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TI-PING TIEN-KWOH;

THE HISTORY OF

THE TI-PING REVOLUTION,

INCLUDING

gk Itarratibt of tljc giutbot's |)crsoiuU ^.bfacutiuts.

LIN-LE.

rOBJIKULT nOKOBART OFFICEB, cnUKG-WANG S GUARDS; srrCIAL AGENT OF TUE H-PIKG

GENEHALIN-CniEl' ; AND LATE COIIMANDEU OF TUL " LOXAL AND PAITHFUL

AUXILIABr LEGIOK."

LONDON :

DAY & SON (LIMITED), LlTirOGllAPlIEES & PUBLISHERS,

GATE STREET, LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS.

18G6.

A'.

cox AND WYMAN,

ORIENTAL, CLASSICAL, AND GENERAL PRINTERS,
GREAT qUEEN STREET, LONDON, WX.

The General of the Chin-chung (tnily faithful) Aemy,
Chung-wang Le (The " Faithful Piince " Le),

Hereby certifies that the undermentioned Foreign Brother, Lin-le, afore-
time travei-sed the country between Shanghai, Ningjio, &e., conducting and
ujauaging militar}' affairs (or ships of war).

He has travei-sed the whole country, and from time to time has been
actively engaged, and has collected commissariat (or militaiy) stores, neither
sparing pains nor valuing difficulties, but directly managing the affairs.

After this he proceeds to Kia-hing (or Cha-shing) prefecture to conduct
operations (with regard to organizing an auxiliary force, ifec), and to
receive and use, from Ting-wang, certain moneys for affaire in which he
succeeded (or may succeed).

We therefore hereby command those in charge of the military posts on
the frontier to examine this clo.sely, and to allow him to pass to and fro
without let or hindrance.

This is an Express Commission !

Dated : The Celestial Kingdom of Ti ping,

13th year, 10th month, 2Gth day.

"Tl-PiXG is xnnoutKcd Tye, or T'hi-Ping; tlic first icord, Ti, r/oiny into the hroad
English sound like the noun eye, or as ti in ti-tle. The pure Chinese tone rather resembles
Tbi than Tye."

" fait^ul $rmte,"

COMMANDEE-Df-CHIEP OF THE TI-PING FOECES,

f |ts Mfltli is gtbitatciJ,

U HE BE LITING;
AND IF NOT, TO HIS MEMOKT.

PEEFACE.

^T^HIS work has been written in accordance with
-^ instructions received from the leaders of the great
Ti-ping Revolution in China.

Besides an account of my own personal adventures
and practical experience during four years' military
service and social intercourse with the Ti-pings, the
following pages contain : —

;A complete history of the Revolution : its Christian,
political, military, and social organization ; an accurate
description of its extraordinary leader, Hung-sui-tshuen,
and his principal chiefs ; the rise, progress, and present
circumstances of the movement, together with its bearing
and influence as well upon the welfare of the 360 million
inhabitants of China, as on the general interests of Great
Britain; with a thorough review of the policy of the
British Government towards China ; including the inter-
vention with and hostilities against the Ti-ping patriots,
who, by accepting Cbristianity and abandoning idolatry,
revolted against the Manchoo-Tartar Government.

In writing this work I have been prompted by feelings
of sympathy for a worthy, oppressed, and cruelly-

viii PREFACE.

Ijrronged people ; as well as by a desire to protest against
the evil foreign policy which England, during the last
few years^has pursued towards loeak Powers, especially
in Asia.

As a talented writer has just proved,* " It is not
once, nor yet twice, that the policy of the British
Government has been ruinous to the best interests of the
world. It is not once, nor yet twice, that British deeds
have aroused the indignation and horror of 'highly
civilized and half-civilized races.' Disregard of inter-
national law and of treaty law in Europe — deeds of
piracy and spoliation in Asia — one vast system of wrong
and violence have everywhere for years marked the
dealings of the British Government with the weaker
nations of the globe."

k Entertaining similar opinions to these, I have en-
deavoured to produce a complete history of the wonderful
revolution in China, and an accurate narrative of
the forcible intervention of the British Government
against it. As this subject has never been properly
placed before the people of England ; as it forms one of
the last acts of interference with the internal affairs
of another State which was xindertaken by Lord
Palmerston's Administration ; and as I have had peculiar
opportunities of becoming acquainted as well with the
Ti-pings as with the terrible effects of British intervention
in this instance, — I feel it my duty to afford the fullest
information to my countrymen, so as to assist them in
forming a correct opinion on a question of such vast
magnitude.

* " Intervention and Non-intarvention," by A. G. Stapleton.

PREFACE. IX

Deploring, as I do, the apathy with Avhich the great
majority of Englishmen regard the foreign policy of their
rulers, and lull themselves into a self-satisfied and indo-
lent state of mind, because of the present internal
prosperity of their country, it is with hope of some good
result that I offer my testimony against an hitherto
uncondemned national crime ; and, by illustrating the
iniquity of our last hostilities in China, join the small
array of those who strive to arouse their countrymen
from what may prove a fatal lethargy.

During the last thirty years, all the great nations of ■•
[Europe have acted in a way more or less antagonistic to
the only principle which insures the peace of the world,
viz., that " No State has a right forcibly to interfere in'
the internal concerns of another State, unless there exists
a casus belli against it.'j' Consequently it is apparent that
the existence of international and treaty law must be in a
very precarious position.

When we consider British armed intervention in the
internal affairs of the Netherlands, Spain, Portugal,
Turkey, AfTghanistan, &c. ; the three wars with China ;
the wars with Burmah, Persia, and Japan; together
with the forcible demonstrations against Ashantee,
Greece, Siam, and Brazil ; it cannot fail to be seen
that England has not been the most backward in
violating the above true principle of international law,
nor the least guilty in following up unjustifiable imposi-
tions upon unoffending belligerents by actual yb^re.

It is not, however, with the cases here mentioned, but
with the late unproclaimed war against the Ti-pings, and
with the general effect of the policy in question, tliat
this work is concerned.

X PREFACE.

"With regard to the first subject, it is shown that
British interference has caused a tremendous destruc-
tion of human life ; that it has been carried on with
fire and sword a2:ainst the first Christian movement in
modern Asia ; that it has been directed against a mighty
national religio-political revolution which in no way con-
cerned England ; and that every incident of this forceable
intervention, from beginning to end, was totally unjus-
tifiable and iniquitous.

With regard to the second subject, if the explanation
of the first be considered together with the general effect
upon the world which has been produced by England's
policy towards some of the States mentioned as those with
whom she has interfered during the last thirty years, it is
probable that further light may be thrown upon " two
remarkable phenomena which now puzzle this nation,"
described at p. 270, part iv., of the admirable work
entitled " Intervention and Non-intervention," as fol-
lows : — ■

"(1) Tliat the roign of foi'ce, without any real moral antagonism, is
now established throughout all the four quarters of the globe.

" (2) That Great Britain is no longer honoured and trusted as she
was, her statesmen having lost that moral influence which, quite as much
as physical fear, serves to restrain unscrupulous governments in a career of
wrong-doing."

He will indeed be a bold casuist who can dispute the
truth of -the above propositions, or the fact that they
are the natural consequence of such acts as the inter-
vention against the Ti-pings, &c., which have been per-
petrated for the sole object of forwarding our oion

PllEFACE. XI

interests and " commercial transactions," without tlie
slightest regard for the principles of right, justice, and
international law.

The history of the world proves that every great
nation which has heen founded by aggression and the
sword has ultimately fallen, notwithstanding its power
and grandeur, through the exercise of the same
illegal violence against itself. Now those who utterly
condemn any political action having for its basis ex-
pediency, temporary interest, commercial extension,
place-holding, or any other mercenary or selfish motives,
at the sacrifice of rigid equity and honour, believe that
under Providence England will never fall from her
exalted position while adhering unchangeably to the
eternal principles of right and justice. If the future and
the ultimate fate of a nation be not preordained, but are
really dependent upon itself, let us believe that its
destiny will be determined by an immutable law which
only rewards or punishes according to deserts. Then
will all who love their country be jealous of its
honour, whilst those who are rather intent upon im-
mediate and personal aggrandizement will imitate the
acts of the robber, who cares not for the crime so long as
he can enrich himself.

Mingled with the more serious parts of this work, the
(reader will iind much information regarding the vast
Chinese empire ; the character, customs, and position of
its interesting people, especially so far as the Ti-pings are
conoernedj As these are subjects which have come
largely under my personal observation, I have connected
them with my own travels and adventures in the form
of a narrative, so that each alternate chapter should treat

Xll PREFACE.

exclusively of the history of the Ti-ping Revolution until
both could be combined together.

At present civil war is raging in every part of China,
and if the natives — as represented by the Ti-ping, Nien-fie,
or other insvirrectionists — should succeed in overthrowing
their Manchoo oppressors, a vast field will be thrown
open to European enterprise, and the opjiortunity that
will exist for civilizing and Christianizing the largest
country in the world cannot be exaggerated.

A. r. L.

London, 3rd February, 1866.

ERRATA.

P. 546, For the word "whom" read "with."

P. 6S9, read last paragraph, commencing at the twenty-seventh line, as follows : —
" Yet, on the other hand, there are people who have the obstinacy to review this and
similar affairs, and observe that in other parts of the world a very different policy has
been enacted, where it could be done with impunity, which affords sufficient evidence
that the pretended adoption of a non-interfering policy is neither more nor less than an
unprincipled truckling to strong powers, and an aggressive bullying of the weak."

CONTENTS OF VOL. I,

CHAPTER I.

FAGK

^ Arrival in Victoria. — The Happy Valley. — Hong-Kong. — Tanka
Boat Girls. — Chinese Boatmen: thcii- E\il Propensities. — Captain
Mellen's 'Adventure. — Canton Girls. — Amusements in China. —
Cafes Chantants. — The Exhiliition. — Temple of Lanterns. —
Chinese Character. — Piracy in China. — The " North Star." —
Fate of the Crew. — Tartar Cruelty. — Adventure with Pii-ates.
— Sporting. — Duck-shooting. — Chinese Hospitality. — Mandarin
Barbarity. — Whampoa. — Marie the Portuguese. — Marie's
History : her Escape. — Description of Marie : her Excitability :
her Jealousy ... ... .. ... ... ... I

CHAPTER II.

FTung-sui-tshuen. — Clanship in China. — Hung-sui-tshuen's Genealogy :
Ills Education. — Extraordinary Visions : Description of them. —
Description of Hung-sui-tshuen : Ids Early Days : his Visions
Explained : his Conversion : how effected. — Hung-sui-tshuen's
Preaching : his Religious E.ssays. — The God-worshipi>ei's. —
Destruction of Idols. — Progress of God-worshippers. — Numbers
increase. — Hostilities commence. — God-worshipp('i-s Victorious.
— " Im])orialist " Cnielty. — Bishop of Victoria. — Cliiuesc Dynasty
proclaimed ... ... ... ... ... ... 31

CHAPTER III.

The Manchoo Party.— The Ti-ping Party.— The Ti-ping Chai-actei-.-
Conflict with Manchoos. — Chinese Gunboats. — First Ti-pijig
Position. — Its Appearance. — Ti-i)Lng Hospitality. — Ti-ping
Coiuiti-y described. — Effects of Intervention. — Siin-lc-jow. —
Ti-pings Superior to Imperialists. — Ti-pings and Chinamen. —
Ti-ping Costume. — The Honan Ti pings. — The " Chinese Paris."
Y — Interview with Chung-wang : liLs Appeai-ance : his Religious

FeeUngs : his Penetration : liis Policy. — CommLssion from
Chung-wang. — San-li-jow. — A Ti-ping Army. — Its Friendly
Bearing. — Arrival at Shanghae ... ... ... ... tii)

VOL. I. C

XIV CONTENTS.

CHAPTER IV.

Organization of tlie Ti-pings. — Hung-sui-tshuen's Manifesto. — Hung-
sui-tsliuen Emperor. — Proclamation of Rank. — Ti-ping Titles. —
Siege of Yimg-gnan. — Ti-piBg Succes.ses. — Their Moderation in
VictoiT. — King Yang's Proclamation. — Tien-Wang's Proclama-
tion. — Cruelty of Imperialists. — Cause of the Revolution. —
Chinese Histoiy Reviewed. — Con-upt Government. — Tartar Rule.
— Manchoo Barbarity ... ... ... ... ... 81

CHAPTER V.

Y Shanghae to Han-kow. — River Scenery. — Silver Island. — The Salt

Trade. — Nin-gan-shan. — Tu-ngliu. — Its Aurifei'ous Soil. —
Kew-kiang. — River Sceneiy. — The Yang-tze River. — The Braves
of Han-kow. — Chinese Politeness. — Manchoo Policy. — Fire and
Plunder. — A Chinese Rudder. ■ — Scenery around Ta-tung. —
Appearance of the Country. — Chinese Chess. — Peiilou-s Adven-
ture. — Crew of Mutineei-s. — Critical Position. — Gallant Rescue.
— Explanation. — Alann of Pirates. — Plan of Operations. — Its
Advantages. — The Result. — Another Alarm. — " Imperialist "
Pirates ... ... ... ... ... ... lOG

CHAPTER VI.

Fall of Nankin. — Manchoo Cowardice. — Immense Booty. — Sii- George
Bonliam's Ai-rival at Nankin. — " The Northern Prince." — The
Ti-pings fraternize. — Sir George Bonham's Dispatch. — The Ti-
ping Reply. — Fm-ther Communication. — Its Friendly Nature.
— Ti-ping Literature. — Its Religious Character. — Bishop of
Victoria and Dr. Medliurst's Opinions. — Ti-ping Publications. —
The New Testament. — Monarchy Established. — Occupation of
Nankin. — A Fatal Mistake. — Impeiialist Advantages. — Advance
of the Ti-pings. — Manchoo Operations. — The Tsing-hae Army. —
The Retreat. — Tien-wang's Mistake — His Opportunity Lost. —
Manchoo Tactics. — Imperialist Outrages. — Ti-ping Moderation.
— The Triad Rebels. — They evacuate Amoy. — Captain Fish-
boume's D&cription. — Triads cajiture Shanghae. — Imperialist
Aggressions. — Jesuits' Intei-ference. — The French attack the
Triads. — Shanghae Evacuated. ^ British Interference. — Its Con-
sequences ... ... ... ... ... .. 130

CONTENTS. XV

CFTAPTEK VII.

X Home. — Its Desolation. — Intelligence of Marie. — Consequent Tro-
ceedings. — Preparations for Pursuit. — River Tracking. — In
Pursuit. — The Lorcha Sighted. — Stratagems. — Alongside the
Lorcha.^On Board tin; Lorcha. — Critical Position. — A Friend
in Need. — Failure. — Lorcha again Reconnoitred. — Increased
Difficulties. — Another Attempt. — Alongside the Lorcha again.
— Marie discovered. — Marie rescued. — Safe on Board. — Marie's
Explanation. — The Lorcha in Pursuit. — She gains on us. — The
Lorcha oj)ens Fii-e. — Safe among the Ti-pings ... ... 177

CHAPTER VIII.

Ti-ping (Jporations. — Chinese Apathy. — The Ti-piug Difficulty. —
Popular Feeling. — Opposed to the Ti-puigs. — England's Policy.

— Her Motives. — Dr. Bridgman describes Ti-pingdom. — His
Description of the Ti-pings. — X. Y. Z. — Ti-pingdom in 1857. —
Its Internal Economy. — Lord Elgin at Nankin. — Gallant Exploit.
— Its Interpretation. — Hung-jin anives at Nankin. — Hung-jin's
Adventiu'es. — Mi-. Hamberg's Narratixe. — Hung-jin's Pamphlet.
— Hung-jin Prime Minister. — Nankin Invested. — Re.sumption
of Hostilities. — " Indemnity " demanded. — Conditions of Pcsicc.

— Cause of Wars with China. — England's Foreign Policy. —
The Opium Wars ... ... ... ... ...204

CHAPTER IX.

y. The Sz- Wang's Domestic Life. — Apjjroach to Nankin. — Interior of
Nankin. — A Ti-ping Banquet. — Maou-lin, the Chung-waug's Sou.
— The Chung-wang's Palace. — The Chung-wang's Levee. — Ti-ping
Chiefs. — Chung-wang's Ai)peaiance. — Council of War. — The
Review. — Cum-ho. — The March. — Tlie Ti-ping Army. — Its
Organization. — Selection of Officei-s.— Equipment of the Aimy.
— Its Formation. — The Enemy in View. —Their Retreat. —
Preparations for Attack. — A Night Attack. — A Stockade
carried. — Chai-ge of Manchoo Cavalry. — The Repulse. — The
Enemy retreat. — The Pursuit. — Comjilete Rout of the Manchoos.
— Maou-lin's Bravery.. — Retiu-n to Nankin ... ... -34

XVI CONTENTS.

CHAPTER X.

X Prospects of the Ti-pings in I860.— Their Operations.— Relief of
Nankin. — Rout of the Imjierialists. — Ti-ping Sticcesses. — British
Interference. — Ti-piiigs advance on Shanghae. — The Chiing-wang's
Address. — Mr. Bruce's Notification. — Mr. Bnice's Despatch. —
The Future of China. — The Chuiig-wang's Despatch. — Mr. Bnice's
Inconsistency. — Mi.ssionary "Holmes." — His Statement. — His
XJncourteous Behaviour. — His Inconsistencies. — Suppressed
Missionary Reports. — Rev. Griffith Johns' Repoi-t. — Newspaper
Extracts. — The Shanghae Massacre of Ti-pings. — Newspaper
Extracts. — The Author's Reflections thereon ... ... 266

CHAPTER XI.

Ti-ping Polygamy. — Ti-ping Women. — Their Improved Position. —
Abolition of Slavery by the Ti-pings. — Its Prevalence in China. —
Moral Revolution effected by Ti-pings. — Their Religious Works.
— Their Conduct Justified. — Jesuit Missionaries. — Consul
Harvey's Despatch. — Apathy of Missionaries. — Its Consequences.
— Chinese Antipathy to Christianity. — Christianity of the
Ti-pings. — Their Forms of Worship. — Ti-ping Marriages. —
Religious Observances. — The Ti-jiing Sabbath. — Its Observance.
— Theii- Ecclesiastical System. — Forms of Woriship. — The Mo-
wang. — Ti-ping Churches ... ... . • ■ • • • 300

CHAPTER XII.

■)( Ti-iiingdom in 1861. — Its Armies. — The Foreign Policy of England.
— Its Consequences.— -Admiral Hope's Expedition. — Comments
thereon. — Its Results. — Lord Elgin's Three Points. — Official
Communications. — Secret Orders. — E\'idence of such. — Theii'
Object. — Official Communications. — Mr. Parkes' Despatch
analyzed. — Newsjjaper Extracts. — Official Papers. — Mr. Parkes'
Measures. — His Arrogant Behaviour. — Result of the Yaug-tze
Expedition. — Ngan-king Invested. — Modus Operandi. — The
Ying-wang's Plans. ^ — His Interview with Mr. Pai-kes. — Saciifices
his Interests. — Sketch of the Ying-wang. — Hung-jin's Adven-
tui-es. — The Chung-wang's Operations. — The Results. — Siege of
Hang-chow. — Its Captuio. — Mauchoo Cruelties.- Position of the
Ti-pings in 1861 ... ... ... ... 32-5

CONTENTS. XVU

CHAPTER XIII.

Ijifo in Niiiikiii. — Ti-ping Character. — Its Fiiendly Nature. —
Religious Observances. — Cura-ho. — Curious Adventure. — A
Catastrophe. — Love-making. — Difficulties. — Trip to Shanghae. —
Reflections. — On the Yang-tze River. — Life on the River. — ^An
Adventure. — The Deserted Lorcha. — The Murdered Crew. —
"Mellen's" Fate. — Arrival at Shanghae. — Return Voyage. —
Sin-ya-meu. — A " Squeeze Station." — The " Love-chase." —
Fraternizing. — Wife-purehiusLiig. — The Grand Ciuial. — • China
under Manchoo Rule. — Its I'o|)ulation. — The Manchoo Govern-
ment ... ... ... ... ... 360

CHAPTER XIV.

y. Ti-j)ing Revolution in 18G1. — -Official Correspondence. — Its Review. —
Professions of Neutrality. — How carried out. — Ca])tain Dew's
Interpretation. — Ti-ping Remonstrance. — Cause of British
Hostility. — Mr. Brace's Assertions. — Mr. Bi-uce's Second
Des2)atch. — Mr. Bruce's Difficulty. — HLs Inconsistency. —
Despatch No. 3. — Inconsistent Statements. — Ti-pings approach
Ningijo. — Intei-view with Ti-ping Chiefs. — Mr. Hewlett's
Intei-view with "Fang." — General Hwang's Despatch. — General
" Fang's" Despatch. — Caj)ture of Ningpo. — British Intei-vention.
— Ti-ping Moderation. — Open Hostilities commenced. — Com-
mander Bingham's Despatch. — Ti-ping Reply. — Commander
Bingham's Rejoinder ... ... ... ... ... 392

LIST OF TLLUSTKATIONS.

CHROMOLITHOGRAPHS.

Chinese Commission ... ... ... ... ... Frontispiece.

Hong-kong Boat Girls ... ... ... ... ... to face page G

Marie (portrait) ... ... ... ... ... ... „ 28

Ti-ping Army going into Action ... ... ... „ 68

Silver Island „ 108

Ke-tow ... ... ... ... ... ... ... „ 114

Escape from the Lorcha ... ... ... ... ... „ 203

The Chung-wang's Council of War ... ... ... „ 243

Defeat of tlie Tartar Cavaliy at the Battle of Hii-kau ... „ 2G1
Sale of a Chinese Girl, as witnessed by the Author, at

Etching, on the river Yang-tsc-kiang ... ... „ 304

Teaching the Lord's Prayer in a middle-class Ti-ping

household „ 318

Map, showing the position of the Ti-pings at the close

oftheycar 18G1 „ 359

A Ti-ping Church „ 3G0

A Mast-head view of Nankin from tlie river, a-s it

appeared on the morning of departure ... ... „ 372

WOOD ENGRAVINGS.

Sing-song Girl

page 30

Chung-wang's Head-dress

„ 73

Ti-ping versus ImperialLst

,, 80

Chess Board ...

„ 123

Chung-wang's Crown

„ 244

Ti-ping Ladie.s of rank ...

„ 324

A JIanthoo Squeeze Station

„ 384

THE

TI-PING REVOLUTION.

CHAPTER I.

Arrival in Victoria. — The Happy Valley. — Hong-Kong. — Tanka Boat
Girls. — Chinese Boatmen : their evil propeasities. — Captain Mellen's
Adventure. — Canton Girls. — Amusements in China. — Cafes Chantant.
— The Exhibition. — Temple of Lanterns. — Chmese Character. — Pii'acy
in China.— The "North Star."— Fate of the Crew.— Tartar Cruelty.
— Adventure with Pirates. — Sporting. — Duck-shooting. — Chinese
Hospitality.— Mandarin Barbarity. — Whampoa. — Marie the Portu-
guese. — Marie's History : her Escape. — Description of Marie : her
Excitability : her Jealou.sy.

IN the summer of 1859, I arrived before the town of
Victoria, on board the good ship Emeu, and cast
anchor in the blue waters of its shaded harbour. Victoria
is the only town in the island of Hong-Kong-, and,
viewed from the bay, presents a very imposing appear-
ance, in many respects resembling Gibraltar.

Like the city of the " Sentinel of the Straits," it is
built from the very edge of the sea to some considerable
distance up the mountains which constitute the principal
portion of the island, and is almost entirely hemmed in by
towering masses of time-worn granite, that constitute a
grand and effective background to its princely buildings.
Many of these noble edifices — the dwellings of European
merchants and officials, and the British Government
works — in the higher parts of the town are well orna-
mented by gardens; which, with several verdant little

2 AKRIVAL IN VICTORIA.

valleys in the hollows of the mountains, some low hills
covered with a feathery semi-tropical foliage — Green
Island, with its dense bushes on one hand, and Jardine's,
crowned with a noble mansion of that firm, on the other —
together with the multitude of junks and European
shipping at anchor, and those under weigh crossing and
enlivening the scene, afford a charming and picturesque
tone to what would otherwise be the unrelieved massive-
ness and sterility of the place.

There is one particularly beautiful spot in the " Island
of Sweet Waters," as it is poetically termed by the
Chinese, that well repays the trouble of a visit. It is
situated some five or six miles from the town, and is
named Happy Valley. It is surrounded with luxuriant
Asiatic foliage, from the midst of which occasional farm-
houses peep out. A fine grassy level forms the centre of
the valley, around which is constructed the Hong-Kong
racecourse, and this is bounded by a broad carriage-road
completely encircling the whole plain ; while on the edges
of the distant rising ground the burial-place of those
Europeans who never return to their home rears above
the surrounding evergreens its monvimental sculpture.

Happy Valley is surrounded by mountains whose
sloping sides are thickly clothed with vegetation ; the
trees, although of a stunted species, are thickly interlaced
with undergrowth and an innumerable variety of ever-
green bushes, through which murmur many mountain
springs, that become in the rainy months swollen into
torrents. Although a favourite resort of European
residents, I hardly consider Happy Valley a good sana-
torium ; for, when visiting it at early sunrise, I invariably
found thick, damp vapours shrouding it, slow to be
dispelled by the morning sun, and strongly significant of
fever, and " Hong-Kong fever " in particular.

^he colony of Hong-Kong represents most perfectly
the success of British enterprise in commercial matters ;
and, what is far more important, jjoints to the true mode

THE HAPPY VALLEY. 3

by wliicli Cliristian and civilized nations may com-
vmunicatc with the Pagan and semi-civilized ones of Asia.

The less said about the cession of the island to England
the better ; for, although in the year 1841 the Imperial
Commissioner, Keshen, coerced by the presence of
British troops, agreed to cede it, his Government repudi-
ated this unauthorized agi'ccment, and yet the British
made that a casus belli, and afterwards compelled them to
sanction and endorse the concession. Many people will,
doubtless, say that England was compelled to make war
upon the Chinese at that time, in order to defend her
subjects and protect their trade and property ; but it does
not appear that either trade or property had ever been
threatened, except through the nefarious opium traffic.
The Chinese Government took the best measures to
prevent the introduction of this injurious drug into their
empire, but the British Government laid themselves open
to the charge of wishing to protect the smugglers and
forward the lawless trade.

The colony of Hong-Kong is in many respects to be
admired, and it is to be regretted that the ministers of the
present day do not ajjpreciate its many advantages. In
former days England possessed more statesmen and fewer
politicians than now^ Of all the blunders which have
recently marked her foreign policy, the late intervention.
in China is the worst ; there we find neither the courage
nor intellect which, in former ages, by talent, energy, and
success redeemed even acts of aggression ; neither do we
perceive any desire to forego that system of unjustifiable
interference which is so much calculated to render this
great nation contemptible.

Hong-Kong is a free port, and in that lies the secret
of how to establish relations with the Chinese, Japanese,
or any other exclusive Asiatic jieople. As the late Mr.
Cobden very correctly stated, during the debate upon
China in the House of Commons (May 30, 1SG4), "We
have only to establish free ports on the coast of China,

B 2

4 HONG-KONG.

withdraw ourselves altogether from political contact with
the people, and we shall have a trade with them quite as
much, if not more, than if we penetrate into the country
and assist in destroying their civilization in a vain attempt
to plant our own, for which they are not yet fitted."
There is no necessity whatever to force trade, and when
such policy is persisted in, the results are always cala-
mitous. To apply the idea personally : How would any
of us like a stranger (foreign to us in every respect) to
come and thrust himself into our house, determined to
compel us to trade with him, openly professing his inten-
tions to alter our religion, ancient institutions, &c., with
his goods in one hand (principally a poisonous drug) and
a sword in the other ? But let the stranger establisli
himself close to our house, without aggression or loud-
mouthed professions of interference with our domestic
and public policy, and then, whenever we become aware
of the benefit to be derived from him, is it not certain
that we should flock to him willingly, and take him
amongst us as a friend ?

I caught the first glimpse of real Chinese life directly
the anchor fell from the Emeti's starboard cathead ; for
although at Singapore and Penang there are many
" Celestials," yet their peculiar manners and customs do
not forcibly obtru.de themselves upon the notice of a
" bird of passage." They seem, at both places, to be
leading a subdued, unnatural, very un-Celcstial sort of
existence ; and, besides, very few Celestial ladies are to
be seen about. The JEmeu was scarcely moored when I
was startled by the appearance of those amphibious
creatures, the Chinese boat and laundry women. The
Tanka (boat) girls lead an almost entirely aquatic life,
and are actually born, live, and die, on board their floating
homes. Their time seems fully occupied in rowing, or
sculling with a large oar over the stern of the boat ; and
this incessant labour makes them strong and well-figured.
Until married, it cannot be said they are either paragons

TANKA BOAT GIRLS. 5

of virtue or modesty ; but when married, or betrothed —
that is to say, boug-ht by a long-tailed Beiiediet — they, at
all events, seem far less amiable towards the exiled
" Fan-Kwei " (foreign devil), as, in common with most
Chinese, they politely designate all foreigners.

Tiie personal charms of these first seen of the Chinese
fair sex arc by no means so contemptible as Europeans
generally imagine. Their long and intensely black hair,
brilliant and merry though oblique black eyes, light-
yellowish brown and often beautifully clear complexion,
and lithe robust figures, constitute a charming and
singular variety of feminine attraction. Tliey are a gay
thoughtless set these boat-girls ; unfortunately, to mar
what would otherAvise often be a very handsome face,
many of them have the flatfish nose typical of South
China, though the higli and more European formed one
is by no means uncommon. Through constant exposure
to the sun, they are mostly tanned to a rcgiilar olivaster
gipsy hue, and wicked little gipsies they often arc,
especially when making a young greenhorn, fresh from
his mamma in England, pay six times the proper fare.

The Tanka girls are free in all things unconnected
with their work ; but, as many are purchased by aged
individuals, owners of boats, they are slaves in so far as
their occupation is concerned. Very different is it with
their unfortunate sisters, the slaves of the washerwomen,
who are bought when quite young, and trained to an
evil life.

It is a usual thing to see, the moment a ship has
anchored, several old laundry hags, each with an at-
tendant retinue of fascinating nymphs, " taking charge "
and establishing themselves in possession of all quarters
of the vessel, from the skipper's cabin to the black cook's
galley. Of course, these little witches make sad havoc of
the sailors' hearts, and generally of their clothes.

It is a singular fact, but no less singular than true,
that invariably upon pay-day the number and aflVction of

6 CHINESE boatmen:

these pretty damsels seem to increase and multiply in a
surprising manner ; and by the very perceptible metallic
chinking when they take their departure by the gangway,
it would appear that their sweetness of disposition had
not been exerted unsuccessfully.

The boat and laundry women are peculiar to the
South of China, being only met with at Macao, Canton,
Whampoa, and Hong-Kong. They seem to have
become a distinct part of the population of China
since the arrival of Europeans to its shores, as employ-
ment by the latter affords their principal means of
livelihood. Throughout the year they constantly amuse
themselves in the watei*, swimming and disporting them-
selves about the above-mentioned harbours, like so many
young porpoises in a gale of wind.

Besides the Tanka boats, there are others at Hong-
Kong manned by Chinamen ; but until quite lately, and
until the establishment of a water-police, they formed a
very dangerous mode of travelling at night, the crews
having frequently robbed and murdered their passengers.

A friend of mine was once very nearly killed by a
boat's crew when being taken to his vessel by them ; and
although, as it will appear, upon that occasion he managed
to escape, he was afterwards brutally murdered by the
Chinese. But that terrible affair I will relate at its
proper place ; for I found his mangled corpse, together
with those of his wife and child, some years afterwards,
in another part of China.

My friend Mellen was captain of a vessel belonging
to himself, and, just after the last Canton war, was at
anchor in Hong-Kong harbour. Returning on board late
one night, the boatmen — seven in number, six pulling
and one in the stern-sheets steering — soon after leaving
the shore, instead of steering directly towards his ship,
seemed to be keeping away from her. He, of course,
endeavoured to make them steer in the right direction ;
but with that half-complying, half-defying shuffling of

o
w

o
o

THEIR EVIL PROPENSITIES. 7

your true Chinaman, they managed to persist on the
wrong- course until reaching some little distance outside
all the shipping. At this moment, and while still a con-
siderable way from his own vessel, which happened to be
lying outside all the others in port, he W'as suddenly
struck witli some licaAy weapon by the man behind him,
who was steering. Throuo-h a forward movement which
he made, the blow luckily missed his head and struck
him on the shoulder. Mellen very fortimately had a
small revolver with him, and at the moment when the
rest of the boatmen started from their seats and rushed
to attack him, he turned and shot his first assailant,
had just time to face them, firing again and wounding
the foremost, when they were upon him, armed with
formidable knives and the heavy thole pins used to fasten
the oars. In an instant he received several wounds,
though providentially his assailants were too much in
each other's way to use their murderous weapons
eflectively ; but his revolver being self-acting, without a
pause, he was enabled to shoot dead another, and se-
verely wound a fourth. At this, seeing four of their
number hors de combed almost within five seconds, two
of the remaining robbers lost heart, and jumped over-
board to swim for it ; the last, a large powerful fellow,
closed with Mellen in a fierce and deadly struggle. My
friend's revolver was empty ; so, abandoning the weapon
that had already rendered such good service, he grappled
with his adversary, endcavom'ing to wrest away the knife
with which he was armed.

In the meanwhile, the reports of the pistol and the
noise of the struggle had reached the wakeful ears of my
friend's wife, who Avas by good chance on deck, waiting
and -watching for her husband's return. Piercing the
darkness of the night with eager eyes, she faintly
discerned a boat in the distance, outside all the other
ships, and naturally concluded it must be bound for their
vessel. In agony for her husband's safety, she aroused

8 CAPTAIN MELLEN's ADVENTURE.

the crew, seized a pistol from the cabin, and set off in
the gig to overhaul the boat which had attracted her
attention. The gig's crew pulling fast, arrived at the
scene of conflict not an instant too soon ; for Mellen
being in weak health, was succumbing to the superior
strength of his antagonist, who, with one hand grasping
him by the throat, was making fierce efforts to release
the other, and plunge the dagger it held into my friend's
breast.

Just at this critical moment, Mrs. Mellen and her
boat's crew arrived alongside, and, seeing all the danger,
she presented the pistol at the Chinaman and fired ;
the ball passed directly through his head and laid him
lifeless at her husband's feet. This gallant act was but
one of many instances in which that courageous woman
had saved her husband's life, and in defending which she
eventually lost her own — a fruitless though noble sacrifice.

After landing and reporting myself at head-quarters,
I finished my first day in China by seeing as much of
Celestial life as my uninitiated state permitted. A sedan
chair, the usual and aristocratic style of travelling in
China, was hired, which for upwards of three hours
transported me all over the town. The Chinese —their
country — in fact, all about them — will afford an observant
stranger an inexhaustible fund of study and amusement ;
yet, as a rule, Europeans are singularly neglectful of the
country and most interesting traits of the peculiar people
they sojourn amongst. They go to China with the sole
idea of making a fortune, and too often in its blind
pursuit all other principle is sacrificed. Their whole
existence seems a feverish dream to obtain dollars enough
to return home wealthy; and very seldom, if ever, are
any found sufficiently disinterested or philanthropic to
study the welfare and future of the immense Chinese
empire.

At first, as foreigners generally are, I was considerably
disgusted by the unnatural appearance of the men my lot

CANTON GIRLS. 9

■was cast with, consequent upon the shaved head and
monkey appendage. This frightful custom in no slight
degree adds to the naturally cruel expression of their
oblique eyes and altogether peculiar features; in fact, hair
is absolutely required to tone down the harsh and irregular
contour of their faces.

T\Tiile wandering through the town, • I was much
struck by the appearance of many Chinese girls wearing
European shoes on naturally formed feet, and head-dresses
of brilliant Manchester pattern, in the form of handker-
chiefs, folded diagonally and once knotted under the chin,
the ends projecting on either side by a particular and
almost mathematical adjustment. I soon became con-
vinced that the European proclivities of the Canton girls
went much further than this. These young ladies, before
marriage or obtaining a "massa," wear their front hair
cut short and hanging over the forehead, which gives
them an expression between that of a London street-
preacher and a person just dragged through a haystack ;
their back hair is gathered together and plaited into a
long tail, which, when loose, strangely resembles the tail
of a black Shetland pony. To the best of my knowledge,
the Chinese women never cut their hair, and their system
might be beneficially imitated by foreigners, for their
tresses are certainly much longer and more luxuriant than
those of the women of Europe.

I arrived during the Chinese New Year holidays,
which, throughout China, are celebrated with extensive
merry-making. At Uong-Kong the new year is welcomed
with much festivity, and during many days the cracking
of fire-crackers, the roar of petards, and the clanging of
gongs is incessant ; which, being continued all night,
renders sleep difficult.

I visited numberless smg-songs, or theatres, in all of
which I found the most persevering of instrumental and
vocal peiformcrs. Some exclusively confined thciusclves
to musical (Chinese) entertainment, while others were

10 AMUSEMENTS IN CHINA.

devotees of the Chinese Thespis, and, of the two, I think
the latter preferable; for, although their principal hits
consist of a tremendous crash of gongs, drums, horns,
&c. (which invariably places the audience in ecstasies of
delight), there is not so much of the shrieking falsetto of
the singers, or the scraping of that excruciating tympa-
num-piercing 'instrument of torture — the Chinese fiddle.
The nation has certainly obtained its knowledge of musical
concord from the vicinity of Pandemonium, its idea of
discord must come from somewhere considerably beyond
that place.

Some of the sing-songs combined creature comforts
with those more intellectual ; but these were permanent
institutions, and not simply for the occasion. These esta-
blishments are open free of charge, but care is taken to
have a select audience. The female performers consider-
ably outnumber the male, and have the cramped small
feet. After shrieking themselves hoarse, in a higher
pitch of voice than I ever heard before, they approach the
visitors to receive largess. Now, their manner of doing
this I denounce as the most revolting specimen of self-
distortion and pedestrianism imaginable. I can think of
no juster simile than a frog trying to walk upright with
half its hind legs amputated and stilts fastened to the
stumps. Why the deformed feet should ever have been
termed " small " I am at a loss to imagine, all that I have
seen being quite the reverse. The bottom of the foot, it
is true, is bandaged, and compressed into a hoof-like
smallness, with the toes all forced into the sole, and on
this the shoe is fitted ; but look at the ankle, instep, and
heel, and you will see nothing but an immense shapeless
mass, closely resembling the foot of an elephant.

Whenever the Celestial vocalists have hobbled up to
you and taken a seat, — perhaps on your knees if they
should happen to take a fancy to you, — the polite thing
is to order supper for the company ad Ubitum, and by this
means the proprietors and musical talent of the establish-

CAFES CHANTANT. 11

lucnt recompense themselves ; for altliough there is no
entrance-charge, by George ! they do make you pay for
supper.

It is a pity some of the members of tectotalism do not
undertake a proselytizing expedition to China, for in these
intellectual entertainments of the people they would find
a fair ficild for their labour. The etiquette of the sing-
song is that a man must never refuse the wine-cup from
the hand of one of the attendant sirens, and I am quite
sm'e the sirens use the strongest persuasion and their
most fascinating arts to ply it. It sometimes unfortunately
hapi^ens that a victimized Chinaman becomes unduly
elated, and attempts to steal a kiss ; and when this
happens, as the ladies are thickly befloured and daubed
with paint, the poor fellow quickly assumes a floury
appearance, while the lady's countenance becomes varie-
gated with irregular Hnes of commingled colour.

The Chinese have another polite mode of making
beasts of themselves, consisting of a sort of forfeit game,
in which one holds up his fingers and the otlier, before
seeing them, quickly guesses the number held up, the
loser's penalty being to swallow a cupful of wine or
sanishoo, and then, to show his superior breeding and
capacity, to hold it aloft, bottom up, after each draught.

The professional ladies are always open to an engage-
ment, and are usually invited to attend evening parties,
to enliven the guests by their melody and flirtation.
Upon these occasions each siren carries a fan, upon
which is inscribed her list of songs, and this is handed
round the company to select from. The wives and
daughters of the host are never present at these soirdes
musicales, for they, poor creatures, being only upon a par
with the goods and chattels, are considered unworthy to
mix with their lords in public. In all affairs but the most
private domestic ones they are entirely ignored, and it
would be the greatest breach of good manners for one
Chinaman to ask another after his wife's health, and

12 THE EXHIBITION.

would be vulgar to talk of female relatives at all. Of
course, where woman occupies such an inferior position,
her rights are frequently usurped ; and it is no uncommon
thing for one of the singing ladies to monopolize a man
with several wives.

"While at IIong-Kong I had the satisfaction of visiting
a grand New Year exhibition that only takes place once
every ten years. It consisted of an immense building of
bamboo and matting, after the general style of Cliinese
theatres. The people excel in this style of building, and
will finish one of these temporary structures in a few
days, and without using a single nail in the work. The
walls and roof are simply bamboo, lashed together with
rope, then thatched with rushes, and covered with matting ;
the whole completely watertight, and strong enough to
resist the wind and weather. That which I visited was
designated the Temple of some long-named Chinese
divinity, and was of vast extent, covering several acres of
land. The interior contained a little of every production
of China, a fair spi'inkling of European articles, and an
endless variety of shows and amusements. Some parts were
devoted to stalls of raw produce, while others contained
every kind of manufactured article. One of the most
attractive scenes for the Chinamen was a show of models
of a great variety of wild animals, comprising almost
everything, from a mouse to a camelopard. Although
this dummy menagerie gave the greatest satisfaction and
elicited numberless " Hi-ya's ! " from the astonished
Celestials, I am pretty certain that many of the supposed
representations could never have found an original, and I
am quite sure that had a tiger seen the tremendous
monster intended for himself, it would have certainly
frightened him. Tlieatres, sing-songs, lecturers, quack-
doctors, mountebanks, tumblers, jugglers, fortune-tellers,
all were to be enjoyed for the sum of two dollars paid at
the door.

The Temple was said to contain 1,000,000 lanterns,

TEMPLE OF LANTERNS. 13

and was altogether remarkably well got up. I met the
Chinese jugglers for the first time at this place, and I
must say they are remarkably dexterous. One of the best
tricks I saw them execute is this — the performer, after
showing the audience that he has nothing concealed about
him and going through a scries of gymnastics to convince
them, will suddenly stop, stoop dow n, and from under his
ordinary Chinese robe produce an immense bowl filled to
the brim w ith water ; so full, indeed, that the slightest
movement would spill some, yet the trick is executed
without a drop falling to the ground.

While lounging through the " palace of 1,000,000
lanterns," I foimd the first opportunity to study that
absurd jargon, " pidgeon English." I was watching one
of the most expert jugglers, when a fine, portly,
evidently well-to-do Chinaman came up, and addressed
me with —

" Ili-ya ! this piecee man belong numbah one. Can
do so fashon ? ga la ! "

More by good luck than comprehension, I happened
to hit upon his meaning that the man was very clever,
and his inquiry as to whether I approved of the trick.
After a few more general and equally ambiguous remarks,
in which some of my interlocutor's friends joined and
made a worse confusion, he thought we had had enough
of the wizard, and invited me to partake of some Chinese
good cheer in these words : —

" S'pose you no wantche look see, mi wantche you
come along mi catchee samshoo."

Having nothing better to do, and thinking it a good
opportunity to ascertain a little of Chinese character, I
accepted his proposal, and we adjourned to a restam'ant
department close by, where I spent a short time very
pleasantly — telling the Chinamen about railways, bal-
loons, submarine telegraph, &c., and receiving in return
copious information upon j^iffff^on (business) and the
Chinese politics of IIong-Kong. My friends were loud

14 CHINESE CHARACTER.

and unanimous in praise of the colony, and declared it,
and all pertaining to it, " niunbah one ; " while they quite
as heartily expressed their dissatisfaction with the state of
their country and its Manchoo Government. At last, I
was obliged to leave them in a hurry, having a confounded
middle watch to keep, and we parted with mutual pro-
testations of good will, amidst which might have been
prominently distinguished, "Engleman numbah one,"
" Chinaman numbah one," " Chin-chin, ga la ! " &c.

Hong-Kong is highly appreciated by the Chinese, who,
to escape from the tyranny and rapacity of their Manchoo
rulers, stifle their national pride, and flock to it in great
numbers. Those who have preferred British jurisdiction
to the unendurable state of their own country are mostly
resjjectable men; but, of course, there is another and a
disrex^utable party. Hong-Kong, besides affording shelter
and advantages to the honest and worthy, has been quite
as useful to bad characters and criminals-- from the main-
land; and as these latter have not been slow to avail
themselves of its protection, the result is that gangs of
robbers and pirates have become located amongst the
large native population. Until quite lately, a walk at
evening, outside the precincts of the town, was likely to
terminate unpleasantly, as these fly-by-night gentlemen
were often hanging about with an eye to business. Many
Europeans have returned from a late walk considerably
edified upon this point ; some have never returned, for
the Chinese marauders are particularly unscrupulous.
A coviple of philanthropists one night thought to relieve
me of the burden of my purse while I was taking a moon-
light stroll barely beyond the houses of Victoria ; but the
arguments of a Peuang lawyer proved so effectual — thanks
to Sergeant-Major AVinterbottom and its own toughness —
that they were glad to forego their unwelcome attentions
and decamp, leaving a memento of the meeting in tlie
shape of an ugly-looking rusty knife.

This sort of thing, however, is becoming less frequent,

PIRACY IN CUINA. 15

in consequence of the increased police force ; but there is
another and a much greater evil, almost as bad as ever —
that is, piracy. The whole coast, for several hundred
miles north and south, is infested Avith pirates, and tlie
peculiar formation of the land about Hong-Kong, (with its
many bays, creeks, inlets, and rivers of every description,)
affords them a rendezvous with the most perfect means of
concealment. Many piratical craft carry on their depre-
dations quite within sight of the colony ; some vessels
have even been plundered, and their ci'ews massacred,
upon its waters, with a large fleet of British gunboats
lying uselessly almost within gunshot-range. Some of
the wealthiest Chinese in Hong-Kong have been dis-
covered to be in connection with the pirates, and even
Europeans have been implicated.

About five years ago a large English brig was cap-
tiu'ed, and many of her crew murdered, in full sight of
the signal-station at Victoria Peak. This case happened
to come under my own observation.

The North Star sailed from Hong-Kong early one
morning, bound for Japan, in ballast, but carrying some
12,000 dollars in specie. Her crew consisted of seventeen
persons all told, including two passengers, to whom the
treasure belonged. The wind being very light, the vessel
made but little progress, and towards evening became
nearly becalmed about seven miles from the anchorage.
About this time the Chinese pilot left, and was observed
to communicate with a native junk which had followed
in the wake of the brig all day, imforttmately without
exciting the apprehension of those on board.

Soon after the pilot's departure, the Chinese steward
brought the captain his revolver, and asked him if he
wished it to be cleaned ; unsuspectingly he discharged all
the barrels and returned it to the steward. At this
moment the junk — which had gradually been edging
down, the light airs sensibly affecting her In-oad hitcen
sails, though the brig was almost stationary — having

16 THE "NORTH STAB:"

approached within fifty yards, suddenly became alive
with men, although only two or three had previously
been visible. Putting out large sweeps they commenced
pulling rapidly towards the brig.

The captain of the North Star perceived the danger
too late, and rushed to the cabin for a musket (four of
which comprised the whole armament), calling upon the
crew to arm themselves as best they could, and get the
watch below on deck. The pirates crashed alongside,
and instantly cast a shower of stink-pots on the deck of
their prey, killing the man at the wheel, and severely
burning two others of the crew. Fore and aft the pirates
boarded in overwhelming numbers. The captain ran on
deck with a musket, and with him, similarly armed, the
two passengers and the second mate. At the same time
the mate, in the fore part of the vessel, had snatched up
a deck handspike, the carpenter an axe, and the rest of
the crew whatever they could lay their hands on. The
captain and his supporters levelled their pieces, and with
care and coolness pulled the trigger, the caps snapped
— but that was all. The steward, after so cunningly
inducing the captain to empty his revolver, had filled the
nipples of each musket ; he was, of course, the accomplice
of the pirates, and jumped on board their junk directly
she touched the sides of the vessel he had betrayed.

In a moment the captain, second mate, and one of the
passengers were cut down, shockingly wounded by the
swords and spears with which the pirates were armed,
while the remaining passenger jumped overboard. Mean-
while, overpowered by numbers, and without arms to
defend themselves, the remainder of the crew, with the
exception of two or three who escaped, had been mas-
sacred. The mate, after desperately defending himself
with his heavy handspike, and breaking the skulls of
several assailants, received a fearful gash across the face,
destroying both eyes. The carpenter buried his axe in
the brain of one pirate, but, before he could recover

FATK OF THE CHEW. 17

himself, was cut down by another. In a similar way all
the crew, except two men and a boy, wore stretched dead
or dying on the deck. The three who escaped and
afterwards gave evidence, saved themselves by climb-
ing up the forostay and hiding in the top. They were
pai't of the watch below, and directly they emerged from
the hatchway saw one of their shipmates lying half under
the fore trysail (the halyards of which had been let go
by the pirates while seeking ropes to make their junk fast
alongside) weltering in his blood ; this, and the horrid
noise of the slaughter taking place abaft, warned them to
seek safety aloft, while the trysail screened them from
observation.

After getting the treasure on deck, and placing it on
board their junk, the pirates plundered the North Star of
everything of value, and then left her, sweeping them-
selves rapidly to seaward. When the junk was a long
way off, the three svirvivors descended from their place of
concealment, did all they could to alleviate the sufferings
of the few yet alive on deck, and steered in for the
harbour with a light breeze that had sprung up. After
midnight the wind fell again ; and, lowering a small boat,
two of the three got into her, and pulled for the shipping.
They reached my ship first ; and, sending them on to the
next vessel (11. M.S. IiiijjSrieuse) for a surgeon, we manned
a cutter, and set off for the North Star. We soon reached
the unfortunate bark, and then gazed upon a fearful
scene of butchery. The mate and three of the crew were
still living, but apjicared too horribly mangled for any
chance of recovery ; the rest were all dead, some being
literally hacked to pieces. The boats from the Imperieuse
soon arrived, and we took the brig in tow. The surgeon
pronounced every case but one hopeless. Out of the
sixteen Europeans on board at starting, only five escaped ;
the four sailors, and the passenger who jumped overboard.
The escape of the latter was something marvellous ; while
in the water, the pirates threw three bamboo spears at

18 TAUTAR CKUKLTY.

him, which did not strike him, but even furnished a
means of sui^i^ort. They then paid no further attention
to him ; so, swimming close under the stern of the brig,
he remained there perfectly hidden for some time. Being
a capital swimmer, he at length determined to push off
and attempt to reach the shore, although fully seven or
eight miles distant. He did so ; and, after being in the
water for nine hours, reached land, and was carried to
Hong-Kong by fishermen.

During some months I made voyages on the north-east
coast of China, from Hong-Kong to Swatow, Amoy,
Foo-chow, and Shanghae. I mixed as much as possible
with the natives at each place, and found all alike heartily
disgusted with their present rulers. Much of the cruelty
and duplicity generally attributed to the natural character
of the Chinese is the consequence of the evil government
of the Manchoo dynasty.

From infancy the people have become habituated to
scenes of blood and tortvire, similar to those inflicted upon
their ancestors during the last two centuries by the Tartar
conquerors. Made callous and degraded by the ceaseless
persecution of their authoi'ities ; unnaturally branded
with the shaven-headed badge of slavery ; their spirit
broken and debased by a system of grinding tyranny ; their
lives and property at the mercy of the most merciless
officials in existence, and of judges solely influenced by
bribery ; " cut into a thousand pieces," according to law,
or otherwise cruelly tortured to death for any rebellion
against their foreign Emperor's unrighteous sway; fre-
quently decapitated upon bare suspicion, but always if
related to a rebel — how can it be a matter of surprise if the
Chinese seem imbued with cunning and deceit, the usual
resource of the weak and sorely oppressed ?

Since the colony of Hong-Kong was founded, the
natives, through intercourse with foreigners, have become
acquainted with the superior laws, governments, &c., of
those they have been taught to consider "outer barbarians."

AUVENTUllE WITH PIRATES. 19

This lias tended to make them more dissatisfied with their
own national constitution ; can vvc, then, feel astonished
at the exclusive policy of the Manchoo government ?
Why, seclusion is their salvation ; too surely they know
that their power consists in the weakness, ignorance,
superstition, and degradation of their Chinese slaves.
The great Ti-piug revolution proves their iears are well
founded, from the fact of its originating entirely from
the contact of Christian civilization with China.

As for fishermen, pirates, and wreckers, the whole coast
of China is as thick witli them as the fahulous Straits of
Baflleman is with monkeys — where they say a ship's yards
cannot he squared on account of them. Upon one occasion,
while anchored in foggy weather off the island of Namoa,
close to Swatow, I had a capital o]iportunity of noticing
the remarkahie keenness with which those light-fingered
gentry are ever on the alert for plunder. Early in the
morning, before daylight, while in charge of the deck, I
suddenly heard a distant and wide-spread splashing of
the water. At first I naturally suj^posed it to be a shoal
of porpoises ; but as the noise became more distinct, I
fancied I could distinguish the regular sound of oars.
Directly I became convinced of this, I made the gunner
load a couple of guns, and turned all hands out. In a
few minutes the fog cleared a little with the dawn of day,
and I was able to discern an innumerable fleet of boats
pulling and sailing rapidly towards the ship. I had
scarcely discovered them when they suddenly ceased
rowing, and rested on their oars, having, I fancy, per-
ceived the smok • issuing from our funnel. Seeing their
hesitation, we gave them a blank cartridge, and this, mth
the noise of our men at the capstan weighing | anchor,
frightened them off; for they immediately "topped
their booms," and soon disappeared in the surrounding
mist.

In the neighbourhood of Swatow the people are much
excited against their government, and at one place —

c 2

20 SPORTING.

within twenty miles of that city — they have been in open
rebellion for many years. The Viceroy of the province
having several times had his troops defeated by them,
found it much easier to make an arrangement by which
they were to govern themselves, while nominally under
the Manchoo regime ; therefore, at the present day, the
Goo-swah men, who inhabit a mountainous part of the
sea-coast, live, to a certain extent, independent of the
Manchoo rule.

While thinking of the north-east coast, I must not
forget the capital shooting I have had at Foo-chow. Wild
waterfowl are found at this port in vast quantity, in fact,
in numbers such as I have never seen equalled in any
part of Europe, Asia, Africa, or America, that I have
visited. The whole river and surrounding country
literally swarm with an infinite variety of wild swan, geese,
duck, curlew, and water-fowl of every description. During
six months of the year, sometimes more, this game is
found in plenty, generally appearing about the com-
mencement of October, and dejoarting by the end of
March. The best shooting-ground about Foo-chow
was the false-mouth of the river and the adjacent country.
This became my favourite haunt, and comprised a broad
sheet of shallow water full of mud and sand-banks ; low
land on each side, marshy and ijitersected by creeks and
canals, with many bamboo or reed swamps, and here
and there a few hills. I generally started from the ship,
at the anchorage, about midnight, in a covered native
boat, with two or three Chinamen to work her, my
Chinese boy, and a Malay, as body-guard and general
assistant in the work of slaughter upon the feathery tribe.
Pteaching my destination generally before daylight, I
had ample time to make all preparations, amidst the
quacking of ducks and the constant rushing sound of
innumerable wings. At the earliest peep of dawn,
or a little before, I got ashore upon the sand-bank
to which the boat might be fastened, and almost always

BUCK-SHOOTING. 21

(bund myself within shot of immense flocks of wild
fowl.

Sometimes I had the misfortune to land vipon a bank
of treacherous consistency, and upon such occasions
hecame stuck fast in the mud ; and Chinese mud is of a
wonderful stickiness and tenacity, as those who have had
experience of it can well testify. There is often consider-
able danger in such a fix, for every effort to extricate
oneself simply tends to make a deeper immersion. The
only sure plan is to use a plank on the surface of the
mud ; so that I always carried several with me for emer-
gencies of such a muddy nature. For the fii'st shot I
usually had a long musket, loaded with grape cartridge,
and a wire one ; the effect of this amongst a closely
])acked flock, often within sixty yards, may be easily
imagined. I frequently bagged five or six brace of duck,
or several geese, as a commencement. The swans and
geese were generally off, after the first alarm ; but I often
had several shots, with the double-barrel which my Malay
caiTied after me, amongst the ducks or teal. As for snipe
and curlew, I have many a time seated myself in the
centre of a sand-bank, and, with the Malay loading my
guns as fast as he could, kept up an incessant fire upon
them in flocks eddying round and round the shoal,
but unwilling to leave it, until the rising tide compelled
their flight, or my guns exterminated them. After this I
would return to the boat for " Chow-chow," and when it
Avas despatched, cross over to the main-land, probably
getting a few brace of widgeon on the way. Early
morning, or about twilight, I always found the best time
for sport ; during the day the birds are very wild. I
have tried all sorts of dodges to get close. I have dressed
as a Chinese field-labourer — umbrella hat, rush water-
proof, and evei'ything ; but although such a Chinaman
can be seen working within thirty yards of the birds, I
could never get so close by a long way. The abundance
of game about Eoo-Chow is almost incredible. I have

22 CHINESE HOSPITAIilTY.

sometimes shot curlew in the dark, guided by the noise
they made, and finding them by the cries of a wounded
bird. I have shot wild swans so large, that when a
Chinaman carried one with the head over his shoulder,
its feet draggled on the ground; and very seldom
returned to my ship without a boat literally loaded with

spoil.

During shooting excursions and my frequent intercourse
witli the Cliinese country people, I have nearly always
found them exhibiting traits of character we give them
little credit for ; but only when they are completely by
themselves, and none of the Manchoo troops, officials, or
emfloyds of any description are in the vicinity, have I
found them particvxlarly friendly to foreigners — very in-
quisitive, although not so outwardly, by reason of their
great politeness and calm behaviour; hospitable and
obliging. To qualify this, yet to render still more
interesting the natural disposition of the people, it is
easily perceived they have a sort of undefined dread of,
and dislike to us, caused by the lying teaching and bitterly
hostile reports circulated by the entire body of Manchoo
officials concerning the " foreign devils," which, for my
part, I have always done my best to expose wherever I
have wandered amongst the deeply interesting natives.
But few Europeans are aware of the entire misrepresenta-
tions the Manchoo Government circulate about foreigners,
much less of the monstrous atrocities attributed to them ;
and I dare say, if jjropriety allowed me to mention some I
have been told by the Chinese, most people would disbelieve
them, especially since the British Government has entered
into alliance with the Manchoos.

I was eye-witness to a fearful specimen of the so-called
" paternal " Government's displeasure at Foo-chow some
years since. It appears the Viceroy of Fu-keen issued an
edict to prevent the Cantonese ascending the river to trade,
for some fault they had committed. Before, however, this
edict could have become generally known, three Canton

MANDARIN BARBAUI'lY. 23

lorchas sailed up the river laden with merchandise. They
were fired upon by the batteries about the mouth of the
river, yet, regardless of this (for the Cantonese are a brave,
obstinate race), they passed up and arrived within a short
distance of the European shipping. At this point, about
sixty of the Mandarin gunboats (row-galleys), without
any Avarning or communication whatever, opened fire
upon and pulled for the lorchas. Apparently, the first
two allowed them to board unresistingly ; and this no
sooner took place than a savage slaughter of their helpless
crews commenced. Some were cut down and brutally
mutilated upon the decks, their heads being chopped off
and their bodies thrown overboard ; others jumped into the
river, only to be there killed by the soldiers in the gun-
boats, who followed them wherever they swam, spearing
them, and thrusting them under water. The crew of the
third lorcha, seeing the terrible fate of their comrades, en-
deavoured to prevent the government troops from boarding,
and made a gallant resistance. Their defence, however,
though desperate, was unavailing. The gunboats sur-
rounded them, and poured in showers of grape and
canister; the lorcha had but three guns of small calibre
to reply with, and soon lost so many men that those
remaining could no longer beat the enemy off. At last,
being boarded, some of her defenders jumped overboard,
and the rest, fighting and disputing inch by inch, wei'e
quickly dispatched. Some of the European shipping sent
boats to try and rescue the poor wretches from the water,
and, fortimately, managed to save a few. Thus, for
breaking a proclamation of Avhich, very probably, they
were ignorant, these unfortunate men were all massacred,
and the ships, with their cargo, confiscated to the Man-
darins.

