between the power and the right 
 toexercife power,betweenan original incapacity and an ecckfiaftical reftraint. But 
 info cleare a cafe I need not make ufe of doubtful fpcculations, to juftify the Church 
 of England, which is more certain that (he hath true orders than the Church of Kome 
 it (elfi both for an uninterrupted fucceflion of Paftors and for a Lawful form of or- 
 dain' ng » whereas the validity of their orders doth depend according to their own 
 dodrine , upon the intention of him that doth ordain. So as if any one or more 
 Bi(hops llnce the days of the Apoftles to this day , had no intention to ordain, 
 all the ordersderived from thence are void. And the Author himfelfhatbno true 
 certainty , according to his, own grounds , of his own Priefthood , or that 
 which he confccratcs is the Body of Chrifl. But we are confident, not only that the 
 Bifhops inanimadvertency of what he is about , even his contrary intention bring 
 admitted to confer no orders, cannot deprive us of that Love token which Chrilt 
 fends to his fpoufe by a bad meflcnger. I commend the Authors ingenuity , that 
 he c\oth not revive thofe impudent fidtionsofthc Nags-head, and our firll refor- 
 mers confecrating one another without a calling , fo contrary to the known truth 
 and to the records of the Kingdomc. When the Author (hall produce, either fcri- 
 pture or ancient Councils or fathers for himfelf, fas it were requifitc hefhould do, 
 who labours to draw one away from thccommunionof the Church which they have 
 been Baptized in) he fliall receive a larger anfwer. Thus much ( for the prefent ) 
 of the former paper. 
 
 The other paper is concerning a weighty point, that is, the miniftry ofRcconci- 
 liition. But I fee not how it is intended againft us, for firft, wc acknowledge that 
 ilns are remitted by Baptifm i that thereby tre are made the Children of God , the 
 members of Chrijl , andinheritersofthe Kingdom of heaven •■, that God is not %vant- 
 irg to his own ordinances , when we do not fet a bar againii: our fclves. Wc do 
 acknowledge, that in penitence, paftors of the Church have a dependent minifte- 
 rial power of loofing from fin , but that primitive imperial original power 
 is Gods. 
 
 Gods power is abfolute ad fententiandumftmpUciter Without Ifs -, mzr\i^owct 
 is only conditional ad fent entiandum fi , to loofe a man if he be truly contrite and 
 aptly dipofcd. 
 
 As for the fathers cited, (ince I neither know the particular words nor thr: end 
 why they are cited, it is not to be;expeifl?d thnt any man fliould anfwer to he knows 
 
 not
 
 Discourse VI 
 
 9%y 
 
 "?''''''Vrru'''Tf!''°'r'^'W""'"y^^^'"8 '" ^hc purpofe,Iwillfhevvhim 
 what we diUike vhra in their dodrine. iiii>.w nun 
 
 r^l* -J''!? 'kfTM ' P'"'^"'" ' 'r",^ P''""y enumeration of all Hns is infiituted by 
 
 Chrift, andab(olutely neceffarytofalvation 
 2. That it is (atiffaftory to God for lelT^r fins, not ondyby way of complacence, 
 
 but by way ot merit 3. That u is made a colour for tieafons to be committed 
 aspowder-trealon. Next for their pradife. 
 
 I. That they firltabfolve a i^an, and then bind him to make fatisf..dion quite 
 contrary to reafon and the Pracftice of theAncicnt Church. 2 . The impofing lu- 
 dibrious penances asa kv^Yaur nojiersfot themoft enormous fins. As C/Lc«- faith 
 of the Friar, that heRader had to mfofe aneafy^ennancer^here he looked for aood Pittance. 
 3. In the conhtents, that it is reduced to a cuftomary formality , as if it were the 
 ending 01 an old Icore to being a new. 
 
 To Mis. CHEVBIENmth^ Nunnery. 
 
 MADAM '' 
 
 That office which you arefo thankful for, was no otker than a branch of Chriftian 
 duty, with a httle mixture of civility i and now that my obligation is encreafed 
 by my promife, I may not be wanting according to my power , either to the cajfe, 
 to you or to my felf : only be pleafed to give me leave torcprefent two things which 
 pafTed at your Grate : the one my extraordinary affaires for a weeki the other, the 
 manner of conference, which I defired then and do exped now tobefirft in writing. 
 Conferences in words do often engender heat, or produce extravagancies ormiftakes; 
 xvriting is a way more calm, more certain , andfuch asa man cannot depart from. 
 But yet it was with this refer vation, that after the bufinefs was driven to an head, if 
 we did not agree concerning our authority,thcn to have a meeting, & the books 
 prefenr. Now, Madam, to thefe queftions which you have fingled out , after 
 which you fay you are mod inquifitive, pardon me if I apprehend amifs i It feemeth 
 tome, that the difcourfe and invitation of that party-have had a fpecial influence 
 upon your defires to determine them to this fubjedl, being not of fo great concern- 
 ment as Sundry others, becaufe they think they have more colour in antiquity for 
 thefe than them. But for your fatisfadion, I accept thefe and do expedt their proofs, 
 tiraoutofthe fcriptures, then out of the fathers. Let us hear Hrft what the law 
 faith, and then what St. Augufiin or St. Eierom fay •, to which they (hall receive 
 my anfwers, with our principa 1 proofs. Let us have a meeting in Gods name be- 
 fore an equal number of either party. And that this manner of conference may neither 
 prove tedious nor impertinent, I defire that ingenuity from them, which I fhall 
 endeavor to obfcrve, that is, to citeno father againiihis own fenfe, as for inftance, 
 to cite them who held fecret receptacles which arc diredly incompatible, either 
 with purgatory,or praying to the Saints ; or to cite fome aurhorites which concern 
 the fire of conflag*ition, inliead of purgatory hrc, ( yet that begins when purgatory 
 ends, according to thedodlrine of the Koman Church i ) or to cite prayers with 
 commemorations , or thankfgivings, or Rhetorical Apoftrophes. Thus much I 
 am bold to prefent before hand that we may avoid confufed generalities on bothfides, 
 and not fpeak no w^ when controverfies have bin debated to the full, as our prcde- 
 cefTors did an hundred years fince, before they underftood one anothcrs fenfe. And 
 Laftiy, Madam, I beg this favorfromyou, that this bufinefs may be managed with all 
 the privacy and all the courtefie that may be. I will trouble you no longer now, 
 but pray to God to give us all a right underltanding , firll of his will, and then one 
 cf another. And &c. 
 
 TO MR
 
 TOME IV. 
 
 DISCOURSEVII 
 
 A N s'w E 
 
 Totheao:CHAPTF,R of the 
 
 Guide of Faith: 
 
 O R, 
 
 The 3El)itD ^aXt of the 3lntiD0te of S, N. Doaour 
 
 of Divinity, 
 
 His Chapter of all the Book, is that which principally conccrneth the 
 Church ofEngland, wherein the Authour tndeavoureth to prove,that. 
 we have no holy Orders; which if he be able to perform, we will ac- 
 knowledge that we arc no Church ■■, feeing that to the being of a 
 Church, it is ncceffary thefe three things concur, Fir(t, a Paftour. Se- 
 condly, a Flock. Thirdly, a depcndanccof this Flock upon that Pa- 
 ftour. The five hrft Scftions,and part of the fixth, arc wanting in my Copy, which 
 as it feemcth to me, by the clofc ©f the fixth Sed'ion , and by the whole difcourfe 
 following, have been fpcnt in vapouring, and light velitations, rather than in the fo- 
 lid dating of theQueftion, which isnot the ufc ot'ourmodern Controvertifts. Inthc 
 fcventli Section the Authour begins his proofs. 
 
 His firft proof is taken from the Statute of i Ed. 6. cap. a. Tfcat from thenceforth 
 no Conge d' Eflire be granted, nor eUQion of any Archbijhop or Bijhop made by the Dean 
 and Cha^iter^ hut rvhen any Archhifljopricks or Bijhoprickj be void^the King may at all times 
 confer the fame to rohom hejhall thinl{fit by his Letters Patents. From whence S. N. in- 
 fers, thai the Bi/hnpj oj thofe days VPanted their Canonical etedimu I am not fo well read 
 in the Laws of England, as to know whether there ever were any fuch repealed ab- 
 rogated Statute. But this I know right well, that theuniverfal pradicc ofE^'jland 
 is to the contrary, and that Congest Eflire are duly granted upon all vacancies; foas 
 there was no need for Mr. Majon to forge any Records to that purpofe, when every 
 Regiflry in the Kingdom could afford him fufficicntftore of Picfidents. Howbeit , 
 I will yieldmore than perhaps the Authour knows,that in Ireland thereis fuchaLaw 
 row in force,and that accordingly Bidiops are nominated by the King byhis Letters 
 Patents. Admitting then , but not granting, that it was fometimes fo in England 
 what will S. N. conclude from thenccJ' that they rvere notcanonically eleCied. I anivvcre 
 Fir(l,theQueftion is not whether they were canonicalIyeledted,but whether they wer, 
 validly ordained. All men know the difference between an Office and a Benerice , 
 between an Ordination andanEleftioni between the Ordination of a particular Bi- 
 
 [hop,
 
 Discourse VL Of Protejiantf Ordination^ 089 
 
 (hop, and tlic nomination to a particular Biflioprick^ They chemfclves dooftencon- 
 
 ferthc Epifcopal Order to Suffragans, without any Eledion at all , even whilcft the 
 Church jsfulU and in their cenfures, do many times fufpend aman from his Bcneiice' 
 not from his Office. Becaufe a Lay-patron doth bellow a Redory upon an Incum- 
 bent, doth the Incumbent therefore derive his holy Orders from his Patron>ManyKo- 
 »Mj;-Catholick Eilliops, yea and Popes alfo, have not been canonically elcacd.-willhe 
 give me leave toconcludethence,thattherearcno holyOrders in the Church of Kme> 
 This is an argument from the Staffe to the corner, drawn ixom lenterden Steeple to 
 Goodwin Sands. Holy Orders may be valid and good , though the ElecSion were 
 naught, or not at all. So he concludes clearly befides the Queftion. 
 
 Secondly, doth he think that it is eflential to Epifcopacy, that Eifliops be eleded 
 by Djans and Chapiters, or that this Form was ufed evermore in the Church > He 
 mult pardon us, if we diffent from him in this alfo. That Eleftion may be canoni- 
 cal in one place, which is not canonical in another. That Ele<aion may be canoni- 
 cal to day, which is not canonical to morrow , if the Lawes and conftitutionsof a 
 Kingdoip be altered in the interim ; Bifliops were fometimes eledVed by the people, 
 fomctimes fay the Clergy in general , not alwayes by Chapiters or Conclaves i yea , 
 fometimes they were nominated by theChriftian Emperouri and yet all thefe were 
 ever accounted and received in the Church, without the leaft feruple, as lawful Bi- 
 fliops, not onely for their Orders , which is the point now in queftion , but alfo for 
 their titles, which is not in queftion. He who fhall perufe the old Lawes and Sta- 
 tutes oi England^ will rind, that itisno new thing for the Kings oiEngland, to nomi- 
 nate to Bifhopricks long before the Statute of EoWr^ the Sixth,or before EnglandhzA. 
 fhaken hands with 2lowf,and in their Parliaments to reftrain the exorbitant ufurpa- 
 tions of 2lc»z<x«Bifhops,when they attempted to difpofe ofEcclefiaftical Dignities by 
 way of Provifion. That was a violation of the Canons indeed, whileft they were in 
 force: So is not this, when the Canons are legally abrogated by the confent and con- 
 currence ofthe Bifliops in their perfons, & the whole Body of the Kingdom by their 
 Proftors. The very Writ oi Conge d'Eslire, or leave to choofe, it fclf flievvs , that 
 the Chapiters could not choofe aBiihop without the Princes Licence firft obtained. 
 Arid good reafon; He is the Founder and Patron of the Benefice. Thofe over 
 whom they exercife Jurifdidtion , are his Subjeds. No man is fo much concerned 
 in the choice of good Bifliops, as he who is virtually the whole Commonwealth. If 
 S.N. would defign to lift up his eyes beyond thefcprcfent diftradions, he fliould find, 
 that the nomination andinvelHture of Bifliops in England, doth belong to the Impe- 
 rial Crown, by Law and cuftome immemorial , and that it hath been fo pradifed , 
 both before the Conqueft, and fincc,as is recorded by all our Hiftorians every where-, 
 as Willielmus Malmefburienfis, Matthxus IFeflmonajlerienfis, Fhrentius IVigornienfufiu- 
 liclmui Newbrigenfu: all which is fo evident, that Forrdgn Lawyers take notice of it, 
 both de jure, that it may be fo: and dcfaSlo , that it is foi joyning in thispriviledge 
 with the Kings n[ England, the Kings of Hungary, France, Apulia, to which numbers 
 others join the Kings of S fain and Scotland. We may add the Emperours alfo,both 
 Eafiern and We^ern ^ who in ancient timeshavehad the nomination and inveftiture, 
 but alwayes the confirmation ofthe Pope himfclf. I hope S.N. will notbefopre- 
 fumptuous, to cenfure Jujliniari, CharUmai;:, and others, as he doth the Englijh Mo-» 
 narchs. Neither was this pradicc any ufurpation in them, as the Popes is now, but 
 approved by the Canons and conftitutionsof Councils, of Popes , and received into 
 the Body ofthe Law. To lay all this together. Here is a Law alledged, which for 
 any thing appearing to the contrary, was rcpcaled,before ever it was executed:A Law 
 which fpeaks onely ofthe nomination of Bifliops, which is not in queftioniand not a 
 word of their Ordination, which is in queftion; A Law which reftoicsto the Imperi- 
 al Diadem, that power which the Chriftian Emperour? of the primitive times pra- 
 6fifed , both in the E^fJerw and J-^ejffivi-Empire, which the moft Chriftian King of 
 France and other Monarchs ofthe Komnt Communion,do in effed retain at this day: 
 A Law agreeing with the Canons and Conftitutions of Councils : A Livv rather 
 djclaratlve , than operative-, yet out of a confidence in this impertinent allegation, 
 this Authour isbold to impute a veheiiisnt fufpiciou oi rvil Jul Forgery to all the 
 Regiftersof E»g/W,to ftyle their P^ecords /fcrft pr/w/ kwJv^cwm Kecords , though 
 
 they
 
 99' 
 
 Proteftants Orclinarion defenchd TOME IV^ 
 
 thcv be kept by iwcrn Notaries, in publick Offices, whiil.cr all peifors Ilvc lutic" 
 ccfsi thoneli ibcre be an cxad haiiror.y of all the r.ctarics ard records, cf d.flcicnt 
 places and ages. Opartialityllicw drft thou blirdcmans eyes? 
 Ara:2, His fccondTeafon,(et down in form ofananfwer, is conteintd in the Eighth 
 
 ' Scftior Thzt rnr Cottftcralers nfur tharreiphjrem i]:eCaihilk\Church ^ard oU\i);ate 
 
 ur(j]tiiginjchijme andlnrdy, rrcre (yccmwtmcaied ar.d jt-Sfevded jrcm dt due txccu- 
 ticna>'dfraSif(DfiJ:eirfu>:l1ioHy',foihatalih(ugh tb,y hadhci>i htfcretrye andlawjul 
 BiQiots ( as he confeffeth truly that Crarnur uas , but dcnic'li i njufily that ar.yo- 
 thcrs were ) yet then their authority heitigtak^n an-ay by the Catho luk^Church ^rrhich as 
 n>t l)jd fever to give ,had prveralfo to rtjimin atid dijanr.ul ihdr jurjfdictiovjhey 
 could not Lv/ully ccmtnunicate unte others , that nhich vras fi.fletidid m themfehts. 
 To which purpofc he produccth two tefimonics out ot Saint ^W.iw^a/w.to prove that 
 iVty are not to be accounted in the vutnher oj true ¥ifhofs^vtho are corfecrated hy Eeretickj. 
 inConcil Arim ; & Selcuc. 
 
 This fpccious argument dcferves but a fl-.oit arfwer, beirg it is rctradicdby the 
 author himfelf in the next paragraph. Thushetherc."7^rjKf that the charnGer is in- 
 dtlehle , that is cannot be taken away by any fentence of fufpenfion or excommuni- 
 cation , and that alette isfffficietit if the ccnjecraiers intention he aljo right ard ij hevfe 
 the fame mtttttr mtdfortn required therevnto. If the chaiader alone be fi;flicicnr,i6 
 what purpofc is this argument , or to what purpofe dcth he cite ^//;(j»<3f«j-, both 
 contrary to this meaning and contrary to his own confcicrce , to prove that which 
 himfelf acknowledgeth to be falfc? But the father fpeaketh ret ot the validity, but 
 of the lawful exercife of holy orders, as the Canons of the Church then were. Ifro 
 ordinations, be valid, which havebeen received irrmcdiately from Arrian Eifhcps, 
 ItismHch to be feared, that a great part ofChriftendcme want perfonal fucceilion, 
 ever lincejfcr vpcrld mourned^ and admired to fee it felf turned Arrian. what is become 
 of the Authours Chriftian, or Englifh ingenuity, to cite an Authour contrary to his 
 own knowledge. But to give him yet a more particular anfwcr- 
 
 Fitft, I dcrie, that the Protcfiant Bifhops didrtvoit from the Catholick Church; 
 Nay, they arc more Catholick in that, than the Roman Catholicks thcmfelvcs, main- 
 taining a communion for the foundations and principles of Chriftian religion , both 
 with the IFejiern and Eajiern Churches, whom the Church of Feme cxcomunicates 
 from the fcciety ofthemyftical body of Chrift, limiting the Church to Rome, and 
 fuch places as depend upon it , as the Dwa/j/?/ did of old lo Africk. It is true, the 
 Proteftants, fcparated themfelvcsfrom the Ccnmunicn of the Jl<Wi»« Church, yet 
 not abfclutely , nor in fuch fundamentals, and other truths as fhe retains, but 
 refpeftively, in her crrours, fuperflrudions , and innovations. And they left it with 
 the fame mind, that one would leave his Fathers, or his Brothers houfe , when it 
 is infc<ited with the plague, with prayers for their recovery, and with defire to return 
 again, fo foon as it isfree,and.that may be done with fafety. This was not tofor- 
 fake the Chufch pf Rome, but to provide for thcmfelves. Ccme out cf her people, 
 led ye be partakfrs of her fins,and taji of her plagues. It is truly called the grand Impo- 
 fture of the world,to obtrude upon us the Kiman Church for the Catholick Church, 
 Secondly,! dcrie that the Protcfiant Biftiops were hereticks ■, wherein I am not 
 alone, but hare fundry of their great Rafcbies to fide with mc.'the Troteftants are no 
 heretick/, ntither are they excommunicate, hiih the authour of the Monarchomachia 
 or image of both Churches. There are but three waycs to make an heretick. Firll,to 
 lejeft fomething which God hath evidently commanded to be believed under pain 
 of damnation: or Secondly, to hold feme fuch errours, which are dirtdly contrary 
 to the rule of faith .and virtually implie a negation of feme Article of the creed: or 
 Thirdly, to err with obilLnacy, not willing to imbracc the truth, though it were 
 fufficiently propofed. But on the contrary if we make the word of God to be the 
 ftandard and feal of our religion, If we conAantly maintain all things, which the 
 Holy Apoftlcs.or hkffcd Athanafim^oi the Nicene Fathers, have delivered asnecclTaiy 
 to falvation to be believcdi if we fwerve willingly in nothing from the Analogy cf 
 faith, If we be ready to flred our blood for the leaft particular of faving tn:tli i Ifee 
 no caufc, why I may not wi(h ,Ifthis be hcrefy , that we were all herctick?. 
 Thirdly,! denie that thtEngliJh Proteflants did cbftinately perfift in fchifmc, or 
 
 that
 
 DiscoiRSE VII. againji the ohjt^iion of S, N. 
 
 991 
 
 that they were at all guilty of fchifme. Tiiere are two kindsof fchifmaticil Churches. 
 The ririt t'lofe which abfolufely forfike the ComsTii-inion ofothcr Churches and denie 
 them ' ' "' • '•"■ •- . — . . .. - 
 
 nov 
 for 
 
 member OiOLild aflumc to it felf the pbc: ct the head.Tn: Church of Rome is accufed 
 to be gviilty of both thefe Kinds of fchifinCjtirrt forfeparating her felf from thctom- 
 munion of the Churches of 6r,f da, RwJJ?Ji Armenia, Abijfxtta^ and all the Prote/iant 
 Churches.Secondly, and much,more for rcfufing to be a fellow member with other 
 Churches in the body of the univerfal Church,^ challenging to be the head the root 
 the fountain of all other Churches.So a'member will needs ufurp the place of the head! 
 the branch,ururpe the place of the root,the beam of the Sunuhe fiream^of the Fountain. 
 What marvel if this member decay, if this branch withcr.this beam,beobrure,this ftrf.sm 
 dried up>Let the Church of Rome be the filler of all* Churchcs,Let her be the tnothet 
 of many Churches, But the Lady and Miftrefs of no Church. On the other fide 
 the Church of EK^/a>;^ is guilty of neither ofthefekindsoffchifm, neither arrogating 
 to it feU a dominion over other Churches, nor excluding them from a Chriftian com- 
 munion. Notwithftanding the corruption of the Church of Rome we believe that 
 fhemay dill bring f^rth Children to God :Infomuch that this charity of ours is 
 urged fpecioufly againfl us , by fome , that we confelTe pcliibility of falvation in 
 the Church of Rome, but they deny it unto us i therefore theirs is the fafer way. A 
 ifrange conf\ru(Sion, to make the lefs charitable , to be the mbre fecure way to 
 heaven. But not to do them wrong , all of them are not of that rnind, many of 
 their greateft fcholars , and thofe who weigh the points mofl: cxadlly , do afford 
 though unwillingly, the like favour to us, that we do to them. Take the Bifhop 
 ofCalcedoit tor inftance , Proteli: confefs: Pag: 151. 7/*fcf>', C thatis Proteftants J 
 grjunt mt falvation tofuchpapifls , ai they account vincibly ignorant of Reman en ours but 
 onelyto Juch as are invincibly ignorant of them, they have m more charity than xfe 
 ( Romanics ) for rve grant Repentance^ faving faith and falvation to.fuch'Proteftants as 
 are invincibly ignorant of their errours:Thit which he addes,that thofe who erre invin- 
 cibly are not formal Prote(iants.hut rather Protgjiantibuft credentes Such as give credit 
 to Protcfiants, may as well be applied by us of them, that the fakation which we ac- 
 knowledge in their Church is not to formal papHis but to fuch as give credit to pepijis, 
 fuch as hold the truth implicitely in the preparation of their mind though they want 
 either fufficient propofal, or fufficient capacity ,to overcome thofe prejudices, and 
 difpel thofe mifts, which curtome or education, or the like have caft upon them. 
 
 Fourthly , I denie , that ever the authority of our firft ProteftantBifhops wa? 
 fufpended.or taken away, or their jurifdidtion reftrained or difanulled by the Catho- 
 Jick Church. How (hould the Catholick Church cenfurc them , which never met 
 fmccina general council? As for that ofT'rentthe number of the Bifhopswas 
 fo fmall, for many felfions together , fometimes not fifty , fometimes not thirty,that 
 it merits' not the name Oecumenical ■■> to which the greater part ofChri(tendome,was 
 never fummoned, or could have any fafe accefs.The Prelates v^cre for the moft part 
 Italian Epifcopells , the popes profeffed vafTails, guided by the Holy Ghoft, fent from 
 Rome in a Cloktbagge, where the party accufed was placed upon the Bench as arl 
 infallible judge. I fay, he who was the caufe of all the diftempers in Chriftendome, of 
 the feparation of the Eallern Churches from the TFefiern , of the four Patriarchs from 
 the firrt , of thofe Tragical tumults between the Guelphs, and Gibbellines between 
 the imperial diadem, and the miter, which fet all ChriHendom in a Combuaion, 
 and laaiy, the Incentive of the prefent diftradions of the. IFeji, to the great advan- 
 tage of the iurk^, and the onely impediment ofa reunion. Nor yet do I find any 
 fuch fentence pafTed againft them by theChurch ofRonie it felfe, as is here pretended. 
 If there had, it was without the fphere of their aftivity and ancient lurifdidlion. 
 The Britannick lies are partakers de jure ofthe'Cyprian priviledge ,to be fubjed to 
 no Patriarch but their own , howfoever in after ages,the popes intruded thcmfelves: 
 which Doftor Barnes a Roman Catholick, ingenuoufly confelTing , was for his 
 labourhurried privately into the hofpitall of the holy Ghoft at Rome and put there 
 among the phranticke perfons , to trie if either theufage , or the place, would make . 
 ^ ^ ■ C c c c c c • him
 
 "p^2 ' [^roteflants Ordination defended TOMEIV^ 
 
 hTnTimd for company. AmriraiyTluppolmg, but not gianting, tluc they liad 
 
 lawful )urirclidioii, yet tlickcy erring, the fentcncc becomes invalid. h]uiiavincula 
 dimmPit Jullitia , faitli St. Aiifiin. Jufticc breaks afunder unjurt bonds. And St. 
 Cytriju. God (ometimcs amends the fenterce of his fcrvants. 
 
 Fifthly, admitting there was fuch a fcntencc or fufpenfion, that the judge was 
 rightly quali(ied,and that the key did nntcrrc,none of all which 5. N, is able to prove, 
 yc^tthe Ronunijis tliemfclves doc con("c(s , that no fentenceor decree whatfoevcr, or 
 of whomfcever, or of what crime foever, can obliterate the Epifcopal chara(5tcr, 
 wfiich is indclcble, nor difable a Bifliop , from ordaining, fo far as to make the adt 
 invalid. Their Schools goe fofar in thisqueftion,that if a .Bifliop ihould die adlually 
 and be raifed again by the power of God,the charader would remain fo as the party 
 fliouJd need r.onew ordination,yea that it remains in heaven to their greater glory , 
 and in Hell it fe!fe, to their greater ignominy, Judge whether the Authour^dcal in- 
 genioufly in thisjto urgean argument diredtly contrary to their own grounds,out 
 of an inveterate rancour againf\ the poor piotcftants. 
 
 His third Argument is contained inthcilxtii Sed'ion. "The ^ngVifh Juperintendents 
 after tbeir fall from the Rotnan Churchy neither intended to give thofe holy Orders in\}itii~ 
 ted by Cbrijl^ neither did the Ordained intend to receive them. For the Fri(l}hood inflitu- 
 tedby CJmj}^ci'mPrehendedta>o funUions^ the one appertainirtg to the real Body ff Chriji^ 
 to comfleat it and i-ffcr it to God-, the other , over the Myjiic^l Body of Chrifl^ to remit fnt. 
 But with the Frotejhnts^ theconfecrating Bijhofs do not intend to give, nor the cortfecrated 
 Minijiers to receive either of thefe trvo FunClions, but on the contrary do deny them^and dij- 
 dain them. Therefore notvrithftandingtheir charaSier , they have not thofe f acred Orders 
 which were injiituted by Chriji, But their Ordination is a me^r prophanalion of that Sa- 
 crament. 
 
 There is no opinion of the Koman Catholicks of more defperatc confequence,than 
 I this of the necelhty of the Mmillers intention to the being of a Sacrament, cfpecially 
 
 according to the literalfenfe of the Word: Firrt for Baptifm, it leaves no mancertain, 
 whether he bea Chriftian or not ? It putsit inthe power of an Atheifiical Priefi, or 
 fiich an one as jF«(^jf was to exclude out of the Church triumpliant, any or all thofe 
 1 luls which (hould be admitted by him into the communion of the militant Church: 
 For if be intend not to baptift them at all, or intend to baptife them amifs, they pcriih 
 irreparably, according to their Dodtrine, fincc Baptifm cannot be iterated, and the 
 nullity of this Hypocritical a(ftion cannot be difcovered by man.butis known toGod 
 alone, who is the fearcher of hearts. Secondly, in the holy Eucharift, it fubjcfls every 
 RpwiJMCatholick to manifeft peril of Idolatry, to adore Bread inftead ofChrift, that 
 is, it the Confecrater either malicioufly or negligently intend not to con(ecrate ( of 
 ■which dcliiquency fomcKtw//fcPricfts have confelTed thcmfelves culpable, and have 
 fuffcred for itj or if the Confecrater be no Prielt, which may cafily happen , for want 
 of the like intention in any one of thofe Bifhops,from whom he derives his holy Or- 
 ders, throughout a whole feriesOr fuccelhonof i5oo, years continuance. . Thirdly, 
 in their Ordination. .It leavesnoChurch,notKowe it felf, certain, whether they have 
 holy Orders or not, that is as much as to fay, whether they be a Church or not. For 
 as the failing of any one link breaks a chain in funder , fo the want of this intention 
 in any one Bifhop in a long row of 70. or 80. predeceflburs , breakcs in funder the 
 chain of their fuccellion, and leaves all thofe who pretend to derive from thence 
 downwards, without holy Orders. 
 
 This is the meafure wherewith they mete out tous,but forgetting that afjlfe bal- 
 lance is an abomination to the Lord, they have another meafure to receive in for thcm- 
 felves. Here they mitigate and mollifie the rigour of their tenet, and plain it fo long 
 with their diltinftion, until they leave nothing ot it remaining. Firit , they dilHn- 
 guifhan intention Imoexplicite, that is, particular or determinate, and implicitc, that 
 is, general, to do what the Church doth, or what ChriA inllituted. The Councils 
 oiFlorence and Trent, require onely an implicite intention as necefTary.If they would 
 allow the fame favour to the Proteflants, which they affume to themfelvcs, this Ar- 
 gutnent were at an endi for the Proteftants intend to do what Chrilf inlh'tuted. But 
 their Schools go yet further, and diftingui(h an implicite intention, into <jS«u/and ha- 
 bitnal: Actual, that is, to confidcr really what they do , whilefl they are celebrating 
 
 the 

 
 Againji the OhjcBiov of S. N. 
 
 the Sacrament, Habitual is that, which tlieyliave {oiTRcimes aaruallyhad tl^^wT 
 they have it not in prefent then,wheii they celebrate the Sacrament. They fay an a 
 dual intention is not nccelTary , neither do tiiofe difiraftions which creep unLn us 
 ■ whilell we are celebrating thofe holy Myilerics, render the adt done invalid , but an 
 habitual or virtual intention , thati?,an imprclb'on left in the imagination is fuffici 
 enr. Many ot their Authours rclt not here , but dininguilTi an intention into imr- 
 fial, which they lay is not abfolutcly ncceffaryiand exterml,\\hich is nothino- dCt but 
 an actual application of the due matter, with an actual exprelh'on of the words pre 
 fcribed by the authority of ChriR. This intention the Protcftants allo-.v and neve- 
 want. If theone beacknowledged.to be Catholicks , why are the other cenfured as 
 Hcreticks.? To his Argument then I anfwer. 
 
 Firit, that the interiour intention of the Confecrant, is not necefTary to make the 
 Ordination valid . If a Prince fend a Prefent to a friend by an untrulty fervanr vho 
 envicth his Mafters bounty, or wifheth that the gift might do his friend no poodi yet 
 this (hall not deprive him of the fruit of the Princes bounty. Gods grace is'r.ot an- 
 nihilated by the malice, much lefs by the negligence of a finful man. 
 
 Secondly, I anfwer, that the Proteftants have an implicite intention in their Ordi- 
 nations, to do what the Catholick Church doth , and to do whatfoeverChrifi infti- 
 tuted , though they are far from believing that the Roman Church is the Cathoh'ck 
 Churchi, and this is fufficient, our Adver^ries being Judges , to the validity of holy 
 Orders. Differences in opinion, about the manner or extent of believing do not e- 
 vacuate the graceof the Sacraments. Oneintendsto produce the Bodyof Chrifcout 
 of the bread, another intends to adduce it to the bread.-The former cries o :t that ad- 
 dudtion implies onely a tranfubiation, not a franfubftantiationi the latter thunders it 
 out aloud , that the body which is produced of bread , is not the fame body which- 
 ■was born ot a Virgin. Thus their greateft champions gore one another. Yet they 
 do not believe, that this doth invalidate the Sacraments. 
 
 Thirdly, to his two Functions of confecrating and, remitting fin, Proteftants doe 
 intend to confer them both, fo far as either Chriii did confer them, or the blelTed A- 
 poftles execute them. Doubtlefs they know their own intentions better than 'S. N. 
 He who faith, Ta^e thou authority to exercife the Office of a Triefl in the Chimh o/Go^as 
 theProtcftantConfecratersdo ) doth intend all things requifite to the prieHIy Fun- 
 (ftion,and amongft the reft, to offer a reprefentative Sacrifice , to commemorate and 
 to apply the Sacrifice which Ghrift made upon the Crofs. But for any other Sacrifice 
 diftinftfrom that which is propitiatory, meritorious, and fatisfadtory by its proper 
 virtue and power, the Scriptures do not authcrife •, the Fathers did not believe, the 
 Proteftantsdo not receive any fuch. This is a certain truth,that tlie paffion of Chrift 
 is the orjely ranfome and propitiation for fin. He who faith. fFboJefms thou dsji re- 
 mit they are remitted^ tvhofe (ins than dofl retain are retained (" which are the very words 
 ufed in the Protcftants Form of Ordination ) furely intends to confer a power to re- 
 mit fins. We acknowledge, that he who is ordained, is inabled by his Office many 
 wayes to put away fins. By Baptifm, I believe one Baptifinfor the remiffion offms , Co 
 faith the Creed. 2. By the Sacrament of the Lords Supper ■■, Ihit it my hlondrvhich is 
 pedforyou, andfor matty , forremiffionoffmi. So faid our Saviour. 3. By prayer, 
 James 5. 14. Call for thefrefbyters of the Church, the prayer of Faith Jhalifave thefck^; 
 and if he have committed fins, theyfhail be forgiven him. 4. By preaching the word of 
 Reconciliation, 2 Cor. 5. 19. God tvas in Chriji ^ reconciling the world unto himfelf not 
 imputing their trefpaffet unto them, and hath committed unto m the word of Reconciliation. 
 5. By fpecial abfolution, John 20. 2^. JF%ofe fins ye remit,they are remitted. To for- 
 give fins is no more proper to God, than to work wonders above the courle of Na- 
 ture, the one is communicable as the other. Mat. 9. 5. The Prieft abfolves , or to fay 
 more properly, God abfolves by theprieff. Therefore he faith , I abfobe thee in the 
 Name of the Father,andoj the Son, and of the holy Ghofl. God remits Soveraignly, Im- 
 perially, primitively, abfolutelyi The.prieits power is.dcrivative, delegate, dependent, 
 minifterial, conditional. It istrue,the protelhnts differ amongftthemfclve?, whether 
 the abfolution of the prieft be declarative or operative, thatis,about the manner. And 
 fo do the Romanijis likewife one with another. Yea, I dare fay, that their Schools 
 "dofcarcsly ever run more divifion than about- this , which they make the Sacrament 
 
 G c c c c c 7 cf 

 
 ^^y+ 
 
 Frotedavts Ordination de fended^ TOME IIII. 
 
 "ot' Reconciliation, So his third Argument is, I hope, abundantly fatisticd. 
 
 Hs fourth objection isconteined in the p. and lo. fedtions That the Vroiejiant 
 I .jj. ^fdiiiauci's.do not tije the true matter and form prejcribed by ChrijK As hi 
 
 ^h"chi(rcbfor the Livh:T a,tdjor the dead^ ;?.' the name of the Father and of the 5o«, and 
 file hrlyGhoji , which rvords (faith he ) Although they be not Jet down in holy writ 
 nrliin ttrmes .yettheftth}\anceojthem'ugatheredcutofSt. hukc Chaf. 22. And that 
 kird4 fcTttt as lik^reife the form of baptifme is delivered by tradition proceedingfrom 
 Chrifi. "the matter necejfarily accompany in gthis latter form is the reaching of the Chalice 
 ttiih Tcine and thepatin rvith the hofi to the party confecratedjpecified aljo in the forefaid 
 Ccw-cil'f Florence. And protejiants cnnfjjing^ that they have pared the Pritjihood which 
 Chrifi rrdained from Sacrificing andChriji^ which /fcf Rbmanilts had added to the inilitu- 
 iion do therein conftjje that they have refjt^ied the whole fuhjlance and pared of the very 
 pith cjChrilfs heavenly Prielhod. Thus he 
 
 This is a trenchant Argument indeed, if 5. N. can make it good, which chops, of 
 both our matter and form of ordination to Priefthood atone blow •, but wciliall fee 
 this authour corneas poorely of, as hechargeth defpcratly. They make two cJirtinft 
 ordinations to Prieftfiood, they call them the former and the later. Potejias in Corpus 
 Chrijli mylUciim.pr^jiifponit poteflatem in corpus Christ verum. And though the order be 
 one and the fame ^ yet there are two difiind: matters and forms. A bold preP-im- 
 tion this is if it be done without the warrant of the inftituter. I do not denie,but the 
 Church may lawfully prefcribe rites and ceremonies, even in the adminillrationot 
 the Holy Sacraments, and other Myfteriesof Religion ( as we ufc the delivery of 
 the celebration of holy Orders )k long as unlawful ceremonies are not obtruded, 
 nor the (ubftance of divine worOiip placed in circumftances, nor the fcrvicc of God 
 be more refpected for humane ornaments , than for the divine ordinance, nor 
 exceilivefuperfluity become burthenfome. But on the other fide, they are ufed 
 as adjuments of decency,order, gravity, modefty in the fervice of God , as exprellions 
 of thefeholy and Heavenly defires, and difpofitions, which we ought to bring along 
 with us to the hous of God, fo long as they are helps ofattent ion or devotion, 
 furtherances of edification, vifible inllruders, the bockes of ignorant men, helps of 
 memory , excrcifes of faith, the leaves which preferve the t^ender fruit, and the (hell, 
 which defends thcKernell of Religion from contempt ■■, fo long they are no clogs, 
 but excellent props to fuftein Chriftian liberty. But when prefumptious men 
 begin to tamper with the eflentialls ofdivine inflitution , to chop and change the 
 matter and form of Sacraments , and to obtrude their own inventions as necelTary 
 parts ofdivine worfliip, then they do juft!y incur that cenfure. In vaine ye worfhip 
 me teaching for doUrine the precepts of men Math: 15; p. They teach that ordination 
 is a facramcnt and we do not much oppofe it. It is either weakenefs or frowardnefs 
 to wrangle about the name, when men agree upon the thing , we doe believe that 
 ordination isa facred.rite or action inflitutcdby Chrift wherein by the'impofiitionbf 
 hands,the holy Orders of Bifhops,Pricfis,or Prefbyters,& Deacons are conterred.This 
 impofition of hands they make to be the later ordination, this wc (ay to be the onely 
 ordination. And that the other of the delivery ofthe patin and chalice with the 
 formal words by them ufed is no part of the infiitution ofChrift, but a purple, 
 patch, or an invention of their own, firft added as an indifferent ceremony; and laft- 
 ly, obtruded upon the Church, as an effcntial, neither do we fay this onely but we 
 prove it manifeftly > firft, by the inftitution it felf, which was moft folemnly per- 
 formed by Chrirt , and is moft punctually related by the Evangelift, 14m :2o: v: 22: 
 23. There we have the very matter and the very form ufed by the Church of Eng- 
 land, But of their patin, or chalice, or the delivery of it, or of their formal words, 
 Receive pftcer to tfer facrifice fir the living and for thedead ,of their new matter 
 and newform not one fyllable. Secondly, we produce the beleife and practice' ot the 
 • primitive Church, who knew no other matter than impofition of hands, nor other 
 form than. Receive the Holy Gholi who^e fins,tbcn djfi remit they are rc-nitted 
 And therefore they ufually call ordination by this very name impofui>n of hands. Not
 
 D r scouRSE VII againft the objeSiious of S. N . 99,5 
 
 a father, not a council, not 0115 ancient Authour at any time, mentions the ddivcrie ' 
 
 o\ tnc patm or chahce, or the formal words ufed by the Church ofRome even then 
 .vhen they ddcribe the ordination of tiieir dayes , and where this could not have 
 been om.trcd, if it had been an effential. Thirdy, we produce the practice of the 
 Grff/;.aiarch, and all other Churches which are not cfthe Koman communion ever 
 until this day,which would not have failed fo univcrfally fo conflantly everiince the 
 beginning otchrillianity in an elTcntial orordination,And although the Greehs do 
 not receive this new matter and form, Yet the Komaup did never denie them to 
 have true orders, net did ever ordein any one again, who had formerly been or- 
 deined in the Church ofGwcf , How can they admit the Grecians wanting their 
 new matter and form to have holy Ordcr5,and yet for the want ofthefe,to denie the 
 holy Orders ot the Proteftants to be valid. Jr mt this to have the faith of our Lord 
 JejiK Chrift Tvithrefpea ofperfojis. James: 2. i. Fourthly we produce a great cloud of 
 witneff-'s from among themfelves of their choiccft fcholers ,and fuch as have been 
 molt converfant in this queftion, who denie the deliverie of the patin and chalice 
 to be cflentials ot ordination. Laftly, fuppofing that ceremony to be eflential to or- 
 dination , but denying that it is fo, yet we have words fjifcient in cur form to in- 
 clude it as Receive porver to exercife the office ofapriejh He that gives the fundation 
 gives all power pertaining to it. Again Kece ive popper to admimjier the holy Sacra- 
 ineittT. For all the effentialis ol their facrifice are conteined in our celebration of the 
 holy Eucharirt that is according to their fchoole>,the confecration, and the confum- 
 ptioii of the whole or part. Boththefe we haveafwell as they,the former more purely 
 than they , the latter more eminently than they, inafmuch as with us, both Prieft 
 and peoplcdo receive, with them the Prieft onely. It was therefore truly faid by 
 rite learned Bifiiop of Ely. 'laki away your Tranfubflantiat ion and rve (hall have no 
 difference about the facrifice. 
 