After some voyages upon the coast, my vessel was
ordered to Wliampoa, to be dry-docked and licr bottom
overhauled. Before entering the dock, and while lying at
anchor on tlie river, 1 was one evening surprised to see a

24 WHAMPOA.

san-pan (literally three planks, L e. a little boat) con-
taining two Chinese girls, and a third, neither Chinese
nor Eiu'opean, hanging about the ship ; its occupants
evidently desirous to communicate something, yet half
fearful to venture. The lady of the unknown nationality
seemed endeavouring to attract my attention. I was
alone on the quarter-deck, with the exception of an old
weather-beaten quartermaster. I beckoned her to come
alongside, and descended the gangway ladder. As I was
going over the side, the old quartermaster came up to me
and exclaimed —

" Keep your weather eye lifting, sir ; she's a pi-ar
Portuguee."

" Well," I repUed ; " what if she is ? "

" Well, d'ye see, sir, them Portugee's is awful wild
craft. I've got a remembrancer here," touching his ribs;
" one of 'em gave me in Pk;io, just because she thought I
was backing and filling with a chum of hers."

" If a Eio girl fell in love with you, and you made
her jealous, you old sinner, what has that to do with a
Whampoa girl ? Besides, we shall have no time for
falling in love here.' "

" Ay ! ay ! you don't know 'em, sir ; the breed's the
same aU over; and, as for time, why, they'll be in love
with you afore you can say 'vast heaving there."

" You're out of your reckoning for once, quartermaster;

call Mr. , if I am not on board by eight bells ;" and

with this I disappeared over the side.

Directly I jumped into the boat, it was shoved off, and
dropped astern with the tide.

My attention was, of course, directed to the lady
designated a " pi-ar Portuguee " by the quartermaster ; I
at once discovered that she was a Macao Portuguese, very
handsome ; and, to all appearance, in great affliction. Por
some time she made no reply to my inquiries as to what
was the matter, but commenced sobbing, and crying
as if her licart would break. At last she ceased,

MARIE TUE PORTUGUESE. 25

and related the cause of her trouble to the following
elfect : — She Avas the daughter of a rich Macancse, who \
was principal owner of one of the Whampoa docks, and
was also Portuguese consul at that port. Iter mother
was dead, and her father had determined to compel her to
marry a wealthy Chilianian half-caste ; in fact, everything
was arranged for the marriage to take place in ten days'
time. She hated the fellow, in spite of his dollars,
which, it appeared, was her father's idol, and was resolved
to suffer anything rather than submit. She came off to
my ship to try and obtain a passage down to Hong-Kong,
where she had friends who would take care of her.
Here was the deuce to pay, and no pitch hot, as the
sailors say. In a moment, almost, I was to become the
champion and protector of this forlorn damsel. However
selfishly I tried to reflect, I could not help being sensibly
impressed with her extreme beauty and utter wretched-
ness. The piquante style of her pretty broken English,
as she implored me to give her a passage to Hong-
Kong and save her; the knowledge of the cruel fate
which awaited her — the entire confidence wliich she was
only too willing to repose in me — her unprotected position
and passionate, ingenuous, ebullition of feeling — all con-
spired to interest me deeply in her favour.

The longer I listened the more interested and deter-
mined to help her I became. She was very young, and
it seemed irresistible to sympathize with and pity her.
At last, in the midst of a protestation of assistance on
my part, and of fervent thanks on hers, we were inter-
rupted by one of the China girls thrusting her head
under the mat cover of the boat, and exclaiming —

" Hi ya ! missee ! more bettah go shore, — belong
shih tim cheong" (ten o'clock).

The poor girl seemed quite alarmed to find it so
late, and told the boatwomen to pull ashore as fast as
possible.

We soon reached the bank, but my interesting friend

26 Marie's history :

would not allow me to land with her, stating she lived
close hy ; however, she promised to meet me at the spot
we then occupied, the next evening. The China girls
quickly pulled me off to my ship, and then I was alone
to think over the singularity and probable issue of the
adventure.

Poor Marie ! would that I had never met her — that
she had accepted the Chilianian, or some prophetic
spirit had whisiiered a warning in time to save her from
her sad fate. However, it was ordained otherwise, and all
that is left me is her memory. True to her promise, she
saw me the following evening ; then the next ; and so for
several consecutive days. It happened that, fortunately
for the fulfilment of our appointments, Marie's father
never returned from the docks, at the opposite side of
the river, till late in the evening. We were thus con-
stantly thrown together, and who can wonder that we
insensibly allowed ourselves to become deeply attached ?

Upon the ninth day after our first meeting, my ship
was undocked, and prepared to sail for Hong-Kong in the
morning ; the morning, too, that, as Marie told me with
tears in her eyes, would usher in her bridal day. Although
Marie and I had never till then spoken of love, we both
knew that it was mutual, and at this moment of peril
and uncertainty we threw off all disguise and expressed
our true feelings for each other. She felt no regret at
sacrificing all other ties for my sake — I was but too
anxious to risk anything to save her. On the evening of
tliis, the last day that was to separate us, Marie entered
her cruel father's dwelling for the last time ; and,
having quickly made some slight preparations, rejoined
me in the boat with which I awaited her.

This boat was the same in which I had first seen her,
and the poor girls who worked it being slaves of one of
the old Whampoa laundresses, I determined to rescue them
from their doubtful future, and prevent them making
any disclosui"e as to Marie's escape, by carrying them

IIKII ESCAPK. 27

down to Hong-Kong with her, and there giving them
liberty.

I had ah'eady made every preparation on board, and
had taken the gunner and carpenter into my confidence,
as I had decided to stow them away in the sail-room ;
and to do this rendered it necessary for them to pass the
berths of those officers. About midnight, sending the
quartermaster of the watch off the deck upon an errand
to get him out of the way, I smuggled the girls aboard
and secreted them at the back of the sail-room well hidden
by spare topsails, &c., piled up before them.

Early in the morning we lighted fires, and soon after
daybreak, with steam up, commenced to get under weigh.
Just then, as I fully expected, off came Marie's father
and the old laundress — the one to look for a daugliter who
vanished on her bridal morn, the other for her poor slave
girls — with warrants from the British consul for the
delivery of the three girls if found on board. I was in
charge of the deck, and took care to receive the bereaved
parties at the gangway. After hearing their complaints,
I reported the case to the captain, and received his orders
to have the ship searched. This duty I took upon myself,
rousing all hands out, and searching every part of the
ship except the sail-room, which I took care to allow no
one to approach. By the time the unsuccessful search
was concluded, the anchor liad been weighed, and we
immediately commenced to drop down the river.

When we reached IIons]r-Kon<;, Marie landed and went
to reside with her friends. She had become my betrothed,
and seemed truly happy in the thought that nothing now
could cause our separation. Little either of us thought
at that happy time how ruthlessly all these bright prospects
would be altei'ed, and what sadness was yet in store for
us. Alas ! how little at that happy time cither thought
how soon the ruthless destroyer would annihilate a bond
we had sworn should last for ever.

Marie was verv lovclv. Rather darker flian the

28 DESCRIPTION OP MARIE :

generality of Macao women ; her complexion was a beauti-
fully clear deep olive ; the skin delicately soft, with the
rich blood mantling through upon the slightest emotion ;
her eyes large, jet-black, lustrous, and almond-shaped, as
those of the Spanish Creoles of South America — eyes
which can form a language of their own, so deeply expres-
sive, so ever changeful, and heart-speaking — were exqui-
sitely fringed with long silken lashes and arching brows ;
her hair, dark as the raven's wing, waved in rich pro-
fusion round her finely tapered shoulders ; the Grecian
nose and delicately formed nostrils spoke of her high caste ;
while a short full upper lip, so richly coloured, adorned a
mouth small but singularly expressive, and studded with
teeth of pearly whiteness. This young creature, nurtured
in a southern clime, could scarcely number sixteen summers,
and yet her petite figure, lithe and graceful as it was, had
attained its full development. She was, in truth, an
unsophisticated child of nature — ardent, passionate — the
very creature of impulse.

In a small secluded dwelling, shaded by evergreen
foliage, in one of the prettiest parts of Hong-Kong, every
moment I could spare from my ship was devoted to Marie.
We were supremely happy. We had no thought or
care for the morrow, we were too fully absorbed in the
present. The old quartermaster's warning proved his
experience, although, with one exception, it was unne-
cessary in my case, yet the exception was sufficient.

To many of those warm impassioned temperaments of
the East love becomes as necessary as life itself. Marie
was one of these. Natures like hers could be moulded by
love to any form. The house of Marie's relatives was one
of two built together ; but for this it would have been in
total seclusion, the bend of the hills it rested on hiding
all other buildings in the distance, and entirely screening
it from observation. The next door and only neighbours
consisted of two Portuguese sisters and an Englishman,
the husband of the eldest.

HER EXCITABILITY. 29

The Portuguese being natives of Macao, were slightly
acquainted with Marie, and we gradually became in-
timate with them. The youngest of the sisters was
very good-looking, and being of a very merry disposition,
we often had great fun. Kow, it so happened that
Marie's love was so intense, so selfish, and so exacting,
she could not bear me to pay the slightest attention to
another. So at last, to realize the old adage, that " true
love never did run smooth," she took it into her passionate
little head to become jealous. This jealousy may be a
very mild affair amongst our colder Northern women,
but with a fiery little piece of impetuosity like Marie
it was more serious. With such temperaments, jealousy
instantly generates an all-consuming passion for
revenge.

For a little while I had noticed Marie's more than
usual excitability, accompanied by occasional bursts of
grief, without any apparent cause ; but, knowing her
extreme sensitiveness, I thought but little of it. At last
the cause was revealed, and this history nearly terminated
in its revelation.

The house had a verandah in front, connecting it with
that adjoining, from which it was simply -divided by a
wooden partition. One evening I and Theresa, the un-
married Portuguese, were conversing from the respective
balconies. I fancied Marie had received me rather ci'ossly
that day, and to vex her thought I would have a little
fun with her pretty neighbour. This thoughtlessness
very nearly resulted in a tragical termination. i\_fter
laughing and chatting with Theresa for some time, I went
close up to the partition between the verandahs; and,
leaning round it, pretended to kiss her. Instantly I
heard Marie, with an exclamation, rush towards me. As I
withdrew, I fortunately caught the shadow of an uplifted
hand on my own side of the partition ; and, while turning,
I rapidly threw up my arm, just in time to arrest the
descending blow, aimed liy Marie with a stiletto. I

MARIE S JEALOUSY.

received but a slight scratch, and soon took the weapon
from my fierce little love, who instantly, Avith charac-
teristic revulsion of feeling, threw herself into my arms
in a passionate burst of grief. We were soon reconciled ;
this was Marie's first and last jealousy.

SING-SONG GIRL — pcuje 10.

HUNG-SUI-TSHUEN. 31

CHAPTER II.

Hung-sui-tshuen. — Clanship in China. — Hung-sui-tshuen's Genealogy :
Ills Education. — Extraordinaiy VLsions : Description of them. —
Description of Hung-sui-tshuen : his Early Days : his Visions Ex-
plained : his Conversion : how Effected. — Hung-sui-tshuen's Preach-
ing : his Religious Essays. — The God-wor.shippers. — Destruction of
Idols. — Progress of God-worshippers. — Numbers increase. — Hostilities
commence. — God-worshijipers Victorious. — •" ImperLalist " Cruelty. —
Bishop of Victoria. — Chinese Dynasty proclaimed.

HUNG-SUI-TSHUEN is a name now familiar in
most parts of Europe as that of the chief — or King,
as his followers term him — of the great Ti-ping revolution
in China. Unfortunately much misapprehension exists as
to him and his cause. Such information as I may give my
readers, that has not come under my personal ohservation,
has been derived from the actors themselves, especially all
relating to the origin of the Ti-pings, their progress until
I met them, and the description of their great leader — in
fact, my knowledge of Hung-sui-tshuen has been obtained
principally fi-om his Prime Minister and cousin (Hung-
jin), his chamberlain, and many of his chiefs and own clan.
Since my return to England, I have had the pleasure to
peruse, for the first time, the admirable little work of the
late Rev. Theodore Hamberg, missionary of the Basle
Evangelical Society to China — "The Visions of Hung-
sui-tshuen, and Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection."
This, and the pamphlet entitled " Recent Events in
China," by the Bishop of Victoria (published some nine
or ten years ago), coincide in most particulars with the
information I liave gathered from direct sources; and,

32 HUNG-SUI-TSHTJEN.

as all my journals, notes, and memoranda fell into the
hands of the Imperialists during my service with the Ti-
pings, I have found them very useful in recalling facts I
might otherwise have forgotten.

Hung-sui-tshuen was born in the year 1813, at a small
village in the Hwa district,* some little distance from the
city of Canton. His ancestors, originally from the north-
east boundary of the Ivwang-tung province, soon after the
complete subjugation of the Chinese by the Manchoo
Tartars, a.d. 1685, with many other families loyal to the
Ming, through the persecution and exactions of the
invader, abandoned their homes and sought refuge in the
southern parts of Kwang-tung and Kwang-se, the two
most southerly provinces of China. Here, to the present
day, their descendants are known by the name of Hakkas
(settlers) by the Punti people (natives of the soil).

The genealogy of Hung-sui-tshuen's family is one of
the most ancient in China. During ten centuries, until
the era of the present dynasty, they trace members of
their house occupying the most exalted stations in the
empire. So far back as the Sung dynasty, a.d. 1000,
many of the Hungs were prominent literati; from that
time till the Manchoo invasion, mambers of them have
been members of the Han-lin College — the highest literary
rank in China. For many generations the dignity of
Minister of State was attained, and this was particularly
the case throughout the sovereignty of Sung. During the
Ming dynasty (the last Chinese one) likewise, the Hvmgs
invariably numbered men of renown and literary attain-
ments among them. They became allied to the Imperial
family by marriage ; and it was one of the Hungs who, as
generalissimo of the Chinese forces, fought the last battle
in defence of Nankin and the Ming prince. The prince
was treacherously killed by some of his own followers,
while the general perished with the greater number of his

* See Map of China.

CLANSHIP IN CHINA. oo

troops, being totally defeated by the Tartars, who thus
destroyed the last attempt to keep them north of the river
Yang-tze-kiang.

Like most countries, China has had her feudal period,
the earliest and last authentic records of which refer to
the ninth and tenth centuries. In this, as in many
important events, the Chinese have been before western
nations, their feudal system hav.ing terminated anterior to
the meridian of that of Europe. A system of clanship,
however, prevails in many parts of China ; all persons of
the same surname, though frequently numbering tens of
thousands, being considered near kindred; and, singularly
enough, not being allowed to marry amongst themselves.
I am inclined to believe this is much lessened at the
present day, for I have generally found that members of a
clan or kindred do not reverence any one head of the entire
name, but one much more nearly related to themselves,
and who is seldom elder, or chief, of more than some
hundreds. Previous to the incursion of the Manchoos,
Hung-sui-tshuen's kindred formed a vast and powerful
body ; their stanch support of the last struggles for the
Ming dynasty, and the sanguinary persecutions they, in
common with other obnoxious families, suffered from
the invader, greatly reduced their number. Upon the
outbreak of the Ti-ping revolution, the Hung clan was
supposed to number upwards of 20,000 persons; subse-
quent to that event the greater part were massacred by
the Imperialists, simply because they were the connections
of a rebel! Of llung's immediate relatives, who, to the
number of five or six hundred, peopled his native village
under the authority of his father, not one remains ; men,
women, and children, all who were unable to join him,
were mercilessly slavightered by the ruthless i\lanchoo,
and their very dwellings swept from the face of the
earth.

Now, although the honourable and ancient lineage of
Hung-sui-tshuen has never been disputed, some persons,

34 hung-stji-tshuen's genealogy:

with a mendacity truly astonisliing, have amused them-
selves by designating him the " Coolie King." Not only
was Hung of good family — a secondary consideration in
China, where personal rank is everything * — but his own
position, as a member of the literati, was one of the
most honourable. These are qualifications, it is probable,
the persons who styled him " Coolie King " do not
possess.

Eor many generations Hung's progenitors had been
the chiefs or elders of their clan. His father fulfilled
this capacity, and governed the affairs of his own and
many surrounding villages. In spite of Hung's line of
ancestry and his father's eldership, they were far from
being well supplied with the good things of this life ; in
fact, their freehold was barely sufficient to support them.
The family mansion was by no means suitable to the
former dignity of the name. An ordinary Chinese
farmer's cottage, containing nothing but the simplest
articles of use, was the birthplace of one of the greatest
men the empire has ever produced. At the earliest age.
Hung exhibited a remarkable aptitude for study, became
an inmate of the village school at seven years of age, and
in less than twice that time had become proficient in the
usual course of Chinese education ; besides which, he
studied by himself the history of China, and the higher
branches of Chinese literature. Even at this early period,
he was universally distinguished for his extraordinary
talents, which were so highly appreciated by his teachers
and relatives, that they united in defraying the expense
of his further education. At sixteen years of age the
want of means put an end to his studies ; within a year,
however, a young fellow-student took him as a companion.
After this, when eighteen years of age, he was appointed

* The Cliinese place little value upon hereditary rank ; but, in lien
thereof, have the extraordinary custom of ennobling a meritorious or sue
cessful person's ancestry, though the honours are not inherited by his
descendants.

HIS EDUCATION. 35

schoolmaster of his native village, by the unanimous wish
of the people.

About this time Hung commenced to attend the
public examinations at Canton. These examinations
confer upon successful candidates one of four literary
degrees, commencing Avith a district examination, leading
to a departmental one, to a provincial one, and Anally to
a Pekin examination, from which members of the Han-lin
college are selected.

Although Ilung-sui-tshuen was always one of the
most distinguished at the district examinations, through
the coi'ruption of the Manchoo officials, to whom bribery
alone is a passport, he was unable to obtain his degree.
At last, upon another visit to the public examinations,
about the year 1836, an event took place that ultimately,
in no slight manner, affected his future career. This I
cannot do better than give in the words of the Rev.
T. Hamberg : —

" In the streets he found a man dressed according to the custom of the
Ming dynasty, in a coat with wide sleeves, and his hair tied in a knot upon
his liead. The man w:us unacquainted witli the Cliinese vernacular tongue,
and employed a native as interpreter. A number of people kept gathering
round the stranger, who used to tell them the fulfilment of their wishes,
even without waiting for a question from their side. Sui-tshuen approached
the man, intending to ask if he should attain a literary degi'ee, but the
man prevented him b}' s;iying, ' You will attain the liighest rank, but do
not be grieved, for giief wDl make you sick. I congi-atulate your virtuous
father.' On the following day he again met with two men in the Siung-
tsang street. One of these men had in hLs possession a parcel of books
consisting of nine small volumes, being a complete set of a work, entitled,
' Keuen-shi-leang-yen,' or ' Good Woi-ds for Exhorting the Age,' the whole
of which ho <:;avo Hung-sui-tshuen, who, on hi.s return from the examina-
tion, lii'ouglit tliom home, and after a superficial glance at theii- contents,
placed them in his bookcase, without at the tivie considering them to be of any
particular imjwrUvnee."

Once more, in the year 1837, Hung-sui-tshuen at-
tended the examinations. Upon this occasion, after
being placed high on the list, his rank was afterwards

u 2

36 EXTllAOUDINARY VISIONS:

lowered. This, with the gross injustice and partiality of
the examiners, so affected him, that he returned home
very ill. His illness lasted for a considerable time,
during which he underwent a marvellous series of visions
or dreams.

In the account of Hung's visions and earlier life, it
will be necessary to quote frequently from Mr. Hamberg's
little work, he having received in detail many important
facts I only had in substance from Hung-jin. I feel the
more confident of the indulgence of my readers from the
fact of the interesting nature of all I shall quote, and,
moreover, the absolute necessity of doing so in order to
enable them to form a correct judgment of the noble
character and almost superhuman career of the Tijjing-
wang.

It must be remembered that in a country like China,
where literary distinction, until Manchoo corruption
altered it, was the recognized path to honour and fame,
everything tended to excite the hopes and ambition of
Hung-sui-tshuen, who was more than usually intellectual,
and whose failure to attain eminence, through the de-
generated policy of the Manchoo dynasty, who no longer
observe the rights of the literati in their selection of
public officers, must have been accompanied with a de-
gree of mortification and bitterness never experienced by
Europeans, who have a variety of paths to distinction.

The visions of Hung-sui-tshuen, as related by Hung-
jin, are thus published in Mr. Hamberg's account : —

" He fii-st saw a great number of people, bidding biin welcome to their
number, and thought this dream was to signify that he should soon die,
and go into the presence of, Yen-lo-wang, the Chinese king of Hades.
He therefore called liis parents and other relatives to assemble at his
bedside, and addressed them in the following terms : — ' My days are
counted, and my life will soon be closed. O my parents ! how badly have
I returned the favour of your love to me ! I shall never attain a name
that may reflect its lu.stre upon yoxi.' After this he lost all strength and
command over his body, and all present thought him about to die — his
outward senses ^\'<n-e inactive, and his body appeared as dead, lying ujion

DESCRIPTION OF THEM. 37

the bed ; but his soul was acted upon by a peculiar energy, so that he not
only experieiict^d things of a very extraordinary nature, but afterwards
also retained in memory what had occurred to him. At first, when hLs
eyes were closed, he saw a dragon, a tiger, and a cock entering his room,
and soon after, he observed a great number of men, playing upon musical
instruments, approaching with n beautiful sedan-chair, in which they invited
him to be seated, and then carried him away. Sui-tshuen felt gi'eatly
astonished at the honour and distinction bestowed upon him, and knew
not what to think thereof. They soon arrived at a beautiful and luminous
j>lace, where on both sides were assembled a nudtitude of fine men and
women, who saluted him with expressions of joy. As he left the sedan,
an old woman took him down to a river, antl said, ' Thou dirty man, why
hast thou ke]>t compiiny with youdcn- people and defiled thyself! I must
now wash thee clean.' After the washing was performed, Sui-tshuen, in
company with a gre<-it number of virtuous and venerable old men, amcmg
whom he remarked many of the ancient sages, entered a large building,
where they opened his body with a knife, took out his heart and other
parts, and put in their place others, new and of a I'ed colour. Instantly
when this was done, the wound closed, and he could see no trace of the
incision which had been made.

" Upon the walls surrounding this place, Sui-tshuen remarked a number
of tablets with inscrijjtions exhorting to virtue, which he one by one
examined. Afterwards, they entered another large hall, the beauty and
splendour of which was beyond description. A man, venerable in years,
with golden beard, and dressed in a black robe, wa.s sitting in an imposing
attitude upon the liighest place. As soon as he observed Sui-tshuen, he
began to shed tears, and said, ' All human beings in the whole world are
produced and sustained by me ; they eat my food and wear my clothing,
but not a single one among them has a heart to remember and venerate
me ; what Ls, however, still woree than that, they take of my gifts and
therewith worship demons ; they purposely rebel against me, and arouse
my angci". Do thou not imitate them.' Thereupon he gave S\ii-tshuen a
sword, commanding him to exterminate the demons, but to spare his brothers
and sisters ; a seal, by which he would overcome the evil spirits ; and also a
yellow fi-uit, to eat which Sui-tshuen found sweet to the taste. When he
had received the ensigns of royalty from the hand of the old man, he
instantly commenced to exhort those collected in the hall to return to their
duties to the veneralile old man upon the high scat. Some replied to him,
saying, ' We have indeed forgotten our duties towards the venerable.'
Others said, ' Why should we venerate him 1 let us only be merry, and
drink together with our friends.' Sui-tshuen then, because of the hardness
of then- hearts, continued his admonitions with teai-s. The old man said
to him, ' Take courage, and do the work ; I will assist thee in every
difficulty.' Shoitly after tliis, he turned to the assemblage of the old and

38 VISIONS CONTINUED.

vii-tuons, saying, ' Sui-tsliuen is competent to this charge.' A_ad thereupon
he led Sui-tshuen out, told him to look down from above, and said,
' Behold the people upon this earth ! hundredfold is the perversenesa of
their heai"ts.' Sui-tshuen looked, and saw such a degi'ee of depravity and
vice, that his eyes could not endure the sight, nor his mouth express their
deeds. He then awoke from his trance, but still being imder its influence,
he felt the very hairs of his head raise themselves, and suddenly seized by
a violent anger, forgetting his feebleness, put on his clothes, left his bed-
room, went into the presence of his father, and making a low bow, said,
' The venei-able old man above has commanded that all men shall turn to
me, and all treasures shall flow to me.' The sickness of Sui-tshuen con-
tinued about forty days, and in vision he often met with a man of middle
age, whom he called his elder brother, who instructed him how to act,
accompanied him upon liis wanderings to the uttermost regions in search
of evil .spirits, and assisted him in slaying and extenninating them.
Sui-tshiien also heard the venerable old man with the black robe reprove
Confucius for having omitted in his books clearly to expound the true
doctrine. Confucius seemed much ashamed, and confessed his guilt.

" Sui-tshuen, while sick, as his mind was wandering, often used to I'un
about his room, leaping and fighting like a soldier engaged in battle. His
constant cry was, 'Tsan-jau, tsan-jau, tsan-ah, tsan-ali ! Slay the demons,
slay the demons ! — slay, slay ; there is one, and there is another. Many,
many cannot withstand one single blow of my sword.'

" His father invited magicians, by their spells, to diive away the evil
spirits he thought possessed his son ; but Sui-tshuen said, ' How could
these imps dare to oppose me ? I mu.st slay them, I must slay them !
Many, many cannot resist me ! ' As in his imagination he pursued the
demons, they seemed to undergo various changes and transformations, at
one time flying as birds, at another time appearing as lions. Lest he should
be unable to overcome them he held out his seal against them, at the sight
of which they immediately fled away.

" Diuing his exhortations he often bxu'st into tears, saying, ' You have
no hearts to venerate the old father, but you are on good terms with the
impish fiends ; indeed, indeed, you have no hearts — no con.science more.'
He often said that he was duly appointed Emperor of China, and was
highly gi-atified when any one called him by that name ; but if any one
called him mad, he used to laugh at liim, and to rei)lT, ' You are, indeed,
mad yoiuself ; and do you call me mad 1 ' When men of bad character
came to see him, he often rebuked them and called theiii demons. All the
day long he used to sing, weep, exhort, reprove by turns, and in full
earnest."

The following is the description of Hung-sui-tshuen,
given by his cousin Huiig-jin, ujion his return to health: —

DESCRIPTION OF HUNG-SUI-TSHUEN. 39

" Siii-tehucu's whole person became gradually changed, hot li in character
and appeai-ance. He was careful in liis conduct, friendly and open in his
d<!nieano\ir ; liLs body increased in height and size ; his pace became firm
and imposing, his views enUu'ged and liberal. His friend describes liim as
being, at a later period, a rather tall man, with oval fiice and fair com-
plexion, high nose, small round ears, his voice clear and sonorous. When
lie laughed, the whole house resounded ; his hair was black, his beard long
and sandy, hLs strength of body extraordinary, his power of understanding
i-are. Persons of vicious habits fled from his presence, but the honest
sought his company.

" From liLs youth, Hung-sui-tshuen was generally liked by all, because
of hLs open and straightfoi-ward character. He was giiy and friendly, but
not dis,snlute. Being superior in talent to most of hLs fellow-students, he
often used to make sport of them, and cause them to feel his sharp wit ; but
still, liLs friends were fond of ILstening to his remarks, as they genei-ally
contained true and noble ideas, and acknowledged his superior intellect.
After his sickness, his whole person became changed, hLs mannera jioble
and dignified. He sat erect upon the chair, his hands placed upon his
knees, and both liLs feet resting a little apart, but never crossed upon the
ground, without leaning backwards or to either side ; and, though sitting
fnr hours, he never a]ipearcd fatigued. He did not look aslant or back-
wards ; his pace in walking was dignified, neither quick nor slow ; he now
spoke less and laughed seldom. After he had begim to worship, he was
very strict in regard to his own conduct. In his words he was often
severe, and easily offended others. He liked to sit dovm and talk with
honest and sincere men, though they wei-e ever so poor and of low estate ;
but he could not bear with the pitifligate, even if they were ever so rich
and high in station."

The visions of Ilung-sui-tsliuen, marvellous as they
■were, and deeply signifieant upon many important points,
could never have led to any earthly result hut through the
medium of some earthly key. This came at last, and the
whole train of circumstances admit of no other interpre-
tation than the will of a divine, inscrutahle Providence.
It is douhtful whether any one impressed with a sense of
the awfully mysterious power of an Almighty Creator can
dispvite the cause of Ilung-sui-tshuen's visions, conversion,
and idtimate career ; or that they rival many of the
miracles of old which have been handed down to us,
dimmed bv the obscuritv of time, and rendered difficult of

40 HUNG-SUI-TSHTJE>)'S EARLY DAYS:

comprehension by the subtleties of language as well as
by the figurative style of the ancients.

For several years Hung-sui-tshuen continued Ms
studies and acted as village schoolmaster. On one occa-
sion, while engaged as teacher at a village some ten miles
distant from his native place, a cousin, Le, while searching
his bookcase, chanced to come across the small volumes,
" Good Words for Exhorting the Age." Le inquired the
nature of the works, but Sui-tshuen was unacquainted with
the contents and lent them to him to read. It is stated
by the Rev. T. Hamberg : — "These books contain a good
number of whole chapters of the Bible according to the
translation of Dr. Morison, many essays upon important
subjects from single texts, and sundry miscellaneous
statements founded on Scripture."

Le read the books and returned them, stating their
contents were very extraordinary, and diti'ered entirely
from Chinese books. Sui-tshuen then took the books
and commenced reading them closely and carefully. He
was greatly astonished to find in these books what he
considered an explanation of his own visions of six years
before, and that their contents corresponded in a singular
manner with all he had experienced at that time. He
now understood the venerable old one who sat upon
the highest place, and whom all men ought to worship, to
be God the Heavenly Father ; and the man of middle age,
who had instructed him and assisted him in exterminating
the demons, to be Jesus the Saviour of the world. The
demons were the idols, his brothers and sisters were the
men in the world. Sui-tshuen felt as if awaking from a
long dream. He rejoiced in reality to have found a way
to heaven, and a sure hope of everlasting life and hapj)i-
ness. Learniui? from the books the necessitv of beins:
baptized, Sui-tshuen and Le now, according to the
manner described in the books, and as far as they under-
stood the rite, administered baptism to each other. They
prayed to God, and promised not to worship evil spirits,

niS VISIONS EXPLAINED. 41

not to practise evil things, but to keep the heavenly
commands; then they poured water upon their heads,
saying, " rurification from all former sins, putting off the
old, and regeneration." When this was done they felt
their hearts overflowing with joy, and Sui-tshuen composed
the following ode upon repentance : —

" When our transgressions high as licavcn rise,
How well to tnist in Jesus' fiill atonement ;
We follow not the donious, we obey
The holy preceptii, worshipping alone
One God, and thus we cultivate our hearts.
The heavenly glories open to our view,
And eveiy being ought to seek thereafter.
I much deplore the miseries of hell.
O turn ye to the fruits of true repentance !
Let not your hearts be led by worldly customs."

They thereupon cast away their idols and removed the
tablet of Confucius, which is generally found in the
schools, and worshipped by the teacher as well as the
pupils.

In a little while Hun^-sui-tshuen returned to his
native village. He soon converted to the religion his
cousin Hung-jin, and an intimate friend, Pung-yun-san,
also a teacher.

"While at home, Sui-tshuen and his friends attentively
studied the books, which Sui-tshuen found to correspond
in a strikinsr manner with his former visions — a remarkable
coincidence, v\hich convinced him fully as to their truth,
and that he was appointed by Divine authority to restore
the world — that is, China — to the worship of the true God.

I must particularly recommend to the notice of my
readers the sound reasoninc: and wisdom of Hung-sui-
tshuen's own explanation, and the high and exalted
determination his subsequent acts have so nobly fuHillod.

" These books," said he, " are certainly sent purposely
by Heaven to me, to confirm the truth of my former
experiences. If I had received the books witliout having

42 hung-sui-tshuen's conversion :

gone through the sickness, I should not have dared to
believe in them, or have ventured, on my own account,
to oppose the customs of the whole world ; if I had merely
been sick, but had not also received the books, I should
have had no further evidence as to the truth of my visions,
which might also have been considered as merely produc-
tions of a diseased imagination."

Then he raised his voice and spoke in a bold manner : —

" I have received the immediate command from God
in His presence : the will of Heaven rests with me.
Although thereby I should meet with calamity, diffi-
culties, and suffering, yet I am resolved to act. By
disobeying the heavenly command, I would only rouse the
anger of God ; and are not these books the foundation of
all true doctrines contained in other books ? "

Under this conviction, Sui-tshuen, when preaching the
new doctrine to others, made use of his own. visions and
the books, as reciprocally evidencing the truth of each
other. He revered the books highly, and if any one
wished to read them, he urgently told them not to
alter or mark them in any manner, because, said he,
it is written therein, " Jehovah's word is correct "
(Ps. xxxiii. 4).

The small volumes, " Good Words for Exhorting the
Age," that have exercised such a wonderful effect upon
a great proportion of the Chinese, through the individual
acts of Hung-sui-tshuen, were the production of Liang
Afah, one of Dr. Milne's Chinese converts. Conse-
quently it may be argued that contact with Europeans
has been instrumental in producing the great Ti-ping
revolution, and that to Dr. Milne and his convert, Liang
Afah, may be attributed the honour of being agents in
converting Hung-sui-tshuen and in originating the first
Christian movement in modern Asia.

Although, through the foreign idiom, want of com-
mentaries, and use of pronouns (imintelligible through the
absence of the relative), Hung-sui-tshuen, as well as his

HOW EFFECTED. 43

earlier converts, misunderstood some parts of. Liang Afali's
volumes, still it is indisputable that the grand truths of
Christianity were fully and completely appreciated by
them. As the Bishop of Victoria has written : — " Stung
with a sense of injustice, and feeling the full weight of
disappointment, he found his knowledge of Confucian
lore no longer the road to office and distinction. It was
at such a critical season of the future hero's career that
the truths of the Holy Scriptures were presented to his
notice, and the pure doctrines of Christianity arrested his
mind."

Hung-sui-tshuen, after some time, again returned to
his teachership in the other \dllage, leaving Huug-jin to
expound and study the new doctrine. Sui-tshuen's own
relatives were soon converted from idolatry and received
baptism.

With his few followers he now experienced the usual
worldly cfT'ects of devout opposition to the sinful and
idolatrous practices of neighbours. Uung and his friends
lost their scholastic employment and became very poor.
Unable longer to maintain themselves at home, they deter-
mined to visit other districts and preach the true doctrine,
hoping to support themselves by the sale of a few articles
they carried with them for the purpose.

Hung, Fung-yun-san, and two other friends left their
native villages and started upon a proselytizing mission
to the independent tribes of Miau-tzc. Passing through
the village of Ilung's relatives, the Lc family, they con-
verted and baptized several of them. Afterwards Ilung-
jin was engaged as teacher at this place (Clear-far), and
in course of time baptized upwards of fifty persons.

Sui-tshucu and his friends continued their journey,
everywhere preaching the new doctrine, teaching men to
worship the one God, Jehovah, who sent his Son to atone
for the sins of the world ; and in every place they found
some willing to accept their words. Into the wild and
mountainous reerions of the Miau-tzc, Hun": and Fung-

44 HrNG-SUI-TSHTJEN's PREACHING:

yun-san journeyed alone, tlieir friends haying left them.
They were fortunate enough to meet with a teacher who
kept a school for Chinese instruction to the aborigines.
Being ignorant of the Miau-tze dialect, after converting
the schoolmaster and leaving a few tracts with him, they
continued their journey to a part of Kwang-si where
Hung had relatives.

Hung at last reached the village of his cousin Wang,
and at this place preached with such devout eloquence as
not only to convert hundreds to Christianity, but to cause
many to believe that he and Yun-san were descended from
heaven to preach the true doctrine.

To relieve his cousin from the support of so many
guests, two converts of the Hung family having likewise
arrived, he ordered Yun-san and the others to return to
Kwang-tung. Fung-yun-san, however, was moved to
continue teaching the Gospel ; therefore, although the two
returned, he remained preaching by the roadside. Meeting
with some workmen he knew, he journeyed with them to
a place named Thistle JMount, where, assisting them in
their work, he at the same time taught them the way to
immortal life.

Some of the workmen, convinced by Yun-san's
preaching, went to their employer and informed him.
The master engaged Yun-san as teacher of his school, and
was himself soon baptized. Yun-san remained in the
neighbourhood of Thistle Mount several years, and
preached with great zeal and success ; so that a large
number of persons, whole families of various surnames
and clans, were bajitized. They formed congregations
among themselves, gathering together for religious
worship, and became soon extensively known under the
name of "the congregation of the worshippers of God."
In the meanwhile Hung-sui-tshuen returned home, and
greatly displeased Fung-yun-san's relations by having
returned without him. During 1815—1.6 Hung remained
at home, employed as village teacher. He wrote many

HIS RELIGIOUS ESSAYS. 45

essays, discourses, and odes upon religious subjects, all of
which were afterwards improved and printed in the
"Imperial Declaration of Ti-ping," at Nankin.

Ilung-sui-tsliuon unceasingly continued his preaching
of Christianity, baptizing many people who had learued to
believe in God and our Saviour. He often met Hung-jin,
still a teacher at the village Clear-far, once expressing
his hatred of the tyrant Manchoo thus : —

" God has divided the kingdoms of the world, and
made the ocean to be a boundary for them, just as a father
divides his states among his sons ; every one of whom
ought to reverence the will of his father, and quietly
manage his own property. ^Vhy should now these
Manchoos forcibly enter China, and rob their broth ei's of
their estate ? "

Again, at a later period he said : —

" If God will help me to recover our estate, I ought to
teach all nations to hold every one its own possessions,
without injuring or robbing one another; we will have
intercourse in communicating true principles and wisdom
to each other, and receive each other with propriety and
politeness ; we will serve together one common heavenly
Father, and honour together the doctrines of one common
heavenly Brother, the Saviour of the world ; this has been
the wish of my heart since the time when my soul was
taken up to heaven."

It is a pity the monarchs of Europe and their statesmen
possess not the sentiments of the " Coolie King."

In the latter part of the year 1846, a Chinaman named
Moo arrived at Ilung's village from Canton. He informed
him missionaries were preaching the true doctrine in that
city. Sui-tshuen and his cousin Ilung-jin were unable
to visit the city, being engaged by their schools. !Moo,
upon his return to Canton, mentioned to a Chinese
assistant of Mr. Roberts (missionary) the existence of
the God-worshippers. This assistant having written and
invited Hung and his cousin to Canton, in 1847 they

46 THE GOD-WOESHIPPERS.

visited that city, and studied Christianity under Mr.
Roberts and other missionaries. Upon the expiration of
one month they returned to their village with two converts ;
they all preached here a short time, and then went back
to Canton, Hung-jin remaining at home. Tor some time
Hung-sui-tshuen continued his studies in Canton ; but at
last, through the intrigues of some of Mr. Roberts'
assistants, who became jealous of his superior talent, he
left that city, and started upon a tour to Kwang-si, in
search of his friend Fung-yun-san.

After a journey of much suffering, by reason of his
poverty, Sui-tshuen at last reached the abode of his
cousin Wang. He soon heard of Yun-san's earnest
and successful career at " Thistle Mount ; " and, rejoicing,
joined him, preaching the Gospel and teaching every-
where.

These primitive Christians soon numbered two
thousand, and were increasing day by day. Eapidly the
surrounding country came under the influence of the new
doctrine. " Men of great influence, and graduates of the
first and second degrees, with great numbers of their
clans, joined the congregation."

Hving-sui-tshuen, upon his arrival, immediately
replaced their former books with copies of the Bible he
had brought from Canton ; reserving only such parts as
were of the New Testament.

Ere long commenced the iconoclastic impulse that has
since proved one of the greatest characteristics of the Ti-
ping revolution. In the department of Siang, Kwang-se,
an idol named " Kan-wang-ye " had long been celebrated,
the natives far and near believing in its power. Hung-
sui-tshuen becoming acquainted with their grossly supei*-
stitious and ignorant veneration for this idol, was greatly
enraged, and with three friends, including Pung-yun-san,
started for the temple. Reaching the place, they found
the idol of a- dreadful and imposing aspect; nothing-
daunted, Sui-tshuen with a stick dashed the idol to pieces.

DESTRUCTION OF IDOLS. 47

destroying its fine raiment and tlie vessels of spices and
incense.

Wlien the people became aware of this desecration of
their idol, they set about apprehending the perpetrators.
A young boy becoming, as they thought, possessed by the
demon, told them not to molest the destroyers. The
people therefore desisted, and this event greatly advanced
the reputation of Ilung-sui-tshuen, soon leading to an
important addition to his followers.

The iconoclastic zeal thus introduced was quickly fol-
lowed up by the destruction of many images. Upon
this the officials, for the first time, came into contact with
them, and Pung-yun-san and another were imprisoned,
mainly through the malignancy of a rich graduate named
Wang, who bribed the magistrate for that purpose.
Eventually, the God-worshippers induced the same
official to release their friends, but only Fung-yun-san
was restored to them ; the other had expired in prison,
through the brutal treatment of his Manchoo jailers.

About this time — the latter part of 1818 — Hung-sui-
tshuen's father died, at the age of seventy-three. He had
long given over the ci'rors of idolatry, and had received
Christian baptism. Upon his death-bed he admonished
his children, saying: — " I am now ascending to heaven :
after my decease, you must not call any Buddhist priests,
or perform any heathen ceremonies, but merely Avorship
God, and pray to him."

At the end of 1848, Ilung-sui-tshuen and his friend
Fung-yun-san left the congregation of God-worshippers
at Thistle ^louut, and returned to their homes.

About the middle of 1849 they again set out for their
friends in Kwang-si. At the end of this year, during his
absence, the first son of Hung-sui-tshuen was born ; at
the instant of his birth the following singular circum-
stance took place: — "Thousands of birds, as large as
ravens and as small as magi)ics, made their appearance.
They continued long hovering about in the air, and finally

48 PROGRESS OF GOD-WORSHIPPERS.

settled in the trees behind the dwelling of Sui-tshuen,
Tliese birds remained in the neighbourhood of the village
about one month, to the astonishment of the people, who
said that the crowd of birds came to do homage to the
new-born king."

Upon their arrival, Ilung-sui-tshuen and Yun-san were
Joyfully received by the God-worshippers. They now
heard of singular occurrences having taken place among
the brethren during their absence. It appeared that,
often while engaged in prayer, one or other of them was
seized by a sort of fit, and falling to the ground in a state
of ecstasy, was moved by the spirit, and uttered extra-
ordinary words of exhortation, reproof, or prophecy. The
more remarkable of these I'hapsodies were noted down, and
reserved for the inspection of Hung-sui-tshvien. Those
he princij)ally pronounced as true were uttered by
one Yang-sui-tshin, who afterwards became one of the
principal Ti-ping chiefs. This same Yang was said to
possess the power of healing sickness by intercession for
the afflicted, many having been cured in a wonderful
manner, after prayer to God.

Ilung-sui-tshuen compelled his followers to observe
strict order, and although Fung-yun-san was the original
chief and founder of the congregation, they all. with one
accord, acknowledged the superiority of the former ;
electing him as their leader, as well for his personal merit
as his extraordinary ability to command and organize a
strict discipline among so heterogeneous a multitude as
themselves.

At this time, Hung prohibited the use of opium, and
even tobacco, and all intoxicating drinks, and tlie Sabbath
Avas religiously obseiwied. About the same period he
sent to Kwang-tung for his whole family, giving as his
reason, that a pestilence would shortly visit the earth, and
carry off the unbelievers. Singularly enough, some parts
of Kwang-si were visited by a malignant distemper,
whereby the number of his adherents was greatly in-

T^UMBEUS INCREASE. 49

creased, many believing they escaped disease merely hy
joining the God-worsiiippcrs.

About the end of the year 1S50, a civil war broke out.
between tlic Punti men and the ITakkas. Altliougli at
first the Jlakkas were victorious, being a more hardy and
adventurous people than the Puntis, the superior numbers
of the latter soon prevailed, wlio, not contented witii
defeating the enemy, followed up the victory by even
destroying their habitations. In dire distress, the Ilakkas
sought a refuge among the God-worshippers, willingly
adopting their religion.

So great a celebrity had the God-worshi[)pers
attained in Kwang-si, that not only the Ilakkas came to
them, but many outlaws, who refused allegiance to the
Manchoo ; and all persons in distress, or in any way
alllicted, together with their families.

With a far-seeing discernment, Ilung-sui-tsliucn had
long expected the course of events that at last resulted
from the presence of so many various elements, for the
most part obnoxious to the Government. His plans were
arranged, his resolution fixed, and he only awaited a
favourable opportunity to act. Tiie following ode, which
he composed about this time, affords an index of his
intentions : —

" Whon in the present time disturbances abound,
And bantLs of robbera are like gathering vapoui-s found,
\Vi' know that heaven means to raise a valiant b;iiiil
To resene tlio oppressed and save our native land.
C'ln'na wa.s once subdueil, but it slmll no more \':i\].
(;i)d ought to be adored, ami iiltiiiiatcly shall.
The founder of Uk; Ming in song disclosed his mind,
The Ein]ieror of the Han drank to the furious \vin<l.
From olden times all deeds by energy were done,
Dark va|K)Ui-s disappear on rising of the sun."

This ode is highly significant to the Chinese. Hung
alludes to the many bauds of robbers rising like the
vapours on the mountain tops ; be cx])re.sses his intention

50 HOSTILITIES COMMENCE.

to allow them to fight and fatigue each other, when he
would easily become their master, — such being the plan
expressed by the founder of the Ming dynasty in his
song — comparing himself to the aster, a flower that only
begins to blossom when others have passed away ; and,
after they have ceased to contend, remains undisputed
master of the field.

The defeat of the Hakkas ere long realized Sui-tshuen's
predictions. The God-worshippers gradually became
involved in the quarrels of their new allies, and at last
were not only accused of annoying the worship of others,
and destroying their idols, but also of helping the outlaws
and fostering rebellious intentions against the usurping
dynasty. Sui-tshuen and Yun-san at this period left
" Thistle Mount," and retired to the privacy of a friend's
house situated in a mountainovis recess. The Manchoo
soldiers were sent against them here ; but, afraid to enter
the glen, contented themselves with blockading the pass,
sure of the viltimate capture of the inmates. " At this
critical moment it is reported that Yang-sui-tshin, in a
state of ecstasy, revealed to the brethren of Thistle
Mount the impending danger of their beloved chiefs,
and exhorted them to hasten to their rescue." A con-
siderable body marched against the soldiers who watched
the pass, routed them with ease, and Sui-tshuen and Yun-
san were carried off in triumph.

Hung-sui-tshuen now concentrated all his followers,
who had already converted their goods into money, and
formed a common treasury. They were thus prepared, if
necessary, for the emergency of flight. Fear for the safety
of themselves and families quickly brought the entire
congregation of the God-worshippers together. " Old and
young, rich and poor, men of influence and education,
graduates of the first and second degrees, with their families
and adherents, all gathered round the chiefs. Wei-ching
alone brought with him about one thousand individuals of
his clan."

GOD-AVORSniPPERS VICTORIOUS. 51

Previously to this, the God-worshi])pers had sufTored
much 2)ersccution fi'oni the local authorities, many being
ira])risoned and killed by want and ill-treatment. Soon the
jealous fears of the Manchoo officials led them to send
t roops against a native movement which they knew full
well they had good cause to dread by reason of their own
tyrannical rule.

Hostilities having once commenced, a bold and ener-
getic course became imi)erative. A strong body of soldiers
being on the march for their present position, Ilung-sui-
tsluien jirepared to receive them. Abandoning Thistle
Mount, he took possession of the market-town Licu-
chu, close at hand. This small city was surrounded by
a broad rivei", protecting it from sudden attack, whicli
Sui-tshuen soon fortified so strongly that, when the
soldiers arrived, it was impregnable. From this place
Sui-tshuen sent messengers into Kwang-tung, calling upon
the remaining relatives of the two clans, ITung and Fung,
to join him in Kwang-si. Before they could do this, Sui-
tshuen, from want of provisions, was compelled to move
his camp. This he effected in a fine strategic manner.
To deceive the Imperialists as to his real intentions, he
placed a number of women and boys belonging to the
town in a house close to the river, and in the direction of
the besiegers' camp, ordering them to beat the drums
throughout the following day ; while he, with his entire
force, f vacuated the place at night without giving the foe
the slightest sus])icion of his movement.

The Imperialists, as soon as they discovered the trick
that had been played upon them, detached light troo])s in
pursuit ; but these, venturing too closely upon the rear of
the retreating forces, were repidsed with severe loss.
The Imperialists now, according to their usual habits,
commenced to vent their cowardly rage upon the un-
offending inhabitants by burning several thousaiul
houses, and plundering indiscriminately.

Thcv slaughtered numbers of the towuspco])lc upon

K 2

52 "imperialists'" cruelties.

the slightest suspicion that they were God-worshippers,
or even friendly disposed towards them.

" Many of these unhappy victims evinced great self-
possession, and resignation to their fate. One named
Tsen said to the soldiers, ' Why do you delay ? If you
are to kill me, then do so, — I fear not to die.' He, with
many others, refused to kneel down, and received the
deatli-hlow in an upright postvire. Tliese cruelties greatly
incensed the populace; and many, who otherwise would
have remained quietly at home, desii-ous to worship God
without taking part in the insurrection, were thus forced
to leave their ahodes and join the army of Hung-sui-
tshuen."

After evacuating the town of Lieu-chu, Hung took up
his new position at a large village, Thai-tsun, and at this
place received very considerable additions to his force.
Two female rebel chiefs of great valour, named respectively
Kew-urh and Szu-san, each bringing about two thousand
followers, here joined him, submitting to his authority
and adopting the religious opinions of his people. About
this time eight chiefs of the San-hoh-hwui, or Triad
Society— a confederation of many years' standing, sworn
to expel the Manchoos and free China of their hateful
presence — entered into negotiations with Ilung-sui-tshuen
to join his army, which he agreed to upon condition that
they would conform to the worship of the true God. He
sent teachers to them, and when they were sufficiently
insti'ucted, permitted them to join him.

Unfortunately, it now happened that out of sixteen
teachers, one of the number was found guilty of peculation,
by having withheld from the public treasury his share of
the presents they had received fi'om the Triad chiefs for
their instruction. Having often before been convicted of
violatinn- their regulations, tliis last offence was no sooner
proved against him than Sui-tshuen and his own relatives
condemned and punished hira, according to the full rigour
of their law, by decapitation. AVIicn the chiefs of the

lUSlIOV OF VICTOUIA. 53

Triads roiiiid tliat one who Iiadjust boon llicir U'acliei' was
capitally punislied for so slit,4it a transgression, tlioy
became uneomfortablc, and said : — " Your laws seem to
be rather too strict; we shall, })erhaps, find it diflicult to
kec^p them ; and upon any small transgression you would,
porhai)s, kill us also."

Upon which, seven of them departed with their men,
and afterwards surrendering to the Imperialists, turned
their arms against the God-worshippers. One cliief —
Lo-thai-kang — preferred remaining Avith the latter.

The varied elements of his followers — the simple
God-worship])cr, the discontented ILakka, with Triads,
outlaws, and other known opponents to the ]\Ianchoo rule
— were all destined, by Ilung-sui-tshuen's comprehensive
mind, soon to establish for themselves an important
political existence. The Bishop of Victoria wrote : —

" The litorary talent, the moral greatness, the administrativi! aljility,
tlio mental unorgj', the cfjmmandiiig supeiiority of the latter soon won for
liim the jiost ofleaJer and director of the movement; and llung-.sni-tshuen
liecauie, by universal consent and the harmonious deference of Teen-tih
(Fung-yun-san) himself, the chief of the uisurgent body. He found in the
tiimultnous bauds, who, inflamed by civil discontent, had been engaged in
hostilities with the jtrovincial rulers, the nucleus and the body around
which the pei'secuted Clvrislians gathered as a place of refuge and safety.
He transformed a rebellion of civil malcontents into a great rendezvous
and ndi^-ing-point for his oppressed co-religiunLsts. He rendered the insur-
rection a great religious movement — lie did not transmute a Chrintiaii
fritternity into a jioUiicul rebellion. The course of events, and the momenloiiK
interests of life ami death — tlte dread realities of the ruck and torture,
inijyrisonnient, aiul death — drove him to use in self-defence all the availuble
means within reach, and to emploi) tlte resources of sefprcservation. He
joined the rebel camp, pre;u-hed the Gos[)cl among them, won tluan over to
hLs N-iews, phiced himself at theii- head, and made political p(jwer tlur means
of religious pro|)agandism.

"The adoi>tion of the Impeiial style, at so early a iieriod ius 1850,
sliows the gi-and projects and the va.st designs whicli speedily unfolded
themselves to the view of the new leader. Nothing but uu expulsion of
the hated Man-chow tynants, the subvei-sion of the idolatrous system, aud
the incorporation of the whole nation into one empire of 'univei-sal
)>eacc,' as the s.iv:inls of the one tiiie CJud. .and the believers in the one

CHINESE DYNASTY PROCLAIMED.

true Saviour Jesus Christ, with Taepiug-wang himsell', tlio political head
and religious chief of the whole — could henceforth satisfy niinds inflamed
by enthusiasm :.nd animated by past success."

Before the close of the year 1851 the standard of a
national revolt was raised, aud a Chinese dynasty pro-
claimed. Hunn'-sui-tshuen again moved his camp,
marching upon and capturing- the city of Yung-ugan.
He was here elected Emperor by the enthusiastic acclama-
tion of his followers. It is said Sui-tshuen oifered the
supreme dignity to each of the four chiefs, Pung-yun-
san, Yang-sui-tshin, Siau-chau-kwui, and Wai-ching (the
last, a poAVcrful leader of some thousands of his own
clan) ; and that, only after their refusal and unanimous
election of himself, he accepted power, appointing them
princes of tlie four quarters ; the position in which they
afterwards became known to Europeans. Erom this
period the style God-worshippers became relinquished in
favour of the title of the new dynasty, Ti-piug-tien-kwoh.

THE MANCUOO I'AUTV. 55

C U A P T E R III.

The Manchoo Purty.— The Ti-ping Party.— The Ti-ping Chanvcter.— Con
flict with M.-mchods. — Chinese Oinihoats. — First Ti-]mig Position. —
Its Appearance. — Ti-ping Hospitality. — Ti-ping Country (h^scribed. —
Etiects of Intervention. — San-le-jow. — Ti-pings Superior to Impe-
riali.sts. — Ti-]iings and Cliinauien. — Ti-ping Costume. — The Houan
Ti pings. — Tile " Chinese ParL><." — lutei-view with Chung-wang : his
Appeaiiince : lii.s Religious Feelings : his Peneti-ation : his Policy. —
Conimi.>;sion from Chung-wang. — San-li-jow. — A Ti-ping Army. —
Its Friendly Bearing. — Ari-ival at Shanghae.

ABOUT the beginning of the year 18G0 the rapid success
of the Ti-ping revolution excited considerable atten-
tion. From the unfavourable imjiressions I entertained
with regard to tltc Manchoo Imperialists, I felt very
desirous to become acquainted with their adversaries,
whose professed intention was not only to subvert the
tyrannical foreign dynasty, but to overthrow national
idolatry and establish Christianity throughout China. I
therefore determined to relinquish my profession for a
more unfettered life on shore, which would afford me an
opportunity of seeing something of the Ti-pings — a reso-
lution which gathered strength from the fact that Marie
and her relatives were about to leave Hong-Kong and
take up their abode at Shanghae.

I had long observed that although the majority of
people condemned the revolution, they were infinitely
less worthy of credence than those who supported it.

The anti-Ti-ping and pro-]\[anchoo party comprised : —
All [icrsons who were in any way conncetod witli llio iniqui-
tous opium trailic ; all Urilish placemen and ulUcials \vh(

56 THE TI-PIN6 PARTY.

rejiresented Lord Elgin's politics or Chinese treaties ; all
foreign mercenaries, Avbetlier interested in the Chinese
customs or army ; all Roman Catliolics, but especially
Jesuits and Erench ; all missionaries who felt jealous of
the Ti-ping Christianity, because they could not arrogate
to themselves a direct credit for its propagation ; and,
lastly, all merchants and traders, who, trusting to make a
fortune in a few years, and, being philosophers of the
" After me the Deluge " school, cared not at all for the
future of China, or the vast question of its regeneration
and Christianity, because the execution of those glorious
reforms might intei'fere with their traffic.

The friends of the Ti-pings comprised : — Many humble,
devout missionaries, who rejoiced at the result of their
indirect contact with tlie Chinese ; many large-minded,
large-hearted men, who admired the cause of a people and
tlie welfare of an oppressed nation more than the favour-
able articles of the Elgin treaty ; all persons who depre-
cated Europeans becoming the hired mercenaries of the
most corrupt Asiatic despotism in existence ; and all
merchants not addicted to opium-smuggling, but satisfied
with more honourable and righteous branches of com-
merce.

I thus found that interested persons were adverse to
the revolution, while those wlio were favourable to it were
disinterested. This is no psychological phenomenon.
The explanation is very easy. It was simply a question
of selfishness and dollars versus philanthropy and liberality.
I must confess that, until I became personally acquainted
with the Ti-pings, the reports of their maiigners (prepos-
terous and exaggerated as they were) made me very
suspicious of the people they abused, although I had
ali'eady begun to sympathize with them.

Before resigning my appointment, I obtained a berth as
chief mate in a small steamer which was under the com-
mand of an old brother ofiicer of mine, who had lately
(juitted the same service, f consequently embarked and

THE TI-PING CHARACTER. 57

proceeded with Marie and Iicr friends to Shans^liac. The
little steamer I joined was employed upon the inland
waters of the Shanghae distriet, trading to the Ti-ping
territory for silk, so that my wishes for a meeting were
soon to be gratified. The owners of the steamer were
Chinese, though nominally British, in order to obtain a
register, and so we had things very much our own way on
board.

The evening before we were to start for the interior,
a boat-load of cargo came alongside — at least, what I
imagined to be such. To my utter amazement, when I
mentioned its arrival to the skipper, I found out that the
cargo was no other than boxes of specie.

" What ! " I exclaimed, " carry treasure amongst the
rebels?"

" Why, of course we do ; what in the world should
prevent us ? " said the skipper.

" AVell," I replied, " it is singular for any one to send
boxes of dollars right into the hands of people they term
' hordes of banditti,' ' bloodthirsty marauders,' ' dcsola-
tors,' &c."

"My dear fellow, that's all bosh ; don't you see if out-
siders arc made to believe the Ti-pings to be so bad, they
will not trust themselves, or their money, amongst tliem ;
so those who know better are able to monopolize the silk
trade."

" "What ! arc all those reports about the Ti-pings false,
then?" I asked.

" To be sure they are, or how do you suppose any silk
could be obtained ? "

This reply satisfied rac completely. If the Ti-pings
were *' desolators," it was certain no silk could be left, or
produced, while, if they were "marauders" and "bri-
gands," it was equally certain no one dare carry large
sums of money into their territory to trade. I was not a
little pleased with this conclusion; before long I had
ample proof of the total injustice and gross falsehood

58 CONFLICT WITH MANCHOOS.

of nearly every charge broixglit against the revolu-
tionists.

I received on board about 40,000 taels (over £13,000
sterling) during the evening, with a Chinaman to nego-
tiate for the purchase of the silk when we should arrive
in the silk country.

Early in the morning we got under weigh, and pro-
ceeded on our voyage, past Shanghae and up the Wong-
poo river. We no sooner got clear of the shipping and
crowd of junks anchored above the city, than I received
orders to have all our armament put in order and ready
for immediate use. For so small a vessel she was very
well armed with a 9 lb. pivot gun on each broadside, a
swivel 4 lb. in the bow, and another right aft. Our crew
consisted of eight European seamen, myself, captain,
second mate, and engineer ; besides four Chinese firemen,
a Chinese engineer, a cook, and our European steward ;
we also carried a member of our European firm as
supercargo.

The Wong-poo river for some fifty miles preserves an
average breadth of about 250 yards, after which it rapidly
decreases, and loses itself in a series of interminable
lagoons. The whole country in this direction (due S.W.
of Shanghae) is flat and alluvial, everywhere intersected by
creeks and canals, and mostly in a high state of cultivation.

The tide being strong against us, we did not reach the
last imperialist city, Soong-Kong, about twenty miles
from Shans-hae in a direct line, till mid-dav. Soon after
leaving port, the Manchoo troops commenced their
annoyance. Every station we passed the gunboats would
come olF and attempt to stop us, their crews shouting and
yelling like fiends, sometimes even firing blank cartridge
to arrest our passage. One squadron, bolder than the
rest, after we had passed Soong-Kong and were approach-
ing the limits of Imperialism, thought fit to send us a
dose of iron, and although we took the previous saluting
very quietly, this was rather too striking an example of

CHINESE GUNBOATS. 59

their favour to pass Avitliout return. I tliercforo l)roui;ht
one of our O-pountlers to bear, and <i,'ave tbcni its warning
messajje just over their heads, not wishing to hurt them
unless eompelled, especially as all their shot passed wide
of us, excepting one that cut a funnel stay. Not satisfied
with this, the wliole squadron — some seven or eight — put
oil I'roni the bank and pulled after us, each opening lire
with its bow gun. Our captain called all hands to their
stations, those not employed at the guns being armed Avith
Sharp's riUes ; and, suddenly changing our course, we put
right about, gave a cheer, and steamed at the Mandarin
boats full speed. Directly this was done, and the
Imperialists saw so many Europeans, and heard our
terrific yell, they thought no more of " loot," or seizing
us ; but round they went, turned tail, and pulled off as
desperately as they could, while those astern dashed to
the bank and tumbled ashore one over the other in
dire confusion and alarm, leaving their boats to take
care of themselves or become the prize of the " foreign
devils."