 Againft this the Authour urgeth 3 things ofhisown head, for he produceth no 
 reafon for them. Firft, that though their nen> matter and form he mt fet dorvn in holy 
 Writ in plain termes ^ yet the fuhjiance of them is gathered out of St. Luh^. Chap. 22. 
 How gathered out of 5t. Luke. I wonder how, or out of what words, If St. Luks ' 
 have any thing , that will advantage the Authours caufe, why doth he touch it fo 
 tenderly, why doth he not mention it at large. Indeed St. L«% faith , Cil»ri|l took, 
 bread jnd gave it, but of the patin not a word . Moreover St. Luk^ faith Chriji 
 too\the cup and gave i*, but both bread and cup were confecrated before, and given 
 by Chrift to be received, not to be ufed as an inftrumcnt of fome new facrifice. St. 
 Luk^ faith further, do this in remembrance of me-, doe this , what this > this that you 
 have (een me doe, this which is related before of Chrift , that he took^ bread and gave 
 thank^ and brakg tt, and gave it to them faying , this is my body vehich is given for you. 
 And likewife that he took^the cup , faying. This Cup is the netv Tejiament in my bloody 
 which is Jhed fir you. AH this the Proteftants do more conformably to the inftitu- 
 tion than the Komanijls. Here is plain celebration of the Eucharift,but nothing that 
 makes for their new form of ordination. If any facrifice be intimated here, It is 
 Eucharilticall, he that gave thank/ and commemoratfie in remembrance of me. But not 
 the leaft intimation of their Patin and chalice in ordination. And this theauthour 
 knew well enough , therefore prefently after flies to Tradition th^tthisform of or- 
 daining, as lik^rvife the form ofbaptifme is delivered by tradition of proceeding from Chriji, 
 It is dangerous to ground the EfTentiallsof facraments upon tradition alone. Divine 
 or Apoftolical traditions aie known by their univerfality of time and places But 
 this new rite wants both the one, and the other. If it were univerfal in time, how 
 comes it to pafs that all the primitive Councills , and Fathers were ignorant of it, 
 by whom it ought to have been derived to us. If it be univerfal in place, how comes 
 it to pafs that thzEa^ern Churches never enterteined it , Here is neither «fci(7«f, 
 femper, nor ah minibus. Yet I de eafily believe,that theform of ordination is as much 
 delivered by tradition , as the form ofbaptifme, which isexpieffly fet down, Math; 
 28 ; 19. biptifv:g,ihem in thename of the Father , andofthe fon and of the holy Ghoji , 
 unlefs bethink the precifc words land thee \ baptifL- thee ,. be of the eifence of bap- 
 tifme, whercinhcis miftaken, for the greek^^ obferve another tormLetthe lervant 
 of Chriji be baptifed in the name of the Father 6^c. And yet this form, of baptifi ig in
 
 op6 frotejidnts Ordin.ition defended 
 
 thFCrffk Church isalTow cd by the Komanijis ihemfelves, to benot onely valid , buc 
 alfo lawful. Tlicrcforc his third and ]al\ anchor hold,and intruth his whole llrength 
 Is in the Authority of the Council of Florence. I anfwer , that the Authority of the 
 Council of Florence, held 1440. years after Chrilf, Or of Eugenius partus , who 
 \vas Pope then, is not fo great, that for it the Proteftants fliould defert the holy Scri- 
 pture, and all Authority. Secondly, I anfwer. The Council ofFlorence, or Pope En- 
 aenius, do not fay, that the delivery of the pa tin and chalice, or the words cited by 
 the Authoiir, Receive porver to ofcrjacrifice, &c. were the matter and form inftituted 
 by Chri(r, but that they were tiie matter and form then ufed in the Church of Rome, 
 or toulethe words of fundry Romanifts themfclves in the very point , that they are 
 ncceffary rieccffitate fracepti, but not neceffitate Sjcramenti, becaufe they are command- 
 ed by the Church oiRome, not becaufe they were inftituted by Chrilf. And that this 
 is the trucfcnfe, it appears plainly from hence , that the fame Council makes the mat- 
 ter of the Ordination of Deacons, to confift in the delivery oftheBook of the Gofpel. 
 And yet all men know, that not any one ofthe Gofpels were written until after the 
 Death'ofChriP. 
 
 In the next place he goes about to refute Mr. Mjfon,a. proteftant Writer,who faith, 
 that wehave purged that holy Priefihood, which Chrift ordained from the corrupti- 
 ons of facriticing and flirifr, which tht Romanijis had added. So(aith he, Ihe tehok 
 §>uf\}ion is brought to this iffue, whether our Saviour inftituted afacrificing Friejihood , to 
 which. Authority is given to remit fms tn the Sacrament of Fenance. And concludes, 
 that if the Vrotciiams have fared arvay thefe prieftly Funliions, they have rejeCied the whole 
 fubjiance^and paredtffthe pith of Chrijis Heavenly prieji hood. In the name of God, what 
 have we to do with Chrifts Heavenly Priefthood in this Queftion, which is to make 
 intercellion and atonement for us, to his Father, in refpeft whereof, he is called our 
 Pafleover, our propitiation, our Advocate, ourMediatour,as St. Aujiin {kith-ythe fame 
 is the Prif/?, and the Sacrifice, and the Temple-', the Vrieji by whom we are reconciled,the fa- 
 crifice wherewith we are reconciled, the Temple wherein we are reconciled ; and the God tt 
 whom we are reconciled; but Vrieji,Sacrifice, Temple, and all is Cod in the form of afervant. 
 They are not the Proteftants then,butthe Romanifts,-who pare off the pith of Chrifts 
 Heavenly priefthood,who dally make as many diftind propitiatory Sacrifices,as there 
 are Maffes in the World , who mix the fufferings ofthe Saints with the Blood of 
 Chrifr, to make up theTreafury of the Church, who multiply their Mediators,as the 
 Heathen? did their tutelary Gods, begging at their hands,to receive them at the hour 
 of Death, to reconcile them to God, to betheir Advocates, their Mediators, their pro- 
 pitiation, and briefly to do all thofe OfEces,which belong to the Heavenly priefthood 
 of Chrift. 
 
 This is not all, S. N. is miftaken yet twice more in this one paragraph. Firft, in 
 reducing this prefcnt controverfie to thefe two Heads, i. fThether Chrijl itijlituted a 
 facrifcingpriejihood. And 3. Wljether he hath given authority toit to remit fins in the Sa- 
 crament of fenance. Non deTerminis,fed de pcJf(JJione,internos eft contentiotThis con- 
 troverfie is about the poftefIion,not about the limifs. It concerns the right of prieft* 
 ly Succellion, not the bounds of prieftly power. A man may be the rightful owner 
 of a true jewel, not adulterate, nor counterfeit, and yet not know each particular vir» 
 tuc and quality which it hath. A braging Mountebank commonly pretendeth to 
 more skill, than a true Artift. When S. N. hafh any thing more to fay of thefe two 
 fubjeds, he (hall not need to complain for want of an Anfwer. Here they arena, 
 med , and onely named quite befide the purpofe If he think that all they deftroy 
 the Eflence of priefthood, who make the power ofthe Prieft to be onely declarative 
 and not operative in the remiflion of fins. He need not quarrel with the Proteftants 
 he will find Adverfaries enough at home. 
 
 Thus he miftakes Chrifts Heavenly Priefthood, for mans earthly priefthoodihemi- 
 ftakes the power oradionsof the' presbytcrate, for the cfTencc of it. And Laftly,hc 
 midakes the tenet of his Adverfaries. Mr. Mafin doth nor fay,that the Proteftants have 
 pared away all manner of Sacrifices. Firftj they acknowledge Spiritual and Euchari- 
 ftical Sacrifices, as prayers, praifes,a contrite heart,alms,3nd the Jike. SecondIy,they 
 acknowledge a commemoration, or a reprefentative Sacrifice, in the holy Euciiarift. 
 Thirdly, they teach, that this is not nuda commemoratio, a bare commemoration with-- 
 
 out
 
 Discourse VIL againfttheohje&ionsofS.bi. ppy 
 
 out elHcacy,buc that the bleired Sacrament is a n^ans ordained byChriiV,to rende7Ii7 
 capab!e,and to apply unto us the virtue of that a!l-fufficient Sacrifice of ipHnite value 
 which Chrift made upon the Crofs, which is as far as the moderate Komjinijif darcgo^ 
 ill diftindt and particular exprcilions. But the Pro chants dare not fay, that the ho- 
 ly Eucharill is a Sacrifice propitiatory in it felf, by its own proper virtue, and expia- 
 tory efficacy. Whatfoever power it hath, is in relation to the Sacrificeof Chrilt, as 
 a means ordained to apply that to true Believers. In fumme, the eiTence of the Ro- 
 man Sacrifice doth confilt, according to the Dodrinc of their own Schools, ci.herin 
 the confecration alone, or in the manducation alone, or both in the confecration and 
 participations but not at all either in the oblation before 'confecration , or in the ob- 
 lation after confecration, or in the fraction, or mixtion. Seeing therefore the Prote- 
 rtants doeretain both the confecration, and confjmption,or communication, without 
 all contradidion, under the name of a Sacrament, they have the vtry thing, which the 
 Romxniih call a Sacrifice. How is the World amufed with a (hew of empty names 
 to no purpofe. 
 
 Neither have the Proteftants pared away all manner of (hrift or confelHon and ab- 
 folution. I have fhewed before in thi5Anfwer,Five feveral wayes, whereby the Pro- 
 tellants hold, that their Presbyters put away fins. Nay , they condemn not private 
 confefiion,and abfolution it felf, as an Ecclcfiatiical policy , to make men more wary 
 how they offend, foas it might be leftfree, without Tyrannical impofition. No bet- 
 ter phyfick for a full llomack , than a Vomit. Bodily fores do fometimes compel a 
 man to put off natural (hamefac*dnefs , and to offer his lefs comely parts to the view 
 of the Chirurgeon. By alittle (hame, which we fuffer before our Fellow fervant,wc 
 prevent that great confufion of face , which otherwife mufl: fall upon impenitent fm- 
 ners at the Day of Judgement. 
 
 What arethofe corruptions then , which we have pared away from the Romijh 
 (hrift? Firft,that they have tricked it up in the Robes of a Sacrament,obtruding it up- 
 on the World as abfolutely necefTary to Salvation , and that by Divine inititution, 
 contrary to their own Schools. Gratian concludes it with LeHoris judicio refervatWi 
 It is referred to the judgement of the Reader, and cites Theodore Archbifhbp of Ca«- 
 terbury for liis opinion. The Glojjer refers the original to an univerfal Tradition, to 
 whofe opinion 5Mfw inclines. Bonaventure faith, that it was infinuated by Chrilt,in- 
 ftituted by the Apofiles, and promulged by St. James. Fanormitane makes the ori- 
 ginal of it humane, with whom fide ?etrus Oxonteiifis, ErafntHS, Khenanits and Lyra- 
 ttHs, that in times part it was not fo rigidly obferved. Secondly, that they have re- 
 ftraincd it to a particular and plenary enumeration of all fins. Who can tell bow nft he 
 offended\ ckanfethnt me, Lord,from my jeer et fanlts, P/k/. 19. 12. But without this, 
 (ay they, the Priefl cannot give true judgement. No ? Why .? Chrift faid n<^f, what 
 fins ye remit, but whofe fins, giving fhiscaution to the Presbyters , to attend more 
 to the contrition and capacity of their confitents , than to the number and nature of 
 their fins. Thirdly, they make it to be meritorious at the hands of God, and fatisfa- 
 Sory for tins, not by way of complacence only , but even in Jufticc. Thus in the 
 Dodrinal part. 
 
 In the practice there are corruptions alfo, which deferveto be pared awayithough 
 this Authour cannot fee to diftinguifh betv/een the body and the botches > between 
 the intHtution and the corruptions: As that they do firft abfolvc a man from his fins, 
 and then bid him to make fatisfa(ftion,contrary to the praftice of the ancient Church. 
 Then that it hath been ufed as a picklock to open the fecrcts of States and Princes, 
 Moft certain it is, that many have, and too many daily doe convert it to their own 
 advantage, Scire volunt fecreta domus, at(]He inde timeri. Thirdly , the impofing of 
 fuch ludibrious penances, as bring confelfion it felf into contempt ; as a few Pater 
 mfters for murther, or adulteryi Old Chaucer will tell you the reafon, He l{>iert> horp to 
 impofe an eafre penance, where be looked for a good pittance. Thefe are the corruptions 
 wecondemn in the ConfefTorsjthere are others alfo in the confttents,who have many 
 of them reduced confeffion toa cultomary formality , as if it wfre but to conclude 
 an old fcore, and begin a new. Let them purge away thefe abufes of their fhrift, 
 which they kave added, making it Sacrannental, plenary, particular, {atisfaclory, in- 
 forced under pain of Damnation , by virtue of Chfifls inftitution,- I-.et them ceafc 
 
 to
 
 c Ft'OtcPdiJts Or dinar ion defended TO VIE IV, 
 
 to diloidcr if, to proltitute it, to prophane it, and the protcltants, and they will have 
 LlTc caiife to' differ about tlic bounds, or limitts ofPricftly power. 
 
 His fifth objcdlion follows in the 1 1. and 1 2. Sedions,thus. Jf they rcill r.eeds 
 tiJiirP tht iuii/e of Priijh let them tellme in nhat order they ran^thtmfelvcs^ in the order 
 (/Aaron, or cf Mclchifcdeck, Ihey cannot reckon thrmjtlves in the order ^ 
 cf hixonbccaujethey do not offer bloody jjcrifices^mmh lefs in the order fl/Mclchircdeck' 
 hecjuje thiy do not oftr bread and rfine ; yet the fathers ttjlifie , that the ?rei\ihond of 
 Melchifedeck doth jiilljiorifh in /k CWc/;, Therefore faith 5. N. 1 know mt in what 
 rankjo place themfeeing they renounce both thefe orders, unlefs it he in the order n/Afinius 
 the vahtntary fenator rcho was made by himjelffcr in the order e/Don Qa'\xot,Knighted 
 in an Inne hy the good feUovc hit hojhor at the mojl they are bulParliament Priejis ordeinedby ' 
 the new dcvifedform of that temporal Court, and authorifed by the letters patents, firjl (fa 
 child and then of a woman. 
 
 Firil I anfwer to his fcurrilous inference. BleJJedit the man which hath not fate down 
 in thechaireofthefcorner Pfal: i: i. Sofaid Vanid^i^wd. the Son of Vavid.Math 5, n) 
 Blejfedare ye when men revile you and fpeak^all maner ofevilfalfely againji you for my 
 yj/;f,Rcjoyce and be exceeding glad for great is your reward in heaven . Doth S. N. think 
 Jic mufl not one day give account to ChriA for thefe unfavory fcoffes , efpecially a- 
 againrt whole Chri(lianChurches,which defireto ferve God acccording to the be/lof 
 their nndcrftanding, or doth he think, that this isthc way to gain upon the pro- 
 teftants .? The mind of man is generous , which as it cannot chufc but give a/Tent 
 to evident demonflration. ( neceffeeft ut lancem in libra pimderibus impofitis deprimi , 
 fjcanimum perfpicuis eedere. So it is the more alienated by fuch bitter and biting 
 expreflions. 
 
 Secondly,! retort his Vilemma upon himfelf thus,IftheRp»j#priefts be truepriefts, 
 then they are either of the order ofJaronot of the order oi Melchifedeck. This is his 
 own difjunftlon, whichhe may not denic. But I airume,they are not of the order of 
 ^aron, becaufe they do not offer bloody facrifice, as is confcfTed, neither are they of 
 the order o( Melchifedeck^ for Chrift was of the order oi Melchifedeck.-, and if they be of 
 the fame order, they (hould be the fuccclTours of €hrift in his Priefihood,But by the 
 confer t of all Aoman fchooles, they arc not the fucccflburs of Chrift, but hisMini- 
 ftcrs, Again, the law being tranflatcd, the priefthood muft of recellity be tranflated 
 alfo, but the law is tranflated, from the law of nature, and frcm the law ofMofes, 
 to the law of grace ■-, therefore the prieflhood is tranflated alfo,and by neceflary con- 
 ftquence, the Koman prielts are neither of the order o( Aaron , ror of the order of 
 Melchifedeck,, 1 leave the conclufion to S. N. whether he will fliake hands with 
 Afinius, and Von ^uixot, yea,or no. 
 
 Thirdly, to the matter of his argument I anfwer, that the two homes of his 
 dilemma are neither (b fliarp.nor fo clofe, but that the Proteffants may finde a ready 
 and a fafepaflagc between them that is, there is a third Kind of prieflhood, or preP- 
 byterate, difHnd from both thefe, which was firft infti?utcd by Jefus Chrift,and had 
 no bemg in the daies either of ^artw or Melchifcdeck^iv'm^ another matter and form 
 and all the effentials different. Thjs is that order, which the Proteflants do lay 
 claim to, and fo do the Komanifts alfo , whatfoevcr S. N. difcourfe to the 
 contrary, So little weight is there inhis argument, that it fcarcedeferves ^n 
 anfwer. 
 
 Fourthly, when the Fathers or any of them do fay , that the prciflhood of 
 Melchifedeck^, doth flil! flourifli in the Chuich, either they (peak of theheavenlypreiff- 
 hood of Chrid , who isindeed a prieft for ever after the order cf MelchiOdeck, aixi 
 not of the prieflhood of menior els they fpcak according to a cerfain'analogy,3nd pro- 
 portion between the one and the other , in refpcd oflome things common to both, 
 and rot as if they were thefame. 
 
 Laflly , S. N. might well have fpared his farcafms of a Child and a woman. 
 By- the law oflnglandrhc King ncverdics , never is a Mnwr i the regal diadem pur- 
 geth away all defers cf (i x and age. Let him carp at the s&s of Jehc^fh alfo be- 
 caufe he was a child. As for his parliament priciis, and whether the parliomerf bf; a 
 temporal court ,will ccmcmorc fitly tobe anlwered in the rtxt Scdfion. 
 
 The authour having fpent all hisflore vhich he hadcnt r f the fcrijrtures, coun- 
 cils
 
 Dis course VII. againfi the ohjeSiion ofS^ H 
 
 cils, and Fathers, and right rcafon, in thefixth place goes about to convince usbyour 
 own Adts of Parliament, bythe Letters patents of our Princes, and by the Teftimony 
 ot our Writers. His next Argument is contained in the 13. 14. 15. 1tf.17.and 18 
 Sedions-, No fecular Princes or temporal Magijiratti, either apart or ajjembled together in 
 ptiblick Parliament, have authority to confer Ecclefraliica I Orders. But the Order oiMinijhy 
 whichour Cojpellers challenge, was both inKing Edward'/ and ^cen ElizabethVaWj- 
 wholly devifcd, and primarily conferred by their Jecular and temporalauthrity. His former 
 propofition he proves,but fonoendi for we readily admit it, that no fecular perfons 
 can confer Ecclefiaaical Orders, how belabours to prove his latter propofition, we 
 Ihall fee prefently. In the mean time. 
 
 Be it known unto S. N. that we do not afcribc unto our Parliament any authori- 
 tative or operative power, to make thcmpriefis, who wanttheEffentialsof prieft- 
 hood •, but a declarative or receptive power, to receive fuch for true priefts, whoare 
 ordained according to the inliitution of Chrift. Neither yet is our Parliament a 
 meer temporal Court wherein ourBifliopshad their Votes,our Clergy their ProtSors, 
 But of this more anon- If the Ordination be valid in it felf,having a right Minifter, 
 a due matter, and a true Form, all the Parliaments and Councils in the World,all the 
 Edidfs of Princes, cannot render if abfolutcly invalid. On the other fide, if the Or- 
 dination be invalid in it fclf, and want any of the Effentials of Ordination , all the 
 Canons and Afts, or Edicts, of all the Princes, or Parliaments, and Councils, in the 
 World cannot make it valid. So as whatfoevcr he (hall alledgc in this kind , may 
 perhaps have fome pretence againft the A&i or Letters patents, but cannot impeach 
 or prejudice the Ordination: our Form of Ordination is extant, and publiflied to the 
 view of the World in prints if he have anything to fay againft it , let him fpeak out, 
 we defire no favour, orotherwife, he doth but fhew his teeth without hurting us. 
 When that which he would impugne isexpofed to his view, why doth he not bend 
 hisforces againft it, but enquire after it of others, to try if he can pick any advantage 
 out of their words, to make the World believe, it is that, which in truth it is not. Ei- 
 ther our Form of Ordination agrees with the Inftitution of Chrift, or notiifit do not 
 agree, let S.N.fhcw wherein it is repugnant or defedive: Ifit do agree, as moft cer- 
 tainly it doth, otherwile the primitive Church,and the Church ofGreece to this day, 
 hath \:o right Ordination, then all which he alledgeth is vain, and all that he faith is; 
 reduced to this fumme, that our Synods have dcvifed,our Parliaments have received, 
 ourKingshave authorized within their Rejlmsi fuch a Form of Ordination, as isa- 
 greeable to the Inftitution of Chrift. But that he may not complain that he is cut 
 off toofliort, and to vindicate not our holy Orders, which ftand or fall according to 
 Chrifts Inftitution, and are not concerned in thefe Allegations, but our Kings, and 
 Parliaments, from his afperfions; let us hear what he can fay ; and if we had the Sta- 
 tutes, Patents, and Difpenfations themfelves, which inthis ilrangc place we want, it 
 would appear more manifeft!y,that they are wrefted to a quite different fenfe to that 
 which they intended. But taking them upon truft from S. N. they are fo far from 
 bcing,asheftileth them, unanfwerable Teftimonies, that they^arc altogether imper- 
 tinent to the Qucftion. 
 
 Firft, he produceth a Statute made prima Edn>.irJi 6. that Archbijhops and Bijhops 
 Jhouldfend out their procejjes in the name of the King, and not in their own names, giving 
 thisreafon, that all authority of Jurifdtdionfpiritital and temporal, is derived from the 
 Kings Majejiy, affupreme Headoftbe Church of England, &c. 
 
 Great palaces will never want their moths, nor great perfons their parafites,^ who 
 are ready to flatter greatnefs, to blow the coals of ambition, and to adorn their Ma- 
 fters, like Mjop's Daw, with ftollenplumesifuchas the Canonifts were to the Popes. 
 It would better become S. N. and me, to give unto C^ar that which is Cxjars , *nd 
 unto God that which is Gods. I have never feen any fuch Statute,3nd if there were 
 this is moft certain, it was either prefently abrogated, or never executed^ for the uni- 
 verfal pradice of all the Ecclefiafcical Courts in England is contrary, and did ever ufe 
 to fend out their citations in the Bifhops name. But yet I will conceal nothing that 
 may conduce to the finding out the truth-, I confefs,! have feen a Commilljon bear- 
 ing date in the dayes of Ht'^Jry the 8. wherein fuch a likeclaufe was infertedfor the de- 
 rivation of all the Authority ofEcclefiaftical Jurifdiftion from him. And therefore 
 
 D d d d d d fup- 
 
 999
 
 looo FrotefidfUs Ordination defended TOM E I\ « 
 
 fuppofing, that there inigntbcToiTie Inch repealed Statute , let us lee what might be 
 the fcnlc of it, and how impertinent it is to this purpofe. But 
 
 Firft by his leave, 1 mukadmonifli him again ot'his miftakc, in reputing the Par- 
 liamcr.ts ^ England w be mecre tompoial Courts, and Conventior.s onely of fccular 
 nr.n wherein our Biftiopscver had their Votes, even until thefe prefent dil\radionsin 
 the Houle of Peers. And the inferiour Clergy , their Proftcrs in the Houfc of Com- 
 mons, until Cardinal JFooIfey, out of an ovtr weening (train of wit, contrived and ef- 
 tlded a difiindion of that mixed Body, into two Aflcmblies ■, the one Secular , tiic 
 other Ecclefialiical, which latter is called the Convocation or Synod ,• which.fits al- 
 waycs at the fame time %vith the Parliament, where that is hrft conclnitd concerning 
 Jlcligion, which after is received in the Houfe of Commons, and ratified by the King, 
 with the confentofthe Lords. 1 add morc,that by the fundamental conliitution of 
 the Kinfdom oiEnglJfid, the Parliament which then was called the Great Cc2<HC)7,the 
 M/ci</f Spod, the Senate of Wife wew, did evermore confirt both ot Secular and Ecclefi- 
 afticalpcrfons , who conjointly did manage all the great affairs both of Church and 
 Commonwealth. Let S. N. ca(l his eyes upon the old Bn>a?z«rc^and Saxon Coun. 
 cilsor Parliaments, publiflied not long fince by Sir Henry Spelman^znd he fhall fee this 
 clearly verified. He (hall find the Nobles together with the BiOiops, making Laws 
 and conltitutions for the Church, and fubfcribing them , Ego Vttx fubjcri[fi^ Ego Co' 
 nics Jubfcrijfi. Hcfliail find thefe Ads of theirs ratified by the King , and publifhed 
 in his name, by his authority, as his Laws. The very like cufiome we find in France, 
 and ether Kingdoms, in the dayes of Charles the Great. It is true, that the fuccced- 
 ing Popes, upon pretence of fome later Canons, did watch all opportunities , when 
 they found weak or imbroiled Princes , to crop the peculiar Flowers of tfie Crown, 
 as Patronage and Inveftitures, which was the caufe of much bloodfhed inEngland,hj 
 inciting the fubjeds under the Mask of Religion againft their Soveraign : but for the 
 fupreme Judicature of Parliament in allcaufes, and the legiflative power inall affairs 
 Ecclefiaftical, as well as Civil, which concerned the whole Kingdom jointly with the 
 King, it had been folly to attempt upon it. 
 
 Secondly, for the matter of his allegation, I antwer, that there is a double power 
 Ecclefiallicaj, of Order and ofjurifdiftion v which two arefo different the one from 
 the other, as thcmfelves both teach and pradtife, that there maybe trueOrders,with- 
 out any Ecclefiallical Jurifdidion, and an aftaal Jurifdidion, without holy Orders. 
 Judge then how much this Authour fails in his performance. He undertakes to 
 prove, that our holy Orders were devifed, and conferred by Lay-men. But he leaves 
 theOrdcts in the' plain Fields, to bufie himfelf about the power of Jurifdidion,which 
 is nothing to his Queftion. This is a feconddefcdin his Argumeur. He concludes 
 not contradidtnrily. 
 
 Thirdly, the Rcnianijls themfelvcs do alfo diftinguifh between anhabitual ]urifdi- 
 dion, which is conferred at the time ofOrdinationiandan adual Jurifdidion , or a 
 right to'cxercife this habit, by the application of the matter or fubjed. In the lat- 
 ter, the Lay patron, and much more th'e Prince and the Commonwealth, have their 
 refpedive interells and concurrence, Diocefesand parifhes were not of Divine infti* 
 tution. And the fame perfons were born fubjeds, before they were made Chriflians; 
 cfpecially this reafon hath place in England^ where the Jurifdidion Ecclefiaftical is 
 enlarged and fortified by the King , vvith a coercive power. It is not then habitual 
 Jurifdidion which is conferred by OrdinatioiD,nor yet adual Jurifdidion in the court 
 ofconfcicncc, nor the power of the Keys , nor any part orbranch thereof, which is 
 derived from the Crown, but it is a right to pradile that power over the perfons of 
 the Kings fubjeds, which is ufed in the exteriour or contentious court, and that/«i 
 modo^z?, itis exercifed in England , by the grace and indulgence of Chriftian princes, 
 and by the Lavys of the Realm \ or rather, if is the regiment and the government of 
 that power which is vindicated to the Crown, to fee that Clergy-men doe their Du- 
 ties in their places, as well a? all other the Kings fubjeds, and adminifter right JulHcc 
 infuch caufes , astheLawsof the Land have fubmitted to their cenfuresi as for in- 
 (lance in caufes Teftamentary, and the like. This the Statute calls the authority ofju- 
 rifdinion,thu is, the coercive and compulfory power of fummoning the Kings Sub- 
 jeds, by proceffes in thefe cafes, which is indeed from the Crown, and the regiment
 
 Dis couRs B VII. againft the Obje^ions ofS. N. i ooj 
 
 orit,byapplyiug or fubaradting the matter, th^s farre then we allow, that the" 
 Kings of Englartd neither have any parr of the power of the keyes, nor can derive 
 the fame to any others ; And if any ParHament Oiould declare the Contrary wc 
 m;gl:t well exprcfe our obedience in fubmitting, but never yield our affent to 
 believe it. 
 
 Fourthly they, the Klrgs of England arc indeed in our Laws called, The fupreme 
 heads of the church within their dominions. But how > not fpiritual heads, nor yet 
 Eccleliaftical heads; foas S. N. need not fcare our deriving^ur orders from them", 
 but civil heads by an influence of coercive , or corroboratory power, by applying or 
 fubftrading the matter, by regulating the exercife, by puniftiing the delinquencies 
 of Eccleliaftical judges, That is , as much as to fay, as fupreme Governours as 
 Sauhs called The head of the tribes of I/w/, yea, of the Tribe of ImamonVft 
 the reft , the high prieft himfelf not excepted ■, yet neither had the Kings^'of 
 Ifrael then, nor have ours now, any right to exercife themfelves any part of the pricft- 
 ly fundion. 
 
 S. N. proceeds thus yo» have heard before how by the Kings letters Vatents Arch- 
 Bijhopf and Bijheprickj were conferred. Truci and fo they did, when popery was at 
 the higheft, initsZfwif/.'i and notoncly couferrcd them, which they might do juftly 
 but fomtimes unjuftly dcteincd the Bifhopricks in their hands for many yearcs to-' 
 gether, until the King was pleafed to ilTue out his writ o( Manum amovars to the 
 Sheriif; what of all this: the Benefices were confcrrd by the Kingletters patents.but 
 the offices were conferred by ihe ordination of Bifhops. It is not the benerice,butthc 
 office which is now in queftion. 
 
 In the third place S. N. urgeth out of Mr. Fox. That Henry the 8. inpartedto the Lord 
 Cromwel the exercife of this fttpreme fpiritual Regiment , makjng him hU vicege- 
 rent for and concerning all this jurifdiSio'n Ecckfiaftical. It appearcs then, that the 
 fupreme government of the Crown in caufe Ecclcfiaftical wasnotfirft aflumedby 
 the proteftants i feeing this A uthour provcth,that it was pracfifed by Henry ihe S. who 
 perfecutcd the proteftants for their confciencc, and continued a Roman Catholick 
 unto his dying day. And what he did , was appro\'ed and maintained by the 
 Roman Catholick Bifliops ofthofe daies. Yea, even by thofe who were the moft bit- 
 ter enemies to the Proteftants, and the greateft Zealots, I hadalmoft faid , Bigots 
 of the KoOTa« Church, as appcareth by their afts, their fubkriptions, their Bookes 
 written in defence of this fuprcmacy, of Princely Regiment, as particularly that of 
 Stephen Gardiner Bifhop oiWinchefier^de vera ohediemia. It may well be, that the 
 Lord Cromveell was made fupreme delegate or Commiffioner by Henry the 8. or per- 
 haps inverted with a power to name delegates , as the Lord Chancellour now doth. 
 And that the prince did confide principally in him for the prudential part, or the 
 managery thereof. But the Kings of England ucvqt grant Commillions of that na- 
 ture to one fingle lay- man , how deare Ibcver he be , but conjoynly to him, with 
 others of maturity of ludgement, of dexterity and fkill in the lawes, and alfo quali- 
 fied by their callings to ad by excommunication, or abfolution, according to the 
 exigence of the matter. In breife Henry the S. did not /w^<»r» holy Ordcrs,nor 
 habitual jurifdidion, but conftituted delegates by his Commimon, to hear Appeales, 
 to fee juftice adminftred, as all his predecefforshad done before him. This neither, 
 concernes us nor the matter in hand. 
 
 S. N. addes J« the fir(l nf^een Elizabeth raign, ajiatute was enaSed^ whereby all 
 fpiritual or Ecclefiaflical power or authority is untied and annexed to the Imperial Crown of 
 the Realm,and all forrei'ie ufurped power jurifdiUion and preheminence clearly extinguijhed, 
 gnd by (olemn oath renounced info much as doSor Whitgif placed in the ®KfeM the ful- 
 tiefcf all Ecekfiaftical goverment, from whom all Eccltfiaflical power is derived to Bipops, 
 And that (he exercifeth ho- Church govermiut by Archhifliop^ as Jfje doth htr ttmporal by 
 theLordChancellor-, which power Jaith he,wjs never heard of before in an)Chri\}ianJ}eathen 
 or Turkifh Commonwealth. MS. N. have cited his other Teftimonics with the fame 
 faith that he doth this, It is tobe wifhed that his readers he rot over credulous, 
 but obferve that old rule which TK/l_y calls the nerves andfnewesofwijdom. Remem- 
 ber to diftrulU for neither this ftatute, nor any other in Em^/jw^/ dorh invert the 
 Ciown with any new power, but oncly reeftablifluhat, which former Kings enjoy- 
 
 Dddddd2 ed
 
 I0O2 
 
 Proteftants Ordination defended^ TOME IIII, 
 
 ed and uhich of later times the Court of Kotnt had ufuvpcd; ror yetdoih it meddle 
 wi'th the power of the keyes, or any Branch thereof, nor with any fubordinate ju- 
 rifdidion at home, or a broad, the King cannot con'ecrate, nor oidain, nor do any 
 adtof fpiiiti-ial jurifdidion, properly fo called. But that power which this and 
 other llatLites doe vindicate to the Crown, is a fuprcmacy or foveraignciy of Regal 
 power in the King of E«g/jw^, accoitJing to the example cf his prcdcce(rors,by 
 ailU)meimmcmorial, lodilpenfc withthc '.ranfgreliion cfthc Laws of the land, to 
 difpofe of the greater dignities of the Church, to prohibit the proceedings of Eccltfi- 
 alUcal Courts, in ca(r of encroachment , to receive appealcs, end to fcntcnce 
 them by tit delegates, to make laws Ecclefiaftical with the advifc of his Clergy, and 
 pieat Councel » and to do all things necelTary for that great and Architcctonical end, 
 ihefifeiyof ihe CcnimotiTvealtk That power of which it dcprivcih the Biflxp of 
 Kome is an iifurped power to difpofe of the dignitcs of the Church, to depofe the 
 King, or difpofe ot his dominions, to exeicile a dci.minion in his MajcftiesRealmes 
 upon his fubjectsi contrary to his plcafure by Rowjm Icgats. And whereas S. W. 
 fancieth,thatthis is fuch a power as never was heard of in any Chrij}ianJi'urki([)J?eathen 
 Conimnnnreahh, he is much millaken : under the law of nature, the fame perfons 
 were both Kings and Priefts » under the law oihhjes , Vavid atid Sohmm ar.d other 
 Kings, of J/i-iJf/did cxercife the fame power over their fubjccts, in the like manner 
 did the primitive Emperours, yea it is ufed to this day by Koman Catholick princes> 
 The moft ChriiUan King o( France gives Ecclefiaftical preferments without his leave 
 obtained: the legates of the Roman Bifhpp may doe nothing in Frame, and iii his 
 Parliaments •, he makes fanctions forthe affaires of the Church,and thisever fincethe 
 daies o(Cbarlenhe great. The Parliament Rollcs, the Bifliops, regifier?,the records of 
 the Kings Bench and the common picas, do all prove, that this is no inrovationin 
 England ^(ot the Kinghim.felf, for the judges in his name, to interpofe in Ecclefiafti- 
 call affaires. Lallly ,what doctor Whitgij faith, is no more then that which Stephen 
 gardlner Biihop of wincheftcr, a great pcrfecutor of the proteftants, a great 
 fcrvant of the See ofRowe faith before him>That the Commonwealth is like a 
 ^rcat family, wherein there are feveral offices, as for inftancc, the divine , the phy- 
 litian the Schoolmafter, every one of which is principal,or fupremc in his own way: 
 but yet, that the mafter of the family , that is, the prince hath an occcncmical power 
 paramount above them all, to fee that they do not abufe their truft, and to difpofe 
 of their actions for the publick good. 
 
 In the next place S. N. goes about to prove the other part of his former afTumption, 
 thatowr holy Orders were wholly devifed by timforal authority,hecauJe ihere n>as ana£i of 
 Tarliament made, 3 Ednc, 6. cap: 12. that fuch form of ordination or confecratim of 
 'Ecclefiaftick. ferfons, as by fx prelates and fix vtlnr perfons kjrned in Gods Larv ( ihatit 
 divine i and civilians )fhouldbe devifed and puhliped under the great feal cf England 
 Jhould be lawfully exercifed andno other, anyjiatute law or ufage to the contrary notwith- 
 (ianding, and by another jlattite 8. Elizabeth 10. Ihey which were fo ordained were de- 
 clared confirmed andenaUed to he Archhichops, Bijhops, Friifts rightly made, order ed ^ 
 and confecrated, any tiatiite, law, canon^ or othtr thing, to the contrary noiwithftandtig, 
 I fliould not vouchfafethis Argument an anfwer, it is fo weak and difjoint,But that 
 1 would omitt nothing. Here is devifed indecd,but where is wholly devifed^dcviCcd for 
 the extcriour manner or form, in language , ceremonies , circumllances and acciden- 
 tMs,nat devifed forthe effentialls, or for the fubflance: devifed according, not con- 
 trary to the inf\itution of Chrifl, and the pradice of the primitive Church with a 
 non eHiante,or notwithflanding the flatutcs. Laws, Canons, or cullomcs of the 
 Rcalme, or any other thing, thatis the Popes bulks or the like, but here is no non ob- 
 jiante to the law of God, or to theinftitution of Jefus Chrift. fhallbe lawfully Exer- 
 cifedand no nthir. It is the exercife of that r)rm whichis authorifed, ratherthan 
 the form it fclf; or the form onely in relation to the ufCjto take away all doubts 
 which might arife about it in the law of the land, not to determine any Theological 
 qucftions, or difputes, or to alter the nature of it. It was to be done by prelates and 
 other perj ns learned in Gods Law. Here was no intention to deviate from Gods 
 Law. Ifevery form of Church fervice or adminiftration of the facraments, or or- 
 dination which receives any addition or alteration in praiers, or ritial accidents, or 
 
 in
 
 D I s cou RSE VII againji the objeSiioHs of S'N. i oo 5 
 
 in the cifcumftances of time, place, perfons, garments, according to the prefent exi- 
 gence, may be called a Form rvholly devijedby men, or become therefore prefently un- 
 lawful, It is moft cettain, that the Roman Liturgy, MifTal , and Ordination, have 
 been thus devifcd, over and over again. In fumme, the Form of it felf is extant, to 
 confute thefe devker, agreeable to the InHitution of Chril'r, to the practice of the Pri- 
 mitive Church. The corroboratory authority and confirmation of Parliament doth 
 not render thatunlavvfu'^ which is lawful in it k\f. But againft this, the Authour 
 hath fundry Exceptions. 
 
 One is, that the Statute doth not onely declare them , hut enaU them to he Anhbilhops^ 
 &c. if they veere validly ordained before^this AU availed them nothing at all. The An- 
 fvver is eSiCie ^Redundans non vitiaf^zs the Law faith; a redundant or fuperfluous word 
 may ferve to take away a nredlels fcruple, but doth not vitiate the adt. We do 01% 
 en Hnd the word Enading in a Declarative Statute, but never find the word Decla- 
 ring in a Statute which is merely operative , and creates a new Law. Statutes are 
 not alwayes fo clearly penned at firft , but that they need an explanation to prevent 
 quirks and evafions. Concerning this Statute, it is both declarative , to (hew that 
 their Ordination was valid in itfelAand alfo operative, to make it legal, or to render 
 the legality more undoubted. 
 
 His fecond exception follows next. Su^pofe their infiailation and inauguration ivas 
 invalid, either the Parliament had power to mak^ it valid, or they had not poiver-jf they had, 
 then there needed no other Ordination, but the Royal ajfent oj the ^een,and the approbati- 
 on of her Nobility: If they had not power to do it, then it was an unjufi aVt of ufurpation,and 
 a great want efwifedom in that Honourable Affembly , te mak^ a Law not appertaining to 
 their Office. 
 
 I anfwer fitft, that the Authouirftill {"orgetteth the right compofition o^ the Eng- 
 li(h Parliament, which befides the King and the Nobility,comprehends alfo the Cler- 
 gy and the Commons. Secondly, he confounds infiailation and inauguration,which 
 pertain to the Benefice with Ordination, which refpecfts the Office. Thirdly, he di- 
 fpuKsexnonconceffit, fuppofing that as granted, which is by usabfolutely deniedi that 
 is, that their Orders were invalid, and fo he doth but beg theQueftion. Fourthly, he 
 concludes not contradidlorily. We grant hisconclufion , that no other Ordination 
 was elTentially requifite to the validity of their Orders, and that the Authority of 
 Parliament was fufficient to declare or render them Legal. Laftly , admitting that 
 the Parliament hath not powerto make thofe Orders valid , which were cffentially 
 invalid, yet being eflentially valid , to declare or make them valid in the eye of the 
 Law, and relatively, to the E>igltflf fubjedt, was noufurpationin them, but a juftand 
 wife ad, pertaining to their Office. Suppofe the King and Parliament fliall natura- 
 lize a ftranger,they donot makehim a man.- thathe wasbeforei but they make him 
 znEngli/h man, and give him a legal capacity to purchafeand inherit, vv!iich former- 
 ly he hadnot. Or, fuppofe the King by his proclamation, (hall make outlar.di(h 
 Cf>yn, as Piftols, Crowns, Duckets, currant amongft his fubjecSs, according to their 
 true value. He were a weak Arguer, who (hould conclude from thcnce,that before 
 that Proclamation they were counterfeit : The intrinfccal value was the fame before, 
 and afferthe Proclamation-, but it gives them a legal value, and renders them cur- 
 rent. So as thenceforward, no fubjedlmay refufe them, as formerly they might. 
 
 S.N.'s third reafon to prove his former propo{ition , that our Orders weredevi- 
 fed and conferred wholly by temporal authority, is drawn from the Queens difpenD* 
 tions, to make good the Confecrations of Dr. Farker, :ind other Intruders (fo he plea- 
 fcrh to call them^ ordained in the fecond and third of her Raign, whereby /^e difpen* 
 fd with all caufes or doubts of any imperfeUion or difabilit'y, that could or mi^ht beohjeiied 
 in any rvife az^ainji the fame ; but no man can difpenfe with the dif abilities of holy Orders , 
 though they he but accidental, (ave onely fuch as have authority to confer them. So either 
 her Miijejly challenged toherjelfinjurioufly a diff-etifative power, which no Law of G>d or 
 manwould afford ber\ or otherwife,fh: was tbe chief Gnllater of Orders. 
 
 ■ Firrt, admitting this Allegation to be true upon 5. N.'s own credits yet it follows 
 not, bccaufe the (^een difpenfed, that therefore there were real imperfcv^tions in their 
 Confecrations. Abundant cautela non nocet. Many perfons in uuccrtain times , doe 
 ake out pardons, or difpenfations, where there is no real defcdl , ad redimendairt ve~ 
 
 na-.i-.
 
 , Qfj,^ ProteftafJtf Ordination defended TOME 1 V^ 
 
 xjiionem to prevent future troubIcr"Secondly, there is a great difference betwecnaij 
 
 imperfedion and an invalidity, the former fuppofethan incompkat being, the latter 
 areiies a mere nullify. So likewifc there are accidental difabijitiet, as well as eflen- 
 tial, as Bigamy, Baffardy , or any notable deformity of the Body. There are legal 
 difabilities or Canonical difabilitics, which donotdcihoy the elTtnce, butonely hin- 
 der the cxcrcife of holy Orders. Thirdly, 5. N. fails in his main ground alfo. Many 
 pcrfons may,and do ordinarily difpenfe with the imperfedtionsof holy Orders,which 
 have no authority to confer holy Orders. Difpenfation is an act of Jurifdiction,not 
 of Order whereof Lay-perlons are capable. But his fourth defect is yet greater. 
 Neither they who have power to confer holy Orders , nor any perfon, or focictyof 
 men, or Angclsi neither Prince, nor Pope, nor Parliament, nor Council, have power 
 to difpenfe with the Efrentials of Chrifts Inftitution , or to give a non cbjlante to his 
 prefcription. As in the cafe of that Jew^ who was baptifed withfand in the delcrt. 
 TfieQueftion is not, whether his dcfirc of Baptifm might be accepted by God for Ba- 
 ptifrr, but whether any difpenfation under Heaven , could make this a valid Sacra- 
 ment. AfTuredly it could not ; that which is from the beginning invalid by Divine 
 Law, cannot be made valid by the difpenfation of any creature in Heaven or Earth. 
 But to come home to the juftification of thefe Royal difpenfations, it belongs ori- 
 ginally to the fame power to difpenfe with a Law, and to abrogate a Law. A La w 
 is then abrogated, when the obligation thereof is univerfally taken away, by the au- 
 thority of the Law giver, or by contrary cuftome, which implies aconfent: A Law is 
 thcndifpenfed with to any one, when the Law remaining in full force,asto the com- 
 munity, he is exempted from the obligation , or pardoned the tranfgreilion thereof 
 by the immediate grace of the Lawgiver , or by power derived from him. From 
 whence it appears evidently, that no man hath originally a difpenfative power, but 
 he or they, who have alfo a Legiflative power. And therefore , as none but Chrift 
 himfelf can abrogate his own Inftitutionsfo none but Chrift himfelf can difpenfe with 
 his own Inftitutlon. It is confefTed , that Circumftantials and Accid.entals may be 
 changed, as the time of the day for the celebration of theEucharift, is upon good 
 grounds i but it is likewife contclTed , that thcfc are-no Effcrtial parts of the Inftitu- 
 tion. 
 
 Moreover, they who have power to make Laws or Canons, or to receive and au- 
 thorifc them being made ("as it is in England , where the Kingdom challcngeth a re- 
 ceptive or negative power, not to be ruled by any Laws, but fuch as themklvcs have 
 confented unto, and where Ecclefiaftical Canons do bind onely fo far , as they are re- 
 ceived by law, or lawful cuftome) they have alfo power to abrogate thefe laws, 
 or to difpenfe with them refpediively to their fubjedfs-, He who hath power to bind 
 hath alfo power to loofej he who hath power with the advife of his Biftiops to make 
 laws or Canons for the ordering and regulating Ecclefiaftical affayres ( as all the 
 Kings o^England, Britons, Saxons^Nortnans ,('uccd\ive]Y havehad^ He hath alfo power 
 to difpenfe with the obligation which is induced by thofe laws. This is the true 
 ground of difpenfations Royal. So when the Prince difpenfeth with imperfeSions or 
 J//ijtj/im, it is tobe underliood of fuch legal imperfcdion and difpablities,as have 
 relation to the law of the land, and in no wife of fuch as are repugnant to the Infti- 
 tutlon of Chrift, as when the King pardons a thief, or a manflayer , he makes him 
 thereby legally juft in the eye ofthelaw,and defpenfeth with all legal imperfcdtions & 
 difabilities. But his pardon extends not to the lin againft God,iior to the guilt con- 
 trafted thereby. Wherefore Mr. Mij/ow'sanfwer , that the Queen difpenfed with the 
 trefpaflcs againft her own Lawes, is no dawbhig, but a certain truth, 
 
 5. N. urgeth, that the ^een in her firji Varliament , had repealed the Laws of ^een 
 Mary, which difannulled that new form of Ordination , avd had not as then enaUed any 
 new Lawes of her own , violable or difpenfable in that kind. What will he conclude 
 from hence > perhaps Queen Mary's Lawes were not repealed fo fully as they ought 
 for want of feme exprellion : perhaps King Edward's Form was not fufficiently rc- 
 eftabliflied, or not fo clearly, to freeitfrom all fcruples: perhaps it was not fo punctu- 
 ally penned as it might have been , to meet with all difficulties. In all thcfe cafes, 
 there was ground enough for a difpenfation. But that which is without all perad- 
 vcnture, is, thatbefides ihofe repealed Lawes of Queen Mrfry, there were the Statute 
 
 law
 
 DrscouRSE VI?, Ao^ainji the Obje&ion of SM, ioo«; 
 
 Laws ot a)l her predeccffors , there was the Common law or cuitome of the realm: ^ 
 
 all thcfe were her Majellies Laws , as much as thofe which were enafted by her 
 fclf, And her difpenfative power didextend to thefe,aswell as to her own. He that 
 doubts of a truth fo evident , ought to have the penallaws duely executed upon 
 him, until he recant his errour. ' . 
 
 Mr. Mafm gives another anfwcr ajfo, that the Qaeen difpenfed not in eflential 
 points of ordination, not in accidentals, bur in rubit3nce,but in circumllancesi this 5. 
 N.c^\lsdallyi'ig-,beczui'e,the words of the letters Patents are^inallcaufes and doubts of any 
 impcrfeUion , or difahility that can or may heobjeded in any wife againft thefanif.andalfe 
 becdufe the ftatute oj%. Elizabeth , and the learned laxves of the Realm do witnefsthat 
 the doubts rvere not about accidental ceremonies , hut about the very fubjiance or validity 
 of their ordination. Whether Mr. Mafons anfwer be a dallying, or rather 5, N's, replie 
 a trifling, let the impartial Reader judge. The letters patents fay of all /mperfeSions 
 or dtfahthtyes. True, but it is ever intended of all legal imperfedions and difabilities, 
 induced by the law of the land, or of all difpenfable difabilities. But as I have for- 
 merly {hewed, eflential difabilities do admitt nodifpenfation. In like manner neither 
 the llatute of 8. Elizabeth, nor the Lawyers, whom he mentions, do either intend or 
 fo much as intimate any eflential invalidity in fefped of Chrifts in(iitution,but only 
 ■a legall invalidity in relation to the Englifh Laws, what have the common lawyers 
 to doe with the eflentialls of Chrifts inftitution? This is beyond their laft and 
 without the fphearc of their Learning. The Common Law is their profeffion, and 
 the rule whereby they govern themfelves. 
 
 But 5. N. hangs on ftill at the end of this argument. Ihe poteftants fay, that the 
 tvifdome of their Church had difcreetly pared axvay all fuperfittious ceremmiesin ordina- 
 tion.lherefore thereneeded no difpenfation for thefe, & it is not to be thought that the^feu 
 wottld difpenfe with thofe,rt>hich the xvifdome of their Churb retaineth as good and lavpfull 
 anfwer,tho(e fuperftitious ceremonies where more properly excefles, than defects ra- 
 ther over then (hort,but yet, where the half is more than the whole,as it is in aH vir- 
 tues, even excefles do become defeats. But thefs itnperfedions with which her Ma- 
 jeftie doth difpenfe, were legal defe(Ss of another nature » either for wantofcleare 
 cftabliftiment, or authorifation in law, ora due profecutionof the law eftabliftied. 
 So he fhoots his Boltsboth from the queftion, and from the right (cop of the di- 
 fpenfation. Jt u not to be thought faith he that her Majefty would difpenfe with thofe 
 ceremonies or circnmj}anceT which the protejiant Church reteined. True, not with the 
 due ufe of them. But what if fome of them were omitted, what if the form of or- 
 dination was not duely profecuted in all accidentalls? He hath need tofue out a dif- 
 penfation for this Argument, if it would corroborate it. /Irg : 7. 
 
 His feventh argument followcs in the 17. and 18. fe(Siori?, drawen from the opi- 
 nions of our Lawyers in the point. Jtappeares by an article of ^uee» Maries made with 
 the confent of the Lords fpirimal and Ttmporal^and recited by Mr. Fox that the 
 Vrotejlantswere not ordered in very deed. If it be onely an article, what need the con- 
 fent, of the Lords fpiritu3l& Temporal. If it be an ad of Parliament what need the 
 teftimony ofMr. Fox. Alfa doUor Brookes B#op o/Glocefter degraded KlAh-^ cfhU 
 preijihood which he had received after the K'omsn form, but not of his Epifcopacy , which he 
 had received after the Trote^ants forin: becaufe he did not taJ^ him to be a Bifhopin deed: 
 moreover the opinion of the judges in ^leen Maries dayes was, that Edward thefixths 
 Bifhops were not duely confecrated, and therefor were no Bifheps And for that caufe their 
 Leafes did not bind their fucceffors. Brooks Novell cafes placit 463. And to corrobo- 
 rate thefe partial allegations .he produceth an impertinent tryal without head or foot, 
 between doCxor Home Bifhop of Winchefter, and Bijhop "Bonnci:, whether doctor Home wm 
 Bifhop at ihe time, when he tendered anoathto Bonner, and the tryal was /neb , as Bonner 
 was difcharged, and never after queflioned. Bitt it was prefently after ordeined in Parliament, 
 that allaCts heretofore done by any perfon about the confecration,confirm^lion, or invefting 
 af any perfoneleUed to the dignity of an Archbifhop,orBilliophywritcfthe §hiiens letters 
 Patents, or Commifxonfmce the begining of her rjign, (houldhe adjudged good: which latees. 
 had been fuperfMous and unbefeeming the dignity of that place, ifthefaid BO^-'ops had 
 been fuff.cienly made before. Ef^ecially feeing it U provided alfo in the fiid Tar- 
 I'ment , that all tenders and refufalls of the faid oath, made before the laji. 
 
 da\
 
 — 2 ■ Froteflants Ordwanon. defended TOME IV» 
 
 diy of that prefect Sefion , Jhould be adjudged void. Jf their former ordmatmi had 
 betytmd it had belonged to that High Court to have tnaintaitted ikm. What a deal 
 of ulelcfs' rubbidge is bcrc heaped together? But 5. N. could not be lilciit, and 
 heheld it much calkr to (hoot at Rovers,than to level at the Mark. Firit tor Qiiccn 
 Marys Article, fuppofe it to have been an Act of Parliament, it might make their Or- 
 dination illegal, or rclirain ihcir cxcrcifc of holy Orders, until it was repealed , and 
 no lonacri but it could never annul! or invalidate them. Secondly , Eifliop Brookes 
 and Queen A/jr/s Judges, a Popifli Bi(hopand Poplfli Judges, are no competent .wit- 
 ncfles to give evidence concerning the Orders of Proteiiant?. They who made no 
 fcrupfe to flied their blood, andfacrifice their bodies in the Fire, would not be more 
 tender of their Orders , than of their perfons. If one of us fliould urge my Lord 
 Cooj^'^ Reports, or a late Statute of the Parliament , or fomc Sentence in the High 
 Commiflion, or a determination in either of our Univcrfities againft them, in a point 
 of Controverfie agitated between us, for an authentick proof, how would S.N.tnzkc 
 himfelf merry with it; yet we might do the one, as well as he doth the other. It may 
 be, BiOiop Kidley wasfilent , when he knew hisfpecch would neithcravail him, nor 
 his caufe ; But if he had had your Bifliop ofGlocefler at a Free Difputation in the 
 Schools, he would have taught him another Lcflbn. The truth is, ,the poor Judges 
 are wronged, for they neither medled with any controverfie in Religion, nor had ci- 
 ther intention or skill , to determine any thing about the Effentials of Ordinationi 
 they medled oncly with Law cafes , and kept themfelves within the bounds of their 
 own profelhon. It were tobc withed, S. N. would keep himfelf lialf as well to the 
 queftion : then he would not thus walk his time, nor weary his Fvcader with Procefles 
 in Law, to prove Theological problems. It feems he conceives not only the Judg- 
 es of the CommonLaw , but 12. honeft Jurors oi' Surry to be competent Judges of 
 Chrifls.Inftitutiom when all E«g/i/& men know, that Jurors are onely Judges of mat- 
 terof F"ad, not of the Law of the Land, much lefs of the Law of God. But it ishis 
 hap to fail in thisalfoi for he neither fpccifies what their verdi<ft was,whether forthc 
 Plaintiff, or for the Defendant, orfpecial j nor upon what grounds it was, whether 
 upon the principal ifTue, or upon fome by-matterjnor yet whether there was a verdid 
 given. Once, thisis certain, that it did no way concern this quefiion, nor the EfTenti- 
 uls of Ordination. Admit the former tenders of the Oath were made void, perhaps 
 a fhortcr and a furer way was provided in Parliament. Admit fqrmer Afts, con- 
 cerning Confecrations , were made good , that was onely in the eye of the Law of 
 England, not ofGod ; to clear fome Inferiour doubts,not to difpenfe with the original 
 Inftitution. Are humane Lawsprefently fuperfluous,fo often as they do not irritate 
 or abrogate Divine Laws. It well became that High Court to be their ownExpo- 
 fitors to explicate what was doubtful, to fupply \\hat was defective. But it neithes 
 bcfeemed them, nor was it in their power, to confirm thofe Orders, which were e(« 
 fentially invalid. This had been to rebcll againft the Supreme Lawgiver. Ifthcfe 
 be S. W.'s clear proofs, his forcible and convincing arguments, he had need to meet with 
 very cafieand implicit Readers. 
 ^^g' 8- ^ His Eighth Argument is taken merely from matter of Fad:, Sc&. 19. JfProtefiant 
 
 Superintendents had undoubted Ordination , why did their Minijhrs Jeekto Anthony 
 Kitchine Bijhop o/Landaffe, who pretended himfelf to he blnid-, and to the Irifli Bifl^op in 
 the lower for Confecration, and upon their refufal, to lay hands upon ih(m, ^hy did they 
 ordain one another at the Naggs head i«Cheapfide, in fuch ridiculouf manner, as they are 
 new ajhamed of it. 
 
 Nay rather, why did this Authour take that for a certain confefTed ground, which 
 all Protcftants do both deny and deteft , as an impudent fiftion : The firlt devifer 
 whereof was aman of a leaden heart,anda brafcn fbrehead,betteracquaintcditfcciTis 
 in thcKitchin , than in the Schools. This flory was not aded at the fign of the 
 Naggs head in Cheapfide ■■, But this Fable was forged at the fign of the W hetftone in 
 Popes Alley. Who would aflirm fuch a brainlefscalumny upon his bare word, with- 
 out fo much as a Drawer or a Vintner's Bey to avouch it > The TFelJh and Irijh Bi- 
 Ihopsare brought in, onelyto ferve the Scene, to give a little relifhro this incredible 
 relation, and not altogether to difguft the palate of the Reader ■■> otherwife, the Bi- 
 ftioj) oiLandaffe, or the mcancft Bifl\np in Ireland, have as much power to ordain, as 
 
 the
 
 Discourse V!I Againji the ObjeSJious of S . N. J007 
 
 the great Bilhop olRome. If there had.been any fuch Canonical paffage as thi'sVt 
 
 ed at the Naggshead, by fomemadmen, iiotMinilkrs , what doth thi5 concern us > 
 But to difpel umbrages, a deceitful nnan is converfant in generalities. Let him name 
 the perfons, and if they were Minifkrs of the Church oi England, we will (hew him 
 the day, the place, the perfons, when, and where, and by whom , and before what 
 publick Notary, orfworn officer they were ordained , and this not by uncertain ru- 
 mours, but by the acts and inllrumentsthemfelv:.. Let the Reader choofe whether 
 he will give credit to a fworn officer, or to a profcfled adverfary, to eye-wifneffcs or 
 to malicious reporters upon hear- fay , to that which is done publickly inthefaceof 
 the Church, or to that which isfaid rohave been aded privately in thebacliroomor 
 corner of a Tavern. The Authour faith, the fmejiants are mwa(hamed of it; if they 
 be , they have the moremoddfty toblufh at an afperfion which is fo palpably uniu(U 
 and S. N. hath the lcfs,who is not adiamedto expofe fuch counterfeit and adulterous 
 Ware to the view of the Chriliian Worl d^ perujfe puto , cut pudor periit. But let ine 
 do bis fellows that right, that iince Sanders oxJHarding , there is fcarce one of them, 
 who hath made ufe of this prodigious Fable rn his polemick Writings, which I have 
 (een. 
 
 The nintli Argument is taken from the teftimony of our own Writers , who doe '^^i'^' 
 both affirm, that the Roman orders are no true orders, and that they have no ordina- 
 ry callingi and do alfodeny , that the calling of the Proteftant Minifters did proceed 
 from the Roman Catholick Clergy , who were their predeceflbrs. For proof of the 
 former part, he cites Dr. Fnlk^, faying, 37?^? voe elieem their Bifhops, Vrielis andVeacons 
 MO better than Laymen, and that n>e do not receive their ordaining to be lawful. And Dr. 
 Whitak^rs, that the Roman Catholici{ Bifhops are not lawful Bifhops , either by Divine 
 Ecclefiajiical, or Civil Larc. And Dr. Sutcliffe, 7hat the Roman Church is not the true 
 Church, having no Bijhops and ?riefls at all, hutonely in name. And Dr. Sparkj, That the 
 Roman Bijhops and Priejis have no ordinary calling , but whoVy unlatvful. And .S". N. 
 adds a Nut which this laJiVoiiour propnjetb to the Church of Rome to cracky, that during 
 the time of the papal Schifm's, many were ordzined by falfe Popes , who had no right to give 
 Orders, which cannot now he dijlinguifhed from juch of fetch their pedigree from right 
 Topes, This Nut S. N. retorts upon us , becaufe we derive our Ordination from 
 them. 
 
 I do not know Dr. Sparks, but if this Nut be propofed fo by him, as it is prefen- 
 ted to u6 by this Authour, it is empty , not worth the cracking. It is nbt the bene- 
 fice, but the officei not the Papacy , but Epifcopacy, which gives a right to ordain", 
 and tlie ordination of an Ant«) cpe was altogether as valid , as that of a true Pope. 
 Thus the Proteftants do readily extricate thcmfelves, but it flicks a little clofer to the 
 Romanifis , who make the Pope to be the root and fountain of Holy Orders , upon 
 whom they dodepend,and upon whom they are virtually derived.' But thofe who 
 are derived from an Antipope, are not derived from the true Succeflbur of St. Peter. 
 But to his main Argument. 
 
 Firft, it is neceffary to coniider,whofe Advocates thefe four DocSours were , and 
 for whom they pleaded after this manner: That may be truly fpoken by a pcrfon in 
 one capacity, which isfalfein another." as when thePrieft in theEucharift faith, This is 
 my Body. It is falfe if he fpeak of himfelf, but true, if he fjaeak in the perfon of Chrif}, 
 They could i^t plead thus for the Church ot England, which all men know to have, 
 & maintain an ordinary Vocation,and to claim no other. But they plead thus forfomc 
 Forreign Churches of Proteftants, who pretend to an extraordinary calling", and ei- 
 ther out of neceffity, asfomei or outof eledtion, asothersv do want a pcrfonal fuc- 
 ceilion of Bifhops to impufehands. We with it were otherwife, but if they be to be 
 blamed, yet thcRomanijls of all others, are not meet to reprehend thcm,who (hewed 
 them the way, by teaching in their Schools,that a (imple presbyter by delegation from 
 the Pope, may make presbyters. If the Bilhop fay they, he the effential Minifter ofOr- 
 dination, how can the Pope difienfe with it: If he be not , then the Popes dijpenfationis not 
 necefjary. In the mean time, let the Dodour remember, that it is the Church of E«- 
 ^/<i«(i which he undertakes in his Title page i and that neither the defcd^s of other 
 Churches, nor the pleas of particular Dodours in their favour, ought to prejudice us, 
 ■who maintain a perfonal and uninttnupted fucceffion from the Apoftlcs. 
 
 E e e e c e Se-
 
 pg frotefiants Ordination defended TOME IV» 
 
 Secondly fuppormg, but not granting, that thofe Dodtours made this pica tor the 
 Church ot E/'p/Wi though it be a frequent, yet it is no fair way of reafuning, from 
 thediflercnt opinions, and arguinci ts , and anfwersof Writers of one andthefame 
 Coir.munion, loimpugnc that concUifion, which both parties do maintain: as thus, ' 
 If the Sacraments do confer grace, it is citlicr phyHca]]y,or morally^ but feme fay rot 
 phvlically, ethers lay not narally, ih.trttoic they do not confer grace at all. Or thus, 
 If Chrid inlHtutcd Baptilin, it uas cither at liis baptization in Jordan , or after his 
 Kcfurredion, when he ftid, Go teach all Nations, baptiling them. But fome fay, it 
 was notin Jordan-, others fay, it was not alter the Rclurrcdtioni therefore it was not 
 atall. Or thus,lfChrili made the ApoHles priefts, it was either at liis laft Supper,or 
 when he breatlicd upon them, faying, Hecehe the Holy GhvjhBut ibme Dodours deny 
 the one, others deuy the other: Or it Chritts Body be prefcnt in the Sacrament , it is 
 either produced, or adduced. But tome of the greatett Clerks in the l\(nijii Church 
 fay, ii IS not produced iochers us good as they) fay, it is not adduced. If the Chair 
 of St. P(«fr be annexed to theScc of Kflwe, it iseither by theordination of Chrift, or 
 by the conftitution of the Church, but fomiefay,not by Chrifls ordinations orhersfay, 
 not by the Councils confUtution;Tliere is fcarce thatqueflion controveitcd between 
 them and us, wherein a man might not triHe with fuch arguments. Jull tlius S. N. 
 argucshere. IftheProtefiantMinifters have a calling, either it is ordinary ot extra- 
 ordinary. But the Church oi England faith, it is not extraordinary i and fome Do- 
 dours fay, it is not ordinary, therefore they havenocailingi whereas both parties do 
 maintain, that they have a true calling. The weak plea of a voluntary Advocate, 
 doth not annul or extinguifh the juft right of a true owner , who hath both a good 
 title, and undeniable evidence. Jfthe footer ear fhallfay , 1 am not of the body , « it 
 therefore not of the body, i Cor. la. 15. 
 
 Thirdly, a power or faculty which is beneficial in its own nature, may be fo abufed 
 by accident, that it becomes not onely unprofitable to that good end for which it was 
 ordained, butalfo pernicious, infomuch, asit wer^ much better, that he who harh it, 
 wanted it, and by thisabufe,he forfeits juffly the denomination which it gave him by 
 his own default. Holy Orders are an excellent grace conferred by God for the con- 
 verllon of men, but ifthofe who have them, inftead of preaching truth , (hall teach 
 Eirours and Herefies to his people , they are no longer true Paftours , but Wolves, 
 vvhodefl:roy the. flock. As a man by extinguilhing reafon, by defacing theremaind- 
 ers of Gods Image , and habituating himfelf to brutifh conditions , may defervedly 
 forfeit the name of a man, and purchafe to himfelf the title of a bealV, or as Marcellus 
 faid to his foul diers, That he faw many faces oiKomans,hut few true Romans indeed: 
 He U not a Jew , faith the Apoftle , who if one outwardly , neither is tbatcircumcifwH, 
 which is outward in the flefh- hut he is a Jew, who is one inwardly, and true circumcifun 
 is that of the heart in the Sprit, Rom. 2. So theCe Docftours conceiving, that the Ro- 
 mifh Priefts had by corrupting the Dodrine of faving truth , in a manner fruftra- 
 ted, at leaft much hindred the end of Hoi y Orders, do therefore, as 1 conceive, deny 
 them the title, not infenfu divifo, as if they wanted the Effentials of Holy Orders,but 
 infenfucotnpof'to^ in refpedt of thofe fuperftitiouserroursand inventions cf their own,- 
 which they had mixed with the truth. 
 
 Fourthly, 1 have fhewed before, the difference between the habitual power of Or- 
 ders, which is conferred by Ordinationi and that adual power , which fprings from 
 the application of the matter, bet ween a valid and a lawful power, which is not con- 
 tr:di(fted by the Law of the Land. The Rotnijh Priefts may have Holy Orders actu- 
 ally, where they have charges cf their own, and legally, where they are notreftrai- 
 ned by Law, from executing their Functions , but not relatively to the Subjects of 
 England.. 
 
 Now then to take a particular view of their tenimonies, Dr. Fw/i^ faith, Jf^ tfitem 
 the Romifii Bifhops, Prifjls, andVeacons, no hater than Laymen-, that is , in regard of 
 their not ufingor abufing of their Function«,orin reference to the exercife thereof in 
 England. He Czith luithtr, JVe receive not their ordering to be lanfut. True, fo fay 
 V.C allv but there is a great diffeience between a valid and a lawjul ordination. If the 
 Eflenrialsbe obferved, it is valid, but to make it lawful, it mefl not only be appro- 
 ved by the Laws of the Land,but free from all fupafiitious cjiccflcs and coriuptions 
 
 that
 
 Discourse VII. againfttheOhjeSlionsofS. N 
 
 th'at arc crept into it Such as char „ew matter znTki^inlh^oVd^imil^f^^^ 
 Dun.maksrhn\ that their Bijhop, aremthtPful, either by Divine, Civil or EccUMi- 
 cjtUrv. The former Anfwer fatisheth this alfo. To make an Act lawful , ali the 
 pointsand circumftances of Law muil concur , nonewEffentials muft be obtruded, 
 buppofea child, or anlQiot,or a perf.n noubly derormed,(houId have hands impo- 
 fed upon him,according to the K^miJJ: grounds, he is validly ordaincd,yct he is no: 
 a lawful pried, nor can make life ot his Function IawfuIIy,or without lln. Dr. Sut- 
 clife (aith, the Church of Rom^ if not the true Church, So fay wcall, fhat is not the 
 univerial Church, but a true particular Churchi true Metaphylkally that i^ retaining 
 yet the eflcnce of a Church ; but not morally true, that is, Orthodox, and'trce frorn 
 errours. He faith, they have no Hijhops , andVriejh . but onelyin mme. That is as 
 
 ICOQ 
 
 ~ n. .. - ^ .. , ' - D -■- —.^i^ Prieftly 
 
 Fundtion to a new propitiatory facnhce, and the hearing of clanculary confellions 
 Dr. Sparks faith, tT^e Roman Bijhofs and Vriejis have no ordinary calling, but rvholly un- 
 lawful. He who faith they have no calling, but unlawful, acknowledgeth that they 
 have a calling, though unlawful, and corrupted with fuperfiitious inventions. Thus 
 the Authours cited by him, fay nothing, but what may admit of a true conftrudlion. 
 As for me, I have not their Books inprefent, to weigh the places exaftly. I confefs 
 there are a generation of Enthufiafts among us,who take away all fubordination of 
 caufes,and jump over the backs cfall fecondary Agents, who approve of nothing, but 
 ^-that which is immediately from Heavenj as if themfelvesCpoor bulrufliesj) were,as it 
 i; feigned ofthe old Heroes,the natural offfpring of God. Thefe men indeed fancy 
 an extraordinary vocation: if any oftheft Dodlours were tainted with that errour it 
 is more than I know, or believe. But this I am fure of, that the Dodlrine ofthe moft 
 able and orthodox Divines in England, and the univerfal practice ofthe Church is 
 otherwife. The Authour muft notthink to wrangle the Church of England , out of 
 a good title, by private fpeculations. 
 
 In the next place he indevoureth to prove, out of Dodor Whitah^rs that we do 
 not derive our holy Orders from the Church of Rome , nor from our Roman Ca- 
 tholick predeceflbrs. And in fome fenftit istrue : for we do not derive our ordina- 
 tion from them as from the fountaine , whence holy Orders do fpring, but as the 
 channell or conduit pipe, by which they are conveyed to us. They are not the root 
 from whence, but a branch, through which, this fappe flows to us: they are not the 
 body ofthe fun, from which this beamc proceeds, but the ayre through which it 
 paffeth, not the beneficiaries, or Lords of the See ; but thefenefchalls or Stewards of 
 the court : not the owners, but the Cafhkecpcrs, to difpofe this treafure according 
 to the orders of our common Mafter. The poor were not to thank ludas for that 
 Almes which he conferred upon them by the appointment of Chrift, neither were 
 the Almes the worfe, becaufe ludas who kept the bagge was a thiefe, and grudged 
 at his mafters liberty, and therefore S. N- might fpare all his invecftive flouriflies. Can 
 we not enter into the 'fold of Chriji ; but by the bjch^doore of Antichrill ^nor minilhr hit 
 facraments, hut by the ordination of Antichri\\, nor feed his fheefe but by commijfioH [rem 
 Antichriji , nor conferre or receive holy Orders but by the authority ofAntichrill > Wc 
 enter into the fold by theforedoore i which i^ lefus Chrili. ]oh. lo; 7: not by the 
 backdooreof Antichrift : we have our Commiiiion from heaven, not from Rome, 
 we retaine Chrills ordinance in its purity, and abandon thofe corruptions which 
 they had added ; what we do, is by authority of that great legiflator, who is able 
 to favc, and to deftroy. Every Bi(hop hath as much authority to ordeine, as the 
 pope: So far are wc from believing, that the pope is the root of all Hierarchy, 
 and that all Bifliops and Prcfbieters derive their authority from him. 
 
 Secondly we received not our holy Orders onelyfrom them: we had holy orders 
 in the Ifle of BWt <»/«? even from the daies ofthe Apollles , before we had any 
 Commerce with Rome, which have continued thence ever fince,by an uninterrupted 
 fucceflion. And when the Saxons, many ages after, were converted to the ChrilHan 
 fiith in the dayes of Cergory the great, and principally by his care , we had orders 
 from Kom* , but not dependent upon Rome, nor from Rome hpfed. Gregory ab- 
 
 E c c e c e 2 horred
 
 lOlO 
 
 Froteftantf Ordtnjtion defended, ^ fi^JLJ*^^- 
 
 Tnircdibat tyrannical power, which liis fucccffors in after ages ufurped, and affir- 
 meth confidaiilyy that rrhoJoeverflwuldcjUbimJelf a» univerj a I Bipops ( mt znondy 
 Bifhop no man was ever lb vain to attempt tliat ) veas in his pride the forerunner of 
 
 Thirdly* when ourProtclhnt Biflu.ps received holy Orders from their predeccfTors 
 of the Communion of Rome lapfed, Yet it was not qua tales, as they were corrupted, 
 but fimp'y, as they were Bifliops, even as a great part ot thofc orders, which arc 
 atthis day in the Church of Rome, are derived lineally from Arrian predecelTors. 
 
 Let us heare now what Dodor tvhitaker faith ■, that our Eijhops and minijUrs though 
 they he not ordeiited by pipijUcal Bifhops,yet they are orderly and lawfully ordained, again 
 !^c faith that The Komaniji accounted none larrf'ulpa^ours butfuch as are created according 
 to their form or order. But wy fay truly their minijiery reas corrupted, and therefore nee ought 
 not to be created Bifhop^ by them. Difiingue tempora , dijhnguilh but the times, and 
 the anfwcr offers it felf. The dosftor ipcakcs of thofc times after the feparation was 
 formed between us and them , after their form of ordination was purged from its 
 corruptions, and anew form by law e.'labliflied. Then for a Bifliop or Prieftofthc 
 Protefiant communion to have repaired to a papilHcal Bifliop for ordination, had 
 been an unlawful ad, which he ought not to doe when he mightbe ordained law- 
 fully and orderly at home by a Bifliop of his own Communion. Yet furthcrdoftor 
 TFhitaki,r faith, that the Conjliiution for a Bifhop to be created by two or three Bifhopr ought 
 to be obfcrvedin aflouriping Church,as long as things retaained rvhole and intire, but not 
 in a lapfed Church: that is at he exprejfethhimfetf when there are no Godly Bifhop s from 
 whom ordination may be had: and again they who have authority to call, have authority to 
 ordain, if lawful ordination cannot be obtained^ as when the Bijhopsofthofe times could not 
 be drawn to ordain any,butfuchas in all things favoured them. Thefetwo places carry 
 their anfwcr with them,that the dodlor pleades onely in the cafe of Invincible necelli- 
 ty, where ordination cannot be had, where it cannot he obtained , v/hett the Bifliops 
 win not be drawn to ordain any, but fuch as will engage themfelvcs to maintain 
 their crrours. The Komanijis do teach that the Pope may difpenfe with a fimple Prcf- 
 byter to ordain ; invincible neceflity is a difpenfation from God himfelf , and doth 
 in fome cafes fufpend the cxecutionof hisownlawv aswe fee in the notcircumcifing 
 the Ifraelites Children, whilefl they travailM in the defcrt . How much more doth 
 it difpenfe with the Canons of the Church ? Or fliall a difpenfation from Rome be 
 more effeftual than a difpenfation from heaven > but God be praifed, this was not 
 the cafe in England , where there was not any fuch neceflity, nor needed any fuch re- 
 medy: whether it was fo in fome forreign parts or not, I difpute rof. They muft 
 ftand or fall before their own Mafter. Eutwhere S. N. addeth , that in the end the 
 doftor Hceth to an extraordinary fucceflion, If the dodlor do ufe any fuch plea it 
 is onely in the cafe of invincible neceility , and in behalf offome forrein Churches, 
 of whofe communion he apprchendeth himfelf to be, and therefore calleth them our 
 Church. But for the Church o( England he neither needed, nor doth, nor could make 
 any fuch plea , Hehimfelfhavingan ordinary calling, and being folemnlyand law- 
 fully, according to the inftitution of Chrift and the pattern of the primitive ordinati* 
 onsconfecrated by thofe who derived a perfonal fucceflion from the Apofiles, un- 
 lefs fom pleafe to call that form extraordinary , which was fo lately refor- 
 med. 
 