To give them a lesson, we contented ourselves bv
taking all their flags; and, setting the boats adrift on
the stream, proceeded on our course.

These Chinese gunboats, when well manned, form very
elfectivc mosquito flotillas. Thoy are about fifty feet
long and seven broad, are manned by about twenty-five
men, and pull from ten to twenty oars a-side. They are
usually armed with a gun (from 4 to 21-i)ounder) mounted
upon a platform in the bow, and another in the stern.
They arc very shallow, sit light upon the water, and \)u\\
very fast ; they are also furnished with the usual bamboo
sails, but only go well before the wind. These war-boats
are almost innumerable, being found in large numbers all
through the rivers and inland waters of China; and
since the British arsenals have been thrown oi)en to the
Mauchoo government, they have become formidable from
the guns they have been supplied with, and Ihe iustruc-

60 FIRST TI-PING POSITION.

tion their crews have received from English artillerists in
using them.

When we came to the narrow part of the river, we
were exposed to continual insult and annoyance from
the Chinese on the banks, who, not content with assailing
us with every opprobrious epithet in their vocabulary —
the least being " Yang quitzo " (foreign devils), frequently
pelted ns with mud and stones. Soldiers, gun-boat braves,
and villagers seemed striving to emulate each other in
illustrating their hatred of the foreigners who, having
allied themselves to the Manchoo government, had only just
succeeded in driving the Ti-pings away and re-establishing
the rule of the Tartars ; placing our miserable assailants
in possession of territory they could never have reconquered
themselves — and this is how they displayed their gratitude!

The British and French had but lately made war upon
the Ti-pings, having driven them from Shanghae and its
neighbourhood, therefore the least we might have expected
was common civility from our allies ; they, however,
seemed to think otherwise, by treating us as enemies.

Towards dusk we approached the last Imperialist station,
between which and the first Ti-ping outpost stretched a
neutral ground of a few miles. As we could not reach the
Ti-ping territory before dark, it was necessaiy to anchor
for the night ; but this we dare not attempt while in the
Imperialist jurisdiction. Since the reinstatement of the
Imperialists, j)iracy had become incessant, so much so,
that a silk boat could scarcely ever make a trip without
being attacked, many having been plundered and the
Europeans in charge murdered. The whole country
swarmed with robbers, and the river Avith pirates ; the
first being the Imperialist soldiery, and the latter mostly
Imperialist gunboats. In consequence of this, we deter-
mined to reach the neutral ground, the commencement
of which was a small and shallow lake, where we could
lay comjiaratively safe from enemies, whereas, if we re-
mained on the river, we should be at the mercy of any

ITS AVVEAUANCR. 61

who might attack us from its banks, hore scarcely sixty
yards apart.

Amidst the curses and yells of the last outlying- picket
of Imi)erialists we shot into the lake, and anchored in its
centre to wait for daylight. The night passed over with-
out any particular excitement, though the watch on deck
had frcciucntly to warn off with a shot or two some boats
hovcn'ing about. Getting under weigh in the morning,
we soon came to the first Ti-ping position — a few houses
with a palisade round them, and a jingall battery held
by a small detachment of troops. I was much struck by
the pleasant style in which they communicated with us.
In place of making an offensive demonstration of force,
and conducting their inquiries with the gross and insulting
arrogance of the Imperialists, they simply put off a small
boat, from which one officer boarded us, who behaved in
a strikingly friendly and courteous manner while pursuing
his investigations. When satisfied as to our intentions,
he gave us a pass to proceed, and took his departure,
leaving me with a very favourable impression of my first
interview with a real, live Ti-ping.

After passing several small villages, in all of which
the inhabitants were busily at work gathering in their
crops, and apparently much bettor off than the Imperialist
peasantry on the other side of the lake, we came to the
extensive village of Loo-chee, some sixty miles from
Shanghae by the river. At this place there seemed a
large and varied trade. Silk boats, country boats, and
Shanc;hae boats, were moored off the village in great
numbers, all filled with merchandise, for which there
seemed a good and ready market. The crowds of people
about were all well dressed, the shops were fully stocked,
and in every way the village seemed in a most flourishing
condition. One singular circumstance Avhich I noticed
was the total absence of mendicants ; though an ordinary
Chinese market village of the same extent and prosperity
would liave svvarnu'd with them, Ik re not one was to In;

62 TI-PING HOSPITALITY.

seen. Outside the villatye, the fields were alive with
labourers gathering in the rich and heavy crops, it being
harvest time ; while far as the eye could reach stretched
plains covered with the ripe grain, glistening and golden
in the morning sun. In vain I gazed around for some
trace of the " desolaters." If I looked to the village, I
saw nothing but crowds of well-to-do, busy, complacent-
looking Chinamen, and great piles of merchandise just
landed from the boats ; if I looked to the country, I per-
ceived nothing but the richness and beauty of nature ; yet
this was a part of Ti-pingdom, and all the people I saw
were Ti-pings or subject to them. At last, a little outside
the village, I noticed a heap of bricks, such as the
Chinese build their houses with ; going up to it, I found
the track of the " desolaters " after all ; for this proved
to be the remains of an immense joss-house they had
destroyed — not a stone was left standing upon another;
in their iconoclastic zeal they had literally crushed the
Buddhist temple into the dust, for I could not find one
whole brick amongst the debris, although it covered more
than an acre of ground. Here and there, amongst the
tall, rank grass, peeped out the mutilated remnants of the
former divinities of the temple. I began to think this
"desolating" and "murdering" a la Ti-ping not quite
so bad as some parties had represented.

We remained at Loo-chee a few hours, while our
supercargo and interpreter made inquiries about the silk.
I observed but few Ti-ping soldiers in the village ; the six
or seven who rowed an officer ofi" to us constituted quite
half the garrison. Tiiey were all attached to the Loo-
chee custom-house, and the officer who boarded us was
le chef de la dotiane. While strolling through the village
I was astonished by the very friendly and unrestrained
manners of the people ; I was seized upon and carried into
many houses to partake of tea and Chinese wine, the
Ti-pings actually struggling with each other to get me
into their respective dwellings. The kindly behaviour of

TI-PING COUNTRY DESCRIBED, 63

the soldiers was the more remarkable from the totally
opposite conduut of the Imperialist braces, whose feeling
towards us we had so lately experienced. Yet the Impe-
rialists were our allies, and we were assisting them against
the Ti-pings. It was even possible that friends or rela-
tives of these Ti-ping soldiers had been killed by the
IJritish and French before Shanghae ; still, anomalous and
incredible as it must seem, our friends, the Imperialists,
treated us as though we were enemies, and our enemies,
the Ti-pings, treated us as friends.

At last, amid the hearty adicnx of the natives, we
steamed away from Loo-chee for another village, some
twelve miles farther inland, where we expected to find
silk.

Some three years later I visited Loo-ehee again. A
letter which I wrote upon the occasion appeared in the
Friend of China, a Shanghae newspaper, and in themontli
of October, 1803, was reproduced, accompanied by tli(^
following observations : —

"At this juncture, when Gordon declares the Taepings
to be incapable of government (he never bad an opportunity
of judging, or knowing anything about them, except how
they could fight), it is not out of place to reproduce the
writing of the only respectable foreigner we know in the
Taeping lighting service — a service of Avhich, in so far
as intercourse with the Taeping goes, he has had several
years' experience."

The letter referred to Avas as follows : —

" The general appearance ol' the country lately wrested
from the Ti-pings by the British, and again given up to
Imperial rule, cannot be passed without a feeling of pity
for its sad alteration. Throughout the whole extent of
this coiintry, Europeans arc now exposed to insult, the
natives being as constrained and repulsive as is usual in
Mandarin localities. Indeed, they are a vagabond and
scanty lot, many large villages now exhibiting hardly one
person to each house. The crops alone are in a flourish-

64 EFFECTS OF INTERVENTION.

ing condition — reared by Ti-pings for the Imperial com-
missariat — a rich harvest indeed.

" Custom-houses, or rather squeeze-houses, are spring-
ing np in every direction, and the poor Chinese trader is
in a perfect whirlwind of mystification as to whom he
ought to pay and whom not. The baneful effect of all
this is very visible. There is an indescribable gloom and
stagnation over the land, and everything on it. Even the
birds appear less happy, for they do not chirp as of old.
Of trade — there is none. The extensive village of Loo-chee,
about sixty miles from Shanghac by water, is the last
Imperialist station in this direction. When I was last
here, some two and a half years ago, all was joyous as a
marriage feast. It was a place of mnch trade and im-
portance ; now the only things to be remarked are a few
piratical war-boats, with their usual villanous-looking
crews, under the Imperial flag. Where formerly exube-
rant life and happiness were found, all now is wretched-
ness. Between Loo-chee and the nearest Ti-ping station
comes a neutral ground of some ten miles in extent. This
is almost a desert, and well it may be, when the Impe-
rialists scour over it. At last we reached the first Ti-ping
outpost. What a contrast ! Now, indeed, all is smiling
happiness. In place of insult we meet kind looks and
salutations of welcome. Even the children run along the
banks with cries of delight. Poor little things, they know
not but that they may soon be homeless, bereft, perhaps,
of parents, or even life itself."

When the above letter was written, the Imperialists,
with the assistance of foreigners, had only lately suc-
ceeded in recapturing the Adllage of Loo-chee ; shortly
afterwards I again passed the place, and the only change
to be observed was a new Buddhist temple in course
of erection upon the ruins of the old. A striking
example of the effect of British intervention : the Ti-pings
destroy the heathen temples and establish tlie Holy
Scriptures on tlieir sites, but the Manchoos build them

SAN-LE-JOW. (55

up again, and exterminate the worshippers of the True
God.

So great a confidence had my friend, the Captain, in
tlie Ti-pings, that directly we came to their territory he
told me I naight discharge and clean all our arms, and put
them away until we re-entered the Imperialist lines.

Before arriving at our destination, we passed many
villages, all thriving and apparently doing considerable
ti"ade; one especially attracted my attention — it was a very
large walled village, named San-zar, and seemed to be the
centre of an immense commei'ce. This place was fortified
and well garrisoned. We stopped there and took in a
supply of i^rovisions, which were very cheap. I particu-
larly remember San-zar, because I found in it the best
sponge cake I ever tasted in China. The village was very
extensive, containing upw'ards of five thousand houses ;
t he shops were numerous, and at the time I first visited it
every article of Chinese consumption was to be found in
alnindance. I passed through it lately — upon my return
to England — and found everything sadly changed; the
Imperialists were close at hand, and the inhabitants had
fled away ; the shops were closed, excepting liere and there
where some trader, more venturesome or avaricious than
his fellows, seemed determined to drive his business till
the last ; the streets were silent and trafficless ; in some
parts the depopulation was so complete as to strongly
remind me of Goldsmith's " Deserted Village."

Shortly after leaving San-zar, we arrived at San-le-jow,
the termination of our voyage, a fortified position,
three Chinese miles (one Ejiglish) from the city of Pim-
bong. San-le-jow is situated within the silk district, into
which we should have proceeded further, but the creek
was spanned by a bridge too small for our vessel to pass.
We were therefore compelled to remain at anchor, and
send boats in for the silk. All the specie was placed in
them, comparatively unprotected, only the supercargo
and two of our crew going in charge of it ; and yet it

66 TI-PINGS SUPERIOll TO IMPERIALISTS.

was taken into the very heart of Ti-pingdom in perfect
safety.

We remained about three week-s at San-le-jow, while
our supercargo was absent purchasing silk; and during
this time I determined to see as much of Ti-pingdom and
the Ti-pings as possible. I constantly visited the neigh-
boui'ing villages to endeavour to ascertain what feeling the
country people entertained for the Ti-ping rule. I was
pleased to find them in every instance completely happy
and contented ; and was particularly struck by the grati-
fied manner in which they would attract my notice to
their long hair — the emblem of the Ti-ping and freedom,
as opposed to the Mancboo and the shaven-headed, tail-
wearing badge of slavery they inflict upon the Chinese.
During my rambles I took my servant, A-ling, with me,
and, as he was a capital interpreter, I was enabled to fully
investigate all I cared for or found interesting.

As San-le-jow was only about twenty miles distant
from the important provincial capital, Soo-chow, I engaged
a boat, took A-ling with me, and, reaching the city,
spent seven or eight days there very pleasantly.

I have visited many parts of Asia, but never in my life,
not even amongst people of my own race, have I met with
the kindness, hospitality, and earnest friendship I expe-
rienced from the Ti-pings. I shall never forget the deep
impression I received at the moment I first met them : it
was instantaneous, I required no further knowledge or
explanation ; I felt a mysterious sympathy in their favour,
and, from that day to this, my frequent intercom'se with,
them has only strengthened and cemented my first
opinions.

The testimony of persons who have themselves seen
the Ti-pings is unanimous as to their striking superiority
over the Imperialists. Not only is their personal appear-
ance infinitely more pleasing, but their entire character,
physically and morally, exhibits the same wonderful supe-
riority.

TI-PINGS AND CHINAMEN. ()7

All Europe has foi" many years considered the Chinese
the most absurd and unnatural people in the world ; their
shaven head, tail, oblique eyes, grotesque eostume, and
the deformed feet of their women, have long furnished
subjects for the most ludicrous attempts of caricaturists ;
while the atmosphere of seclusion, superstition, and
arrogance, with which tliey delight to surround themselves,
has always excited the ridicule and contempt of Euro-
peans. Now, among the Ti-pings, these things, with
the exception of the physiognomy, have all disappeared,
and even their features seem improved — probably through
their mental and bodily relief from thraldom.

One of the most remarkable contrasts between the
Ti-pings and their enslaved countrymen, the Imperialists,
and the first to attract the observation of foreigners,
is their complete difference of appearance and costume.
The Ciiinese are known as a comparatively stupid-looking,
badly-dressed race ; the disfigurement of the shaved
head not a little causing this. One presents a type of the
whole — a dull, apathetic countenance, without expression
or intelligence, except what resembles the half-cunning,
half-fearful manner of slaves ; their energies seem bound,
their hopes and spirits crushed by wrong and oppression.
The Ti-pings, on the other hand, immediately impress an
observer by their intelligence, continual inquisitiveness,
and thirst for knowledge. It is, indeed, utterly impossible,
judging from their diff'erent intellectual capacities, to come
to the conclusion that they are both natives of the same
country — a difference more marked cannot be conceived.
The Ti-pings are a clever, candid, and martial people,
rendered peculiarly attractive by the indescribable air of
freedom which they possess. Where you would see the
servile Tartar-subdued Chinamen continually cringing,
the Ti-pings exhibit, even in the face of death, nothing
but the erect, stately carriage of free men.

It is a singular fact that the handsomest men and
women in China are to be seen in theTi-ping array. Tiiis

T 2

68 TI-PING COSTUME.

may possibly be partly the result of their difference of
dress and of wearing the hair, but the main cause is
undoubtedly the ennobling effect of their religion and free-
dom. The dress consists of very broad petticoat ti'ousers,
mostly of black silk, bound round the waist with a long
sash, which also contains their sword and j)istols ; a short
jacket, generally red, reaching just to the waist and fitting
tight to the body, forms their uj)per garment. But it is
the style in which they wear their hair that forms their
principal ornament : they allow it to grow without cutting,
it is then plaited into a queue at the back of the head, into
which is worked a tail of red silk cord, and it is always
worn wound round the head in the form of a turban, the
end, a large tassel, hanging down on the left shoulder.
Their shoes are of varied colour, with flowers and embroi-
dery worked all over them (the boots of Imperialists are
quite different, being not only slightly of another shape, but
always plain).

During my subsequent intercourse with the Ti-pings
I found the above costume the summer one of the
soldiers ; the body-guards of the different chiefs wear
their own particular colours, the edges of the jacket being
always embroidered and braided with a different one,
forming a regular uniform. In the cold weather they
mostly wear fur-jackets, or other warm garments. The
colours of their clothing vary much, in some cases
the jacket being black silk and the trousers white, and in
others blue, black, white, red, or yellow, according to their
different corps. Yellow is the colour of only the highest
chiefs, or of their king. The chiefs all wear long outside
dresses, reaching to nearly the feet, of either blue, red, or
yellow silk, according to their rank. On the head they
wear a silk scarf, or hood, with a jewel fastened to the
front as the badge of their position. In hot weather one
and all wear large straw hats very prettily embroidered,
the crown quite small, and the brim about a foot broad,
which gives them a very gay and singular appearance.

THE IIONAN TI-PINGS. 69

The great chiefs, who are titled Wang (generalissimos, or
governors of districts), have a much more costly and
elaborate dress. Upon all occasions of importance they
wear their state robes and coronets, and the appearance
they present when so arrayed is really magnificent. Being
almost invariably men of a very energetic and expressive
mien, when attired in their long robes, covered with
ancient Chinese designs, fabulous animals, or fancy
patterns, all worked in gold, silver, and jewels, with
their jewelled coronets, and with their gold embroidered
shoes, it would bo utterly impossible to imagine a more
splendid or effective costume.

Many of the Ti-pings come from the province of
Honan, and the Chinese say the natives of that part are
the handsomest in China. The truth of this I fully be-
lieve, for having made it a particular point of inquiry to
ascertain the native place of every Ti-ping I have met of
more than ordinary a2)pearance, I have invariably found
the best-featured were either Honan men or came from the
hilly parts of the Kiang-si jirovince. Honan forms a
central portion of China, and has long been remarkable
for producing some of the best soldiers ; but it is
especially its braves, who man great numbers of the
Mandarin gunboats which are used all through the
inland Maters, that are celebrated for tlicir courage. The
Honan people arc easily distinguished by the lightness of
their complexion ; the shape of their nose, which is higli
and well-formed like the European; the largeness, and
little approximation to the oblique, of their eyes ; and their
superior stature. In a few cases I have met men not
inferior to anv race in the world for beautv, Avhile it would
be dilTieult to imagine a more picturesque bearing than
they present with their dark massive hair wound around
their Iicads by scarlet silken fillets, so as to form a shade
for their expressive eyes and animated countenances.
Some of these youthful Honan Ti-pings are as well fea-
tured and handsome as an Andalusian beauty, their black

70 THE " CHINESE TAUIS."

eyes and long lashes, olive complexion, and beardless faces
rendering the resemblance more striking.

Uj)on my ai-rival at Soo-chow I received the kindest
reception, and obtained an audience of several of the
principal chiefs in the city. But little trace of the
former magnificence of the "Chinese Paris" remained;
its present possessors had only captured the city a few
months, and the sad traces of civil war were everywhere
around. The Imperialist troops had themselves burned
and devastated the once rich suburbs, and the Ti-pings,
in their usual manner upon the capture of a city, had
destroyed all public and private buildings of the Manchoo
construction, or any that tended to remind them of the
hateful Tartar occupation. New suburbs, however, were
springing up in every direction, and a considerable
trade likewise, all commerce being carried on outside
the walls. Within the city itself, the destruction had
been extensive, and numberless workmen were employed
erecting handsome new dwellings, those for the principal
chiefs being of the best description. No trade was jier-
mitted Avithin the walls, a very necessary precaution in
China, for otherwise the place would be instantly filled by
numbers of the enemy disguised as traders, &c. In this
the Ti-pings have only acted as every other dynasty during
its commencement, all (the present Manchoo included)
having pursued the same policy. Many persons ignorant
of this, after visiting Ti-ping cities, have reported that the
inhabitants never return to them from fear of the new
rulers ; but we must remember the late war in America
and the occupation of Atalanta by the Federal troops, who
compelled the inhabitants to leave the city ; it will then be
seen that the military occupation of fortified towns by the
Ti-pings is much about the same as it is with people of
our own race. Outside the ramparts a crowd of soldiers
and labourers were hard at work throwing up fortifications,
while, inside, others were converting the remaining streets
into extensive barracks.

INTERVIEW WITH CHUNG-WANG. 71

I found the chief in command was the Chung-wang,
Le, who for the last few years had held the supreme
position of Commander-in-Chief of all the Ti-ping forces.
He very kindly granted me an audience, and made
me live in his palace while I remained at Soo-chow,
although he had only lately been driven from Shanghae,
and hundreds of his men killed (rather say murdered, for
they were slaughtered without the slightest justification)
by the British.

I had long felt a desire to behold the celebrated leader
of the Ti-ping forces, who, until the intervention of Eng-
land, had been invincible, and now my wish was gratified.
I no sooner found myself before the Chung-wang than I
respected him — he appeared so unmistakably a master
spirit, with the innate nobleness of presence of one born to
command and govern.

For a chief of so exalted and powerful a position, and
who, moreover, had received ample provocation to treat
Englishmen as his deadliest enemies, Chung-wang received
me with remarkable condescension and kindness. Whereas
the meanest official understrapper of the Manchoo govern-
ment would with the most insulting hauteur receive any
foreigner (unless under coercion, as when the treaties
have been ai'ranged), and consider himself degraded by any
contact, the Chung-wang, generalissimo of some four or
five hundred thousand men, second personage in the
Ti-ping government (being only inferior to the Tien-wang,
the king), and Vice-roy of the Avhole territory (at that
period more than twice the size of England, and containing
more than 70,000,000 inhabitants), advanced from his vice-
regal chair, and shaking me by the liand in English style,
made me be seated close to himself. lie seemed about
thirty-five years of age, though the trace of arduous mental
and physical exertion gave him a rather worn and older
appearance. His figure light, active, and wiry, was par-
ticularly well formed, though scarcely of the Chinese
middle height ; his bearing erect and dignified, his walk

72 CnUNG-WANG's APrEARANCE.

rapid but stately. His features were very strongly marked,
expressive, and good, though not handsome according to
the Chinese idea, being slightly of a more European cast
than they admire ; the nose straighter than usual among
Chinese ; the mouth small, almost delicate, and with the
general shape of the jaw and sharply chiselled lips,
expressive of great courage and determination. His com-
plexion dark ; but it was his brow and eyes that at once
told the observer he beheld a great and remarkable man.
It was not alone his singularly high and expansive forehead,
but the eyebrows and eyes, which, instead of being placed
obliquely, as is the usual characteristic of the Chinese,
were quite dissimilar : the eyes were nearly straight, the
only Chinese part being the shape of the eyelids ; and the
brows, placed high above them, were almost even, the
inner, in place of the outer, ends being slightly elevated.
This peculiaritj^ I have never seen so prominent in any
other Chinaman ; I have seen a few natives of Honan
approach to it a little, but it gave the Chung-wang an
un-Chinese look.

His large eyes flashed incessantly, while the lids
were always twitching. Prom his very energetic fea-
tures, and the ceaseless nervous movement of his body
(some part being continually on the move and restless,
either the legs crossing or uncrossing, the feet patting the
ground, or the hands clasping, unclasping, or fidgeting
about, and all by sudden starts), no one would imagine he
could possess such perfect coolness in battle ; yet I have
often since observed him in action, when, in spite of his
apparent excitability, his self-possession was imperturbable,
and his voice — always low and soft, with a musical flow
of language, slightly affected by a wound he received from
a piece of a British shell before Shanghae, in tlie month
of August, 1860 — unchanged, save being more rapid and
decisive in moments of the greatest danger. When I
obtained my first interview with the Chung-wang, I found
him rather plainly dressed. Instead of the long robes

MIS HELTnTOUS FEELINGS. 73

and large coronets, constituting the state dress of all the
superior cliiefs, he was simply attired in an ordinary scarlet
quilted jacket. On his head he wore a scarlet hood,
of the usual shape, surmounted by a kind of undress
coronet peculiar to himself, consisting of a large and
valuable jewel in the front, wdth eight curious gold medal-
lions, four in a row on each side.

:y~v

CHl'NG-WAKG S UEAD-DRESS.

While in Soo-cliow I became one of the congregation
of Ti-pings during their performance of divine service on
Sunday. The Sabbath is oljscrved not upon the same day
as in Europe, theirs being the Saturday of our reckoning.
My interpreter was with me, and translated every part
of their service. Their numbers, and apparent devotion,
could not have been objected to by the most orthodox
Christian.

I shall ever remember with feelings of the liveliest
pleasure the first few days I spent with the Ti-pings at
Soo-ehow. I could not move through its streets without
experiencing the excessive friendliness of these warm-
hearted converts to Christianity and civilization, thousands
of whom were afterwards destroyed by a nation whose
religion and civilized institutions they were earnestly
striving to imitate.

74 chukg-wang's penetration.

Nor can I evei' forget the eager manner witli which, the
moment I was seated in his honse, my entertainer for the
time heing would give a copy of tlie Bihle to my sei'vant —
waiting impatiently with the book in his hands till
the etiquette of presenting me some tea had been
observed, — asking if it was the same as mine ; and his
satisfaction, when, after hearing parts of it translated, I
assured him that it was.

The conversation I had with the Chung-wang naturally
touched upon his late repulse from Shanghae by the
British and Prench. He seemed to feel that event very
deeply, and deplore the suicidal policy of those he had
always striven to make his friends. The points of his
communication were : — Why had the English and French
broken faith with him ? the English particularly, whose
solemn written guarantees of neutrality the Ti-ping
government lield. The Ti-pings and the English wor-
shipped the same God and the same Saviour, and were
consequently of one religion and brotherhood, why,
then, did they assist the common enemy, the Manchoo
imps — the idol - worshippers and enemies of our
Heavenly Father and Jesus the heavenly elder brother ?
By what right or law did the English soldiers take charge
of the native city of Shanghae, preventing him, their
friend, from capturing it, and defend it for the very
Manchoos with whom at the time they were themselves
at war ?

Neither shall I ever forget the noble, enlightened,
and patriotic designs, which absorbed them : — to pro-
pagate the Bible, to destroy idols, to expel the Tartars
from China, and establish one complete and undivided
native empire; to become brothers with the Christian
nations of the West, and introduce European sciences
and manufactures — seemed always their principal wish
and determination.

He continually inquired: "Why are the English
inimical to us ? Have we ever done them the slightest

UIS POLICY. 76

harm ? Have we not always acted with good faith and
friendship?"

"Cannot your foreign nations sec," he said, "that the
imps of Hien-fung (the Manclioo Emperor of China),
knowing you are of tlie same religion and family as
ourselves, are plotting to establish a connection with
you in order to produce trouble, misunderstanding, and
separation between us ? To do this they will tell many
lies, pretend to be very friendly, and for the time let you
do much trade to fool you."

This observation of the Chung-wang's is a good proof
of his penetration and judgment ; he only forgot to notice
the fact that the Manchoo government had been com-
pelled to pretend friendship, to allow increased trade, &c.,
by the British occupation of Pekin, in the first place ;
he was, however, undoubtedly right as to their after
intrigue.

Another very important remark the Chung-wang
made, was : — " If you take Shanghae and a few le round
it into your protection, how Avill you be able, in such a
limited space, to dispose of your merchandise, or carry
on any traflfic with the interior, if I, in retaliation, choose
to prevent you? "

When I told him any such policy on his part would
pi'obably lead to a war with the English, be replied : —

" Never ! unless you reckon upon my forbearance ; I
have all the silk and many tea districts in my possession,
and I can stop all your trade in a moment if I am so
inclined. If I beat you, in event of hostilities, I shall
then make you reasonable and cause you to mind your
own alVairs without interfering in our endeavours to expel
the Manchoo ; but if, on the other hand, you beat me,
who can prevent my destroying all the silk and tea
plantations, and so removing for ever the only thing you
come to China for, and tlie only cause you would fight
about ? My soldiers are brave and innumerable, they
cover the silk and the tea lands."

7G COMMISSION FROM CHUNG-WANG.

These arguments of the Chung-wang were perfectly
just and unanswerable. What honest-minded man really-
acquainted with the facts of the case can deny it ?

With all his shrewdness and foresight, the Chung-wang
was himself too enlightened and large-hearted to hit upon
the true reason for British hostility. It did not occur to
him that at the close of an expensive war which had
resulted in the legalization of the opium trade, and had
otherwise benefitted the English, it would not suit their
policy — however beneficial it might prove to the Chinese
— however imperatively it might be demanded by the
sacred voice of humanity, to interfere with the advantages
derivable from the Elgin treaties, the indemnity, and the
trafiic in opium — the use of which is prohibited upon pain
of death by the Ti-pings.

The kindness I experienced was disinterested, genuine,
and without a motive. Though some persons have con-
sidered their striking friendliness to foreigners has been
the carrying out of a plan in order to secure the non-
intervention of the European powers, all I saw of the
Ti-pings, their earnest religious enthusiasm, patriotism,
and generally noble sentiments, impressed me seriously.
Before leaving Soo-chow I became warmly attached to
their cause, than which — all my future intercourse has
convinced me — a more righteous, or holy, never existed
upon earth, and I therefore determined to aid and advo-
cate it to the utmost of my power. ^

When upon the point of returning to my vessel, I
informed the Chung-wang of my intention, and volunteei'ed
my services, at the same time requesting him to furnish
me with some document or pass that would enable me
to return, or travel, to any part of his dominions. The
Chung-wang, after a short conversation with some of his
chiefs, told my servant to inform me he would give me an
honorary commission upon his staff, and then I should be
able to act in whichever wav I mi^ht find best, and to
traverse every part of Ti-pingdom without let or hindrance.

SAN-LI-JOW. 77

At last my comaiission was made out, tlic Cliung-wang
alTixed his seal, and amidst the congratulations of the
surrounding chiefs I became an honorary Ti-ping odicer.
I afterwards learnt that in consideration of ray being a
foreigner, and the nature of the commission, the usual
formalities of investiture had been foregone ; such as
examination upon the Bible, swearing allegiance to the
Ti-ping wang, and to expel the Mauchoo.

After taking leave of my new friends and comrades, I
discharged tlie boat I had arrived in, taking my departure
on board a gun-vessel the Chung-wang had kindly placed
at my disposal. While on my passage, I observed many
people apparently returning to their homes in the neigh-
bourhood of Soo-chow ; I halted at some of the villages on
my rovxte, and found in all of them huge yellow placards,
which my interpreter read as Ti-ping imperial proclama-
tions calling upon the people to return to their homes
without fear, to remain quiet, and lawfully to render a
certain amount of tribute (a little over a third of the
Manchoo taxation) to the Ti-ping general treasury. At
the gateways of Soo-chow, and at several villages I passed,
I saw heads hung vip with notices attached, stating they
were those of soldiers decapitated for plundering tlie
country people, one for smoking opium, and another for
carrying off a villager's daughter.

It was a singular fact that about every fourth village
had been completely biu-ned and destroyed. Sometimes
1 passed three villages, the two outside ones perfect
and the central one entirely gutted. Upon inquiry, the
country people said the Imperialists had been the de-
stroyers ; others said the inhabitants having run away
and gone off with the "imps" (Imperialists), they liad
punished them by burning their habitations ; while some
said the destroyed villages had been fortified and defended
by the Manchoo troops, and so, when captured by the
Ti-pings, had been destroyed. This last I had reason to
believe the correct account, for I noticed in all the ruined

78 A TI-PING ARMY.

villages various traces of strife, and some seemed to have
been surrounded with a wall or stockade and the houses
loopholed ; while, here and there, half hidden among the
debris and tall rank weeds, lay some human skeletons.

When I reached the steamer, no silk having arrived, I
had time to see more of the country. In one direction, some
few miles from San-li-jow, I found a considerable tract of
land perfectly desolated, not a dwelling nor habitation of
any sort standing, and the fields untended, with the rice
or paddy growing wild.

It appeared this part had been severely contested by
the Ti-ping and Imperialist troops, and between them it
had become a solitude. I made several trips to this
locality witli my gun, and always returned well recom-
pensed with golden plover and pheasants, which I generally
flushed among the ruins of what had once been houses.
The paddy-fields about here were impenetrable, being
mostly a perfect jungle six or seven feet high, and full
of ugly-lookiug green and yellow diamond -speckled
snakes.

In the villages arovmd San-li-jow I particularly noticed
the exactitude with which the Ti-ping soldiers paid the
country people for everything they required. I was told
in one that a soldier dare not so much as take an egg
without paying for it, and the villagers all stated it was
" good trade " with the Ti-pings, because they gave a
better price than the Imperialists.

In a few days after my return from Soo-chow the silk
arrived, and while we were busily employed taking it on
board, a large Ti-ping army came in sight. Some were
marching along ashore, but by far the greater number
were being transported by water ; for miles, as far as the
eye could reach, the sinuosities of the creek were covered
with the sails of the vessels. I counted the number of
boats passing within half an hour at one hundred, and the
numbers in each at a fair average of twenty ; therefore,
the flotilla continuing to pass for seven hours, I estimated

ITS FKIENDLY BEAlllNG. 79

the a]ipvoximatc strength of the army at 30,000 men,
including those asliore. Many of the leaders came along-
side in their boats, and spent a few minutes on board
with us ; amongst them I found one or two I had met at
Soo-chow, who informed me they were proceeding to
attack the important provincial capital, Hang-chow. All
who boarded us were very eager to purchase fire-arms,
and I was sorry we could not muster half a dozen stand
for them altogether. Many brought guns on board with
the locks out of order, and by repairing these our engineers
reaped a munificent reward. During the whole time the
flotilla was passing we received many salutations and
friendly remarks, and I did not hear a single insulting or
depreciating expression made use of towards us ; whereas,
amongst Imperialist troops it would be impossible to
venture without being subjected to the grossest insult and
contumely.

It has been the invariable habit to immensely exaggerate
the strength of the Ti-piug armies, and this force upon the
march for Hang-chow was supposed by Europeans to
number several hundred thousand. It was commanded
in chief by the Ting-wang, Prince of the Eastern Provinces.

When all our silk had arrived, we gave the chief of
San-li-jow a farewell dinner on board, he having treated
us with much hospitality and kindness during our stay ;
and after an exchange of presents (we gave him a few
bottles of cherry brandy, some boxes of percussion-caps, a
couple of muskets, and a few other things; and in return
received a present of some pigs, fowls, ducks, and pieces
of silk, a much more valuable one than ours) started for
Shanghae.

We returned to the Wong-jioo river, and Imperialist
territory, by a difi'erent route to that by which we had
left it, and in this du-ection, likewise, found one of the
most prominent changes in tlie country — the total destruc-
tion of the idols and Buddhist temples. The desolating
traces of civil war were also more visible.

80 ARRIVAL AT SHANGHAE.

We anchored for tlie night preceding our re-entry into
the Imperialist lines, getting all our arms in readiness.
Starting early in the morning, we fortunately caught the
ebb tide, and so, after running the gauntlet past our allies,
reached Shanghae safely the same afternoon.

Of course, my first moment was devoted to Marie. The
relations she was living with — the poor relations of the
family — acted with great kindness towards us ; they were
completely estranged from Marie's miserly father, and
looked favourably upon our attachment. Fortunately my
occupation was very much of a sinecure ; so, often during
the day I found time to fulfil our almost hourly assigna-
tions. Each night I returned to my ship with Marie's
whisper " Till to-morrow " dwelling in my heart.

A short half- month of unmingled happiness soon
passed away, and again came the hour of separation. We
were to part — not with the whispered promise upon our
lips, not with the anticipated pleasure of the morrow in our
hearts ; but for long weeks, perhaps even months : the
very uncertainty was painful.

Mournfully sounded the last "adios" from the shore,
but more mournfully still the echo that followed me over
the waters from the little boat fast disappearing in the
gloom of night, as we steamed out of the harbour —
"adios!"

TI-PIN& versus imperialist.

ORGANIZATION OF THE TI-I'INGS. 81

CHAPTER IV.

Organization of tlie Ti-]iings. — Hung-sui-tshucn's Manifesto. — Hnng-sui-
tshuen Enipcrox". — Proclamation of Rank. — Ti-piiig Titles. — Siege of
Yung-gnan. — Ti-pLug Succes.ses. — Their Moderation in Victoiy. —
King Yang's Proclamation. — Tien-wang'.s Proclamation. — Cruelty of
Imperialists. — Canse of the Revolution. — Chinese History Reviewed.
— Corrupt Government. — Tartar Rule. — Manchoo Bai-barity.

THE Ti-ping Revolution, even during its earlier stages,
when emerging from the obscurity of mere local
insuri'ection, was conducted in a very systematic and
organized manner.

Just four months after the first outbreak, and four
months previous to the capture of Yung-gnan, the Man-
choo governor of the province (Kwang-si), whose letter
is translated and quoted by Consul Meadows, wrote as
follows :—

" Both Hung-sni-tshuen and Fung-yun-san are skilled in the use of
troops, fiung-sui-tshuen is a man of dangerous character, who ])mctiscs
the ancient militaiy arts. At fii-st he conceals his strength, then he puts
it forth a little, then in a gi-eater degree, and la.stly comes on in great force.
He constantly has two victories for one defeat, for he practi.ses the tactics
of Sun-pin (an ancient Chinese wanior and celebrated tactician). The
nthi-r day I ohtiiined a rebel book, describing the organization of one army.
It is the Sze-mar system of the Chow djTiasty. A division has its genei-al
of {livLsion; a regiment has its colonel; an army eorwisis of 13,270 men,
b(>ing the strength of an ancient army, with the addition of upwards of a
hundred men. * » »

" The rel)els increase more and more ; our troops — the more they fight
the more they fear. The rebels generally are powerful and fierce, tmd they
camwt hii any means be likened to a disorderly crowd, tJieir reguhiHons and
laws being rigorous and clear."

82 hitng-stji-tshtjen's manifesto.

Thus it appears that even before the rebellion
attained a political status, its organization was perfect,
and that, too, within four mouths of its commencement.
In spite of the mass of trustworthy evidence on this j^oint,
and the latterly improved constitution of the Ti-pings,
some persons have foolishly declared the Ti-pings possess
no organization whatever. The partisan spirit of such
people carries them altogether beyond their mark ; for
any one, not totally ignorant of Chinese character, is per-
fectly well aware that for any body of Chinese to exist
without organization is impossible. We have only to look
towards Java, Australia, California, India, or wherever a
body of Chinese may be found separate, to see they are
invariably organized. The colonies formed in the above
countries are all governed by chiefs of their own electing.
At Batavia and various other parts of Java, Borneo, &c.,
these chiefs and their inferior ofiicials, hold a ixcognized
position in the Dutch administration. From their very
cradles precepts of order and submission are so well en-
grafted and inculcated, that no nature is so amenable to
control as a Chinaman's.*

Hung-sui-tshuen, previous to the capture of Yung-
gnan, issued the following reply to the celebrated Com-
missioner Lin's summons to surrender : —

" The Manclioos who, for two centuries, have been in hereditary
possession of the tlu-one of China, are descended from an insignificant
nation of foreigners. By moans of an ai'my of veteran soldiers well trained
to warfare, they seized on our treasiu'es, our lands, and the government of
our country, thereby proving that the only thing requisite for usui-ping
empii-e is the fact of being the strongest. There is, therefore, no difference
between ourselves, who lay contributions on the vUlages we take, and the
agents sent from Pekin to collect taxes. Why, then, without any motive,
are troops disjiatched against us ? Such a proceeding sti-ikes us as a very
unjust one. What ! is it possible that the Manchoos, who are foreigners,

* This strong tendency of the Chinese to combine and organize is well
noticed in " Impressions of China," by Captain FLshbourne, at pages 415
to 418.

HUNG-SUI-TSnUEN EMPEROtt. 83

liave a right to receive the tiixes of the captiired provinces, and to name
otficers who ojtpress the people, while we Chinese are prohibited from
taking a trifling amonnt at the public cost? Univei-sal sovereignty does
not belong to any one particular individual, to the exclusion of all the rest.
And such a thing has never been known, as one dynasty being able to trace
a line of a hutulred generations of emperoi-s. The right to govern consLsts
in possession."

In tbis manifesto the insurgents claim the throne, from
the fact tliat, being Chinese, to them by right it belonged.

This document, from which the above is an extract,
jiroved such an effective and injurious one to poor Com-
missioner Lin, that he never rallied from the shock.
Before dying, he memorialized his Emperor, informing
him the rebels professed Christianity, and derived their
origin from the hated "barbarians" (Europeans).

Hung-sui-tshuen effected the capture of the city of
Yung-gnan by a very extraordinary stratagem : —

" The insurgents advanced (juickly to the walls, which arc not very
high, and by throwing an immense quantity of lighted fire-crackers into
the town, the continued explosion of which l)rought confusion among the
soldiei's within, and caused them to retreat, they easily succeeded in scaling
the walls and entering the city."

Ilung-sui-tshuen was no sooner proclaimed first
emperor of the new dynasty of Ti-ping (Extreme Peace),
with the title of Tien-teh-Ti-ping-Wang (Heavenly Virtue
Extreme Peace King), than he immediately issued his
manifcstnes in imperial style.

During the first two months, the framing of new regu-
lations, electing of officers, and bestowing rewards upon
those who had previously distinguished themselves, were
attended to. Proclamations calling upon the soldiers to
fight bravely, and promising them reward, were issued,
in one of which the seventh commandment is rigorously
enforced by the following passage : —

" Tliere shall a.s.suredly be no forgiveness, and we expressly enjoin upon
the soldiei-s and officers not to show the least leniency, or screen the
offenders, lest we bring down upon ourselves the indignation of the great
God our Heavenly Father."

G 2

84 PROCLAMATION OF RANK.

The following is the proclamation bestowing upon the
five principal leaders their rank and title : —

" Our Heavenly Father, the great God and supreme Lord, is one true
Spii-it (God) ; besides our Heavenly Father, the gi-eat God and supreme
Lord, there is no SjjLrit (God). The great God, our Heavenly Father and
supreme Lord, is omniscient, omnipotent, and omnipresent — the supreme
over all. There is not an individual who is not produced and nourished
by him. He is Shang (Supreme). He is the Te (Ruler). Besides the
great God, our Heavenly Father and supreme Lord, there is no one who
can be called Shang, and no one who can be called Te.

" Therefore, fi-om henceforth all you soldiers and officers may designate
us as yoiu- lord, and that is all ; you must not call me sujjreme, lest you
should encroach tqjon the designation of our Ueavenly Father. Our Heavenly
Father is our Holy Father, and our Celestial Elder Brotlier is our Holy
Lord, the Saviour of the world. Hence our Heavenly Father and Celestial
Elder Brother alone are holy ; and from henceforth all you soldiei-s and
officers may designate us as your lord, and that is all ; but you must not
call me holy, lest you encroach upon the designation of our Heavenly Fatlier
and Celestial Elder Brother. The gi-eat God, our Heavenly Father and
supreme Lord, is oiu- Spiritual Father, our Ghostly Father. Formerly we
had ordered you to designate the first and second ministers of state, together
with the generals-in-chief of the van and rear, royal fathers, which was a
temporaiy indulgence in conformity with the con-upt customs of the present
world ; but, according to the tnie docti-Lue, this was a slight encroachment
on the prerogative of our Ueavenly Father, for our Heavenly Father is alone
entitled to the designation of Father. We have now appointed the chief minis-
ter of state and general-in-chief to be designated the Eastern King, ha\'iug
charge of all the states in the Eastern region. We have also appointed the
second minister of state and assLstant genei-al-in-chief to be designated the
Western King, having charge of all the states in the Western region. We
have further appointed the general of the advanced guard to be designated
the Southern King, having charge of all the states in the Southern region.
And we have likewise appointed the general of the rear guard to be
designated the Northern King, having charge of all the states iu the
Northern region. We have furthermore appointed our brother Shili-tah-kae
to be assistant-king, to aid in sustaining our Celestial court. All the kings
above referred to are to be imder the superintendence of the Eastern king.
We have also issued a proclamation designating om- Queen as the lady of
all ladies (Empress), and oiu* concubines as royal ladies. Respect this !"

The above document was translated by Dr. Medhurst.
All words commencing witli a capital letter are placed in
the proclamation certain degrees higher than the rest.

TI-PING TITLES. 85

All words used to denote the Almighty being elevated
three spaces, those denoting the chiefs one space.

By observing the passages in italics, it cannot fail to
be understood that the appellation "Elder Brother" has
not the blasphemous tendency some persons have imagined.
Even had it, is that a reason why thousands of Christians
in error should be slaughtered by a cruel intervention P
Why, the very idea is monstrous ! Yet some have been
found who made the term "Elder Brother" an excuse
for exterminating the Ti-pings, instead of doing their duty
by teaching them better if necessary. There is another
and more important reason why, had Hung-sui-tshuen, or
rather the Tien-wang — as we shall for the future, in con-
formity with his title amongst his followers, term him —
literally called himself the brother of our Saviour, English-
men should be the last to throw stones at him ; for have
they not their Unitarians, who de»y his divinUij altogether'!'
Why, then, do these war Christians go to China to defend
the name of the Saviour, when here in England their
zeal is more required. If people are to be massacred for
making a wrong use of the attributes of our Saviour
(when they do so through ignorance), then the slaughter
should commence at home, with those who have every
opportunity of acquiring a more correct knowledge. It
would be as reasonable to suppose that Ilung-sui-tshueu
arrogates to himself the attributes of God by his title
Tien-wang (Heavenly King), as that he considers himself
the equal of Jesus, and one of the Trinity, by his style of
" Younger Brotlier."

His titles, Tien-wang, Yoimgcr Brother, &c., arc no
more to be literally understood than any of the extrava-
gant designations of the Manchoo Emperor (Celestial
Ruler, Monarch of the Universe, Brother of the Sun, &c.),
the Llama of Thibet, or any other Asiatic ruler ; but is
only the usual Chinese metaphorical style of naming their
princes, and setting forth their dignity and high position.
The Ti-piugs are themselves the very last to entertain any

86 SIEGE OF YUNG-GNAN.

other idea ; and often when I have questioned them, they
have ridiculed such an heathenish and absurd belief as
that their chief was more than mortal. Their replies have
always been essentially practical ; such as — " He is but a
man like themselves, though a very great one." His pro-
phecies, however, were believed to be inspired ; his divine
commission to earthly sovereignity and propagation of the
Faith was likewise universally believed, though the blas-
phemies attributed to him, and circulated by interested
European maligners, are without foundation. " Younger
Brother" is the usual and touching Chinese figurative
style of expressing an affectionate and dependent situation.
The Tien-wang, when using it, simply expresses that rela-
tive position he wishes his people to believe he occupies,
as our Saviour's faithful servant and disciple.

The Ti-pings, as we may now fairly call them, were
allowed but short respite in the city of Yung-gnan. A
large army of Imperialists, under the command of a cele-
brated Tartar general, Woo-lan-tae, invested the city upon
every side, reducing the besieged to fearful extremities ;
till, at last, death by famine or the sword seemed their
only fate. During November, 1851, all their outposts
had been driven in with great loss, their spirits were
damped, and the close of their existence seemed near at
hand.

At length, after enduring incredible sufferings from
famine and sickness, and a close siege of five months,
during the night of the 7th of April, 1852, the Ti-pings
sallied out from the city in three divisions, and after
severe fighting, in which their losses were very heavy,
succeeded in cutting their way through the besiegers and
marching to the north-east, unfortunately leaving many
of the sick and wounded prisoners, all of whom were
barbarously tortured and jmt to death. Shortly after
their escape from Yung-gnan, the Ti-pings laid siege to
the provincial capital, Kwei-lin, but being unprovided
with guns or sufiicent powder to mine the walls, after a

TI-PING SUCCESSES. 87

month spent before the city, they raised the siege, and
marched into tlie adjoining province of Iloo-nan. At this
time the total strength of the Ti-pings, men, women, and
chihlren included, numbered less than ten thousand
persons. After capturing the city of Taou-chow, in the
southern ])art of Hoo-nan, during the next three months
they pressed steadily northward, capturing many cities on
the way, and overthrowing all opposition. Early in
September they arrived before the capital city of the
Hoo-nan pro\nnce, Chang-sha, and intrenching them-
selves, commenced a regular siege, which lasted more
than two months. Upon this important place all the
Imperialist forces were immediately concentrated, and
the plains before the city became the battle-ground of
many severe actions, generally favourable to tlie Ti-pings.
During the months of September, October, and November,
the latter made several attempts to carry the city by
assault, but; were each time severely repulsed by the
garrison, who held out with determined bravery. Upon
the 29th of November, the last assault upon Chang-sha
was repulsed with heavy loss to the besiegers, and upon
the following day the siege was abandoned, and they
moved oflC in a north-westerly direction.

The next movement of the Ti-pings was attended with
better fortune, for, reaching the Tung-ting lake, they
carried the city of Yoh-chow, w^hich was situated at the
junction of the lake with the river Yang-tze-kiang, by
storm. Considerably enriched by the granaries and
treasury of that city, they changed their line of march
and proceeded in a north-easterly direction, down the
course of the Yang-tze, conveyed by the large fleet of
junks and war-boats they had captured on the lake. Upon
the 23rd of December they reached the city of Kan-yang,
upon the north bank of the river. Capturing this place
with but slight opposition, they crossed to the south side,
and inAosted the vice -regal city Wu-chang-foo. After
mining the walls and making a practicable breach, upon

88 THEIR MODERATION IN VICTORY.

the 12th of January they assaulted and carried the city,
the lieutenant-governor of Hoo-nan falling in its defence,
together with a large number of his officers and troops.
Collecting immense booty from these two cities and the
adjoining un walled emporium, Han-kow, early in Eebruary,
with a vast fleet loaded with men and stores, they proceeded
down the river. On the 18th, the large and important
city of Kew-kiang, situated close to the junction of the
Po-yang lake with the river, fell before their arms. The
city of Ngan-king, capital of the province of Ngan-Hwui,
was captured on the 25th. On the 4th of March Wu-hoo
was taken, and on the 8th the Ti-ping forces sat down
before the walls of Nan-kin.

These successes of the insurgents were followed by the
degradation of all Imperialist leaders who should have
prevented them. The court of Pekin deprived the im-
perial commissioner Keshen of his rank of Lieutenant-
General of Tartar bannermen ; Sae-shang-ah,^the general
of the Imperalist troops in Hoo-nan, was sentenced to be
decapitated ; Sin, the Viceroy of the two Kwang, was
deprived of his vice-royalty and two-eyed peacock's tail ;
while all their property was confiscated to the government.
Meanwhile the Ti-pings, by their moderation and success,
by their kindness, and protection of the country people
who did not oppose them ; — by controlling their troops
and followers from committing the usual excesses and
crimes — the scourges of war, even in civilized countries ;
had obtained for themselves the good-will and confidence
of the people in a very large degree. Reinforcements
poured in from every side ; aU those in local revolt, or in
any way aggrieved by their tyrannical authorities ; all who
were in any manner dissatisfied with the foreign dynasty,
or felt a spark of patriotism, flocked to the Tien-wang's
standard. And now, as the Bishop of Victoria has said,
before the ancient capital of the empire, a body of some
100,000 men, bound together by one religious hope and by
one political aim, — the highest and most noble purposes

KING Yang's proclamation. 89

of liuman ambition — those of civil and rcliii,ious liberty —
were congregated ; following implicitly the guidance of
a leader they believed sent by divine authority to expel
their foreign masters, and overthx'ow idolatry throughout
the length and breadth of the land. Marvellous and
unparalleled beyond conception was this rising-np of the
people, — as a psychological phenomenon it stands unri-
valled in extent and magnitude in modern history. To
behold leagued together, not only the effeminate Chinese,
l)ut even their women, — wives and daughters fighting by
the side of their husbands and fathers, inspired by one
common hoj)e and ardour — all animated by a great reli-
gious and political object, for the attainment of which
they had suffered and fought many years, — is an event
never before realized in the history of China.

The Bishop of Victoria thus writes of them : —

" Throughout tlieir long line of march, for 1,500 miles, over fertile and
jiopulous districts, jihmdcrs, murder, and i-ape, the usual attendant cui-ses
of Asiatic warfare, were denounced and punished by death. With more
than Puritanical strictness, they waged an internecine war with the most
dearly cherished sensual habits of their countrymen. The ten moi-al iiiles
of the Decalogue were enforced, and a stricter interpretation attached to its
terms. Amorous glances, libidinous songs, and all the common incentives
to profligacy, were prohibited and abandoned. The di-inking of wine, the
smoking of tobacco, gambling, lying, swearing, and, aljovc all, indulgence in
Ihe/uiims of opium, were donouucod and abolished with a moral determina-
tion which permitted no half measures."

During the triumphant march of the Ti-pings from
the city of Yung-gnan, many proclamations were issued
by the Tien-wang and his chiefs, to justify their rebellion
and inform the people. The earliest and most important
was the following, issued by Yang, the Eastern King : —

" We hereby promulgate oiu- explicit orders in every place, and siiy,
Oh, you multitudes ! Listen to our words. We conceive that the emi)irc
belongs to the Chinese, and not to the Tai-tai-s ; the food and raiment
found tlieruin belong to the Chinese, and not to the Tartai-s ; the men and
women inhabiting tlus region are subjects and cliildren of the Chinese, and
not I if the Tartai's. But, alas! ever since the Ming dynasty lost its

90 KING Yang's proclamation.

influence, the Manchoos availed themselves of the opportunity to thi'ow
China into confusion, and deprive the Chinese of their empire ; they also
robbed them of their food and clothing, as well as oppressed then- sons and
ra^Tshed their daughters ; and the Chinese, notwithstautling they possessed
such an extensive territoiy and multitudinous subjects, allowed the Tartara
to do as they pleased without makiug the least objection. Can the Chinese
still deem themselves men ? Ever since the Manchoos have spread theii"
poisonous influence thi-ough China, the flame of oppression has risen up to
heaven, and the vaiiour of coniiption has defiled the celestial throne, the
ofiensive odour has spread over the foiu' seas, and the demoniacal influence
has distressed surrounding regions ; while the Chinese, with bowed heads
and dejected spirits, willingly became the seiwants of otliers. How strange
it is that there are no men in China ! Clxina is the head, Tartary is the
feet ; China is the land of spirits, Tai-tary the land of demons. Why may
China be deemed the land of spirits % Because the true Spii-it, the great
God, oiu' heavenly Father, made heaven and earth, the land and the sea
(and the Chinese honour him) ; therefore from of old Cliina has been
termed the land of spirits. Why are the Tartars to be cousidei-ed demons ?
Because the de^-ilish serpent, the king of Hades, is a coniipt demon, and
the Tartars have been in the habit of worshipping him ; therefore may the
Tartars be considered demons. But, alas ! the feet have assumed the
place of the head, and demons have usiu'ped the land of spirits ; while they
have constrained our Chinese people to become demons like themselves.*
If all the bamboos of the southern hills wei'e to be used as pens, they
would not be enough to detail the obscenities of these Tartars ; and if all
the waves of the Eastern sea were to be employed, they would not be
suflicieut to wash away their sins, which reach to heaven. We will
merely enumerate a few general circumstances that are known to all men.
The Chinese have a form peculiarly theii- own ; but these Manchoos have
commanded them to shave the hair round their heads,+ and wear a long
tail behind, thus causing the Chinese to assume the appeai-ance of brute
animals. The Chinese have a dress peculiar to themselves, but these
Manchoos have caused them to wear knobs on their caps, with Tartar
clothes and monkey caps, J while they discard the robes and head-di-ess of
foi-mer dynasties, thus causing the Chinese to forget theu- origin. The
Chinese have their own laws and regulations ; but the Manchoos have
manufactured devilish enactments, so that oiu- Chinese peoj)le cannot

* Alluding to the establishment of the Tartar Budliism.

t The badge of slavery imposed b}' the Manchoo Tartars upon their
conquest of China.

J The form of head-dress and in-siguia of nobility introduced by the
Manchoos.

KING Yang's proclamation. 91

escape the meshes of their net,* nor can they tell how to dispose of theix-
hiiuils luul feet, l)y which means our young men arc brought entirely under
their control. The Chinese have theii' own language ; hut the Mauchoos
have introduced the slang of the capital, and intei-fered with Chinese
expressions, designing thus to seduce the Chinese by their Tartar brogue.
Whenever drought and iuiindations occur, the government manifests no
comj)assiou ; but quietly sees our people scattered abroad or dying of
hunger, until the bleached bones are as tliiek as jungle, by which the
country is dejiopulated. The IVLinchoos also have allowed corrupt
magistrates and covetous ofliccrs to spread themselves over China, flaying
the skin and devouring the fat of our people, until both men and women
meet and lament by the roadside to see our fellow subjects reduced to want
and po\erty. Otiices are to be obtained by bribes, crimes are to be bought
off with money, rich fellows engross all authority, while heroes are filled
with despair, by which mesms all the noble si)irits in the empii-e are over-
whelmed with despair, and die. Should any, animated with a patriotic
feeling, seek to revive Cliina from its ruins, they are accused of fostering
rebellion, and their whole race extei-minated, by which means all heroic
ardour is refjressed in China. But the ways in which the Manchoos have
deluded China, and abused it, are too numerous to detail, for they are

cunning and artful in the extreme Tliese Tartai-s, forgetting

the meiinness and obscurity of their origin, and taking advantage of Woo-
sau-kwei's introduction, have usm-ped dominion in China, where they have
caiTied their vUlanies to the utmost. Let us for a moment look into the
origin of these Manchoo Tartare. Their first ancestor was a cross-breed
between a white fox and a reel dog, from whom sprang this race of imps
that have since increased abundantly. They contract marriages without
ceremony, and pay no regard to the relations of life or the i-ules of civilized
society. At a time when China was destitute of heroes, they seized upon
the government of the country ; the wild fox thus ascended the imperial
throne, and these unwashed monkeys, having put off their caps, i-ushed
into the royal court, whUe our Chinese jieople, instead of ploughing up
their holes and digging down their dens, have allowed themselves to be
taken in their devices, to be insulted over by them, and to obey their
command ; and wliat Ls worse, our civil and military officere, coveting the
gains of office, have bowed down in the rnidst of these herds of dogs and
foxes. A child three feet high is generally esteemed veiy ignorant ; but if
you were to tell him to make obeisance to a parcel of dogs and swine, he
would redden with indignation. And what are these Tartai-s but dogs and
swine ? Some of you have read books and are acquainted with history :
and do you not feel in the slightest dcgi'ce ashamed ? Formerly Wan-

• Refcn-ing to the elaboi-ate and merciless laws of treason and disafl'ec-
£ion estaljlished by the Manchoos.

92 tien-wang's proclamation.

tlieen-seang * and 8ea-fang-teh f swore that they would rather die than
serve the Mongols. Sze-ko-fah J and Ken-shih-see § swore that they would
rather die than serve the Manchoos. These facts must be familiar to you
all. According to our calculations, the Manchoos cannot be above a
hundred thousand, and we Chinese amount to more than fifty millions ;
but for fifty millions to be ruled over by a hundred thousand is disgraceful.
Now, happily, a retributive Providence being about to restore the country
to its rightful o^vners, and China having some prospect of a revival, men's
minds being bent on good government, it is evident that the Tartars have
not long to ride. Their three times seven, or 210 years' lease, is about to
expire, and the extraordinaiy personage of the five times nine has already
appeared. 51 The iniquities of the Tartars are full ; high heaven has
manifested its indignation, and commanded our celestial king sternly to
display his heavenly majesty and erect the standard of righteousness,
sweeping away the demoniacal brood, and perfectly cleansing otir flowery
land."

After exliorting the Chinese to join the rebel forces,
the proclamation concludes thus : —

" You, oxu' countrymen, have been aggrieved by the oppressions of the
Manchoos long enough : if you do not change your politics, and with united
strength and courage sweep away every remnant of these Tartars, how can
you answer it to God in the highest heavens 1 We have now set in motion
our righteous army, above to revenge the insult offered to God in deceiving
Heaven, and below to deliver China from its inverted position, thus sternly
sweeping away eveiy vestige of Tartar influence and unitedly enjoying the
happine.ss of the Ti-ping dynasty."

In contemplation of making an immediate attack
upon Nankin, during the march towards that city the fol-
lowing proclamation was issued by the Tien-wang : —

" Hung, Captain-General of the army, having entire superintendence of

* Wan-theen-seang would not submit to the Mongols, and was slain
by Kubla Khan.

t One of the adherents of the Sung dynasty, who, on being seized by
the Mongols, refused to eat, and so died.

J Killed himself when the Ming dynasty was ii'reti'ievably lost.

§ Lost his life in fighting for the Ming cause (1644).

IT " Alhision to an expression in the Book of Diagrams, under the
Keen diagram, or five and nine, where it is .said that ' the di'agon flies up
to heaven,' which means that a new monarch is about to ascend the throne
of China. — Translator."

tien-avaxg's proclamation. 93

niilitaiy nflaira, and aiding iu tlio advancement of the Ti-ping, or Great
rucificatiiig Dynasty, in obedience to the will of Heaven, issues this
important and ti-iumphant proclamation, to announce that he has punished
the oppressors a)id saved the people.

" It appears that, throughout the empire, rapacious officers are worse
than violent rohbers, and the cornipt mandarins of the j)ulilic offices are
no better than wolves <md tigers,, all originating in the vicious and sottish
monarch at the head of affairs, who drives honest peojile to a distance, and
admits to his presence the most worthless of mankind, selling offices, and
disposing of preferments, while he represses men of virtuous talent, so that
the spirit of avarice is daily inflamed, and high and low are contending
together for gain ; the rich and the great are abandoned to vice without
control, whilst the poor and miserable have none to redress theii" wrongs,
tlie very recital of which exasperates one's feelings, and makes one's hair
to stand on end. To refer to the ca.se of the land revenue in particular, it
appears that of late the exactions have been increased manyfold, while the
taxes due up to the thirtieth year of the hist king's reign were at one time
said to be remitted, and then again exacted, until the resources of the
people are exhausted, and their miseries grown to excess. When our
benevolent men and \irtuous scholars contemplate these things, their minds
are deeply wounded, and they cannot restrain themselves from rooting out
these plundering officers and wolfish mandarins of each prefecture and
district, in order to save the people from the Hames and floods in wluch
they are now involved. At the present moment our grand ai-my is
assembled like clouds ; the province of Kouang-se has been settled, and
Chang-sha (the capital of Hoonan) tranquillized ; and being now about to
proceed towards the region of Keang-see (Keang-nan 1 that is, the province
of which Nankin is capital), we deem it necessaiy to announce to the
people that they need not be alarmed ; while agiicultmists, mechanics,
merchants, and traders, may each peacefully pursue their occupations. It
is necessary, however, that the rich should have in reatliucss stores of
provisions to aid in the sustenance of our troops ; let each clearly report
the amount of his contributions to this object, and we will furnish him
with receijits, as security that hereafter the money shall be all repaid.
Shordd there be any bold and strong men, or wise councillors among you,
let them with one heart and effort aid us in our great design, and, when
tranquillity is restored, we will have them promoted and rewarded accord-
ing to their merit. All the officei-s of jirefectures and districts who resLst
us shall be beheaded ; but those who are ready to comply with our requi-
sitions must forthwith send unto us their seals of office, and then they may
retire to their native villages. With regard to the rabble of wolfish
policemen, we shall, as soon as we .succeed, hang up their heads as a warn-
ing to all. Being now apprehensive lest local bandilti shoidd take occiwion
from our movements to breed disturbances, we wish you people clearly to

94 CRUELTY or IMPERIALISTS.

report the same, and we will immediately exterminate them. If any of
the \illagers or citizens dare to assist the marauding mandarins in their
tyi-anay, and resist our troops and adherents, no matter whether they
reside in great or small places, we will sweep them from the face of the
earth. Be careful. Do not oppose.
" A special proclamation."

Another proclamation was issued on tlae march by the
Eastern Prince : —

" Yang-sui-tsing, especially appointed General of the Grand Ar-my
engaged in sweeping away the Tartars and establishing the new dynasty,
issues this second proclamation : —

" I, the General, in obedience to the royal commands, have put in
motion the troops for the punishment of the oppressor, and in every place
to which I have come, the enemy at the first report have dispersed like
scattered rubbish. As soon as a city has been captured, I have put to
death the rapacious mandarins and corrupt magistrates therein, but have
not injured a single individual of the people, so that all of you may take
care of your families and attend to your business without alarm and trepi-
dation. I have already issued proclamations to this effect, with which I
presume you are acquainted. I have heard, however, that throughout the
villages there are numbers of lawless vagabonds, who, previous to the
arrival of our troops, take advantage of the disturbed state of the country
to defile men's wives and daughters, and burn or plunder the property of
honest people. I, the General, have already apprehended some of these,
and decapitated about a score of them ; now, because their localities are
somewhat removed from the provincial capital (Ngan-king), these persons
flatter themselves that I, the General, am not aware of then- pi-oceedings,
which are very much to he detested. I have, therefore, sent a great officer,
named Yuen, as a special messenger, with some hundreds of soldiers, to go
through the villages, and, as soon as he finds these vagabonds, he is com-
missioned forthwith to decapitate them, while the honest inhabitants have
notlung more to do than to stick up the word ' Shun ' (obedient) over their
doors, and then they have nothing to fear.

" A special proclamation."

While the number and moral power of the Ti-pings
increased together, those of the Imperialists as rapidly-
declined ; their extortion and cruelty driving numbers of
the people to the ranks of the insurgents. Captain
Fisbbourne, (Impressions of China, p. 83,) has observed : —

" We know that the authorities at Canton were taking lieads off by
forties and sixties a day, and the Viceroy admitted that he had taken off

CAUSE OF THE REVOLUTION. 95

three liunilrcd in one day. I visited the execution-gi-ound, and saw pools
of lilood fi-om recent execiition.s, and the heads were piled up in old bottle-
i-ack.s. If these were the numbers for two or thi-ee provinces, what must
those have been for the other pro\-inees in addition? And yet, as the
march of the insurgents was so triumphant, tltese all could not possibly be the
heads of insurgents, or even people remotely connected with the movement.
It is much more probable that they wci'o the lieads o{ lielpless and iinoffend-
iny people, that were taken off to satisfy the Emperor that Lin, the Viceroy,
was making some progress against the insurgents."

These horrible atrocities of the Manchoo rulers were
continued for years, and every province the Ti-pings had
visited became drenched with the blood of innocent
victims. Not only were the entire relatives of any man
who had joined the rebellion slaughtered, but many
thousands even upon mere suspicion. Do we not remember
the brutal Commissioner Yeh's boast, that he had decapi-
tated upwards of 70,000 rebels in one month, in the pro-
vince of Kwang-tung alone ? And these were peaceful
villagers dragged from their homes witliout any crime on
their part (for at that time the Ti-pings were far away),
and without even knowing what had become of the
relative for whose fault they suffered. This being only
the slaughter effected by one mandarin, what must have
been the enormous number massacred in cold blood by
the numerous button, feather, and tail-dignified Man-
choo butchers, sent to perpetrate their horrid revenge
upon the helpless women and relatives of the men they
have never been able to withstand in fair fight, and would
never have been able to resist, even in their walled cities,
but for the foreign assistance tliey received.

Almost the first point to be considered witli regard to
the Ti-ping revolution is its cause, and whether the cause
justified rebellion. But few persons have ever denied
the existence of ample grounds for the Chinese to rebel
against the Manchoo dvnastv: tlieir l)loodthirstv, mur-
derous rule, their gross tyranny and corruption, their
unrighteous usurpation and possession of the Chinese
throne, being pretty generally acknowledged. I am no

96 CHINESE HISTORY REVIEWED.

advocate of revolutionary pi'inciples or outbreaks against
constituted authority, but we must always distinguish
between the laws of a country aud the unrighteous
decrees of a tyrant usurper. Moreover, the progress of
liberty and right has always been maintained through
collisions with oppressive ruling powers ; and the great
leaders of the people may be the rebels of to-day, and
yet should the morrow crown them with success, they
may become the heroes and patriots of the age.

The state of China previous to the Ti-ping rebellion
was deplorable in the extreme : the grinding oppression of
nearly two centuries had ajiparently obliterated all that
was good and noble in the land, and the debasing irt-
fluence of the Manchoo invaders seemed likely to con-
summate the entire destruction of the moral, social, and
j)olitical condition of the Chinese. To form a proper
judgment upon the state of affairs, it is necessary to
review Chinese history from the period of the Manchoo
invasion.

The last Emperor of the last Chinese dynasty — the
Ming — was driven to commit suicide through the success
of an insurrection of the people, caused by his misrule,
A.D. 1643. Upon the death of the Emperor, the insurgent
chief met with universal submission, both at Pekin and
in the provinces, and proclaimed himself Emperor. Woo-
san-kwei, however, the general of an army employed in
resisting an attack of the Manchoos, refused to acknow-
ledge him. The newly made Emperor immediately set-
out for the city held by Woo, carrying with him from
Pekin the latter's father in chains. The usurper having
put him to death, to revenge that of his father, as well as
that of the late Emperor, Woo-san-kwei made peace with
the Manchoos and, calling them in to his assistance, soon
defeated the would-be Emperor. When, however, the
Tartar king found himself in Pekin, he instantly seized
upon the sovereignty, and no effort of the Chinese was
able to drive him from the throne, or defeat his hardy

CIITNESE niSTORY UEVtlCWKD. 97

and veteran troops. Dying almost immediately after this
acquisition, ho a])pointed his son Shun-chy as his suc-
cessor, A.D. 1G14; and so commenced the Manchoo
Tartar dynasty, the seventh emperor of which is now
reigning. A great portion of the South held out against
the foreign government for many years, especially the
maritime province of Fo-keen. In Kwang-tung and
Kwang-si provinces, the Manchoos were often severely de-
feated hy the natives, who, to the present day, hate them
with intensity, and it was not till A.D. 1G54 that these
provinces were suhdued. In many other parts the Chinese
still struggled gallantly against the invader ; but dissen-
sions amongst themselves, and a general want of com-
bination, proved fatal to their cause. But for this sin-
gular want of accord it is probable the Manchoos would
soon have been driven back to their native wilds.

A.D. 1069, with the exception of Fo-keen province,
tlie islands of the coast, and mere local opposition, the
whole empire was subjugated by the Manchoos. To
maintain their power, all the principal cities were garri-
soned by Tartar troops of the Eight Banners (a regulation
still observed), and these being constantly drilled and
kept in a good state of efficiency, together with the main
body stationed at Pekin, have succeeded in suppressing
the patriotic efforts of the Chinese. At last, in IGli,
"Wu-san-kwei attempted to remedy his error of calling in
the Jlanchoos, by raising the National standard and
declaring against them. The southern provinces, and
especially Kwang-tung and Kw-ang-si, constituted the
area of the struggle. Wu-san-kwoi dying soon after the
outbreak, the national party were unable to find a single
person competent to replace him, and although for nine
years they successfully resisted the power of the i\Ian-
choos, affcr a long struggle without any combined action,
they Averc compelled to submit. During the general
dispersion of the patriots, the last of the Ming princes
lied to the kingdom of Pegu for safety, but being delivered

98 CHINESE UISTORY REVIEWED.

up to the Manchoos, was by them put to death ; he was
the last of his race, for man, woman, and child, every
scion of the Ming, had been ruthlessly slaughtered. This
was the last national effort of sufficient strength to
endanger the power of the foreign dynasty, although to
the present day many thousands of Chinese exist among
the fastnesses of the mountainous regions of Kwang-si,
Kwci-chow, Yun-nan, and Sze-chuan, who have never been
subdued, or submitted to the badge of slavery — the
tonsure — imposed upon their countrymen by the Tartars.
Many of these having fled to the aboriginal independent
tribes, have been included in the general term Miau-tze,
and in Kwang-si alone they number upwards of 400,000
persons. Besides these, secret societies were formed,
whose members were sworn to attempt the subversion of
the Manchoo dynasty ; but none have been able, hitherto,
to carry out their designs ; not even the celebrated
" Triad Society," at present existing, or the equally
extensive one, "The Association of Heaven and Earth."

Upon the defeat of Wu-san-kwei's movement, the
slaughter of the Chinese was immense, the province of
Kwang-tung was nearly depopulated, upwards of 700,000
of its inhabitants having been executed within a month.
This is vengefully remembered by the Cantonese even yet.
Many thousands of Chinese families left their country
in the course of the struggle, and not less than 100,000
are stated to have emigrated to Formosa, where they
resisted the Manchoos till the year 1683.

To completely destroy the patriotic element, the Man-
choos comjoelled the conquered Chinese to shave the thick
tresses they had been accustomed to wear as a cherished
ornament from the most ancient times, and to wear a tail,
and in other respects to adopt the Tartar style of dress
upon pain of decapitation. Many thousands are stated
to have preferred death to this national degradation : an
alteration of national costume is of all others the most
open and crushing work of conquest ; and in China it

CHINESE IITSTOUY llKVrEWEl). 99

undoul)te{lly had the effect of breaking the spirit of the
people — all who would not suffer thus, losing their heads.
The ancient Chinese costume is novA"- resumed by the
Ti-piugs, but previous to their outbreak was coniined to
the Miau-tze and refugees, and to a very exact represen-
tation upon the stage of the Chinese theatre.

So i)rompt and merciless have been the punishments
inflicted by the Manchoo government, upon the slightest
suspicion of rebellion, that, until the Ti-ping insurrection,
they have successfully extinguished every outburst of
national hatred. In 1756, during the reign of Kien-Ioong,
fourth emperor of the Manchoo dynasty, a great rising
amongst the Miau-tze, and descendants of the refugees,
occurred ; but, after several years' war with no material
advantage upon either side, they relinquished their ag-
gressive movement and contented themselves with their
independent position. In 1800, a great combination
amongst the hardy inhabitants of the soutbern sea-board
— the provinces of Fo-keen and Kwang-tung — took place ;
a large fleet of more than 600 Ti-mungs (sea-going war
junks, generally carrying about twelve guns) was or-
ganized, and for some years waged a successful war
against the Manehoos, at one time seriously threatening
tlic dominion of the latter. At last the usual cause of
failure to all former and future national efforts — internal
dissension — proved fatal to their cause. The two prin-
cipal commanders having disagreed, led their respective
divisions to a bloody combat. The Manclioo govern-
ment now, with their usual policy of treacherous con-
ciliation whore they cannot conquer, commenced intriguing
with the weaker of the two divisions, and eventually
induced it to accept a general amnesty to such as would
sul)mit and return to their allegiance, at the same time
rewarding the leaders with l)ribes of rank and riches.
The insurgents who had submitted were then allied to the
Tartar I'urces, and employed by the crafty government
against their former comrades, who in a short tinic were

u -2

100 CHINESE HISTORY UEVIE'iVED.

compelled to surrender and accept the pi'offered amnesty.
And now, throughout the land, the treacherous ferocity of
the Manchoos ran riot. Hundreds of the deceived
patriots were distrihuted over the numerous execution
grounds, and, fed hy the pei'fidious diplomacy of the
government, the sword of the executioner terminated an
association that at one time promised the liberation of the
country.

This great naval rebellion was not the only endea-
vour made hy the Chinese to break the foreign yoke.
Durini; the reis^n of Kea-kin£f, the fifth Manchoo em-
peror, many formidable revolts had taken place, but
again the want of unity proved fatal to their success.
In 1813, the dissatisfied Chinese endeavoured to finish
the Manchoo dynasty by assassination, many members
of the insurrection havini? sacrificed themselves in the
attempt. At the termination of Kea-king's reign, in the
year 1820, all extensive rebellion had been suppressed.
The reign of his successor, Taou-kuang, was, however,
marked by more revolt and insurrection than had been
known since the time of the first Manchoo usurper. In
1832, a great rising took place among the Miau-tze, whose
leader accepted the designation of "Golden Dragon,"
assumed the yellow (Imperial) dress, and announced his
intention to overthrow the foreign dynasty and establish
a native one. This rebellion had a wide-spread, though
secret organization, but the outbreak not being simul-
taneous, the partisans in distant provinces were all cut off
in detail ; while the rising in Pormosa failed owing to the
dissension of its leaders. After successfully resisting the
Manchoo troops, and several times defeating them with
immense slaughter, the want of unanimity and simul-
taneous rising upon the part of the confederates induced
the main body of insurgents to make favourable terms
with the government, and retire unimpeded to their
independent regions.

Slowly, but surely of late, the Chinese nation has been

CHINESE HISTORY REVIEWEB. 101

rocovering from the crushed and subdued condition to
which the sanguinary invasion and iron despotism of the
Manclioos had reduced it. Gradually, as returning vitality
and patriotism increased, opposition to the oppressor mul-
tiplied and became more formidable and portentous. As
the Chinese have gained strength, so their masters have
lost it ; the power and resources of the latter have long
l)ecome overgrown and exhausted, and nothing but the
broken-spirited and abject state of slavei'y they had re-
duced the nation to could have prevented their expulsion
long since. At length, during the reign of the last
emperor, the national feeling could no longer be controlled,
and in the year 1850 the great Ti-ping rebellion burst
forth — so marvellous in every phase of its commencement,
organization, and progress, that ere now, but for the un-
justifiable meddling of England, it would have resulted,
not only in the subversion of the Manchoo dynasty, but,
in all human probability, the establishment of Christianity
throughout the limits of the immense Chinese empire.
Sir John F. Davis has observed : — " Distinctions sufficiently
broad are still maintained to prevent the amalgamation
of the original people with their masters ;" these, combined
with the intense hatred caused by the horrible cruelties
inflicted upon the people during the troublous times of
famine and disturbance preceding the Ti-ping rebellion,
undoubtedly tended to promote the success of the latter,
and alienate the best disposed from the !Mauchoos.
During the years 1838-11, many parts of the empire
became plunged in misery and want ; — so severe was the
famine, that many thousands perished, while multitudes
were driven to insurrection. The government, in order
to quell the natural results of the distress, resorted to the
most barbarous measures ; it has even been stated by the
Roman Catholic missionaries who were on the spot, —
" that after suffering severe torture, many of the people
were burnt alive ! " The war with Great Britain, iii ISll,
added to the miseries of the Chinese, for the Mauehoo

102 CORRUPT GOVERNMENT.

government, the weaker they became, were the more
savage and ruthless in suppressing every indication of
disatfectioii.

Mr. Tarrantt, editor of the Friend of Ch'ma, and a
resident in China for a quarter of a century, in 1861
wrote thus : —

"the wicked and corrupt government of china.

" So little is known of the machineiy of Chinese government that
ignorance of it is the best, if not the only excuse for the countenance given
by Western nations to the Manchoo dynasty. Conservative as we are in
politiaU principle, largely imbued with a feeling of veneration for what is
ancient, if at the same time honour desei-ving, and desiring above all things
peace on earth and good-will amongst mankind, the repugnance which we
entertain towards the Pekin government, and sympathy with those in arms
against it,* has been solely produced by long observation of the thorough
worthlessness of the iiders, and the impossil)ility for them to become better.
We old-fashioned moralists of the West, in our idea.s of the uses of a
government, give some consideration to the feelings of the mass ; and no
officer may fatten himself with iiupimity on the public purse, unle.ss he
give some show of service for the jiublic weal. Here in China, on the
contrary, extortion by officials is an institution ; it is the condition on
which they take office ; and it is only when the bleeder is a bungler that
the government, aroused by the victims' cries and riotings, step in to check
the depletion. Are our readers aware of the smallness of the established
salaries of provincial officers — of the two Kwang, to wit 1 Can they
believe that the Viceroy, i-uling over a countiy twice the size of England,
is allowed as his legal salary the paltry sum of £60 — say |25 a month —
not even the pay of foui' of liis chaii'-bearers and an o.stler ? How does he
live, then ? will be the question. The answer is, by extortion, by selling
justice. Fees of office would be the most polite terra, perhaps, to apply to
the thing, the average sum total of these per annum being £8,333.

" The system adopted throughout the empire is this : — Tou, the son of
Dick, Tom, or Harry, get your cpialification as a scholar, bring it to me at
Pekin, fee the chancelleiie, and then you shall have a post. Directly you
have that, squeeze away right and left, and when you have enough to buy
a higher post, you know where to come for it. As we said some yeai's ago,
when writing on the subject, ' it flourishes on its own rottenness,' the
chances which high and low alike possess of fattening on the public vitals
being the greatest support the Manchoo dynasty possess. Next to the
Viceroy, or govenior-generai, is the governor, whose salary is £50, increased

The Ti-piugs.

TARTAR RULE. 103

witli fees averaging j£4,333 a year. Each of those officials possess power

of life and death mthout reference to the government The

creature who — luayhap befijre he got into office, neglected by all his rela-
tions — luxuriated on a miserdble dole of rice and greens, and would no more
think of j)ayiiig a couple of mace * to chair-coolies to cai-ry him, than he
would thiidi of flying, from the day he receives liis diploma cannot walk a
hunrb-ed paces on common earth if he were paid to do it. He rises with the
sun from tlie couch of his speedily increased harem, either to receive the
morning call of some other ' useless,' or to be borne in his chaii', followed
by pipe-bearer and card-deliverer, to make a round of calls on brother
officials of similar uselessncss. How is the work of the Maiidariuate
j)erformed ] we hear some say. Performed % By underlings who hold the
entree by the back stau's, and sell justice or service to each suitor according
as he can pay for it. . . . And these are the thimjs who govei'n the
empii-e."

During the month of July, 1863, issues of the same
newspaper — then estahlished at Shanghae — contained
the following statements ; and statements that no person
with the slightest knowledge of the position and history
of China can deny : —

" Our local readers must be as able as ourselves to form an opinion on
passing events ; and hardly one of us, we think, but must be satisfied that
we are on the eve of a crisis in the affairs of the great nation on whose
bordere we dwell. Let us take a hasty glance at the position. A little
over two hundred yeai-s ago, the Manehoos, under an ancestor of the
present incumbent of the tkrone, overran the country. The cruelties
which these savages perpetrated were of the most honid description — in
Kwang-tung alone over seven hundi-ed thousand people — man, woman, and
child — being massacred within a month.

" The Chinese, prior to this inroad, were a rich peo[)le, the houses of
the better classes being buildings of convenient foimation and dui-ability.
Tliere is not nuich apparent wealth among the Chinese now, any sign of it
being a temptation to government officei-s to extort from the holders.
From the day these Tai-tars came into the countiy, China has been steadily
deti'riorating, and now the people may best be likened to herds of grovelling
swine, living merely for the daj-, stultiKed in intellect by the most degrading
supei-stition. Under the Manehoos, in fact, China exhibits to the world
tlie saddest of all sp(!ctacles — the s]JCctaclcof a people imable to laise them-

* A mace Ls worth about bd.

101. TARTAR BTJLE.

selves in the social scale, to attaia the full stature of man. To keep them-
selves on the thi'oue, the Manchoos determined on three courses :- —

" First. To make every Chinese shave the front of liis head, and wear
a tail. Those who would not do this were deemed rebels, and decapitated.

" 'Second. They declared it treason in all those who met secretly.

" Third. They vested all elevation to civil office in the sovereign
himself, at Pekin, making the language of the court the official medium,
and guardiug against local faction by permittrng no one to hold office iti
the district in which he was born. Eveiy ci\'il officer of the Manchoo
government, in short, is a stranger to the people he rules over ; he knows
none of the ties of friendshij) for his flock. And, fui-ther to widen the
breach between ruler and ruled, the sovereign allows his officers little or
no salary ; but, in its place and stead, sanctions — directs — as full a
bleeding of the people's purses as said people can bear without ojien
revolt.

" And these three courses have been as effectual as could be possibly
anticipated.

" It was a long while before the Manchoos succeeded in the head-
shaving and tail ai-rangements, especially about Shou-shing, in Che-kiang,
and down south, in Kwang-se, where there are people (Mia\i-tze) who have
never submitted to the badge.

" The secret meeting interdict, again, has met but small favour, and it
was only la.st week that the Chinese newsjjaper, published at the N. C.
Herald Office hei'e, had a notice in it of the apprehension, by the Manchoos,
of Messrs. Quan, Wan, and others, within Uie British concession, ostensibly
because they were in league with the Soo-chow rebels, but really because
they are leading men of the San-hoh hwae (Triad Society, sworn to put
down the Manchoos).

" The office-granting scheme has met the greatest success. The ambi-
tion of every petty farmer in the country is to train a son who is clever at
his books, and, aided by his richer clansmen with the means to travel to
the capital, has a chance of becoming one of the country's grandees ; and,
by a far-seeing dexace, the emperor grants antecedent honours ; so that if a
son is honoui-ed, the father is honoured — that is to say, if a Chinese, by
merit and skill, succeeds in raising himself to a mandarinate of the
highest class, becomes, to speak equivalently, an eai-l or a duke, the father
of that fortunate grandee, although performing on the homestead the
functions of a cow-herd, becomes ennobled also ; the honoui-s, in short, are
retrospective fi'om the son to the father, not forward, hereditai'ily, from
the father to the son.

" And it has been by these means that the system of Tartai- rule has
become to be liked by the people. They Overlook the villanous extortions
which the sons have to practise on the people to elevate themselves. They
are blind to all, and .simply determine that the end justifies the means.

MANCnOO BAIIBAKITY. 105

There is a general fling around of stolen sugar-plums, he being happiest
who, in the scramble, gets the largest handful."

The enormous multitude of victims slaughtered during
the progress and maintenance of the Manchoo dynasty
will never be known by Europeans ; though — judging by
all authentic records of their invasion of China, its con-
stant rebellions against their authority, and the murderous
rule they have exercised — the destruction of life consider-
ably outnumbered the hosts sacrificed in the track of
the greatest destroyers of the human species upon record,
from Alexander the Great to Genghis-Khan. The bar-
barity of the Manclioo rule is unparalleled in ancient or
modern history ; while the fiendish nature of their punish-
ments by torture — especially those for treason — and
the records of the " board of punishments," instituted by
them, constitute the blackest spot in the annals of
mankind.

Upon the character of the last great rising of the
Chinese against their oppressors, the Ti-piug rebellion,
the Bishop of Victoria, in 1854, wrote : —

" The finger of Divine Providence appears to us signally conspicuous
in this revolution. The moral, social, and political coucUtiou of Cldna was
almost hopelessly wretched and debased. Its whole system of government,
of society, and religion, was to be broken up, remodelled, reconstructed,
and renewed. In looking about for an agency available for such an end,
the mind was depressed and perplexed. The government was corrupt, the
scholars were feeble and inert, the gentry were servile and timid, the
lower classes were engrossed in the struggle for subsistence, the whole
nation seemed bound hand and foot, with their moral energies paralyzed,
their iuteUectual faculties stunted, and their civil liberties crushed beneath
the iron gi'ipe of power and the debasing influence of sensuality. Political
subjection to an effete despotism, and addiction to opium, had enei-vated
the national mind, and rendered the Chinese helpless as a race.

" From themselves no reformer seemed likely to arise. Their canonized
virtue of filial piety was perverted and abused a,s the grand support of
despotism. But it is in this state of perplexity and desfnuulency tliat wc
turn to survey the jn-esent movement, its chief actors, and its accompU.shed
results ; and lieholding wc admire, and admii-ing we thank God for what
our eyes are privileged to see."

lOG SHANGHAE TO HAN-KOAV,

CHAPTEE V.

Shanghae to Hankow.— River Sceneiy. — Silver Island. — The Salt Trade.
— Nin-gan-shau. — Tu-ngliu. — Its Auriferous Soil. — Kew-kiang. —
River Scenery.— The Yang-tze River. — The Bi-aves of Hankow. —
Cliiiiese Politeness. — Manchoo Policy. — Fire and Plunder. — A Chinese
Rudder. — Scenery around Ta-tung. — Appearance of the Couutiy. —
Cliinese Chess. — Peiilous Adventure. — Ci-ew of Mutineers. — Ci-itical
Position. — Gallant Rescue. — Explanation. — Alarm of Pirates. — Plan
of Oi^erations. — Its Advantages. — -The Result. — Another Alarm. —
" Imperialist " Pirates.

AFTER remaining two idle weeks at Shanghae, our
vessel was ordered to Han-kow. This coincided
exactly with my wishes, for, as we should pass Nankin,
and possihly communicate with its garrison, it would be a
good and early opportunity for me to become acquainted
with the position of affairs, and the best and easiest
method of fulfilling the object of my commission from
the Chung-wang. Accordingly, with a limited cargo, and
a good supply of coals, we weighed anchor again, and
started upon our voyage up the great river, "the Son
of the Sea."

We had but a rough time of it at first, for after leaving
the mouth of the river — so wide that, but for the large
island of Tsuug-Ming in the centre, land is not visible
from either side — we only reached the Lang-shan crossing,
the most diflicult navigation of the river, at night. It
therefore became necessary to anchor, and a gale coming
on from seaward, what wdth its fury, and the strength of
a four-knot flood tide, we passed a remarkably unjdeasant
night ; and, after continual apprehension of parting our

RIVER SCENERY. 107

cables and drifting ashore, found in the morning that we
bad di'agged our anchors nearly a mile.

The banks of the river about its embouchure are
bordered by highly-cultivated fields, in some parts covered
with low wooded land. The banks are increased and
elevated under a regular system, the peculiar formation
of the overhanging trees giving a pleasing and verdant
aspect to the country. The numerous sandbanks about
the Lang-shan hills on the north bank, and the town and
hills of Fu-shan on the south, render that part of the
navigation of the river (known as the Lang-shan Crossing,
the channel taking a sharp turn towards the Lang-shan
hills) particularly dangerous. Several fine vessels have
been lost, and one, the Kate, a new steam-ship, became
a total wreck there while engaged upon her first voyage.
She ran ashore, and in a moment the immense strength of
the tide capsized her, when, sliding ofi" the sand-bank, she
sank in deep water, many of the crew and passengers
losing their lives, while the whole valuable cargo, includ-
ing a large amount of specie, went to the bottom.

The dangers of the deep, or rather the shallow, are
not the only perils of this part, for it is infested with
pirates and robbers of every description. Sometimes they
are rebels, sometimes fishermen, and sometimes large
piratical vessels from the coast ; but more frequently still
they are Imperialist war-junks, whose crews, though con-
sisting of government troops and sailors, are pillagers of
the most ruthless description. At the time I made my
first voyage up the Yang-tze-kiang, piracy, and murder of
the crews, of the smaller European vessels engaged in the
river trade, were of frequent occurrence. In fact, a ship
scarcely ever made a voyage without being attacked.

The river scenery from Lang-shan to the city of Chin-
kiang (115 miles), the first of the river treaty ports, for
the greater part is flat, the surrounding coimtry being
of a low alluvial soil. It is, however, of a much more
attractive description than might be supposed. The

108 ■ SILVEU ISLAND.

cultivated parts are embedded amongst luxuriant foliage,
and the infinite variety of the smaller species of tree gives
a variegated and shadowy appearance to the scene.

I have found some parts of really exquisite beauty.
A thick border of trees, bushes, and bamboo seems to
form a complete barrier to approach from the river, but at
last a small creek appears running directly through this
wall of vegetation : for some little distance this is com-
pletely shrouded and arched in by the luxuriant growth
of osier and small weeping-willows ; but tlien a break in
the vista discovers, through a network of foliage, a small
lake of pure limpid water, whose sides are bounded by
fruit-trees and highly cultivated gardens; while a snug
little homestead, enveloped in flowering creepers, and
half-buried by shrubs of Asiatic beauty, peeps out from
amidst the surrounding mass of forest. I have come
unexpectedly upon many little nests like this ; the very
suddenness with which they burst upon one being of itself
charming.

At Chin-kiang the current is of great velocity ; and,
while attempting to steam round the south end of " Silver
Island," we were literally overpowered by its strength,
and swejit down the river ; but, trying the north end,
Ave found a little more protection, from the formation of
the river bank, and managed to pass the critical point.

Silver Island is a most picturesque and exquisite spot.
It rises dii'ectly from the centre of the river to a height
of some 400 feet. It is completely covered, from the
river's brink to its very summit, with a rich display of
every variety of Chinese vegetation. One of the most
important Joss-houses (Budhist temples) in the empire
is situated at the foot of this island, the interior filled
with images of every devil and divinity the Chinese
religious calendar contains ; and besides all these mon-
strous I'epresentations, a modelled menagerie of every
kind of wild animal known to the Chinese zoographer.
A goodly number of Budhist priests are attached to this

'*4-';i'.

THE SALT TRADE. 109

place, whose time is principally devoted to the cultivation
of the island (the whole of the trees, plantations, and
flowers haying hcen raised by tliem), and to keeping up a
ceaseless beating upon several drums to soothe the great
fish they believe carries the world on its back, and so
prevent it wriggling and producing earthquakes ; which
are caused, tliey say, whenever the drums throughout the
world are silent, and the " Joss " fish cannot hear the
beat of one.

At Chin-kiang is established a corps of the foreign
mercenaries of the Imperialist maritime customs, an
organization patronized by the British government as a
means of securing the indemnity money guaranteed in
payment of the British expenses for a war undertaken to
avenge the capture of the opium-smuggler Arrow, and
apparently to facilitate the opium trade in general.

Upon an island a few miles above Chin-kiang I found •
some capital deer-sliootiug. I brought down several, and
found them of the hog-deer species, with large tusks.
Great flocks of wild duck and teal were plentiful all over
the river, and our guns kept the table well supplied.

Some eighteen miles above Chin-kiang we came to a •
great salt mart, a large village on the north bank, named
E-ching. On the opposite side of the river we observed a
considerable body of Ti-pings marching in the direction of
Chin-kiang, which city was already invested. Although
many hills in the neighbourhood of Chin-kiang were
occupied by the Ti-pings, I was unable to communicate
with them, our stay at that place being so short. E-ching
is the emporium for the salt trade with the interior.
Here the large junks from the coast discharge their
cargoes, which are then stored ashore, and when disposed
of to merchants from the distant provinces, re-shipped
in river junks, and carried up the Yang-tze.

The salt trade is a government monopoly, from which •
they reap enormous profits ; aiul if the British govern-
ment had made war upon China for the purpose of

110 NIN-GAN-SHAN.

establishing a ti-ade in that article, and not in opium,
they would, instead of destroying and demoralizing them,
have conferred a vast benefit upon the Chinese, and
benefited themselves.

Salt at E-ching, upon an average, is of the same
price as the common rice (the staple article of food in
China), seldom selling for less than three taels (one
pound sterling) per picul (130 pounds weight). A few
hundred miles farther up the river, though of the com-
monest and dirtiest sea description, it is frequently sold at
more than double that price. Of course, where an article
of such immense and important consumption is declared
contraband, and monopolized by the government, a large
amount of smuggling exists. Until the Yang-tze-kiang
was opened to foreign trade, little, if any, smuggling was
effected upon its waters ; but upon the advent of Euro-
peans, many of them made large profits by secretly
conveying salt, even sometimes in their steam-ships,
while numberless sailing craft — usually the semi-Euro-
pean, semi-Chinese lorchas — were solely occupied in this
illegal traffic.

Soon after passing E-ching we came upon the Ti-pings
at a place in the vicinity of Nin-gan-shan, a village some
short distance inland, formed by a sharp bend of the
river to the northwards. This elbow they had just for-
tified with a rather heavy, formidable-looking battery.
The guns, however, were very inferior, being of the usual
clumsy Chinese make and fitting. The river at this point
was considerably reduced in width, being little more than
half a mile across, and the south bank being formed of
cliffs, some two hundred feet high, and being also in the
hands of the Ti-pings, rendered the position highly
favourable. Erom this point both sides of the river were
in Ti-ping possession ; therefore, whenever we required to
stop we could do so, and laud with perfect safety and
immunity from insult.

Above Chin-kiaug the country gradually assumes a

TU-NGLIU, 111

more massive and imposing formation. Iligh ranges
of mountains are visible inland, and in some places
descend even to the river's edge ; while generally the
country becomes of a more undulating, diversified appear-
ance. In the neighbourhood of Nin-gan-shan the hilly
part of the soil presents strong indication of auriferous
qualities. I afterwards went over the spot with an old
Californian miner, who declared the place was full of
gold ; -but, unfortunately, we had no time to try it.

At Nankin I remained but a short time, barely
sufficient to obtain the necessary permit from H.M.S.
Centaur, stationed there to represent the British interests
at the Ti-ping capital. The Centaurs seemed on good
terms with the Ti-pings, for their ship was crowded with
them. Several boats put off from the shore with pro-
visions for sale, and one official came on board Avith a
request for us to remain and trade. This was impossible,
for though we much wished it, and though the foreign
merchants were entirely dependent upon the Ti-pings for
silk, and a great proportion of tea, yet the British govern-
ment in its Elgin treaty (June 1858, by articles IX.
and X.), had completely placed a veto upon trade with
them ; though afterwards they asserted that the Ti-pings
would not trade. Of course, had we attempted to trade
as the Ti-pings desired, we should have been seized and
prevented by H.M.'s representative on board the Centatir,
for breaking the treaty with the Manchoo emperor of
China.

After purchasing a few fowls and some eggs, we pro-
ceeded on our vovage to Ilan-kow.

Some forty miles above Xankin we passed between
the East and West Pillars, two immense masses of rock
nearly a thousand feet high, and projecting, with a sheer
descent, some little distance into the river. Both were
in the possession of the Ti-pings. The summits were
fortified, and at the foot of each strong batteries were
erected. These two giant sentinels are termed by the

112 AURIFEROUS SOIL.

Chinese the gates of the uppev river ; beyond them the
flood tide ceases to be perceptible.

When off the city of Tu-ngliu some 380 miles from the
mouth of the river, we were compelled to seek a sheltered
anchorage, and to remain there several days through
stress of weather. Even at such a considerable distance
inland, the storms are sometimes so violent, and the
waves of the river so disturbed, that smaller vessels are
unable to brave their fury ; the swiftness of the current
adding considerably to the danger.

The sheltered nook we sought already contained a
weather-bound vessel. Our fellow-captive proved to be
an English schooner upon a trading cruise about the
river. She was manned by Chinese sailors, but the
owners and another European were in charge. The three
days we remained at anchor passed pleasantly enough,
our position being perfectly sheltered, and the boisterous
state of the river affecting us but little ; while each day
we visited the schooner's people, or they came to us.

I made several shooting trips ashore with our com-
panions, and we always returned well rewarded for our
trouble, the place literally swarming with pheasants.
The country was mostly of a low hilly formation, and
being uncultivated, the hills, full of low shrubs and gorse,
made a capital cover. We shot pheasants even in the
farm-yards of the few houses about, and the inhabitants
told us we might catch them at night roosting all round
their dwellings. My companions from the schooner, who
had been in California and Australia, declared the hills
about Tu-ngliu contained gold ; they also stated the
whole river was full of it, and showed me some large
specimens they had washed at a place named Hen
Point, some twenty miles below the city of Ngan-king.

We fully intended to test the Tu-ngliu soil, but the
weather clearing rendered necessary our immediate
departure.

Some miles before reaching the treaty port of Kew-

KEW-KIANG. 113

kiang, we passed a remarkable rock termed tlie Little
Orphan. Several hundred yards in circumference at the
hase, at the distance of thirty fathoms from the north
hank of the river it rises perpendicularly about four or
five hundred feet. The summit is crowned by Budhist
temples and idols, the only communication being by
means of a stair cut in the sides of the rock by the
priests. When passing this singular place once after-
wards, my Chinese crew informed me no European could
ascend the rock and live, it being protected by some
Chinese demon, or genii, peculiarly averse to " foreign
devils."

A few hours before arriving at Kew-kiang we passed
the entrance to the Poyang Lake, a channel considerably
broader than the river itself. The clear transparent
waters of the lake afforded a pleasing contrast to the
thick and muddy current of the river, and we steamed
about a mile into it, for the pvirpose of obtaining a good
supply and filling all our available casks. The appear-
ance of this lake is magnificent in the extreme. Lost in
the far distance, its limpid surface is surrounded by tall
impending cliffs, in some places terminating abruptly at
the margin of the water, while in others the intervening
space is filled up with a most luxuriant growth of under-
wood, overshadowed by the bending branches of gnarled
and giant trees. The numerous valleys formed by the
hills contain the summer resting-places of many of the
Chinese nobility, whose handsome palaces fill every
appropriate situation. The cloud-enveloped summits of
one high range of mountains on the western shore, are
crowned with eternal snow, presenting a most fantastic
appearance, and affording many a wild and weird theme
to Chinese romancers.

Kew-kiang we found in the direst state of confusion.
The Imperialist troops had declared their determination
to massacre the hated " Yang-quitzo," or drive him off
their soil ; and all the European residents were blockaded

114 RIVER SCENERY.

in their quarter. An English gunboat, and one of the
large merchant steamers, were lying off the concession,
prepared to render their assistance and protection, and
when we arrived, at the request of the consul — who
expected his consulate would be attacked again that
night, — we moored in a position where our guns would
prove effective in case of danger. The night, however,
passed off pretty quietly, and the braves only made a
further demonstration by smashing the few remaining
panes of glass they had left whole upon a former assault.
A day or two previously they had made a grand attack
upon the settlemejit, destroyed several new buUdings of
the merchants, and very nearly demolished the British
Consulate ; but when the residents, in self-defence, were
compelled to shoot a few of them, they retreated for the
time. The mandarins, as at all the river ports, pretended
they could not control their soldiers ; whereas, they
deliberately set them on, to try and prevent the settling
of the Europeans, and the fulfilment of the treaty.

Some of the river scenery between Kew-kiang and
Han-kow is wild, and really sublime in its grandeur. In
many places huge masses of mountain rise steeply out of
the channel to more than a thousand feet. At one part
an immense cliff, named Ke-tow (Cock's Head), overhangs
the stream, its base washed by the waves ; while, moving
under its shadow, innumerable flocks of shag, startled by
the passing vessel, rose from their nests in the time-
worn crevices, and eddying round and round overhead,
produced a loud rushing noise from their myriads of
wings, while the shrill discordant cries they uttered,
increased by the singular note of the great "Bramley
kites," reverberated with a thousand echoes from the per-
forated and honeycombed face of perpendicular rock. If
a musket be fired near Ke-tow, the very air becomes
blackened by an immense multitude of birds issuing from
the cliff, while the noise of their cries is perfectly deafen-
ing. Their number is so prodigious that one might fairly

•"m.

:^^/^:.

THE TANG-TZE RIVER. 115

suppose all the birds in China were congregated together
at this place.

A little further on, another magnificent view of the
river is found, where, between high impending mountains,
at Pwan-pien-shan (the Split Hill) it is darkly imprisoned.
The. hills in this neighbourhood are covered with wild
tea, and numerou.s limestone quarries are burrowed along
their sides. Wherever the mountains retreat from the
river the intervening country is profusely cultivated, and
the sloping sides of the hills, covered with a rich and
varied semi-tropical foliage, sweep down to the low land.
The distant pagodas, marking with their carved and
many-storied, time-worn, monumental sculpture, the
site of some town or anciently celebrated locality — the
occasional village, partly hidden in some half-sequestered
spot — the curious but ingenious apparatus of the fisher-
man on the river's brink, with his reed hut here and
there peeping through the rushes of the bank — the
peasants toiling and irrigating the paddy-fields — the
bright Eastern sun, and clear sapphire sky, above the
changeful bosom of the " Son of the Sea," now rushing
between massive rocky walls, then bursting into lake-like
fulness, studded at intervals with a low and feathery
reed-topped or cultivated rice-waving island — and the
waters, tipped with the snowy wings of the passing
vessels — all these are objects which produce a landscape
surpassingly beautiful. China has been termed "a vast
and fertile plain;" but, I believe, a trip up the Yang-tze
will show as diversified and grand a scenery as almost
any part of the world.

But then comes a dark side of nature, for this is truly
a land where " all save the spirit of man is divine."
Throughout all these beauties of country one must tread
with care, for it is a land of enemies ; all through the
Yang-tze's course we experienced nothing but aggravating
annoyance and insult from the Imperialists ; wherever •^
they were, landing became not only disagreeable, but

I 2

116 THE BRAVES OE HAN-KOW.

dangerous. This was a drawback of serious importance,
but one which would have ceased to exist were it not for
the policy of the British government, which, by prevent-
ing the success of the friendly Ti-pings, and strengthening
the Imperialists, has perpetuated the evil.

In order to avoid the strength of the tide, we were
obliged to keep close in to the bank, while at the same
time we kept a "stand of muskets and fowling-pieces well
loaded to check our dastardly aggressors.

Although Kew-kiang was bad enough, at Han-kow
we found confusion worse confounded. It was simply
impossible to pass through the streets except in parties of
four or five, well armed. The British consul, Mr. Gingall,
had gone oiit with some of the petty local authorities to
mark a ground for the consulate and British concession,
but with his marine guard received such a heavy stoning
from the braves and populace, that they were compelled
to beat a speedy retreat. A placard had been posted by the
braves, threatening to massacre all the European residents
upon a certain date ; this was succeeded by an official
proclamation from the Chinese governor, calling upon
the soldiers to remain quiet, because the " foreign devils "
were to be " hired and used " to fight the Ti-ping rebels,
after which his excellency would employ his braves to
drive those " barbarians " out of China. At the time, I
paid but little attention to this, looking upon it as a piece
of the usual Chinese bravado ; recent events, however,
have led me to think otherwise. One part of the pro-
clamation has been fulfilled, it remains to be seen whether
the other will succeed.

While passing through a public street one evening, a
brave made a spring at me from a narrow side alley ;
fortunately, I carried a coat on my arm, and throwing
this up, received the blow of his short sword without
injui'y. I was of course armed, and before my assailant
could repeat the blow, his arm was arrested by a Colt's
revolver ball. Several braves were collecting, but when

CHINESE POLITENESS. 117

they saw the fate of their leader, and found me armed,
they " skedaddled " pretty sharply.

Some Europeans did not escape so easily, but were
brutally murdered. Nearly a year later aifairs were but
little improved, for a Mr. Little, of Dent & Co.'s, was
severely maltreated without having given the slightest
provocation ; and several of the firm's junks were seized
and carried off by the braves. This was avenged by
H. M. gunboat Satoc seizing and burning the gunboat
whose crew had beaten Mr. Little. The Chinese officials,
with their usual policy of exciting the people against
Europeans, posted proclamations, and gave out as a fact,
that the English had fastened all the braves they caught
to the gunboat, and burnt them alive. I explored the
country in every direction, within a radius of twenty-five
miles around Ilan-kow, upon shooting excursions, and I
invariably found, that wherever the natives were distant
from Imperial troops, or officials, they were kind and
courteous to Europeans. I entered numerous villages to
rest and obtain refreshment, and at many received polite
and dignified invitations from some of the people to enter
their dwellings. I must say, the Chinese are one of the
most polite and well-behaved people I have ever met.
Although bursting with curiosity to ascertain my country
and business, I never found them guilty of the slightest
rudeness, or annoying inquisitiveness ; upon the contrary,
they would Avait until their etiquette of presenting tea,
etc., had been observed, and then, pretending to be uncon-
cerned, commence their inquiries indirectly. With all
this, I could not fail to notice the half-dubious, half-dis-
liking style of their manner; — the universal result of
their government's misrepresentation, and the stringent
orders which they received to treat Europeans as bar-
barians unworthy of civilized (Chinese) treatment or con-
sideration. Can we not remember the sort of treatmeut
foreigners received till lately in China, upon the following
Manchoo maxim of intercourse with Europeans ?

118 MANCHOO POLICY.

" The barbarians are like beasts, and not to be ruled on the same
principles as citizens. Were any one to attempt controlling them by the
great maxims of reason, it would tend to nothing but confusion. The
ancient kings well understood this, and accordingly ruled barbarians by
misi-ule. Therefore to rule barbarians by misrule is the true and the best
way of ruling them."

It was on this principle that all the benefits of Chinese
law wei'e denied Europeans ; so that, even in cases of
accidental homicide, they were required to be delivered
up, not for trial, but execution.

Sir John Davis, formerly governor of Hong-Kong,
wrote : —

" The rulei-s of China consider foreigners fair game ; they have no
sympathy with them, and, what is more, they dUigently and systematically
labour to destroy all sympathy on the part of their subjects, by representing
the strangers to them in every light that is the most contemptible and
odious. There is an annual edict or proclamation displayed at Canton at
the commencement of the commercial season, accusing the foreigners of the
most horrible pi-actices, and desiring the people to have as little to say to
them as possible."

Although at the present time British subjects are not
delivered up to be executed by Manchoos, and although
Europeans are not defamed and attacked so openly as
was the case previous to the late wars, tlie government is
every bit as industriously maligning them to its subjects,
and striving all in its power to prevent free trade or inter-
course. Why are the Manchoos so inveterately embittered
against foreigners ? is the natural question. Certainly
not because they are unable to appreciate the benefit of
trade ; they love their own interests too well to be averse
to the only remaining prop to their rule — trade with
foreigners, and consequent help to crush the rebellion.
But the truth is, with unmistakeable foresight they see
that the free contact of their Chinese subjects with Euro-
pean nations will eventually ruin them ; they know their
rule is hated and unrighteous, and they know that
wherever the people become enlightened and improved,
their murderous gripe will be torn from the throat of the

FIRE AND PLTTNDER. 119

nation. While liking our trade, they hate our communion I
The latter they have reason to dread, though not if they
can always succeed in obtaining our military aid against
the effects of our intercourse, as they have done in the
case of the Ti-ping rebellion.

At Han-kow I left the steamer, to take command of a
new schooner belonging (nominally) to the same owners.
As her interior accommodations were not quite finished, I
took a small house until such time as she should be com-
pleted. AVhile residing ashore, I suffered from an attack
of fever — a comjilaint very prevalent amongst Europeans
in China — that at one time seemed almost certain to
destroy my life.

One night when convalescent, but still very weak, I
was aroused by a strong smell of fire ; in a moment
almost, thick volumes of smoke rushed into the room, and
I heard the loud crackling of bvirning wood close at hand.
Getting from my bed, and hurrying some clothing on
as quickly as possible, I got to the door of my house, and
found the next one in a complete blaze, and my own just
igniting. My servants no sooner opened the back door
and attempted to save my property, than a crowd of braves
rushed in and commenced to plunder all they could lay
hands on. I was too weak to do much, but, taking a
sword, endeavoured to drive them off; I followed one a
few paces from the door, and thrust at his body, but was
too w'cak to hurt him much, and the point of my weapon
glanced on his ribs ; the fellow did not even drop his
booty, but successfully made off with all the bedding.
Fortunately at this juncture assistance from some neigh-
bouring European residents arrived, or I should have lost
everything. With their help and that of the coolies, the
greater part of my things were saved, but much had been
carried off by tlie " Imps." The origin of the fire was at-
tributable to the incendiary acts of the Imperialist soldiers,
wlio had set fire totheadjoininghouse,asalsotoanEiu-opean
dwelling, out of malice, and hatred of the " foreign devils."

120 A CHINESE RUDDER.

For the few clays before taking up my quarters on
hoard the schooner, a friend kindly accommodated me.
I then engaged a Greek seaman as mate, shipped a
Chinese crew, a Malay boatswain, and prepared to leave.
Our voyage progressed very favourably until we reached a
place a little below the treaty port Kew-kiang, where,
although hitherto dropping down with the tide at the
rate of three or four miles an hotu', my course was
abruptly arrested for several days. Between Kew-kiang
and the mouth of the Povaui'" Lake is situated a larsre
island, and instead of taking the usual channel, my stupid
Chinese pilot preferred the other side of the island. In
consequence of this, when about half-way past, stem on
we went, and stuck hard and fast aground. After a tire-
some day's work we managed to get afloat again in about
six inches more water than the schooner was drawing,
and then made fast for the night. In the morning, after
sounding in every direction, and finding the only channel
very shallow, and as intricate as the maze at Ilosherville
Gardens, I obtained a fisherman from the shore, who, for
the consideration of a few strings of cash, piloted us out ;
our own pilot being perfectly ignorant of his duties, I
have since found it a common thing for Chinamen who
have spent all their lives sailing about the Yang-tze river,
to be utterly unacquainted with its pilotage.

Throvigh this affair, the vessel's rudder became injured,
and we had barely cleared the island, making sail to a
fresh breeze, when away it went.

It now became necessary to bring up for repairs : so
picking out a creek with a village named Chang-kea-kau
at its entrance, I ran the schooner into it, anchoi'edj and
sent ashore for carpenters to make a new rudder. In
about a week's time, the village blacksmiths and carpenters
managed to turn out a contrivance they termed a rudder ;
but of all the rudders I ever saw it beat them hollow.
They could neither make round bolts, nor long bolts : so
instead of bolting the rudder together, they fastened the

•SCENERY AROUND TA-TUNG. 121

first part to the rudder-post with huge square nails (they
could only cut square holes in timber, having no tool to
bore large round ones), and the second part to the first,
and the outside piece to the second, with huge iron clamps
driven on at the sides : the whole concern stuck and
plastered together with lumps of iron bands and braces
in every direction, in a way that none but a Chinaman
could contrive.

AVith immense exertion of mechanics, I managed to
get this monster shipped in its place, after which I was
enabled to make sail and proceed.

At the city of Ta-tung, about 150 miles above
Nankin, and fifty below Ngan-king, the capital of Ngan-
whui province, I anchored for three days. This city is the
chief salt mart up river, all the salt from E-ching coming
there, previously to being distributed over the countrj'-.
The scenery about Ta-tung is very fine — lightly wooded
hills gradually rising, range after range, far into the in-
terior. I took a ramble ashore with Philip, my mate, to
hunt up some game ; our way lay over ridges of low hills
covered with a forest of dwarf firs, none over six feet
high, mingled with specimens of the smallest of all small
trees, the dwarf oak. This Lilliputian forest was succeeded
by a tangled undergrowth, and fine plantation, which com-
pelled us to pursue the narrow tracks leading through it.
During our progress we were often startled with the loud
whirr of the pheasant springing from almost under our
feet, and although the high cover made it difficult to get
a shot, we obtained several brace. At last we came to a
more open part of the liills, where the forest was succeeded
by wild flowers and slirubs, while small lakes were fre-
quent in the valleys below us. The hills became higher
and more rocky, the few trees about them being of large
size, — in fact, the tallest I have seen in China. From the
rocky nature of the country, and the running appearance
of the chain of lakes, I fancied a large spring was some-
where in the neighbourhood, and I was right ; for, after

122 APPEARANCE OF THE COUNTRY.

following a beautiful and gradually ascending valley some
distance, we came to a cold mountain spring of the purest
Avater I ever tasted in China. We threw ourselves upon
the grass and drank the pui'e mountain draught to our
heart's content, and, while resting ourselves, inhaled the
powerful aromatic odour of the wild magnolia growing in
profusion around. The magnolia is the only flower I have
found in China possessing fragrance, all others, however
beautiful, being Avithout perfume. Whilst rolling on the
turf we had observed some birds, apparently of the duck
species, fly overhead in the direction of some tall trees
through a gorge on the hills ; it being the middle of sum-
mer, these birds excited our curiosity, and we determined
to follow them and if possible get a shot. When we
arrived at the foot of the trees, to our surjirise we saw
many of these duck-like birds flying in and out of nests
among the branches ; we shot three brace and a half, and
found them to be the beautiful and delicious little wood
or summer duck. When I returned on 1)oard, I instantly
sent some of my crew ashore with a small cask to fill at
the spring, and ever afterwards I remembered that cool
water and its romantic valley.

The few villages about seemed very poor ; they had
continually been visited by Ti-ping or Imperialist soldiers,
and this, of course, had proved disastrous to the inhabi-
tants, for we all know what hungry disciplined troops are
in an enemy's country, but few of us realize the efi'ect of
undisciplined Chinese. The houses, however, had not
been destroyed, and the only mark of the Ti-pings was
the remains of a large Budhist temple, each separate
brick, as usual, being broken to pieces, so that nothing but
heaps of rubbish remained. The people spoke very venge-
fully about the visits of the Imperialist troops, w^ho, they
said, had used their women shamefully, and killed several
of the husbands and fathers who had attempted to defend
them. The Ti-pings, they informed me, had treated them
well, and had only made them contribute provisions for

CHINESE CHESS.

12;;

the army ; one soldier having used violence to a girl, had
hecn decajiitated, and thoj' showed me the 2:)lace where
his head had been exposed. They also spoke very kindly of
oneleaderof the Ti-pings, the Ying-wang, who had allowed
nothing to be taken from them without payment for it.

During my voyage in the schooner, I became ac-
quainted with the Chinese game of chess, which, although
resembling that of Europe in a few pieces, and the object
of the game, is in every other particular totally different.
I had several Chinese on board, passengers to Shanghae,
and they taught me how to play.

The board, instead of being divided into black and
white squares, as with us, is of one colour — generally
black — and divided by lines on which the pieces stand,
and move as shown in the following rules and annexed
diagram : —

^—\cau\

/cun\^—

King — Can only move one square at a time, and onlj' straight or side-
ways a.s a castle, neither can he move outside his nine points, nor into a
square exjiosed to the adverse king from the opposite side of the board,
without any intervening piece.

124 PERILOUS ADVENTURE.

Mandarins, or Shields — Can only move ^vitliin the nine points, one
at a time, diagonally, as a bishop ; they take the same way.

Bishops — Can only move upon theii- own side of the ditch, always
move two points at a time, and take the same way. Their move is
diagonal.

Knights — Move and take the same as with ns, go all over the board,
but cannot move when the angle at the first poLut of the move is occupied
by another piece. They cannot jump over a piece as with us, but must
have the road clear.

Castles — Move and take, and have entirely the same value as with us.

Guns — They move only as a castle, but can only take by jumping over
an intervening piece.

Pawns — Move one })oint at a time, straight forward, take the same
way, and when they cross the tlitch, can take and advance, forwards or
sideways, like a castle ; but still only one point at a time. They cannot,
however, move backwards. It requires a nrove of the pawn, and half a
move of the knight, to cross the ditch. Castles and guns can go as far
beyond as willing in one move.

I passed close to the Nankin fortifications, but did not
anchor, as I saw quite sufiicient to guide me in joining
the Chung-wang there without stopping ; the place being
evidently open and easy of access.

At Chin-kiang I heard terrible rumours of pirates,
about the Lang-shan crossing and entrance of the river ;
and the more the deeds of the pirates were talked about,
the greater embellishment they received from the imagina-
tion of the narrator, so that, at last, bad as they certainly
were, the deeds attributed to them would never have been
recognized by the perpetrators themselves.

With all the exaggeration, the danger was really too
great to be despised, and I made arrangements to sail
down to Shanghac in company with two European vessels
also bound there, one a fore and-aft-French schooner, the
other an American lorcha.

The first night after' leaving Chin-kiang, being in
advance of my consorts, I observed an English schooner
right ahead, with her ensign flying union down. At
the time I made her out she was scarcely half a mile
distant, and the moon shining brightly upon her, with

CREW OF MUTINEERS. 125

my glasses I easily distinguished her signal of distress.
As we approached each other from opposite directions, in
a few minutes we had closed to within speaking distance ;
so, rounding to, I hailed to know what was the matter.
I could only faintly distinguish, in reply, " Come on
board; I will anchor."

After passing me by a few hundred yards the
strange vessel brought up, and lowering a boat, I
proceeded to l)oard her, leaving my Greek mate to
bi'ing the schooner a little closer, and then anchor.
Before getting alongside I noticed two Europeans on
the quarter deck of the schooner, waiting to receive me,
and to my surprise saw they were both armed. As this
looked suspicious, when under the shadow of the vessel's
side I loosened my revofver in its sheath. When I
reached the gangway, I observed many of the Chinese
crew watching my approach, and all, apparently, in a
state of excitement. This put me upon my guard still
more, for it was evident something was wrong; and,
coupling the appearance of things with the signal of
distress, that that something was most likely dangerous.
I ascended the gangway ladder with caution, and well I
did so, for my head had scarcely appeared above the rail
when a Chinaman made a rush at me with both hands
stretched out, evidently intending to push me overboard.
Thanks to my watchfulness and sailor training, I was
able to meet this attack successfully, in spite of my
awkward situation. Clinging to the side ladder with ray
knees, I quick as thought ducked my head and shoulders
inboard, seized my assailant round the waist before be
could take hold of me, and, aided by his own impetus,
threw him clean over mv liead into the river. He uttered
one cry as, plunging into the fierce and turbid tide of the
Yang-tze, he disappeared for ever. This passed within
two seconds, and, drawing my revolver, I sprang on board
before several other Chinese rushing to the gangway could
reach me. The sudden display of the hollow barrel within

120 CRITICAL POSITION.

a couple of feet, and pointing straight at the head of the
foremost, checked them, and at that moment the whizzing
of a bullet amongst them, accompanied by the sharp
crack of a rifled pistol, and followed by the appearance of
the two Europeans at my side, drove them back.

The whole crew, however, seemed springing from
every direction, some from the hatchways, some from
forward, and some from aft ; and with the usual gesticu-
lation of Chinese about to fight, commenced stripping
themselves of their outer clothing, and uttering fierce
crys and yells to encourage each other.

I had barely a moment to receive the explanation of
the schooner's captain, who thrust a spare cutlass into
my hand — that a mutiny had taken place, and having
secured the ringleader he wished me to carry him down
to Shanghae in irons — when the crew were upon us.
Jumping and yelling like a legion of fiends let loose, they
hurried towards us, brandishing the bamboo spears and
the knives they had armed themselves with. Por a
moment we hesitated to fire upon them, but that
moment's delay very nearly cost us our lives. Thinking
they possessed no firearms, we believed we could awe
tliem into submission with our revolvers. Suddenly one of
them jumped forward and discharged two heavy horse
pistols point blank at me and the captain of the schooner.
The din of the report, the smoke, and our surprise, com-
bined with an indefinite sort of feeling (upon my part at
least) that we were half blown to pieces, caused a moment's
inaction almost fatal to us. The whole of the crew, some
eighteen or twenty, rushed forward. Fortunately the
captain (who I imagined was the mate) of the vessel,
being farthest away from the discharge of the pistols,
was not in the least startled, but firing at the man who
held them, brought him to the deck, and then discharging
several shots amongst the crowd, gave me time to recover
myself.