 And though S. N. may put all in his eye, which he gctts by thefc teftimonies,and 
 fee never a whitthe worfe,vet according to his ufe he triumphs in his interrogations, 
 where lay your Kegifters hid, and your forged Confecralions, when doBor Whitaker,<» ^rfjt 
 li^t of your Church wrote direCtly againft them > Or rather , if the doflor had written 
 agalnfl all the Rcgifters in the Kingdom ( as in truth he doth not, he could not^ one 
 might juftly have demanded, where lay doctor iVljitakers hid thathefliould be fo 
 great a ftranger in his native Countery. And the bcft Apology that could be made 
 for him in fuch a cafe were, that he was a mecr contemplative man, confined to hii 
 ftudy in Sr. John's Colledge , better acquainted with polemical writers , than with 
 recordsi But there needs no Apology for him. S.N. necdes one much more; 
 though he lefs defervc it, to preferre one r.cgative Tcftimony mifunderflood, and 
 mifapplyed, before fo many affirmative in the point i and to accufe of forgery the 
 
 Re-
 
 Discourse VH againfitbe objeciions of S-N. T-i,t 
 
 Regiflers and Records, of a whole national Church, prcfuinptoully ot hi? u-vnhcad 
 without either witnefs or ground. S. N. (hould do well to coniider , firli that ojt 
 Regiliers are not one or two, in each diocefsone at lea(t, difperfed through , all the 
 parts ot the Realm, Without any mutual intelligence one from another ; that all thefe 
 fhould concurre in a forgery, and yet maintain luch a prefent harmony one wit!i an- 
 other is incredible. 
 
 Secondly, that the Regilkries are publick places, fcituated in the moft confpicuous 
 parts of a populous City, whither all Perfonshave recourfe from time to timc,and view 
 the records: certaincly mort unfit places for forgeryes, which are workes of darkcnef^i 
 and ufe to be acted in holes and Corners. Thirdly, that the perfons who keep 
 them, are publick notaries, fworn officers of known integrity, who may record no 
 Afts uponhearefay and vain reports, but thofc onely, whereof they were eye witnef- 
 fcs themfelves. Fourthly, that confecrations are not aded ir, private houfes or 
 Chambers, bur inth^Church, in the view of all the whole afTembly, whither all p;r- 
 fons of quality do refort,upon fuch extraordinary occafions, where threcBifhops muft 
 beprefent«|, if it be the confecration of a Bilhop, and ifitbc onely of Prefbyters 
 the Bidwp , thCj^rchdcacon and two or three of the graveft of the Clergy. Fifthly, 
 that the undoubted truth of thefe ads is corroborated, not onely by the tradinonall 
 fuffrages of all the inhabitants, who have heard it related by their parents andpre- 
 deceffors,but alfo by many ocular witnefTes, who were prefent themfelves , and were 
 living, when Mr. Mafon did print his Book. It had been too early then to expofe 
 lying Legends and tained Confecrations to the publick view of the World, v/hen 
 fo many were living in every place, who could upon their own knowledge have re- 
 futed the falfehood of them. Yet never was there heard any fuch exception againli 
 any one of them throughout the Kingdom. And if 5.^. had been halflo folIicJ- 
 tous of what he writes, as Mr. Mafon was, or had taken fo much painesto have re- 
 paired to any one Regifter, to examine the truth of the particulars, he would ne- 
 ver have prefentcd fuch a grofs calumny to the eye of the world. Laftly, theinllru- 
 ments given to the perfons confecrated under the handsand feales of the Confecra- 
 tors,attelkdby the publick notary do leave no place for doubting or denying it : he 
 may as well queftion the ads of former parliaments, or the Canons of fynods, as thefe 
 authentick evidences. He might as well queftion, whether there was fuch a King as 
 Edtcard the fixth. The authour may do well hereafter to be more wary how 
 he lets fuch drowfie dreames drop from his pen. Negare faHum to denie a record 
 or Evidence without good proof of forgery, is held one of thcmoft diflioneft pleas in 
 Law. 
 
 Yet as if he had undeniably proved his intention , S. N. proceeds tofnew the 
 rc.fonj, why they, the protcftants , do difclaim the ordination of Bifhops of the 
 Knrnan Communion, becaufe they account the Pope to be Antichri^ , and the BifhoPt 
 aUutlly fubordinat to him Antichrijihn prelates. Hereupon he declaimcs agairift 
 the mifery of Englilh fuperintendents, who to she condemnation of all :heir Brethren who 
 tfant that callings are fain to begge their fpiritual porver from fuch as they mi/deem to be 
 AntichrijVian Btjhops. "thefe he calls bafe thoughts and this a miferabk refuge, q how 
 careful is S. N. for their Brethren, even as Judas was for the poor.- Butitay Sir, not 
 over faft, for fear of breaking your (him. The Proteftants would borrow a word 
 or two with you. Firft they crave leave to tell you, that your new ftrudurc is 3 
 Caftle in the aire without ground or foundation. As they do not k-g this fpiritual 
 power from any creature , fo they have defined nothing concerning Antichtilt : 
 How be it , fome particular perfons have delivered their private opinons with con- 
 fidence. The name of Antichrill is taken fometimes more largely, fometimes more 
 ftridly. Largely ,for every one thatisan oppofer of Chrilt as i. loim 2' 18. Nyn> 
 there are many Antichrifis. In this fenfe we believe the Pope to bean Antichrili: that 
 is an oppofer of Chrifts prophetical ofRce,by prefuming to add his own patches to 
 the doctrin of his great prophet, as neceffary parts of faving truth i an oppoferof his 
 prieftly office, by mixing the fufferings of the faints, witii the bloud of Chrift, to 
 make up a treafury for himfelf, by making new propitiatory facrificcs as if the f-cir- 
 ficeofChriil were not allfufficicnt; an oppofer of the Kingly office ofChrill, by intru- 
 ding himfelf under, the pretenfed names of Sr. ?eter and Sr. P./«/,to be thehead regent 
 
 and
 
 ,013 ?rvtefiants OrtHnation defended TOME IV, 
 
 and Judge otthe whole CathoIickChurch, to be the Vicar General ot ChriU, a Vice 
 
 God upon Earth, not onely appropriating to hin:ifelf the power of the Kcycs , but 
 challenging alfo a plenitude of Civil power , to difpofc of all the Kingdoms of the 
 World- ties, nos, impria, ^cgva, [irincifatm^ &c. Wr, eien n>e^ have forver to give and to 
 take ateay all the Enifirei, Khigd^'nis. a>:il Principaliites of the World. Vides , U Fetre, 
 Succefl'rem tunnt. & tn fahttifcr Chriih mum cerneVicarium; 05/. Peter, lookjt^onthy 
 Succffour , and thi'ufrreet S.iviour behold thy Vicar. See whither the pride of the Ser- 
 vant of thy Servants is afcended. So every way fie is an AntichrilK 
 
 Secondly , the name of Antichrift is fometimes ufed more llridHy , and in a more 
 eminent fenle ior the /Imichrififaithat man offm, the fort of perditiiui^vacniioncd 2 Ihtf. 
 2.3. And in the latter fcnfc, it is difputed problematically among the Protcftants, 
 whether the Pope be that great Antkhrift. Doubtlcfs all the ilgns of Antichrill doc 
 agree to him, as t < ft in the temple , or upon the Temj?le of Cod. To have the original 
 ot hisgreatnefs out of the ruins or decay of the Koman Erapijg : To inhabit a City 
 builded on feven Hills: To fhcw himfelf firft about the year 666. But it is confef- 
 fed likewife , that thefe marks do all agree to the Turl^ So whe^^i|r thfconc or the 
 otheti or perhaps a third, the Protellants determine not , but leave private Authours 
 to their own opinions. 
 
 Thirdly, fuppofe the Pope to be an Antichrift : yet it doth not follow, that every 
 Biihop, under his Jurifdidion, is formally Antichriilian, namely, fuch as do err out 
 of invincible ignorance , and hold the truth implicitely in the preparation cf their 
 minds, being ready to receive it , whenfbever God (hould reveal if. Such as repent 
 of their (ecret and unknown errours, of which fort we do not doubt but there are 
 many thoufands who live in the communion of the Rowj^ Church. 
 
 Fourthly, fuppofing they were all Antichriftian prelates , what are the Orders 
 which they give the worfe? there may be power of Ordination,whtre there is notpu^ 
 rity of Doctrine. The Myfteries of God do not fail by the miferies of man , neither 
 do his Ordinances ceafe to be holy,becaufe the Miniileis are unholy. What are the 
 Scriptures the worfe, becaufc we received them at tlie liands of the Jen>s? What did 
 the Baptifm 0^ Simon Judat come-fliort of the Baptifm of Simon Peter ? What diffe- 
 rence between the receiving their Orders from Popifh Prelates,or their ChriHendome 
 from Popifh Priefis:Many an Orthodox Bifliop derives both his Orders,& his Chair, 
 from Antichriftian Hereticks. 
 
 Laftly, for condemning our Brethren , We are not fo apt to cenfure whole Chur- 
 ches, as the Komanijis are; We account it a like folly , out of an liatred of the botches 
 or fores, to hate the body, 'and out of the affedion to the body, todoet upon the ul- 
 cers. The greateft part of Proteftants, by much and much , enjoy an ordinary fuc- 
 ceffionv and thofe who do not, might be neceffitated to ir. However, it is nothing 
 to this quef^ion, nor to the Church ofEngland. 
 . Thus we are come to his tenth and laft Argument in the 23. 24. 25.2^. 27. 28. & 
 
 Objta. 10. 29. Sections, but fo perplexed and confufed , fo full of diforders and impertinences, 
 that it appears evidently, what a deal of trouble he had to pump out this laft reafbn. 
 I will reduce this Difcourfeinto the mort advantageous order that I can , or it will 
 admit. The fcope of it is this : Mijfion or Vocation is necejfary to the latvful exercife of 
 the Holy Function of a ^aflottr, but though the Romanifts ^ould grant to ?rotejiants a trut 
 Confecration derived fromCatholick^BiJhopj, yet their mijjion or calling to preach thtir ^rote- 
 Jf<»«r, or Calviniftical VoSrine , they are never able to fherv. To make his antecedent 
 more clear,he diftinguifheth calling into two kinds > the one immediately from God^ 
 which is an extraordinary miffion > the other mediately , by authority communicated unta 
 them from Apofiolical men,rvhich is termed an ordinary Vocation^ rvhichhath continued ever 
 fince Cbriji^ andfhall continue to the end of the World, rvhichhe that wanteth, is an intru- 
 der, no Faflour. 
 
 I pafs by his diftindtion for the prefent, with thefe two Animadvcrfions. Firft , 
 that a Miffion may be truly called extraordinary, which is mediately from the Church, 
 or thePaftoursofit;if it be done after an unufual 8c extraordinary manner, either in 
 rcfpeft of the Minifters, or of the Forms, or the rites and ceremonies ufed in it. And 
 in this fenfe, the vocation offome proteftant Minifters in forreign parts, is called ex- 
 traordinary, which I omit, as not concerning the Cluueh of England, nor die quefti- 
 
 oa
 
 DiscoubseVIL aQ^ainJitheohjeciionsofS^N^ ioi7 
 
 on in hand. Secondly, this mediate miliion or vocation, is the very fame with Or- 
 dination. So this afTumption implies a contradidtion in it felf, Thus, though it 
 Ihould be granted, that PfOtelhnts are truly ordained , yet they have no true Oidi- 
 nation. 
 
 Tlie next tling confidtrablcinhis Difcourfe, is the proof of his Antecedent, tiac 
 million is neccffary for paliours, Std. 23. hy the authoiity of St. PjuI, Rom. 10. 15. 
 EoTvjhall they prejch except they be feni, And SeH. 26. by the Teliimony of Luther, that 
 they veho intrude themfelves into the office of ?rejcbirs VPttheut a htvful calling are 
 impajiours. And Se£i. 28. by the confejjiun o/Calvine that God commandetb the rvordand 
 dodrine to be required from the mouth of Prophets and VoQours. And that Serveruj and 
 all Juch foolijhly hunt after revelations , are very Mahomets, or rf/f»rfr/ of a new iVorld. 
 
 All this fuperfluous difcourfe mi^^ht well have been fpared, for the Proteilants do 
 readily alTent to his Antecedent/ that it is not lawful to exercifc the oHicc of a pa- 
 Aour in the Church without a lawful calling) without any proofes. Butthatcon- 
 clulion, or rather colluiion, which he drawes from the lall teftimony, that Ctf/i//«e 
 and Cra}fmer, and the progenitors of the Ef^lifh Protedants were fo mzny MahometSy 
 who contrary to the publick truth received in the Church , challenged another 
 truth revealed unto them out of the holy Scriptures, is an unjufi imputation, and in 
 this authours hnguiSjC a fpiteftl calumnijtion. Itisnotthe fame thing, to erect a 
 new Church, and to reform an old Church. Thcreisa valt difference between the 
 introduction of a new Gofpel, and the reducing of things to aright Hate according 
 to the Gofpel received in the Church, and authorifed by Chrilt, between rhoL'w no 
 hunt after new revelations , and thofe who fwervenot in anything from the analogy 
 of faith , between thofe who trample under foot the fundamental articles of Chrirtian 
 Religion, and thofe who believe all things , which the holy Apoliles, the Nicene fa- 
 thers, and holy Athanafius thought neceffary to be believed,between innovatours, and 
 thofe who endeavour to conform themfelves in all things to the pattern ot the pri- 
 mitive Church , who are ready to (bed their Bloods for the leaft particle of faving 
 truth. And therefore <?. 2V. talkes to no purpofe of the rf/orws^ (jo/p^//. The Pro- 
 tellants never , thought of reforming the Gofpell, asfome body did of burning S^ 
 Pauls Epiftles,nct becaufe they contained any thing which was falfe,but c]u£dammaU 
 fortantij-, S me things rohich founded ill. Likewife in vain doth hedemand whether the 
 Church of Proteftants were extant in the World before the reformation i as if Pro- 
 teftancy werecf the Eflenceofthe Church. As the erroursofthcRowj« Church were 
 accidental to it, fo likewife was the Proteftation againft thofe crrours, and the re- 
 formation of them , which might either b:: prefent or zhkwx. fine interitu fubieSi. 
 A garden is the fame before it he weeded and ifter. To be purged doth not give a 
 new being to the body, The Glory of Chrifts Church was not extinguilhedbyfuper- 
 ftitiouserrours, but onely eclipfed. 
 
 The next thing which we are toobferve is, how he proveth his afTumption. Self. 
 24. That Proteflants have no vocation.. If Proteliants have a calling, it is either 
 from Princes 0'- perfonsfecular, or prelates ecclefiajiick^, but fecuUr perfms cannjt comm:i::i- 
 cate fpirittial porper, moreomr Proteftant Princes thire were none, and Catholic^ Princes 
 would give no commifjion to preach protejiant Vodrine. In liks manner, there were then 
 m Proteliant Bijhops or Priejis in the world. And Catholick^Bilhops were fo fane from 
 giving them any callingor commijfion to preach or admmifier the facraments after their man- 
 ner , that they excommunicated them and laboured by all meanes to fupprefs their nerp 
 cdined Gofpel. AndSea.2'J. Heurgeth this argument further, tfcjt though they bad 
 power to preach truth, yet when they began to preach other ds^rine then that which was put 
 into their mouths by their ■predeceff)rj, therein they left their calling and rjyit'ofthemfhes, 
 as an Ambafjadour if he change themeffage of his Prince is not therein truly his A:,ihajja- 
 dour efpecially if the Prince countermand it, and recall his power; But the Bilhops of tooje 
 times did comradia the dodrine of the frji Proteliants andreverfe thar Qvnmfton. And 
 there Urn dmbt but they who have power to communicate have power alfoto rev >]<^a>h^ 
 rejiraine the authority which they gave and whofoever ahercth the temur of his c^:nmi\]ijn, 
 or perftfteth after revocation runneth unfent. 
 
 I would the Authour had either underllood himfcif more clearly, or eKprefied 
 himfclf more dillindiy, or bcenmore coniUntto onefenf;: Som:cimcs by miiiiaa,he 
 
 under-
 
 ,o;4 Prot eft ants O rdination defended TOME IV^ 
 
 ~ "imderftandrthat habitual authority which is ccnimuiiicatcd in Ordinatiun ; Some- 
 times that actual power to exeicile this authority , which fprings from the applicati- 
 on ot the matter: Sometimes he fpeaks nf a miflion of Council, which implies not any 
 lurifdidioni and fometimes leaving all the(e, defultorioufly inftcad ofihe Comirilli- 
 on he tails upon the Inltructions , as if tl;e not purfuing ot them did void the com- 
 miliion, I fhall let down mine anfvver in dlliinct concluiions. 
 
 f irft the original power of lioiy Oickrs, and all authoritative miflion is from 
 lefus Clivill, he is the Lord ef the Harveji which jeiids labourers into hif hJari(Ji. Math: p. 
 58. He giveih tohii Church fame Apojiles,fome i/rofhets,jome Evan^ehjis ,fome paflours^ 
 (me VoClcurs, Eph. 4. 11. Notonely Apoliles , Evangclifts, and prophets, which 
 had an extraordinary, and immediate calling, but alfo pallours and Dodours ^who 
 were called immediately by the Church. "The Church is the honfe of God, i . Tim. 3: 15. 
 The minitters arc xhc fiewards of this hou(ei i.Cor ; 4; i. who can appoint a fteward, 
 but the Lord ? They arc Chrifls Ambajfadonrs^ 2. Cor. 5. 20. who can fubftitute an 
 AmbaiTadour but the foveraigne Prince ? 
 
 Secondly,though the authoritative power of miflion and vocation be in Chrift,yet 
 we ought not with the Anabaptifls , or other Enthufiajis, to truft to fanatical and 
 fantaihcal revelations , or to think that every private motion is a fufficicnt miflion 
 or calling •> Therefore Chrift hath committed a miniflerial power to his Church, 
 to ordain by impofition of hands fit perfons for that holy Function, whereby the 
 grace of holy Orders is derived from him to us by'a line of perpetual fucceflion. And 
 what the Church doth in that kind ought tobe interpreted as the aft of Chrifl him- 
 felf. St. Pjm/ , tells the elders of Epfcf/W, whofe calling without doubt was both 
 crdinary,and mediat, that the Holy Chojl had made them Bi(hopt/oT fuperintendents) 
 ef the floci{_of Chrift. AGs. 20. 28. And the fame Apoflle, doubteth not to call them 
 the Arabaffad ours of Chrift, who did bearc the treafure of the GofpcU in earthen 
 veffells. He who wanteth this minifterial miffionor vocation, is an intruder, and 
 cannot expedithe blefling ofGod upon his labours. It was the judgement of the an- 
 cients concerning Origf «,that the reafon why he fell into fo many grofs errours, was 
 becaufe he thruli himfelf into the office of a Preacher, before he had a lawful calling 
 from the Church. One reafon why our Sauiour would not fuffer the divel to fay he 
 knewhim , was , becaufe he had no calling. If you afk me then, who it is that 
 gives Epifcopal Grace. God or nian,I anfwer with St. Atnbrofe,/i«e dubio deus^fed 
 tamen per hominem dat i)eus, vcithout doubt God, hut yet Cod gives it by man . Man 
 impofeth hands , Codgivtth-the Grace , the Trieft impofeth hU fuppliant right hand. And 
 God hle^eth teith his powerful right hand, the Bijhop initiates the orders, God gives the dig- 
 nity, de dignit facerd : Cap; 50. 
 
 From thefe two former conclufions ,doth arife a third ,that the Bifhop who con- 
 ferreth holy Orders, hath no power to revoke the fame , becaufe he is but a mini- 
 fterial, not an authoritative Agent. To this conclufion the Romainfts give aflent, 
 teaching that holy orders cannot be iterated , nor the charader blotted out, yet it 
 is true, that the Biftiop who ordains, may fometimes fufpend or reftrain the ca- 
 nonical exercife of holy Orders, with thefe two cautions. Firft it is onely where 
 the Biftiop hath aftual jurifdidlion over the perfon fufpcnded, Secondly, it muftbe 
 don clave non err ante the keye not erring. If the keye do erre, that is, if the fentence 
 be unjuft it may perhaps bind pallively, but it binds no man actively, buthim, who 
 gave the fentence, to repent. 
 
 Fourthly, there are many things which ought to concur as requilite to the actual 
 and lawful exercife of that habitual power, which is conferred by ordination accor- 
 ding to the divers and refpedive conftitution offeveral places and focieties, as no- 
 minations, prefcntations. Elections, inftallations,. collations, Inftitutions, Conge- 
 teller, confirmations , and legiflation itfelf, wherein feveral and refpectlve perfons 
 or focieties, as well fecular, as ccclefiaftical , do challenge a juft and refpedive 
 intcreft as Princes, Parliaments, Synods, Prektes , Patrons, Deans and chapters, 
 and in fome places at fome times, the people. Ail thefe requifites the £wg//> clergy 
 have without all controverfy (except theanthour will adventure once more to denie 
 all the records of the Kingdom ) neither are thefe refpedive Intcrefts devifed by the 
 proteftants, but acknowledged to be juft,evcn when popery was at the higheft, wit- 
 nefs thofe lawes which inveft the Crown in the right patronage, and thofe which 
 
 debarrc
 
 IDcouRs E VIK againft the objeSlionJ of S. n7 
 
 1015 
 
 debar forrcigners from poflelfing Ecclefiaftical BrneMcesin England^ diredly aeainlt ' 
 
 the Topes provjfions,that is fiiU co be underltood, by applying or fubliradtin^ tJic 
 matter. No legate de ijtere was allowed by the law ofEngb}id, but the ArchbUliop 
 oi Canterbury : and it any was admitted of courtefy, he was to take his oath , to do 
 nothing dcrogatorie to the Kingor bit Crorvn, Placit: An. i. Hen. 7. If any man do 
 denounce the Popes Excomunication without the afTent of the King, he was to for- 
 feit all his goods, Flacit. 23, Sc. 24. It was not lawful for aoy man without the 
 Kings licenfe to appcalc to Kome. Placit: 32. ck 34. Edivardi 1. The invelHture of 
 Bifhops and Churchmen was in the hands of the King. Math: Paris. To omit 
 many other laws to the fame purpofc, by which S. N. may fee evidently, that when 
 Popery did bear fway, yet the Kings o( England injoyed an EcclefialHcal fupremacy, 
 cither to reftrain, or to give liberty in certain cafes to the Exercife of Ecclefiartical - 
 jurifdidtion, by applying or withdrawing the matter. 
 
 Now to S. N*: queltion, I anfwer, that the Proteftant Bifhops had their habitual 
 power from thofe who did ordain them, and the liberty to cxercife this power adtu- 
 ally from fevcral and refpcftivc perfons, and Societies, as well Secular, as Ecclcfiafli- 
 cal, according to their feveral interefts. Neither is it material , whether thofe who 
 ordained them were Protertantsor Papifls , feeing that the Minifteriul Order is not 
 changed, either by introducing hay or ftubble upon the foundation , or removing it 
 from the foundation. 
 
 Secondly I anfwer, that thofe who ordained them, had no power to revoke their 
 Ordination; As he that baptiftth a Chriflian, hath no power to revokeor annul! his 
 Chriftendome, Nor yet had they power to rellrain the exercife of their Orders in 
 England, fot want of Jurifdidion, which either they never had, or it was taken away 
 from thera,not by Cranmer and Ridley, hut by the Law of the Land, by King and Par- 
 liament, and Synod, bythe Church and Commonwealth oi England. His compari- 
 (bn of an Amb'afladour , will advantage his caufe nothing at all , becaufe they who 
 confer Holy Orders,4iaveno fuch (bveraign power as thcPrince , being not the Au- 
 - thour of Holy Order;, as the King creates AmbafTidouis. 
 
 Yea rather, his comparifon maketh againft himfelf •, an Ambafladour muft look, 
 more to the Ii\ftrudtions ofhis Prince , than to the dircdion of fubordinate Mini- 
 ller<:. The InftrucHons of our Soveraign Prince, from whom all Holy Orders doe 
 flow, are the Scriptures, thefacred oraclesof God, the Key of liis revealed Councils. 
 He changeth the AmbafTagc ofhis Prince, who varies from his Inftruftions, and not 
 he, who ordereth all his affairsby his inftrudtions. Laftly, an AmbafTadour varying 
 from his inftrudions , doth not thereby invalidate his Legantine power, in thofe 
 things wherein he purfues his inftruiftions,neithcr doth every abufe of a lawful pow- 
 er, prefently take away the power ; if ic did , the Komanijls have more caufe to look 
 about them, than the protcftants , fome of whom have dared to call their inftrudi- 
 onsEvangelii'.m nigrum, the black Gofpeli IheologUm atramentariam , inken Divinity. 
 This is more than varying from their inftrudions: the Lord will one day call them to 
 an account for thefeblafphemies. But fee how^.N. is quite digrefled from his que- 
 ftion. The qucllion is about the effentiallsof holy orders, and whether the proteft- 
 arit Minifters have a calling or Commiliion to preach i He declineth the mark, and 
 difcourfeth at randome, whether they do purfue their inftrudions and exercife their 
 fundion as they Ought , the full debating whereof would be little for the Credit of 
 
 his caufe. 
 
 S. N. maks one flourifti more, before he leaves this fubject. Having urged before 
 that Cratimer and the reft had no commiliion, from thofe who did ordain them to 
 Preach theProteftantdodrine. Sect .24. He recites Mr.Mafons anfwer,Thatthey had 
 commiliion to preach truth,which God by the Scriptures having revealed unto them, 
 they preached itand commended it to pofterity. To this juft anfwer ; he replies .?f 5. 
 25. That the private interpretation offcripturefuch as their s was, is faHihk andjubjeCtto 
 errour, that every Heretick^challengeth this revelation to himfelf , and maintaineth it rvith 
 m much reafon , as the Frotedant. And Sed.2'J. that they all pretend their miftoHand cal- 
 litg by Scripture. 7hat the Donatifts, the Circumcellians, the .\xxhnsarrogated to then:- 
 fshes and had as good warrant for their expofition offcri^ture as the proteftantJ , that the 
 i'-vcf of God fpeahna in the CcriptureM nothing el(e hut the very text of fcriptur: ( tvlmeas 
 - ^ 'I' ^ ^ Ffffff '^*
 
 i(>r< 
 
 FroteflaiJis O rdination defended _ T^^-^J-f 
 
 thfG'f[elv}itttl-'eftnJe^."it in the reords ■■,'that alliytdu<^ry inrtadvigatidfwdiyig out 
 ihefrfe cfScrifttirc if deceivablc: thtrejore TrotefiaKts (oiild have no infallible certainty 
 from fcrij lure , of that tntih, rrhich they delivered, which arjainly is nectjfjry to faith: 
 vfj il at ihugh they Ihou id have lighted upon the truth in fomee£ential article fj belirf^jet 
 this if nil il at divine truth , nhich we an: cimmanded to embrace, but a meere humane veri- 
 ty ,bec.ittfe thcmotivefur rehich ^rotejiants heleive ts altogether fallible . Butthe Roman-. 
 CaW'Uckj have an infallible motive, that is the pr*pojal of the Catholick^ Church , 
 tlnrcfire tin truth revealed lutoffcripturewasnofiifficient warrant for CiZnmcr^and tbereli 
 to preach fucb Trotefiant Articles, as they now maintein, contrary to the approved doSrine of 
 ibi Church. That to avoid Confifton and occafwns of erroitr which might enfue from Ua- 
 -, ma^ of fcripiure to the private interpretations of particular men, it pleafed God to un- 
 join the true meaning of Lis word to the publick^paftours ofhU Church,to them he delive- 
 reth infallibly the inheritance of truthy of them onely we mufi jeek^it, otberwife every 
 Fantaijical fpiritmight devife what revelations he pleafed. And (o for a conclufwn ofthit 
 difcourfe,- he commends Tcrtiillians r«/e i To draw down from the pure Churches the line 
 uj faith, and feeds ofdvDrim: and that ofjaint Cyprian, to repayr to the Conduit headof 
 Ap'fiolical tradition , and from thence to dinci the pip to our times', with whom Irenarus, 
 Athanaliu?, and faint Aufiin did concurre. 
 
 This is the full fcnfe of his difcourfe, as neerc as I can collcft it, (ct down to the, 
 mort advantage ofhi'; caufc. He might well feem to b^ one of Z«;o'x Scholars, 
 who fcmctimcs wanted rf inions,but never wanted ar^,uments,at leaf! fuch as this, 
 that is to fay , impertinent, and wide from the caufe. The qucftion is of the Com- 
 miliion, his whole difcourfe -is ofthe inllructions. If aPrincesAgcnt fwerveunwill- 
 ingly in fv meinfcriour matter, from the tenour of that which he hath in charge, he 
 doth not Itraightway forfeit his place. But on the contrary, if an inferiour mini- 
 ller ot ftatc, fliould ufurpa power to impofe a charge upon a publick Agent, con- 
 trary to law, fuch an injundion were void;So if a Bifliop fhall require thofc whom 
 he ordeines, topreachthat wich isevidently repugnant to holy Scriptures, they ought 
 to cbty God rather than man i and to fay, da veniatu epijcope ,tu fitffenfiinem,ille 
 gehennam rriinaiur. But there are no inlirudtions fo Arils', which bear not a latitude 
 more or lefs tolhe judg,ementand difcrction of the party trulttd,to proceed fro re 
 nata, according to the law of nations : neither is there any form of ordination, either 
 ours, or theirs,which limits the pcrfons ordained or authorifeth him, who confers 
 orders, fo limit them Rridly, and precifely to thefe opinions, which they muft teach 
 the people , but doth authorifc them in general to preach the Gofpel, and to apply 
 that according lo their beft fki],to the edification of their flock. This they did,and 
 this is all which was injoyned them,this is all which could be cnjoyned them. If they 
 had been cnjoyned otherwife, yet this is all which they ought to perform. We 
 acknowledge thcCanonical obligation of a clerk to his ordinary, wc confefs that 
 mnch rcfpedt is due to the chief paftonrs ofthe Church -• But yet not fo, as to make 
 the authority ofa fingle fallible perfon, to be like Mc^wa's head,to transform reafona- 
 ble men into floncs. 
 
 No houie is builded fo flrong , but fometimes ftands need of reparation, ^3o 
 man keeps fogood a dyct,but now and then needs the hclpe of phyfick:fo errours 
 will be fprouting up in the be(t focieties",and thofc Churches which have been mofl 
 carefully planted, wilUn time require a weeding and reformation. He that will ad- 
 mit no Church , but that which is fpotlefs, with Acefius muft provide a ladder for 
 himfelftoclimb aloneto heaven. When theChurchofCoriM*/) was newly planted by St. 
 Paul , what abufcs were fuddcnly crept into it? Somedcnied the refurrec^ion. i Cor- 
 15. 12. They were all torn afunder with fchifmes and factions, 1 Cor. i. i2,Adde to 
 thcfe, the toleration of inceft. Cor. 5:1. prophanation of the blelTed Sacrament 
 I Cc II. 22. Irreverence in their prayers, iC«r. 11. 13. notorious abufc of the 
 gilt of tongues X. Cor. 14. 26. Contentions about trifles before inrtdells, i.Cor. 6. i. 
 Infomuch as they flood in need to be vilited with a rod,Cor.4.ii.Not England ondy, 
 but Rome aIfo,isa particular Church as Corinth was,asfubjed to errours as they.and 
 flards in need fometimes to be weeded,3swell they. The upflart name of Kcwj«Ca- 
 tholick.isa late devife, unheard of in the primitive times, and many ages after. There 
 is or.ely this difference between Kcme and Corinth, tliatasthofc difeafcs commonly 
 
 arc
 
 IJiscourseVII Airaw/i the Objeaiom^f~s7^. ;~ q 
 
 are mult mortal which are infenliblc, SochceT^rs oi'Kome arc much ^^ ""^ 
 
 pofed infalhbility , a. 7xz.,>. did upon a cloud , they negledl the meane! of a true re 
 covery, and deprive themfelves ota fccond plank after (hipvvrack. This oroclivirv 
 toerrour proceeds partly from the malice of the envious one, who iscontinuanv 
 bulled in fow.ng tares, and partly horn the dcfultorious nature of man who k 
 omrumohli mobiUor. Ucncc it comes to pafs, that the beft ordinances are fubjed to a 
 bending and declining. ; ^i i^ a 
 
 Therefore God having pity on mankind, hath provided for us a ruleoffuoerna 
 tural truths, his holy Word ,to he a l.ght mto our feet, and a lantern unto oht path] 
 TFhiJ} u able to mak us wife mto falvation- Which is proHtable toteach to correfl: 
 to exhort, toconvince. Ihatthe man oj God maybe prefeaed to every asod^ork.Thtrt- 
 fore the Scriptures are called canonical, becaufe they are the Canon or rule of our 
 f..ith. Aruleis no rule if it be imperfedt. Th^^^itiht te{}amentofthe''everhvir,aGod, 
 It is not lawful to add any thmg to theteftamentof a mortal man. In vain faith God 
 ye worjhip me, teaching for Voarine ( that is for fubftantial neceffary truths ) the pre ' 
 .■:pts of men. They are the power of Cod mto falvation. Ihcrifon men err becaufe thev know 
 ,ut the So-iptures. God fends his people to the law and to the tejlimony. Iftheyfpeake 
 not according to thefe there is no light in them . Let it be admitted, that there be foine 
 unwritten verities, which being known, are of necellity to be believed, yet certaine 
 ly they are not abfolutely neceffary in themfelves tofalvation tobeknown which the 
 Holy Ghofl hath not thought neceffary to be recorded. ' 
 
 Yet every one hath not fkill or power alike to applie this rule. The fcripture is 
 not in the words, but in the fenfe ", not in the fuperficies, but in the marrow. Many 
 helps are requifite to a right interpreter , as to know the right analogy of faith and 
 to regulate all hisexpofitions by it,which everyone cannot comprehend. To com- 
 pare place with place, and text with text, which every one cannot perform. To 
 underftand the Coherence of the Antecedents with the confequents, which all men 
 are not capable of ,to know the idiotifmes of that language, wherein the Scriptures 
 were written. Which few attain unto . 7b draw down the line of faith and feeds af 
 VoCirinefrom thofe purer Churches of the primitive times, as Tett\i\\ia.n advifeth and 
 from the conduit head ofapoftolical tradition, to direU the ^ipe to our times as St. Cy- 
 prian doth exhort , and St- Au^in approve. Which Counfell we readily em- 
 brace. And Laftly thofe who by their office are confecrated to the fervice of 
 God, have ordinarily a peculiar affiftance of the holy Ghoft. Therefore as we make 
 the fcriptures the rule of faith , or as others phrafe it, the judge of controverfies 
 ( that is as the law is judge of civil differences and noe other wife ) fo we do not 
 afcribc to every one the fame degree of judgement ; To private men, we yeildoncly a 
 judgment of difcretion, that is we would not have rcafonabJe men like Davids horfe 
 and mule void of underftanding. To the partours of the Church we give a judge- 
 ment of diredion,and to the chcifpaftoursor Bifliops, a judgement of jurifdidion i 
 more orlefs, according to their refpedive places or offices in the Chriftian Church, 
 And above particular ptftours te a fynod. And moft eminently ,to a general, or 
 Oecumenical council, which we make the higheft judge of Controverfies upon earth. 
 To his obje<aion,then I anfwer Firft , for our reformers, that Cranmer and thofe 
 others, who were prime aftors in the reformation , were not private perfbns, but 
 publick paftours of the Church to whom this authour faith , that God unfoldeth the 
 meaning of hit rvord , to whom he delivereth infallibly the inheritance of truth. Yet thefe 
 were notour Reformers, but the fynods and Parliaments of our Kingdom, un- 
 der the Scveraign Prince, the fynods propofing , the Parliament receiving, the King 
 authorifing. 
 
 Secondly, for the manner of our reformation. It was not fed itious, tumultuous, 
 nor after a fanatical, or cnthufiaftical way , but done with all requilitc helps, taking 
 the primitive Church to be their pa tern, and the Holy Scriptures, interpreted accor- 
 ding to the analogy of faith, to be their rule. 
 
 Thirdly, for the fubjedl of their reformation as it was not other Churches, but 
 their own. So it was not of Articles of faith. 5. ZST. milhkcs ( though the Aoman 
 Church challengefuch a power yet the Protcrtant Church doth not ) but it was 
 
 Ffffff 2 of
 
 loi 
 
 ^ Froteftanls OrdivaTion defended TOME IV 
 
 ot L-orniptions ^vhich were added ot later times, by rcmoTing that hay , and 
 I'mbble whicli'tlic Komaiiijh Iiad hcanediipon the foundation. AlwaycS oblerving, 
 that rule of Vincnttim Lyrinevfu, tocall nothing into qucflion, which hath been be- 
 lieved alwa^es every whete.and by allChridian?. Yea farther, thcfc turbulent perfonr, 
 whuhavcatitmptcd to innovate any thing in favingfaith,who upon their ariling 
 were ccnfurcd, .and condemned by the univerfal Church, wc rcciion as no body, 
 nor doth their oppofition hinder a full confent . Hence it is , that the Rcmavifh 
 dticall our Religion a uegaitve KtUgioti. Bccaufc in all the controverfies between 
 us, and tlicm, wc maintain the ncgative,that is, we go as far as we dare, or can,with 
 warrant from the iioly Scripturcs,and the primitive Church, and leave them in their 
 txccfieSjOr thofc inventiors,which themfelvcs have added. But in the meantime they 
 Jorget that wc maintain all thofe Articles and truths which are contained in any of 
 the ancient Creeds of the Church, which I hope arc more than negatives. Laftly, for 
 tjficextcnt of our feparation , we have not left the Catholick Church , but onely the 
 K'wjw Church, and that not abfolutely, but in their fupcrftructures which they have 
 added to the Dodrlne of faving truth. And even in thefe with the fame mind, 
 that one would leave his fathers or his Brothers houfe, when it is infeded, with e 
 dc tircto return again, when it is free- And in the mean time, wc pray for it that 
 it may be free, we would admit the Church of Kome to be a Siller , if that 
 would content them, yea an elder Siftet,and rather than fail, to be a Mother Church 
 to the Saxons. But we may not allow them the place of i Lady, and Miftris. This 
 fame thing was the ground of the divifions between the Emperours and the popes 
 which fet the lFe\hrn world on Fire. This fame was the ground of that feparation 
 of the 4. Patriarchs of Conjlamitiople, Aniioch, Akxandria^attd Jerufakm^ from the 
 fifth of Koiwf, when they ufed thefe or the like words, thy greatiiefs we know, thy 
 covetoufiiefs rve cannot fatiffie , thy encroachments we can no longer endure , live by thy 
 felf. His reafftn that he urgeth againfl us that the Arrians, the Vonatifls, and the 
 CircimceVians pleaded Scripture for themfelvcs ( he mighthave added the divelalfo^ 
 isofno weightat all i fhall wc refufcto eat, becaufe feme have poyfoned themfelvcs, 
 c r to travaile , becaufe fome have ftraycd from the right way ? A drunken man 
 iliinkes thathe isfober, but afober man knowes that he is fober. 5. N. would 
 have us, like that foolifh novice who having a goodly heritage left him by his father, 
 and good evidence to (hew for it i yet becaufe others claimed his inheritance he 
 threw his evidence into the Fire, bidding them take it , rather than he would be 
 troubled about it. The young man is the Chriftian,the field true religion,the father, 
 our heavenly Father, the evidence his facrcd word i Becaufe the heretick^ and the 
 fchilmatkke lay claim to true religion , (hall we therefore negledl our inheritance, 
 and caft away our evidence. 
 
 But S. N. and his fellowcs will admit no reformation no not fo much as in the 
 cxpofitionof a text of Scripture ,withiout an infallibility ,unlcfs we know the (enfc 
 of the text, as certaincly as we know the articles of our faith. This is an high de- 
 vice of infallibility,not to err in theexpofition of a text of Scripture and by his good 
 leave, more than they dare afcribe to the Pope himfelf , whom they make to be in- 
 fallible in the condufion, but not in the premifTes. So by their own doftrine , 
 the Pope himfelf nniay mifapply atext, without prejudice to hisfuppofcd infallibility. 
 We believe the holy Ghoft doth lead theCatholick,or univerfalChurch into all truths, 
 which arc fimply neceffary to falvation, and preferves it frofti all fuch damnable er- 
 rours, as are deflrudivc to faving faith. So that the gates of Hellfhall never prevaylc 
 againft it. But we believe alfothat it is the property of the Church triumphant, to be 
 without all fpots and wrinckles, particular Churches are of an other nature, they have 
 no fuchpriviledge,nonotKowjf it fclf. They may fall, and fail & apofiatifefromChrift, 
 without any prejudice to thepromifc of Chrid, as thofe fevcn Golden Candlefticks 
 have done, in the middcft of which, thefon of man did delight to walke. B.ev.i. i. 
 God puts not out the candle when he removes theCandleflick , neither is the light 
 otthc Golpcl extinguiOied, when it is transferred from one nation to another by the 
 jurt judeen ent of God. So God hath promifed, that day and night, Summer and 
 Winter (hall never fail, fo long as the earth rcmaircth but that is, Siccefiively, ores 
 dayis anothers night, Summer to one, is Winter t« arcthcr. It were anhighpre- 
 
 fumptioH
 
 DcourseVII. againji the objeSiiotis of S nI ~ ] ' 
 
 -~- — 1 ± J ' * 1 oi p 
 
 fumption , or folly for any one climate, trufiing to his promife.to chalknee peroe " 
 
 tual Sunlhinc, or an cverlafiing day. Once tliis is certain that this fuppoled intal- 
 
 hbilitydoch detain them in real errour-. He who acknowledgeth that he may wan 
 
 der out of this way, will be more /tudious and inquilltive after tiie right way But 
 
 he that bdieveth he cannot err, will never repent or amend what is amifs. VV'hilft wc 
 
 live in thi5 world, wc are not comprehcnders, but travailers, we fee not face to 
 
 face, but darkely as in a glaft. 
 
 And as there is a great.diffcrence between particular Churches and the catholick 
 oruniverfalChurchifo thereis, as great a dilference between particular truth and 
 articles of bith. A great part ofthofe crrours and corruptions, which wc reformed 
 were praftical in Agendis, in things to be done, and not in eredeMdis, in things to-be 
 believed, as the half communion, private Majfes, prayers in a tongue unknowne 
 the inundation of indulgences , the invocation of Saints, the worfhipiug of images' 
 feme of which they doe acknowledge to have been otherwife pradifed in the pri- 
 mitive Church , and do not maintaine that any of them areneceflaryby the inllituti- 
 onot Chrilh It is true there were alfo other do(*rinal crrours reformed incrcdendis 
 but yet thefc were of an inferiour alloy, and come far fhort of articles of faith. The 
 very higheft of them are but the original conclufions, deputed from articles of faith 
 or from texts of Holy Scripture by probable coufequence.by the lightofrcafon' 
 and not revealed as articles of faith are by the light of Grace. Therefore they can- 
 not be fo certaine as articles of faith, the premifles are evermore evident than the 
 concMxow.profUT quod unumquodque eli tale. Hind magit efl tale. When the propo- 
 fition of an argument is a text of holy Scriprure, or an article of faith, and the af- 
 fumption an inference from thencc,the conclufion muft follow the wcakers part. But 
 tuibono, whethertendsallhis difcourfe, butto(hew,that the Proteftants have no 
 infallible proponent, but thcKotnan Catholicks have an infallible proponent, that is, 
 the Church ofKome. Which is the authoritative interpreter of Scriptnre,the judge of 
 controverfies, the infallible guide, into whofe fentcnce the laft refolution of our faith 
 ought to be made. The City built upon the top of a mountain, to whofe deter- 
 minations we muft fubmlt upon pain of damnation. That if this infallible guida 
 were not confpicuous to every man, who doth not willfully (hut his eyes, God had 
 been wanting to his Church, and had not provided fufficient meanes for the falva- 
 tion of mankind. Thus they crie one and all with open mouth. 
 
 I commend their difcretion, If they could make this one affcrtion good , it 
 would fave them nriuch labour, when they are hardly put to it in particular quc- 
 ftions. Asthofe flatterers of the King of Pgrfia^coald not find a law for him to marry 
 his Sifter, but they found out a law that he might do what he would, which is as 
 good,fb the Komanifis think to make good of all their particular crrours by this one 
 general affcrtion. they like the councel well, which AUihiadtsgive to 7emHhclei 
 iu PlutJrch when he found him bufic about his accounts to the City. That he fhould 
 rather ftitdy to give no account. To difputc particular queftions, were to give an 
 account of their crrours, but to plead an infallibility frees thcnni from all ac- 
 counts. 
 
 The truth is, the Proteftant Church is not the more fallible, but the lefs fallible , 
 becaufe it doth not prefumc to challenge an infallibility to it felf,Thcy have as good 
 meanes of knowledge, and as great aflViranceoffinding out the truth as thcKomani]is 
 can pretend untoi whether it be the Holy Scripture, or Apoftolical tradition, or the 
 cxpofitions of all former ages, or a confirmed fuccellion of lawful paltours. The 
 truth is likewife.that the Romanifu have no fuch certain infallible proponent as they 
 brag of, but deckthemfclves with the ftollen feathers of the truely Catholick or uni- 
 vcrfal Church. If it were lawfulfor us to expoftulatefo familiarly,! had almoft faid, 
 fo fawcily with God ,as they do, we might urge with more reafon, that if 
 God have placed fuch an infallible proponent upon earth,and hath not given fufficient 
 intimation who it is, nor fo much as infinuated Rome unto us , unlefs it be under 
 the name oi Babylon ^ihen he hath not provided fufficicntly for the falvation of man- 
 kind. St. Paul tells us, that when our Saviour afcended , he gave urrto his Church , 
 Some Apofiles,fome Prophets^fome Evaytgelijii, fame pafiours^and teachers foT the perfeCiing 
 of the. Saints fur the work^ <f tbr Uinij\eryJoT the edifying of the Body of Chriji^Eph: ii, 
 
 but
 
 lO^O 
 
 Frotejiants Ordnuti on defended TOME VI 
 
 buFlicTells us noc a word ot any one fuch univcrial and infallible proponent i 
 but to lay this mylkry a little more fully open, dbferve with me thefc thrc 
 
 Firrt that the Komanifts thcmfelvcs are divided into fix feveral parties about this 
 infallible proponent, who it is, or what it is. If they have an inialliblc proponent , 
 how comes ittopafsthat there is fuch divcrfity of opinions about this proponent, 
 who it is. Of the lix rankes,thcy cannot chofebut confefs, that five ( wefay,all lixj 
 do want an infallible proponent. In the rtrft place, This infallible prrponent might 
 doe well to propofe himfelf to be infallible, but the mifchcif is, that the other five 
 parties would not fubmit to his judgement, bccaufcthcy donotbeleivehim to be that 
 infallible proponent. Some , and thole the greatell party, do hold, that this infallible 
 proponent this vertual Church of Ko/we, to whofe determinations we mud all fubmit, 
 is the Pope of Kowf others fay no, it is not the Pope alone,'butthe Pope jointly with 
 his conclave of Cardinallsi A third party fay neither the one,nor the other , but the 
 Pope with a council,either general or provincial •, Not fo fay the 4tfc. party, a particular 
 council is not fufficient , It mult be a general council , with the Pope. The fifth 
 party fay, that the concurrence of the Pope is needlcfs ; an oecumenical council , ei- 
 ther with or without the Pope indifferently is this infallible proponents And thefc 
 come the neareftthe marke. The fixt, attribute this infallibility to none of all thefc, 
 but to the whole eflentiall Church, or the multitude of true believers. What differen- 
 ces are there here about that, which fhould fet us all at unity > We fee fmal fignes ol 
 any infallibility, yet the Proteftants might adventure without any great danger to 
 fubmit to the Koman Church when the Komanifts themfelves can agree , what 
 this Roman Church is. And laftly,after all this llrife,when all comes to all,this infalli- 
 ble proponent, to the common and ordinary fort of Chriftans, proves to be the parifti 
 Prieft , his flock knovr no popes , nor conclaves, nor councils, nor Churches, but as 
 he his pleafcd to inform them, be it right or wrong , S. N. almoft faith as much, 
 that it pkajed God to mfold the truefenfe and meaning of his will te the fublicb^paftours 
 and Preacher J of his Church : to them he infallibly delivereth the inheritance of truth, of 
 them ottely rve muft feek^it, from them alone tve can have our vocation to ?r each. They 
 have fpun a faire thread if they make every curate, or parirti Priell to be an infal- 
 lible proponent. 
 
 Secondly, whereas the grcatcft part of thefe fix is that which holds for the Pope, I 
 ask how can they have an infallible certainty of his determinations, ofwhom they are 
 not infallibly certain, that he is pope, or the fuccefTor of St. Teter. The common 
 tenet of their fchoolcs is, that it is not de fide that Innocent the ii- is Pope or St. Peters 
 fucceffour. It is not impoffible that a female may creep into that fee,as hath been not im- 
 probably related,by many authours, of John the eight. The popes own Bibliothccary 
 fetting down the ftory, unwillingly enough , makes this Apology for himfelf, ne 
 contra omnetjentire videar, that he might not fecm contrary to all menj by which it 
 appears, that it was generally beleived in thofe daycs. It is not impoffible but that 
 the Pope might fail in his own baptifm, that is, if he who chriftened him, according 
 to their grounds , had no intention to chriflen him , which in thefe Atheiftical 
 times, efpecially in Italy, where fo many prieftsarc ,and fo many popes have been 
 Athcilts, is not fo improbale. But I confefs thefe are remote dangers or feares. There is 
 a third that toucheththem nearcr,whatif theprelent pope be not canonically elected? 
 In any of thefe three cafes, if he be not amale,if he be not chriftened, If he be not ca- 
 nonically eleftcd .heis no pope, nofuccefTour to St. Feter, cannot pretend to any 
 infallibility, even his greateft valTailes being judges. And to this laft rcquifite of ca- 
 nonical election, there is much to befaidiThey who prye narrowly intotheaflaircsof 
 the conclave, andean efpie daylight through a milftone, if it have an hole in the 
 middcft of it, do fay, that there hath fcarcelybecn one canonical eledlion in our me- 
 mories, without groffe and palpable fymony, they fay the adive and potent cardin- 
 alls lick their fingers well in a vacancy, as the exchequers, or privy purles o[Spai»,ii\i 
 France, can aboundantly tcftifie, 
 
 Thirdly, fuppofing that they did agree that the Pope of Row? were the virtual 
 Church, and that he was this infallible propofcr, fuppofealfo, that they were infalli- 
 bly certain that Innocent the 1 1. or any other particular pope, is the pope, and a true 
 
 fuc-.
 
 Discourse VII /^gainjl the ObjeBhns of S.N. 
 
 fucceirourot St. Peter , let us fee in the third place what inhlliblity it is, whichTheT 
 afcribe to him . Are they fure that the Pope cannot err > no , they confefs h» m^y -rr 
 as a private man,but not as a Pope e Cathedra from his Chair, as if the Pope were Uke 
 ylppol'j's nunne, who gave oracles whileft fhe was mewed up in her cafe, but was no 
 wifer than her neighbours when (he came abroad. Well but can he not err in hisde- 
 terminations as a Pope> yes fay they,.he may err in the premises, but notinthe 
 Condufion.This isforae thing ftrange:butare thfy certain he cannot err in thecon- 
 clufion? yes fay they, he may err in the conclufion it felf;vf it be a matter of fad but 
 not if it be a matter of faith. But can he not err in theconclufibnofa matter offlith.- 
 Yes (ay they, hcmayerrina condufionof a matter offaith , if he do not define 
 withdue advice and deliberation. See what an infallibility this is:. The Pope is in- 
 fallible as a Pope, but not as a private man i as a Pope in the conclufi on , but not in 
 the premiffes. In the conclufion, if it be matter offaith , but not if it be matter of 
 fedt: In the conclufion of a matter offaith , if he ufe a due advice and deliberation 
 other wife not. Some Oedifuf refolve me this. And what is this due' 
 deliberation? Nay, ftay there, that admits a further difpute. Had not the 
 Pope better be without iuch an infallibility, than have it? Take nothing and hold it 
 fafti thus,ji^fw tninutis dijfecant ambagibits , ut quifqtte e(l lingua neqitior. But I leave 
 them wandring in their Maies , and S. N. to his vapours. It (hall fuffice to have 
 anfwered his Arguments , and to conclude , that if thejrc be any Holy Orders upon 
 Earth, the Church cfEwg/Whath Holy Orders. 
 
 1021 
 
 FINIS-
 
 ( io2a) 
 
 THcrc being fcveral printed Pamphlets extant, in which 
 fomefiich Advcrfarics, as had the confciencc at firft to 
 frame, have now hardened themfclves to defend, that impudent 
 Fable of the Naggs He^t/Confecration^ snd to deny that there 
 were any Records of thofe times, reporting any other Confc- 
 crationof ArchblfiiopP/irJ^fr, than that infamous pretended 
 one i and the moft Reverend Authour of the Former Difcour- 
 , fcj, jrequcntly mentioning and referring himlelf to the Regi' 
 fters of tbofe dayes •> It was thought fit here, for fatisfa^lion of 
 rhe World, and ftoppir.g the mouth of Calumny, topublifh 
 the Copy of the Record , the Original of which any may (ec ^ 
 who plcafe to fearch the Regiftry of the See of Canterbury : 
 as alfo another Old ManufcriptMcmoirc, out of Corpus Chrifii 
 Col ledge Library in Cambridge •, which areas following* 
 
 • Eglftrum iRetJtrettBifsimi in ct)riflo^atti0$B(>= 
 
 mini,!Domini^atticHaarKfr,m3lrciicpifcopuin 
 Cantuarifnffm per 5©fcanum^ Capitulum€c= 
 , cltOe €UW ¥ a^cttopolitice C^rifli Cantua» 
 'run p;($ migore ^ auttio?itaf c licmtie l5e» 
 gic min \)u parte fact,p,2imo tie menfi0 Hu= 
 gu0i nmo 3Dommi ntillf Cmo £Duingf nteQmo 
 £luinqua5efimo i^onoelecti, ac per metercntioe ^Sitxts iBnos 
 iXamumisarlotDnuptrsatljon $ WidUfi Cpiim, mm€\u 
 ctiinDiiceQrfn, Jo^em ^mv tiiDum HmQxtfi cpiim, nunc e= 
 lectum i^erefo?r)ett,#ilonem coberDale Quonnam €)coniefi(£puifi 
 5 loi^em l^onoiefKvn Cp6m fuffrajjaneii 23et)fo?Den ,' mimt 
 3lran1m Comiffionaliura mQiatCi^mf^m Directarumiiono 
 «r„ ,. a ^if ^inii^ mm tunc p?or: f equt n confirmati, necnon per ipfo0 
 oreat cha- ^ttf rfttDos f^atres autpo^itate prei5 Decimo feptimo tie ejUBtiem 
 r.aer ,r ^ettfis BeceHib^is confecrati,3ltntl?onio i^ufe Srmigero tunc m* 
 lixt.uneiy QrariopOTacioUicti meberenDiffimi i^atrie. 
 
 theje L"'f/ Primo die Mentis Junii Anno Domini 1 5^0. prstatiis Anthonius Hufe mortem ob- 
 are t,: a dij- jj^ ^-^j fljccellit Johannes Incent in Officio Ret',iHrariarus prxJ. 
 ^'^i'''^f^'/' DJdus Revcrcndiiiimus Mathcus Archiepikopus Cantuaiicniis xvjj. die Menfis 
 rjUerjrr.m Maij^ Anno Dcm. 1575. in Aurora apud Lambehith mortem obijc , cc diem fuum 
 i)U i,;e re|r. claufit cxtrcmum. 
 
 A(^ahabita Scfa^a in N^eorio ConfirmationisClectionistiaf- 
 nerabili0 $ Crimij ^iri 0^agci flipatbei iBarKer ^acre Cbeologf t 
 p;jofeffo?is in Srcbiepwrn Cantuaf electi, ii^ono Dte^cnfi05De- 
 cerab?is3inno 5^ominia9illefimo£iuingentf0mo ^iuinquageff* 
 mo ^ono, f iaegni felicifeimi JIluQuifsime in Cbnfto ^?incipi0 
 5t Bomine noflrel^omine CU3at)ettieBei gratia SKnglie , jfrancie 
 
 Jhe nhule 
 KecKrd is 
 nrit in a
 
 (l023) 
 
 f mtxnk me gine finn Bef ens: $ c. Snno fecuntio in CccleCa laa- 
 rocliiali Beate ^acie nc 3rc^ubu9 jLonton , eccUae ^etroiSi^ 
 tice|picantuaf luriODictionig imfDiate, Coram mefceims i 
 Cb2iflo#atnte?2)omim0 ^ilUflmo quondam ©atljon a GnPi 
 Imepo nunc Elf ctociceton, Jo^e ^mv quontiamciccareft 
 €po, nunc I^Erffo^neft elf cto, S^ilone (Eobert)ale quonnim Crok 
 epiicopo, oci^e Scnfo^iDfn Cpifcopo ^uffraganeo menian TLm- 
 nsCommimonalibu0 ISatennicte^lluarifgimtBomine noffre 
 megme m Ijac parte Commifsiarijs inter alio0, cum tiac claufu- 
 la, £luat£nu0 bosautan minus quatuo^ trum$c. i^ecnon cum 
 bac aDjeciione, fupplente0 ni^ilominus ?c. Itime fulcitis in me- 
 fentia mei jFrancifci Clerfe 0o2ij i^ublici in 3ctonim ^cribam 
 inftac parte propter abfent ^agitlri ZntlmH mtt meaiararii 
 ft. alTumpti p.:out fequitur,tir)elicet. 
 
 Die & loco p;ci5 inter tjc<2as octatam $ nonam ante meriniem 
 co?am Commiffarijg fup^anominatis comparuit perfonalitrr lo- ^^^ con- 
 Ijamtea lucent i^otarlus publicus, ac pjefentabit eiftiem laete- ^™^tionis 
 rfnt)i05Bomims Coifirijg Xf as Commifsionales^^atentesiiecti- ^''^^^'°"'s 
 as, eis in Uac parte Directas, bumiliter fupplicanuo quatenus m'^'^u"' 
 onus erecutionis 31raf urn comiCTionaliei paten t)m6i in fe aCTume- p I 
 
 re, ac jurtaearumcontinentiamp;ocetieni5fo?eintiictoconfirma= A'chTeD 
 tianis l^egotio necernere Dignarentur , quibus quitiem XLiteris cant 
 commimoualibus tie ^annato Dicto^um Commiffarionim per 
 eunnem Joi^emllncfiTrnubliff perlectis.ijnem Commiffarij ob 
 rebercntiamf Ijono^em tsicte ^ereniffime 5Domine nofire Hegine 
 
 acceptaruntinfeonus'/LiterarumCommiCfionalium^Batentium 
 medaru timoi, f r)ecret3erunt p?ocetieni!i foje jurta tim fo^mam 
 f enectnmearunt)em:t)eint)et)ictugr3io5es3ncent erbibuit p2ocu« 
 f ium fuum mo iBtcano gt Capitulo ecclefie ^etropoUtice Cb?i(li 
 Cantuarienus, f fecit fe partem p?o eiftiem ac nomine p20curato= 
 rio eoruuDcmBecani $ CapituU p,2efentatit eiftiem Commiira= 
 rijs, benerabilem toum apagiQrum l^icbolaum ©uUingbam 
 •/Legum Bocto?em, ac emegionetiicto?umcommiirario?umaae= 
 bat , qui erbibuit pjocufium fuum p^otiictolienerabili $ erimio 
 biro #agiliro ta^attbeo iBar^er Cantuc ele cto , f fecit fe partem 
 mo eotiem, $ tunc tiictus Slopes Incent txUhmt ^antiatum cita= 
 to?ium originate una cum certificato?io in tio,2fo fuper Crecutio= 
 ne ejuftiem,$peti)t omnes $ fingulos citatos publice p.jeconimi, 
 ac confequenter facta trinapublicap;econi3atione omniHiugtOn^ 
 ftulonim oppoCto?um, atj fo?as Ccclefie ^arocbialis tie 3ercbubu0 
 mt $ nuUo eonim comparente,nec aliquiBin bac parte opponeit, 
 obnciEn,telercipieil, tiictus lobannes Jlncent accufabit eonim 
 contumacias, ipetijt eos^eo?umquemlibetreputari contuma- 
 cfs ac in pe nam contumaciarum fuarum bmoi biam ulterius 
 in bac parte opponentii contra tiictam eiectionent fo,2mam ejuf= 
 tjem, aut perfonamelectam p^ecluDi; ati cujuspetitionem, tiicti 
 Bouiini commiilari j p?onunciarunt eos contumaces, acinpe- 
 nam ^c. biam ulterius in bac parte opponentii eis $ eommcuili- 
 bet mecluferunt, necnon ati petitiouem tiicti Jobannis Jnceut aD 
 ulterionmiu bmoi confirmationis negotio p.iocenenti fo,2e tiecre= 
 beruntp^outin^cljetiulaperp^efatiuTiiDominumcGiillielmum 
 
 <B i3ar=
 
 (io24) 
 
 iB^rlotoflccti'mCiccfltfnDeconfenfuCoUegatumfuontmUcta 
 Snius comiiietuc s qua qiUDcm ^cljeDula fie lecta , p;c= 
 fati'sloljauiifsjiicfnt m p?efcntia mtfati ^agiaci Bicl;olai 
 i3uUiiial)am}B?ociirato?i0 5H>omim electi Cane antcDicti, netJit 
 fiimaciam petitionem in fcnpti0 , quampetijt aDmitti, atJCiiju0 
 rfntioiumfccminiCommiffanjaBmifcruntnictam^umariam 
 ufticocm, $ affiguarimt Dicto 3inccnt aDpiJobantmm rontmta iii 
 tamm aD (latim, ©dune Jiiceut in fubCmu p?obationi0 contento= 
 mm in Dicta ^ummaria pctitione > ertibuit p^oceffum eUaio- 
 nis 'u pci't^ona nicti \)eaerabili!3 \3in a^agiflri ^attljei parfecr, 
 ner Bccanum $ Capitulum CccUfie CatQig $ ^?etrop6ceClT2i(li 
 Canf p?f6facef celeb?af, quoperBomino0Commitrario0, tiifo, 
 infpecto $pcrfpecto , ijDcmBmi commiffarij aupttitionemp^e^ 
 fati lloljannis Jncent IjujulnioDi p,:cceffum p?o lecto liabennum 
 fo2t^ cenfcri ^oinecunt $ tecrctjcrunt , $ tiinct)ictu0 31nfmtfu= 
 ncrbujufmoDi^nmmariapctitione p^oDunt 11ol)annem mitt 
 fecnecofum,$ Miillielmum Coltoyn mtinmsi^aginriim in %t= 
 fle0,Quo05Bomim CommifTarij ati t\m petitionem jutejuranno 
 onerarimt neDicenno^ecitatem quamnol3Erint intiac parte, qui= 
 tm pec me p?efatum jFrancifcum Clecfee feo;f urn $ fecrete erami^ 
 nati0, eo?umquet)icti0 $ 3ttc(tationibU0 at) peticonem Dicti 3Io= 
 l)anm0 Uncent per 12>omino0 Commifrario0 publicati0,at per ipfo0 
 ^ifi0$ infpecti0,ipfi Bomini CommifTarij an petition em Dictiln* 
 cent ailisnarunt fibi at) p?oponentinm omnia antlatim, 5©eintie 
 llncenterbibuit omnia ^fingulaper eumin nicto negotio e)ct)ibi= 
 taf p?opofita, qnatenu0fibi conMcunt $non aliternequealio 
 motio , f tunc Bomini at) petitionem31ncfnt affignaruntfibi at) 
 conclutien^ at) flatim, BictoJlncent concUitiente cum eiftiem 5©o= 
 mini0Commi(rarii0fecum etlam conclut)entibU0, qua conclufi= 
 one fie factat)ictiBomini Commiffarii at)petitionem Jncent af= 
 fignarunt at) mWnt finale Becretum fipe ^ententiamBiffini= 
 titam at!(latim,Confequenter t)ero facta alia trina p^econi3atio= 
 ne oppDfito?um(fic ut p?emittitur) citato?um $ non comparen nee 
 quiequaminbac parte opponenBominiCcmmiffarij aD petition 
 nem Jncent p^onunciarnnt eo0 $ eonim qnemlibet coutumace0, 
 acinpenacontumaciarufuarabmoi necreterunt p^oeeDeniS fo;e 
 at) p?olationem^nie Biffinitibe, fiPeBecreti finali0in bac caufa 
 ferenii,ipfo?umfic eitatonim^ non comparen abfentia fibe con= 
 tumiiciainaliquo non obtlante,p?outin ^ebemila per memo^a= 
 tum5l>ominum^tatillimumCiee(!ren eleetum t)econfenfuColle= 
 garnm luonim lecta Dilucit)iu0eontinetur. I^i0 itaque in oiUnt 
 gefii0,ac p?eJlito per ^^agifirum jFticbolaum 25ullingbamnomi= 
 ne#?ocuratonop?efatiBomini CleetiCantuarien.ae in animam 
 ipfiu0 Bominicleeti Juramento co;po^ali,jurta fo;mamt!efcri= 
 ptamin^tatufparlamenti 3(inno piimo Eegni tJicte Bomine 
 lieffine Cli5abetl)e tUt prefatiBni Commiffarij at) petitionem U- 
 ctijlncent tulerunt $p?omulgaruntfententiam Biffinitibam in 
 fcripti0per piefatum Bominum sutiillimum Clectumcicefiren 
 m conlmCu<roUegarum(uo?um lecti0, p^onunciantio, Deeernen= 
 ta, eeteraq; faneaDop?out in eatiem eontinetur , luperquibua 
 tam p?efatus Sl^agiGer Bifbolau023iillingbam qnamoictusjo^ 
 
 banner
 
 (l025) 
 
 plura, publicum feu publica, luQrumnitnm mtmmm^^^ 
 
 lie re petierunt, podremo autem mcti Boniini ComrSf fe n - 
 tnionem tarn p?oriirato?i0 p?efati JDomini ClectiVc^'igrmaH' 
 
 Cij.nllKirantuarp^efinecrebenmt ipfum mmtnmmmi^ 
 
 men $ Itmmiaratiomm ^pjntualium $ tiren poialmm rii?H 
 3rcl)iepatus cantuarienfe cicem Bomino to rfSmi^o 
 commiurunt, |pfumQuc m realem, actualem $ co^po^a eS 
 Mioncm^nicti 3irc]iiepacopatU0, Juriumque, Biffitimi io- 
 mum, isreemmen $ pertmenfuo^um imiberfo^um fniuccnl « 
 mtromsan^ tojeetiamDecrtterunt, per Brcanum $Camtulum 
 Cede fie CatbenjaUs $ 9petr opoluice €^mi Cantiiat pXam a. 
 lium quemcunqjar) quern De iure$ confuetuDinc io munu0D<no- 
 fntur pertmere , jurta €ccUaecti?iQi Caniuaf modern UnmhC 
 Urn tt&m^ $ ^tatuti0 moDerni0 ]^uju0 mlvti meani maik 
 ncnreclamantemautaDt}crfantem. ^"iiut 
 
 Elizabeth Bei gratia Hnglte, jfrancie ^i^ibemle ilegina jfi-^''"^?^- 
 t)eiBefenfo?$c. met)crentii0in Cti?iflo jdatruiu0 3ntonio )lanr)a=r'r"p' '^' 
 tenCpo,Q2iiiUielmo ©arloquonDam 23att!on Cpifcopo nunc Ci=£! a S' '^ 
 cefircnClecto, Hoanni ^mv ouonnam Ciceflren Cpifcopo nunc adhibk 
 Clectoi^erefo^nen , !Ji9iloni CotierBale qucnliam cE):onepifcopo, 
 JoanniBeDfo^tseii, ^Joljanm -Ctietfo^lDen Cpifccpis ^utiragane=^'^ '/^^ on- 
 10, 31o^anni ©ale ©fferen Cpilcopo, falutem.Cum bacante nuper &"'^'^ " 
 feneSrc^iepifcopali cantuanen per mortem naturalem Bomini '^^^ '*'"* 
 lleainalBi ?Sole CarBtnali0 uUimi $ Immeniati arcljiepifcopif ?',f"f'', 
 iBa'Oc?i0 ejufcematiljumilem petitionem JDccani $ Capituli €c41aS 
 clefienoQreCatbetJ^alis $ 0^ctropolitice Cl)^iQiCantuarierieif=//;,w<.,^7r 
 tJemDerlitera0no(lra0 #atente0 )!Lif entiam rone efl'erimu0 ali=^«^joanni 
 urn fibi eligenfi in mcbiepircopum $ paQo^em ^et)i0 p?et)lcte, ac 
 i3tiemBecanu0 $capittilum tJigo?e ^ obttnf Hicentie noOre p,:e= 
 tJ!CteBilectuil^obi0in Ct)?ifio i3©agifirum ^attlieum ^arl^ec, 
 ^acre ^t;eolosie p;oMo?tm fibi $ CccleCe p?ei5 elegermit in 
 3(ircbiepifcopum $ ^&aflo?emp?out per )litera0 fua0 patente0 ^i= 
 gillo eo?um communi figillat|^obi0 inBe rsirecta0 pleniu0 liquet 
 $ apparet , #00 Clectionem iliam acceptante0 einem ceiectioni 
 megium noftrum affenfum at)tiibuimu0 pariter $ fatojem , ^ boc 
 \}om ttnont i]?efentium agmficamu0 mogante0 ac in fi&e ot t)ile= 
 ctionequibu0^obi0tenemim firmiter p?ecipient)o mant)ante0, 
 ouatenus bo0autau minu0nuatuo?\3tftrumeunt)emiJi^atrbeum 
 aarfeer in ^trcbiepum $ |daUo;jem (i0ccleficCatbeD^ali0?a^ctro= 
 roiiticeCl)?ifii Cantuaritnp?et)ictt (Ocut prefer tur) Clectum,(g= 
 lectionemquep^cBictamconfirmare, ^cimDem ^agiflrum 0Pat- 
 tbeum mxUx in mc^iepifcopum $ i^aQoiem cccleflep.zeiDicte 
 coniecrare, ceteraque omnia $ Oiigula peragere que tjeflrD in i;ac 
 nartemcumbunt€)fficio laaQcuU jupta fo.:mam ^tatuto^um 
 meanarte et5ito?um$p?o\)irontmt)eliti0cum eftcctu, lupplentes 
 nilnlominus fup?ema autbo?itatc noUra Segia er mero moru ? 
 f ma fcicutia noHris , quiD aut in bijs (\m inm Si^auDatum 
 ^ 6 ?^ nc^ 
 
 IS ivni oj:r.
 
 ( I026) 
 
 iioflrumpKtiiffum pertos ficut,aut in \)oWs aut Wrum aliqiio 
 font)itionf,flatii> facilitate neflriis at) p^fmiCTa pfrficmiU tiffit aut 
 Dfcrit eonun que per ^tatiita ^ujusmcgni noQri, ant per %m^ 
 CcclcOafticag in tiac parte requicuntur aut neceffariafunt, tem» 
 130219 ratione $ rerum neceffitatc ID poftulante , Jn tuju0 rei %t= 
 itiinoniuml)a0 liiterasnoftras fieri fecimus ^atentes, C: meip= 
 fa apuDimeftm feno nie ?Decemb?i0 3nno megni noftri 2,!^a: 
 
 mi tDltoft namtfi be btrr fubtcnbtt), tl)inti in our ju&gmints, t^at bp tbis Conu 
 tniffion in tbts iFo?m penn? 0, aCtoell tbe SQucenfi S^Pa jeOp map latofiillp autbo* 
 lijetlie JpetfonB bDitbiii namje,to tb« tff^ct fptcifieo, as tb» fato J^trlonamap 
 ejcercife tbe Slct of Confirming ano Conlecrating in tbe fame to tbeni ccni' 
 
 niitteD. 
 
 affiiHiam fi^ap, l^«nrpi^a»bep, 
 
 Kobert saarHon, iSLbomss Pale, 
 
 p j«> eobaarb HetdB, iPlcbol8fii0uUingbam. 
 
 cani &*ca^- Pa feaf uniberOg per pntejs, ^uot) nosBecaniig $ Capitulum 
 pituiican- (gccle0eCatljel3?ali0 $ ^etropoUtice (T^i^ifti Cantuaf in5Domo 
 '"'• noftra capitulari, capit lUariter congregati ne unanimi alTenfu $ 
 confenfu noftrig Bilcctos nobis in Ct)?ifto !3l^agiftrum<5uiliri= 
 mum1DarrellClericumin3(trtibu0^agiftrum Ccclefie catl)c= 
 r)?ali)3$#etropoUticeCl)?ifti Can? p?ei5 Cauonicum * |^;eben= 
 narium, 3int^onium!^ufe 3rmigerum, 31ol)annem Clarfee $ 31o= 
 tiamiem Jncentl^otariogpublicoa conjunctim ^titiiOm noftrog 
 t)ero0,ccrto)3 legitimes at inr)ubitatos0?ocurato?e0,acto?es, f a= 
 cto?e0,negotionuuque noftromm gelto?c0 $ nuncios fpecialesaD 
 infrafcriptanommamus, o?t)inanui0, facimus $ couftituimus 
 perp?efente0,t)amufi\itj concet)imu0 eifDem ^?ocurato?ibii0 no= 
 ltri0conjunctim $ eo?um cuilibet (ut p?efcrtur) per fe Ditifim$ 
 infoliiS poteftatem generalem $ mantjatum fpeciale p?o nobis $ 
 nominibu0 noftris \)eneraliilem $ enmlum liirum #agiftrum 
 ^attl^euni parser facre 'Cljeologie ^^ofeffo^em in 3lircl)upum$ 
 0afto?eni Dicte Ccclefiecatben^alis ?a^etropolitice Cb^iftiCaiif 
 pernos €lectum,feu ejus ^?ociirato?em ltimumCempo;ibn0 $ 
 locis congrni0$ oppoHunis atjeunDi, Hpfumq^ er parte noftra aD 
 confenticniS celectioni Be perfona fua facte $ celebrate ncbitacum 
 3Inftantia peteni5f requirenti,necnon Clectionembujufmotii per 
 no0t)e perfona p?efati iSfagiftri ^atljei^BarKer (utp?ofertur)fa-' 
 ctamf celeb?atam€):cellenti(rime inCl);ifto^?incipi $ Bomine 
 noftre^Domine Cli^abetbelDei gratia 3(inglie,francu? i^ibernie 
 megine jfiUei Befens^c. tiicteCcclefiedFuntJatrici $iaatroneinti= 
 manni $ notificanti, $tju0 confenfnm $ affenfnm Eegios in ea 
 parte bumiliter implo?an<l , ac Becretnm €lectiom0 p^enicte $ 
 p<:rfonampernos(utp?emittitur) electam co?am quibufrinuiiie 
 perfonismegia autbo?itate in bac parte legitime fulcitis p^efen* 
 tantieterbibentii, Dcumqs Becretum Otie ^^oceCfum eifctioni? 
 metiictef perfonam fie (utp?emittitiir) electam in DebUa juris 
 to?maconfirmari ^app^obari , effectufq; fi qui fo^fan in bar par^ 
 te intfr^enerint ) tebitcfuppleri petenc, requirenfi f impetranS, 
 aarnlMquf $ tiefent!cni5, ac litem feulites conteGani5 ^couieltan 
 tittn$:^irticulum Utt Brticulos, liibelfum fivie jlibeUoe , feu 
 quafcunque^ummarias, ^etitiones t!an6 $ p?eponeiii5 celfcs.
 