I did not feel wounded. My next perception was, that

GALLANT RESCUE. 127

I was engaged with balf a dozen men pushing fiercely
at me with their spears. Por some seconds I defended
myself desperately with the cutlass, successfully warding
all their thrusts, actually forgetful of the revolver I held
in my left hand. I was soon reminded of its use by
another man coming towards me, pointing a huge pistol
like the first two that had so nearly finished me. This
entirely recalled my presence of mind, and bringing my
revolver into play, I had the satisfaction of seeing him
fall in the smoke. At the same instant, however, the
slight distraction had nearly proved successful to my spear
assailants ; one transfixed me, as I thought, though after-
wards it appeared I was barely scratched, and the trans-
fixing sensation was caused by the spear tightly pinning
my clothes, while before I could parry it, another made
a thrust full at my breast. With no time to sweep my
cutlass round, I dropped it, and seized the spear-haft
within an inch of my body, at the same time using my
revolver and shooting the man. Before I could level at
another enemy, the man whose spear was fast in my
clothes abandoned it and closed with me. Over and over
we rolled on the deck. I was unable to use my pistol,
and he to use his knife. My left wrist was firmly grasped
by his right hand, while my right hand was fully engaged
restraining his left, armed with a large dagger.

While struggling on the deck I saw several Chinamen
approaching with uplifted speai", to slaughter me in my
helpless condition, but each time I had seen the schooner's
mate jump over me, exclaiming, as he thrust with his
sword, " Lfi, lii," and each time I had seen an enemy fall.
At last I received a severe blow on the head, and, half-
stunned, felt my antagonist releasing his left hand. Just
at this moment I was sensible of some one dragging him-
self along the deck close, to me, and ere I could distinguish
who or what it was, my revolver was taken from my hand,
the Chinaman who had hitherto been holding it aban-
doned his grip, and knocked my right hand from his left.

128 EXPLANATION.

Instead of feeling his knife pierce me, a pistol was dis-
charged, so close that the flash singed my hair, and the
Chinaman fell motionless across me.

From the effect of the blow I had received, and the
shock of the near report, I lay for a moment unable to
move. I was then aroused by the mate of the schooner
dragging the Chinaman off me and assisting me to rise,
exclaiming, " Eh, monsieur capitaine, hope I, be gar !
vous have no die — Zese sacre — all dead, all run down le
fond de calle — de hole, be gar ! "

When I recovered my feet, I saw the deck was
deserted, except by ourselves and seven or eight China-
men lying dead or wounded, and the captain of the
schooner, who was sitting on the deck with my revolver
in his hand — for he it was who had so opportunely
rescued me from my antagonist.

Upon examining the captain, we found he had received
a severe-looking wound from the first discharge, a ball from
one of the horse pistols having struck his breast, and then,
glancing, passed through the fleshy part of his left arm.

Of the prostrate Chinese four were dead and four
severely wounded. All this happened in far less time
than it takes to read it, and just as it was all over
my two consorts arrived, and the vessels being anchored
close alongside, their owners came on board to ascertain
the cause of all the noise and firing.

The Frenchman whom I had taken for the mate of
the schooner, proved to be part owner of her. She was
from Shanghae, and bound to Chin-kiaug with a cargo of
sundries and opium. When close to tlie Lang-shan cross-
ing the crew were observed to be acting very suspiciously,
and the loioder (Chinese captain) having altered the course
of the vessel, to steer hqr away to the northern entrance
of the river, a favourite haunt of pirates, the captain
and owner at once determined to seize and make him a
prisoner, rightly suspecting that they had shipped a crew
in league with the pirates.

ALARM OF PIRATES. 129

Arming tlicmsclves, they went on deck and imme-
diately seized the loioder at tlie helm, one making him
fast while the otlicr threatened him with instant death in
case of resistance. Directly the crew saw this they seized
up boarding - pikes, hand - spikes, &c., and commenced
rushing aft to attack them ; but while the captain kept
them off with a levelled rifle, the owner, putting his
revolver to the lowder's head, swore to blow his brains
out if the crew advanced another step.

This had the desired effect, for the loioder quickly
called to his colleagues to desist, who at once retired to
the fore part of the vessel, leaving their leader in the
hands of the Europeans.

After they had been sailing for several hours up the
river in this position, they met me; and during their
occupation, when I was boarding them, the crew had
managed to release the loioder, and made the attack upon
us to try and capture the vessel, well knowing the fate
which awaited them at Shanghae as pirates.

Had it not been for the prowess and dexterous swords-
manship of the owner, the Chinamen, although with great
loss, would undoubtedly have overpowered us. The
Frenchman had been maitre d'armes in a French regi-
ment, and more than nine killed and wounded were due
to his sword, for, besides tliose left on deck, five or six
who had fled below were wounded. Poor felloAv ! some
little time afterwards he was killed by pirates, almost
upon the scene of our encounter, when, after bravely
defending himself alone on the deck of his vessel against
a host of assailants, and killing sixteen with his own
hand, the pirates, uual)le to overcome his splendid swords-
manship, retired to their own vessel and killed him by
throwing stink-pots * upon him.

We dressed the captain's wounds as well as we were

* An earthenware jar filled witli a suffocating coiubustible, forming,
a very forinicLible weapon. It is thrown ;is a liaud grenade.

130 ALARM OF PIRATES.

able, and after throwing the dead overboard, and permit-
ting the Chinese to dress their own wounds, we made
them all fast ; and, remaining by the schooner all night,
we had the satisfaction of seeing her taken in tow for
Chin-kiang, by a passing river steamer, in the morning.

After this, in company with my consorts, I weighed
anchor and proceeded on my voyage to Shanghae. To-
wards dusk we came within sight of the Lang-shan hills,
and as it would have been dangerous to attempt the
crossing at night, especially in the vicinity of pirates, we
determined to anchor until daylight.

About midnight, I and the mate were alarmed by the
look-out man, who rushed into our cabin, singing out —
" Jen-dow-li ! Jen-dow-li ! " (Pirates coming ! Pirates
coming I)

Jumping out of our berths we hurried on deck, turning
all the crew out to get the schooner under weigh.

Rather more than a quarter of a mile up river we
observed two heavy junks, and as we were lying to the
ebb tide, they were right straight ahead. As they wei*e
so distant, and apparently peaceful, people not so experi-
enced as ourselves wovxld never have taken the slightest
alarm, and consequently would have become an easy prey.

I perceived at a glance the modus ojjerandi of the
junks ahead — they had anchored exactly abreast of each
other, but some distance apart ; they had then run out a
stout rope from the bow of one to the other, and having
waited for a dark and favourable opportunity, had weighed
their anchors and were now dropping down upon us with
the tide, rapidly and noiselessly, hauling in the rope on
board either vessel as might be necessary, intending to
let it catch across our bows or cable, and thus be swept
alongside instantaneously by the strong tide, when their
crowds of men could board and make short work of us.
Many a vessel vmsuspicious of this cunning device has
been easily captured, when otherwise she might have
beaten off the pirates, or escaped through superior sailing.

PLAN OF OPERATIONS. 131

Getting under weigh, I determined to drop down with
the tide according to the plan of the pirates, as it was
likely by that means my movement would for some little
time remain undiscovered and give me an opportunity to
close with my consorts, anchored more than a mile
below.

The moon having just gone down, and the night be-
come quite dark, my design succeeded admirably, and I
lessened the distance between myself and allies by at
least three quarters of a mile before the pirates gave any
sign that they had discovered they were not closing with
me. At last, however, we could dimly discern their
sjireading foresails through the darkness, as they made
sail in chase ; I was not slow to follow their example, and
Philip and myself having armed, prepared to go on board
our consorts, they carrying guns, while our vessel mounted
none. The only danger was, that our friends might
not be keeping a look-out, and that we should have
no time to prepare them for defence, or get the guns
ready.

We were soon relieved on this point, for our pursuers
had the kindness to open fire upon us, and so effectually
arouse the crews of the other vessels.

From the loudness and rapidity of the reports, I knew
our antasronists were of the formidable west coast class
(Ti-mungs), mounting ten or a dozen 12 to 32-pounders.
I had but little fear of the result, however, if once on
board our friends' vessels, for I knew they each carried
two long nines, which well worked — and two of us were
good gunners — would soon put the pirates to flight.

The cannonade had only lasted a few minutes, when I
perceived the sails of my two consorts close by. I in-
stantly put the lowdci- in charge of my vessel, and
directing him to steer directly after us, took six of my
best men in the boat, and pulling to our allies, left my
mate and three of the crew on board one of them, and
look the other three on board the second with myself.

132 ITS ADVANTAGES.

According to pre-arrangement, I took charge of the
operations. The plan I determined upon was to concen-
trate our fire upon one of the attacking vessels, and to
manoeuvre so as to bring her into the centre of a circle,
the radius of which would be described by our two vessels
and the other pirate ship. If this could be carried out,
we would be in a position to keep one of the enemy's
vessels in the way of the other, — or that one which might
be in the centre of the circle, between the fire of its con-
sort and our vessels. Hailing my schooner, I ordered her
to keep away in the opposite course xintil I sbould open
fire, and then to sail back and follow in my wake. This
ruse had the desired cff'ect, for while one Timung bore
away to engage the schooner, the other seemed inclined
to follow our two fighting ships, and act as a cover to her
consort's attack.

In a short time we had the satisfaction to bring the
two Timungs nearly in a line ; and to prevent my own
vessel getting too far away and thiis running the risk of
being carried by the board before we could come to her
assistance, we opened fire immediately. The advantageous
position we had obtained soon became evident ; our op-
ponent mounting about ten broadside guns could of course
only fire five at a time, and as both the vessels under my
charge carried swivel guns, wc could reply with four ; the
only chance the pirates possessed to overmatch us, was by
engaging each of our armed vessels, when the odds would
have been more than double in their favour. This, how-
ever, they neglected to do, and while one was chasing my
schooner, — that now having tacked was following us
roiuid in a cii'cle, — and unable to bring a gun to bear on
her, having nothing but broadside guns mounted, we were
particularly engaged with our more immediate adversary,
and completely sailing round her. The pirates' firing
was ])ad and inefiective, not one shot in twenty striking
us. I knew that, generally, vessels of the Chinese could
only fire their guns -vnth any aim when directly abeam ;

THE RESULT. 133

therefore the continual change of position I compelled
Jier to observe, sadly interfci'ed with their shooting.

In a short time the accui'acy of our firing commenced
to tell, and our antagonist hauled off to join his consort,
making signals to her at the same time. The latter at
once abandoned the chase of my schooner, and bore down
to assist her companion. I now saw a good opportunity
to finish the (!ombat ; both vessels were approaching us,
and we were steering straight to meet them ; I therefore
loaded Avith a double charge of grape and canister, and
running down upon tliem, when within fifty yards, luffed
right across their bows, and with our heavily charged
guns raked them fore and aft.

It was too dark to see the result of that discharge,
but we heard quite enough yelling to convince us it
had proved sufficiently destructive to both vessels. The
pirates, after a confusion in which it would have been easy
to carry them had we had any men to board witb, hauled
off, and crowded on all sail to escape. This they might
not have been permitted to do so easily ; but while fol-
lowing them to bestow a few parting shots, the vessel I
was on board ran bang ashore. This at once put an end
to further pursuit ; besides, the Ti-mungs could float in
less than half the water we could, by reason of their flat
and shallow build. I warned off our other two vessels,
and both instantly lowered their sails and anchored while
they could. Ilunuing a line out to one of them, we soon
hove off the bank ; as we were getting amongst the Lang-
shan shoals, the only thing to be done was to remain at
anchor quietly till daylight. "We came out of the action
with a loss of only one man killed, — his head had been
smashed with a round shot, — one wounded by a splinter,
one with a grape-shot lodged in his seat of honour, and a
pet monkey, belonging to the captain of the vessel I was
on board, missing. The loss of the pirates must have
been heavy, especially from the salvo of grai^c and
canister at close quarters.

134 ANOTHER ALARM.

The engagement had barely lasted half an hour, and
upon its favourable termination we spent the remainder
of the night, or rather morning, in glorification, winding
up with a well-spread morning supper. We might fairly
have expected we had had enough of pirates for one
voyage, yet it was not so, and we were to see more of
them before reaching Shanghae.

The morning broke dim and foggy, so thick, in fact,
that we were unable to weigh anchor and proceed till late
in the day. In consequence of the thick weather, we
chose the north channel to pass the Lang-shan crossing,
as there we could find good soundings to steer by. We
had been following this for some time, and the day had
become one of that unsettled changeable kind, leaving
us at one moment in the centre of a dense fog, and anon
in the midst of a perfectly clear spot surrounded by thick
banks, when, during a momentary glimpse of clear
weather, a large fleet of Chinese trading junks passed us
on their way up the river from Shanghae.

These junks reported that they had been attacked
by pii-ates only a mile or so below, and that two of
their number had been captured ; the pirates, they said,
were in long low boats, imperceptible in the fog untU
right alongside. This put us upon the qui vive ;
Philip and myself still remained on board the armed
vessels, and sending my schooner on ahead, we followed
her, one on each quarter. The fog again closed in upon
us, and we had progressed but a very short distance when
we heard a tremendous outcry from on board the schooner
just ahead : it was so thick, that we were unable to dis-
cern anything, but we could plainly hear the Chinamen
yelling out that they were attacked by " Jen-dow."

I was just about ordering a gun to be fired to frighten
the pirates ofi^, when, before I could give the order, we
heard a sj)lashing of oars, and the next minute bang
went a gun within half a dozen yards, and a charge of
grape or canister hissed and hurtled about our ears. I had

"imperialist" pirates. 135

barely time to jump off the gun I was sitting upon, de-
press it to tlie lowest limit, and fire it off with the cigar
in ray hand, when the long narrow boat I had laid the
gun for — just issuing from the dense fog into the space of
a few feet, within which anything could be distinguished
— crashed alongside, full of the dead and dying. Every
man in that boat seemed stricken, but we had no time for
observation, for the instant she touched our side — pro-
bably torn to pieces by the grape and langridge — she
turned over and sank. From the noise of oars all
round us, it appeared as though many boats were rapidly
pulling away ; only one more came in sight, just sufficiently
to receive a dose from the foremost pivot gun, after
which she disappeared in the mist. In a few minutes
the fog considerably lifted, and there in the distance we
saw a squadron of the Imperialist gunboats — of the
smallest size — pulling inshore as fast as they could. If
instead of employing British gunboats against the Ti-
pings, the British authorities had sent them against these,
they might have rendered a real service, for many a poor
fellow has lost the number of his mess, slaughtered by
these murderous wretches, who subsequently became the
comrades of British officers and sailors in the waters of
both Ningpo and Shanghae. The fog clearing, without
further adventure or mishap, we safely reached our
destination.

136 PAIL OV NANKIN.

CHAPTER VI.

Fall of Nankin. — Manchoo Cowardice. — Immentie Booty. — Sir George
Boiiham's Anival at Nankin. — " The Northern Prince." — The
Ti-pings fraternize.- — Sii" George Bonham's DLspatch. — The Ti-ping
Beply. — Fiu-ther Communication. — Its Friendly Nature. — Ti-ping
Literature. — Its Religious Character. — Bishop of Victoria and Dr.
Medhiu'st's Opinions. — Ti-ping Publications. — The New Testament. —
Monarchy EstaLlished. — Occuisation of Nankin. — A Fatal Mistake. —
Imperialist Advantages. — ^Advance of the Ti-pings. — Manchoo Opera-
tions. — The Tsing-hae Army. — The Retreat. — Tien-wang's Mistake —
His Opportunity Lost. — Manchoo Tactics. — Imperialist Outrage.s. —
Ti-ping Moderation. — The Tiiad Rebels. — They Evacuate Amoy. —
Captain Fishboume's Description. — Triads Capture Shanghae. — Impe-
rialist Aggressions. — Jesuits' Interference. — The French attack the
Triads. — Shanghae Evacuated. — British Interference. — Its Conse-
quences.

UPON tlie 19tli of March, 1S53, after a short siege of only
eleven days, Nankin, the ancient capital of China, fell
into the hands of the Ti-pings. Considering the importance
of the city, and the strong garrison it contained, its capture
was effected very easily. It was attacked from the river,
upon the northern side, and while one division sprang a
mine under the north-east angle of the wall, another hlew
down the I-Eung gate, both storming together and carry-
ing the city with but little resistance. The Chinese troops
in garrison are stated to have numbered about 15,000,
though, considering the unusvially large proportion of
Tartar troops, it is probable their strength must have been
greater. They made scarcely a show of opposition to the
stormers, many taking to flight and escaping through the
south and west gates, or surrendering and joining the
Ti-pings. The Manchoo troops of the Eight Banners are

MANCnoO COAVARDICE. 137

estimated to have mustered at least 8,000, and including
their families, not less than 20,000. Yet these men, who
liad already, in the wars with Great 33ritain, shown they
could fight well and bravely, and who were now in a
position to offer a stubborn defence, were killed with
liardly an effort to defend themselves. It might naturally
have been expected that, for the honour of their nation,
for their emperor, for their wives' and their children's,
and their own lives, in fact, for everything dear to them,
they would at least have made a determined resistance.
They well knew from the insurgents' proclamations, and -
their previous acts, that they would meet with little
mercy, but seemed to have been completely paralyzed,
and neither able to fight nor flee, throwing themselves on
the ground before the victorious Ti-pings and crying
" Oh Prince, Prince, spare us ! spare us !"

Two days after the capture of Nankin, the Tien-wang
announced by proclamation that he had established his
court and seat of government there.

It is believed the Ti-pings were materially assisted in
the capture of the city by confederates within the walls,
who lighted signal fires and created confusion ; while the
fact of their finding confederates everywhere, even in the
Imperialist camps, to post their proclamations with
impunity, proves the wide-spread popularity of the move-
ment at that time. With remarkable celerity, within
twelve days after the capture of Nankin, the principal
adjoining cities were taken and garrisoned. Chin-kiang,
Yang-chow, and Kwa-chow fell into the hands of the ^
Ti-pings without opposition, the garrisons having fled with
precipitation on their approach.

The capture of these important cities was even of more
moment than that of Nankin; for Chin-kiang being
situated at the southern entrance of the Grand Canal into
the Yang-tze, and Kwa-chow at the northern, gave them
entire command of the canal itself, the great medium of
communication between the southern provinces and the

138 IMMENSE BOOTY.

capital, and the route by which all the grain supplies were
conveyed to the north. Immense booty was captured at
these places, and conveyed to Nankin. At the latter city
the military chest that fell into their hands alone con-
tained about £120,000 sterling ; while the stores of rice
and provisions were enormous. At Kwa-chow they cap-
tured more than a thousand junks laden with tribute
grain on its way to Pekin by the Grand Canal.

The singular panic of the Manchoos was probably
caused by their fear of a retributive Providence having
overtaken them for the indiscriminate slaughter of the
Chinese by their ancestors ; for in no other way is it easy
'to account for the helplessness with which they resigned
themselves to their fate at Nankin.

The Chinese people at this time seemed to look upon
the success of the rebellion as certain. Distant cities
commenced to send tribute to the Ticn-wang, and a
deputation from Hang-chow was directed by the Ti-ping
avithorities to return, as they were not in want of
money, and did not wish the people of Hang-chow to
become compromised ; thus displaying a praiseworthy
consideration for their countrymen, whose fate they well
knew would be sealed if they fell into the power of the
Manchoos after oiTering allegiance to themselves.

Exaggerated reports of the Ti-ping successes had
reached Shanghae, and it was rumoured they were on the
point of attacking that city. In consequence of this, and
to undeceive the Ti-pings with regard to the Manchoo
proclamations which were diligently circulated, stating
the foreign " barbarians " were about to send their war
ships against the insurgents at Nankin, Sir George
Bonham, H.M.'s plenipotentiary in China, decided to pay
a visit to Nankin, partly to explain the British intention
of perfect ncntrallty, and partly to ascertain the extent,
creed, and objects of the revolutionists.

Before leaving Shanghae a meeting was held at the
British Consulate, to consider the course of policy to be

blR OEOllGE BONIIAM's AERIVAL AT NANKIN. 139

adopted in tlio event of an attack by the insurgents.
Captain Fishhournc, E;.N., senior naval officer upon the
station, reports : —

" The question was raised as to whether we sliould undertake tlio
defence of the city. Sir George Bonham, however, decided that it wa,s
incompatible witli tlie line of policy he had determined on."

It is only a pity that later British representatives have
not been influenced by a similar sense of justice.

With these views Sir George Bonham embarked on
board n.M.S. Hermes, and started for Nankin on the
22nd of April, 1853. The first appearance of the Ti-pings
is thus described by the commander of the ship : —

" The sight which met our eyes on our fairly opening Cliin-kiang-foo to
view was a veiy striking one. Their scouts had evidently sent forward
the news of the apjiroach of an enemy, which had flown like lightning
almost, and had called up armed warriors in all directions to resist attack.
The river-side for a full mile was lined by batteries and stockades, wliich
were all occujjied by men in red head-dresses — some with red belts, and
dresses made parti-coloured by a lai'ge patch on each man's breast and back,
with the badge of the Taepiug-wang's army. Thousands, again, were
occupying the heights, waving hundi-eds of banners in defiance. Many
othei« were crowding do^vn towards the river-side as if to be the fii'st in
the fight, should we attempt to land, or to support those in the forefront.
Here and there were to be seen men in red or yellow hoods, and capes of
the same colour, on hoi'seback, galloping along the lines, their standard-
bearei-s and giuirds hurrj'iiig after them as best they could, all evincing an
cnthusLism and a unity of pui-pose that proved them something more than
mere hii-eltngs."

Upon the arrival of the Hermes at Nankin, she
anchored outside gun-shot from the batteries, in order to
avoid misunderstandings, she having been fired upon at
Chiu-kiang by the Ti-ping forts, when she was followed
closely by an Imperialist flotilla, which took advantage of
her proximity to lead the Ti-pings to believe that she was
one of the foreign vessels of war they had stated in many
proclamations were engaged to assist them. Mr. Meadows,
of the consular service, accompanied by Lieutenant Spratt,
proceeded on shore for the purpose of negotiating a meet-

140 " THE NORTHERN PRINCE."

ing between Sir George Bonham and the chief authorities
at Nankin.

Mr. Meadows was received in the northern suburb of
Nankin by the Northern Prince, and the Tien-wang's
brother, the Assistant Prince. In iiis report of the com-
munication with these two chiefs, he says : —

" But I also explained, as autliorized, tlie simple object of his (Sir
George Bonham's) visit ; \iz., to notify the de.sire of the BritLsh government
to remain perfectly neutral in the struggle between them and the Manchoos,
and to leam their feeling towards us, and their intention, in the event of
their foi-ces advancing towards Shanghae.

" To all this the Northern Prince listened, but made little or no re-
joinder ; the conversation, in so far as directed by him, consisting mainly
of inquiries as to our religious belief, and expositions of theu- own. He
stated that, as children and worshippers of one God, we were all brethi-en ;
and after receiving my assurance that such had long been our \'iew also,
inq\iired if I knew the heaveidy rules (Ticu-teaou). I replied that I was
most likely acquainted with them, though unable to recognize them imder
that name ; and, after a moment's thought, asked if they were ten in num-
ber. He answered eagerly in the affirmative. I then began repeating the
substance of the first of the Ten Commandments, but had not proceeded
far before he laid his hand on my shoulder in a friendly way, and exclaimed,
' The same as ourselves ! the same as ourselves !' while the simjjly observant
expression on the face of his companion disappeared before one of satisfac-
tion, as the two exchanged glances.

" He then stated, with reference to my previous inquiiy as to then-
feelings and intentions towards the British, that not merely might peace
exist between us, hut that we miyht be intimate friends. He added, we
might now, at Nankin, land and walk about where we pleased. He
reverted again and again, with an appearance of much gratitude, to the
circumstance that he and his companions in arms had enjoyed the special
protection and aid of God, without which they would never have been able
to do what they had done against superior numbers and resources ; and
alluding to our declarations of neutrality and iion-assistance to the Manchoos,
said, with a quiet air of thorough conviction, ' It would be wrong for you
to help them, and, what is more, it would be of no use. Oiu' Heavenly
Father helps us, and no one can fight with Him.' "

Captain Fishbourne, of the Hermes, says : —

" Meanwhile the news soon spread amongst the insurgents that we were
brethren, and numbers came immediately to fraternize. They appeared
much pleased at our wearing our hair long in front like themselves, and

THE TI-PINGS FRATERNIZE. 141

without tails. . . . Numbers continnefl to flnck on i)oar(l, and a.s the
question of friendliness was settled, wc weighed, to move closer to the city
walls, whilst many of the insurgents fell into the capstan to assist, and seemed
to enjoy it all as great fun. In a manner quite unlike any Chineie we had
ever met, they at once met us on the most friendly terms, and remained so
the five days we were there. * * * ,

" 29th (Ajiril). Again the decks were crowded with visitors; some, on
going down amongst the men, observed some josses (idols) that they had
picked up as curiosities, some of them from Rangoon, and intimated by
gestures that these wei-e very bad and useless. They conducted themselves
in a frank and friendly way towards all ; then- bearing was quite tlifierent to
that of any Chinese that we had ever met; so much so, that oiir men i-emarked
it ; and had any one asserted ten days previously that so many hundred
Chinese would have been on board, and yet nothing have been stolen, not
one in the ship but would have said, ' It is impossible.' "

A slight misunderstanding having occurred with
regard to the unceremonious style in which the Ti-ping
chiefs replied to the first letter sent to them immediately
upon the arrival of the Hermes, Lae, a secretary of state,
proceeded on hoard to arrange matters for Sir George
Bonham's reception. This was settled to take place the
next day ; but he, apprehending difficulties in the way of
ceremonial might perhaps interfere with the good feeling
then existing, sent an excuse, accompanied by the follow-
ing dispatch, which was delivered by Captain Fishbourne
and Mr. Meadows : —

" Hermes, off Nankin, April 30, 18.53.
" I received yesterday your message conveyed through the ministers
sent on board for that purpose, to the eiiect that you were willing to receive
me in the city, in the event of my being desirous of paying you a visit. It
wiW at fiiTst my intention to see you on shore, but the weather and other
circumstances prevent my doing so, and therefore I have to convey to you
in writing the sentiments I should have communicated to you verbally, had
r visited you. These sentiments are to the following effect."

After stating the position of the British nation with
regard to the Manchoo government, the existence of the
treaty and trading regulations, &c., the dispatch goes on
to say : —

" Recently, however, it came to my cars that a contest was going on
between the native Chinese and the Manchoos, and that you, the Eastern

142 SIR GEORGE BONHAM'S DISPATCH.

Prince, had taken Nankin. A vaiioty of reports connected with the
subject were in circulation, and certain of the Manchoo authorities had
issued a proclamation to the efl'cct that they had borrowed the services of
ten or more steamers of Western nations, v.Iiich would proceed up the
Yang-tze to attack your forces. Tliis is altogether false. It is the estab-
lished custom of our nation in nowise to interfere with any contests that may
take place in the countries frequented by our snhjects for commercial pur-
poses. It is therefore totally out of the question that we should now in
China lend the services of our steamers to give assistance in the struggle.
Of the lorchas lured by the Manchoo authorities, and the square-rigged
vessels purchased by them, I know nothing. British merchant vessels are
not allowed to hire out their services for such contest ; but I cannot pre-
vent the sale of vessels, the private property of British subjects, any more
than I can prevent the sale of cotton manufactiu-es or otlier merchandise."

Again tlie dispatcli states : —

" In short, it is our desii-e to remain perfectly netUral in the conflict
between you and the Manchoos."

This guarantee of neutrality would have effected much
good, and avoided much evil, had it heen acted up to ; but
unfortunately such was not the case — it did not suit the
policy of England to act on that occasion in the same
manner as when the Confederate steam rams were seized
in the Mersey.

Sir George Bonham's dispatch was carried ashore by
Captain Fishbourne, who was received by several chiefs,
whom he thus describes :* —

" The appearance and bearing of all those men gave me the idea that
they were clever, decided, and determined ; and from the constant solemn
appeal to heaven to witness their asisertion, or in reference to theii' belief,
they showed themselves to be under a settled conviction that their mission
was from thence."

The following dispatch is the reply of the Ti-ping
chiefs to Sir George Bonham's : —

"We, Prince of the E;ist, Yang, the Honae teacher, and the master
who rescues from calamity (an ecclesiastical title), Princijjal Mmister of
State, and Generalissimo ; and

See " Impressions of China.'

THE TI-PING REPLY. 143

" Prince of tlio West, Seaon, Assistant Minister of State, and also
(icneralissinio, both sulyects of the Celestial dynasty, now under the sway of
T'af-])ing, truly cominissioned by Heaven to iiile ; hereby issue a decree to
the distant English, who have long recognized the duty of worshijiping
Heaven ((Joil), and who have recently come into the views of our royal
master, especially enjoining iqion them to set their minds at rest and
harbour no unworthy suspicions.

" The Heavenly Fatlier, the Supreme Lord, the Great God, in the
beginning created heaven and earth, land and sea, men and things, in six
days ; from that time to this the whole world has been one family, and all
•within the four seas brethren ; how can there exist, then, any difference
between man and man? or how any distinction between principal and
secondary bii-th 1 But from the time that the human race has been influ-
enced by the demoniacal agency which has entered into the heart of man,
they have ceased to acknowledge the great benevolence of God the Heavenly
Father in giving and sustaining life, and ceased to appreciate the infinite
merit of the expiatory sacrifice made by Jesus, our Celestial Elder Brother,
and have, with lumps of clay, wood, and stone, practised perversity in the
world. Hence it is that the Tartar hordes and Elfin Huns so fraudulently
robbed us of our celestial territory (China). But, happily, our Heavenly
Father and Celestial Elder Brother have from an early period displayed
their mti-aculous power amongst you English, and you have long acknow-
ledged the duty of worshipping God the Heavenly Father and Jesus our
Celestial Brother, so that the truth has been preserved entire, and the
Gospel maintained. Happily, too, the Celestial Father, the Supreme Lord
and Great God, has now of His infinite mercy sent a heavenly messenger
to convey our royal master the Heavenly King up into heaven, and has
personally endowed him with power to sweej) away from the thirty-tkree
heavens demoniacal influences of every kind, and expel them thence into
this lower world. And, beyond all, happy is it that the Great God and
Heavenly Father displayed His infinite mercy and compassion in coming
down into this our world ia the third month of the year Mowshin (1848),*
and that Jesus our Celestial Elder Brother, the Saviour of the world,
likewise manifested equal favour and gi'ace in descending to earth during
the ninth month of the same year, where, for these six years past, they
have marvellously guided the afiaks of men, mightily exhibited their
wondrous power, and put forth iimumerable miraculous proofs, exterminat-
ing a va.st number of imps and demons, and aiding our Celestial Sovereign
in assuming the control of the whole empire.

" But now that you distant English have not deemed myriads of miles
too far to come and acknowledge our sovereignty, not only are the soldiers

* Alluding to Hung-sui-tshuen's visions.

144! FTTllTnER COMMUNICATION.

and officers of our celestial dynasty delighted and gi-atified thereby, but
even in high heaven itself our Celestial Father and Elder Brother will also
admire this manifestation of your fidelity and truth. We thei-efore issue
this sjsecial decree, permitting you, the English chief, to lead your brethren
out or in, backwards or forwards, in full accordance with your own will or
wish, whether to aid us in exterminating our impish foes, or to cany on
your commercial operations as usual ; and it is our earnest hope that you
will, with VIS, earn the merit of diligently serving oiu- Royal Master, and,
with us, recompense the goodness of the Father of Spirits.

" Wherefore we promulgate this new decree of (our sovei'cign) T'ai-ping
for the information of you English, so that all the human race may learn
to worship our Heavenly Father and Celestial Elder Brother, and that all
may know that, wherever oiu' Royal Master is, there men unite in con-
gi-atulating him on having obtained the decree to rule.

"A special decree, for the information of all men, given (under oiu-
seals) this 26th day of the 3rd month of the year Kweihaou (1st May,
1853), under the reign of the Celestial djTiasty of T'ai-ping."

With a faithfulness above all praise, the Ti-pings
have never broken their promises, and although the
British government have thought fit to repudiate theirs,
still, with an integrity really wonderful, the Ti-pings,
although they might fairly have done so, have never
retaliated. Had ministers of enlightened mind, or even
ministers of honour, taken advantage of that clause of
the Ti-pings' line of conduct — and which in spite of the
British liostilities has remained unaltered — to go " out or
in, backwards or forwards," how great a result would
have been attained for themselves, and how glorious a
future of freedom and Christianity for the Chinese !

Sir George Bonham, it appears, took umbrage at some
imaginative M^ant of respect in the dispatch of the Ti-ping
chiefs ; still, the following exti'acts from a communication
received from Lo-thai-kang, commander of Ti-ping forces
at Chin-kiang, the Triad chief who joined the society of
" God-worshi2:)pers " in Kwangsi, should have appeased
his indignation : —

" We humbly conceive that when the will of Heaven is fixed, man
cannot oppose ; and when view.s and feelings are correct, corrupt imagina-
tions cannot iaterfere therewith ; hence it is that honest birds select the

ITS FRIENDLY NATURE. 145

tree on which they roost, and that virtuous ministers choose the sovereign
wlioin tliey intend to serve. But, alas ! these false Tartars have displayed
tlieii- iiurul}' dispositions, in fraudulently depri^-ing us of our lawful patri-
mony ; at home they have injured the subjects of our state, and abroad
they have warred against foreign states. On a former occasion your
lionourahle nation, with upright views, marched into our territory, for
which you had doubtle.ss good and sufficient reason ; but the impi.sh
Tartars opposed your entrance, ivh ich the inhabitants of China viewed with
displeasure ; but now our royal master has received the command of Heaven
to punish offenders, to show kindness to foreigners, and harmonize iheva -ndth
the Chinese, nut restrictiiig commercial intercourse, nor levying transit
duties on merchandise, wlrile he leads forward his martial bands, to the
number of hundreds of myriads, overcoming every opposition ; from which
it is clear that the period has arrived when both Heaven and man unite in
favouring his design, and faithful and brave wan-iors exert themselves on
his behalf But these fiendish Tartai's, finding theii- strength gone, and
their resources exliausted, have attempted to drive on your honourable
nation to exert youreelves in their behalf, unabashed by the recollection
that, on a former occasion, when matters went easily loith them, they made it
their business to oppose you ; and now. when they are in extremities, they
apply to you far s^iccour, wishing to set our two nations at variance, in order
to avail themselves of any advantage arising tlierefrom. This, we presume,
is already seen through by you.

" We remember, moreover, how on a former occasion we, in conjunction
with Bremer, Elliot, and Wanking (?), in the province of Canton erected a
church, and together worshipped Jesus, our Celestial Elder Brother. All
these circumstances are as fresh in our recollection as if tliey had happened
but ye.sterday."

It is utterly impossible that anytliing could have been
more satisfactory than this first communication with the
Ti-ping''. Not only were all their documents couched in
the most friendly manner, affording a striking and total
contrast to those of the Manchoo ; but in practice as well
as theory their conduct was excellent. They substituted
for the old and insulting epithets, "barbarian" and
"foreign devil," hitherto applied to all Europeans, the
kindlier appellation of " foreign brethren;" while instead
of assviming the repellant and exclusive manner of the
Imperialists, they evinced the warmest friendliness and
most candid demeanour. So pleasing was their conduct
generally, that all persons having communication with

146 TI-PING LITERATURF.

them were unanimous in expressing their favourable
impressions. Captain Fishbourne, describing his visit in
the Serines, says : —

" It was obvious to the commonest observer that they were practically
a different race. They had Gutzlaff's edition of the Scriptures — at least
they told us so ; we know they had twenty-eight chapters of Genesis, for
they had reprinted thus much, and gave us several copies ; and some of
them were practical Christians, and nearly all seemed to be under the
influence of religious impressions, though limited in theii- amount. They
believed in a special Providence, and believed that this truth had had a
practical demonstration in their own case. That though they had had trials
and incuiTed dangers, these were to punish and to purify. They had also
successes, such as they could have had only l>y God's special interference.
They referred, with deep and heartfelt gratitude, to the difficulties they
had encountered, and the deliverances which had been effected for them,
when they were but a few, and attributed all their success to God.

" ' They,' said one, speaking of the Imperialists, ' spread all kinds of
lies about us ; they say we employ magical arts. The only kind of magic
we have used is prayer to God. In Kwang-se, when we occupied Yung-
ngan, we were sorely jiressed; there were then only some two or three
thousand of us ; we were beset on all sides by much greater numbers ; we
had no powder left, and our provisions were all gone ; but our Heavenly
Father came down and showed us the way to break out. So we put our
wives and children in the middle, and not only forced a passage, but com-
pletely beat our enemies.'

" After a short pause he added, ' If it be the will of God that our
Prince of Peace shall be sovereign of China, he will be the sovereign of
China ; if not, then we will die here.'

"The man who, in every extreme, spoke these words of courageous
fidelity to the cause, and of confidence in God, was a shrivelled-up, elderly
little person, who made an odd figure in his yellow and red hood ; but he
could think the thoughts and speak the speech of a hero. He, and others
like him, have succeeded in impressing with theii- own sentiments of courage
and morality the minds of their adherents."

The Hermes brought away from Nankin the following
books, which were published and circulated amongst the
Ti-pings, viz. : —

1. The Book of Religious Precepts of the Ti-ping Dynasty.

2. The Trimetrical Classic.

3. An Ode for Youth.

4. The Book of Celestial Decrees.

ITS UELTGIOUS CHARACTER. 147

•5. The Book of Declaration of the Divine Will, made during the Heavenly
Father's Descent (in the Spirit) upon Earth.

6. The Imperial Declaration of Ti-pLiig.

7. Proclamations from Eastern and Western Kings.

8. An-angement of the Army.

9. Regulations of the Army.

10. A New Calendar.

11. Ceremonial Regulations.

12. Book of Genesis, Chap. I.— XXVIII.

These furnished ahundant proofs of the Christianity
of the whole movement. Errors, and some very grave,
undoubtedly existed ; but although these have been
sometimes animadverted upon in unmeasured terms, the
grand truth that the Ti-pings admitted and recognized
the principal points of the Christian faith, remained.
Yet some persons seemed to imagine the insurrection
totally unworthy of Christian sympathy and consideration,
because their tenets of belief were not perfect ; forgetting
that everything must have a commencement, and forgetting
the universally imperfect commencement of Christianity,
even from the time of the Apostles. Those who have
made the religious error of the Ti-pings an argument
against them are not worthy of the smallest attention;
for, although they have been forward enough to declaim
against the struggling Christians, they have been alto-
gether backward in the slightest attempt to teach them
better. Their own Christianity is scarcely so faultless that
tliey can aflford to consign tens of thousands of jjrofessiug,
though ignorant, Christians, to destruction ; and were
they ever so correct themselves, still less should they be
guilty of so unchristian an act.

The earnestness with which the Ti-ping government
endeavoured to promulgate the saving Word of God, is
illustrated by the fact, that then, and ever since, they
circulated the Scriptures and all religious publications
entirely free of charge, a circumstance unparalleled in
the history of the world. Captain Fishbourne reports : —

" Before leaving Nankin they furnished us with many copies of books

L 2

148 THE BISHOP OF VICTORIA'S OPINION.

■wliich they had published, and of which they appear to hare had a large
store, as they cii'culated them by every possible means ; they were seen by
some officers of the Hermes in boats that they had sent off to drift down the
river amongst the Imperial flotilla."

This singular mode of proceeding seems to imply that
even at that early period they recognized the truth of the
Divine promise, " My word shall not return unto me
void," and with a holy simplicity were acting in full
confidence as to the results.

The Bishop of Victoria, in his estimate of the books of
the Ti-pings, has used the following language : —

" There are imjiortant questions wliich we have to consider respect-
ing the character of the religion of the insurgents ; e. g. : Are its
doctrines essentially those of the Christian religion ? Do the elements of
truth preponderate over those of error'? Are the defects, which maybe
observable among them, such as constitute a reasonable ground for condemn-
ing the whole movement as one of unmingled evil, and the work of Satanic
power t. Or, on the other hand, are they the natural shortcomings of a
body of imperfectly enlightened men, placed in a situation of novel diffi-
culty, labouring under almost imexampled disadvantages in their pursuit
of truth, without spiritual instructors and guides, with only a few copies of
the Holy Scriptures, and those apparently in small, detached, and fi'ag-
mentary portions, with no forms of prayer or manuals of devotion, having
their minds distracted amid the arduous toil of a campaign and the work
of religious proselytLsm, with no definite views or clear knowledge re-
specting the sacraments, the Christian ministry, or the constitution of a
Chiu'ch — engaged in a struggle for life and death — and yet, amid all these
liindrances and drawbacks, evincing a hopeful, praiseworthj', and promising
vigour of mind and independence of action, in the gi'eat undertaking of a
moral revolution of their country 1

" We do not hesitate to assert that oui's is the latter and more favour-
able view."

The following are the E-ev. Dr. Medhurst's opinions of
the same publications. Of one hymn in particular, from
" The Book of Eeligious Precepts of the Ti-ping Dynasty,"
he says : —

" These lines constitute the redeeming feature of the whole book ; they
deserve to lie written in letters of gold, and we could desire nothing better
for the Cliinese than that they were engraven on every heart. This one

DR. MEDHTJRST's OPINION. 149

hymn is worth the four books and the five classics of the Chinese all put
together : —

" ' How different are the true doctrines from the doctrines of the world !
They save the souls of men, and lead to tlie enjoyment of endless bliss.
The wise receive them with exultation, as the source of their hajjpi-

ness ;
The foolish, when awakened, understand thereby the way to heaven.
Our Heavenly Father, of His great mercy and unbounded goodness.
Spared not His fji-st-born son, but sent Him down into the world.
To give His life for the redemption of all our transgi-essions,
The knowledge of wliich, coupled with repentance, saves the souls of

men.' "

Of "The Book of Eeligious Precepts of the Ti-ping
Dynasty," he further says : —

" This is decidedly the best production issued by the insiu-gents. The
reasoning is correct, the prayers are good, the ceremonies enjoined (with
the exception of the offerings) are unobjectionable; the Ten Command-
ments * agree in spirit with those delivered l;)y Moses, and the hymns are
piissable. The statements of the doctrines of human depravity, redemp-
tion by the blood of Jesus, and the renewal of the heart by the influence of
the Holy Spirit, are sufficient to direct any honest inquirer in the way to
heaven."

" ' The Ode for Youth,' " he says, " gives some admii-able lessons regard-
ing the honour due to God, who is the Creator and Father of all. It sets
forth in very clear terms the coming of Jesus into the world for the salva-
tion of men by the shedding of His blood on the cross, and then goes on to
detail the duties that are requii-ed of us as parents and childi'en, brothers
and sisters, husbands and wives, relatives and friends ; concluding with
instructions as to the management of the heart and external senses. Alto-
gether it is an excellent book, and there is not a word in it which a Chris-
tian missionary might not adopt, and airculate as a tract for the benefit of the
Chinese." *

" ' The Book of Declaration of the Divine Will, made during the
Heavenly Father's Descent upon Earth,' details the examination and detec-
tion of a traitor, on whom they were about to confer an appointment,
when the Father is said to have come down from heaven in person,t on

* See Appendix A.

+ Dr. Medhurst here makes a misapprehension. The Ti-pings believe
the Holy Spirit descended into their midst and possessed Yang-sui-tshuen,
the Eastern Prince, who became its mouthpiece and niedium. Tliis closely

150 TI-PING PUBLICATIONS.

purpose to arraign and cross-question the delinquent; and having brought
his reason to light, to have returned to heaven.

" There is no word of their having seen any form ; but the idea of the
Father's presence seems to have been impressed upon the minds of the
bystanders.

" ' The Book of Celestial Decrees ' purports to be a collection of com-
munications from God our Heavenly Father, and Jesus oui" Celestial Elder
Brother. This is little, if anything, superior to the preceding work.

" Their almanac appears to be in some measure founded upon that
originally prepared for the Chinese by the Jesuits, but prepared by those
who did not know much upon the subject, and therefore they have adopted
3GG days, the almanac copied from ha^Tcg been one for leap-year. They,
however, stated in contradistinction to the ordinary Chinese almanac, that
there are not any such things as lucky days, ' as whoever shall with a true
breast reverence the Heavenly Father, the High Lord God, will be looked
upon by Him with complacency, and whatsoever times such please to attend
to their business, will be lucky and fortunate to them.'

" The book entitled ' The Regulations for the Army of the Ti-ping
Dynasty ' is very remarkable for the complete organization which it shows
to exist amongst them, and for the very enlightened regulations it establishes
for the treatment of the people amongst whom they may be.

" ' The Trimetrical Classic,' * so called from each Hue containing only
three words, is a very remarkable document, as evidencing that the wiiter,
if there was but one, possessed great knowledge of both Old and New
Testament histoiy, of the jJan of salvation, and of practical Christianity.
He apj)ears, also, to have much knowledge of Chinese history, and uses it
to guard against the hostUity likely to rise among.st Chinese against the
Western nations, from the idea that they were entii-ely indebted to them
for a knowledge of the true God."

Although the above reports are very favourable as to
the Ti-pings' religion, still, upon many vital points they
were undoubtedly defective ; but to qualify their short-
comings they subsequently published the Bible in its full
integrity, Old and New Testaments inclusive, copies of
which, with the Tien-wang's Imperial seal, are in posses-
resembles revivalist meetings in Ireland, &c.; but the religious metaphorical
language of the original Chinese, with its fine subtUty, makes any literal
translation impossible ; therefore the most limited signification should be
placed upon any English version of this, the bonne bouche of the anti-
Ti-pings.

* See Appendix A.

THE NEAV TESTAMENT. 151

sion of several gentlemen in England.* Therefore, to
denounce the Ti-ping movement as evil and anti-Clu-istian,
because there exist some errors of belief, is not only most
unjustifiable, but even implies that a person using such
an argument doubts the promised efficacy and result of
God's Word.

The information gathered up to this time upon the
religion of the Ti-pings is particularly interesting and
satisfactory ; and if all Christian men did not feel disposed
to help them, they at least ought not to have interfered
against them ; yet such was not the case, for even at that
early period many misnamed Christians, . without in the
least personally knowing anything of the movement, very
loudly decried it. Wrongful as this may seem, it only
forms a part of the great psychological problem — why
it is that the minds of men will always, by a vast majority,
follow wrong instead of right ?

The opposition the Ti-ping rebellion has met with
from those whose profession of Christianity should have
made them its friends, can excite no wonder ; for,
throughout the history of the world, has truth, freedom,
or Christianity, ever become manifest otherwise than
through a dismal vista of disbelief and bloodshed ? It is
a sad reflection, and a proof of our frail, if not vile,
mortality !

Some few months after the visit of the Hermes, the
French war steamer Cassini proceeded to Nankin ; she
brought to Shanghae a reprint of the remainder of
Genesis, of Exodus, and a portion of the New Testament,
consisting of St. Matthew's Gospel, printed from the
version of the Rev. Dr. Gutzlaff.

This is the first account we have of the New Testament
being seen amongst the Ti-pings, although in some of their

* Copies of the fii-st five books of the Old, and the whole of tlic Now
Testameut, yirmted by the Ti-piiigs at Nankin, are now to be seen m the
Indian Court of the Crystal Palace (Sydenham), where they are exhibited
by Mr. .J. C. SUlar.

152 MONARCHY ESTABLISHED.

previous proclamations it bad been referred to : it proves
tbe progress tbey were making ; for many of tbeir errors
were to be attributed to tbe fact tbat tbeir belief was
grounded almost entirely upon tbe Old Testament. Tbe
Ti-pings bave been sadly abused for polygamy, &c.,
altbougb I do not remember tbat sucb facts bave been made
a casus belli against tbe Imperialists ; but it must be re-
membered tbat as tbeir laws were framed and already
constituted wben tbe New Testament first came into tbeir
bands, everytbing required to be altered ; tberefore
people sbould recall tbe maxim of Bacon, " tbat nature
sbould be imitated by politicians, in the gradual cbaracter
of ber cbanges," and bave tbe justice to admit, tbat
Hung-sui-tsbuen, baving made bis laws as to marriage,
&c., could not possibly eitber overturn tbem at once, or
see any reason to do so until tbe trutb eitber gradually
dawTied upon bim, or was inculcated by some of the many
missionaries wbo ovei'spread Cbina. It seems very re-
markable tbat none of tbem ever entertained tbis idea,
excepting tbe American, Mr. Roberts, wbo turned it to no
advantage.

In tbe meanwbile, tbe possession of Nankin entirely
altered tbe tactics of tbe Tien-wang. Instead of con-
tinuing bis rapid and triumpbant marcb, overcoming tbe
Mancboos almost by tbe terror caused by tbe advance of
bis forces, be settled down at wbat be bad decided sbould
become tbe capital of bis new empire ; gathering together
bis followers in and about Nankin and tbe neighbouring
cities. For a month or two the whole Ti-ping forces were
busily engaged drilling, and fortifying tbe cities they
retained. During the same period, tbe Tien-wang and bis
chiefs were employed constituting a regular government,
with its attendant courts and tribunals.

The government instituted was monarchical, Hung-
sui-tsbuen (tbe Tien-wang) being the monarch ; tbe other
chiefs, titled Wang, bearing the same relation to bim as
royal princes, tbat E-cMng-wang, the Prince of Kung,

MONARCHY ESTABLISHED. 153

and the Sooug-wang (one of the late Manchoo emperor's
uncles) do to the Manchoo dynasty.

The five princijial leaders, besides their rank of Prince,
constituted both the Privy Council and Ministry. Six
boards were formed, similar to those of Pekin, with an
additional one for Poreign Affairs. Yang, the Eastern
Prince, was appointed Prime Minister ; "Wei, the Northern
Prince, President of the Board of War ; Pung, the
Southern Prince, of the Boards of Justice dnd Finance;
Siau, the Western Prince, of the Civil Office Board and
Ecclesiastic Court ; and Shih, the Assistant-Prince, of the
Board of Public Atfairs and the Foreign Office.

The above arrangement was, however, subsequently
altered, in consequence of the increasing extent of the
revolution. The five princes then resigned their inferior
appointments to others, continuing their duties as Privy
Council to the Tien-wang, and Supreme Generalissimos of
the five military divisions, into which their whole rule and
territory were divided. Other chiefs were elected to the
dignity of Wang, with a rank secondary to that of the ,
Princes, and the whole formed a sort of parliament. All
the important affairs of state, such as the military ex-
peditions to be undertaken, plans of defence, &c., had first
to receive the sanction of this parliament, and were then ■
submitted to the Tien-wang for his approval. To a certain
extent, the Tien-wang was despotic in his government,
for nothing could be undertaken Avithout his special
sanction. This rule, although supreme, was still far from
constituting a despotism ; and the ultimate decisions
vested in him, have, singularly enough, never created
dissension in council. This is to be accounted for not
only by the fact that his subjects regarded him as endowed
with theocratical attributes, but also to the wisdom of his
mandates.

As it was impossible, during their belligerent state, to ^
give full effect to their Civil Boards or officials, the whole
system of government resolved itself into a military one,

154 OCCTJPATION OP NANKIN.

pending sucli time as peace should be obtained, when they
would be at leisure to cultivate the arts and sciences^ and
form a legislature vipon an entirely civil basis.

The occupation of Nankin has jiroved fatal to the
success of the Ti-pings hitherto. Insurrection, of what-
ever kind, to be successful, must never relinqixish the
aggressive movement ; directly it acts upon the defensive,
unless possessing some wonderful organization, its power
is broken. The principal element of revolutionary success
is rapidity of action, and when once this is forsaken, the
consolidated strength of an established constitution is
advantageously brought to bear against rebellion.

The Tien-wang, by settling down at Nankin and com-
mencing to defend his position, committed a vital error,
and one that lost him the empire. If, instead of so doing,
and affording his enemies time to raUy and recover from
their wild panic, and concentrate their forces, he had
aimed at the one terminal point, Pekin, beyond all doubt,
the very eclat of his victoriovis march would have carried
him with an almost resistless triumph into possession of
the capital, and the consequent destruction of the Manchoo
dynasty would have given him the empire. The very fact
that for years afterwards, in spite of this unfavourable
re-action, the Ti-pings have been enabled, not only to hold
their own against the ImperiaKsts, but to have utterly
crushed them — had it not been for the intervention of
England — proves how easily they might have followed up
their first advantages.

Two courses were open to the Ti-pings, either of which,
judging by their career, would have led to the extinction
of the oppressive Manchoo rule. The first was, without a
pause, to have continued their march upon Pekin, aban-
doning each city as they seized it, and while enriching them-
selves from the captured stores and treasuries, and strength-
^ ening their forces by the croAvds of discontented wherever
they might pass, not to have permitted the slightest re-
duction of their numbers by detaching isolated garrisons.

A FATAL MISTAKE. 155

The second would have been to have abandoned
Nankin, and concentrated all their forces in the southern
provinces, — Kwang-tung, Kwang-se, Kwei-chow, and '
To-keen, — a part of China, more than any other, bitterly >
opposed to the Manchoos, and more important still, the i
native provinces of the principal Ti-ping leaders. In this
case, the whole of the country south of the Yang-tze river
could in a short time have been completely wrested from
the Manchoos, and then, if unable to obtain the whole
empire, they would at least have established a southern
kingdom in perfect integrity — and how superior this
course of action would have been to the irregular one
they pursued !

It was not only a great mistake, but a great absurdity
for the Tien-wang to establish a capital, and set up a new
dynasty before accomplishing either of the foregoing
courses.

Although for several years numbers continued flocking
to the Tien-wang's standard, still, they were not of the
best material ; the wealthier classes, directly they found
the revolution paused, paused too, and time showed them
that the obnoxious element was the Christian religion.
So long as the movement, in the earlier stages of patriotic
excitement, was looked upon as a means of overthrowing
the foreign dynasty, it was a national and a popular one ;
but as the foreign derived religious character transpired,
the bigoted and proud Chinese naturally began to eye with
suspicion a movement so vast, aiming not only at the sub-
version of the reigning dynasty, but of the time-honoured
superstitions, ceremonies, and faith of the nation. The
stationary phase, prejudicial to any revolution, was doubly
so to the Ti-ping, as it fully displayed that the Christian,
or foreign innovation, was as much their profession as the
popular anti-Manchoo feeling ; but for this, the whole
population of China would have risen en masse to throw
off the foreign yoke.

Through our Faith the Ti-pings have heroically, and,

156 IMPERIALIST ADVANTAGES.

until tbe British Government added their weight to the
adverse scale, successfully maintained an unequal struggle
for years. Should we not then rather have assisted than
opposed them ? Why should we, who pride ourselves
upon our superior freedom, oppose the advance of
Christianity, and perpetuate a most corrupt and barbai'ous
government in Asia — a government more foreign to the
people whom it cnxshes than the Russian is to the Poles ?
Can the British nation sympathize with the rebels to one
and not with those to the other, particularly when the
latter are endeavouring to propagate the Christian faith?
Can the English nation, one of the most Christian and
enlightened in the world, deny all sympathy to those
carrying on the greatest patriotic struggle on record, a
struggle that would, by the admission of many high-
minded missionaries, have Christianized more than one-
third of the human race ?

The Imperialists gained many advantages through the
stationary position of the Ti-pings. Whereas, before,
they contented themselves with following an advancing
and triumj)hant army, and occupying the towns and dis-
tricts as they were evacuated, they were now enabled to
recover from the demoralizing effects of their numerous
defeats, and to concentrate their efforts upon one or two
points. The prestige of success, a great element with
Chinese troops, was for a time lost to the revolutionists,
and the Tartar forces despatched from the north combining
with those lately following at a respectful distance in the
rear of the Ti-pings, soon invested Nankin and Chin-kiang
with apparently overwhelming numbers.

The blockade of Nankin, notwithstanding the strength
of the investing forces, was neither close nor effectual.
Several expeditionary armies were formed and despatched
by the Tien-wang to raise the country in different direc-
tions. He seems to have reckoned too much upon the
patriotic spirit of his countrymen, besides committing the
error of settling down and attempting to consolidate his

ADVANCE OF THE TI-PINGS. 157

own power before overthrowing that of the enemy. It
is even very probabki, if all these expeditionary armies
had been combined into one and marched upon Pekin,
that that city would have fallen.

In May, 1853, a small army of about seven thousand
men crossed to the northern bank of the Yang-tze-kiang,
and after defeating a body of Tartar troops who dis])uted
their passage, proceeded rapidly in a north-west direction,
through the provinces of Ngan-whui and Ho-nan. Kai-
fung, the capital of Ho-nan, the city containing the
only tribe of Jews found in China, was unsuccessfully
attacked.

Passing rapidly on, the Ti-pings effected the passage
of the Yellow River, and attacked the city of Hwae-king.
Here they were likewise unsuccessful, and a large army
of Imperialists having collected, some from the north,
some from the neighbouring garrisons, and united with
a considerable force that had been detached in pursuit
from the army of observation before Nankin, the siege
was raised, and the Ti-ping line of march to the northward
checked. Diverging to the westward for nearly 200
miles, they entered the province of Shen-si, and on the
4tli of September captured the city of Yuen-keuh. This
was the first city of magnitude taken since leaving Nankin,
and the treasure and supplies found at this place proved
very acceptable to the worn and destitute army. They
once more turned northwards, and marched steadily
forward in the direction of Pekin, capturing many im-
portant cities on the way. Late in the same month they
entered Chih-le, the most northern province of the empire,
and that in which Pekin is situated. Advancing with
rapidity, and captm'ing city after city, towards the end of
October they reached the Grand Canal, and proceeding by
this, in a few days arrived at and captured the town of
Tsing-hae, distant some twenty miles from the jiort of
Tien-tsin. Tsing-hae now became the head-quarters of
the Ti-ping army ; while the main body occupied the

158 MANCHOO OPERATIONS.

place, a column was detached against Tien-tsin, before
which city it appeared on the 30th October ; but being
repulsed with considerable loss, the whole army went into
winter quarters at Tsing-hae.

In the meanwhile, the Manchoo court at Pekin was
seriously alarmed at the progress the Ti-pings were making,
they being now distant but a few days' march. Every
exertion was made to stop their further progress ; not only
was the Manchoo garrison of Pekin despatched against
them, but large bodies of Mongols were engaged and sent
before Tsing-hae early in November; and these forces
combining with the Imperialist troops that had followed the
Ti-pings from the first day they crossed the Yang-tze, and
continually receiving reinforcements from every garrison
town they passed, nowclosely blockaded theTi-ping position.

Soon after the departure of the first northern army,
in May, a large force was marched hack upon the old
route taken by the Ti-pings in their advance upon Nankin.
Proceeding up the Yang-tze-kiang, Ngan-king, the capital
of the province of Ngan-whui, was captured and made a
base for further operations. Many cities were captured, and
their stores and treasuries convoyed down to Nankin. Two
strong columns were now detached from Ngan-king, one
in a westerly direction, penetrating through the provinces
of Kiano'-si and Hoo-nan, while the other started due
north to the reinforcement of the army blockaded at Tsing-
hae. Early in 1854, the western army having passed the
Tung-ting lake, retraced a part of their old line of march,
capturing the numerous cities on the bank of the Yang-
tze river. About May this army arrived before the
three cities of Han-kow, Han-yang, and Wu-chang, the
capital of Hoo-peh, conveying the immense supplies they
had already captured ; after a short siege, these important
places fell, thus placing the Ti-pings in possession of all
the principal cities from thence to Chin-kiang, a distance
of more than 450 miles, and comprising the richest and
most fertile portion of the Yang-tze provinces.

THE TSING-HAE ARMY. 159

In the meanwhile the northern column (which left
Ngan-king some time in November, 1853), making
forced marches through Ngan-whui, struck the Grand
Canal in the province of Kiang-su, and rapidly following
its course through Shang-tung, city after city falling
before its victoi'ious march, crossed the Yellow River in
March, 1854, and captured by storm, on the 12th April,
the strongly-fortified city of Lin-tsing, on the border of
the northern pro\ance, Chih-le.