 (1027) 
 
 fill!! m caiifa Un Caufig f onclutiena ^ rone uii b/rif nT L • 
 
 tern incluq\)^?ofcquen6, mcmn aiDmniiarationem omnium 
 (5 fingute ^piritualmm $ Cempo^alium liicti ^rSitiJs 
 cantuaf cinrm Clecto committi , Jpfumqiie itrr aiTm fa^ ," 
 lem t co?po.?aUm polTeffionem cjufBfm3rcl;kpatii0/iir um- 
 quf , IDignitatum , i|ono;um, ^^eemintn $ pertin m mo m 
 iinifeerfo?ummnuccni5 f introni3ani5 fo;e Df cerni petcub r/o ui^ 
 ren^ $ obtimnfi, $gencraliter omnia^ fingula alia facienS ltm= 
 tmt^txmnxp, mtmmnmsmt circa canccelTariaf tcrYnt 
 feuquomonolctopponiina, ctiamfi ^annatumDeffmaaisfr' 
 igant fprciaU quam fupfriii0 eft c pp^cffam , ^^omittimulque 
 000 ratum , gratum $ firmum perpctuo l)abiturc0 , ton ml 
 qmcqiut) mcti iB?ocurato?f noari , feu eo;um aUqn!0 fecfrint 
 ffii fccent m p;Emim0 tclaliquo p^emiffomm, $ in ea mr"p 
 Cantionem Cfpommu0 per p^cftntcs , 3ln Cuju0 mi ztUimn 
 ^i^iUiim noQrum , ( muo ui p^cfmti teacatione ^et)i0 ZuUt- 
 pali0Camuarifnfi0p2ei5) utimur p?efentibu0 apponi fecimn0' 
 Bar m Bomo noQra Capitulan certio oir a^enfi0 ^iuaufti , ain- 
 
 noBomimapiluamo£iuingenteamo€JuinquagEfimoi^ono 
 
 i^arear mmtfra0 pcr p?efentf0 , £iuot)(!Sgo ^attl;fU0i4r= p.ocar. 
 Itt facre Cbeologie id^ofeffoz in 3rctiifpum ccclefie Cat5i0 $ ^^^^^ ^^^ 
 ^etropoUtice €\)M\ Cantuaf per menci-a{3ile0 $ ej:imio0 tiitos ""'"' ^''*^'* 
 Becanum fCapitulum Ccclefie metiicteritc f legitime ClectU0, 
 Bilecto0 mitii in Cti^iflo a^agim-O0 isiillielifi ^tv Becanum 
 Cccltfie Catl)et!?ali0 Biti idauli %o\\t , ^ Bicljolaum 23uUing= 
 ^am^lcgumBocto^em conjunctim $r)i\3ifimmeo0berc0, certO0, 
 legitimo0acinr)ubitatO0 ia?ocurato?e0, 3Iicto?e0,jfacto2e0,Bego= 
 tio?umque meoru geflo?e0$nunciO0rpeciale0at) infrafcripta no= 
 mino, o^Bino, facid $ confiituo per p?efente0,Boque$ccnceDo 
 cifDem ^,2ocurato?ibu0 mei0 conjunctim $ eo.nim utrique ( ut 
 p?efertur ) per fe tiitiifim f infolifi poteflate m gnlrm $ ^ant)a= 
 tumfpeciale p^omeac Wee, loco f nomine mei0 co;ammeberen= 
 t)i6inCl)?iltoi3atribu0f Bomini0, Bomini0 GStillielmo quon= 
 t)ami3atboii$QSieUenCpifcoponunc Ciceflrefi Clecto, Joanne 
 ^mv quontsam Ciceflren Cpifcopo nunc Clecto l^erefoztifn , 
 ^^llonecobertialequonnamCronCpifcopo , ^ 3!ol?anne©er)fo2= 
 tifit Cpifcopo ^uffraganeo ^erenitlime in C^^iflo l^;incip{0 $ 
 Bomine noQre , BomineCli3abetl)eBei gratia 3^nglie , f rancie 
 (t iliberniemegine JFinei BefenB.fc. an infrafcripta Commi(rari= 
 i0 cum ^ac claufula (tiDelicet) mta cum Bomim0 Jobanne 
 'Cbetfo^tifft^uffraganeo, $jGl)annei3ale€>[ro?cn Cpifcopo, $ 
 etiam bac ClaHlula , ^iuatenus \30s aut an minu0 quatuo,: l^e= 
 drum,? c. Becnon et bac atjecticne, fupplcutf0 nibilominus, fc. 
 fpwialiter $ legitime Beputaf comparenDi , meq; a perfonale 
 compavitione ercufanti, ac caufam cc caufa0 abfentie mee bUjuf= 
 moDi alleganfi f p?oponeni3,ac (fiopu0 luerit) firsem nefuper 
 facienfi $ )uran$, Clectionemq^Be me? perfona mea aD Dictum 
 3irf biepatum Cantuarien per p.2efatO0, Becanum ^t capltulum 
 
 ^ Ccclefie
 
 eccleae (latl)et)?ali0 ? a^etropoUtice mm Cantuarif n factam 
 a rficluatam ufi' cofDem Commi[fano0 mtgios app^obari $con- 
 firmari , mm in 3ccUicp?f fuUm Cautuaf p?c6 rccipi $ atjmltti, 
 ataiKlnreaUm, actuaUm ^t co^po^aUmpoficffiontmnicti 3ircl)i-- 
 £Diicoi3atii0CCantuar , juriumq.; $ pertintu fuo^u uniDecfonnn-- 
 nuci $ introni3aripcteni:i, tcquitcnti $ impetranfi, JDccretaqs 
 iiiiccunqunliacparinucfirariaf ouponuna fern $ luterponi pe= 
 tnitl^oDtinenfi, Juramentum infupcr tarn Be fiBflitate , fubjf- 
 ftione$ob£t)imtiatiicte^ftcm(rimc Bomine noUremeginf€li= 
 ^abetbc , l^crtDiluifqs 5 ^ucceffo^ibus fuis p?cflani5 $ cpbibenii , 
 feecnonne rcnuncianDo , recufanno ^cefutauno omnem $ omnu 
 moDamaiitl)o?itatemT potfQatEm , JurifDictiouem $ ^uperio* 
 ritatcm fo?inlfcas t eUtaneas feciuiiium tim, fo?mam t ffff= 
 ctum ^tatuto?um l)ujU0 inclvtimfgnUngliein l)acpartc rtiito= 
 rum^p20tiifo?iun, £tuam etiam aliutj£luoncunque ^acramfn= 
 turn licitum ^ lioiiEltum , ac tie jure , HtQihns $ i^tatiiti0 Imm 
 megui 3((nglte in liac parte qLiiomoDoUbet reqiUfif In animam me= 
 am ^ p?o me p?eftanti, fubemi^ $ jurani5 , Ct generaliter omnia 
 50nsulaalia facieni, ererceni3, erequenfi^erpenienfi , que in p?r= 
 miffa aut circa ea neceflaria fuecmt feu quomonilibet opponu- 
 na, etiamfi^auDatumtiefeerigant magis (peciale quam fupe= 
 riuseQ erp^effum, p^omittoque me ratum, gratum t fitmum 
 perpetuo l;abiturum, totum $ quicquitJ Dicti is?ocurato?e0 met 
 leu eonimaliquig fecerint feu fecerit in p^emitTis tel aliquo eo= 
 runnem, fub ppotbeca $ obliijatione omnium $ fingulo?um bo= 
 no^ummeonim tam p^efentium quam futurom, $in ra parte 
 Cautionem erpono per p?efente0 , 3!n €mm mei 'CeQimonium 
 *>igiiIumtienerabiliumtiirommBominonimBecani $ capitu= 
 li eccleCe 99etropoliiice cr^?iQi Cantuarien p?effntibu!5 afiigi 
 p?ocurat)i, €t 0oe Becanus $ capitulum antenicf at) Eoga= 
 turn t)icticonflituenti0^igiUum nofirum ljujufmotii p?efenti- 
 bu0appofuimu0. Baf ^eptlmo tiie fll^enCsBfcemb?i03innoBo= 
 mini, a^illefimo mutngeutefimo €>uinquagefimo i^ono, m= 
 gniquefeliciffimit)icte^eremffime Bomine nofire megine eU= 
 3abetlK3nno fecunt)o. 
 citario cor WiHuimiis £>uoni3am:©att)on$OTcUfnCpifcopu0 nunc €U 
 oppoL ' ■ ce(lrenClectu0 , 3Iol)anne0 ^co^vquontiam CiceQrefi epifcopu)?, 
 Ks, 6-c. nunc ekctus !^erefo?Deft, 0pilo Cotiertiale quontiom Cron epi» 
 fcomi0, $31otiannfs }3er)fo,2t)en Cpu0, median XLiteris Com= 
 mituonalibus paten HUuGnffime in Cb?iflo ^?incipi0 $ Bomi* 
 ne noQre , Bomine Cli^abetbe Bei gratia 3!tnglie , J'rancie f l^i^ 
 berniemeaineifitJctBefen6$c,una cum Ijac Claufula (bit!fli« 
 cet) una'cum Bomim0 Jobanne 'Cl)etfo,2tien ;^uffr^aneo, $ 
 3]obanne Bale j©ffo?enCpi[copo; 5t etiam Ijac Claufula , £iua» 
 tenu3 t)O0 aut at) minus €iuatuo? beflrum ? c. l^ecnon et l^ac at)- 
 jectiontfupDlente0mbilominu0 ^c. 0ob\s Birecri Ictime fulciti 
 um\3frfi0 ^ringulisDicte Bomine noflremegine fubt)iti0per uni- 
 t)errum3^nglie iiegnum ubtlibet conflitnti0, falutem.cum ba* 
 cantenuprr f'^Bt Hrcbiepifcopali Cantuaricn per mortem natura» 
 lemBominiEeginalBi pole Cart)inali0,t!iiltimi ^ imeDiati 3rcbi= 
 epifcoptejusBem , Becanus $ Capitulum i^ccUfie Catt)eB,2ali0 $
 
 (1029) 
 
 m ea parte petira ? obtima , celeb^aniS ccrtum Ccrminiin S 
 
 CermmoatiiMatuefamgnaf, rite p^oceneutes , benerabiiem 
 biriim i^agifirum.a^attljfiimi^arKerfafre Ctjeologie Sff^^ 
 ff^'^^i"/^?i^"l^^^^'^^,^'^^^^.^^ cratDe^^alis $ ^etropolitice cfei- 
 m cane 3rct)ip?eiulcm elegermt, CHinq; Dicta Wemffima 
 Bomma noflra megmaat)!)umilem?aetitionem nictoztim 5©eca= 
 nifCapituli, eiDemelectiont tie perfona p?efati eierti (iitDJc- 
 mittitur) facte $celeb;ate, f perfcucciecte, megium fuum an-- 
 mbueritaffenfum pariter f fato;em , p?out per ealDem jliteras 
 fua0^atmte0, magno ^igiUofuo 3inglie agillaf agnificabe= 
 rit, ^ant)an!Doqiiatenu0perfonameiectam, feiectionem!iu= 
 jufmoDi confirmare, $ eunDem fllpattlieum in aircbiepifconum 
 Cantucconfecrare, jurtafemam ^tatiiti in ea parte etiiti « 
 p^obifi Mimm cum omni celeritate accommota , p^out per eaf- 
 t)em?litera0 ^atmteg megia0 ( at) qiias Imbeatur relatio ) pleni- 
 110 liquet 9 apparet, i^os tero bolente0 ejuftienx ^ertniffime 
 5DominenoQrt Eegine ^annatig p?o ^fficij noflri Debito pa= 
 rere, ac intiujufmoBiConfirmationis^egotio jurta juri0$^ta= 
 tuto?um ftu jus inclpti me gni anglie eri^entiam p^ocetiere omne0 
 ^ Ongulo0 ( fi qui elTent ) €iui i oittra tiictam eicctionem feu fo2= 
 mam ejufbem > perfonamte Clectam, tiicere belapponerePolue= 
 rint, at)t)ifm locum $ effectjum fubfcriiitos ebocanfi $ citaiuj 
 fojetiecrebimusiufiitiaitipofcente, mobis igitur coujunctimf 
 DiPifim committimw , ^firmiter iniungeuco mant)amu0> ^ua= 
 tenu0 citeti0 ffu citari faciatisperemptone publice , altaque$ in= 
 telligibiliboceinfraceccleOam ^arocpialem beate aparie De 3r= 
 ct)ubii0 )Lonr)'3n CccUCe Cb^ifii Cantuarienfig 3Iurift)ictiom0 im= 
 meDiate , Becnon per affirionem p^efentium in aliquo loco con= 
 benientimfraCccUfiam^^arocljiaiemp^etiictam, bel iuaUi0 lo= 
 cis publicis > ubi bitiebitur erpeDien^ , omnes $ Ongulos DDpoa= 
 to2e0 (fi qui 0nt) in fpecie alioquin m genere, €lui contra hu 
 ctamc^lectionem, fo?mam ejufDem, perfonambe in \)iU mrte 
 Clectam tiicere, obiicere,erciperct)eloppouereboluerint, quoD 
 compareant cozam il^tobi^ in eaDem ccclefia De mt\)uhm Die 
 j^abbatip?cj:,futue (WDelicet) jlttonoDie p^efentia i5^enfi0Be= 
 cemb?i0, inter Ijo^as €>ctabam $ il^onam ante iaperiDiem ejuf^ 
 DemDiei, cum coutinuattone f p?o?ogatione Dierum er tunc fe= 
 queii , $ locojum d opo^teat contra Clectionem ^ujufmoDi , fo,2= 
 iiiam ejufDem, $ perfonam in ea parte electam ( U fua putabe= 
 rint intereffe) Dictuf, erceptuf f p?opoOtuf , factufq; ulterius $ 
 teceptucquoD JuOitia in bac parte fuaDebit, $Dicti|^egotij qua^ 
 litasatnatura oe fe engunt $ rcquirum , lintimantes infuper 
 moDof fo2map?crecitaeomttibu0? Ongulis oppofuo.ntius ( fiqui 
 ant ) in fpecie aiioquin in genere, €luibu0Bo0etiam Uarum fe= 
 rieficintimamus, muoDlibeipaficCitatiDictisDie, tjoc $ loco 
 cc:amBobiscomparuerint,$ contra Dictam Clcctiouem, fo,:-- 
 mam eiulDcm nerlonambein Dae parte clectam objicere , eccipe*: 
 rebel opponere curaberiut abe nou, 0o^ niliilomuuis in Dicto 
 
 il^tego^-
 
 (lo?o) ill 
 
 maoiio (jurtajungsj^tatuto^ummea parte ct)Uc!;ummgen= 
 t'iani ) p^ocfBtmus ^p^oceDcre inttunimus ipfonunfic Citatof, f i 
 non coniparmabuia mieCoiiiumacia in aliquo nou obtlan , €t * 
 iiuiDmp;cmiffisfeccnti0iFlO0Diftist)if Nis $ loco rcrtificetis, 
 ft u fie certifif ct ille tffirnm luu p?efcn0 noflrum ^annatum fue= 
 ritfvcinuitusp^outcecft, 3ln cuius mei tiDcflimomum ^iail- 
 turn ^jnicrabilt'm bitoninx Bomino^um Becani $ capituli cc= 
 fkfifCatl)eti?ali0f a?etropoUticeCl);ifli Cantuar (quoiu pnte 
 \)acatioue utuntur ) p^efcntiluisaffigi rogatjimug , Jsaf ^HouDini 
 fcrtotile S©enfi0 5Decemb?i0 , 3Iiunoj©omini ^illefimo ^uingeu* 
 tffimo quiuquagcfimo nono. 
 
 Nir o nif ^cnfi0 5Deccmb?i03tmioBomini ^^illeCmo, quin- 
 quagffimo tiono , in ccclefia ^arocbiali 25fate ^arie te 3rclju= 
 bu0 HonDon (^ccUfie Cb^ifli Cantuar HurifDictionis immeuiate, 
 co;araCommi(rarti0mcgij3 rctronommati0, comparuit pcrfo= 
 nalitet iEl)oma0 umiM 0omm publicus S0ant)ata^iu0 in bac 
 parte legitime Beputatus, $ certificablt fe fcptimo Die a^enfis 5©e= 
 rembnsiamcurcentis, erecutum fuitfe p;efen0 ^^annatumiit 
 Ccclefia ^arocbiali i)e3rcbubu0p?eiJ jurtafo^mam iuferiu0 ne* 
 Prima Sere- ^^^^V^ fuper quibu0fecit fiDem. 
 
 duia icdta I M Dm Nomine Amen 1^00 MiiUielmu0 quoutiam ©atbon $ 
 con.oppo- ^elltnCpifcqpU0, nunc (iElectU0 Ciceflren, Jot)anne0 ^co?p 
 litorcs. quontiam Ciceuren Cpifcopug , nunc i^erefo^tien Clectu0 , £i^U 
 loCoterDale auonDam Cpon Cpifcopu0 , a Jobannes iSetjfo^Defi 
 €pifcopu0 , ^treniffime in Cb?iflo ^,2incipi0 $ Bomine nofire, 
 ?^medi^abetbe©eigratia3(inglie, francie^i^ibernieiaegine fi= 
 t)£i Befcns $c. metiian)!Literi0 rui0iaegi)0 Commi(rionalibu0 ^^a- 
 ten aDinfrafrripta Commilfarij cum tiac Claufula ( biuelicet ) 
 iinna cumBominisjlobanne'Cbetfo^Beii ^uffraganeo, $ 3Ioban= 
 ne ©ale £>(rercn Cpifcopo , ? etiam bac Claufula quatenu0 bo0 , 
 autatiminu0quatuort)eflrum fc. 0ecnon $ bac anjectione fup= 
 plentes nibilominu0 $c. fpecialiter $ legitime 5©eputati in i^ego- 
 tioConfirmationi0Clectioni0Beperfona l)enerabili0 $ e)cimijt)i= 
 ri 0^agi(lri ^attbei^arfeer ^acre 'Cbeologie^?ofe(fo?i0 in M= 
 cbiepitcopumCantuaricn €lecti , facte et celebrate rite et legiti= 
 me p,2oceDente0 omnes et fingulog oppofito?e0 , qui contra nictam 
 Clectionemfo^mam ejufuem aut perfonam electam nicere , txtU 
 pere tiel opponere boluerint, an comparen6 co?am Bobi0 ifti0 Die 
 bo?i0 et loco (fi fua putaberint interelTe ) contra nictam electio- 
 nem fo?mam e jufnem aut perfonam electam in ncbita |uri0 fo;= 
 manictuc , erceptutet p?opofituf Itimc et peremptorie Citato0 
 fepiU0 , publice p?econi^atO0 t)iuq; et fufficienter ei:pectato0 et 
 nuUomoi3ocomparente0at) petitionem p?ocuratori0 et Becani 
 et Capituli Cant. p;ommciamu0Contumace0 ac ipfi0 et eozum 
 cuilibet in penam Contumaciarum fuarum bujufmoni biam 
 ulteriu0 opponenDi contra nictam Clectionem,fo?mam eiufnem 
 aut pc?fonam 0c electam bmoi p?eclunimu0 <in bi]0 ^criptis 
 ac etiam necerniinu0 an nlterio^a in nicto Confirmationi0 Jie= 
 gocio p^ocenenS fore jurta |uri0 et ^tatutorum buju0 megni 
 3ingli0^ erigentiam ipio^um Contumar in aliquo non obftafi. 
 In Dei Nomine Amen. Co2am tobi0 ilieberenni© in Cbriflo 
 
 ^a» 
 
 vummaria
 
 i^atribue $iDomiui0,53Dminis 2StiilIielmonuper©at|30nf rtitl= 
 UnCpifcopo, mincClfctoCicearfn, Jol^anuc ^co;p quoiitam 
 Cicrurmepifcopo, mincClcctol^ereto?l3fn, la^ilone Coberuale 
 quoiipam Cron epifcopo , t Jolianne i3ctifo,2t)fn epifropo , ^i= 
 rmiUimcin Cli?irto^?incipi0tBominenoflre, 5Domine ca3abr= 
 tbfBd gratia ainglic, :ffrancie $ l^ibernie llegine f iDei ^r feng. 
 f c. mctian literis fuis mcgijs Commiffionalibus ^atefi at)in= 
 frafcripta Commiirarijscum \)u claufula (tintlicet) una cum 
 isominis Jotianiie CljEtfo^Ben ;^uffraganeo , $ Jotiatine Bale 
 €)Uo;fn Cpifcopo, f ctiam Ijac Claufula , quatenus "cos autao 
 minus quatuo,2tcftrumfc. iFtccnon$bac aDjectione, fupplentes 
 niliilominusfc.fpecialiter $ legitime JDeputaf , pars t)entrabili= 
 umbironimBecani^Capituli CccUCe CattieC^alis $ Si?etropo= 
 liticeCb?iQi crantuarienfis nicit, aUegat,$ inbijs fcriptisatjocm 
 juris cffcctum erinne fcqui balentem per \)iam ^ummarie^eti= 
 tionisin jurep^oponit articulatimp^outfequitun 
 
 imp-ims (bimlicet) €iuot) ^eties ^rcpiepifcopalis Ccclffie 
 CatbeD?ali0 $ apetropoUtice Ct)?ifli cantuarienfis p^enicte , per 
 obitum bone memo?ie 5Domini meginalDi Cartiinalis ^oU nun= 
 cupati ultimiaircbiepifcopiCantuarienOsnuper tacare cepit, $ 
 aliquanniu bacatit , }Baflo?ifque folatio caruit, i^oca;fintfeft 
 \)erum, publicum, noto^ium, manifeflum , pariter $famofum $ 
 ponit conjunctim, tibifim ac De quolibet. 
 
 lrer,u €iuot) Dicta ^ene 3irct)tepifcopaU cantuat (utp?emit= 
 
 titur)t!ut)um tacan, ac co?po?e ticti Bomini meginalDi ^ole 
 Cccle0aflice tranito fepulture , Becauus $ capitiuum ecclefie 
 Catl)et):ali0 $ a^etropolitice antetJicte capitulariter congregaf % 
 CapituUim facientes , jdicentia megia p2imitus at) iu petita $ ob= 
 tenta, certumniemac Domum fuam Capitularem cantuarien 
 ancglectionemfuturi Ktrcbiepifcopi Cantuarien celeb2an$ unam= 
 miter $ conco?Diter p^earerunt , ac omnes f Cngulos ejuluem 
 Cccle0eCanomcos$}&?ebent)arios3us, boces am interelle in ea= 
 tem eiectione babentes, \m\ babere pjetennentes au niem $lociim 
 p?ei5 in bujurmonieiectionis/Hifgotio p;occffuf , $ p^oceci liiliif 
 legitime $ perempto?ie citari fecerunt , bocque tmt $ eU berum 
 publicum $c. ct ponit utfup^a. 
 
 \un\ £luoD p?efati ©ecanus t capif ulum tie $ loco p^jearis 
 ( bitielicet ) p?imo Die a^enfie Hiugufn ultimo p2eteri0 capltulari= 
 ter conaresati, ^plenum capitulum facientes, ferPatis p?imi-- 
 tusnereosDeiure $Dicte ccclefie confuetuDine ferbauDis imani= 
 miter f conco?Diter, nuUo eo?i»iTi contraDicentc aDClectionem 
 fiuuri 3(lrcbiepifcopi Ccclefie memo^ate per biam feu fo?mam 
 comri2omi[rip20ceDen6 fo?e Decreberunt > iUamque biam feufo^ 
 mam unanimiterafTumpferunt $ elegerunt, liecnon inbeitera-- 
 bilem birum ^^agiflrum iHiicbolaum tmotton , utruifquc Juris 
 S 02em Dicte ci:ccle0e CatbeD?alis % fa^etropoUtice Cb2iftiaauf 
 Secanum, fubcertisini^^ocelTu ejufDem Clectioms ejp2e{ratis 
 •Heaibus $ CouDitionibus comp2omifcrunt, p?omuten fe ilium 
 accematur in eo2um f Dicte CccUae 3ircbiepifcopum , mueni pi= 
 ctus comp?omilfariii0 fub liegibus f CouDitionibus p.kdic is
 
 CI030 
 
 mxttit diQCwtt $ p;obitieni5, et ponit \it fup?a. 
 
 I rem, £iuoD Dictus comp;omiQariU)3^nii0Comp;omiui !)u^ 
 iiifmoDnn fearceptans, matura Deliberationc aput) ft Ijabita, 
 totum fiium ill ijeiierabilem itenmiuml)irum9^agifltum<a^at- 
 mmi packer , ^acretirljeologie ^^ofcffo^em nirent , Jpfum- 
 quein3ircl)icpifcopum$ ?aa(lo?cmecclcaeCat]bct)?ali5 t ^etto= 
 politicc crb^im canf p^rtiicte , juna f fecmiBum potefiatem fibi 
 m ea parte concelTam, $ Comp^omiffionem p?eDictam elegit , $ 
 ccclefiememo?ate ne eoncm p?o\3iriebit, m ponit ut fup?a. 
 
 Item, ^uoD omne0 $ 0uguli Dicte Ccclefie Canonici $ ^.2C- 
 bentjarij in Bomo Capitulari p?ei$ tunc p^efentes plenum capi= 
 tulum conflituentes , eiectionem per eunDem ^agiflrum m= 
 fbolaum ^iciotton comp^omilTarium antenictum (utp^emitti= 
 tur) factam acceptarunt$app;obarunt,acraf $graf babueruut 
 paritcr t acr eptaf , ct ponit ut fup?a. 
 
 Fcem, :©uotJ Clectio bujufmoDi $ perfoua electa Die p?enotal 
 in ecclefia a^etropolitica Cb?ifliCantuat p?ei5, co?am€lero$ 
 l^opulo tunc in multitunine copiofa ibiDem congregae , nebite 
 publica0$r)eclara0 fuerunt,et ponit ut fup?a. 
 
 Ircm, £luorjtiictus meberent)itrimu0Bominu0C5lectU0bujuf= 
 motiiClectioniDefetperfonafua (utp^rmittitur) facte $ cele= 
 b;ateaiDbumilemi&etitionem eo^unDem Becani f Capituli con= 
 fentijt , l)ebiti0 , loco $ tempore requifitU0 , ac confenfum $ af= 
 fenfum fuo0 einem p^zebuit in fcripti0 pereum lecti0, €t ponit nt 
 fup?a. 
 
 irem, :©uotJ p?efatU0 iSipas ^attt)eu5 parser , fuit$ cfl t)ir 
 
 p;o\3ir)U0 $ tiicfrctU0 , Xiterarum ^acrarum eminente fcientia , 
 ^ita 9 mo?ibu0 merito commennatug , liber fDelegitimo5r^atri= 
 monio p?ocreatu0, atquc in etatelcgitima, $ in outline ^acertJO= 
 taliconflituf, |iecnon©eo "otWm $ CccleOe mcmojate appn= 
 me neceirariu0 , acDicteBomine noClre ilegine, megnoque fuo $ 
 laeipublice fitieli©^ utili0,€t ponit utfupza* 
 
 Item ^uonp^cfatiBecanus et capitulum bujufmotii CUcti* 
 one m et perfonam eie ctam p^efatc ^e rcniffime Bomine noflre 
 megine per)a.itera0 fua0 patente0fi3;illo co;um communi ftCa= 
 pitulari robo?ata0 p?o oftici j fui Debito jurta ^tatutum bujus 
 jRegni 3nglie Cgnificarunt $ intimarunt,€t ponit nt fup?a. 
 
 Item. €tuot) p^efcutaf p?o parte Becani at capituli anteBicf 
 eitiem megie fublimitati ^B^oceffu €lectioni0 buiufmotJi , eaDem 
 benignilTtma Bomina noflra ilegina ^;o fua dementia iieaia 
 bujufmoDi Clectioni tie perfona p?efati benerabiU0 biri 3S9agri 
 ^attbeil^arfeer (ut p?emittitur) facte $ celebrate, confenfum $ 
 affenfum fuo0 megio0 gratiofeatbibuit^aDbibet , iUamqne gra= 
 tambabet,l^Dcqi fuit $ efl$c. ctponitut fup^a. 
 
 frrm. £tuoD Dicta ^ereniffimaBominanoOra Eegina bobif 
 meberenr)is|aatribu0antet)icti0t!e alTenfu $ confenfu fui0 iafgi= 
 j0l)U)ufmoDieiectioniCnt p^emittitur) at)bibiti0 per)litira0fu= 
 as l^at£ntfs\}obi0infcrii]e^ Direce.nonfolumfignificabit, berum 
 etiam earunDem jiiterarum fuarum paten ferie tobi0 roganno 
 
 man=
 
 • mannabit , quatcnus bog cierfioncm mWtm f euntiem cEh- 
 
 e'ponMp'a'""' ^^^"^^'"»^^^"^"^"^om KsSffle! 
 \ rem, ^uoD piemiOa omnia f Cngula fuerunt , ^ funt bera 
 publica, noto?ia, manifcOa pavifer (jfamofa, atque tie tt funcc 
 ft(^emlabo?arunt, etmp?efenti labo^ant pufcca bor et fama 
 iinne facta fitjeue jure m ^ac parte requifta, aDquamfaS 
 offert fe pars tiictonim ©ecani $Capituli p^ompr$ paraf mo To 
 CO $ tempore conarui0$oppo?tum0, petit eaoem par0p'efatam 
 Clectionemf perfqnam eicctamconfirmana fo?e SecernU cum 
 effectu confirman jurta 3un0 $ ^tatuto^um mw mmim- 
 gUecpsemiam, ^ecnon $ jiiterarum liegiarum commifflo- 
 naluim patentmm p?fi5 mobis in tiac parte nirece ferie m cu- 
 
 2mq;liegim£n$3jminifirationem3ircl)icpatU0CantuafeiSm 
 eiectocommitti, Ipfumqj in rralcm, actualem $ co^aojalem 
 poireffionem tiicti 3trtl)ifpi[ccratii0 caniuat Immrvtm 
 Ijononmt, Dignitatum, p^eeminen $ pertincn fuonim uniS- 
 ?um intJUceuD $ mtroni5ana fo^e necerni, uUeriufque fieri t fla' 
 tm in p?emiffi0at) ea concerned, quibufcunque aim inns fue- 
 nt $ rationi0, fnppltnno Defectns quofcunque in tiac narte in- 
 terbenien jurtafaciiltatembobi0conceEram,mue p^oponitf fieri ' 
 petit par0 ifla p?opDnen0 coniunctim $ nibifim non arctana fe an 
 omnia gt nngulap;emiirap?obani5,nec aD ona0 fuperfluep2obati- 
 oni0 nt quo p?oteftatur , feD qnatenu0 p?obaberit in pjemiffi* 
 eatfnu0 obtineatin petitis 31iiri0:©eneficio f tiicteBomine noQre 
 megine gratia fpeciali in omnibus , 3In omnibu0 femucrfaltis 
 bcurum ^fficium Bomini lutJiceg auteoicf bumiliter imnlo^ 
 rand. 
 
 Excellercifiimae., ^frentffimef inbictiffime in C^jiflo^iin' i'-^^'ttus 
 cipi f 5Domine noflre^ominc (fU^ibetlje Bei gratia 3(inglie,jfran= ^''<=^"^"''- 
 tie $i^ibernie Eeginef iDei Befeni $f. befiri bumile0 $Deboti irub= 
 tiiti 0icl)olau0 ^motton utriufque 3Iuri0 Bocto; , 5aecanu0 (0c= 
 clefie Catbet)?ali0 ? ^etropoUtice Cb^iQi cantuarien , $ ejufDem 
 ecclefie Capitulum omnimot)a0 obenieft, fiuem f rubjectionem, 
 gratiam pcrpetuam $ felicitatem in co, per quern Iie5e0 regnant , 
 t ^?incipc0 Domtnantur, 313 toeflre ^ereniflime ilegie 09ajeftatis 
 liotitiam i)enucimu0 $ i)et)ucibolumu0 per p?efente0 , iauoD ba= 
 cantenuper^cue 3((rcl)iemfcopali Cantuarieft pzea per obitum 
 bone memo?ie i^ebcrenDifTimi inCbnfls ^atri0 $ J^omiui, Bo- 
 muiimeginaltiiiaolecart)inali0 , ultimi f immeoiati ^ircbiepze- 
 fuli0$pa(!o^i0e3iift!em, fiO0Becanu0 $ Capitulum antecicf. 
 babita p?iu0liic£ntiat3£llre Ctccllentiffime la^ajeflatis, ue eaDem 
 Cccleaacatbet)?ali0f iHpetropolitica perfuam Diutmambacatio= 
 nem gratia pateretiirjncommotia ati eiectionem futuri 3rcbi«^' 
 epifcop! $#a(ton0ejuU!emp?oceiDere bolente0, ^licefimo feciin= 
 Do Die ^'3aifi031ulij ultimi pjeterie , in Bamo noaracapitulari 
 CccUne'mcmo.mte capitulariter congregati, ft Capitulum ihU 
 
 htm
 
 Ofiu fafifutes Diem Si^arti0 ( UMutt ) p;inuun Wm pritt0 
 !3l9cn0s 3ltugufli > ac Ijof nonam gt tifcimam ante mfriDicm f juf= 
 ttm liici , ac JDomum Capitularfm p?ti5 cum Contimiacoc f 
 id2o?ciaatiomr)ifrtU liofcr tunc fcqufn ^ loco;jum ( fi opoHfat) 
 nua parte facifuii, ^obifnutipis tunc ibit!fmpneibu0, ■(jalij0 
 nufrfmcfccUficCanomcigf ?^Kbfntiarii0abfcntibu0ju0, bocr0 
 aut intcrcfTe in CUctione futun 3trcbifpircopi €ccU0e memo;ate 
 babfntibu0 , fcul)aberep?£tfnr)tntibu0 aticeUctionfm futurism- 
 cbifpifcopif ^a(lo?i0 p?rfatr€ccU0f f Bit)ina fatentc Clfmen= 
 tia) cfUb;anap?o termino$lococompctcn p?cfinmu0 $ affigna- 
 bimu0, 3tjquo0 quinem Diem, l)of$5BomumCapitularem an= 
 tcBicf omnc0 $ fina:ulo0 Canonico0.p?et)icte eccUfie ju0, t3oce0 
 aut interclTe in t;n jrumoDl eiectione $ Clr ctioni0 Bcgotio Wotiu 
 tr0in Ipccie, cfterofciuc'omnf0 alio0$ 0ngulo0 (fiqui elTcnt) 
 qui tie jure feu confuetuDine in l;ac parte ju0 $ intereffe t)abere 
 p?etent)erent in genere , an p?oceDen6 f p^ocetii tinenti nobifcum 
 in eoCf m (iglectioni0 iBtegotio , ac in omnibu0 $ anguli0 MU uf= 
 que at) finalcm e):petiitionem ejuftem jurta mo;em antiquum $ 
 lauDabilem confuetuDinemCccleCe p?et)icte in!;ac parte abanti= 
 quoufitaf, $ inconcuffe obferbae legitima $ perempto?ie citan^ 
 tio0, f e\3ocantio0, $ monentJO0fo?etiecret)imu0, $ in ea parte )Li= 
 tera0Citato?ia0 fieri in fo?ma efficaci balitia $ affueta fecimu0, 
 Bfcnonpoteflatem ^^annatum tiilecto |^obi0 in Cb<?iflo, 0u 
 cbolao ^impfon in ea parte commiOmiis cum intimatione, 
 £iuotiaueipafic citatiinl)ujufmoniClectioni0Begotiot)ie, ^of 
 f loco p?ei3i0 comparuerint , 0te non, iBto0 nil)ilominu0 in eo= 
 t)em i-iegotio mocet)eremu0, ? p^ocetiere intent)etemu0, ipfonim 
 Citatonim abfentia 0be Contumacia in aliquo tion obHante, £luo 
 quitiem ( biBelicet ) p;imo tiie a^enOs 3[tugufti atiteniente inter 
 bo?a0 pnus a(fignata0 , 000 Becanu0 ^ iCapitulum antenic6 
 (Campanaat) Capitulum celeb^anti p?imitu0 pulfata) 5©omum 
 Capitularcmeccle0e Catbet)?ali0 p^euicte ingrcffi , ^capitulum . 
 ibitiem ceUb?ante0 in Bilecti 0obi$ in Cb^ifto, 31obanni0 Jncent 
 Botarij^Bubliciac 'Ceflium infenu0 nominatomm pn0ij0 , yiU 
 centiam teflre S>ereniflime megie ^^ajeflae fup^atiicf, l^ecnon 
 5iitera0Citato;ia0t)equibu0fup?a fit mentio, ima cum certifi= 
 catoiio fuper Crecutione earuntem per l^icbolaum ^impfon 
 ^antjatoMumnoflrum antebictum co?amiFtobi0 tunc et ibitiem 
 intromicta0 et ej:t)ibita0 publice pcrlegt fecimu0, ^uarumqui= 
 tem )iicentie)literarumCitato?iarumet Certificato?ij 'Ceno;e0 
 tje tierboaD\)erbum fequnntur, et funt tale0. 
 
 P'i7;?berh Bei gratia^tuglie, jfrancie i^lbernie llegine jfitiei 
 Befetisetc. j©ilecti0 i^obi0in Cl)?ifto Becano et Capitulo(eccle= 
 OeiglpetropoUtice Cantuaf , falutem. Cp parte ^eeflra Siobi0 efl bu= 
 miiiterlupplicatum, ut cum <f cclefiap^etiicta per monemnatu= 
 raUm met3errent)iffimi in Cb?ifto patri0et i©omini 5Dommi iiie= 
 ginaltji'^ole, Cart)inali0ultimi3rc9iepieju0t)em jam bacatet 
 pa(lo2i0 fit folatio tefiituta alium \3obi0 eligeniS in 3(trcbiepifco= 
 pum et paCio^em 3Licentiam noftramfuntiafriam bobi0concet)ere 
 tjijnaremur , ^O0iD2ecibu0y)eftn0inbac parte fabo^abiliter in= 
 clinati, 5licentiamiUamfiobi0t)U]cimn0concet)eni5, mogante0 
 
 . ^UOt)
 