During this time the army at Tsing-hae remained
closely blockaded. While, entirely cut off from all sup-
plies or reinforcements, it became fast reduced by sickness,
famine, and the sword ; the enemy, upon the contrary (but
a few days' mai'ch from Tien-tsin, the great northern
commercial city and grain depot ; in the immediate
vicinity of Tartary, and, moreover, hardy and inured to
the keen wintry storms, so trying to the lightly-clad
southerners, comprising the Ti-ping forces) had everything
in their favour. Large bodies of Mongolian troops were
hired and despatched by the Manchoo government against
the blockaded rebels — the Manchoo reserves, and even
a large contingent of volunteer Chinese, were sent to
swell the imperialist ranks ; and while time fast reduced
the number and efiiciency of the Ti-pings, their foe
day by day became more numerous and formidable.
The small Ti-ping army at the first scarcely mustered
seven thousand strong. Owing to the rapidity of their
march, the numbers who joined them by the way were
inconsiderable, compared with the resoui'ces of the
enemy ; the only addition they received of any im-
portance was in the province of Ho-nan, where a detach-
ment of local insurrectionists, nearly five thousand strong,
joined them ; but this reinforcement was more than
cancelled by thcii" losses in battle and from disease. The
courage and discipline of this small army must have been
something wonderful. The steadfast perseverance of their
onward march, in the face of seemingly insurmountable

1(50 THE RETREAT.

difficulties; their steady resistance to the overwhelming
numbers of the fur-clad hardy Tartar cavalry — an arm
in which they were totally deficient, and could not efiec-
tually oppose ; their firm endurance of the rigours of the
northern winter, close to the icy steppes of Tartary, to
which they were unaccustomed, and for which they were
unprepared ; their isolated march of more than fourteen
hundred miles; the heroism Avith which they supported
attack, and finally their successful escape, — all constitute
one of the most remarkable campaigns of modern times.

During the months of November and December the
besieged made several desperate but unavailing sorties,
the enemy in each case repulsing them with heavy loss.
At last, early in Pebruary, 1854, after an occupation of
more than three months, hopeless of success, with famine
in their camj), and no prospect of succour from their
friends, the whole garrison sallied out and succeeded in
cutting their way through the besiegers. With gallantry
hitherto unknown to the Chinese, this small but heroic
band commenced the most arduous operation of any
army, — a retreat in the presence of a vastly superior
enemy. Inch by inch they retired, continually facing
about to repel the pursuing host. Masses of Tartar
cavalry whirled around them, now charging impetuously
on front, rear, and flanks, now hurrying in advance to
dispute some difficult passage ; heavy columns of infantry,
surrounding them on every side, rushed incessantly to the
attack, confident in their overwhelming numbers, and
encouraged by the hope of reward; yet never for a
moment did they succeed in breaking the unfaltering
and orderly retreat of the Ti-ping army, which slowly
retired with its face to the foe, until, after three months'
endurance, a junction was effected with the forces which
garrisoned the city of Lin-tsing.

It is a singular fact that the Manchoo government
dreaded the approach of the small Ti-ping army more
than the advance of the allied English and French upon

tiicn-wang's mistake. 161

Pckiii in ISGO. An extract from a memorial of the
Board of Censors to the Emperor, found in the Summer
Palace, runs thus : —

"In 1853, when the Cjintoncsc rebels oveiran tlio country, advancing
impetuously towards the north, the alarm excited iu the cfipital was many
times more serious than that now manifested."

The fate of the Mauchoo rule hung- trembling in
the balance, and the consciousness of well-merited
destruction struck terror to the hearts of the corrupt
and sanguinary government. A little more energy and
determination at this period would have won the empire;
had the first northern army been able to maintain itself
at Tsing-hae until the arrival of the second, the dynasty of
Ta-tsing would have terminated. The combined forces
could assuredly have captured and held Ticn-tsin until
the arrival of further reinforcements from Nankin, even
if the possession of that city, the grand supply depot of
Pekin, had not caused the fall of the capital. The
cxtraordinai-y northern march, and the length of time
that little army was able to retain its menacing position,
afford ample evidence that greater strength would have
ensured its success. Through neglecting that favourable
and momentous opportunity, the Tien-wang forfeited the
grand object of his efforts when open to his grasp. That
his powerful mind was unequal to the occasion is far less
probable than that his expectations of his countiymen
were not realized. It is impossible that he could be
ignorant of the advantages of combination, and it appears
certain that lie reckoned upon the general rising of tlie
Chinese, as well as on the omnipotent assistance of God.
This is, in fact, manifestly plain from his proclamations,
and affords the only reasonable explanation of his sending
several small armies imsupported in totally divergent
courses, rather than concentrating all his available
forces, and aiming directly at the head-quarters of the
Manchoo dynasty.

162 HIS OPPORTUNITY LOST.

Although several smaller detachments joined the
Ti-ping army at Lin-tsing, it was unable to advance upon
Pekin again ; the favourable moment having once passed,
did not return. Several severe actions were contested
with no material advantage upon either side, and the
semi-steel-clad warriors of inner Mongolia were well
matched by the undefended revolutionists. Greatly ha-
rassed by the numerous cavalry of the enemy, in May,
* 1854, the Ti-ping army slowly turned towards the south,
continually engaging the Im^ierialist forces and capturing
many important cities to the north of the Yang-tze
river.

^ It is not generally known that Le-hsiu-ch'-eng, subse-
quently famous as the Chung-wang, was the leader of the
first northern expedition ; but, during my acquaintance
with him, he has frequently reverted to it. From his
statements I inferred that he received no jiarticular order
to march on Pekin, but simply a general one to conquer
the country, and deliver the people from the Manchoo
rule. The direct m.arcli upon the capital was his own
determination, and the reinforcement eventually de-
spatched to his assistance was not at first intended, but
was sent to him in conseqiience of the reqiiest for more
troops which he forwarded to Nankin by disguised
messengers after his passage of the Yellow River. He
declared that his troops had been within sight of the walls
of Pekin, and that he could easily have captured the city
if the reinforcement had joined him earlier; also that his
retirement from Tsing-hae was caused entirely by the
volunteer troops of the Pekin district, the Mongols and
Manchoos being unable to stand against the attack of his
men. If this be true, it seems a singular fact that the
Tartar dynasty should owe its safety to the Chinese,
although in the Pekin district it may fairly be assumed
that they have long become entirely Tartarized.

Meanwhile the Manchoos resorted to the most cor-
rupt practices of a most corrupt government, in order to

MANCnOO TACTICS. 1G3

obtain the necessary supplies to make their defence. The
sale of titles, offices, and degrees was carried to an enormous
extent. Twenty-three notifications were published in the
FeJclii Gazette, putting up for sale every rank, honour, or
emolument in the kingdom. Prisoners were allowed to
purchase their freedom, exiles their return ; functionaries
were allowed to buy titles for their maternal relatives,
and any one and every one was allowed to purchase for his
father a rank superior to his own ; in short, a system of
entire bribery and corruption was established.

Posthumous honours were also accorded to those who
liad been killed in battle, extending to the fourth, fifth,
or entire generation of their ancestors ; while those who
ran away to fight another day received every kind of
degradation ; all the complicated details of cunning de-
ception and bombastic warfare were resorted to by the
Manchoo government in its extremity.

The following document discloses facts connected with
tlie troops of the "paternal" government which might
well have aroused the people to join the Ti-ping standard
of freedom.

Translated by Rev. Dr. W. H. Medhurst, Shanghae,
Nov. 1, 1853 : *—

" Tlic petition of Luli-pi-cli'liang, Ynon-kwei-leang, Yeh-fung-cliuii,
Chiii-sze-hang, Kin-ping-clun, and Wang-keing-cliau, witli many others
wlio reside in the various tytliings of the 27th hundred, and have to com-
plain of rohber}', rape, murder, and areon, imploring that steps may be
taken to repress further outrage, and save the lives of the people.

"We, the above-named people, li\ing in the quiet villages of the various
tythings of the 27th, and the 4th tything of the 2.5th hundred, two or three
niUes distant from the city of Shanghae, depend upon husbandry and
weaving for our support, without mixing in any outside disturbances.
But recently, on the 30th of October last, in the afternoon, the volunteer
soldiers belonging to tlic contingent from Hoo-kwang, came suddenly in a
body, anned with wea]X)ns, and nished ujion our villages, entering Into our
several houses, to plunder our property ; and when we reasoned the matter

* Shanghae was at tlds time in possession of the Triad rebels.

M 2

1G1< IMPERIALIST OUTRAGES.

witia tliem they answered with scorn, and proceeded to ravish our females ;
when we furtlier pointed out the evil of these proceedings, they imme-
diately beheaded Wang-cliang-kin and Wang-keau-ke, while they stabbed
to death Tsien-king-pang, Chang-ko-kwang, and How-seih-ch'hang, besides
wounding nine others, both male and female. They then burnt down our
houses, amounting to seventy-seven apartments, a list of whiclx is appended
to this petition.

" Our lives are now in the greatest danger, and tlie cry of complaint is
heard throughout the whole country on this accoiuit. Wp have dared to
prefix our names to the ju-esent petition, and pray iu a body the great
officers to compassionate the poor peojile, wlio are after all the foundation
of the country. We implore your gracious attention to this request, and
pray you to repress these volunteer soldiers, commanding them to obey the
laws and protect the people. A most fei"vent petition. Hien-fung, 3rd
year, 10th mouth, 1st day. November 1st, 1853."

The following was the only notice taken of the above
petition by Lew, the Imperial commissioner : —

" Such things are doubtless veiy wrong, but they are the work of
idlers and vagrants, who personate my soldiers. I will issue strict orders
to my tioops. Now go and be satisfied. / liope a worse thiny vnll 7wt
befall 1/oti."

While this was the common behaviour of the Impe-
rialist troops in every direction, the Ti-pings were acting
as real deliverers to the people ; whatever excesses the
besottedness of their spiritless countrymen may at a later
period have driven their new levies to commit. I cannot
do better than offer the contrast presented by the con-
duct of the Ti-ping soldiery, in an account the Eev. Dr.
Medhurst gives, in a letter quoted in " Impressions of
China," by Captain Fishbourne : —

" Having obtained admission into the city of Shanghae this afternoon,
I pi-oceeded to one of the chapels belonging to the London Missionary
Society, where I commenced preaching to a large congregation, which had
almost immediately gathered within the walls. I was descanting on the
folly of idolatry, and urging the necessity of worshipping the one true God,
on the ground that he aloae could protect his servants, while idols were
things of naught, destined soon to perish out of the land ; when, suddenly
a man stood up in the midst of the congregation, and exclaimed : — ' That
is true, that is true ! the idols must perish, and shall perish. I am a

Tl-PING MODEllATION. Hj'i

Ivwiiiig-se-iiian, a follower of Tliai-piufj-waug ; we all of us woi-sliip one
( lod (Shaug-te), and believe iu Jesus, wliilc we do our utmost to put down
idolatry ; everywhere demolishing the temples and destroying the idols,
antl exhorting the peoj)le to forsake their sui)crstitions. When we eoni-
nieuced two ycai's ago, we were only 3,000 in number, and we have
marched from one end of the empire to another, putting to flight
whole armies of the IVFandarins' troojis that were sent against us. If it
had n(jt been that God wtis on our sidi^, we ct)idd not have thus prevailed
against such ovei'whclming numbers; but now our tronjis have arrived at
Tien-tsin, antl we expect soon to be victorious ovci' the whole empire.'
Me then proceeded to exhort the people in a most lively and earnest strain
to abandon idolatry, which was oidy the worship of (1(;\ ils, and the per-
severance! in which woidd involve them iu the miseries of hell ; while by
giving it VI]), and belie^-ing in Jesus, they woidd obtain the salvation of
theii- souls. ' A.s for us,' he said, ' we feel quite happy in the possession
of our religion, and look on the day of our death as the happiest period of
our existence ; w/ten any of our muahcr die, we never weep, but conyratulate
i'((,ch other mi the joyful occasion, because a broilier is gone to glory, to enjoy
(dl the magnificence and splendour of the heavenly world. While cohtLnuing
h(!re, we make it our busmess to keep the commandments, to worship God,
and to exhort each other to do good, for which end we have frequent
meetings for preaching and prayer. What is the use, then,' he asked, ' of
you Chinese going on to bum incense, and candles, and gUt paper ; which,
if your idols really required it, would only show their covetous dispositions,
just like the Mandarins, who seize men by the throat, and if they will not
give money, squeeze them severely ; but if they will, only squeeze them
gently.' He went on to inveigh against the prevailing vices of his coun-
trymen, ])artieularly opium-smoking. 'That filthy drug,' he exclaimed,
' which only defiles those who use it, making then- houses stink, and theii-
clothes stink, and their liodies stink, and their souls stink, and will make
them stink for ever in hell, unless they abandon it.'

" ' But you mxist be quick,' he adds ; ' for Thai-piag-wang is coming, and
he will not allow the lca.st infringement of his rules, — no opium, no tobacco,
no snulf, no wine, no vicious inilulgences of any kind ; all oti'euces against
the commandments of God are punished by him with the severest rigour,
while the incorrigible are beheaded — therefore repent in time.' -^

" I coidd perceive, from the style of his expressions aud from his fi'e-
c|ucntly ipiotiug the books of the Thai-ping dynasty, that he was familiar
with those records, and had been thoi-oughly trauied in that school. No
Chinaman who had not been f(jllowing the camji of the insurgents for a
considerable time could have spoken as he diil.

"lie touched also on the cxpen.se of opium snujking, 'which drained
their pockets, and kejil them poor in the midst of wealth, whilst we who
never touch the ckug, are not put to such expense. Our master provides

166 THE TRIAD KEBELS.

lis with food and clotliiQg, which is all we want, so that we are rich

I without money.'

" I could not help being struck also, with the appearance of the man,
as he went on in his earnest strain. Bold and fearless as he stood, openly
denouncing the vices of the people, his countenance beaming with intelli-
gence, his upright and manly form the veiy j'icture of health, while his
voice thrilled through the crowd, they seemed petrified with amazement :
their natural conscience assured them that his testimony was true ; while
the conviction seemed to be strong amongst them, that the two gi-eat objects
of his denunciation — opium and idolatry — were both bad things, and must
be given up.

" He spoke> an intelligible Mandarin, with an occasional touch of the
Canton or Kwang-si brogue. His modes of illustration were peculiar, and
some of the things which he advanced were not such as Christian mission-
aries were accustomed to bring forward. The impression left on my mind,
however, was that a considerable amount of useful instniction was de-
livered, and such as would serve to promote the objects we had in view, in
putting down idolatry, and furthering tlie worship of the true God."

At this time the city of Shanghae was in possession of
the Triad rebels (the society sworn to expel the Manchoos),
who have not unfrequently been confounded with the
Ti-pings, to the prejudice of the latter.

Late in the summer of 1853, some few months after
the capture of Nankin by the Ti-pings, the Triad society,
alive to the advantages of the movement, rose up against
the obnoxious Manchoos in many parts of the country.
» About the end of July, a body of the Triads succeeded
in gaining possession of the city of Amoy, one of the
treaty ports, meeting with but slight resistance, the in-
habitants being glad to receive them. By their singularly
moderate conduct, the movement became very popular ;
'" in fact, all their supplies were brought in by the country
people, and their principal strength was composed of
these villagers, who remained and fought against the
Imperialist troops as long as the insurrection lasted.
Several cities in the neighbourhood were captured, and
the wealthy classes remained aloof from both contending
parties ; their disposition towards the government was
far too adverse for them to assist it ; but they contented

THEY EVACLATE AMOY. 167

themselves with simply withdrawing their support, w^ell
knowing- the savage revenge the " paternal " rulers would
Avrcak upon them and their helpless families, if they
were to johi the rebellion, and it should afterwards fail.
The country people throughout the district remained
hostile to the Imperialists until their recapture of Amoy,
when, to save their own and relatives' lives, they were
compelled to return to the Manchoo slavery, those being
lucky Avho escaped the indiscriminate vengeance of the
government.

Captain Fishbourne, senior naval officer on the station,
was present at Amoy when it was captured by the Triads.
He reports : —

" The insurgents having placed guards over the European Hongs, ihei-e
iras nothing to ap2>reherul, so we proceeded to Hong-kong, when, after
landing Sir George Bonham, we returned in the Hermes to Shanghae.''

Upon the 11th of November the city of Amoy, which
had been for some time besieged by a vastly superior force
of Imperialists, was evacuated by the Triads, w^ho, being-
short of supplies, marched out of the city in broad day-
light unmolested by the cowardly besiegers, who then
marched in to perpetrate the most revolting barbarities,
in their ordinary manner, upon the defenceless inha-
bitants, A large squadron of pirates composed the naval
force employed by the Imperialists in their siege of the
city, in the same manner as in their attack upon Ningpo
when held by the Ti-pings, on the 10th May, 1862,
although upon this latter occasion the Imperialist pirates
were successful, an alliance having been entered into
bctwec}! them and the British squadron commanded by
Captain Roderick Dew, H.N.

Captain Pishbourne, Avho was an eye-witness of the
return of Amoy to Manchoo rule, thus describes it : —

" Having cngagod jiii-ates, tlie autliority Wius committed to th(MU, to sanc-
tiou the atrociLifs thai these wouhl certainly conunit ; and, as if that were
not sufficient, they encouraged them to more thiui they might oUierwLse be

168 CAPTAIN FISHBOURNE'S DESCRIPTION.

inclined to, for they promised tliem six dollai's for each head they would
bi-ing in.

" On the eutiy of these savages, the first thing they did was to disperse
in every direction in search of heads ; regardless of anything save that the
people who possessed them should be helpless ; it mattered not to them that
they were equally infirm and unoffending : they had heads — these they
wanted.

" All found were brought to the Cliinese admiral " (it is said, the same
pirate chief who afterwards became Captain E. Dew's ally), " whose vessel
was close to us, so we saw all that was passing. He then issued a mandate
for theii- destraction. At first they began by taking then- heads off at the
adjoining pier ; this soon was fully occupied, and the executioners becoming
fitigued, the work proceeded slowly, therefore an additional set commenced
taking their heads off on the sides of the boats. This also proved too
slow for them, and they commenced to throw them overboard, tied hand
and foot. But this was too much for Europeans ; so missionaries, mer-
chants, sailors, marines, and officers, all rvLshed in, and stopped fm-ther
proceedings. The mandarins, executioners, staff and all, took themselves
off veiy quickly, for fear of consequences they could not calculate upon,
but which they felt they had richly desei-ved : 400 poor creatures were
saved from destruction ; 250 of these were wounded — some with twenty,
others less, but more dangerous wounds. Some had theii- heads nearly
severed ; about thirty died. The Mandarins then removed then- scene of
butchery a mile outside the town ; and during the next two days, after
having obtained possession, they must have taken off upwards of two
thousand heads, or otherwise destroyed that number of people. For days
bodies were floating about the harbour, carried out by one tide and brought
back by another, each time not quite so far, so that finally they were only
disposed of by being taken to sea.

" The only feeling the biaital pirates e"VTUced, was that of disappointment
at being deprived (as they said) by us of three thousand dollars.*

" Often diiring the operations, the poor people comjslained of the
ti-eatnient of the Imperialists ; and it was certainly pitiable to behold the
needless destruction of jiropcrty — needless if the Imperialists had been
soldiers or men — such never won or kept an empire ; yet none of the
Imperial forces are hetter.

" Nor can it be said that these were the acts of subordinates, for which
the government was only remotely responsible, for they were specially
dictated by the Viceroy of the pro%'ince, who was a Tartar, and an uncle of

* They received ample satisfactiou afterwards at Niugpo, when, allied
with the Eritish, they obtained 3,000 dollai-s' worth of heads, with full
uiterest.

TllIADS CAl'TUKE SUANGllAIi;. 109

the Tartar emperor. He even eujoineil the violation of solemn compacts
entered into between the Mandarins and heads of villages, before tliey would
give u]! the leaders in the revolt. The Mandarins avowed, that after the
government of Amoy was established, they meant to carry tire and sword
through the surroimding districts, as the people were all tainted with
levolutionary prmciples."

Well may it be asked— Were the people of England
aware of these enormities when they cherished and sus-
tained the Manchoo ? It cannot be credited ; and, there-
fore, it is well to point out what kind of government they
supported, what description of men they made war upon,
and what were the results of their interference.

On the 7th of September, Shanghae, another of the
treaty ports, was captured, and several other places in
the neighbourhood were attacked by different bodies of
Triads. At this city also they seem to have behaved with
remarkable moderation, and are said to have found
about £70,000 in the treasury.

Although totally unconnected with the great Ti-ping
revolution, they still looked hopefully towards it, and, after
some little hesitation, sent a deputation, as likewise from
Amoy, tendering their allegiance to the Tien-wang. He,
however, refused to accept them, despite the enormous
advantages he would have derived from the possession of
the treaty ports, until such time as they should under-
stand and profess Christianity ; and it was probably one
of the teachers he sent to them, whose speech was reported
by Mr. Mcdhurst in the letter quoted from a few pages
preceding.

Captain Fishbourne reports of them : —

" They know nothing of Christianity, but are veiy tolerant, and
allowed the missionaries a latitude in teaching, never before enjoyed.
They have lost all faith in idolatry, and no longer cared to preserve ap-
pearances, by continuing idolatrous worship, though some of them stilt use
superstitions and idolatries. They have behaved with niucli moderation,
toid the fuc'dilies for trade have been even (jrcuter than under (he Tartar
Imperial rule. Of course the import trade ha."* been limited, because of
tlie disturbed state of the country ; the export tratle, on the other hand.

170 IJIPEllIALIST AGGRESSIONS.

had been unusually great, uot from any protection or facilities afforded by
the Imperial authorities, but a desire on the jiart of holders of goods to
realize."

While the Triad insurgents continued to manifest the
most friendly feeling towards the European residents at
Shanghae, the Imperialist troops collecting to the siege
of the Chinese city, in their usual style, became very
dangerous and hostile. It was reported by Captain
rishbourne : —

" Thus the Imjjerial troops made it a habit to place their targets for
ball jsractiee, so that the riding-course and principal place of resort for all
foreigners, should be rendered dangerous, or impassable."

Several times the European settlement was attacked by
them, and was once attempted to be fired ; and, at last, so
outrageous had they become, that the British and Erench
forces — in all less than three hundred men — -were com-
pelled to attack their camp, and drive them furtlier away
from the settlement, inflicting a loss, it is said, of three
hundred killed ; losing themselves only two killed and
fifteen wounded.

As it is universally known these Triad rebels were
in every way inferior to the Ti-pings, and as they were
allowed to capture the treaty ports, and their conduct
was always so friendly to Europeans, and so far sujierior
to that of the Imperialists, it does seem a little extra-
ordinary that the British public have not penetrated
the falsity of the statement subsequently urged against
the Ti-pings, in order to attempt the palliation of the
infamous policy of driving them from Shanghae and
Ningpo, — that the treaty ports must be held against the
Ti-pings, because, if the latter were to capture them, an
immense amount of Bi,"itish property and British lives
ivoidd be destroyed, &c.

During the Triads' occupation of Shanghae, a for-
midable, though at first secret, opposition was insidiously
at work against them among the European community

JESUITS' INTERFERENCE. 171

— the hostile intrigues of the Jesuits. These priests, with
a constancy and perseverance worthy a better cause, are
found jjlotting and making converts to a pseudo sort of
Christianity all over the country. It so happens, that to
propitiate the Chinese, or not to shock them by too great
a departui'e from " old custom," they are allowed to retain
most of their idolatrous forms of worship, to which are
added the usual figures of the manifold saints, &c., of the
Romish church. Now the Ti-pings, who are strict icono-
clasts, having several times fallen foul of Roman Catholic
establishments in the interior, and in each ease mistaken
the figure of the Virgin Mary with a male child in her
arms for the very similar idol of Budha, have naturally
confounded Jesuitism with the Budhism it resembles.
Consequently, the Tartar - worshipping Jesuits are the
most bitter enemies the Ti-pings have ever had, knowing,
as tliey do, that the success of the latter would entirely
destroy theii- work, and drive them from the many
positions they hold throughout China. Therefore, when
the Jesuits ascertained the Triads not only announced
themselves as being about to join the Tien-wang, but had
actually sent deputations to, and received instructors
from him, they at once commenced intriguing for their
overthrow. The French consul and the French senior
ollicer on the station were both priest-ridden and bigoted
men, and eventually, for certain valuable considerations,
assistance was afforded to the Imperialists, and the Triads
were driven out of a Chinese city without the slightest
shadow of justice or reason.

Both the English and French authorities deprived
the Triads of the duties they were justly entitled to levy
on all export or import trade. At last the French
admiral, appropriately named La Guerre, determined
that the time had arrived to fulfil his own and his
Jesuitical colleagues' peculiarly unrighteous intentions.
The Triads were suddenly attacked (December, 1851)
without having given the slightest provocation, and

172 THE FRENCH ATTACK THE TKIADS.

several of their men, wlio were engaged constructing a
battery outside one of the city gates, murdered by the
Erench sailors. A few days later they surprised fifteen
poor rebels asleep in the same battery, and these were
also butchered. Two days previous to this, Admiral La
Guerre savagely bombarded the city, although it con-
tained upwards of 20,000 innocent inhabitants, among
whom the shot and shell committed much slaughter.
Allied to the ferocious Manchoo, the Prench closely
blockaded the city, and cut off all communication.

Some people delight in terming the Ti-pings blood-
thirsty monsters, &c. ; but the following extract proves
that the Trench not only excelled the rebels, but even sur-
passed the Imperialists in wanton cruelty. In "Twelve
Years in China," * by John Scarth, Esq., we find the
following episode of the blockade by the civilized and
most Christian allies of the Manchoo : — •

" Tlie Frencli proclaimed a strict blockade, and shot down all that
attempted to hold communication with the I'ebels. We saw one evening a
poor old woman that had been attempting to take a basket of food fur
some poor person in the city, struck by a ball from the French lines ; her
thigh was broken, and she lay helpless on the gi'ound. How horrible did
war ajjpear, when the sentry levelled his rifle again, and flred at the poor
old creature, driving up a shower of earth close to her side. Another shot,
and another, were fii-ed ; at last she was hit agaui in the back ! she cried
to us for help, but we could render no assistance, except by sending to
report the circumstance at head-quarters. Shot after shot was fired.
There were some rebels watching the butcliery from the walls ; they could
see us distinctly. We were within rifle distance ; and feeling that if I were
in their position, I would shoot at every foreigner I saw, while foreigners
were committing such acts, I went away really for safety's sake, sick at
heart to see such monstrous cruelty. The woman, it was afterwards re-
ported, lay on the spot moaning till nearly midnight, when her cries ceased,
and it was supposed soma of tlie rebels had got her into the city out of the
way of farther immediate harm;"

The Prench eventually breached the walls, aiul with

* Pa-e 207.

SlIANGHAE EVACUATED. 173

their creditable allies assaulted the city, only, however,
to be beaten back with a loss of one-fifth their number.
The Triads were at last starved out, and upon the Chinese
New Year's night (17th February, 1855) evacuated Shang-
liae, and cut their way through the Imperialist lines.
Three hundred, who had surrendered themselves to
Admiral La Guerre, were by that officer given up to the
Mandarins, and tortured to death. During three days
every atrocity was perpetrated by the Imperialists upon
the unfortunate inhabitants caught within the city, or the
rebels who were hunted down in the country. Upwards
of 2,000 were barbarously put to death within three days.
As Messrs. J. Scarth, Sillar, and others have written, —
" The Imperialist soldiers even burst open the coffins in
the burial-grounds, and dragged out the rebel corpses and
beheaded them." Women were horribly mutilated and
put to death ; rebels were crucified and tortured with red-
hot irons ; some were starved to death in the streets of the
city ; others were disembowelled, and very many slowly
cut to pieces. When the Triads captured the city, they
killed only tioo men, tortured none, and respected private
property. The papers at Shanghae stated, — " When the
French and Imperialists got possession of the city, how-
ever, there was something like slaughter. Heads were
hung round the city walls in bunches ; the Pagoda
Bridge had nineteen on it, and in some places they were
piled up in heaps !"

The conduct of those British officials who seemed
anxious to carry out the Manchoo-assisting policy of
Sir John Bowring, Admiral Stirling, and others, is
thus severely reflected on by Mr. Scarth, who was
present : —

" Tlie very inconsidei'ate zeal which characterized the conduct of Mr.
Lay, the then acting Vice-Consul, and Mr. Wade, at that time one of tlie
ofticials in the Chinese Custom-house service, and tlie o|)en manner in
wliicli these gentlemen lent their aid to the Maiidarins, Wius strongly com-
mented on by nearly all the foreign community."

171 BRITISH INTERFERENCE.

At page 217 of his interesting work he says : —

" A scboonor going from Woo-simg to Hong-kong was suspected of
being about to take Chin-ali-Lin* and several otlier of the city people ;
a force consisting of Cliinese troops and some EnrjUsli, marines, accom-
panied hij the acting Vice-Consul {who seemed to be imbued with some extror
ordinary motives), went down to search the vessel. This was discovered ;
but those desirous of preventing furtlier bloodshed quietly continued, not-
witli standing, in the work they were determined upon, getting the unfor-
tunate men away from danger."

Some who are acquainted with such matters may
understand this " extraordinary" exploit, while those
who know little of Chinese affairs may naturally wonder
whether the "15,000 dollars" offered for Chin-ah-Lin's
head by the Vice-Consul's Mandarin friends had anything
to do with it.

Not only at the Shanghae massacre in 1855 did
British officials display their taste for the Manchoo alli-
ance. During 1851-5-6 Englishmen continually inter-
fered against the rising of the oppressed Chinese. In
1854 Sir J. Bowring allied the British fleet with the
forces of that notorious monster Yeh, and thus con-
tributed to the extermination which desolated' the pro-
vince of Kwang-tuug. The city of Canton was almost
the only place in the province still held by the Mandarins.
It was secured to them by British means, and its security
doomed to death more than one million innocent people.

While Yeh busied himself with exterminating man,
woman, and child, and razing to the ground nearly every
village through lohich the rebels had parsed, H. B. M.'s
ships of war chased the rebel squadrons along the China
coast, dealing with them as pirates, because, forsooth,
they were armed, and because they had captured Chinese
vessels when endeavourino; to force the blockade of Can-
ton; H. M.'s ship Bittern and the steamer Taou-shun
hemmed in one division of the rebel fleet in the Gulf of

* Tlie Triad leader.

ITS CONSEQUENCES. 175

Pe-cbi-lc, sinking nearly every vessel, and giving up the
crew of the only one captured to the Manchoo execu-
tioners. Two junks escaped and joined another squadron
at Chusan. Yet these vessels shortly afterwards allowed
two missionaries to pass their blockade, because, as the
chiefs said, " they were good men, and preached the
faith of Ye-su!" In the harbour of Shih-poo the de-
struction of another fleet is described in " Twelve
Years in China" : —

" The junks were destroyed, and tlieir crews shot, drowned, or bunted
down, until at last the whole n'.imber, ahout 1,000 souls, were sent to their
last account, — the Bittern's men aiding the Chinese soldiers on shore to
complete the wholesale massacre ! the whole were not killed ; OJie man was
remanded and kept over for examination ! The evidence against the fleet
as pirates, was to be collected after the execution of the victims ! " *

British policy towards China has, during the last
decade, been influenced by men led by a small party of
Chinese custom-house mercenaries, who, while hired by
the Manchoos, were permitted to bias, not only Sir John
Bowring, but even Lord Elgin. The independent and
honourable policy of Sir George Bonham and his colleagues
gave place to an " interested Mandarin-worshipping "
diplomacy that has made England the ally and saviour
of the most sanguinary, corrupt, and worn-out despotism
in the world. Messrs. Wade and Lay, sometime Lord
Elgin's interpreters, and sometime the custom em-
ployes of the Manchoo, mat/ have thought the views
they imparted to the former were correct ;" but at all cA^ents
they were too much personally interested in the welfare
of their Mandarin friends to be impartial. The principal
effect of this has been that the Manchoo-influenced
oiBcials have united the representatives of England with
the Jesuit-influenced representatives of Erance in per-
petuating the Tartar cruelties, and in destroying the

* Ho)ig-kong Gazette, 12th October, 18.3-").

176 CONSEQUENCES OF BRITISn INTERPERENCE.

Ti-ping attempt to liberate China and establish Protestant
Christianity throughout the empire.

At Canton, Shanghae, and elsewhere, in 185-4, the
Chinese would have succeeded in their righteous endea-
vours to throw off the Manchoo yoke ; at Shanghae, in
18G0, at Ningpo and Shanghae in 1862, and upon other
occasions, the Ti-ping revolution would have succeeded
but for British intervention.

HOME. • 177

CHAPTER VII.

Home. — Its Desolation. — Intelligence of Mario. — Consoqnent Proceed-
ings. — Preparations for Pin-suit. — River Tracking. — In Pursuit. —
The Lorcha Sighted. — Stratagems. — Alongside the Lorcha. — On
Board the Lorcha. — Critical Position. — A Friend in Need. — Failure.
— Lorcha again lieconnoitred. — Increased Difficulties. — Another
Attempt. — ^Alongside the Lorcha again. — Marie Discovered. — Marie
Rescued. — Safe on Board. — Marie's Explanation. — The Lorcha in
Pursuit. — She gains on us. — The Lorcha opens fire. — Safe among the
Ti-pings.

EAGER to meet my betrothed, I had no sooner moored
my vessel in the Shanghae anchorage, and reported
at the Consulate, than I sought her at her aunt's dwell-
ing, which was situated at the back of the American settle-
ment, at a considerable distance from any other European
habitation.

When I drew near the house, an indescribable pre-
sentiment of evil seemed to possess me, — one of those
prophetic warnings, so common, but yet such a psycho-
logical mystery.

I walked rapidly along, until the turning of some
rising ground, a little distance in front, brought me
within sight of the house. When I reached the ridge
that had concealed it from view, I paused a moment,
almost expecting to find that the building had van-
ished.

There, however, stood the house, safe enough to all
appearance ; so, feeling reassured, I walked oil. As I
drew close, almost expecting Marie would run forth to
welcome mc, I failed to discern any smoke issuing from

178 • ITS DESOLATION.

the chimneys, or any sign of life about the dwelling.
My former fear now returned in full force ; I was within
a few paces of the house, and it appeared to be unin-
habited.

I hurried forward to the door ; it was unfastened ; the
lock was wrenched off, and had evidently been broken
open. I passed within, and loudly called upon the former
tenants by name ; but echo alone replied. Passing from
room to room, I saw furniture scattered about in every
direction, broken and thrown down. The house presented
a picture of utter ruin.

I ran through the rooms, still vociferating, and still
mocked by the echo of my own voice. They Avere silent
and deserted. I was evidently the only living thing within
the walls. At last, hoarse with shouting, I stood in silent
despair, gazing on the destruction around. Marie and
her relatives had disappeared, and the scene of ruin told a
tale of violence.

For some moments all was still and quiet. At length,
aroused by the sound of footsteps in the lower rooms, a
sudden hope cheered me, and I hurried to meet them. A
glance showed me I had deceived myself; a couple of
Chinamen, Avith eyes and mouth wide open, gaping at the
broken furniture, stood before me. I questioned them
anxiously, trusting to gain some intelligence, but all to
no purpose. To my inquiries they replied by stating that,
having heard my hallooing, they had come to see what
was tlie matter. Further questioning simply elicited,
" Gno puh-shettah, gno puh-shettah " (I don't knoAV, I
don't know). Turning them out, I searched every nook
and corner, but without avail. All my efforts were fruit-
less, no trace of anything that could enlighten me was
apparent — not a vestige, not a clue, rewarded my long and
anxious search.

All clothing and personal effects had been removed,
and many light articles of furniture ; the heavier ones
were broken and overturned. It was impossible to tell

INTELLIGENCE OF MARIE. 179

what miglit have been destroyed or carried off by thieves
after the house had been deserted.

At last I was compelled to confess to myself that
further search was hopeless ; I had searched diligently,
and could discover nothing. Sorrowfully I turned away
from the house, and proceeded to several Chinese dwellings
in the neighbourhood ; but at each received the unsatis-
factory answer, " Puh-shettah, puh-shettah."

Taking my interpreter with me, I called at many
houses, but without success ; not the slightest informa-
tion could I gather ; the whole affair remained a profound
and impenetrable mystery. Everything led me to believe
some violent act had been perpetrated ; besides, I was
quite certain that Marie woiald never have gone away
willingly without first communicating with me.

One evening when in my cabin, tired out with the
day's useless searching, and absorbed with bitter reflec-
tions, an old friend of mine. Captain L., erstwhile of the
Turkish Contingent, came on board to see me, having
just arrived from Hankow. After I had related the
mysterious disappearance of Marie, L. suddenly jumped
from his seat with a loud exclamation, and, questioning
me a little further, declared he had obtained a clue as to
her destination.

It appeared that, while on his passage from Chin-kiang,
the steamer had passed close to a large Portuguese lorcha,
and he liad just caught a glimpse of a girl on deck, of
whom he then took no further notice, but who he now felt
sure was Marie.

I felt overjoyed at the discovery. L., my friend, had
called with me at Marie's relatives' several times, so I had
every confidence that his opinion was correct, and I
determined to follow the trail so singularly found. He
declared he would accompany me, and kindly professed
his readiness to start at once.

Early in the morning I went ashore to the owners
of the schooner, and gave up the command to a friend.

N 2

180 CONSEQUENT PROCEEDINGS.

Philip, the mate, preferred joining me; he had served
in the Greek insurrection against the Turks, and was a
fine brave fellow.

Eortunately one of the river steamers — at that time
few and far between — was to leave Shanghae in the after-
noon, so it was just possible I might reach Chin-kiang
before the lorcha's arrival, though that would depend
entirely upon the winds she had experienced. Accordingly,
a few minutes before the bell rang, the whistle blew, and
the skipper gave the hoarse command to " cast off." L.,
Philip, and myself, made our way on board the Yang-tze
(named after the river) with our baggage. We each took
an ample supply of everything, as it would be necessary,
in case the lorclia should have left Chin-kiang previous to
our arrival, either to purchase or hire a vessel of some
description to follow her. During the passage to Chin-
kiang, we kept a regular watch the whole time, one or the
other of us never leaving the deck, but, telescope in hand,
keeping a sharp look-out. Heavily hung the time, until
we made Silver Island ahead. I had put every possible
interpretation upon Marie's presence — if, indeed, it were
she — on board the lorcha. I had adopted every imagin-
able theory, but all to no purpose; the same idea would
not remain five minutes, and I was forced to give up the
mystery as unfathomable. Silver Island now hove in
sight, and with my friends I waited impatiently on deck,
and scanned the vessels in port, until, steaming slowly
through the scanty shipping, we came to an anchor;
but, although several lorchas were there, my friend did
not recognize the one we sought for.

As the steamer remained but a short time at Chin-
kiang, and it became necessary to leave her as soon as
possible, I sent my interpreter (whom I had taken,
together with my cook, and a female attendant for Marie
in case I should find her), amongst the numerous junks,
to hire one for us to live in for a few days, as there was
no accommodation on shore. In a little while he returned

PREPARATIONS FOR PURSUIT. 181

successful, and leaving the steamer, we all took up our new
quarters in a large Hankow junk, certainly not the most
comfortable in the world, Init still very well under the
circumstances. The worst of it was, my sleeping berth
that night happened to be in the joss-house, a little den
surrounded by a broad shelf filled Avith the most horrible-
looking small devils, of all colours and monstrosity, start-
ing forth from red-painted and tinsel-gilded little temples ;
and although the crew seemed perfectly oblivious of the
fact, by permitting the gods' or imps' desecration by the
presence of the " foreign devil," a confounded old she-
Chinese disturbed me at frequent periods throughout the
night, by crawling into my place through a little hole at
the back, to replenish the joss-sticks and incense, and to
chin-chin Joss. The witches of Macbeth wei'e nothing to
that old hag, as she stuck herself at my feet, faintly seen
by the dim light of a distant pot of oil burning from the
cud of a small piece of pith, and slowly rocked herself
about, muttering some unintelligible jargon, out of which
I could only distinguish, " tomety feh, tomety feh, tomety
fehl"

From the excited state of my mind ; the irruptions of
that aged party — probably the great-grandmother of half
the crew ; the surrounding phalanx of little devils, occa-
sionally lighted up by a red and sudden glow of the
burning joss-sticks ; the distant noise of the gambling
crew, in the fore part of the junk (Chinese sailors are
inveterate gamblers, generally spending the whole night
at it when practicable), and the irritable, restless thoughts
all this induced, it may easily be imagined how very de-
lightful my numerous dreams were that night. It seems a
singular fact that nearly all the Chinese idols are of the most
terrible and demoniacal aspect ; it is, however, easily to be
accounted for, as the Chinamen say the beneficent gods,
being good, cannot do them any harm ; but the devils
and evil gods being bad, they think it necessary to pro-
pitiate them.

182 RIVER TRACKING.

Directly we arrived at Chin-kiang, I proceeded to the
Custom-house, and ascertained that a lorcha had passed
up the river only the preceding day. I therefore at
once sent my interpreter to look out for a convenient and
fast-sailing junk, either for sale or hire. The next day
he fortunately succeeded in finding one, a cut-down up-
river junk, of a particularly fast and shallow descrip-
tion ; she had been altered into a semi-European style,
and furnished with a keel, and comfortable cabins inside,
was about 60 tons burthen, and altogether just the sort of
craft I wanted. On the river she would certainly be
faster under sail than the lorcha, and without wind she
could either be tracked along the bank or impelled by the
large sweeps (i/ulos) she carried.

As, in the event of rescuing Marie, I determined to
proceed with the vessel to Nankin, the Chinese owner,
who was also skipper, would only come to terms upon my
paying down half the value of his craft, guaranteeing the
remainder in case of loss, and hiring her at a monthly
rate. To this I instantly agreed, and hurrying all the
preparations forward, late on the same evening was enabled
to start in chase of the lorcha.

A stern chase is proverbially a long one ; but in this case
I had means of progressing that the chase had not. The
wind was too light for sailing against the strong current,
therefore I knew the lorcha must either lay at anchor
waiting for a breeze, or, if small and drawing but little
water, progress slowly by tracking along the bank ;
while, upon the other hand, with my lighter vessel I
should be able to keep close in to the shore, and track
along at the rate of two or three miles an hour.

Tracking is a very common operation in China, resem-
bling our canal tracking, only instead of horses the crew
of the vessel pull her along, a rope being taken ashore
from the mast-head, to which the men yoke themselves
with a bridle having a wooden bar to rest upon the chest ;
then away they start, singing in chorus some melancholy

IN ruiisuiT. 183

falsetto monostich, or improvising as they go. At many
parts there are regular trackers, who make it their busi-
ness. It is a hard and unprofitable life, and these poor
people, among others, are frequently seized by officials,
and compelled to track government vessels for many
hundred miles without reward, and then left to find their
way home the best way they can, if they do not starve in
the meanwhile.

The night was fortunately a bright moonlight one, and
I was enabled to make considerable progress. Before
daylight, however, the moon vanished behind the distant
hills, and, with her disappearance, we were compelled to
anchor till morning. At break of day I was up, eagerly
scanning the distant bosom of the river for the bark I was
following. Nothing but the sails of a few Chinese junks
rewarded my long and anxious gaze. Yet it was possible
the lorcha might be hid from view by the first bend of
the river, where, scarcely three miles off, its waters
disappeared behind the land.

Housing up my friends, and leaving them to follow
me by tracking slowly along, I dressed myself in Chinese
clothes, put on a broad Chinese hat, took my rifle and a
good glass, and landing with my interpreter, started ofi"
on the scout, making for an eminence some two or three
miles distant, close to the channel of the river. When
arrived at its summit, I found it commanded a capital view
of the water for many miles ; a glance told me the lorcha
was nowhere near, neither could I distinguish her in the
distance. Suddenly, my interpreter declared he could sec
her. Knowing what powerful vision the Chinese fre-
quently have, I instantly brought the spot he pointed out
— some eight or nine miles away — again into the range of
my glass. I saw several junks' masts, and after a long
and careful scrutiny, made out a couple much larger than
the rest, which might possibly be tliose of the lorcha ; but
at that distance, with nothing but the bare masts, amongst
others showing over some low land, I could not be certain.

184 THE LORCHA SIGHTED.

The Chinaman still persisted that lie was right ; and, trust-
ing he might prove so, I returned on board.

During all that day we tracked steadily forward, and
towards evening I had the satisfaction of plainly observing
the lorcha in the distance. She was also being tracked,
but was too heavy to move fast, so that we were rapidly
gaining on her, and in four or five hours ought to be
alongside. The difficulty would be to ascertain whether
Marie was on board, and if so, how situated. When
I reflected that my friend had observed her from the
steamer as he passed, it did not seem improbable that
I might see her also; but her apparent freedom sadly
interfered with the idea that she had been carried off by
force and was detained against her will. Had it been so,
she might have made signs of distress, or called for help,
when the steamer passed so close.

It was impossible to form any plan, or arrive at any
fixed conclusion. Circumstances alone could guide us.
We had now entered the Ti-ping territory, so I felt
quite confident of safety on shore, whatever might betide ;
besides, my commission from the Chung-wang would
doubtless obtain me assistance if I required it.

It would be quite easy for us to pass right alongside
the lorcha without exciting the slightest suspicion. In the
first place, her people could have not the least idea of our
pursuit ; and, in the second, we had but to hoist a Chinese
flag, and if they should happen to take any notice of our
vessel, they would simply think her a Chinese one, while
we could closely observe them from our small cabin
windows.

It was just about dusk when the lorcha ceased track-
ing, and came to an anchor under some steep hills. We
were not more than half a mile astern, so, concealing our-
selves, but making the Chinamen lounge about the decks,
and stick up an old flag full of Chinese characters, without
the slightest hesitation we held on our course. The lorcha
had anchored within thirty yards of the bank, so, giving

STRATAGEMS, 185

our vessel rather a broad sheer into the stream, we passed
close to her, iu fact, almost grazing her side. Erom our
hiding-places we could see that her crew were mostly
rortuguesc, and tliat she was armed heavily enough to
sink our lightly-built vessel in an instant ; but Marie was
not visible, neither could we distinguish any trace of her.

As my friend was positive it was the same craft he had
previously seen, it was quite certain that some woman must
be on board ; therefore I determined to ascertain who she
was. Continuing on past the lorcha for nearly a mile,
until the turning of the river hid her behind the hills she
was anchored abreast of, we hauled close iu to the bank
and made fast there.

Besides a larger boat, we carried one of the small
canoes used at some parts of the Yang-tze. In this I
decided to drop down the river whenever the moon should
set, and endeavour to discover whether Marie was on
board the strange vessel.

To favour my design, towards midnight the weather
became heavy, and the moon soon after sank behind a thick
bank of clouds ; not a star could be seen, and the night
was perfectly dark. I now dressed myself with loose black
silk trousers, such as were used by the Ti-pings, tucking
the ends into a pair of soft-soled Chinese boots, a tight
black silk jacket, and a thick black felt Canton cap. I
carried a pair of revolvers carefully loaded in my belt,
placed a coil of rope in the boat, and also a common
Chinese sleeping quilt. My friends desired to come with
me ; but I decided otherwise, for it would be desirable to
use stratagem rather than force, and three of us, besides
the man to manage the boat, would overcrowd her.
Neither would I allow them to cast off the vessel and
drop after me ; for if I should find Marie and rescue her,
it would be necessary to keep out of the range of the
lorcha's guns. I therefore pressed the hands of my
comrades, took my interpreter, a Canton man, whom
I knew I could depend upon, and, with one of the best

186 ALONGSIDE THE LOUCHA.

men of my crew to manage the boat, pushed off and com-
menced dropping down with the tide. I had scarcely left
my vessel when a sudden thought struck me, so, turning
back, I reqviested my friends to walk down the bank, take
a couple of the crew with them, all well armed, and
station themselves on the shore directly opposite the
lorcha.

The strength of the tide swept the frail boat rapidly
along, and soon I found myself abreast of the hills close
to the termination of which I knew the lorcha lay at
anchor. It was so very dark under the shadow of the high
land, that when we discerned the vessel we were within
a few hundred feet of her, and drifting down right
upon her bows. We instantly slipped overboard the
small grapnel made fast to the end of the line I had
placed in the boat, and when it reached the bottom,
held on to it, and waited to make our last prepara-
tions for boarding. I found we were still undiscovered ;
indeed, it would have been impossible to distinguish our
little canoe in the surrounding darkness even at that short
distance. After waiting a few moments, I whispered Aling
(my interpreter) to slack away the line, while the man in
the stern steered us as required with his paddle. Crouch-
ing low down in the boat, we slowly glided under the
bows of the lorcha, till we drifted right upon her cable,
grappling which I prepared to mount to the deck. Aling
was to follow me so far, and then remain stationary ; he
would thus be able to assist me in case I should retreat to
the bows with Marie, and, besides, would bring up the
other end of the line, after reeving it through a ring-
bolt in the stern of the boat, both to secvire a good means
of descent and to prevent the boatman, who we knew
had no knife, from shoving off in case of alarm.

Slowly and noiselessly I clambered up the cable, and
raising my head above the loi'cha's bulwarks peered
cautiously around. At last I was able to distinguish the
forms of many of the crew lying about the deck covered

ON BOAllD TUE LORCIIA. 187

up in their quilts. This was as I expected it would he,
and, moreover, I trusted they were the Chinese part of the
crew, for it was winter, and I calculated the Portuguese
would prefer sleeping helow.

I proceeded very deliberately with my investigations,
knowing that I had plenty of time before daylight, and
had no occasion to risk a discovery by being too precipi-
tate. Aling soon joined me, and I was just whispering
some instructions into his ear, when, with an exclamation,
up started a man within arm's length, until then concealed
by the foresail, upon the opposite side of which he must
have been reclining. Tor a moment I feared we were
discovered, and sending Aling down into the boat, drew
a revolver, while I prepared to follow him. Instead of
approaching me, the man walked aft. I then knew he
must be the look-out, who, having slept on his watch, had
pi'obably gone aft to ascertain the time. Not a moment
Avas to be lost if I intended to take advantage of his
absence ; softly calling upon Aling to return, I waited
until he had readied me, and then, slipping over the rail,
wrapped my quilt about me and walked aft.

Carefully stepping over the recumbent sleepers, I had
just reached the main-mast when I saw the drowsy
watchman returning. I instantly threw myself down on
the deck, and, drawing the quilt over me, pretended to be
seeking sleep. The device succeeded famously, for, whether
the man had seen me or not, he evidently considered
me to be one of the crew. Di-awing the corner of the rug
from over my eyes, I saw him disappear down the
fore-scuttle. Most likely his watch had expired, and he
went to rouse liis relief. Directly his head was below the
combings of the hatch, I started to my feet and continued
getting aft. When I reached the cabin skylight I spread
myself out by the side of it and gazed below. A bright
lamp was burning, and everything inside was plainly
visible. I could see a full musket-i'ack, table, books, tell-
tale compass, an open chart, a revolver-case, and all the

18S CRITICAL POSITION.

paraphernalia of a nautical drawing-room ; but wliat riveted
my eyes more than all were the sleeping-berths — one on
each side — with their curtains drawn. It was useless
gazing through the skylight; the only plan to see the
occupants of these berths would be to open the curtains
and look in. Another instant and perhaps the fresh look-
out man would be on deck. I had no tiaie to spare. If
the venture was ever to be made, now w^as the moment to
put it into execution. I hesitated no longer, but, rising
up, stole to the companion and cautiously crept down the
stairs, lifting foot after foot with a noiseless cat-like
niovonent. When I reached the bottom, I found myself
fronting another berth ; but the loud snoring I could hear
satisfied me that she whom I wanted was not there. I
passed on to the cabin door. After listening a few
minutes, I became satisfied the inmates, whoever they
might be, were fast asleep. Little did those wrapped in
the sleep of security dream that one who might prove
their deadliest enemy was in their midst ! I must have
strangely resembled the midnight murderer, as with
stealthy step I glided across the cabin, and, reaching the
lamp, turned it low and dim. One of the sleepers moved
uneasily. I shrunk down into the darkest sj)ot under the
table. Again all was quiet. I crawled up to the nearest
berth, moved tlie cu.rtain half an inch, and peeped in ; the
back of a man was visible. Slowly I crossed over to the
opposite side, and, performing the same operation at
the foot of the berth, saw a bearded face on the pillow.
Marie was not in that cabin.

A small passage led from the after-part of the saloon,
apparently dividing two after-cabins from each other.
I quickly passed into it, and paused at a door upon my left.
I listened for a little while to the profound, oppressive
silence, in which I could plainly distinguish the palpitation
of my own heart; at last I fancied I heard a female voice
within. I was just pressing my ear to the panelling when
a coarse ejaculation in a man's voice proceeding from the

A FRIEND IN NEED. 189

opposite cabin made me start back; the handle was grasped ;
I had just time to crouch down at the farthest end of
the passage, when the door was rudely thrust open. A
man came forth, evidently in a state of intoxication,
and, fortunately turning away from my direction, shook his
fist at the door I had just left ; then muttering a curse,
blundered into the outer cabin. I could hear him unfasten
a locker, take something forth, and then followed a gur-
gling, clucking sound ; the bottle was dashed down upon
the table with a clash, and then the drunkard staggered
up the companion-way on deck. Surely I heard a woman's
voice again ! I dared not remain to satisfy myself. I
had not a second to lose ; if the man should return before
I could escape from the cabin, he would certainly discover
me, and then all hope of rescuing Marie would be at an
end. I hurried through the cabin and up the companion
undiscovered, although an exclamation from one of the
berths made me fear it was otherwise.

Upon reaching the deck, I found I was safe from any
discovery upon the part of my intoxicated friend, for he
was stretched at full length upon the deck, and already in
the lethargic sleep of drunkenness. I stooped over him
to scan his features, and while doing so plainly heard
voices in the cabin. Undoubtedly I had been noticed
passing through it. As I turned towards the forepart of
the vessel, I saw the watchman coming straight towards
me. He had most likely observed my movements, and
was coming aft to ascertain what I was about, mistaking
me for one of the crew. I snatched up my quilt from
where I had left it, placed it over my head and shoulders,
and pulling my trousers out of my boots, assumed the
Chinaman as much as possible, and walked to meet him.
Fortunately it was the darkest hour of the night — that
immediately before the grey of morning, — and the thick
clouds made it still more sombre. Until close up to me I
did not perceive he was followed by a Chinaman ; the
man himself was a Portuguese. I loosened one of my

190 FAILUKE.

revolvers, and taking it by the barrel under my quilt,
prepared to fell him. These Macao Portuguese nearly
all spGak the Canton dialect, with which I was unac-
quainted ; and as tlie Chinese portion of the lorcha's crew
would certainly be Cantonese, I expected he would address
me in their language, and discover me at once. To my
surprise he spoke in the Fldgin English by saying : —

" What thing wantchee aft side. Jack ? " To wliich I
replied, with indignant emphasis, —

" Si-ya ! what ting ? wantchee look see what-tim,
ga-la ! "

The Portuguese, seemingly dissatisfied, seized hold of
my rug. Just then the Chinaman who had followed him
interfered, and, pulling me away, exclaimed to him, —

" What for foolo pidgin ? No wantchee play ga-la !"

The Portuguese still seemed suspicious ; but, giving me
a pull, Aling — for it was he — laid himself down as if to
repose, and I quickly imitated him. Although this
vigilant look-out now left us, for more than an hour he
continued pacing the deck close by ; daylight was fast
approaching, and we were tied to the spot. Aling told
me that when he saw the look-out come aft he suspected
it w^as to overhaul me, and, thinking the man would
speak to me in Cantonese, he followed him to assist me.
It was principally for emergencies of this sort I had
brought Aling with me.

At last the watchful mariner moved aft to see what
time it was, I imagine ; so, taking the opportunity, we
both got forward, and, casting off the line, descended
into the boat. It was impossible to attempt any fur-
ther discovery that night, for although I had not been
followed by the inmates of the outer cabin, it was
evident they had heard me pass, or something had dis-
turbed and made them wakeful ; besides, it was too late
now, for daylight was already breaking. Bitterly disap-
pointed, I was compelled to order my companions to pull
the bout away from under the lorcha's bows by hauling

LORCTIA AGAIN RECONNOITKED. 191

in the line, to weigh the grapnel, and to paddle inshore.
Directly we reached the hank, I was met by my friends,
who rushed forward to inquire what success I had met
with ; in a few words I told them all. At first they de-
clared they would return with me to the lorcha, jump
on board, force the cabin I had heard the female voice
proceed from, and if Marie was there endeavour to carry
her off; soon, however, they decided upon a more rea-
sonable course. Our boat was too small to carry all ;
the sharp look-out would most likely discover us ; there
certainly Avould not be time to paddle the boat, heavily
laden, up stream, and adopt my last manoeuvre ; and
we were quite unequal to cope with the four or five Euro-
peans and some ten or twelve Macao Portuguese, besides
Canton men, on board. The thing was plainly imprac-
ticable ; our only course was to wait imtil the next
night, and then try the same plan over again. I had
made several important discoveries. If Marie was on
board, I knew where to find her. I had acquainted
myself with the interior arrangements of the lorcha, and
I was enabled to form a pretty accurate estimate of her
crew ; so that I had obtained some valuable facts to guide
me upon a second attempt.

I returned to my vessel much disturbed in mind ; the
menacinET gesture of the drunken brute I had seen in the
passage, the voice proceeding from tlie cabin he appeared
to threaten, the possibility that ]\Iarie was the inmate
who had evidently excited and angered him, were painful
reflections.

Soon after my return on board the day broke, and my
companions retired to obtain the rest they had been
without all night. For my part sleep was out of the
question ; I was in a complete fever, and unable to do
or think of anything else than the prol)able result of my
next attempt to discover Marie. The day was perfectly
calm ; undisturbed by a ripple, the broad expanse of the
mighty Yang-tzc glided swiftly past, glistening in the

192 INCREASED DIFFICULTIES.

lurid sun like a sheet of liquid gold. Unable to pro-
ceed, through want of wind and the strength of the
current, the lorcha remained at anchor ; while many
times during the weary day I landed, and, concealed
amidst the bushes, watched her through my telescope.
I was unable to discover anything. The day was very
cold, and but few of the crew Avere about the decks. At
last, towards evening, I made my last reconnoitre, accom-
panied by my friend and one of our crew, — the latter
for the purpose of acting as a scout upon the movements
of the lorcha ; for, a liglit breeze having sprung up, it was
just possible she might attempt to get under weigh.

It was upon this occasion I made a discovery that led
to important results. My attention was attracted to her
stern windows. It was a fortunate circumstance that
we had gone rather below the vessel, as otherwise we
could not have noticed them. After closely watching
these ports until quite dark, and observing nothing of tlie
interior of the after-cabin or its inmates, we returned to
our vessel with sanguine hopes for the issue of the night's
adventure.

My impatience became gratefully relieved in one way
by the early setting of the moon, but, upon the other
hand, the night continued bright and starlight, — in fact,
so bright that it was evidently impossible to repeat my
modus operandi of the previous night. Here was an
apparently insurmountable difficulty, for I should never
be able to approach the lorcha undiscovered ! For several
hours I remained in deep consultation with my friends ;
but after discussing every plan we could imagine, the fact
remained patent, that none could be effected without
attracting observation ; unless, indeed, I could hit upon the
exact moment for relieving the look-out man at some period
between midnight and the dawn, and when the rest of the
crew would almost certainly be fast asleep. I had almost
decided to adopt this course, w hen my friend and Philip
proposed another. Their idea was, to get our vessel under

ANOTHEU ATTEMPT. 193

woigh in the middle of the night, tack down the river, and
then get athwart hawse of the lorcha, as if by accident ;
drop an anchor foul of the lorcha's, and while all hands
would 1)0 forward working to get the vessel clear, find
an opportunity to prosecute my search. This certainly
appeared feasible, and almost superior to the other plan ;
but, fortunately, while considering which to adopt, I hit
upon something better than either. I suddenly remem-
bered the ruse the Chinese pirates had attempted with me ;
prompted by this, I conceived a plan that in all respects
promised to take me silently and undiscovered to the posi-
tion I desired — under tlie stern of the lorcha. Directly
I unfolded the project to my companions, they agreed
with me that it was impossible to conceive a better.

It was already nearly midnight ; we therefore com-
menced our preparations without delay. Upon this oc-
casion, I decided to take my friend as a companion ; we
each dressed in black clothes, and besides taking our
revolvers, placed a couple of rifles in the boat. In the
meanwhile, according to my instructions, Philip had made
the crew prepare a large drag, in the form of a cross, made
with two short and broad spars, lashed together at their
centres. When this was ready, the end of a long coir
rope was made fast to the middle, the other end being
fastened to our canoe, with a few fathoms to spare, which
were passed ashore. The drag was now placed in our
large bf.nt, and being pulled far out on the river, was
tossed overboard ; this was signalled by showing a lamp.
Directly I saw the light, I gave the word to start away :
Philip and three of the crew,' Avell armed, taking the end
of the rope, Avalked down the bank, keeping our canoe
close under its shadow, and progressing as fast as the
drag at the otlier end of the rope was driftng with the
current. After proceeding in this order for twenty
minutes, during which we had slowly been hauling
in the line till we had coiled nearly half of it in the
canoe, we arrived fairly abeam of the lorcha, and,

194 ALONGSIDE THE LORCHA AGAIN.

almost immediately afterwards, felt the jerk of the rope
as it caught across her cable. Gradually easing it
out, our companious dragged us carefully past the vessel
— scarcely a hundred feet distant. At length the rope
was all payed out to the bare end, and taking a small
line, one end of which was retained by our companions
ashore, we let go from the bank, and the current quickly
swept us into the stream until we were checked by
it in a direct line astern of the lorcha, now dimly
visible in the distance. We had one Chinaman in the
boat to steer and paddle as necessary, and slowly and cau-
tiously we began hauling in the rope. \Ye had not pro-
ceeded far, when we came up to the drag towing some 70
or 80 yards astern of the lorcha. To the upper arm of this
we made fast a lantern with a candle and matches in it
all ready to light in a moment, and then continued hauling
upon the rope, which, as we took it inboard, was passed
over the stern by the Chinaman, and pulled ashore to
Philip and his men, by means of the small line.

When within fifty feet of the lorcha, we paused
awhile, and watched closely to ascertain whether any of
her crew were visible ; we were soon satisfied that our
approach could be conducted with perfect impunity, for
her stern was high, and not only protected us from the
observation of the look-out in the fore part of the vessel,
but would hide us from the view of any one except a person
coming to look directly over the taflfrail. We could dis-
tinguish by the light from within, only half-subdued by
thin drapery, four stern ports, two on each side ; but to
see who, or what, was in the cabins, it would be necessary
to i"emove the curtains. Stealthily and silently we now
urged ourselves forward, passing the rope along, hand over
hand, till at last there we lay right under the lorcha's
counter — like a pilot-fish under the lee of a huge shark.
Erecting myself in the boat, I found that my shoulders
reaching just to the sill of the ports, I could easily raise
myself up ; but, to my chagrin, found they were too small

MAllIE DISCOVERED. 195

for me to pass tlivough. It was evident that originally
only two ports had existed, but they were now divided
into four, by a slight stanehion, or framework, passing
down the centre of each. The curtains of the starboard
side were closely drawn, the glass part of a sliding sash
closed, and it was impossible to see within. Slacking
away the rope a little, I grasped the other part of it, and
changed our position to the port counter.

The curtains were not so carefully closed at this side,
and looking through the open space I was able to view the
whole interior of the cabin. My first glance was attracted
by the same man I had seen issue from it on the previous
night ; he was seated at a table, and I saw directly by his
flushed face that he had been drinking again veiy freely.
The light from a large lamp was brilliant, and I could
observe his every expression with ease, — he was evidently
labouring under strong excitement, and in a few moments
I saw him pour out a stiff " second-mate's nip " of neat
brandy, and gulp it down. Ilis appearance became, if
possible, still more inflamed, and several times he started
up and went towards the cabin door, snatching up a key
from the table. Upon each occasion, after hesitating and
listening at the open door, with a fresh efl'ort, and a drop
of brandy to obtain resolution, he resumed his seat, gritting
his teeth and clenching his hands savagely. His manner
plainly told of some evil intention, and that he was en-
deavouring to raise his determination to put it into
execution. The glass sash was not quite closed, and as
he retired from the door for the last time I heard a bitter
" carajo ! " hiss through his teeth with fierce aspiration ;
followed by a few words uttered with energy in some
Spanish patois, from which I could gather : " carajo ! my
proud beauty — you scorn my love, do you ? ^Yait a little 1
wait a little, my lady ; we shall change places soon."

The man's appearance was so unmistakably South
American that I felt no surprise at his language. I
had no doubt that his speech referred to the inmate of

o 2

196 MAEIE RESCUED.

the opposite calnn, so I instantly returned under its win-
dows to try and make some opening to see who she was.
L., my friend, handed me a large bowie-knife he had fortu-
nately brought with him ; I managed to pick the window
open with this, and moving the curtain with my fingers, I
peered cautiously through. I had no occasion to search
further — Marie was befoi-e me. Yes, there lay my be-
trothed ; within a few feet, almost within reach of my
hands ; yet I could neither toucli, or embrace lier — she
was in the power of the ruffian I had just seen. My
fingers trembled nervously with the curtain and sides of
the port, while my heart heaved with sudden and powerful
excitement. For some moments I remained thus, riveted
and powerless. At the first glance I saw nothing but
Marie ; but when the sudden shock had passed, a single
moment explained the situation. She was sleeping upon
a sofa couch, and tlie table, chairs, and every moveable
article of furniture in the cabin, were piled against the
door. Her face was turned away from me, but I needed
not to look upon that to recognize her; the graceful form,
perfectly outlined against the white drapery of the couch,
told that it was Marie.

When my thoughts returned, I became convinced
I could not be better placed for rescuing her. She was
alone, within my reach, and I was at the most con-
cealed spot about the lorcha to take advantage of the
opportunity. A dark shadow surrounded the vessel, and,
besides this, our little boat was drawn close up under
her stern. Nothing seemed likely to interfere with my
scheme to eff'ect her escape except one thing, and that was,
the ports were too small for egress by them ! My friend
took my place in the bow of our boat to survey the situa-
tion ; the instant he placed his hand lapon the port, he drew
his knife and commenced hacking away at the stanchion :
if this could be removed, there would be room to pass
through the two ports thus let into one. Desperately
my friend slashed away at the woodwork ; his knife was

MAllIE RESCUED. 197

sharp, and he made rapid progi'css. Marie still slept on,
and I would not awaken her for fear any sudden excla-
mation might startle him in the opposite cabin.

Tiie observations and action thus described occupied
but a short time. Thoughts are quick, but at such a crisis
they speed like lightning. Our work, too, was rapid, and
soon would be accomplished ; and it would only remain
to bring Marie from the cal)in to the boat, through the
stern ports of the lorcha.

The stanchion was about four inches thick, and my
friend had cut it more than half through, when, suddenly
he sank down in the boat, exclaming, " liisli." Reaching
to me, be whispered that some one was unlocking the cabin
door from the outside. I instantly changed places with
him, and, raising myself cautiously to a level with the
port, peeped through. I saw the door slowly opening,
while a band passed through was holding the furniture
that had been piled up, and keeping it from falling as the
door was gradually pressed inwards. Marie had evidently
fallen into a deep sleep through excessive fatigue, for even
this noise did not wake her.

Not a moment was to be lost. I turned to my friend,
and whispered him to band me one of the rifles from the
stern of the boat. Upon receiving the weapon, I placed
its muzzle close to the cut on the stanchion and fired.
33efore the smoke cleared away I grasped the sill of the
port, the shattered woodwork gave way, and I raised
myself into the cabin. Directly I was able to discern
anything, I saw that Marie had stai'ted from her couch,
and was gazing in a terrified manner in the direction of
the report ; but, calling upon her by name as I advanced
nearer, she recognized me and rushed into my arms.

As I hurried her towards the stern ports, the door was
pushed further open. For a second I paused, and fired
my revolver at the man I had previously seen in the
opposite cabin, just as he appeared in the doorway with
a pistol in each hand. My shot took eflect, for he fell

198 SAFE ON BOARD.

prostrate across the threshold. Immediately afterwards I
heard the loud shouting of the alarmed crew, and the
noise of hurrying footsteps approaching the cahin.

Upon reaching the port, I found L. all ready to receive
me, and hastily passed Mai'ie into the boat. Just as we
shoved off, the door was burst wide open, and in rushed a
crowd of men, some holding lights, and all armed.
We hauled in upon the part of the rope fast to the drag,
and, reaching it, set light to the lantern on its upper arm.
Directly this was done we cut each part of the rope, letting
go one end, and thus sending the drag floating down the
river, while the other end was made fast to the bow of
our boat. The lantern was not only intended to throw
the people of the lorcha oif our track, but it was to be a
signal to our friends on shore to haul away upon the rope
and pull us to the bank. It had just tautened, and
pulled us out of a line with the drag, when crash went
a volley of musketry from the lorcha, and we heard
the bullets go singing past in the direction of the floating
light.

Within three minutes after cutting the rope we reached
the bank, and were tracked up stream by Philip and his
men. Before getting abeam of the lorcha we had the
satisfaction to hear a boat pull away from her in pursuit
of the now distant lantern.

Upon reaching my vessel I took Marie to the best
cabin, and left her with the ayah I had brought to wait
uj)on and attend to her. For some time I was left to my
own reflections, my friends being engaged getting the
vessel under weigh, and making the crew track her along
the bank.

At last Marie was ready to receive me, and on my
joining her she gave me an account of all that had hap-
pened since our last parting. It appeared that everything
had gone on quietly and happily until a few evenings
previous to my arrival at Shanghac, when one night Marie
and her relatives were startled by a loud knocking at the

Marie's explanation. 199

door. This Avas no sooner opened tlian in rushed ten or a
dozen men, led by the one I had sliot, who was no other
than IVlanoel Ramon, the Chillinian I had rescued her
from in the first place at Whampoa. He declared he
intended taking them all to Hong-kong, where he stated
]\Iarie's father was waiting to receive her. He allowed
them to take their clothes and a few light articles ; they
were then taken to a lonely part of the river, and carried
on board the lorcha, Avhich directly afterwards weighed
anchor and commenced dropping down the river. Upon
getting well clear of "VVoosnng, at the entrance of the
Shanghae river, the lorcha was stopped alongside a junk,
and Marie's two relatives — her aunt and uncle — were put
on board, and the vessels instantly separated. E-amon
then informed her that her father was dead, that he had
been made his heir, and that a settlement had been left
her upon condition that she should marry him. Eor the
first few days he had renewed his old protestations of
affection, and treated her respectfully ; but latterly, find-
ing her aversion immovable, his bearing had entirely
altered.

llapidly flew the time, as, absorbed in our happiness,
we remained unconscious of its flight ; at last I was
startled by the increased motion of the vessel, and knew
that a fresh breeze had sprung up. This change had not
lasted long, when my friend L. came to the cabin-door
and beckoned me to go out to him. Wishing Marie good-
night, and leaving her to obtain the repose she needed, I
followed him into the outer cabin, and eagerly inquired
what had occiu-red.

" Why, that confounded lorcha's in full chase, and will
ccrtainlv overhaul us within three hours," said mv friend.

I hixrried on deck with him, and found it was just
daylight, and although we had xmdoubtedly made con-
siderable progress before the lorcha had started in pursuit,
yet there she was, some five or six miles astern, and
crowding all sail in chase.

200 THE LOECHA IN PURSUIT.

After tliinlcing it over a little while, we decided that
sending the light adrift npon the river had brought about
the pursuit. When the men sent in chase had come up
to it, they doubtless saw at once that it had been sent to
drift down the river, and as it was certain it could not
have been started above the people they were in pursuit
of, it was equally sure that we must be above it. We
had not thought of this at the time ; we only valued it as
a ruse to throw oif the close pursuit we expected, and so
give us time to return to our vessel undiscovered. So
far we were successful, but the whole style of the drag
proved to the lorcha's people that we must be above them,
and tip the river, which caused her to give chase so soon.

We were at this time some twelve or fourteen miles
below Nankin, and I at once determined to make
for that place with all speed. The sails were wetted
down fore and aft, and everything done to make them
draw as well as possible. The breeze was moderately
strong, but freshening, and the stronger it came the
quicker would the lorcha overhaul us, for being of an
European and heavier build, and spreading loftier and
lighter canvas than we did, it would tell considerably in
her favour. Fortunately the wind was dead aft, so our
flat and shallow bottom was in this case an advantage,
whereas, a beam or leading wind would have made it
quite the reverse. The wind increased so quickly that in
less than two hours the lorcha had rapidly gained upon
us, and was coming up hand over hand in a cloud of
canvas. She was yet more than two miles astern, but
I was still some six miles below Nankin, and although
the breeze was now very strong, I could net, with an
adverse tide, hope to reach that city before we were
within the range of her pivot gun.

We tried every plan to increase our speed ; an old
awning was rigged out as a stun'-sail upon one side, and a
spare tarpaulin on the other, besides which, several large
flags were fastened together, bent to a large bamboo, and

SHE GAINS ON US. 201

hoisted above tbe mainsail to serve as a gaff-topsail. It
was now blowing- half a gale of wind, and over a three or
four knot tide, the old vessel was staggering along under
a press of sail she had nev6r felt before. Tollowing
directly in our wake, like a sleuth-hound on the trail, the
lorcha presented at this time a striking, though to us un-
pleasant, picture. E oiling heavily from side to side, her
snow-white sails pyramid-like in form, and reaching from
the deck to the very summit of her long and taper spars,
now bending like willows to the blast ; a long furrow of
foam following in her wake, and two lines of water leap-
ing from each bow^, and tossing high into the air a silver
spray, through which the morning sun formed myriads of
tiny rainbows ; the stoop of the vessel, as with a movement
like the bending of a buffalo to the charge, she plunged
forward burying her bows deep into the rushing surge,
and anon raising them high above as though to shake the
dripping element from her head — all these phases in the
appearance of our pursuer made her look a thing of life
and beauty. While gazing and thinking thus, I was
abruptly recalled from the romantic to the stern reality
of the scene. The lorcha suddenly luffed up, puff went a
column of smoke from her lee bow, and while it was
eddying amidst her cordage the splash of a shot a few
fathoms from our stern, accompanied by the booming of a
cannon, told me the danger had now commenced in
earnest, and that our pursuer was aware of our connection
with the affair of the previous night.

The shot had fallen so close under our stern that it
was certain the next five minutes would find us within
range and entirely commanded by the lorcha's guns.
Upon the other hand, another half-hovir might see us safe
under the walls of Nankin, unless some of our spars should
be cripj)led, or a shot strike us below the water-line. If
either of these misfortunes should occur, before we could
make repairs aloft the lorcha would be alongside ; if hulled,
before reaching the Nankin batteries we should sink. I

202 THE LOIICHA OPENS FIRE.

therefore made every preparation to run into the bank
and get asbore, in the event of such an emergency.

I placed Marie in the hold, right upon the bottom of
the vessel, where she would be below the water-line far
enough to be safe from the lorcha's fire. My friends and
self got our rifles and a few tbings ready in case we should
have to take to the shore. We had the sails continually
wetted, and made the crew run fore and aft the decks to
help the vessel's way. In a few moments the lorcha
luffed up again, bang went her " long Tom," and the shot
came whistling over our heads, passing some yards clear
of our rio-o-ini?. We were now fairly within range, and
our pursuer fired at us as quickly as the pivot-gun could
be loaded and brought to bear. This kind of work Avent
on for some time, till at last the outworks of Nankin
showed, up only a mile or so ahead. The lorcha had
hitherto fired exclusively at our spars, but directly these
forts opened to view, she began aiming at our hull.
Several large rents were torn through our sails, though
fortunately none of our spars had been struck ; but the
gunnery practice of our enemy now became close and
dangerous. Two or three shots hurtled past a few feet
over the decks, but then crash came one right amidships,
tearing in at one side and passing clean through the other,
as we rounded a sandbank and became nearly broadside
on to the lorcha. As avc fell into line again another
smashed through the stern, and, knocking off the helms-
man's head, passed over the bows, raking us fore and aft,
but fortviuately killing no one else. The lorcha having to
round-to each time she fired, in order to get her pivot-
gun to bear, her way was checked very considerably;
and to this may our escape be entirely attributed. At
the time our helmsman was struck we had already
reached the first of the Nankin batteries. The people on
board the lorcha now saw their mistake, and, ceasing
firing, kept steadily on in chase. They changed
their tactics — fortunately for us — too late. Hoisting a

^■l

■J

■

'^t^

■■^

pfe-.

-!^^'

-^S ,>?'-

S""

•^

'—

?■■

-T

SAFE AMONG THE TI-PINGS. 203

flag the Ti-pings had given me when I left Soo-chow, I
steered past the point of the island just below Nankin,
and passing the batteries — crowded with soldiery gazing
upon the chase — ran into the creek, leading between some
fortifications direct to the walls of the city, and there
anchored.

Directly I ran up the Ti-ping flag I was boarded by an
oflBcer fi'om the principal fort. To him I showed my
commission from the Chung-wang, and requested protec-
tion from the pursuing vessel. He pulled quickly ashore,
and just as the lorcha was rounding the point of the island
and preparing to follow me into the creek, I had the
satisfaction to see a gun fired across her bows, upon
which she hauled off' and gave up the pursuit, her retreat
accelerated by another shot from the fort sent right
into her.

"While watching her through my glass, I plainly ob-
served her owner, Manoel Ramon, propped up in a chair
on the quarter-deck.

204 TI-PING OPEllATIONS.

CHAPTER VIII.

Ti-ping Operations. — Chinese Apathy. — The Ti-ping Difficulty. — Popular
Feeling. — Opposed to the Ti-puigs. — England's Policy. — Her Motives.

— Dr. Bridgiuan describes Ti-pingdom. — His Description of the
Ti-pings. — X. Y. Z. — Ti-pingdom in 18-57. — Its Internal Economy. —
Loi'd Elgin at Nankin. — Gallant Exploit. — Its Interpretation. —
Hung-jLn arrives at Nankin. — Hung-jin's Adventures. — Mr. Ham-
berg's Narrative. — Hung-jin's Pamjihlet. — Hung-jin Prime Minister.

— Nankin Invested. — Resumption of Hostilities. — '• Indemnity"
demanded. — Conditions of Peace. — Cause of Wars with China. —
England's Foreign Policy. — The Opium Wars.

TOWARDS the close of 1854, the detached armies of
Ti-piugs were gradually compelled to abandon their
isolated positions, and retire closer upon their capital.
During October, after forwarding all the supplies obtain-
able to the treasury and granaries of Nankin, the Western
armies evacuated the important cities of Wu-chang, Han-
yang, and Hankow, and collecting- the garrisons of the
many others bctAveen them and Nankin, retired quickly
upon the latter, the siege of which the Imperialists were
beginning to press with a vigour encouraged by the
weakness of the garrison. This army falling rapidly upon
the rear of the enemy's works, put them to flight with
great slaughter, and completely raised the siege. After
this, another force was marched to the relief of Chin-kiang,
which was also invested by a considerable Imperialist
army. At the close of the year, both Nankin and Chin-
kiang were efi'ectually relieved, and the besieging armies
driven back upon the cities of Soo-chow and Shanghae in
confusion. With the exception of the Northern army, in
occupation of the north side of the Yang-tze from Ngan-

CHINESE APATHY. 205

king to Kwei-chow, nearly all tlie Ti-ping forces were
concentrated in and about the cities of Nankin and Chin-
kiang, when, again committing the error former expe-
rience should have taught him to avoid, the Tien-wang
separated his forces, and despatched several armies upon
widely divergent courses.

The principal operations were conducted towards
the south, in the provinces of Kiaug-su, Ngan-whui,
and the borders of Che-kiang and Kiang-si, and to-
wards the west, along the old route of the Yang-tze
and beyond the Tung-ting lake. Early in 18.55 the
Western division, successful in all its operations, reached
the city of Hankow, and Wu-chang, the provincial capital,
was for the third time carried by storm, the Manchoo
defenders suffering fearful loss. The Ti-pings now held
the three cities for a longer period tlian before ; but,
altliough they obtained numerous recruits, they were
unable to occupy the adjoining provinces permanently
and rescue them from the Manchoo rule. The people at
large, finding the revolution was to a certain extent
stationary, naturally waited for some grand and combined
movement likely to overthrow the Manchoo rule, and,
however much they Avould have rejoiced at the change,
were careful to avoid implicating themselves against the
government until the prospect of success became more
apparent. The fearful experience of former failures
warned the nation to be cautious — in fact, the cautious
alone remained in the land of the living, the indiscriminate
massacres after the slightest attempt at rebellion having
exterminated nearly every noble and patriotic spirit in
China. Besides, many who might otherwise have hazarded
the venture held back on account of the Ti-ping profes-
sion of Christianity (a change of the ancient national train
of custom and ideas what they not only looked upon witli
suspicion, but with actual abhorrence). The hatred of the
Manchoo must indeed have been intense — or rather, the
hand of God powerful — to overcome the old and jealous

20G THE TI-PING DIFFICULTY.

prejudices of more than 2,000 years, and give the Tien-
wang even any adherents.

The Southern army, hreaking into several divisions
during 1855, was mostly victorious ; many cities were
captured, and large supplies of every necessary and war
material taken. Partisans were sent into all the southern
provinces and many local insurrections stimulated, hut all
too feeble and desultory to he of any real assistance to
the cause ; though the prompt and savage punishments
inflicted by the Manchoo authorities undoubtedly proved
very damaging, the fear they inspired awing the people
into submission, and terrifying them from rising in re-
bellion again.

^ Por more than a year the Southern and Western
armies maintained their position ; but early in 1856 they
were again forced to retire upon Nankin, which had
become reinvested by the Imperialists. It will thus be
seen that, while the Ti-pings were detaching small armies
just able to overcome the local Manchoo authorities, the
Imperialists, after reinforcing the provincial troops so as
to enable them to dispute the ground with varying success,
invariably concentrated all their reserves and spare forces
before Nankin. Considering that the Imperialists had
vastly superior numbers, and, moreover, held the whole
of the revenue, and completely sun-ounded the insurgents
upon every side, the greatly superior organization and
courage of the Ti-pings is sufficiently proved by the fact
that they were able to compete with their more advanta-
geously situated enemy so successfully.

In the middle of the year, the Imperialists were
attacked by the recalled Ti-ping forces, before the city
of Chin-kiang, and were defeated with heavy loss ; about
the same time, their lines before Nankin were assaulted
by another division and comj)letely broken vip.

In this year an event took place, the consequences of
which have proved almost fatal to the Ti-ping revolution.
From a period long anterior to the commencement of the

POPULAll FEELINCr. 207

movement, the position of Europeans in China was most
unsatisfactory. The growing dread the Manchoos enter-
tained of foreign intercourse urged them to the adoption
of the most repulsive and arrogant behaviour upon all
occasions, and it was just at the period this was becoming
almost unbearable that the Ti-ping insurrection took
place. It was therefore only natural that Europeans
should regard the rising power favourably. Directly the
organization and professions of the Tien-wang became
fully known, it was almost the universal practice to
warmly advocate his cause, and sound thrilling paeans in
his praise. The clergy and religious world went half
mad with joy ; the societies for providing Bibles for the
naked savages who could not read them, almost feared
their work was coming to an end ; and the mercantile part
of the foreign world entered into the wildest speculations
(excepting the opium smugglers). Eagerly the clerical
expounders of mercy and goodwill wrote home glowing
accounts of the success of their teaching — blessed by an
overruling Providence ! — eagerly the whole body of mer-
chants, officials, adventurers, &c., watched for some
favourable prospect oi j)'"ofit, or, as the thing is speciously
termed, of " placing our commercial and political rela-
tions upon a satisfactory basis " ! All these benevolent
and large-minded Europeans waited a little, and when
they found the profitable change would probably take a
long time to perfect, while in the interval their gain might
be diminished, it was absolutely wonderful how their
sympathy — like Bob Acre's courage — oozed out at their
fingers' ends. Events soon occurred that extinguished
the last remnant of philanthropy. The missionaries (only
a certain portion of them, be it remembered) found out
they could not take all the credit of the rebellion to
themselves, — or rather the religious clement of it ; there-
fore they gradually cooled down, and some of them began
to revile it, at the same time taking precious good care
not to put themselves to inconvenience by going to teach

208 OPPOSED TO THE TI-PINGS.

the Ti-pings where they were in error. The political
and commercial body also found they would have to wait
for their ambitious and profitable projects, which did not
suit them at all.

It was at such a crisis, the seizure of the opium-
smuggling lorcha Arrow afforded a pretext for an appeal
to arms ; and this furnished all those favourable cir-
cumstances, hitherto expected from the Ti-ping move-
ment, by a shorter and more direct road. It was suffi-
cient for a portion of the body mercantile, that they
would get their nefarious opium traffic legalized, and
their general trade increased ; it was sufficient for the
body politic that they would be able to place their diplo-
matic affairs upon a satisfactory standing, and so humble
the power of the Chinese government as to be able to do
with it whatever they liked, compelUng it to conform to
their will in every way — and all for nothing, as the
Manchoo government would be made pay the expenses
England would incur by an aggressive war. The Ti-pings
were at once thrown overboard. It mattered not that their
cause was righteous and holy ; it was no longer profit-
able to the British trader or his government, and with
the usual error of mean selfishness, they took it for
granted that the Manchoos would always remain power-
less, or else forc^et to retaliate when thev became able,
for the gross treatment they had received ; neither
could they perceive that although delays might interpose
before the final success of the Ti-pings, yet that, after a
short probation, the willing and unrestricted commerce
the latter would encourage, would be more profitable than
the vmwilling and forced trade the Manchoos were coerced
into. Although meanness is generally the result of igno-
rance, it seems almost a, fatality that so large a portion of
Englishmen should have acted so wrongfully, and have
been so forgetful of their national fair-play. The whole
affair speaks too plainly of avarice and incompetent
statesmanship.

England's police. 209

Commander Brine, R.N., in his valuable and fairly-
expressed work, " The Taeping Rebellion," at pages 271-2,
very truthfully observes : —

" The principal reason for the decliae of tlie popularity of the rebeUiou
amongst Europeans may be found in the great change that has occurred in
our political relations witli the Manchoo government."

Again, speaking of the treaty settled after the " lorcha.
Arrow war," he says : —

" Two of its clauses, noted below, not only made the further progi-ess
of the Taepings unprofitable, but absolutely made their simple existence
most objectionable to all Europeans who hoped to open t^ade with those
provinces hang adjacent to the upper waters of the Yang-tze. VV hen Lord
Elgin proceeded to Han-kow, he evidently looked upon them as a mere
body of rebels, sooner or later to be suppressed by government, and that
they in the intcr^'al interfered with the due carrying into execution the
terms of his treaty. Consequently he was not inclined to show them
much favour."

In this perfectly true conclusion is concealed, the real
motive of the conduct the British Government has pur-
sued towards the Ti-pings. Not only in China, but over
the whole world — from Denmark to America, from
Abyssinia to Brazil, from New Zealand to Japan, — the
policy of England has been derogatory to her dignity,
and would be calculated to elicit merely feelings of con-
tempt were it not so dangerous to her future welfare. It
seems, however, that the majority of Englishmen are
satisfied with a course of administration which advocates
" peace at any price," except when war can be undertaken
with impunity, and some aggression committed uj)on a
weak neighbour, who is then compelled to pay all the
expenses. I, for one, protest against such lowering of
England's dignity and "just influence." I protest against
the sacrifice of national honour to mercenary interest, —
of principle to profit.

Commander Brine's opinion has been amply verified —
he wrote it early in 18G2 ; since which period England,
regardless of all pledges of neutrality, has deliberately

210 HER MOTIVES.

upheld the Manchoo dynasty, and made war upon the
Ti-pings, not to support any high principle, hut prompted
hy regard for the indemnity money to he wrested from the
Imperialists, influenced hy the profits of the opium
trade, and anxious to support the Elgin treaty, which
otherwise would have become inoperative.

It is no less singular than true, that the wars with the
Manchoo government in reality weakened it hut very
little : — in the first place, the British troops were always
met hy the local forces, none being withdrawn from op-
position to the internal danger, which was dreaded much
more than any arising from the foreign expeditions ; — in
the second, the indemnity money being deducted from the
increased duties levied upon the foreign trade, instead of
impoverishing the Manchoo exchequer, was taken directly
from the pockets of the foreign merchants ; and although
the exchequer was so much less in hand, it could hardly he
looked upon as a loss, considering that only one-fifth of the
gross customs revenue of the ports open to foreign trade was
taken, and that the trade has enlarged amply enough to
make the returns, minus the indemnity, more than equal
to what they were before the war.

Subsequent to the visit of H.M.S. Hermes, and the
French steamer Cassinl, the next communication between
the Ti-pings and Europeans took place a little more than
a year later, when the American minister visited Nankin
in the U.S. frigate Susquehanna. The few extracts I give
from the accounts of the Rev. Dr. Bridgeman, and
another writer, X.Y.Z., each members of the expedition,
coincide exactly with all opinions ever given of the Ti-pings
by credible people who have held personal intercourse
with them ; and it is a singular, if not a sinister circum-
stance, that these accounts are all totally different from
the dispatches of Sir E. Bruce (British minister at Pekin),
and consuls of similar tendencies, who have either never
seen the Ti-pings, or at all events know nothing of their
government, life, and manners.

DR. BRIDGEMAN DESCRIBES TI-PINGDOM. 211

The following are extracts from the Rev. Dr. Bridge- •
man : —

" 1. Tlieii' government is a theocracy, the development apparently of
what is believed by them to be a new dispensation. As in the case of the
Israelites under Moses, they regard themselves as dii-ected by one who has
been raised up by the Almighty to be the executor of his will on earth.

" 5. Their government is administered with remarkable etiergy.

" Far in the distance, hovering over the hill-tops — southward from
Chin-kiang-foo, tlie guardian city of the Great Canal, and northward from
Nankin, we saw encamped small bands of the Imperialists, while all the armed
multitiides in, and immediately around these two cities, wrought up almost
to frenzy, seemed eager to rush forth and take vengeance on them as their
deadly foes, — ' fat \-ictims,' said they, ' fit only for slaughter.' They exidted
as they exhibited to us the scars and the wounds they had received in
bloody conflicts with the Manchoo troops, always called by them, ' monster
imps.'

" G. Their order and discipline are no less remarkable than their A
energy. Under this new rer/ime, both tobacco and opium ai'e prohibited.

" Every kind of strong drink, too, would seem to come into the same
category, and if any is used, it is only by special permission."

At the city of Wuhu : —

" The people had returned : — whole families, — men, women, and chil-
dren, — were seen in their own houses, merchants in their shops, and
market people going and coming with provisions ; all most submissive to
the officei-s and police, as they passed along the streets.

" It was at their ' holy city,' however, as they frequently called their
new capital, that their order and discipline were observed in the greatest
perfection. Parts of the city were approjiriated exclusively for the uses
of the wives and daughters of those men who were abroad, as their armies,
or elsewhere employed in the public service.

" Everj'where else, as well as in the ' holy city,' extreme watchfulness
was observed in the maintenance of order ; and all iiTcgulai-ities, and
infractions of the laws, were rebuked or punished with a promptitude
seldom seen among the Chinese. All persons, without exception, had theii-
appointed places and then- appropriate duties assigned, and all moved like
clockwork."

Their unity of purpose Dr. Briclgeman speaks of as
follows : —

" There is no community separate from their one body politic ; at least ^
none a|)pears, and uo traces of any could we find."

V 2

212 DR. BRIDGEMAN

Of their religion he reported : —

" Christians they may be in name ; and they are, in very deed, incono-
clcasts of the strictest order. They have in theii- possession probably the
entire Bible, both the Old and New Testaments ; and are publLshing what
is iLsually known as ' Gutzlaff's Version ' of the same.

" Their ideas of the Deity are exceedingly imperfect. Though they
declare plainly that there is ' only One Tnie God,' yet the inspiration of the
Holy Scriptures,* the ecpiality of the Son with the Father, t and many

* This .statement of Dr. Bridgeman's was incorrect. The opinions of
nearly all the other missionaries, — including the Rev. Drs. John, Medhiu-st,
Muii-head, Edkins, &c., — acquainted with the Ti-pings and their works,
agree with the following explanation by the Bishop of Victoria, of their
acknowledgment of the inspiration of the Bible ; besides which, the pro-
clamation of the Tien-wang (see page 84) fully states their belief in the
Divine equality of the Son (C'clestml Elder Brother) with the Father.

" While the imperial titles are raised by only one space, it is interest-
ing to observe that in their list of authorized liooks (published as a preface
to each volume), with the imprimaiur of Tae-ping-wang, the words
' Old ' and ' New Testament ' each receive an elevation of three spaces in
the enumeration, whereas Tae-ping-wang's name, even when forming a
portion of the title of books of their own original composition, is only
raised by one space. This seems to be a plain recognition of the paramount
divine authority of the Holy Scriptures as GocFs Book, above books of
human authorshi]), and suggests the hope that where so ^dtal an element of
essential truth is present, errors will be rectified and defects expurgated,
by the general circulation and perusal of the Word of God, as the be.?t and
surest coiTective of imperfect views on the more mysterious doctrines
of the Gospel. The portions of the Holy Scriptures which they have
already published, exceed in quantity of contents all the other books
which are of theii' own composition added together. In the books re-
cently brought from Nankiu, there is an impression in red ink, fi-om a
lai-ge moveable (.lie or stamp, with the two characters, Che Chun — ' the
Imperial Will permits ' — sunoimded by the usual imperial symbols. This
imprimatur is stamped upon the first page of the text in every book.
With such a fact as this before us, every unprejudiced mind will perceive
that there is a new era of hope for the Chinese empire."

+ Another part of the same explanation states the Ti-ping idea of
Christ's Divinity ; while again, the following verse from the " Ode for
Youth " clearly sets forth his divinity and atonement. Were this not so, it
would evidently be the lieight of injustice to blame a people just arising
from the depths of idolatry and ignorance for a fault common amongst
oiu-selv^ss ; for have we not Socmians as well as Unitarians 1

DESCRIBES THE TI-PINGS. 213

other doctrines generally received by Protestant Christians, as being cloai'ly
revealed in the Bible, are by them wholly ignored. True, they have formulas

" It has been customary in native compositions, ■whenever the Chinese
names or titles of the Emperor occur, to commence a new column, as a
mark of honour, and to place the imperial name higher in the page by the
space of two Cliiuese words. The name of the Supreme Being is similarly
honoured, but has the distinction of being raised thi'ee spaces in the page.
An interestmg modification of this usage is perceptible in the imperial
proclamations and manifestoes of Tae-ping-wang. The name of Almighty
God the Father is elevated thi-ee sj)aces ; that of Jesus Christ is raised two
sjjaces ; and the imperial name and title.s of Tae-ping-wang himself are
lowered one detjree/rojn the customary^ position, and receive the elevation of
only one space. A.s minds are differently biassed, this fact will be dif-
ferently judged. To us, however, it ajspears an indication that the
insurgent leaders, although viewing Jesus Christ as inferior to the Father
as touching his humanity, recognize his superiority to the most exalted ol
earthly potentates as touching his divinity."

The unmistakable interpretation to place upon this, is, — no Chinese
mind could possibly place the So'ii upon a perfect equality with the Father,
— their entire system of thought and education debars this from theii'
coinprehension ; but with a reverence beyond all praise, the Tien-wang
actually lowered his own position to avoid trespassing upon the divine
attributes of his Saviour : which he has thus expi'essed in the verse oi'
the " Ode for Youth " :—

" REVERENCE TO JESUS.

Jesus, His first-born son,

Was in former times sent by God ;

He willingly gave His life to redeem us from sin.

Of a ti'uth His merits are pre-eminent.

His cross was hard to bear,

The soiTowing clouds obscured the sun ;

The adorable Son, the honoui-ed of Heaven,

Died for you, children of men.

After His resurrection He ascended to heaven,

Ee-splendent in glory. He wields authority supreme.

In Him we know that we may trust.

To secure salvation and ascend to heaven." ■
Such ai-e the sentiments of a man, who, besides his voluminous religious
compositions, has written the history of China ; corrected her classics ;
written innumerable works upon civil administration and foreign arts and
sciences, and who has nevertheless been designated in England as an
" ifjHorant imj)ostor and coolie." The British public must indeed have been

214 DR. BraDGEMAN

in which some of these doctrines are tanglit ; but then they are borrowed
formulas, and they have used them without comprehending their- time
import. So I believe ; and I think this is made manifestly plain in the
new version of their Doxology, or Hymn of PraLse, where Yaiig-seu-tsing,
the Eastern King, is proclaimed the Paraclete — the Holy Spirit."*

Dr. Bridgeman continues : —

" Onr Satiu'day we found observed by them as a Sabbath-day ; but
they ajipeared not to have any houses for public worship, nor any C*hristian
teachers, ministers of the Gospel so called. Forms of domestic worship,
forms of prayer, of thanksgiving, &c. &c., they have; and all theii" people,
even such as cannot read, are requhed to learn and use these. We saw
them repeatedly at theii' devotions ; some of them were exceedingly
reverent and devout, while others were quite the reverse. Most, who
were asked to do it, promptly recited that form of the Decalogue which is
given in their tracts.

" A form of bajitism was spoken of by them ; but no allusion was
made by them to the ordinance of the Lord's Supper.

" We found them, according to their reformed calendar, discarding the
old notions of lucky places, times, &.c."

Speaking of the public notices seen on the walls, he

says : —

" The distribution of food, of clothes, and of medicines ; the jiayment
of taxes, the preservation of property, the observance of etiquette and
decorum ; and injunctions to repaii- to certain qiiarters for vaccination, —
these were among the topics discussed in them. One document announced
the names of sundrj' candidates who had been successful in winning
honours at a recent literaiy examination in the Heavenly capital."

Thus, it appears, the " ignorant coolies " were literary
coolies. It was late in 1854 when Dr. Bridgeman visited

" green and greasy " (as Sii' James Brooke once observed) to take in all the
secretary and under-secretary's rejjorts, and swallow the bidlock, horns
and all.

* In this opinion Dr. Bridgeman is also wi-ong ; even his fellow-voyageur
X.Y.Z. thought difterently, and wi-ote : " The titles applied to these kings
ai'e no doubt 7iiere empty names, without any specific meaning, and are
not necessarily to be imderstood as implying a claim to super-earthly
dignity."

DESCRIBES THE TI-PINGS. ^15

Nankin, and thus wrote concerning the power and extent
of the rebellion : —

" Their numerical strength, and the extent of territory under their con-
trol, are by no means inconsiderable. They said they had undLsputed control
fi-om C'hin-kiang-foo, four hundred miles up the Great River ; and that
besides the large numbers of troops garrisoned and intrenched about CMn-
kiang, Kwa-chow, and the ' Heavenly capital,' they \v),Afour armies in the
field, can-ying on active aggi-essive operations ; two of these bad gone
nortliMard, one along the Grand Canal, and one farther westward ; they
were designed to co-operate, and after storming and destroying Pekin, to
turn westward and march tlu-ough Shansi, Shensi, Kians-oo, into Sze-cliuen,
where they are exjjected to meet their other two armies, wliicli from
Kiang-si and the Lake provinces, are to move up the Great River, and
along through the regions on its southern bank.

" The personal appearance of their men iu anns, and of their women
on horseback, was novel. They formed a veiy heterogeneous mass, having
been brought together from several different provinces, principally from
Gnang-wui, Keang-si, Hoopeh, Kwang-si, and Kwang-timg. The finest
men we saw were from the hills of Kiang-si, and those from Hoonan were
the meanest and least warlike. Their arms and accoutrements were quite
after the old fashion of the CHnese ; but their red and yellow turbans,
then- long hair, and their silk and satin robes, so unlike the ordinary cos-
tume of the ' black-hau-ed ' troops, made the insurgents appear like a new
race of warriors. All the people we saw were very well clad, well fed,
and well provided for in eveiy way. They all seemed content, and in high
spirits, as if sure of success.''

It will be seen that Dr. Bridgeman thought — as
every one else did until the arbitrary interference of the
British Government — that the "progress, and ultimate
success," of the Ti-pings was certain, " under the inscru-
table providence of God."

The following are extracts from the communication
written by X.Y.Z., and published in the North China
Herald at that time.

" There is no change of policy or of feeling towards foreigners sinte the
visit of the Hermes. On the pai-t of the people the same friemlly feeling
was manifested that wa-s observed a year ago.

" The visit of the Susquehanna has put us in possession of facts which
prove that the insurgents have uudit.turbcd control of a large extent of
country, so lai-ge as to furnish a guarantee to their ultimate success.

216 X. Y. z.

There seems to be nothing that can prevent their triumph, but internal
dissensions, of which at present no symptoms appear.

" Tlie city itself (Nankin) is under strict martial law, and indeed is at
present a mere military camp. The most rigid discipline and perfect order
a/re maintained.

" In passing through the city, little was seen to distinguLsh it from
other Chinese cities, except that some of the streets are veiy wide, and
apjjear to be kept in a state of cleanliness not often seen in China.

" Whatever Hung-sui-tshuen may mean by calling himself the brother
of Jesus, it is but justice to say that no evidence was found of its being
insisted on as an essential article of faith among the mass of liis foUowei-s.
And several oiEcers who subsequently visited the steamer, when asked
what was meant by it, j)rofessed themselves unable to give any information
ujjon the sulyect. They were so evidently/ jmszled, that it was plain theu-
attention had never been called to the matter be/ore."

Speaking of the composition of the Ti-pings, X.Y.Z,

says :■ — ■

" A few were from Kwang-se. These latter were all yoimg men of
unusually fine appearance and more than ordinary intelligence, and they
were distinguished by some peculiarities of dress."

Of the civil administration he says : —

" The expedition reached th(; city of Widiu on Thureday morning.
Here tJi£ most cordial feeling was manifested by the authorities and people.
The visit to this place was of gi-eat iuterest, as it afforded an opportunity
of learning from personal observation the character of the insurgent rule
over the people in districts which are no longer the seat of war. The state
of things is entu'ely different from that at Nankin. The peopjle are erujaged
in their ordina/ri/ avocations, shops are opened and trade carried on, as
under the old regime, though the former prosperity of the place is by no
means restored."

Upon perusing such statements, the British puhlic
will doiihtless wonder at the nature of the reports whicli
emanated from their government, that " the Ti-pings
destj-oyed everything and restored nothing," — were " ruth-
less desolaters," " bloodthirsty ^J marauders," " hordes of
banditti," &c. It must, however, be remembered, that the
authors of these statements knew nothing about the
Ti-pings ; in some cases had never seen one, and in all

TI-PINGDOM IN 1857. 217

cases were anxious to meet tlie views of tlieir official
superiors by prejudicing the public mind against the
Ti- pings, and thereby in some degree justifying the un-
warrantable line of policy Avhich the British Government
had decided on.

The year 1857 passed over without any important
military movement, and the Ti-ping Government was en-
gaged in consolidating its power in the districts and cities
it held. The extent of territory and amount of popula-
tion entirely under their control was very considerable.
They held possession of about three-fourths of the large
province of Ngan-whui, one-third of Kiang-su, one-third
of Kiang-si, and parts of Hoonan and Hoopeh. In
Kwang-si, Kwang-tung, Fo-keen, and Yun-nan, Ti-ping
agents were actively at work inciting the people to rise.

In the meanwhile, the administration of their terri-
tory was being perfected ; — the title " Wang " was re-
duced into a sort of feudal rank, into which all governors
of cities, lieutenant-governors, and governors of provinces,
and generalissimos, were admitted. The whole of their
land was divided into departments, or circles, each de-
partment into four districts, and each district into twenty-
five parishes. After the governors of departments, or
provinces, came the district chiefs, or magistrates ;
then the parish magistrates ; and then the five village
magistrates, or authorities, appointed over each circle
of twenty-five families. The Ti-ping territory included at '
this period not less than 70,000 square miles, with a i)opu-
lation of about 25,000,000. At parts wliere the Manchoo
troops had been driven out of the country, a regular
system of monthly taxation was estal^lished, considerably
more moderate than the old. A tariff for the whole
empire was published ; while throughout all their cities,
the machinery of a regular government was constituted,
and the whole conducted with considerable energy and J
success. The " Land Regulations of Political Economy of
the Ti-ping Dynasty " were put into force, and a large

-7

218 ITS INTERNAL ECONOMY.

part of China reclaimed to native administration. By
these regulations, all larid was divided into nine classifica-
tions, and arranged according to produce. Divisions of
fields were arranged according to the number of persons
in a family, and the whole property was regulated as
the document states, " so that all the people in the empire
may together enjoy the abundant happiness provided by
the Great God, our Heavenly Father and Universal Lord."
Periodical seasons were appointed for the examinations
of literary candidates, and filling of vacant offices. Har-
vest regulations and community of interest were thus
provided for : —

" As soon as harvest anives, every vexillary must see to it, that the
five-and-twenty pai-ishes under his charge have a sufficient su])ply of food ;
and what is over and above of the new grain he must deposit in the public
granary. This must be done with respect to wheat, pulse, flax, hemp, silk
cloth, fowls, and money ; for the -whole empii-e is the universal property of
our Heavenly Father, and when all the people of the empire avoid selfish-
ness, and consecrate everything to the Supreme Lord, then the sovereign
will have sufficient to use, and all the families in the empii-e, in every place,
will be equally provided for, while every individual will be well fed and
clothed."

From this system, and the vice-royalty of the governors,
or wangs, the Ti-ping government assumed a patriarchal
feudal constitution. The following regular conscription
was levied : —

" If anj' man throughout the empire has a famOy, including wife and
children, amounting to three, four, five, six, seven, eight, or nine indi™luals,
he must give up one to be a soldier. With regard to the rest, the widow-
ers, widows, orphans, and childless, together with the sick and feeble, shall
be excused from service, and shall all be fed from the public granary."

Religious observances were thus enjoined, in a manner
which evinces a spirit far different from that which the
world was led to suppose actuated the Ti-pings : —

" In eveiy circle of five-and-twent3- families, the youths must eveiy
day go to the church, where the vexillary is to teach them to read the holy
books of the Old and New Testaments, a.s well as the proclamations of tin'

LORD ELGIN AT NANKIN. 219

duly-appointed sovereign. Eveiy sabbath the five cinquevirs i n the cii'cle
must lead the men and women under their chai-ge to the chiu'ch, where
the males and females are to sit in separate rows. On these occasions
there will be jireaching, thanksgivings, and offerings to our Heavenly
Father, the Great God and Supreme Lord. All officers and people, both
within and without the court, must every sabbath go to hear the expound-
ing of the Holy Book, reverently present their offerings, and praise our
Heavenly Father." " All the officers throughout the empire, evei-y sabbath
day, must, according to their rank, reverently and sincerely provide
animals, with meat and drink-offerings, for worship, in order to praise our
Heavenly Father ; they must also explain the Holy Book. Should any
fail in this, they shall be degraded to tjie level of plebeians."

During 1858 the Ti-pings continued their work of
organization, and undertook no military movement of
importance. In consequence of so large a concentra-
tion of their forces, supplies began to run short, and
the city of Chin-kiang was promptly abandoned, and a
considerable force detached into the province of Kiang-si.
They still retained possession of both banks of the Yang-
tze for a distance of about 400 miles, and large reinforce-
ments were sent from Nankin to all their possessions upon
the northern side of that river.

In the meanwhile, Canton had been taken by the
English and Prench forces, the Taku forts had been cap-
tured on the 20th of May, and on the 3rd of July the
Elgin treaty was concluded ; a treaty that in all respects
proved nearly the death-warrant of the patriots.

On the 8th of Novembei% Lord Elgin started from
Shanghae upon the expedition up the Yang-tze-kiang as
far as Hankow.

On approaching Najikin, the squadron came into col-
lision with the Ti-pings in a similar, though more serious
manner, than on the occasion of the visit of the Hermes.
Lord Elgin, with the characteristic arrogance of English- ■
men in foreign lands, disregarded the frequently repeated
and urgent request of the Ti-ping authorities ; namely,
that to avoid misunderstandings as to men-of-war ap-
proaching their fortifications during a time of battle and

220 GALLANT EXPLOIT.

blockade (especially considering the Manchoos had en-
gaged some foreign vessels, and reported continually that
foreign war-steamers were preparing to attack Nankin,
&c.), " a small boat should be detached, to communicate
with the garrison ; in which case there would be no chance
of collision." By referring to the visit of the Hermes,
and the correspondence that took j)l<ice, it will be seen
that she was followed by the Manchoo flotilla, which took
advantage of her presence to engage the Ti-ping forts,
the anxiety of the Ti-ping authorities ujion which point
pervades all their communications to Sir George Bonham.
Perfectly indifferent, then, to the observance of a courtesy
which any powerful belligerent in like circumstances to
those of the Ti-pings would have compelled, Lord Elgin
sent the gunboat Lee ahead of the squadron, — " to com-
municate if possible," as he reported. But instead of
attempting the only correct mode of communication in
the case, by sending a boat in first, the Lee, by her back-
ing and filling in front of tthe batteries and fortified posi-
tions, aided by the presence of a powerful squadron in the
rear, apparently awaiting the result of her reconnoitre,
naturally led the Ti-pings to suppose she was on the scout
from a hostile fleet. In consequence of this, the bat-
teries opened fire on the Lee, and the rest of the squadron,
2)repared for the event, steamed up and opened upon them
with "considerable effect." Not satisfied with this, "they
on the following morning re-descended the stream to
Nankin and bombarded the forts, with but little reply
for an hour and a half." What a gallant exploit for
British seamen ! To silence forts which were j)erfectly
harmless, and slaughter the inmates at their ease.

The CJmrch Missionarij Intelligencer of December,
1860, gives tlie following account of the transaction : —

" In tlie latter end of 185S, a Biitisli squadron, with Lord Elgin, passed
up the river as far as Hankow, not without exchanging shots, on more
than one occasion, with the Tai-pings, and a consecpient loss of life was
cuised, which, liy due [irecautions, might have been avoided. On ap-

ITS INTERPRETATION. 221

|ir<jaoliing Nanking, the capital city of Nganliwui, tlie insurgents and
ImperialLsts were found to be in action. The British vessels were not
recognized by the Tai-pings : they wei'e the first bearing the British flag
which had ascended the stream so far. Under the mLsapprehen.sion that
tliey were acting in concert with the Imperialist fleets of junks wliich
commanded the river, the Tai-pings fired a shot at the leading vessel, the
Lee, and was replied to by the Furious, Cruiser, Dove, and Lee, in full
chorus. Tlie garrison of the forts was soon in fiight, the guns abandoned.
A little timely explanation might have prevented this collision. On the
return voyage, when these forts were again approached, such an explana-
tion was resorted to. The water had fallen so low that the two large
vessels had been left behind, and the two gun-boats were alone on their
way to the river's mouth. To engage the forts on going up, when the
force was strong, was a pleasant divertissement ; but to venture on the
same expei-iment with two gun-boats, was, if possible, to be avoided ; and
that the more so, as the nature of the channel compelled them to steer
immediately under the cit)- walls, so that the decks could easily have been
swept by giugalls. On this occasion, therefore, that was done which should
have been done before — a commimication was opened with tlie insui'gents,
and the gun-boats passed the forts unmolested."

The first act of the wolf and lamb drama was thus
performed, and " those outlaws," the Ti-i)ings, who miffht
possibly " interfere with the carrying into due effect the
terms of his treaty," were reported to head-quarters, as
not only having insulted and fired upon the British
ensign, but having actually violated a flag of truce — but
it was not reported that said flag of truce was unknown
to the Ti-pings, and therefore could not be recognized.

The affair is thus reported by Secretary Wade : —

"My orders were to inform the rebels that nm took no part (?) in the
civil war, and interfered with no one who did not molest us. (?) That a
gun-boat had been detached from the squadron before it pa.ssed Nankin,
fijr the express purpose of explaining the object of our expedition had the
rebels desired to ask it ; that they had fired eight shots at tlie little vessel
so detached without a single shot being returned by her ; that the forts
which had so fired had been made an example of, and that the fact,
together 'with the lesson they had themselves received, might satisfy them
of the absurdity of ])rovoking our men-of-war to hostility. "

At the time the expedition passed Nankin it was

222 HUNG-JIN ARRIVES AT NANKIN.

generally supposed the four principal chiefs besides Hung-
sui-tshuen, the Tien-wang, were dead. The Southern
and Western Princes had fallen in action, and it was
rumoured the Eastern and Northern Princes had lost
their lives in the capital, in consequence of their attempt
to rebel against the authority of their king. I can only
say that the report of the execution of the Northern and
Eastern Princes, together with large numbers of their
particular followers, has been very much exaggerated.
The pinuces, and some who supported them, seem to have
been piit to death for treason.

The earlier half of 1859 was unmarked by any impor-
tant military movement upon the part of the Ti-pings.
The most interesting event of this period was the arrival
of the Tien-wang's relative, Hung-jin, at Nankin, after
many fruitless attempts to reach that place.

It will be remembered that upon the capture of the
first city in Kwang-si, Hung-sui-tshuen had sent mes-
sengers into Kwang-tung calling all his and Fung-yun-
san's remaining friends and relatives to join his standard.
Before this could be effected he was compelled to abandon
the position. Hung-jin, in the meanwhile, had started
upon the journey with some fifty friends of the two chiefs.
Upon approaching the neighbourhood of the place appointed
to effect a junction, they ascertained that the "God Worship-
pers " had raised their camp and marched away, and that
the Manchoo authorities were seizing and cruelly murder-
ing every one connected with them. Hung-jin now sent
back into Kwang-tung all his friends, excepting three,
who, with him, made their way deeper into the country,
and endeavoured to join the army of "God-worshippers."
The Mandarins were, however, so strictly upon the watch
for all travellers or suspected persons, that he found him-
self under the necessity of abandoning his attempt and
returning home. Upon reaching the Hwa-hien district,
Hung-jin found that from henceforth home to him was
but a name. The Manchoo butchers were already in his

hung-jin's adventures. 223

native village, and he was compelled to seek a refuge
amongst stx'angers. In a short time he again set forth,
with several relatives of Fung-yun-san, to join the Ti-pings ;
but finding the vigilance and cruelty of the Mandarins
still more severe than before, they were obliged to return
unsuccessful. After another fruitless attempt in the be-
ginning of 1852, the chosen messenger of Hung-sui-
tshuen and his relatives in Kwang-tung, again arrived
with letters calling upon all faithful adherents of the two
clans, Hung and Fung, to join him at the city of Yung-
gnan. Upon this, the old rendezvous at Paddy-hill was
selected as a place for assembling. Before the day ap-
pointed for a general meeting, and when only some two
hundred members of the respective clans had arrived,
Kiang-lung-chong, the messenger, who had grown too
bold and reckless after the easy triumphs he had been
accustomed to with the Ti-pings, acted without precau-
tion in the gathering, and involved those already present
in destruction. With these insuflQ.cient numbers he raised
the standard of insurrection, which being instantly re-
ported to the district Mandarin, a considerable body of
soldiers Avere sent against them. The insurgents went
bravely to the fight, but being few and wholly unaccus-
tomed to warfare, were soon thi'own into confusion.
Kiang-lung-chong and a few others were killed, a con-
siderable number made captive by the troops, and the
rest dispersed.

Hung-jin with about a dozen friends arrived at Paddy-
hill just after the defeat, being totally ignorant of the
disaster. He and his companions were seized by the
people of the neighbourhood and imprisoned in a house,
previously to being delivered up to the Mandarins, As
the E-ev. Mr. Hamberg's narrative states : —

" Hung-jin, lively and enthusiastic, desirous to lead his friends to honour
and to glory, now sat down in the midst of them in deep sorrow and
despair, and would gladly have given his own life to save those whom he

224 MR. hambebg's narrative.

had brought with him into distress. Feeling the cords wherewith his
hands were tied together give way a little, after some eflbrt he got them
free, and proceeded to unloose those of liLs friends who were accessible,
and succeeded in liberating six of his companions from their bonds. After
it had become dark, they opened the door, and in the rainy night hastened
away to the mountains.

" Hung-jin, whose lireliest hopes had been so suddenly frustrated, who
had drawn >ipon himself the hatred and revenge of so many involved in
the present disaster, and who had no place of refiige left to himself, now
felt his own guilt and desjiair too hard to bear. He therefore unloosed his
girdle and was going to strangle himself, when one of the fugitives came
up to him. Hung said, ' Try to escape and save your life, I will put an
end to my existence in tliis place.' The other then seized his hand and
drew him forward, exhorting him to continue his flight in company with
him, which he did. The next day, when Hung awoke from a short rest in
the bush, he missed his companion. He now prayed to God, the Heavenly
Father, to spai'e liis life and protect liim amidst so many dangers. During
the daytime he lay concealed in the bush, and during the night-time he
went on. Once the people in search of fugitives passed very close to him
without observing him. Finally, after having passed four days and four
nights in the mountains without any food, he an-ived at the house of some
near relatives in a veiy exhausted state. Here he was concealed six days
in a mountain cavern, and afterwards his relatives gave him some money,
with which he went on board a passage-boat to go to another district,
and seek refuge with more distant relatives of the Hung clan. But even
among these, new trials awaited him ; for also from their place a few of
the Hung clan had gone to Paddy-hill, whose further fate was unknown.
Some of the relatives of those missing were now inclined to revenge the
siipposed death of theii- brethren, and deliver Hung-jin to the Mandarins,
but an old venerable headman took liim under his protection, and gave
one of his grandsons to Hung-jin a.s a guide, and this young man, being a
Christian convert, conducted him to Hong-kong in the end of April, 1852,
and introduced him to me. I was astonislied to hear a jierson from the
interior of Cliina speak with such interest of, and display so much acquaint-
ance with, the Christian religion. I liked to listen to his animated nai*-
ratives about Himg-sui-tshuen, Fung-yun-san, and then- followers, though
at the time I coidd form no clear conception of the whole matter, which
then was little known and still less believed. He wrote a few sheets of
paper, containing a short account of himself and Hung-sui-tshuen, which I
put into my desk, until I should have further evidence as to theii- contents.
I expected that Hmig-jin, who wished to study the Christian doctiine and
be baptized, would remain for some time at Hong-kong ; but upon my
return from a tour on the mainland he had departed, as he had no
means of support in that place. In November, 1853, Hung-jin, who up

hung-jin's pamphlet. 225

to tliat time had been engaged as sclioolmaster at some place in the
interior, again visited me. He was still very desirous to be baptized,
and seemed to be sincere in his wisli to serve God. He declared himself
willing to leave all matters iii the hands of Him who worketh all things
after the counsel of His own will, and to seek above all the Kingdom of
God and His righteousness. Hung-jiu, with three of his friends from
Clear-far, have since been baptised, and are still studying the Holy Scrip-
tui-cs, with the hojie, in the Providence of God, hereafter to be enabled to
instruct their countrymen in the way of salvation."

Early in 1854, with the funds from the sale of his
little work, which Mr. Hamberg kindly gave him, Hung-
jin embarked for Shanghae, en route for Nankin ; he also
carried with him a number of religious books. After
remaining at Shanghae several months, during which he
was neither able to reach Nankin nor communicate with
his friends, he returned to Hong-kong. In the mean time
Mr. Hamberg had died, and Hung-jin was received by
members of the London Mission Society, and by them
employed as a catechist and preacher during the years
1855 to 1858. In the Missionary/ Magazine he was soon
after spoken of thus : —

" He soon established himself in the confidence and esteem of the
membei's of the mission, and the Chinese Christians connected with it. His
literary attainments were respectable ; his temper amiable and genial ; his
mind was characterized by a versatility unusvial in a Chinese. His know-
ledge of Christian doctrine was largely increased, and of the sincerity of
his attachment to it there covld he no doubt."

Similar opinions were entertained by many devout and
earnest missionaries who were intimately acquainted with
Hung-jin for a pei'iod extending over sis years ; but Mr.
Frederick Bruce, the British minister at Pekin (who never
saw Hung-jin, or, I believe, any other Ti-ping in his life),
true to the policy of his employers, thus writes from
amidst his Manchoo friends at Shanghae : —

Dispatch to Lord Russell.

"Shanghae, September 4th, 1860.
" Hung-jin has sent to the missionaries in manuscript a pamphlet
which has made a considerable impression npon them. I see no giiarantee

226 HUNG-JIN PRIME MINISTER.

for the soundness of his doctrine or for the purity of liis life. I rather
look upon his pamphlet as a crafty device to conciliate the support and
sympathy of the missionary body at the time when the insurgents meditated
the seizure of Shanghae. '

It may naturally be asked, What has this to do with
England's policy towards China, and why should it affect
the honourable neutrality she was pledged to maintain ?
The answer simply is— a misrepresentation of the acts
and intentions of the Ti-pings might afford some colour
of justification for a line of policy which could not be
defended.

The Bruce dispatch further states : —

" But as the cliief (Hung-sui-tshuen) is an ignorant fanatic, if not an
impostor," &c.

We thus find this representative of the British
Government not only volunteering his unsupported opinion
against a weighty mass of evidence as to the religion,
education, and acquirements of the chief, but actually
constituting the same tribunal as the sole judge of a
solemn question which must rest alone between Hung-
sui-tshuen and his Creator,

About the middle of 1858, Hung-jin once more deter-
mined to try and join his relative, the Tien-wang, and with
this intent started in disguise, and gradually made his
way (by land) into the province of IToopeh. In Decem-
ber of the same year, while Lord Elgin's expedition was
at Hankow, he was heard from at a small town in the
neighbourhood ; in fact, he managed to put on board one
of the vessels a letter for Mr. Chalmers, his teacher at
Hong-kong. In the spring of 1859, he at last reached
Nankin, and soon after was appointed to the high rank of
•Kan-wang (i. e., Shield Prince), in which position, and his
subsequent one of Prime Minister, he became familiar to
Europeans. A letter which he wrote to the Rev. Mr.
Edkins, nearly a year later, contained the following pas-
sage relating to the Tien-wang : —

NANKIN INVESTED. 227

" On meeting with his relative, the Celestial king, and having daily-
conversations with him, he was struck by the wisdom and depth of his
teaching, far transcending that of common men."