 ^uoDtaUm bobis eligatis in 3irrt)icpifcopum$ida(to?em, qui 
 mo netotii? , i^obifquc ^ Ecgno noQro utilisf fiDelis enQat.lln 
 Cujas 5^£i 'Cefiimonium ba0 'liferaj noflras fieri fecimiis m- 
 ttnm , -celte meipfa apiiD ^efimBecimo octaboDie Iulij,3n= 
 nomegmnoQnpnmo, Nichoiaus Worron utnufq; |uri05Do= 
 
 cto? > 5©ecanuseccleQecat|)ttJ?ali0$SlpetropoliticeCli;im Cane 
 f ejuimm ecclcOe Capitultim, Mecto liobis in CbnC[oBict)o= 
 lao^impfon Clerico , ^alm , cum ^etie0 3(iccbiepaliscantu= 
 acp:ei5 pcrobitum lleterenDiffimi in €\)Mo^um $ Jaomini, 
 5Domim meginalDi pole Cartiinali0 ultimi 3irc^icpifcopi cjufnem 
 jam bacat , $ 3ercl;tp?tfuli0 fitoe i&a(}o?i0 ^olatio Deflituta eici= 
 uit, iiiosBecami0f Capitulump?et)ic0 in ©omo capitulanec= 
 cleQe antcnictc Die fubfcrip0 , atq; aD effectum infrafcriptum , 
 ( Jlicentia me$ia p?imitU0 Ijabita f obtenta) Capitulariter con= 
 gregati f capitulumfacien, ne^rcbiepifcopatusa^cDirf fueba= 
 cationi0t)iutui0tieplo?ai:et mcommoDa, nobifmetipOs p?otunc 
 p?efentibu0 ac omnibu0 alij0Canonici0 ejuftiem eccleCe tunc ab= 
 fentibu0 , iU0 ftoce0 in Clectionefuturl3(rcbiepifcopiejufDem 
 €ccleCebabentibu0r)iem^arti0 (binelicet) pzimum tiiemp^o):: 
 fequente SiaenCs 3ugu(!i, ac Ijofi^onam $ Becimam ante me= 
 rinifin ejuinemBieif Bomum Capitularemp?e$ cumcontinua= 
 tione $ p?o?ogationcmerumf ^o?arum ej: tunc feouen ( fi opo;- 
 ttat ) in ea parte ficnua , an electionem futuri :$rcniepifcopi p;e= 
 fate(SccleGe(Beota'Dente) ccleb?an6p?otermino$ loco compe= 
 ten p,2cfitimu0f a(rigna\3imu0, i^ecnonaD iDiem, bott locum 
 vnt omne0 f fingulO0ipnu0Ccclcfie Catl)et)?ali0 $ ^etropoliti- 
 ce c'o^Qi Cantuaf , Canonico0 $ p.2ebcnt)ario0 tarn p2efettte0 
 quam abfentf0 jus $ boces in buiuimoDi €lectione $ Clcctionis 
 B^gotio babentes at)facien6 , erercend f erpcDixnfi omnia $ fin= 
 gula que circa electionem bujufmoDi in ea parte neceffaria fue= 
 rint, feu De jure autconfuetuDine €ccle0ep;et)icte, telbujusin* 
 clpti Eegni 3tnglie ^tatu0 quolibet requifita ufque at) finalem 
 ejufnem ^.egotij CrptDitionem incluObe per citationem^literas 
 0be ^cbeDulag in ^taUi0 ^^ebennarum fuarum jurta modern 
 p^eteriti tempo,2i0 , ac ^tatuta ^ launabiles confuetuDines €c= 
 clcfie pzeDicte , bactenu0 ab antiquoin ea parte uCtaf f obfertaf 
 affigentitibinem iDimitteniS, perempto?ie citant)O0 f monennos 
 fo?e Decrebimu0 31uftitia meDiante. Cibi igitur comittimu0$ 
 mantiamns tcno^epntium quafus cifc0 feu citari facias perem= 
 pto?ieomne0 $ Cngulos n^efate ecclefie Catben?ali0 $ a^etropo^ 
 litice Cb?ifti €mt, Carionico0^2ebennato0in ^tallis eonim in 
 Cbo?o ejufDem Ccclefle Citation :titeris $ ^cbciDulifl m ipfis 
 ^talli0publice affiri0$ibiDemt)imi(li0, £>UO0 Ittos etiam teno= 
 re pierentium Oc Citamu0 quon compareant , 15? eomm quilibtt 
 com.pareat, co2am|^obi0 p^enicto p?imo me SspenCs ^ugufti in 
 ;©omo Capitulari p?etiicta, f inter bo?a0 ^onam qcBcciraam an= 
 temcriniem ejufUemiDiei, cum continuatione et p20?ogaticne 
 Dierumctbomrumertuncfequentium (0 opozteat) inea parte 
 mnt in p?£fae CUctionis Bcgotio , et in anguli0 3ctis ejuf- 
 DemufoueaDfinalemnicti Begotij erpcnitionem incluObe-fi- 
 en^ legitime pjocelTuf $ p?ocet)i bifuc, ceteraque omnia qtfin^- 
 
 fe gula 

 
 flPlaaliafactur, fubituc ^ auBituf que Inifufmotii eifftionig 
 .^faotiinatura $ qualitas oe fe cngimt $ re quirunt , Intiman^ 
 SnMominuc Cttatis p;ct)icti0 omnibus ^ Cugiil-15 Uarum rer if , 
 nuoS m jurtaefftctum cEitatioms Dmoi nit , Iwis $lofo 
 mtunis nobiuum comparucrint a\3e non , 0ob tameu elfcem 
 Sif lior$Iocomt)icec5lcctioni3iaegotio ufque atifinalnnerpcDi- 
 t^^ontmeiu(t)cminclua^tp?ocfDemu0, p^outpejuret coniuetu* 
 t)inefucritp20cet)eni5, conimficcitato?umabfentij0 mt€ontn= 
 macijgtnaliquononobQaft, et quitJ in p^emiffig UzmtisBos 
 tiirti0 Die, t)oc $ loco Dtbite certificare cures una cump;efentibu5. 
 Baf in IDomo noflra Capitulari tjictamo fecunoo Die Q^tnUs 
 Hulii , 3(inno ©omini ^Ulefimo £Iiuingfntefimo :^uinquagea= 
 mo nono. Vcncrabjlibiis f epmijs 'o\m Sl^agiQris Bicljolao 
 tidotton, utriufque Juris Boctoji jsecano CrclefieCattoalis 
 f ^ctropolitice ct)?iUi Cantuarien $ cjufnem cgccleficcapirulo , 
 teQtr bumilis f ncbotus Bicl^olaus §)impfon Clrricus belier an 
 infrafcriptaiapanDatariusrite qt legitime Btputatus, omnimo= 
 nasme^jcreft $ obenien cumobfequij erbibitione tanc biris tebie , 
 !3l9anr)atumt)C(lrummeberent)ump?erentibusannei:: bicefimo fe^ 
 cunDoDit^mfisHulij ultimi p?eteriti bumilc recepi e):equeuD,cu= 
 jujjautbo^itate ^ t)igo?e nicto ticeOmo f ecunDo me3Julij :per affiri= 
 onemDictibeQri ^ani5atiinfe>talIo t)eQnp?efatiJDomini JDecani 
 infra Cbo?umf]uli5 Cccle0e Catber);alis $^^Etropolitice, atquc 
 per aflirionem Citationum ^cljcDularum in fiiigulis ^tallis 
 Canoniconim$^?ebent)ario?umDicte ecclefie jufta bim, fo2= 
 mamgteffectum si^antiatiteflricitatonj bujufmoDi publiceaffi= 
 rarum $ ibitiem nimiffarum, onmes $ fingulois Canonicos p;t= 
 bentiasin nictacCcclefia obtinentfs, in dSlectione futuri ^Jrcbie^ 
 pifcopiejufnemecclenelus, bocts^inttreffebabentes, autba= 
 bertp^etenDtntesperempto^ieCitarifeci, £iuoD compareat(jeo« 
 rum quilibet comparertt co?am bobis Die bot $ loco in jJiaanrjato 
 tfftro UEberenno p?et)icto fpecificae , una cum continuatione 5 
 p?o?ogationet)ierumfbo?arum (Oopo^teat) ertunc fequeftbo* 
 bifcum tunc $ ibitiem inbmoi electione «t eiectionis 0tQotio jux* 
 ta juris erigentiam, ^Dicteccclefie CatbetJ^alis ConfuftuUines 
 p?oceirur , ? p^oceni tjifuc , ufq^ at) finalem eppcDitionem ejufif m 
 inclufibe , ulteriufqsfacturin ea parte , quotJteno? $ effectustii* 
 cti teflri ^antiati tie fe erigunt $ requirunt , JIntimantio infupct 
 ^intimari feci eifuem fie citatis, ^uotiQbe ipfitiictis Die bojis (? 
 loco bobifcum comparuerint fibenouv tos nibilominus eifDem 
 Die bo?is f loco cum continuatione $ p^o^ogatione Dieru $ bo^aru 
 bmoi ti tunc fequcfi, jurta juris erigentiam $ p^eteriti tmvom 
 obfcr\)antiaminbm6i€lectionis i^egotio p:oceDere intenDieiiv 
 fo2um Citato2iim contumacia abfentiaque fibe negligentia in € 
 liquonon obflan, Ct fie Q^anDatumbettrump^eDictum in fo2ma 
 mibi DemanDataDebite erequi feci? caufabi , ii^omina bero f ro-- 
 gnomina p;eDict02um Canonico^um ( ut p?emittitur ) Citato^ 
 ruininferiusDefcribuntur, 31n Cuius mei ^eflimonium, i^i.- 
 giUum tenerabilis biri ^fficialis IDomini 3ircbiDiaconi Cau0 
 pnfibns apponi p,20curabi, et iittos oSicialis anteDictus aD fpia= 
 lemrogatumDicti Certifican^^igiUum nollrum bujufmoDi mf=
 
 ifaer, ^Br Micro miruAnU mf!n^^^^ 
 
 pemiD, si^r3o5C023utlcr , Qinbiis omnite $ Cnguli0 U2S= 
 fi0ficsfQi0$ej:pemti0, omnibufque ^ Cngultg meu errlffir r^ 
 
 em Ijor$ locum cuatt0 aD fo?a0 m 5i>omu0SK^^ 
 P?£coni3atj0jomparmtibu0 perfonaliter u 1^^^^^^^ 
 
 cr anOi cantuac canonic $^?ebmDariJ0 Bol SSfcl 
 mtulumantetJicefic capuularitcr congreskprniominatumS 
 Eanncm ^nccnx ^otarium publicum in ^^(ctoSmS^^^^^^ 
 
 ctiom0p;eDiceaffppamu0,^ccnon9pagiarum3ofiemSe?^^^ 
 Clmcum, $(i5ilbertuml^it)e<i5m in^mtmmnS 
 
 ^cgotDf agenno^umm coricmperfonaUtfr tunc mtknttsdmi' 
 mu0 , ^ eo0 rogabtmu0nobifcum ibiDem remanerr, €tmtms 
 ^icl)olau0zni3ottonBecanu0antftiicrDe confmfu iicto/umn- 
 noniconmi f ia?ebent)ario;um p^ed tunc pnf iumin bmoi I f rtin^ 
 m0il^esotiop?oceDcnte0omne0f fingulo0 alio0Canonico0 ^mit 
 htnnmoQ at) coftiem Diem , ^oc t locum Cltatoa publice alia hn- 
 re, utfup^a p;ecom3ato0 niu fi:pecfatO0 , ? nullo mono comna- 
 rentej p,2onunciatimu0.Conmmace0 , t in penam Contumaciam 
 rum fuarum bujufmoni atiulterio^aintiicto Clectioni0 aeaotiti 
 p?ocet}eni5 f o?e t)ecrebimu0 , eo^um abfentia 0te contumacia m a= 
 liquo nonobffantein fcnpti0per nogfub Ijmoi \)erbonim tenon 
 
 ieC0* In Dei Nomine Amen, i^O0 ^ic!)OlaU0^OttOn Uttiufque 
 
 31uri0 5BOcto? , 3©ecanu0 ecclefie Cat^et);aU0 $ a^etropoUtice 
 Cb;?iiJiCantuarient)e unanim affenfu f confcnfu capituii ejuf= 
 t)emCcclefieomne0ffingulo0Canonico0 $ pnbent)ano0 Ccclc= 
 fie memo^ate at) ^00 Diem $ locum ao p^orfnend in i^cgotto Cle« 
 ctionis f uturi 3irc^iepifcopi $ ^a«o,2i0 CccI efie Catl)eB?ali0 mm= 
 ctt juaamo?emp?etenti tempo;i0 in eanem Ccclefia uOtaf $ob= 
 femf, ltime$perempto?iecitatO0 publice p;econi^atO0t)iu (bi- 
 telicet) inl?oeiocum$ tempn0 rite affignaf ej:pectato0, f nullo 
 mot)ocomparcnte0p?onunciamu0contumacr0, etin penam con* 
 tumaciarum fuarum l)ujufmot)iet eonim rujuliibet t)ecernimu0 
 iu$ etpoteflatemp^occBend in ^ujufmotii (aectioni0 l^egotioau 
 alio0Canonico0compaicnte0, fpectare et pminere, etaDulte* 
 rio?a in eoDem elections l^egotio p?ocet)cnd fo^e, ipfo^um Cita- 
 tonimetnoncomparcntium abfentia fibe contumacia inaliquo 
 non obftante, Hns expediri.s, |^o0|^ict)olau0 seiottonBecanus 
 antctJictu0t)econfimilibu6 confenfu, alTenfuet boluntate eomn= 
 tjem canonico?nm et^^ebentiarionim tunc p^elcntiumquaftiam 
 ^onitionemet^^oteflatiomm in fcripti00mulrcDaceet concept 
 fecimus et puUice Ugebamu0jtunc et ibioem fub buiufmoDi ut U- 
 
 anitiix:
 
 fluitur \3Cibo?um itm;t in Dei nomine .\mcn ii^o0 il^icljolaus 
 
 S ccci mm cantiiarimtice nottra , acbice $ nomine onnu-- 
 iim f anaulouuu canonico^um f Confratrum noQro;um Inc 
 in mircfnuiummonemusomnea ^ angulosfufpcnfos, frcom= 
 mi nifatosf inttrDicto^ (fi qui fo?fan inter \m liic jam 0nt) qui 
 rie irc ffu r onfuctuDinc , aut quatis alia occafionc , feu raufa 
 inV^eftnti elcctionisiBtcgotio inter ftfenon Debtnt, ^luoDteljac 
 Domocapitiilarifiatim jam receUant , ac no0 ^ alios tie p,2efen= 
 ti canitulo at) quos m t poteQates eligentii pcrtmet , Ulie re eU= 
 aere nermittant ^ tJ^oteflantio omnibus ^ia , motio $ juris foima 
 melioJibus $etficacio?ibus , quibus melius f efficacius pnfliimus 
 ft tebemus nomine noQro , acliice $ nomine omniums angulo= 
 rumCanomco?um.,^?ebent)arionim ^donfratrum noflronim 
 metJicebic jam p?efentium, ^uoti non ett noflra nee eo?um to* 
 luntas tales atimitteretanquam jus, tJOces^interelTe inlnijuf= 
 motii Clectione babentes , aut p^ocetiere tel eligere cum eiftem. 
 Imo t)0lumus $ t)Olunt quqti tqces talium ( fi que poQ 
 mot)umreperiantur ) quotj abCt m bujufmom Clectione mtertie- 
 niffenuUi p?eflent auriUum , nee afferant alicui nocumentum, 
 fet) n20?fus p?o non rccepf $ non babitis , nuUifque f inbaliDis pe= 
 nitiis t omnino babeantur^cenfeanfur, Canonicos beroomnes 
 mefentesp?opleno€apituloCcclene p,2et)icte babentios f cenfen= 
 So0 f02e cebere p?onunciamus $t)eclaramus in bijs fcriptis: 
 Cor:ieq';rnr>r teroticclarafpublice per nosBicbolaum cotton 
 
 antetiictum Becanum capitulo , ( ;©uia propter t)i\3erfas f e,) er= 
 po0tifquepernostribu0 motiis Cleetionis cunctifqi Canonicis 
 tuncp2efentibu0publice percontatis fecuntium quem motium 11= 
 \)e quamtiiam illarum trium in tiicto Capitulo , ( ^uia propter 
 Diberfa0 fc.) comp?ebenfarumin bujufmotii Clectioni0 iFtcgotio 
 p?ocet)ereboluerintno0Becanu0f Capitulum antetiicf tie ffu* 
 per fo2ma Clectioni0bujulmot)i , ac per quamtiiam fitefo;mam 
 tuerit nobis p20cet)en6 at) Clectionem futuri 3lircbiepifcopi Cccle= 
 fie catbet)?alis t ^etropolitice Cb2ifli Cantuarienfis p?e6 niligen^ 
 ter tractatimus , ^ tanDem nobis iserano $ Canonicis anteBicf 
 (ut p2efertur) tuncibitiem p^efentibusf Capitulum in ea parte 
 facien tifum efl $ placuit nobis ©ecano ac omnibus $ fingulis fu* 
 p?at)ictis nullonoflrumtiifcrepantefeu contraDicente , per tiam 
 feu fo?mamcomp?omi(fi in bujufmotii Clectionis neaotio p?o= 
 cetiere , ac tunc $ibit)em in tenerabilem tirum !g^agi(!ruin ^i= 
 cbolaum cotton Becanum antetiictum fub certis erp^effatis Xe= 
 gibus $ Cont)itionibus , Jta quot) tictus Comp,2omiffariu5p.2iuf= 
 quameBomoCapitulari vMtt ^recetieret, $ antequam capi-- 
 tulumbujufmoDi folberetur , unum birum itoneum in 3([rcbie= 
 pifcoDum t ^a(lo?em Ccclefie memo^ate eligeret comp^omiiTi^ 
 mus,^;2cmittEntes nos bona fitie ilium acceptatuf in noftrum f Di= 
 . cte ccclefie 3lircbiepifcopum quem ipffComp2omiffarius fub mo= 
 1)0$ forma p?enotati6t)urerit eligen6 $ p?obitieni5, Hnia-'. in 
 
 buncmot)um tiifpofiti0 , P2efatus0pagiflerii^icbolaus3tliotton 
 <ii;omp?omilfariusantetiictus, onus Comp2omi[ri bujufmoDi In 
 
 fc
 
 (1059) 
 
 ff acceptans , bota fuawi \3enerabilcm bitiim ^agiftrum <^at» 
 tbmmi^ar^er, ^acreclifologicp^ofelTd^fm jujcta f fecaniium 
 poteflatemQbiinljacpartf factam ^conceffam acComp2omiffio= 
 
 nnnp;ei)ictamt)ircrir,3;pfaniquein31irrl)i£pifcopumct^aito2em 
 fjufDemecclfCeflcglt, ^(©ccleae p;cDicte tieconempzomDebar, 
 p?out 111 ^cl)etiulatciio?cm $ fo^mam comp^omiffi eUctiom0? 
 ^:obi0oni0 p?fi5 continenprr eunDem ^agiflrum iaicliolaum 
 viREiotton publireUcf (Ctujus teno? tic bcrbo in berbum fcquitiir 
 tiUucitiUis continctur), lo Dei Nomine Amen. Cum tacante 
 nupfr^fDcaircbiepifcopalt Cautuat pet obitum bone mrmo^ie 
 tlclifvenDidimi in Cl;;i(to ^atris Bomini mcginalti |Bolt CarDi= 
 nalis, uUimi3ircbicpircoplf0alto;i0 c|ufDcmtocati0, f legi= 
 time p^cmonitis an eitciioncmfuturi 3trctiip?efuli0 Uttt ^e* 
 tii0 omnibus $ Cngulis , quinc jurcbcl confuetuDinetiicte eccle= 
 ncaneicctioncm^ujufmoBifuerint ctocanni,ac omnibus, qui 
 tebucrint autpotueriutliujufmonicicctionis negotio commoDc 
 intcreiTf, in 5somo Capitulari autefatr CccleCe, Ccrmino an ni= 
 ttameifctionemceUb^anfi p^cfiro f alfignatop;ef£ntibus a capi= 
 tulariter congrcgati0 , placufui^ Becanoomuibufqut^ Crigulig 
 fjufnemc5ccU0eCapituU, nemiiic contranicente t)el nifcrepan= 
 tt, pert)iamftufo?mamComp:omitri ncfuturo ^enispzenic^ 
 3irctjicpifcopop?ot3inere, acmibi^icbolao cciotton eccleneca^ 
 tben^ali0 f #etropol itice C bnfii Cant uarif u p^enicte 5©£cano, iu0 
 9 \)0Cfmin bujufmoni eiectionis negotio ^abenti Comp;omifla= 
 rio in bac parte foe cialiter $ legitime electo , plenam $ libecam 
 nenerint 9 concenerint poteQatem , autbo;itatem $ ^l^annatum 
 fpeciale nieiQoantequam abbac Bomo Capitulari recenerem, ac 
 recenerent$ capitulo nurante perfonam babilem $ inoneara in 
 Srcbiepifcopum f ^aflo?em nicte eccleCe eligenni^ einem p?oW= 
 t)enni,p?outej:teno?e nicticomp^omiffimanifefleliquet t-apparet, 
 €Q;o^icIiolau0tlOottonBecami0 antenictU0, onu0Comp:omif- 
 fipujufmoniarceptansinticnerabilem tjirum ^agiflrum ^at= 
 ttieumj^arKer,^aere^beologie ^?ofe(ro?em, \30ta mea nirr= 
 gen0, birumutiquep?otinum$nifcretum, jliterarumfcientia, 
 tif a $ mo2ibU0 meri0 commennatum , Uberum $ ne legitimo ma= 
 trimoniopjocreatum, atquein etatc legitima $ o?nnie ^acer^^ 
 notali conflitutumin^piritualibu0$Cempo?alibu5 plurimum 
 circumfpectum,fcientem, tolentemf balentem, Jlura $ xLiber= 
 tateg nicte €ccleQetutri ^nefennere, bice mei, tiiceque loco $ 
 nomine totiU0CapituU eiufnem ecclcOe p?enictum benerabilem 
 birum iSBagiflrum^attbeumiBarKer , piemiffommmerito^um 
 fuo;um intuitu in3tre^iepifcopum $ p^aQo^em ejufnem eccleCe 
 Catben^alis^^^etropoUticeCbnQiCantuaricnas, mfra tempus 
 mibi anboc natum $ affignatum eligo in communt , 5 emem Cc= 
 clefie p^obincone eonemm W^ fcriptis , Dn^Sc no0 Becanusf 
 capitulum antenirf p^efatamd^lectionem $ perfonam dectam , 
 tttpote rite factam fcelebzatam obbijs ulnis ampUrantes aceam 
 ratam, gratam ^ firmaml^abtnteseunncmQ^agiftrumia^attbe^- 
 umjaarfer , eiectumiu3trcl)iepifcDpum$i^a(lo:empuiateec. 
 clefie, quatenu0in^obi0fuitautea, acceptabimu0 $ eiectio= 
 Hembi']ufmoniapp?oi)abimu0. Conisqucnccr bero no3 ©fca^ 
 
 % nu0
 
 (io4<>) 
 
 BUS ft caBituUim antcBice , pnfato SJ^agiQro (Suiliclmo ©arrel, 
 rnffftitfmnfLiimuefConcefrimusi cDlectionem nram IjujufmoDi 
 rmrfoiiam€lfctam, Citron populo palam puHicaiii3, t)caa= 
 ran6 ft manifc(fani3p?out mo?i9 ett, atqut m CmilibiiQ Dt tifu 
 lautialnlifitnaffoUt , Poarcmo \3trot105 ©ccaniist Capitulum 
 antftiire , JDomum noQramdTapitulartm antctJicr fgcrtientt^ , 
 ft chonim ecclffic mt mo^atc iiurantt«, ]^pmnum , Te Deum 
 laudatnus , iu *)frmoiu 3angUco per ^inmo^ €Wi foUmni* 
 tcrt^fc-^ntari fecimu0, ^uo peracto p?tfatii0 fll^asiaer mim= 
 musmrrtUiurtapotcQatem abl elargltam ^iuiuris fjufticm 
 cccltficac ptbitunc coaDunite eicctionemtiouram tmiufmont 
 tjpfcfonam eiectam 'mbo ttnm publica\)it, tmunciabit ac nu 
 flaratir. o-ie omnia $lingula,iao5®<canu0 ^ c^apitulum ante* 
 nice, p?oi)fftcij noQrimbif tnHrc^ctemlTimtSl^ajtffati fubfc= 
 ricinborp^ocmuinfctta, Durimug agnificanii, eitiem j^ajefla- 
 ti tcrtrcbumiliter ^obm):erupplicantef , quatciiHgeUctionino- 
 {frc tiu jafmoni fie ( ut p?emittitut ) facte ?t ctleb?ate conf tnfum j 
 affniUim \3eftroi3 mtgios anbibert, $ eanDem confirmari facert 
 (J maiiDare nignetut teftra e^tUentilama iSfajf ua0 , ut 5©eo ^- 
 ptimo SBanmo bonontm omnium largtto?efat3ente?opitulante, 
 r)ictu0> €lcctu0 $ €onfirmatu0 |iobi0 p?eeut taleat, utilitec , 
 paritcr ?t pzoueffe , ac 1100 fub eo f ejU0 veuimine bono poffumus 
 ©foln nicta ccclcfiamilitarf. Ec nt ne p;fmiiro?umfeetttatet3e= 
 ftceclementilTime^aJfftatiabunBf conftare poffit , 1^00 m^ 
 tanu0 ^capitulum antet)ic0, p?efentcm Clectioni0 noftre p;o- 
 celTum^igno, iBtomineet Cognomine , ac fubfcriptiont ii^otarii 
 publici fubfcripti , fignart $ fubfcribi , uoftriqne ^igilii com* 
 muni0 appciifione iummu0 $ fecimu0 communirt. Hc^in Bamo 
 noftra Capitulari p^eDicf , p?lmo Die ^ena0 3ltugufti , 3nno 
 Bomini #ilIe(imo £)uingentffimo i^uinquagefimo nono. 
 !i,r Ku -v) aauncaoccjir CantuacitH JDioc J&ublicu0 ^up?e» 
 
 ma autbo^itate mtgia 0atanus in p2efcnti(eiectiom0iafgotio 
 
 in3icto;um^cnbamMumptu0 ^ Beputatu0, j^uia omnibus 
 
 $finguli03!cti0tjuiCiemeUctiom0i)umfic (utp^emittitur) Tub 
 
 Snno 3©omini ^F'cnfe , Oie , bot $ toco p,2enicti3 agebantur 9 fie- 
 
 bant , una cum 'i3:cUibu0r)equibu0 inp?cfenti p^ocefTu fit men- 
 
 tio , p?efcns perConaliter interfui , eaque omnia $ fingula fie fie= 
 
 ritjiDi, icitoi, $aut)iti, atqnnjl^otasfumpfi, ll^eo boc p?efen0 
 
 publicum Clectioni0 laeccetum fite i&^oceuum manu mea p2o- 
 
 pnafimliterfcnptumecinoe confeci, atque in banc publicam $ 
 
 autbenticamfo?mam retjcgi , ac nomini0 et cognomini0 meo= 
 
 rumaojectionefubfccipfi, necnon^ignomeo foliOo et confuet. 
 
 figmi\3i, unacumappenfione ^igilli communis oicto^um 5De= 
 
 cam et CapituU in ficem et 'Ceftimonium omnium et Cngulonun 
 
 p?emiCo?u;n rogatu0 Ipecialiter et requifitu0. 
 
 indrumcn- In r>i Nnaunr Ax\^cr , p?efenti0 pubUct Jfuftrumeuti ferie , 
 
 tumfup-r cunctis c\)iT)enter apparcat et fitnotum, £>uoD 3(nno JDomini 
 
 c.ofeiifu <j|piUfQn;o£luingentefimo£iuinquageQmo nono, ii^enfig tero 
 
 Dom.Eicai^^g.^^jj^l.fgj.j.p^ iuquooam infecion Cenaculo infra (3paneri* 
 
 um^^^ltccbiepiicopi Caniuarienfi0apur)]tambetb 254inton32>iocno. 
 
 to.
 
 (104-1 ) 
 
 tontat $ fcituaf inmnqiii^otanipiiblici fubfcripti, acccilium 
 
 gifln^xuilimus BarrfU ccimrus, canonifii0 ?^ benDarfus 
 €fclcuccatbrt2alis $ «3^ctropolitice ct);iai Cantuac &^ Si 
 
 "" ?^2£o coimmmi f cap^ ut appar^iit SiKo 
 
 u-ci pto coiDiinr tim $ mtifim facf , $ fe pact? ni p' o Skra- 
 no ^ crapitulo tccerunt , ac nomine ^;ocurato;io mmt^mmi- 
 fciuarunt tencrabili ^ txmio biro flSagiaro ^attfaeo ^Sr 
 ^acrc |l3cologie ^,2ofe(ro2i , tunc fS&m m(Sitixv& 
 n P2occffumcuctioni0, u ipfo ^cjusperfonain 3rcbifr)ifconiim 
 $mQo2£mCccUQcCatl)el)^ali0f^etropolitice€S^ 
 nnl mt , facff celeb^ae, mst fub fo?miso?iginS 
 CuiiDemqiia^asiftrum ^att^eum ^arfecc , inaaritec roiariint 
 $ reqiuferunt , auatenus eitieni eiectionitieipro $ ems nerfmta 
 ( ut p^cmittituu ) facte f celebrate confentire DianareturrK 
 ClectoafTerente , Jiuot) licet fetanto munere mDiauum Imu-i. 
 ret, 'Camcn ne ipfe lDil3UU boluntati reaSere, aci&errniffi uf 
 ^omine noflre laegine beneplacif (que ipfum licet inDiijnam me. 
 fatis Bf cano $ Capitulo commeuDarc riiguata eQ) minime obtem« 
 nerarc t)iDeretur, Clectioui tiuiufmoiJi confentiebat , accanfen. 
 mm ^ affenfum fuo0 eiDem mMt in fcripf per eum Utt teiior m 
 qui fequiturDe tecbo interbum mfe complectefl, in Del noaii-- 
 ne AriK^P.egoa^attljeusi&arfefr, ^acre ^&eolog;ic ja.:oftflbi , 
 in omint ^acerijotaliatquf in etatelegitima conmtutiis , ac in 
 f nclegittmoja^atrimanio p?ocreatug in Utrctiiepifcopum $ m^ 
 Oo;emeccleficCatl)et);ali0gt gi^etropolitlce Cb^iQicamuaacfK 
 rite^ legitime nominatU)5$(^lectu0 , m confcntieni5 IjuMmom 
 Clectioui Be me ^perfona meain ftac parte facte $ celebrate, et 
 parte t per partem benli tun toirowm Becani $ <iapftuli ejafDem 
 ecclefieCatl?eD;ali0$^etropolitice inffauter rogatus f mmup 
 tu0, Bel Dmnipotenti0 dementia fretus c^lecticnii IjujimnoDi 
 ne me taerfonamea (fie utp^emittitur ) facte $ celeb.^ate aDljo= 
 no;em Bci jflDmmpotenti0 0atri0 , ifilii , f %iritu0 ^aneti 
 co»Treiitio , eioeinqi confenfumf affenfum meos femel atque iu= 
 runTtocratU0$ interpeltatusp^ebeolnljijsfcriptig , fuper onihixs 
 om^-'(bus$ finguli0 pzemifa , tam ipfe Clectus quam p2enomuia= 
 ti 2i^>\^iM OiiUimus BatreU $ Ifintbonlu© l^ufe ^2ocurato?es 
 anteDicti, meeunt)em /l^otarium publicum fubfcriptum , ubi 
 uiiumtoelplura publicum feu publica, InQrumnua fim ^n=' 
 flrumcuta conficere, ac Cedes inferiu^nominatosCeliimonium 
 erinDe per'oibereinffcinter refpecti^jerogarunt ^requiferuiit. 3cra 
 fuerunt bee omnia $fingulap2emiffa, p^out fup2afcribmitur f 
 recitantur, fublnno Bomini, Sl^enfe , Die $ loco p,?eDictirrp;e= 
 featibuj tunc $ ibinem UicbarDa Caljerner 3trmigero , 3oOan= 
 ne23aker eHh l^aDulptjo 3iacfefon $ Zmm }3ierfon Clerici0 
 Crfiibu0 at) p^cmilTa tiinenS, auDienii, $ teftificand rogatis $ ipe= 
 n'alitcrrcqnifitie.
 
 '1043 ^ 
 
 Er Eeo Jo!)anne5 Jmtnt caiUuaricn iDiot publicus , ^.icra 
 «t^iip2cmaautUo;itate ncgia iitiotanus , iEliiia p?cmifri6omni= 
 luis ^ fiiiguUs t)um 0c ( ut p^cmittitur ) fub 3nno isomnii, 
 Q^cnfe, Die gt loco pjetjictisagcbantur $ ficbant , una cum p?:nD- 
 minati5'C£flibu0pft0p£rfonalitcrint£rfui, caq; omnia $ lingu- 
 la fie fieri ViitJi , fcit>i $ aut)itii , atque in ii^otamfampfii , iBco ijoc 
 p;cfcn0 publicum Jnflvumc ntum manu mea p2op?ia fiDelittr Icci^ 
 ptunurinDccouftci, fubfcripfii (tpublicatoi , atquc in banc publi= 
 cam^autbenlicamfojmamrfDfgi, ^ignoquc, nomine, cogno= 
 mine $ fubfcriptioue meia foli^ $ confuetie fignabi , in fincm $ 
 'Ceflimonium omnium f fingulo^um p^cmiiTonim rogatus Ipe-- 
 ciaiitet^requifiittDs. 
 
 Super LibciU) Cbe^ummaria petitione ©af per partem 
 
 teneraliiliumt]ironim lDomino2umBecam $ CapituU 
 
 CccUe Calais tjsa^etuopoce ^^icTantuaf. 
 
 ^esTeft-' ' JoHann sBak r (i5en, mo^amtrabeujEi Ut p?efenti cumtene-- 
 
 um. ' " tabili $ erimio biro ^agiflro a^attbeo i^^arfeer Clecto Cantuaf 
 
 59.3iuno2um€tatis, o^iuuDus in ^arocbia ^ancti dementis 
 
 in Cif e ifio?ttiici libere ut Dicit Conmtionis ? 'Ceilis ne $ fuper p<!e* 
 
 Dicto p?ot)UctUj3 , juratug $ eraminatustiicit (ut fequitnr. ) 
 
 Ad Frimum « fecuuDum, tertium, quartum, quintum, fer- 
 
 tum^feptlmum, refert fe au p^oceffum in bujufmoni Caufa 
 Witumi factum. 
 
 Ad oaaviim Dicit et iu bim3iuramenti fuit)cponit,quoi)iDem 
 mebecmt)ilRmu0|&ater a^attbeu0 ^arfeer , fuit f eObir p;obi= 
 t)U0 , ac ^acrarum )Literarum fcientia , bita $ mo?ibu0 com- 
 mennatu^ , ac tiomo liber , $ er legitimo S^atrimonio p?ocrea« 
 tus, atque in ttateltgitima, fin €>?t)ine ^acertjotali con(litu=' 
 tm, $ nicte Jsomine notlre meginefiDeli0 fubnitus, retiDeuDo 
 Caufam fcientie fue in bac parte Dicit , ^uoD efl jfrater uatu- 
 rali)8 tiictlH^omini Clecti, funtque t% uni0 parentibU0p;ocreat( 
 9 gtniti. 
 
 Ad Nonum, t)ecimumfunDecimum, refert fe an la^iocelTum 
 |iujufmot)i. 
 
 Ad Ultimiim tiicit, quoD p;et)epoCta per turn funt bera ft. 
 
 WillielmusTolwvn mtium iS^agifier , ac mtta; Ccclefie 
 
 !S)ancfi3linfomm in Cibitate '/LoniS yo.Bnno^um etatis , ut nicit 
 libcrc cont)itioni0 etc. ceftisetc. 
 Ad Primnm , fecuutium, tertium , quartum, quintum, fej:' 
 
 turn it fcptimum , referf fe au p^oceffumbmoi. 
 Ad 06taviim ^ ticit tt Dcpouit coufeuta in bmoi 3lrticulo eCfe 
 
 tfra, te tjm cerfafcietitia, quianicit quotbene euro nobit per 
 te f rigpinta 3linnos , acperiDem tempu0, fecum aDmoDum fa- 
 miliari0fuit, ct inpntieft, et etiamnicit, quotinobit ejus pa- 
 ttern* 
 Ad Non-im , t)ecimum,unticcimum et tiuoDecimum refert t r. 
 
 sTfvh III OeiNoiTiinc Amen. |^O0 tffilillimU0 qUOntJamiSatbOftft 
 
 r'nuaop- ^tellefici5piiCopU0 , nunc eiectU0 Ciceftreii , Jobannes ^co^p, 
 r nforcs. quontiam Ciceitren if pifcopu0 , nunc i^erefo^nen (glectus, #ii9 
 
 €0^
 
 ('l043 ) 
 
 Cobfrtiale iiuoutiflm €j:on€pifcopu0, f Io^anne6i5eDfo2Den €= 
 pifco{]U0. -^trentffimc in Cli^iQo ld?iucipis $ Bommenoare, 
 Bomine einaktbe5©fl gratia ainglic , f cancie $i^iberme megU 
 ne,f iDri iDtftni $c. meDian Tlitcng fuis megijs CommiffionaU= 
 Ills iDatfftan infraffriptaCommilTarii cum Ijac Claurula (bir)c= 
 Um)iina cumjsominis HaUanne -ctietfo^nEft ^uffraganeo, $ 
 Jlotianiif 23ale€)irErcn epifcouo,^ etiambac Claufula^quatenuj; 
 t30saut anminu0 quatuo? teftrum ^c. nfcnon$ bac atijectione, 
 fiipplcutes mUilomimis ^cipeciafi $ legitime neputati in negotio 
 Coiifirmationis Clectionie Be peufona tenerabilis gt ejcimij tiici 
 !9^agri a^attbei ^BarKer, ^aci'e'Cl)Eologie|©?ofeiro?i0, in 3ttrcl)ie« 
 pifcopum Cantuariffi Clecti,facte f celebrate cite $ legitime p2o= 
 cetentcs omneg $ Ongulos oppofito?e0, qui ronttanictam eifcti= 
 onemfeufo^mamejufDem, autperfonamcicctamtiifere, em= 
 pcrttelopponcrttoluerintaD compareiiiS co;am l^obis iCiji Ut 
 vom ? loco(0fua putabenntinterciTe) contra t)ictam€lectionem 
 fo,2mam ejuHiem aut perfonam eiectam in Debita juris lozma 
 tiictur,erceptur$p;opofitur legitimes perempto?ie Cita0fe.piu0 
 publice p;?econi3atO0, Diuqi t fufficienter erpectato«, $ nulio moDo 
 comparentes , nee contra Dictam Clectionem fozmam cjufDem 
 aut perfonam Clectam, aliquit) Dicenteg, err ipientcs tel opponen= 
 teg, au peticoem |^?ocarig Bfcani ^ Capituti Cantuarien , pzo- 
 nunciamusContumaces, f inpenam Contumaciarum fuarum 
 ljum6it)fcermmusp?ocer)en6fo2e, anpzolationem ^niefil)e5Be= 
 creti finalis in \)u caufa ferenni ipro.mm Cc Citatonim , f non 
 comparentium contumat in aliquo non obflan. 
 
 T ^attfjein }9artttr eUcteO arcbbiftop of Canterburp, &o utterlf teQIRe an!) btclafe Juramcn- 
 
 in mp confcicnce , tbat t\)$ ^uKn« ^igbnets is tbe on\p fupjeme (Bobernour of turn de ag- 
 tbifiHealmjanoofanotb^rl^Ki^lgbmee'fi ^omintonfi an) Countrufl, aBtDeilhi nofcendo 
 ^pintnal aa CBccleQaQical tbings o; caufts as tempo^aM tbat no ifeji tign ^ime, fupremam 
 i^erfon, pjselatc^tate.o? l,aotentate,batb n sugbt lo babtan? 3luttf Diction potoft, poteiutcra, 
 ?upMio?itp,i?eeemin2nce,e^ autbo?ftp ecclefitftical oiSptritual toitbintbis llealm-, Rcgiam. 
 ano tberefo?* JOo utterlp renounce aniJ fojfahe all iForrtign autiCotctionB, gotDers, 
 ^upetiorities, ano Suttjojities, ano io p;omif«, tbat from bencefojtb 3 t^aU bear 
 faitb and true allegiance to tbt Queens ^igbrtfs, l^er ^lirs and lattoruU tiMctt- 
 fours ano to m? potoerftall aflift aneorfend all lurinifrtions. ^jibileOges g^fcmi' 
 nences, ania autl'oritfeB granted or brlenaing to tbe Sinefns l^igfcnrfs ^tr ipdre 
 anb faucceCfors, or united and atinejceb to tbe Umperial <trctonot tUslKealm. 910 
 tielp me CBob, anb bp tbe Content s of tbis 1^006- 
 
 In Dei Nomine Amen. ^uDitis, tifis f intellectis , ac plena= J, .^ ^.^^ 
 rie (J mature nifcuffis per nos CdiUimum quounam isat^on $ .."/.'a. ' 
 OCieUfu e^um, nunc Ciceflrcn electum, Holiannem ^con^e 
 Quont)amCiceflren€pifcopiim,nunc(i^lectumi^erefojnfii,Mo= 
 mm co\3ert!alequont)am eron epifcopum, $ lobanncm Bemo,:- 
 ticnCpum, ^ereniffime inCWo iBnucipis q^ ©ominc nottre , 
 Bomine Clisabet^e, Bei gratia idngUe, ifrancie $ i^iberme Uegi- 
 ntfineiBefensfcmeniaii, titer is fuis l^egiis CommiUionali^ 
 buslBaten at) infrafcripta Commiffarios cumt^ac claufula (bijf- 
 licet ) una cum Bflisjobaune -^tictfoznEn ^uttraganco > f 3o- 
 lianue Bale Mmfi epifcopo, $ etiam l)ac Claufula, quatenus 
 t)O0 auf an minus quatuo! \3eflrum $c. ii^ecnon $ bac aDiectione 
 fuppUutes, nibilommus ec. fpecialiter $ legitime Ba^utatos ,
 
 (1044) 
 mtim f rircumflantijc cujufDam caufe Otot ,nfSotijCouficma= 
 tio\m €\ntm\s te pcrfona tenecabilia $ cnmi] Wi m^ii^n 
 Stbd?aarfecr,^acreclicologie^?ofe{ro,2i0, m 3{rf Qirpiim ct 
 SaQo/f mecflf0c catl)ft)?alt0 $ a^etropolitice €\mW\ Canfuari^ 
 ffi, mr olntiimbonc numo^ie 5Domini me gmaim iBolr , ultimi 
 3rfmci]ifcomibit)fmtacan elect! , facte $ ceUb;atc , quoDco^anx 
 mm aliquantiiu tertebatur,? in p^cfcnti bei'tuur $ pentiet mt^ 
 ciarimatopiimttuj per 1100 toto$mtegrop?oce(ruco?am|^obis 
 inDicto ncgotiobabie $facl , atqs mligcmec rccenato ferbatifq; 
 i3etno&t)euirf$^tatuti0bujusmegmfertanDi0, aD noari Be= 
 cretifinalisfite fententie I3iffimtibe Confirmationig in biijufino= 
 Hi negotio fercntc p^olationem Oc rjupmus p?oceDcni5 , $ p2orcm= 
 mugiul^unc qutfequitur moDum, ojia per 3(icta, CrbUnta, p2o- 
 mictat probata co?am nobi0 in bujufmoni Confirmationig nego« 
 tio comperimiw, ?tlucnlenter in\3enimu6 eiectionem ipfam pec 
 3©ecannm f CapituUmt eccleCe catbeDjalis * ^etropolirice 
 Cb?ifii Cantuac p?ei5, tie p?efato tenerabili 5 enmio tiro ^^agiftro 
 iS^attbeo i&arfeer(iElecto,bujufmor)ibiro utiq->p?ot)it)o $ nifcreto, 
 Wta It mo?ibu0 meri? comment)ato,Ubero t ne Ugitimo a^atrimo= 
 nio p^ocreato, atque inetatelegitima $^;t)ine ^acertiotalt con- 
 flituf, rite f legitime fuiffe ^ellefactamttcelebmam , nibiUp tU 
 Bern benri yiiro #agtaro a^attbeo ^arfeer eiecto, bujufmoDi ne 
 ecclefiaQici03Inmtuti)5 obljiaffefeu obbiarequo minu0 in 3rcbi= 
 epifcopnm <lantuafantbo?itate Dicte JUuCtriffime Bomineno= 
 ureiaeginemerieDebeatconfirmari, Idcirco BO0 (iHaiUimugnu^ 
 per 25atbon $ SffiieUen €pifcopu0, nunc Ciceflren eiectU0, 3oban» 
 ne)5*co?pquonr)am Ciceflren cpifcopusi, nunc Clectu0l^erefo?« 
 Den, fl^ilo Cobertale quontjam cpoft <eplf copu0> ^ Jobanneg :6eD= 
 fD?DenCpifcopu0>Commiirarii laegij anteDicti attenfp^emifs, t 
 altj0 Virtue merif, fuper quibu0 p?efatu0eiectu0 CantuariEnfi= 
 5e nigno commentiatur teflimonto , Cb?ifli nomine pizimitns in= 
 tjocato, ac ipfum folum Beum OCUU0 noflri0 p^eponen, ne $ cum 
 CondioHurlfperitomm , cum quibu0 inbac parte commnnica= 
 timu0 p?enictam€lectionemne eonemtencrabili tiro, ^agiSro 
 #att|)eo i&ar^er (ut p?efertur) factam $celeb;atam, lup^ema 
 autbo?itate nicte ^erenilTimeBomine noflreilleginenobi0in bac 
 parte commiffa confirmamus, fupplente0 ep fupiema autbo2ita= 
 temegia ermero^?incipi0motu,ac certa fcientia nobi0nelegata 
 quicquinin baceiectione futtitnefccttim, -Cum inbij0 quejur= 
 ta^annatum|iobi0crenitum a ^obi0 factum tpizoceffum efl, 
 aut in iHtobi0 aut aliquo?um nrof urn connitione, flatu , facuUate 
 an bee perficieni neeft aut neerit,^um etiam eo?um qu e per ^ta= 
 tuta bu3tt0 megni Sdnglie, aut per Jlegeg eccle0aflica0 in bac par= 
 te requiCta funt tel necefl"aria, p?out tempo?i0 ratio $ eo;um p;e= 
 fenUumneceirita0in potlulant per banc noflram fententiamBif= 
 fitam, nte boc noftrum finale Bccretum , quam fibe quon an pe» 
 titionem partium ita peten fecimu0 ? p?omulgamu0 in liijj 
 fcripti0. 
 
 Ki' >im .^: C^remoniaruin Ordo m COllfecratiOne iltU^ 
 
 renniHimiBominiJapattbei^ar^er , 3rcbiepifcopi can- 
 
 ta^
 
 ( 1045 ) 
 
 tuaricn in ccapella infra ^mtmm fiuim ue )Lambeliif h 
 tiie Bomimco(tit)elicet)IDecimo feptimo nit SBenQs Sf- 
 ttmmsy 3nno t^omini ^illeamo ^uinaentcfimo m.mn' 
 quasefimo nono. y**uiii- 
 
 Pfincipio, ^aceUum Capetibu0 an o?ientem atjomabatur, fo= o a r 
 tiimbcropannorub2oinfiecnfbatur , mni^ qiioqj facris pera» monLJm' 
 gcatJisncceffana, tcapeto pultmanquc o<jnata ao o.iimtem fita inconfc- 
 
 frat» cratione 
 
 Qiiatuor p?etereaCatbcD;e, quatuo? epifcopi0 quibu0mu= '^'"""'' 
 
 mi05onf;crantJiatrcl)iepiffopit)elegabatui: anatuQcum oiienta= parktr 
 li0^acelli partis erantpoCtf. 
 
 Sra.nnum p?etereacapeto,pulbinanbufqnnflratum, €m€= 
 pifcopi ge uibn0 fleri0 tnnitercntur antecatbcti?a0 ponebatur. 
 
 Pa r i quoque moDo Cat^et)?a J^camnumqi 'Capcto pultinariq; 
 o?natum3(irct)iepifcopoatJi5o?falmi o?ientaU0 cjnfDem ^accUi 
 parti0plagam pofitaerant. 
 
 Hiis rebus jta o^Dine fuo inaructi0 , mane drcitcrqumtam 
 aut toam per occitcntalem ^aojitam ingretJitur ^acellum 3Iir= 
 cblepifcopu0, Coga'CalariCoccmea,Caputioquntiutufi, quatu= 
 01 p?eretientibu0 tunalibu0, $quatuo? comitfttu;Dcpifcopi0 , qui 
 tins Confecrationi inferbirent(bit>cUtet) ^ilUmo©arloequon= 
 nam Bati;on <j mxtxitn Cpifropo, nunc dfUctocicriJren, 3oban= 
 ne^co^^quonDamCiccflrcn Cpifcopo, nunc l^crefo^ncn clccto, 
 ii^ilone Cobcrnalt quondam c^ron Cpifcopo, at Hobannc mUox' 
 ten ^uffraganeo, mui omne0 poflquam Urns 0bl paratas o;Dine 
 finguUfuooccupaffent, ^itzts continuo japatutineper 3inti;cam 
 ^icrfon^ircbicpifcopi capellanuiti claratocerecitabantur, ^vlU 
 bu0pcrace,3Io|e0^co?p,t)cquofup?atJinmu0 5 fuggeQum com 
 fcenr)it,atq5 inDe affumpto fibi in Cbema , ^enio?e0 ergo qui in 
 tiobi0 f unt obfecro conf enio; ^c. non ineUgantcr concionabatur. 
 
 Finira Conciouc, egrtt)iuntutfimul3ltrcbiepifcopu0reliquique 
 Quatuo? epifcopi §)acellum, fc at) facram Communionem para= 
 turi,nequcmo?aconfeftimptn5o?ealem ^o?tam, at)^uncmo= 
 tiumbeuitiretieunt, 3rcbicpifi:opu0 nimirum linteo fupcrpcUi= 
 cco(quont)ocant) intiuebatur Cicearen ClectU0 CapatcricaaD 
 facta peragenna paratU0 utebatur,cui miniOrabant, operamque 
 fuam p^ebebant, uuoairc^iepi Capellani (bi5. ) iaicl)olau0 23ul= 
 linabam Lincoln, $ etjmunt)n0 (Beft cantuat rcfpectiPe 3rcbi= 
 maconi, Capi0 fencisfimiliter tefliti, l^erefo^nen eicctu0 $25ct)-- 
 fo?oen ^uffcaganeu0 lintci0 fupcrpeUicei0 innucbantiir. . 
 
 Milo teroCo\3erliaUu0,nonm(lCoga^anca'Calanuteba^ 
 
 tur 
 Arque tocinmoBumWiti^inaructi atiCoionem ceUb?ani5 
 
 pcrrcrerunt, 3irc^iepifcopo genibu0 Mis at mfitii S)acelli gra= 
 
 ^TnimmnBem ebangelio, l^erefo^mn elcctu0 , ©tDfoJiieu 
 fi^t,ffraffancus,$ ^ilo Co\3crt)alc (Dc quibU0 fupza) 3[trclncpifco= 
 mmfrSct SeectoapuD!3l^ iu catbema icBcutc, 
 
 ffVS^^ "^ ^'' ^ater.bunc birum pi=^
 
 (io4<5) 
 
 timimdtcratciuenoctiim, -cibi offcnmugatquemefmfamus, 
 vSclneoifcopiigcouffcccturi poOiiuam Dec Dinltet, p?ofereba= 
 ftir iiico mcaiumlDiploma fitoe fii^anuatum p?o €onfecratione 
 Tf liienifcopi , ilDuo per 5D. Cliomam ?ale )legumBocto?em per= 
 ffrto^acrameutumneEeglo^^tmatu, a\}efup?ema e)usautl)o- 
 rifafrtueiiDa, jupta ^tatiita p?imo 3linno mcsni ^ereniffime 
 maim noflre eii^abetl;e etiita $ p^omulgata ab eotem 3(ircbiepi= 
 (VfiMo enaebatur,iuion cum iUe folemniter tactic co;po?aliter ia» 
 rris c^tangelijs coucepf lierbis p^eattiffet , Cicellren Clectus po« 
 milumat)£)?ationtmbo?tatu0, autitanias tecantanDae Clwo 
 ronDente feaccimit, :©uibu0fimti0, poft^ueflione0aUciuot3llt= 
 cbiemfcopo per Ciceflren Clectum p^opoOtas , $ po{l:^;atione0 $ 
 l>ufraaia ciueDam jurta fo?mam %m autbo?itate%arliamenti 
 tniti , amruBcumbapita, Ciceflren, l^erefo?t)tn Suffragan eu0 , 
 25er)fo?t)en,^ a^iloCol]erUaUu0 manibu03rcl)iepifcopo impofitig, 
 
 Direrunt 3(tltgUce(t)lDeUcet) Take the Holy Ghoft,and remember that 
 thou ftir up the Grace ot God, which is in thee by Impofition of hands, 
 for God hath not given us the fpirit of Fear , but of power , and love, 
 
 andfobernefs. i^ijs t)icti0, i5ibUa facra illiin mambu0 tranitjc* 
 runt, bujufmom apuD eum berbababente0, Give heed unto thy 
 
 reading, exhortation, and doftrinc, think upon thefe things, contained 
 in this Book, be diligeoi '.u item, that the increafe coming thereby ,tBay 
 bemanifeft unto all meni take heed unto thy fclf , and unfothy teach- 
 ing and be diligent in doing them , for by doing this , thou (halt fave 
 thv felt and them that hearthee^ through Jefus Chrift our Lord. |^ofl« 
 
 ouam becDirifTent, atjreliqua communionigfolenma pergit €U 
 c£flren,uuUum3lircbiepifcopo trat)en0pafto?ale mculum, cum 
 quo communicabant3(trcbiepifcopu0 $ illi C^ifup<:a nominati , 
 cumalij0ettamnonnulli0. , 
 
 Finiti^ tantjem peractifquc facn0, cgretiitur per 23o?ealem ^= 
 rientali0 S)acelU parti0po?tam3Iircbiepifcopu5,quatuo? illi0co- 
 mitatug Cpircopi0 qui eum coniecraberant, $ confeftimeifnem 
 ii)00 ftipatu0 epi(copi0per eanr)emret)ertitur ^o?tam,albo <i^pi= 
 icooali luperpelliceo , crimeraq^ {at tiocant)er nio^ro f erico innu- 
 tU0 circa collum tero collare quonnam er p?eciocif6 pellibU0 fa^ 
 bellim0 (bulgo tablet tjocant) confutum geftabat , pari quoque 
 mono cicef treil $ l^eref o?t)cn f ui0 Cpifcapalibu0 amictibu0,fuper= 
 uelliceo $ Crimera uterque Innuebatuc, Cobert)aliu0^ero $ 23eD= 
 to^Den ^uffraganeu0 t![:ogi0 folummoBo 'Calaribu0 utebantur , 
 i3cracn0 Dcintie occineutalem po?tamt)erfu0 3(rcbiepifcopu0 %\)o= 
 me Bopleliconimo, Joanni isafeer ^befaurario , $ Jo^i laparcb 
 Compuerotulario,finguli0OngulO0 3(ilbo0 nenit 25acuiO0, i^oc 
 (fcil'et) motjo eos muneribu0 $ ottici j0 rui0 o?nan0. 
 
 Hijutaquebunc an moDum o;Uiit fuo {nt jam ante Dictum 
 eft) peracf per occitientalemi^o?tam ^acellum egretiitur MtW 
 epilcopu0 (I5enerofio?ibu0 quibufq; fanguine t ejU0 familia eum 
 p;ieceDen. reliqui0 t)ero eii a tergo fequentibU0. 
 
 A.- gellaquebcc erant omnia f fingula inpntiai'veberentio= 
 rum in Cb?iflo patrum , CDmuntii <!5nnr)all ?LonUon Cpifcopi 
 electi, micbartii Cocfee0 Clienelecti, Q^ntDini ^anr)e0 ^igo?n 
 electi,3intbomj i^ufe 3lirmigeri i^?incipali0, $ ja^imarij megir 
 
 ftcarii
 
 atum 
 
 flranjDicti 3Krc^iepifcopi, 'C^omc 3cgall ^icmiqcci, meaiararii 
 Curie |a?crogatibe€antuat,'Cl)ome Quillet (t Martnis llncent 
 Ittotano^um ^ublicomm, $ alionim nonnuUo?um. 
 
 VViIliflmus Barlovve CpifcOpUS CiCfflrcfl, lOljanneS^COjZP Mand..., 
 
 epifcopu0l^erefo?nen,!gi^ilo Cobecnale nuprr Cron Cpifcopu0,$ oircaum 
 3Iot!ann£sCpifcopus ^uffraganeiis 23et)fo?nen, lllluuriffimem r '"■ 
 Cl)2ifto^?innpisf Bfie noftre JDomineClmbettie, ?DEi gratia en 'la ir" 
 3nglie, jfrancic ^i^ibernie i^icgiiu, jfioeiJDefens fc.at) infrafcri= troniiand 
 ptamemanf )Literi@ CommifTionaUbus partn riicte 3illuftri(ri= oom. Ar. 
 me HDomine noftre Kegine i^tobis intiac parte r)iref0,Commiffarij chi.pum, 
 inter altos', cum bac Claufula, £iuatenu0'oo0 aut an minus qua= 
 tuo2 tfum tc.^etiam cum bac anjeftione fupplentes, nibilomi= 
 nus f c. fpecialitf r $ legitime neoutati $ conftituti, tenerabili biro 
 Sl^agiftroCt)munr)o<!5eft3rc5ino Cantuafjalutem in Bommo 
 fempiternam. Qi-.im tacante nuper ^ene ^erc^iepali Cantuac 
 
 per monem naturalem Bomini me ginalni ^ole CarDinalis ulti= 
 mi, f immetiiati Kircbiepifcopi ejulnem, Becanus $ Capitulum 
 Cccle0eCatbet);ali0 f a9etropoUticeCb?ifti Cantuarienfis ( %U 
 rentia llegia p?imitU0m ea parte petita$ obtcnta) meterenniffi^ 
 mum in Cbnito ^atrem Bominum Slpattlieum ^arKer , facrc 
 Cbeologie#?ofelIo?emin eommtnicte Ccclefie Catber);ali0epi= 
 fcopum$ i^afto^em elegerint, $ Cccle0eCatb£i3?ali p?eiS p^obine-- 
 rintneeobem, ^uam quinem Clectionem $ ^Berfonam Oc (0le«= 
 ctam, (ferbati0 ne 31ure $ ^tatuti0 buiu0 inclpti megni 3(inglie 
 in ea parte ferbantig) iBto0 autliontate iLiterarum Commi{riona= 
 lium pattnt)icte3Uuflritfime Bomme noflre Uegine |iDbi0 ( ut 
 p^emittitur) Direct rite $ legitime confirmabimus, eir)emiiueCu= 
 ram,llegimenf 3Ct)miaiQrationem nicti mc^iepatus Cantuari= 
 fncommi0mu0,i^ec nonmunu0Confecrationi0 eitem, CMM' 
 tie Deritu $ mo?e cccleOe 3Iinglicane ^uffragij0 $3!nfignij0 at)= 
 l)ibenr)i0) impennimu0 jurta ^tatuta buiu0 mclvtiilegni 3in= 
 glie in bac parte pie $fancte enitatfancita, 3iPf"mque mebet= 
 mum i§a'rem0cconfirmatum«coufecratum mrealem^actua^ 
 lem f co^pojalc poffeffione t)ictimci5iepatu0 cEantuar, luriumqi 
 $ pertineft f uozu uniberfom inDuceni5,iubef teuD maallauD $ intrp= 
 ni5anij fo;et)ecrebimu0$ manDabimus, lEibi igitur barum ferie 
 11uri0 outline in erigentt firmiter p,2Ccipenno' mannamu0, quate= 
 nu0 p?efatummeberenni(rimuml3atrcm'feui^?ocurem fuum le= 
 gitimum (eju0 nomine) in realem, actualem $ co?po.2 al em poirei= 
 Oonem nicti mc9iepatu0Cantuarien00,3Iurmmquf, gono?um, 
 Bianitatum$pertinenfuonimuniberfo?u innuca0 mbcltias ni= 
 rtaue0 ^ introni^e0, feu 0c innuci, inbcfliri, mftallari ? nuroni= 
 3ari facias cum effectu,Catben?amqi Obe §enem m-cbiepifcopa-- 
 lem in eanem CccleOa ei (uti mo2i0 eft) a(fignc0 ? eumm eanem 
 Catbennx fibe ^cne arcbiepifcopali imponas cum omni bono^e ne= 
 bif , M\mt ne mo?e anbibcnni0, aut ita fieri $ unponi cures mout 
 I)ece^1!^ cuius mei'Ceaimonium, isigiUum ofticialitatis :iiune 
 Curi Cantiiarien00 p^efcutibus apponifecinuis $ p^ocurabnmis, 
 
 Bae'toiinini ultimo nie ^pcnQs Becemb^is, ^uno Bomini ^^^il= 
 le0mo£iutngenteamo£auinquageamonono. ^^^
 
 .iiu..a.an. Edm.nJusGcft 3itc9iuu0Cantuat, 3H)qutm3Int)uctio,1n= 
 u.tum tacr. n.ir-, ti^ » luttoni3atio omnium ^ Ongulomm €pifcopo;um 
 p.rdKtu.n S-'mtuafiaio'Dincie DC laumbili longttoaqi $ legitime p^elcripta 
 ^j' ff-cu?.r.tbnructutiiue noto?ie Qinofcuntur pertiuere, \)eneral)ilibu0 mi= 
 
 J,rxV''"'ns 
 
 ^aliif em in iDomino fempittrnam, muum ^acantenuptt ^ete 
 arfl)iepifcopali ccantuaf , per montm naturalem Bomini megi^ 
 !ialL)liaole, ultimi irci^iepiibitiem , manm $ Capitulum ec^ 
 clffic catl;eti?ali0 $ s^ctropolitice Clinfli cantuaf ( )Licentia «e* 
 ffia p?imitii0 in ea parte petita $ obtenta) meterenDilTimum in 
 Cli^iflo i&atrem Bominiim a?attbeum ^arKer , ^acre cbeolo- 
 aie42>?oteiro?emineo?um$r)icteCccleae3Itrc|iiepifcopum$iaaao' 
 rem elecrerint, Ciimq^ p?etereamel3erent)i inCl);ifto jaatres l©ni, 
 cailUnfugisarloe cicearcftCpus , 3Iobanne0 ^tom epifcopu0 
 l^crefoinen, lapilo coterrjaU ciuounam €xon epifcopus , $ Jo- 
 baunee cpifcopus feuffraganeus :©et5fo?t)en, autbo?itate ?Litera= 
 riim commiffionaliumi^aten JUuftriffime in Cb?iflo #;incipis 
 (iBonunenoQreS©omine€li3abetbeBn gratia 3inglie ,fcancie 
 ^i^ibernie megine,ifiDeiBefen0fc, eisinbac parte nirecefuffici- 
 enter $ legitime fiilciti, CUctionem p?erjcaifi ne pfona p;iefatl me- 
 terenmiTimi isatrie int p?emittitur) factam ^ r eleb^atam , $ per* 
 fonam fie electam (ferbatietie Jure ^ S)tatutis \}nm inclptiEe* 
 gni^nglieinbac parte fertjanuis) coufirmatjerint, ciDemque me* 
 t)erenr)ilTimoin €\)Mo iaatri,Curam, megimen $ 3t)miniacatt- 
 onemt)icti3lrcbiepatu0Cantuar commiferint, 0tmon<S^mn% 
 Confecrac6i0einemme\)enmo i^atri (at)bibiti0 ne ritu$mo?cCc= 
 clefie Bnaltcane ^uffragij0 $ Unfigmjs at)bibenr)i0) impenterint 
 jurta^tlimta l)u|u0inclvtimei|ni 3ingliein bac parte pie $ fan= 
 cteeDita $fancita,0obifq5t)etjenntin!apant)ati0, £iuatenu0 nojj; 
 p?etatumE£\)erfnt)iirimum ^atrem Cc Confirmatum $ Confe- 
 cratiim feu |^?ocurem fuum iegitimum (e]ii0 nomine) in realem 
 actualem $co?po?al£mpoircirionemDicti 3rcbifpatu0 Cantuari= 
 eft, Jiiriumque $pertinentiumfuo?um uniberfo?6intiuceremu0, 
 inflaUaremu0 $ introni^aremue, p2out per eo^um 5iitera0 0,oUs 
 ineapartefacta0 $infcriptas,pleniu0 liquet $ apparet, muia 
 ^o0impntiarumqmbufDamartiui0f urgentibu0 Begotij0atieo 
 funui0 impliciti $ remo?ati,;^uoDCrecutioni officii noflri bmot 
 bacarenont)alfmu0utioptamu0, t3obi0igitur $befirum cuili-- 
 betfonjimctimftibifim, Be quorum circumfpectione $ iuDufiria 
 fpecialeminlDomino finuciam obtinemu0, at) intiuceniS p?eliba« 
 turn mftjerentiCTimumpatrem feu p^ocufem fuum legitimum 
 (ejus nomine) in realem, actualem $ co2po?alem poffellionem an^ 
 teDicteerclefie catbeb?ali0 $ i^etropolitice Cb^ifii Cantuarien-^ 
 fi6,3;uruimq5$ pertinentmfuot uniberfomm, euuDemqi meben= 
 mum iBatremleueju0^^ocuremltimum cum plenituDine juri0 
 Arcbifpaligmflallani5 $ introni3ant5 , Ceteraq; omnia $ fingula 
 facieufi, erercnitl ^etpeDienti que in bac parte neceffaria fuermt , 
 Icuquomotiolibet requifita, bice0 noflra0 committimu0> $ple^ 
 namteno?ep?efentium concenimu0 poteftatem, mogaute0 ut to-- 
 tumin quouin p^emiCe feccriti0, aut lieflrum aliqui0fecerJt Dirto 
 
 3n^
 
 (1049) 
 
 5nmictioni0 mmio nmito mUs p;o loco $ tmmt zammis 
 $ oppo; turns Debite agnificare Mitie, feu Uc Cgnifim iUe SRm 
 
 monuim ^igiUum noarum mitntmus apponi ftrlmag 4irfi 
 pnmo Die ^en00 Januarij 3nno Jsomini Ourta co mnut.'^n^! 
 
 Untverfis l^afce i^ocurationisf $ ig^auDati )titcca03lnfpectu- Pro ur oni 
 n0, ^ifuri0,auDitun05rtlfcturi0 mnotefcat,$palamQt. ^aon Aiiieriad 
 1100 ^atmu0. permimonmibmacantuarienfi/^rc&f tn- v'"'^^-^ 
 urn 3n5lifia?imas fa?etrooanu0 (Clecfus, confltm^f ub a conft- °''^'"''^^- 
 ^^ams,Bilecto0|&obi0 inctoflo fiUo0 mQiUm cototium ["o^'^'"* 
 
 mUiare0 $ Bomeflico0 noQros conjunctim f t)ibifim!^STS^ 
 co0certo0 ltimo0acintjubitato0 p?Gcurato<ic0, acto^c0, fmaits 
 |^rgqtio?umq; nromm gffio?e0 $ nuur 100 fpec':alf0 ao infrafcri- 
 pta ntc, tice, nomine $ loco noOris obeuni5 nomi namu0 , 02Dina^ 
 mu0, fanmu0 $ confiituimus per p?efente0, oamufque $ concent 
 mu0 eiftiem ^?ocuratonbu0 noflris coniunctim > 1 eomm utti- 
 que(utp?efertur)pec femtiam $ infoliiS poteQatem generalema 
 #autjatumfpeciaUp?oiaobi0, acbicet nomine noflcigcoiam 
 Bilecti0nobi0in(!Cb?i(tofilij0,Bomino J^ecanof Capftulo, ec- 
 clefie uoflreCatbemaU0$ (3lpetropolitice €\)M\ €antuaf,eomm' 
 toe in bac parte toicefgeten quibufcunque comparenDi, $ luQa© 
 Caufasabientienollreco^ameisp^oponeniS, oiceniJ fp2ofiteniS, 
 jEtofq; eo obtentu a perfonali comparitione ej:cufani5,ac fuper toe* 
 ritate earunoem fioem De jurerequifitam faciend, acBo0 $ nerfo= 
 nam noftram inrealem,actualem? co^po^alempoHeflionemnO' 
 ftri 3irc9iepatu0 Cantuarien cum omnibus $ anguli0 fui0 bono> 
 ribu0, p^itoilegij0,p?erogatitoi0, p^ebeminentijs, juribus $ perti* 
 nenfuis uniberfis fpirtafibus $ tempo;alibU0jurta $ fecunoum 
 ipfius €ccUfieCatbet)?ali0 f 9i^etropoliticeCb?iftiCantuaf %^a= 
 tuta,<D<JOinatione0,5 Coufuetutjine0 Olegibus, ^tatutis $ p2o= 
 toi0oiubu0 bu|u0 laegni 3ingUe imputiammnon repuguan) inDu= 
 ci, intoefliri, inflallari $introni3arf, ciun plcnitutJine juris aircfii^ 
 epalis, CatbetJ^amqs fitoe :^eDrm 3irc9iepalem in Cbo?o eccle0e 
 mem.o^atemcQiepo ibioem ab antiquo affignarf foUa $ confuef 
 i^obi0quatenustoioebiture);per)iens affignari f limitari peteni5, 
 reauireni5$obtineni5, l^ecnon realem, actualem f cozpojalem 
 poteffionem, 3InflaUationem $ 3ntroni3ationem Dicti airc9iepa= 
 tii5 Cantuaritn, toice $ nomine noflri0 nancifcenfi $ aoipiCceua, 
 aciUa0ficnacta0f at)epta0atiufum ? commooum noflrum cu* 
 aoriim6$ confertoani5,at per legitima Juris remeoia tueufif oe-- 
 fenocnfi, ©uoocunqueiniuper Juramentum licitum $ app?oba= 
 tum,actje jure Confuctutiimbus t ^tatutis Dicte cgcclefie ca? 
 tbeti^alis f a^etropolitice Cl),nQi Cantuarien in bac parte quo-- 
 moBolibet requiCf, muatenus ConfuetuDines, €);l)inationes et 
 ^tatutaljujufmoni juriS)ibino, ac ^Legibus et ^tatutis Imm 
 megni :?liugUe non fint contraria toelrepugnan,in animam meam 
 et p?o me p?ellani5, fube«ni$ ft jucan6,/i^f cuon Juramen t um obe= -^ 
 tiiemif,etq.uoi3Cunq5aUttt) .^acramentum licitum et boneaum 
 
 De
 
 Df £);DinationiI)U0ft ^tatuti0 Ccclcfic <latlicl3?alis tt 3l^etropo= 
 litif e Cl3?ifli Cantuaricn mt moBo p^emilTo qualificatie, a Bf ca= 
 no ft capitulo,Canonicifqi ct cctcri0^imfli:is ejufDem Ccclefie 
 3rrl)icpoUnDcm tx\)\hm tt p^efJarifolif et confueeab tift)cmet 
 fo;umquolibct, acticectnominibug noflri0 recipieniS et anmit> 
 unt, tt Qtneralittr omnia ttangula aliafatieniS , txtxitnt tt er- 
 pecifni, que in p?fmifl"i0 et circa earie jure feu conruetuDine^ac* 
 tfnu0ufitalnefeffariafuerim,feuquomol'et opponuna, etiama 
 i^antiatunine femagi0fngant fpecialequamiuptriu0ea erp?ef= 
 fum, p;omittimulqj ^00 ratum, gratum et firmum perpetuo 
 ialiituf,totum et quicquit)t)icti^?ocurato?e0noff, feu eonimal= 
 ter fecerint feu fecerit in p?emi(ri0,tel aliquo memiffo^u fub bvpcv= 
 fliecaet obligatione omnium et fingulomm bono^um noflro^um, 
 tam p?f fentium quam futuro^um , et in ea parte Cautione m tt:: 
 ponimu0per p?efente0, Jn cujU0 mei tceftimonium ^igillum 
 noftrum pntibu0 apponi fecimu0. Baf in ^anerio noftro tie 
 tambebitp ?minton Bioc fecunuo Die ^enO031anuatij,3nno 
 Bomini fecunnum Computation em Ccclefieatnglicane, ^lllefi= 
 mo ^uingentefimo 0uinquagefimo nono, tt nit Confecrationiis 
 3innop?imo. 
 
 Concordat cum Regiftro 
 fada Collationc per Nos 
 Wmum Angier Notarium publicum, 
 
 & 
 Johiinncmjacobum Benard. 
 
 i 
 
 
 I
 
 iiiiimatqic^rewordanim 
 
 €)?Do, m confccranno meterennimmo m cwto i&atre, 
 
 mmto^atltt, Cantuaricnfi 3lrctiiepifcopo, in 
 
 S)acello fuo apun ^aneriu fuum tc )lambet^, 
 
 Die J^nico, pWj ti3. Die apenOg; 5Decemb?ii5, 
 
 anno Bom. 1559. W0. 
 
 i^^lfiinCipiO? Saccllum tapetibus ad Orientem adornabatur , foliim ve- 
 ^)^lj ro panno rubro inllernebatur, Mcnfa quoque Sacris peragendis nccef- 
 ^^^X faria. tapeto pulvinariqi ornata ad Orientem fita erat. 
 ^gg£ SilMUUl pretcrea Cathedra? , quatuor Epifcopis quibus munus con- 
 J^K\ fecrandi Archiepifcopi delegabatur, ad auftrum Orientalis Sacelli par- 
 tis crant polltac. 
 
 ^Camnum preterea tapeto pulvinaribufqi inftratum, cui Epifcopi genubus flexis 
 inniterentur, ante Cathedras ponebatur. 
 
 ^an quoq-, modo Cathedra, fcamnumquapetopulvinariqi ornatutn, Archiepi(co- 
 po, ad Borealem Orientalis cjafdem Sacelli partis plagam pofita erant. 
 
 ^HB rebus ita ordine fuo inftructis, mane circiter quintam aut fextam per occi- 
 dentalcm portam ingreditur Sacellum Archicpifcopus, toga talari coccinea caputio- 
 queindutus, quatuor prccedcntibus funalibus, & quatuor comitacus Epifcopis, qui 
 ejus confecrationl infervirent (verbi gratia) Guilielmo Barlow olim B3thon.& Wel- 
 len. Epi'copo, nuncvero ad Ciceftren Epifcopatum eledo, johanne Scory olim Ci- 
 cheftriaj EpifcopoSc nunc ad Herefordenfem vocato,Milone Coverdallo olim Exoni- 
 enft Epifcopo, & Johanne Hodgskinne Bedfordie Suftraganco. Qui omnes poftquam 
 {edes tlbi paratas ordine fingua fuo occupaflent ,Preces continuo matutina? per An- 
 drcam Pierfon Archiepifcopi Capellanurn clara voce recitabantur , quibus peradtis, 
 Johannes ScoryCde quo fupra diximus)fuggeftum confcendit.atqs inde aflumpto fibi, 
 in thema, Semores ergo qui in vobis funt obfccro confenior, &c non ineleganter con- 
 cionabatur. 
 
 Slinita concione, cgrediuntur fimul Archicpifcopus reliquiqj quatuor Epifcopi Sai 
 cellum fe ^d facram communionem piraturi, ncqi mora confellim per borealem por# 
 tarn *in veftiarum ad hunc raodum veftiti redeunt. Archicpifcopus nimirum linteofu- 
 perpelliceo C quod vocantjinduebatur. Ciceftrenfis eledus, capa ferica ad facrapera- 
 genda paratus utebatur. Cui miniftrabant operamqi fuam prebebant duo Archiepi- 
 fcopi Capellani, Nicholaus viz. Bullingham Lincolniae Archidiaconus, & Edmundus 
 Geft Cantuarienfis quoqi Archidiaconus, capisfericis fimiliter , veftiti. Hereford elc- 
 dus & Bedford Suffraganeus, lintcis fuperpellicics induebantur. 
 
 9i!0 verb Covcrdalhis non nifi toga lanea talari utebatur. 
 
 JJtq^ hunc in modum vefliti&inftrufli ad communionem celcbrandam perrcxe- 
 runt. Archiepifcopo genubus flexis ad infimum Sacelli gradum fedente. 
 
 jFlnttO tandem Evangelic, Hcreforden. eledus, Bedfordia; Suffraganeus & Mtio 
 Coverdallus (de quibus fupra) Archiepifcopum coram Ciceftren. cledo apud men- 
 fam in Cathedra fedenti hi)s verbis adduxerunt, Revercnde in Deo Pater, hunc vi- 
 rum pium pariter atqi dodum tibi offerimus atqi prefentamus , ut Archicpifcopus 
 ftonfccretur. Poftqi hxc dixiffent, profcrebatur illico Regine diploma fivemandatum 
 pro confecrationc Archiepifcopi , quo per Reverendum Thomam Yale Lcgum Do- 
 
 O ftorem
 
 dorem perledto, Sacratnentum de RcgioPrimatu five fuprema ejus authoritate tu- 
 enda juxtaStatura i. An. regni Serenillimas Reginsenoftras Eliiabeth promulgata ab 
 codem Archicpifcopoexigcbatur , quod cum ille folcmniter tadis corporaliter faaris 
 Evingeliis conceptis verbis preftitifTet, Ciceftrienf. cledus quaedam prxfatus atq> po- 
 piiluin ad orationem hoitatus , ad Litanias decantandas Choro refpondcnte (c ac- 
 cinxif. Qtiibus Hnitis, port quaeftiones aliquot Archicpifcopo per Cicertrien. eledum 
 propofitas, & poll oraticncs & fuffragiaqusedam juxta formam Libri antedidi Par« 
 liamenti cditi, apud Dcum habita, Ciccftrienfis Hereford ienlls Suffraganeus Bcdfor- 
 Jiciilis & Mill) Covcrdallus,manibusArchiepifcopoimporitis.Accipe(inquiunt jingli' 
 (6) Spirifum fandum,&: gratiam Dei qu«jam per impolitionis manuum in te eft ex- 
 citare memento. Non enim timoris,fed virtutis, diIedionis&: fobrietatis fpiritum de- 
 dit nobis Deus. His itadictis, Biblia facra illi in manibus tradiderunt hujufmodi a- 
 ptid cum verba habentes, in legendo,hortando, & doccndo vide diligens fis , atqi ca 
 medicare aliiduc quae in hifce Libris (cripta funt,noIi in his fegnis efTequo incrcmen* 
 turn inde proveniens omnibus innotcfcat & palam fiat. Cura quaead te & ad docen- 
 di munus fpedtant diligenter. Hoc enim modo non teipfum folum, fed & reliquos 
 Auditores tuos per Jefum Chriftum Dominum noftrum falvabis. Poflquam hsc di- 
 xifTent , ad rcliqua communionis folennia pergit Ciceflrenfis nullum Archiepifcopo 
 tradens paftorale baculum, cum quo communicabaut una Archiepifcopus, 8c illi Epi. 
 ^opi fupranominati cum aliis etiam nonnullis. 
 
 ifinitiS tandem peradlifqifacris , egreditur per boreakm oricntis Sacelli partis 
 portam Arcliiepifcopus quatuor illis comitatus Epifcopis qui eum confecravcrant, 8c 
 confertim iifdem ipfisftipatus Epifcopis per eandem revertitur portam albo Epifco- 
 pali riperpellitio. Crimeraqi Cut vocantUx nigro fcrico indutus, circa collum vc- 
 ro coliare quoddam ex pretiofis pellibus fabellinis Cvulgo Sables vocantj confutum 
 geftabat. Pariquoq', modo Ciccftrcnfis & Herefordenfis, fuis Epifcopalibus amidi- 
 bus,fuperpellitio fciiicet Sccrimera uterqiinduebatur.D.Coverdallus vcro 8C Bedfor- 
 dis Suffraganeus togis folummodo talaribus utcbantur. Pergens deindc occidenta- 
 lem portam verfus Archiepifcopus Thome Doyle Economo, Johanni Baker Thefau- 
 rarie, 8c Johanni Marche computo rotulario, fingulis fingulos Albos dedit Baculos, 
 hoc fciiicet modo eis muneribus Scofficiisfuis ornans. 
 
 1^<;S itaq-, hunc ad modum ordine fuo, ut jam ante didum eft peradis, per occi- 
 dentalem portam Sacellum egreditur Archiepifcopus generofioribus quibufqv fan- ' 
 guine ex ejus familia eum precedentibus, reliquis vcro cum a tergo fequentibus. 
 
 3(t8 geftaqj haec erant omnia in prxfentia Reverendorum Epifcoporum , 
 Edmundi Gryndall Londinenfis Epifcopi eledti, Richardi Cockes Elienfiseledi,Ed- 
 wini Sandes Wigornicnfis elefti, AnthoniiHufe Armigeri, Principalis &Prisnarii Re- 
 giftrarii difti^Archicpifcopali,Thome Argall Armigeri Regrarii Ciceftriae Prerogativae' 
 Cantuarienfis, Thomae Willet,& Johannis Incent Notariorum publicorum , & alio* 
 rum quoqi nonnullorum. 
 
 Concordat cumOriginali in BiWiotheca Collegii 
 Corp. Chrifti apud Cantabrigienf. 
 
 Ita teftor Matth. Whinn Notarius 
 Jj'J. 8. Public. & Acad. Cantabr. Rcgi- 
 
 1^74. ftrarius Principalis. 
 
 Cambridge Ja». 11. 1674. 
 Z/^yE rvhofe names are hereunto fnhfcribed, having Jeen the Original, whereof thit tPri- 
 ting is a perfeU Copy, and confidered the hand and other circitmflances thereof^ are 
 fully perfuaded that it is a true and genuine Record of the Rites and Ceremonies of Argh- 
 Bifhop Paiker'i Confecration , and at ancient as theT>ate it heaves. \n rvitnefs rvhireofrve 
 have hereunto fet our hands, the day and yeare above vcritten. 
 
 Hen. Paman Orat. Publicus. 
 
 Hen. More D. D. 
 Ra: Widdrington. S.T D. &. D. Marg. P. 
 
 Oi C» C» G,
 
 "^Ethe Majlerand Fellows 0/ Corpus ChrilH College in tbeVniverfuy 0/ Cambridge 
 doe hereby declare and certifie, that this writing, being a Narrative of Archbilhop 
 Parkci/ Conjecratton inL^mhctb Chaffel, is faithfully tranfcribed from the Original 
 Record in our College Library: and that we are fully fat, ffied that the faid Records as 
 ancient as the date it beares, and the oaafwn to which it doth referr. Nor can n>e doubt 
 but the f lain and evident tokens of antiquity which it carries, will as much fatisfy any 
 ingenuous per fans whojhall have a fight thereof: which therefore we fhall readily afford 
 to thofe vbo fhall repair e to the College for that purpofe. 
 
 John Spencer. D. D. Mr. of the ColJ. 
 
 Joh: Peckover. B. D. 
 
 Erafmus Lane. B.D. 
 
 Ri : Sheldrake. B* D. 
 
 Sam: Beck. B. D. 
 
 Hen: Goftling. B. D. 
 
 Will:Briggs.M.A. 
 
 John Richer. M. A. 
 
 j^f^Hereof there are fever al words in the fregsing Records , that are notfufficiently eon~ 
 gruoHS according to the Latine Jdiom , many of which are marked with Afteriskes, 
 ■}}e Reader may be pleafed to tah^notice, we would notfo math vary from the Records , as 
 to eorreS the common Err ours of them. 
 
 y>
 
 I 
 
 I
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 This book is DL'E on the last date stamped below. 
 
 I 
 
 MAR S)964 
 
 Form L9-40m-7,'56 (079084)444 
 
 ll
 
 D 000 375 221 9 
 
 vr:. 
 
 J\ I 
 
 /..A 
 
 o<r 
 
 n 
 
 
 I