Hung-jin — or rather the Kan-wang, as we must call
him in future — joined his friends at a troublous time,
more than usually so even to a man who, like him, had
lived the prime of his life in difficulties and danger.
Within a few months after his arrival at Nankin, that
city was closely invested by a large and overpowering
Imperialist army. Although siuce 1853, Nankin had
frequently been in a state of siege, upon no previous occa-
sion had it been so hardly pressed. Towards the close of
1859, the besieging forces were increased from 50,000 to
upwards of 100,000 fighting men, all supplies were cut off
from the city, and the Imperialists flattered themselves that
a short time would see the garrison starved out. Darkly,
though, closed that year around the Ti-ping capital — sur-
rounded as it was by savage foemen, thirsting for the
blood of its starving inhabitants — a danger, still more
deadly, and more bitter, was looming in the distance,
although at the time impalpable and scarcely conceived.
It was a danger menacing the patriots from civilized and
Christian men, men who, in other lands, have given their
blood and treasure to causes far less deserving of their
sympathy ; in short, it was the creation of the " China
indemnity " extortion. Evil as the effect of the Elgin
treaty concluded in 1858 must have been to the Ti-pings,
it is yet possible that the successes they shortly attained
might have counteracted the prejudices so unjustly excited
against them ; but when to this was added the question
of indemnity, the Ti-pings were doomed. It is probable
that had they remained quiescent until such time as the
love of gold was satisfied, they might then have been
uninterfered with ; unfortunately it was otherwise, a rapid
series of victories threatened destruction to the Manchoo
dynasty, and with it, of course, to the "China indemnity;"
consequently, if the expenses of this " little war " were to

228 RESUMPTION OF HOSTILITIES.

be secured, immediate action became necessary, and the
ruin of tbe Ti-pings inevitable.

In June, 1859, the British plenipotentiary, not satisfied
with tlie route via Peh-tang, as proposed and decided upon
by the Chinese authorities for his passage to Pekin, had
the coolness to choose his own path, and when the
mandarins naturally resisted such arrogance, to endeavour
to force it at the cannon's mouth. What would English-
men think, and do, if a Chinese fleet carrying an ambas-
sador were to arrive in England, and, refusing to land
their ambassador according to our customs, advance their
fleet past all our fortifications without paying them the
sligl I test respect ? This would be a very similar case to
the Taku fort disaster ; and, moreover, it must be borne
in mind that the affair took place just after peace had
been concluded, which must have given it the complexion
of a resumption of hostilities rather than that of a peace-
ful embassy.

The excuse generally made for this sort of thing is,
that it is impossible to deal with semicivilized nations as
vou would with civilized ones, that is to sav, the civilized
nation is to descend to the level of the semi-civilized one.
This reasoning, illogical and dishonourable at all times,
is in this case totally inadmissible, for it is at tbe least
doubtful whether any cause for an appeal to arms existed.
It appears, however, that elasticity of principle and incon-
sistency in action may be regarded as the important ele-
ments in the policy of England — can it be better illustrated
than by her conduct to Germany and Denmark, to America
and Brazil, to Russia and China ?

Admiral Hope, a useful man to such a ministry, to
use a nautical simile, " went stem on like a Nor'-west
buffalo " to the Taku forts, and sacrificed a number of
brave men needlessly. This led to the resumption of
hostilities, and we find Lord John Russell writing upon
November 18th, 1859, to Mr. Bruce : —

" Unless, therefore, the most ample apology should be promptly made

" INDEMNITY " DEMANDED. 229

and the other demands specified in my previous dispatch complied with,
you are instructed to state that a large i^ecuniary indemnity will be de-
manded by her Majesty's Government from that of China."

By altering a few words, how like the ultimatum of a
highwayman this would read. Lord John Russell
evidently did all he could to justify the anecdote of
Alexander the Great and the robber.

The Chinese indemnity plot thickened rapidly. Lord
Russell's next dispatch to Mr. Bruce, dated January 3rd,
1860, contained the following :—

" We go to seek redress for these wrongs " (the resistance offered by
the Manclioo trooi)S to the destruction of theii' barriers, defences, <fec., at
the Taku forts, by Admiral Hope), " and to require that the word of the
emperor should be observed, and that an indemnity should be paid for the
loss of men " (killed tiying to kill the Chinese troops who very correctly
opposed their imjustifiable attempt to force the fortified entrance of the
Peiho river), " and the heavy expense of obtaining redress " (for their othti
fault).

Lord John Russell arrived at the superlative degree of
the "China indemnity" upon February 8th, 1860, when
he penned the following to Mr. Bruce : —

" It has been decided between her Majesty's Government and that of
the Emperor of the French that the amount of indemnity-money to be
demanded of the Chinese Govei'nment shall be in each case a sum of
GO, 000,000 yraHc«," " towards the expense of the joint expedition now on
its way to the Chma seas."

Here was decisive action following promptly upon
threats and intimidation ; who can say but that the finale
to the Danish question might have been different had the
Foreign Secretary possessed equal facilities for arranging
the indemnity to be paid by Germany ?

Upon the part of the British representatives it is denied
that the Chinese Government proposed Peh-tang as the
route our plenipotentiary should proceed by to Pekin ; it
is, however, admitted in the blue book upon affairs in

230 CONDITIONS OF PEACE.

China, 1859-60, at page i3, that Mr. Bruce was requested
not to pass the I'iver barriers : —

" They " (the Imperial Chinese commissioners) " would wish that on his
arrival at the mouth of the river he would anchor his vessels of war out-
side the bar."

As this was disregarded by Mr. Bruce, it may naturally
be inferred that the request so constantly reiterated
throughout the Chinese dispatches, " that he (Mr. Bruce)
must go by way of Peh-tang," was really made, but was
treated by the British plenipotentiary with the same con-
tempt and want of courtesy.

The instructions given to Lord Elgin upon his second
embassy to China were issued from the Foreign Office,
April 17th, 1860; the conditions of peace to be offered
to China were : —

" First. An ajiology for the attack on the allied forces at the Peiho "
{i.e. the Chinese Government must apologize for defending itself).
" Secondly. The ratification and execution of the treaty of Tien-tsin "
(a treaty extorted from the Chinese when under compulsion, the terms of
which would probably not have been really evaded). " Thirdly. The pay-
ment of an indemnity to the allies for the expense of naval and military
preparations." (No wonder the Chinese ministers wrote " then the demand
for indemnity is yet more against propriety. Were China to demand re-
payment of England, England would find that her exjsenses did not amount
lo one half of those of China.")

Most undoubtedly previous to the Arroio war the
position of Europeans in China was vei'y unsatisfactory ;
but it is quite as certain that this resulted as much from
our aggressive and lawless proceedings, as from the natural
aversion of the Manchoo government for our intercourse.
From beginning to end, the whole history of the British
connection with China is discreditable. However just
may have been the cause of complaint, it is beyond all
doubt that mean and disgraceful subterfuges have been
adopted as the casus belli for each campaign undertaken

CAUSE OP WAllS WITH CHINA. 231

ag-ainst that empii'e. Can an Englishman be found (ex-
cepting the ojiium traders, &c.) who does not lament that
blackest page of English history — the war that was waged
upon China in 1840, under the following circumstances: —

" In agreement with a treaty signed by British merchants, Captain
Elliott, her IMajest/s superintendent of trade, caused 20,283 chests of
ojsium to be delivered to Commissioner Lin. The opium was destroyed by
order of the emjieror. The conditions for terminating the war were, that
China should pay £1,200,000 for the opium ; £3,000,000, which amounts
to £1,000 23er head, for the destruction of 30,000 of her unoffending sub-
jects, and bear the expense of her own defence ! "

The last war, which commenced in 1856, and was
ultimately concluded by the ratification of the treaty of
1858, by Lord Elgin in 1860, was equally iniquitous with
the first, and in the same manner was originated by the
detestable opium smuggling, the seizure of the opium
smuggler Arrow being made the pretext for hostilities.
Whatever may hereafter be alleged, at the present time
but few can be found to deny the fact, that the wars with
China have always been waged to force the opium trade,
and that by the last one the legalization of that vile
traffic was compelled.

Not without reason did the Manchoo great council of
state use the following passages in their dispatch to Com-
missioner Ho, who was at Shanghae endeavouring to
settle pacifically the Taku aff'air, and the ratification of
the treaty of Ticn-tsin, previous to the resumption of
hostilities : —

" To come to the British minister's request to be projjerly (or cour-
teously) received when he comes north to exchange treaties, if his inten-
tion be indeed peace (or friendly), he wUl (or let him) leave it to the
commissioner to tliink over all details whatsoever of treaty arrangements
in which management (atljustment, com2:)romLse) may with projiriety be
effected ; and negotiations being set on foot at Shanghae, when both
parties ai-e perfectly agreed, let him come north without a fleet, and with
a small retinue, and wait at Peh-tang, for the exchange of the treaties ; in
which case China will certamly not take him to task for what is past."

232 England's foeeign policy.

Referring to his former attempt to force his passage
past the Taku forts, when Admiral Hope was repulsed,

" But if lie be determined to bring up a number of vessels of war, and
if he persist in proceeding by way of Takoo, this will show that his real
purpose is not the exchange of treaties, and it must be left to the high
officer in charge of the coast (or port) defences to take such steps as shall
be essential " {lit. as shall accord with right).

This proposition, of course, was not entertained by
Mr. Bruce or Lord Elgin, who proceeded to act upon Lord
Russell's instructions — "for the joint occupation of
Chusan, or some other portion of the Chinese territory,
in addition to the city of Canton, by the British and
French forces till the indemiiity is paid." So to obtain
" material guarantees " for this indemnity, the civilized
nations proceeded to batter the semi-civilized one into
compliance, and the allied forces started upon the Pekin
campaign.

However wrong the Manchoos may have been, it
cannot be denied that the British modus operandi in
China has been equally bad ; and whatever right there
may be on the civilized side, it would be difficult to read
the correspondence between the two governments and
not admit that the semi-civilized one has the best of the
argument.

Commerce is a great and important element in the
prosperity and civilization of every nation, and especially
so to England ; but there is something greater and more
noble than commerce — that is, honour. The advantages
of trade, to be permanent and beneficial, must be con-
ducted honourably, and that is exactly what the Govern-
ment of Great Britain has been unable to do. All over
the world its foreign policy, and its attempts to force
trade where it can be done with impunity, have not only
lowered the "just influence" of England and brought
her into contempt, but, in many cases, have created a
burning resentment in the breasts of those who have been

THE OPIUM WARS. 233

wronged, that neither the present nor future generation
will forget. In every quarter of the globe ruischievous
interference has taken place, often followed by those
aggressive wars which have been denounced by every
great and enlightened statesman from the time of Queen
Elizabeth.

234 THE sz-wang's domestic life.

V-

CHAPTER IX.

The Sz-wang's Domestic Life. — Appioacli to Nankin. — Interior of Nankin,
— A Ti-piug Banquet. — Maou-lin, the Chung-wang's Son. — The Chung-
wang's Palace. — The Chimg-'wang's Levee. — Ti-ping Cliiefs. — Chung-
wang's appearance. ^Council of War. — The Review. — Cum-ho. — The
March. — The Ti-ping Army. — Its Organization. — Selection of Officei-s.
— Equipment of the Ai-my. — Its Formation. — The Enemy in View.
— Theii- Retreat. — Preparations for Attack. — A Night Attack.-^
A Stockade canied.— Charge of Manchoo Cavalry. — The Repulse. —
The Enemy retreat. — The Pursuit. — Complete Rout of the Mauchoos.
— Maou-lm's Bravery. — Return to Nankin.

WHEN I found the lorcha so effectually driven off, I
instantly landed, both to thank the chief in charge,
and let him know who I was, and what I wanted. I went
ashore with my friend, and found that the high oflBcial in
charge of all the forts, batteries, and suburbs of Nankin,
was the Sz-wang. We were received by him in his official
dwelling with much civility, which changed into the
greatest kindness directly he saw my commission, and found
that we were aiders and abettors of the Ti-ping cause.

The Sz-wang was an elderly dignified man, and had
formerly been a high mandarin at Hankow ; but when the
Ti-piugs first captured that city, he had joined them with
all his family. He entertained us very comfortably to a
rather luxurious dinner, consisting of hcche-de-mer,
bird's-nest soup, &c. ; after which, the ladies and little
Sz-wangs were introduced with the wine, — just at the
time they would have been retiring from the table if in
Europe. I was quite surprised with their appearance, it
was in such direct opposition to the strict seclusion in

APPROACH TO NANKIN. 235

which the women are kept amongst the Chinese. I after-
wards found that the free intercourse and elevated position
of their women was one of the innumerable innovations
which marked the Ti-pings' superiority to the Impe-
rialists. A little son of the Sz-wans; — the eldest of two
— was put into my arms, and, to my astonishment, com-
menced prattling the Lord's Prayer in Chinese, although
certainly not more than four years old. The Sz-wang's
wife, his two daughters, and several other ladies of his
household, all took part in a free and general conversation,
quite unlike anything ever seen amongst the Chinese else- <.
where. About ten in the evening, after family prayers,
they retired for the night. The prayers were commenced
by the Sz-wang reading a chapter from the Bible ; after
which a hymn was sung, every one standing ; and then
he dismissed us all with a short extempore prayer. I
returned on board highly pleased with my first night at
Nankin.

The next morning I landed with my friend, and obtain-
ing horses the Sz-wang had promised the previous evening
to have ready, Ave started for the city, the nearest point of
which was about two miles distant. Our way ran through
a long and populous suburb, in which a very large provision
trade was being carried on, and great numbers of shaven-
headed Imperialists were to be seen about, all apparently
busily engaged disposing of their merchandise. The walls
of Nankin cover an immense area, being at the least
eighteen or nineteen miles in circumference ; but for many
years the greater part of the enclosed space has been desti-
tute of houses, and only used for gardens, or to cultivate
corn and other cereal produce. The Chinese have an old
saying " that if two men on horseback were to start in the
morning and ride in opposite directions, round the walls,
it would be evening before they met." This is hardly
an exaggeration, on account of the angles and irregular
turning of the ramparts.

When we arrived before the N.E. gate, much delay took

236 INTERIOR OF NANKIN.

place previous to our being admitted. The escort kindly
furnished by the Sz-wang carried passes for us, and besides
this I showed the gate-keepers my commission. None bnt
bond fide Ti-pings were allowed to pass in or out, and
then, only after a minute search ; and I noticed that all who
entered or came fo.-th carried a little wooden ticket at
the waist, wliich had to be exhibited to the guard. The
walls, although of immense thickness, and at the lowest
part upwards of fifty feet high, were very poorly fur-
nished with artillery, merely two or three light pieces
being mounted upon each bastion, generally some 150
yards apart.

At last the warder-in-chief of that particular gate of
Tien-kin (the Holy City), came to us, and after a severe
questioning Ave received permission to enter. Passing
through three high gates, under a tunnel at least 100
feet long, we stood within the capital of the Ti-ping. A
sharp ride of more than half an hour brought us to the
inhabited part of the city, in its southern quarter. Our
way passed through fields of grain, interspersed with
gardens, small villages, and detached houses. We passed
many soldiers, each of whom halted to salute us as " Wa-
choong-te " (foreign brethren). The southern part of
Nankin was thickly inhabited, and seemed altogether of a
better and more handsome style than any Chinese city I
had previously seen. Many large palaces and official
buildings occupied prominent positions ; the streets were
very wide and particularly clean, a rare thing in China; and
the numerous people had all a free and happy bearing,
totally the reverse of the cringing and humbled appear-
ance of the Manchoo-governed Chinese. Upon reaching the
Chung-wan g's palace, Iliad no occasion to announce myself,
for almost the first person I saw was my old acquaintance
Le-wang, the Commander-in-Chiefs adjutant-general. I
introduced my friend to him, who, welcoming us warmly,
carried us off", taking each by a hand with his usual frank
and friendly manner, and so leading us into the iDalace.

A TI-PING BANQUET. 237

The Chung-wang, it appeared, was engaged planning im-
portant movements with several of the generals and
chiefs. The southern half of the province of Ngan-whui,
at this time (early spring of 1861) entirely under the
control of the Ti-pings, was threatened by a large Impe-
rialist army marching upon its western borders ; and the
Chung-wang was about to take the field against them
himself.

The Le-wang, having to join the council, left us to the
care of the Chung-wang's son and attendants, who cer-
tainly gave us no cause to complain of their want of
attention or friendliness, with which they almost over-
powered us.

Directly we were left to them, they took it into their
heads that we must be hungry ; it was no use protesting
they were mistaken, because the polite thing in China is, if
you want anything very particularly, you must persistingly
declare that you do not. The cooks were accordingly set
to v/ork,- and in a short time a table was spread ; the two
or three elderly officials seated themselves complacently
with us, although I do not believe they were a bit more
hungry than we were ; and the crowd of youthful pages,
sons of retainers, &c., formed themselves into an admiring
circle all round. The Chinese have a wonderful idea of
the eating capacity of foreigners, and the earnest manner
in which the Chung-wang's pages pressed dish after dish
upon us, as though our very lives depended upon the
quantity of viands we could stuff with at once, proved
they shared the common opinion of their countrymen.

Throughout the repast a regular flow of Ti-ping young-
gentlemen passed through the hall, each coming up to us
and saying in a positively affectionate manner, " Tsin-
tsin, Yang ta jen?" (How do you do, Foreign Excellency?)
When the plates and dishes were cleared away, they came
up and skook hands, and all lingered around us, each
evincing the warmest and kindest feelings.

The remarkable kindness and respect I have always

238 MAOU-LIN, THE CHUNG-WANG's SON.

experienced from the Ti-pings, lias long since filled my
heart with sincere friendship for them ; but in this I am
not singular, for every European who has had communi-
cation with them has been similarly impressed.

The council of war having risen, I was very kindly
received by the Chung-wang in the evening, who at once
gave orders to prepare quarters for me and my friends in
his own palace, and also expressed a wish that I should
accompany him on his expedition. I then informed him
about my betrothed, and the ladies of the palace, all eager
to see her, kindly promised to take every care of her and
supply every comfort and accommodation during my
absence. When all the arrangements were settled, I re-
turned on board with my friend, accompanied' by the
Chung-wang's son, Maou-lin, who, from our first meeting,
had seemed to attach himself to me, and who now washed
to remain with me on board our vessel till our return to
the city.

Maou-lin, at that time, although only fifteen years of
age, Avas already celebrated for his courage and leadership
in battle. He was excessively fond of Europeans, always
shook hands, and could say " good bye," " how do you do,"
and use a few other English expressions. His appearance
was beautiful and delicate as that of a young girl, his voice
the softest and most melodious. How great must have
been the enthusiasm that could inspire a form fragile as
his with a spirit so heroic ! Erom his young and feminine
appearance it would never be credited that he could possess
such dauntless bravery in battle, yet have I seen him
eclipsing the valour of the bravest men ; danger and fear
were feelings he had never known : brought up amidst
the struggles of the Ti-pings for their lives, he had been
a soldier almost from his cradle, and had become inured
to peril and warfare. Brave boy ! as I write of him his
sweet voice is ringing in my ear, and I almost feel the
power of his large earnest eyes. During some years 1
felt the brother he always called me, and thoroughly

THE CHUNG-WANG's PALACE. 239

appreciated his beautiful character — brave, generous,
deeply religious, affectionate and impulsive — I never found,
even amongst my own race, one so truly admirable.
And now where is he ? If living, an outcast and refugee
in his native land, the land he loved so well and fought
for so nobly. If dead, one of the many thousand victims
to a cruel and unjustifiable hostility.

In the morning I moved my vessel farther up the creek,
and leaving her in the chai'ge of the lowder, close up to
the city gate, landed with Marie, my two friends, and
Maou-lin, and proceeded to take up our quarters in
Nankin. The Chung-wang's ladies received Marie very
affectionately, and, thanks to her knowledge of Chinese,
she was soon qxiite at liome with them. In a short time
the stranger giid was amply supplied with rich dresses
a la Chinoise, a style of costume excessively becoming,
consisting of loose petticoat trousers, and a nicely cut
over-garment reaching just below the knees, tight at the
neck, half tight at the waist, with loose sleeves, and a
loose embroidered skirt, open at the sides.

The Chung-wang's palace was a very extensive and
handsome building, only lately erected. Entering through
an immense archway, supported by beautifully sculp-
tured granite columns, the outer door of a large courtyard
was reached. Passing through this, the covered way led
direct to the grand entrance of the palace, with its
carved and gilded columns, and roof covered with a bril-
liant representation of Chinese mythology. Upon each
side of the spacious courtyard, a range of low profusely
decorated colonnades extended past the front of the
palace to the grounds in its rear. Over the principal door
was placed a board with a gilded inscription, which told
to what purpose the building was dedicated. The door
itself was covered with huge painted dragons, and opened
upon a court fronting the Chung-wang's tribunal. Here,
and throughout the palace, the cunning of the Chinese
artisan was thoroughly displayed, the stonework, windows,

240 THE CHUNG-WANG's PALACE.

woodwork, ceiling and walls, forming a series of most
exquisite and curious specimens of sculpture ; while every
available portion of the building was curiously carved in
wood and stone ; a work far from being completed, and
estimated to occupy three years more at least. On either
side of the grand entrance stood a gigantic drum, always
sounded when the Chung-wang held a court, or for pur-
poses of assembly or alarm. Immediately within the
portals a magnificent piazza extended a short distance up
to the open court fronting the tribunal, the roof formed
of two immense domes, each one mass of gold and silver,
twisted into spiral flutings resembling a shell-fish, peculiar
to Chinese mythology. The domes were supported by a
number of brilliantly decorated columns, twined by
serpents. The Hall of Judgment, upon the other side of
the stone court, was decorated in crimson, except the walls,
which were hung with large yellow satin tablets, recording
the honourable deeds of the Chung-wang, the compli-
ments and rewards received from the Ti-ping king, and
various moral proverbs from the Chinese classics ; while,
between these, tablets of stone were engraved with texts
from scripture ; the intervening portions of the wall con-
taining a tablature of mythology, battles, and landscapes,
similar to the decorations around the outer colonnades, and
all illuminated in brilliant colours and with much in-
genuity. The sides of the Judgment Hall were ornamented
in the same style as the other parts of the palace, with
miniature landscapes, covered with natural shrubs and
trees, — peach, acacias, magnolias, with their powerful
aroma, camelias of the most delicate hue, and others
peculiar to China, all perfectly developed upon the most
minute scale. Half shrouded by beautiful little weep-
ing willows and the , sensitive mimosa, diminutive
porcelain cities rested on the sides of tiny lakes, spark-
ling with gold and silver fish ; while here and there, hills
covered with flourishing vegetation in one part, and
barren and rocky in another, rose from amidst the trees.

THE CHUNG- Wang's levee. 241

with several porcelain pagodas. The tribunal, the table
fronting it, and the surrounding chairs, were covered with
yellow satin, and directly behind and above the former
a grand canopy of the same material, of yellow and
scarlet, was suspended. The ceiling was hung with hand-
some glass lanterns and lustres, prettily ornamented with
rich silken cords and tassels reaching almost to the
cornices, the standards and banners of tlie Chung-wan g
drooj)ed in heavy silken folds to the ground. Passing
on from the Judgment Hall, after traversing several
broad chambers, whose sides were filled with small offices
containing secretaries, scribes, &c., another open court was
reached, with an orchestra and musicians at each side;
passing which, the Audience Chamber was entered;, then
the apartments of the palace officials, and another court,
and finally the " Heavenly Hall," or place of worship ; be-
yond whicli were the private rooms of the Chung-wang
and his household. At the back of the palace a garden
of rock- work, full of grottos, ponds of water crossed by
Chinese bridges, and all manner of grotesque Chinese con-
ceits, with a spacious summer dining pavilion in the centre,
extended to the colonnade. The rooms placed at the dis-
posal of myself and friends looked directly upon this,
and prettier quarters it would have been impossible to
find in all Nankin.

The Chung-wang's residence was the grandest and most
gorgeous in the city, with the exception of the Ti-ping-
wang's (Tien-wang), whose palace covered an immense
area, and was surrounded by a large yellow wall, crowned
with tall and gracefiil minarets, and a mass of green,
golden, and scarlet roofs.

A few days after my arrival at Nankin, tlie Chung-
wang held a grand levee to arrange the military operations
for the year. Upon this occasion I had the pleasure of
meeting the enlightened Kan-wang (Hung-jin, the Tien-
wang's cousin), and the " acomplished prince," the Chang-
wang. I have already given the opinions of our mission-

242 TI-PING CHIEFS.

aries with regard to the Kan-wang's superior intellect
and truly Christian character. In the Overland Register,
published at Hong-kong on the 25th of August, 1860,
he is spoken of thus : —

" His intercourse with CMnese Christians was what is termed edifyhig,
calculated to promote their pv/rity and stimulate their zeal. With other
Chinese he was the proselytizer, fearlessly exposing their errors, and exhort-
ing them to repent and believe tlie Gospel. Over young men his influence
was peculiarly beneficial. In fact, whether the individuals were young or
old, the case was, as was once observed by Mr. Chalmers, ' Whenever you
.see any one having long and frequent intercourse with Hung-jin, you may
be sure there is something good going on in him.' "

The Kan-wang was the head of the Ti-ping administra-
tion, and was called First Minister. During an intimacy
of several years I proved him to be not only a good
Christian, but a man of most honourable principles, of
enlightened mind, and thoroughly civilized. It is, how-
ever, a task of much difficulty and delicacy to draw a
distinction amongst the Ti-ping chiefs, simply because so
many of them were equally distinguished. I may, how-
ever, say that after the Tien-wang, the Chung, Kan,
Chang, Ying, I (the Tien-wang's eldest brother), and
Tsan wangs were the greatest. The Chang-wang was a
sort of Home Secretary or Minister of the Interior ;
neither this chief nor the Kan-wang held any executive
military command, although both were frequently in the
field in order to introduce civil administration into
conquered provinces. The Chang-wang was considered
the most learned and accomplished man in the Ti-ping
ranks, and hence his title, " Accomplished Prince." His
modest and unpretending manner, politeness and
education, made him one of the most agreeable of com-
panions. This chief, the Kan-wang, the Chung-wang's
son, Maou-lin, and several other men of rank, were study-
ing the English language from books supplied them by
some missionaries. The Rev. Griffith John, describing
his visit to Nankin, wrote : —

chung-wang's appeaeance. 243

" The Chang-wang at Nankin begged of me to inform the ' Foreign
Brethren,' for him, that the following are his views : — ' You have had the
Gospel for upwards of 1800 years, we only, as it wei-e, eight days. Your
knowledge of it ought to be coiTect and extensive ; ours must necessarily
be limited and imperfect. You must therefore bear with us for the jyresent,
and we will gradtudly iTnjyrove. As for the Gospel, it is one, and must be
propagated throughout the world. Let the ' Foreign Brethren ' all know
that we are determined to uproot idolatry, and plant Christianity in its
place.' "

I can answer for it that Chang-wang has done all in
his power to carry out his determination ; his request for
foreigners to " bear with " the Ti-pings for awhile, and the
reason he gives for it, afford a good example of his just
and liberal opinions. In age he was probably about 35,
of middle height, and with a thoughtful, intelligent, and
almost pensive style of countenance. The Ivan-wang
seemed at least ten years older, rather stoutish and tall,
and with an open, pleasing face, expressive of a kind and
benevolent character. His little son was being taught
English from a number of picture books written in
Chinese and English, and would always put his little
hand in mine and lisp, " Good morning, how do you do ? "
whenever I entered his father's palace.

The Kan and Chang wangs were well acquainted with
geography and mechanics, and besides, possessed books
of reference, with plates, upon every imaginable subject
of Western civilization and science, which they were
constantly studying.

The chiefs all attended the Chung-wang's levee in
their state robes and coronets. The Chung-wang himself
appeared with a beautiful crown ; he was the only chief
besides his Majesty, the Tien-wang, who wore one of real
gold. The metal was beaten out thin, into beautiful
filigree-work and leaves, and formed into the figure of
a tiger, the eyes being of large rubies, and the teeth rows
of pearls. At each side was an eagle with outstretched
wings, and on the top a phoenix. The whole crown was
magnificently decorated with large jewels set into the

R 2

24^tfc chung-wang's appearance.

gold, while pearls, sapphires, and other gems hung all
around. In his hand the Chung-wang carried a jade-
stone sceptre or "yu-i," curved at each end, and covered
with groups of sapphires, pearls, garnets, and amethysts.
His state robe was a gorgeous affair, reaching almost to
the feet, of beautifully embroidered yellow satin, stiff
with gold bosses and dragons worked in gold, silver, and
scarlet threads. Yellow embroidered trousers, and boots
of yellow satin, similarly ornamented, completed a cos-
tume, than which — set off by his handsome and energetic
features — it would be impossible to imagine one more
magnificent. When the Chung-wang entered the
Audience Hall and proceeded to his state chair, all the
assembled chieftains rose to their feet, and passing before
him, dropped upon one knee and saliited him, and then
returned to their seats, after which, the deliberations
were entered into.

CHUNG-WANG S C'ROW'N.

When the result of the council had been submitted to
and approved by the Tien-wang, orders were given to the
generals to march at once upon their several destinations.
The Ying-wang was despatched with a large force along
the northern bank of the Yang-tze river, in the direction

COUNCIL OF WAR. 245

of Han-kow and the province of Hoo-peh. Reinforce-
ments were ordered to tlie Shi-wang in Kiang-si, and the
Kan-wang, with a large retinue, was sent to the horders
of Kwei-chow to accept the allegiance of a strong body
of insurgents from Kwang-tung, which had lately been
tendered to the Ti-ping emperor. Each of these chiefs,
when prepared to start upon their expedition, assembled
their troops and harangued them in a most energetic
manner. Their addresses were received with acclamation,
and it required but little penetration to prophesy the
Manchoo troops would have but small chance of success-
fully opposing these enthusiastic and determined men.
With all their excitement they seemed possessed with a
firmness of purpose, and settled conviction to succeed. I
conversed with many while marching towards the city
gates, and found all alike imbued with the earnest belief
that God, or as they expressed it, " The Heavenly Father,"
was with them. Some were quite boys, of fifteen or
sixteen years. I asked several if they were not afraid to
go to battle and be killed, and one daring-looking little
fellow, pointing to a great cicatrice along the side of his
neck, and another on his breast, told me he had received
the wounds fighting the " Demon-imps" (Mauchoos), and
that he intended soon to have his revensje. Several of
the elder soldiers told me in a very serious manner that
it was a good thing to be killed fighting the " demons "
(the Manchoos were so called because of their idolatry),
as they would then certainly go to heaven.

The Chung-wan g, previous to commencing his march
to Ngan-whui, reviewed his body-guard in the large parade
ground. This brigade, 5,000 strong, marching under the
Chang-wang's standard of green, was composed of one of
the finest bodies of men I have ever seen in my life.
Until the repulse from Shanghae it was their boast that
they had never retreated or turned their backs upon a foe.
They were all natives of Kwang-si, the Chung-wang's
province, and came principally from the Maoutze, or

24G THE REVIEW.

aboriginal mountaineers, who have never at any period of
the Mancboo invasion, become subject to, or been subdued
by them ; and who, at the present time, still retain the
ancient Chinese customs and their own form of govern-
m.ent, entirely independent and free of all allegiance to
the reigning dynasty. These Maoutze are the very
bravest soldiers in. China, and are easily to be recognized
by the enormou.s quantity of their hair ; for never having
succumbed to and adopted the usurper's badge of slavery
— the shaved head — their hair has grown from infancy,
reaching almost to their feet when loose, and when dressed
forming a tail of great thickness, which, when wound
round the neck, acts as a protecting armour that no sword
can penetrate in the day of battle.

Besides his brigade of guards, the Chung-wang re-
viewed another, composed of remarkably fine Ilonan men,
and commanded by Ling-ho, an adopted son. This chief,
celebrated for his reckless and dashing gallantry, had been
repeatedly and dangerously wounded. He was particularly
attached to Europeans, and at the time I met him, had two
with him, one a Corsican, who held the position of Lieu-
tenant-Colonel in his regiment, and the other a Sardinian,
who was a Major. They had served with him several years,
were both married, and perfectly happy and contented,
although they had passed a considerable time without
seeing another European than themselves. The men they
commanded were greatly attached to them, and ready and
willing to follow them anywhere. These two brigades,
the body-guard of the Eoo-wang, second in command, and
a small body of cavalry, were all the troo2)s the Chung-
wang took with him from Nankin ; but these were the
very elite of the Ti-ping forces. The strength of the
whole division was about 7,500, which was to be con-
siderably increased by reinforcements in Ngau-whui.

At last, after all the other expeditionaiy forces had
started, the Chung-wang himself set fortli. Marie I left in
tears,but perfect safety and comfort. After the last farewell

CUM-Ho. 247

she was led into the inner apartments by her particular
friend, Cum-ho (the Good Gold), the Chung- wang's second
daughter, a remarkably pretty girl of about her own age.
During the few weeks which had elapsed since our arrival
at Nankin, her Excellency Mademoiselle Cum-ho had
been the inseparable companion of Marie. My friend was
generally with me, and I began to fancy that her " Foreign
Brother" was latterly assuming a very unbrotherly and
more affectionate relation. We were the first Europeans
the Chung-wang's ladies had ever seen, and my friend was
a fine handsome specimen of the race, therefore, it was
not very astonishing that Mademoiselle Cum-ho should
have lopked favourably upon him. Poor fellow ! he must
have experienced considerable difficulty in making love,
for at the time he scarcely knew five Chinese words.

Eield artillery was a thing totally unknown to the
Chinese armies when I joined the Chung-wang, but
previous to leaving Nankin I prevailed upon him to give
me men to work them and the reqviisite authority to
mount three light 6-pound French field-pieces, and carry
them with us. My friends and self were each capitally
mounted with strong and hardy Chinese horses, for which
the Chung-wang would not hear of payment. With our
small battery of artillery we were attached to his guards,
and marched rapidly forward. Besides my interpreter
and cook, the Chung-wang vei*y kindly supplied us with
a couple of pages each. This system of pages is a very
common one in the Ti-ping armies ; every chief or officer
of rank has a number of them ; they accompany him into
the thickest of the fight, each carrying a gun, which they
hand to him and re-load as fast as he can discharge them.

At the cities of Wuhu, Taeping-foo, Taepiug-hien, and
several others we halted, and were joined by large rein-
forcements, so that before we approached the neighbour-
hood of the enemy the strength of our army was but
little short of 27,000 men, independent of the camp
followers, while the baggage, coolie, and commissariat

248 THE MARCH.

departments amounted to upwards of 15,000. During the
march I had capital opportunities of observing the greatly
improved state of the country under Ti-ping rule, and
also of admiring the conduct, character, and efficiency of
their armies.

Much has been stated about the desolating and ruth-
less character of the Ti-pings, but I entirely deny the
accusation. I have been on many a long march with
them and have never found them act with the barbarity
that marked the late American war, or commit the atroci-
ties perpetrated in Poland and Circassia, or act as English-
men have done to the unfortunate natives of Ncav Zealand.
The li-pings never committed wanton devastation, never
destroyed crops of standing corn, as has been done by
civilized troops in New Zealand, in Algeria, and in the
Shenandoah Valley.

The perfect organization of the Ti-ping armies con-
trasted favourably with that of the Imperialists. The
former, unpaid and voluntary, observed strict discipline ;
the latter, receiving hire, constantly mvitinied ; all mili-
tary crimes, especially those of ill-using the villagers and
opium-smoking, were promptly and severely punished.
Outrages, no doubt, were committed by the Ti-ping
forces, but, if so, it was by those raw recruits who neither
understood nor cared for the Ti-ping cause. The great
body of the army observed a moderation unknown to
the Imperialists; were it otherwise, instant execution
was sure to follow. If a village was invested, its inhabit-
ants might command security by tendering allegiance
and conforming to the customs of the conquerors. If
a village was merely passed by, a moderate contribu-
tion was required. There may have been, particularly
in latter years, exceptions to this course, but it was not
the less the fundamental rule which guided the operations
of the Ti-ping armies. If they occupied a district for
any length of time, peace and contentment reigned there ;
it was only when they rested but for a short period.

THE TI-PING ARMY. 249

and were followed by the Imperialists, or, perhaps, by
hordes of local banditti and straggling bands of camp
followers, that the country was desolated. Such was
my experience. Each Ti-ping Wang or Prince has under
his special control 100,000 people, including one army.
Between the Wangs and generals of armies come nine
descriptions of officers, ranking as ministers, and other
great officers in charge of civil and military departments
of state. The military organization and all the titles,
are those used previous to the conquest of China by the
Manchoo Tartars. Each Ti-ping army, or keun, is com-
posed of 13,125 officers and men, under the command of
a general (keun-shwae), and is divided into five divisions
(ying), front, rear, right, left, and centre.

A division musters 2,625 strong, commanded by a
general of division (sze-shwae), and contains five leu, or
regiments, the front, rear, left, right, and centre.

A regiment is com2>osed of 525 men and officers,
commanded by a colonel (leu-shwae), and is divided into
five tsuh, or companies, the first, second, third, fourth,
and fifth.

A company is composed of 104 men and officers, com-
manded by a captain (tsuh-chang) ; then come four lieu-
tenants (leang-sze-ma), distinguished as the north, south,
east, and west, each in command of four sergeants (woo-
chang), and twenty privates (woo-tsuh).

The lieutenants, and all above, have each a banner
with his designation inscribed on it, which increases in
size with the rank of the officer.

Each division of an army is divided into three classes,
or brigades. The first consists of bond fide Ti-pings, that
is to say, all who are of more than six years' standing ;
the second brigade, of acknowledged brethren, of more
than three but less than sis years' service ; while the
third, and generally largest ' brigade, includes all new
levies, and less than three years' service men. Each
brigade is again divided into three classes. The best

250 ITS ORGANIZATION.

and bravest men are armed as musketeers, or cavalry ;
the next class as heavy gingall and halbert men ; and
the third as spearmen. A great proportion of the
three arms are flag-hearers, while the standards of the
chiefs are borne by officers of stanch Ti-pingism and
approved courage. The rank of these latter is upon an
equal footing with that of the commissioned oflicers, and
the position is considered the most honourable in the
army. The bravest men I have ever seen in my life
were some of these standard-bearers. It is their duty
to lead on the whole army by advancing with their colours
far in front, and I am certain many a brave ensign must
have fallen by the fire of his comrades, at times wonder-
fully eccentric. Attached to each division of guards (or
the first class of the three brigade divisions) is one large
black flag, and Avhen this is advanced, the division is
compelled to follow it upon pain of death, the rear rank
men carrying drawn swords to decapitate any who might
attempt to run. This flag possesses not only the signi-
fication the "black flag" does with Europeans, but must
never be carried in retreat before an enemy, nothing but
death being permitted to arrest its progress. This was
well known to the Imperialists, and, tmtil assisted by
British troops, officers, and supplies of shell, artil-
lery, &c., they rarely, if ever, awaited this terrible
attack, and even if courageous enough to do so, their
chance of success was but small indeed.

The absence of all mercenary attraction to their ranks
arose from the wish of the Ti-ping Government to have
no adherents who could possibly join them from other
than religious or patriotic motives, these being recognized
as the element that contributed so largely to success.
The appearance of the men is quite a sufficient guarantee
of the beneficial efi'ects of the system, for, instead of
being taken from the very lowest dregs of the peoi)le,
as with the Imperialists, it is nearly always the case
that they are men of respectability, from either the

SELECTION OF OFFICEES. 251

working, servant, or trading class ; frequently they are
of mucli higher social position, and this is generally the
case with the Kwang-tung and Kwang-si men, whose
superiority is such that it is mostly from their ranks
the officers are selected.

One of the wisest and most advantageous regulations
of the Ti-ping army is, that officers of every grade can
rise by merit alone ; a regulation highly beneficial,
most of their leaders having proved very superior men ;
among others the Chung-wang, who, unaided, rose by his
brilliant attainments alone to the highest military rank.

The total inability of the Manchoos to alone meet
the Ti-pings with any chance of success, is easily to be
understood when the different military constitutions of
the two powers are made known ; for how is it possible
that armies entirely composed of the very lowest and most
degraded of the people, and whose officers obtain their
rank by corruption and bribery, can be able to compete
with the patriotism of the Ti-pings, or the superior talent
of their chiefs ?

The cowardice and cruelty of the Imperialists have
long been notorious, and, after the experience foreign
officers have lately had, the courage and humanity of
the Ti-pings should have become equally so. I can
assure my readers that it is no slight devotion to the
sacred cause of civil and religious liberty, and not a little
hatred of the Manchoo oppressor, that encourages these
people in their gallant struggle for freedom, and makes
them so cheerfully accept all the rigours,, deprivations,
and incessant dangers of their cause. Any one who had
seen them undergo the terrible sufferings that I have
would never afterwards doubt this. There is one case
especially, which shall be related in its proper place, the
horror of which I shall never forget, and that, sad to
say, was caused entirely through the interference of
the British Government. It was occasioned more particu-
larly by the arrival of the Anglo-Chinese, or " Vampire-

252 EQUIPMENT OF THE AKMT.

Fleet," as it was called by tlie foreign residents of Shang-
hae, under command of Manchoo Admiral — but British
Cax>tain — Sherrard Osborne, and the progress of the mer-
cenary contingents commanded by Major Gordon, E..E.,
and others.

The equipment of the Ti-j)ing armies was much
the same as that of the Imperialists. What few cavalry
they possessed were armed with heavy swords of the
yataghan shape, generally double-handled, and witli
a very broad and thick blade ; their firearms were
light matchlocks, and European muskets or pistols
when they could obtain them. The musketeers carried
matchlocks, useless in wet weather, and European-made
double-barrelled guns, muskets, and pistols, generally of
very inferior quality. The second-class brigades usually
carried one large gingall to four men, the weapon Avhen
in use resting upon a tripod. The spearmen simply
carried a long bamboo with an iron spike in the end,
and the usual short, heavy Chinese sword, used by all
their infantry. The spears were proportioned to the
men, and ranged from eight to eighteen feet long. The
flags were all attached to twelve-feet spears. Besides the
above-mentioned weapons, many men from the northern
provinces were armed with the Tartar bow, which was a
much more accurate-shooting weapon than either match-
lock or gingall. Regiments of guards generally mustered
upwards of 2,000 strong. To each regiment were attaclied
twelve buglers in the shape of horn-blowers, the instru-
ment used being a long brass tube like a Erench horn,
and sounding like a number of cow-horns concentrated.
Troops could be manoeuvred by the notes of this instru-
ment perfectly well. Besides the buglers, a corps of
drummers formed the other part of each military band,
together with playei's upon the hautboys, Chinese fifes,
and serpent horns. Those who have seen a Ti-ping
army will readily agree with me that it is one of the
most picturesque and impressive sights in the world.

ITS FORMATION, 253

The very becoming style of the soldiers' dress, the bril-
liancy of the colours, the quantity and richness of the
silken flags, and the peculiar way in which the bearers
wave them about, or carry them streaming in the wind,
— the forest of spears presented by the spearmen of the
army, the number of mounted officers, — all unite in pro-
ducing a vivid impression.

It was in such style that after a twenty days' march
we came upon the Imperialist troops in the neighbour-
hood of the Poyang Lake. Directly the Chung-wang
became aware of the enemy's vicinity, clouds of skir-
mishers were deployed in front of the leading divisions,
and the cavalry divided into two bodies, one covering each
flank. The advancing army meanwhile continued its
march in close columns, each column being four deep,
and at wheeling distance from the parallel columns on
either side. This formation of the Ti-ping armies much
resembles the movement by " fours " of the British
army; but the files are single — what is usually termed
the Indian file, and each acts independently of the others.
When it is required to form line of battle, the columns
simply halt and wheel into line upon either flank, joining
the points of the formations upon each side. It will thus
be seen that, instead of marching front forward as European
columns, they advance end on, and the front of each
company when on the march is at right angles to tlie
head of the column. The line of battle is formed four
deep in consequence of this, but, if necessary, is easily
made less by the rear files being right or left faced, and
marched off parallel to their former position. The leading
battalions are always formed of the spearmen or poorest
troops ; the second line of battle is composed of the second
class men ; and the third, or reserve, of the best troops
and guards.

In this order we advanced upon the Imperialists. I
had divided my artillery, — my friend with one piece
and a company of thirty men joining the right wing ;

254 THE ENEMY IN VIEW.

Philip with, another gun and the same number of men,
the left; while I remained, with the third gun, in the
centre.

Throughout the day no collision with the enemy took
place ; numberless videttes and pickets of Tartar cavalry
were driven in, but we nowhere came upon them in force.
At last, just before dark, we came within full view of the
Manchoo army, drawn up in battle array in the centre of a
great plain immediately beyond the hilly ground from which
we were about to debouch. Our army was immediately
halted upon its commanding position, and a body of
cavalry sent forward to reconnoitre. The Chung-wang
himself went with this force, and I accompanied him.
When we had approached to within a mile of the enemy,
we halted and surveyed them through our glasses. I
estimated their strength at somewhere near 50,000, but
what puzzled me most was the fact that about a third of
this force was well-equipped and hardy Tartar cavalry.
The Ti-pings certainly could not form square to resist
them, and how otherwise they could repulse their charges
I did not know.

The Manchoos allowed us but small time to make our
observations, for while we were busied with them a large
body of cavalry had been detached from the nearest wing,
and was galloping at full speed to intercept our retreat.
As they considerably outnumbered us, we followed the
tactics of that celebrated general who with twice
10,000 men marched up the hill and then marched down
again ; only he walked, and we galloped away as fast as we
could. The Tartars could not catch us, and as we neared
our lines gave up the chase with one of those yells Tartars
alone know how to make.

The enemy occupied a remarkably unpleasant position
for a Chinese army, because they had but small room for
running away, and this made us believe they must either
be very superior troops, or else have large supports some-
where out of sight in their rear. Their situation answered

THEIR RETREAT. 255

to the rim of a fan, each side being cut off by water, —
the Poyang Lake on one hand, and the river Yang-tze-
kiang on the other. At the very apex of this position
we knew the Imperialists held the city of Hu-kau, a
strongly-fortified place ; therefore we suspected they either
depended upon supports from thence, or on finding pro-
tection within its walls, in event of defeat in the field.

As it was too late to commence any operations, we •
encamped upon the rising ground for the night. Towards
midnight, however, our pickets came in with the report
that the enemy were in full retreat. The Chung-wang
immediately ordered the army to follow in pursuit. Tents
were struck, the different corps assembled, and in a few
minutes we were advancing at a quick step, every man
carrying a lantern, according to the practice of the
Chinese trooj)s at night. After crossing the plain, we
met with more broken and irregular ground; skirmishing
parties were sent out, and we had not advanced far
when those from the front fell back with intelligence
that the enemy were strongly posted in a row of stock-
ades and intrenchments directly on our line of march.

The ]?oo-wang was at once ordered to make a recon-
naissance in force, and feel the enemy's position prepara-
tory to a grand attack at daybreak. With my two friends,
L. and Philip, I joined this corps and with it pushed
rapidly forward, the men still carrying their confounded
lanterns ; we had, however, taken with us fifty of our
gunners armed with old Tower muskets, and, leading
them without lanterns, marched a little aloof upon the
right flank of the column. We soon discovered the
enemy, whose whole line of intrenchments was illu-
minated with lanterns, and directly our lights were seen
a most tremendous roar of gongs, drums, and war-
horns commenced. Scouts were sent out dressed all in
black, and without lanterns, to ascertain the nature and
strength of the defences. With several of my men I
went upon the same errand on the extreme left of the

256 PREPARATIONS FOR ATTACK.

enemy. Crawling along the ground, and taking ad-
vantage of every inequality and cover, we got within
100 yards of the last stockade upon the left : it was
apparently furnished with several pieces of artillery upon
its front, surrounded with a moat, and altogether a
formidable field-work. Before retiring, I crawled away
to the left of it, and found the nature of the ground so
unequal, and so many bushes scattered about, that I
fancied, if no pickets were posted at that part, it would
be quite practicable to advance a sufficient body of men
under cover to carry the work by a coup-de-main. If this
could be done, the position would be turned, and in all
probability the enemy would be compelled to abandon
his whole line of defences.

I rejoined the Foo-wang, whom I found manoeuvring
to alarm the Manchoos and induce them to discover their
force. Every man was carrying two lanterns, one upon
each end of his spear placed horizontally across his
shoulders, while quite a number of others were made
fast to bamboos stuck in the ground. After I proposed
my plan to him, he decided to maintain his advanced
position until the Clmng-wang's opinion Avas ascertained;
for which purpose one of his principal officers returned
with me to our main body. The Chung- wang approved
of my design, and placed 500 of his own guards under
my command, and an equal number of the Eoo-wang's ;
directing the attack to be given just before daylight, when
the wiiole army should advance after and follow up my
movements, while a grand demonstration should be made
upon the right of the works by the Foo-wang's corps.
At the appointed hour my division of stormers assembled,
all clothed in black silk jacket and trousers, every man
well armed with a musket, and carrying a bamboo spear
to leap the moat with, if necessary ; meanwhile, the main
body of the army was noiselessly massed behind us, and
the Foo-wang' s division made more display of lanterns
and more feints to attack than ever. Of course my party

A NIGHT ATTACK. 257

left their lanterns behind, and the main body took the
same precaution for a wonder. Moving rapidly towards
the cover, we reached it just as the Poo-wang commenced
a false attack, Philip was with me, but I had left my
friend L. behind with the guns, with orders to follow me
into the stockade with them, in event of our taking it.

Slowly my men crept along in the direction of the
work ; we passed the spot I had previously made my
observations from, and had actually reached within fifty
yards of the parapet before we were discovered ; the whole
of the garrison being apparently crowded upon the right
side, watching the distant firing instead of their own
neighbourhood. Directly the enemy observed us, rising
erect with a tremendous cheer, we rushed to storm the
place, while the reserve kept up a heavy fire upon the
defenders to cover our assault. Passing to the rear of
the stockade with but little loss, for the fire of our sup-
ports swept the parapet, we charged up to the ditch
under a shower of arrow-headed rockets. At this point
men were dropping all around, for the fire of our comrades
no longer suj)ported us ; fortunately the ditch was dry,
and leaping into it, my men became well protected, for
these Chinese stockades have no flanking an2:les. But
now a new weapon was brought into play. Unable to show
themselves, the garrison commenced throwing " stink-
pots," over the parapet, amongst us. The burns and suf-
focating fumes of these singular missiles were fearful.
Directly my men were all loaded — some placed upon the
flank of the stockade and the rest in its rear, so as to
open a cross fire — we clambered up the rampart, and
lining the parapet, opened fire upon the crowd huddled
up in the interior. The advantage of the position was
entirely ours, for my men on the flank, enfilading the
parapet, shot down all who attempted to dislodge us, while
upon our side we rendered them the same service.

In almost perfect safety, for a few moments, we pom-ed
a close and deadly cross fire into the mass of the enemy ;

258 A STOCKADE CARRIED.

but then, our supports storming upon the front of the
stockade, the defenders began to rush to their only side
of escape, and went over the parapet as fast as they
could. Jumping into the place sword in hand, we soon
drove out or cut down the few wbo still resisted, thougli
not without loss, for many of the defenders were armed
with spears, with which they at first had a considerable
advantage over my short-s worded comrades, the spears
we had carried being left outside the ditch. The com-
mander of the work was a brave Tartar officer, who
fought desperately and killed several of our men with
arrows. When these were all used, he rushed into the
melee with his heavy Tartar sword. If all the garrison
had fought like him, I doubt whether our enterprise
would have proved so successful, for we were considerably
outnumbered. Wishing to save the life of this officer,
I ran up to him with the point of my sword lowered, and
called upon him to surrender ; but, suddenly impelled
forward by a rush of men, I came within reach of bis
weapon, which in an instant was descending full upon my
head. Instinctively I raised my arm to the guard ; at
tlie saiBe moment a pistol was fired. I felt a pressure on
my head, and the Tartar rolled over at my feet ; I turned
to my rescuer, and found Maou-lin ; the brave boy had just
had time to interpose his blade, which was driven down
with much force upon my head, and then so effectually
to use, his revolver.

By this time the stockade was ours : its former masters
were all driven out or killed ; but, rapidly as this hap-
pened, we had but small time for rejoicing, for scarcely
had the last fugitive disappeared over the parapet, when
Ave heard the noise of a lieavy column of the enemy rush-
ing to recapture the place. While the attacking troops
were approaching the right flank of the work, the dull
rumbling in the rear told us the whole force of the
enemy, or at least a strong division, was moving to sur-
round us. We had just time to man the parapets when

CHARGE OF MANCHOO CAVALRY. 259

the advancing column rushed forward to the assault.
Crouched down in a double line, we waited until the
foremost ranks were within a few paces of the ditch ; our
first line then delivered their fire, and stepped back to
reload. The advance was checked, and the attacking
forces, crowded together by the press from their rear,
presented a living wall to our second volley, delivered
within ten feet. Before the killed and wounded had well
fallen, another volley poured in by our first line completely
broke them, and, leaving a heap of stricken men all along
that side of the stockade, they turned and fled.

Daylight had now arrived, and opened upon a crowded
field of battle. The enemy appeared in great strength
massed in rear of the stockades, while a movement to
their left flank was being executed as fast as possible,
under cover of their whole cavalry, whose advance had
caused the rumbling noise in our rear. At a glance, I
perceived the enemy's left was completely turned, and the
whole Ti-ping army was forming upon some hilly ground
almost at right angles to the line of stockades. U]3 this
the Tartar cavalry was charging at full speed in three
strong lines, each at least 5,000 strong. I naturally ex-
pected to see them ride straight over the Chung-wang and
all his men, for I had not at that time seen the Ti-ping
method of resisting a cavalry charge. Suddenly, and
while the cavalry were still at a considerable distance, the
whole front of our army gave way, and wheeling to the
left, ran to the rear at the double quick. I fully expected
that when the lines reached the parallel marching order a
general flight would take place ; but, to my astonishment,
the right files of each line stood fast, and the remaining
flies sweeping past the parallel position, doubled back and
formed a complete circle. The second line advanced, and
planted its gingalls in the intervening spaces, the hal-
berdiers forming a second line of circles ; while the third
line, advancing from the reserves, doubled up to the front,
and entering those of the spearmen, composed an inner

2G0 THE REPULSE.

circle of musketeers. Upon the left of the army, and in
a line with the stockades, the Eoo-wang's division was
formed en echelon, extending from the front of the
main body to little more than half a mile from the
stockade I held. This force was slowly moving up so as
to close with the position and rest its left flank upon it.
Our cavalry was formed into two bodies, one vipon the
right of the army and the other in rear of the reserves.
Such was the order in which the Ti-pings awaited the
charsre of the Tartar cavalrv.

The bright rays of the morning sun now flashed across
the serried ranks of the hostile armies and played fitfully
on the glistening arms of the long lines of Tartar cavalry
as they dashed up the slopes in all the pomp and circum-
stance of war. In far less time than is occupied in per-
using the account, the foremost Tartars had mounted the
crest of the rising ground, and charged full upon the
front of our army. On they went, line after line sweeping
up the slight ascent, waving their scarlet plumes and
many-coloured banners. At last this gallant array was
burst asunder ; a sheet of flame ran along the whole of
our line, followed by the crash of rolling musketry,
mingled with the frequent and hoarse reports of the heavy
gingalls, before which the first line of cavalry fell back
broken and disorganized. The second line spread out till
the first had retreated through the openings, then closing
again, they dashed forward, only to meet a like repulse ;
and now the third and strongest line advanced, doomed to
utter destruction. Upon the extreme left of the Foo-
wang's line, now within a few hundred yards of the
stockade, my three pieces of artillery were suddenly un-
masked and opened upon the charging cavalry. Within
pistol-shot distance, grape and canister enfilading the
dense lines of men and- horses, carried destruction
through their ranks. The fire was steadily maintained by
alternate guns, and the hissing noise of the mitraille, as
it rushed through the air, followed by the dull sounding

THE EKEMY RETREAT. 261

thud as man and horse went down before it, was plainly
heard at my position. Leaping and struggling clear of
the fallen men and horses, the Tartars actually reached
and endeavoured to break the formation of spearmen ; but
with knee to the ground and their lances firmly placed,
these successfully maintained their ranks, while at such
close quarters every shot told upon the crowd of horse-
men with deadly effect, the circle of musketeers running
round and round and keeping up an incessant fire, loading
as they passed towards the rear of the circle and firing
as they came to the front. Some circles were broken,
and in a moment overwhelmed and trodden under hoof ;
but in those instances the victors paid a heavy penalty for
their temporary success ; from the circles on each flank
and those of the second rank and the reserves in line, a
withering cross fire swept their squadrons from front to
rear and flank to flank.

The last and most desperate charge of the enemy's
cavalry was repulsed with tremendous loss. Their order
was no sooner broken than, rushing from the right of the
army, our cavalry brigade, nearly 2,000 strong, came
sweeping along the whole front, and, falling upon the
flank of the retreating and disordered enemy, completed
their rout.

All this transpired in a few minutes, and even before
the final repulse of their cavalry, the Imperialists, unable
to change front with sufficient celerity or advantage,
evacuated their line of intrenchments and commenced
retreating in good order, waving their numerous flags in
a figure of eight and sweeping the ground with them,
according to that method of defying an enemy peculiar to
China. The Imperialists had evidently received heavy
reinforcements during the night, for, without reckoning
their defeated cavalry, their strength was at least double
that of our entire army ; but at that time this was con-
sidered by the Ti-pings as no great advantage.

The enemy was so completely outflanked, that, directly

262 THE PURSUIT.

the last cavalry charge had been repulsed, tlie Cliung-
wang hastened to follow up his advantage. Line of
battle was re-formed and the whole army advanced at
a run upon the retreating and mancEuvring columns.
Abandoning the captured stockade, with my detachment
I rejoined the army, and, passing through the Eoo-wang's
division, carried off the guns to the extreme right, now
actively engaged with the retiring left wing of the
Manchoos in Chinese fashion, that is to say, by waving of
flags, distant volleys of gingalls, &c., with yells, abuse,
and gesticulation. The position was still very unfavour-
able to the enemy ; their long front was yet diagonal to
ours, and although their left wing was falling back as fast
as possible, so as to form a parallel line of battle, our
whole line Avas performing a side march to maintain its
flanking attitude, and moreover, was already engaging
the troops attempting to take up a fresh alignment.

Consequent upon the imperfect system of Chinese
drill, the retreating troops were unable to effect a regular
formation ; one company would halt too soon, another too
late, and some not at all. Neither was our advance much
better, for the only well-formed position of a Chinese army
is when it remains stationary. The flag-waving and abusive
part of the action did not last long, for, seizing the oppor-
tvinity, the Chung-wang advanced the second brigades.
Moving my guns well upon the right and out of the
eccentric line of fire from the lieavy gingalls, I took up a
position enfilading whole divisions of the enemy, and
opened upon them with considerable effect.

For a little while the Imperialists stood this, and
returned a sharp fire from their gingalls and long match-
locks, but several lines of our third brigade, or mus-
keteers, forming at intervals with the second and first,
charged them amidst tremendous cheering. They broke,
and throwing away their arms, fled in confusion upon
their centre. A well-timed charge of our cavalry changed
their flight into a complete rout, and rushing frantically

COMPLETE ROUT OP THE MANCHOOS. 2(5:>

upon the stationary divisions of the centre, and those
occupied in changing ground, they threw the whole into
disorder.

Not a moment was lost in following up the blow ; our
right wing and centre, reserves and all, rushed upon the
disorganized multitude, while the Foo-wang with our left
wing and the cavalry moved forward obliquely, and
attacked the enemy's right and the remnant of cavalry he
had re-formed in its rear. Eor some little time this part
of the field was well disputed, but at length, the left wing
and centre, driven back upon the right with immense
slaughter, involved the whole army in inextricable con-
fusion. The reserves, without firing a shot, turned and
fled from the field, while their comrades, struggling and
surging in one huge mass, endeavoured to follow their
example, while some few struggled to arrest the victorious
advance. Vainly strove the bravest Tartar ofiicers to
animate their men ; the hardiest veterans, extricating
themselves from the confusion, uselessly sacrificed their
lives attempting to re-form and gain time for the broken
lines to rally and open out in order ; equally vain were
the fierce efforts of the main body, as, rolling and stagger-
ing along, they wavered, hesitated, and sent forth storms
of fire upon friend and foe alike, while the rallied* horse-
men feebly charged the Poo-wang's cavalry, and, driven
back, hovered in rear and flank of its defeated infantry.
The day was irretrievably lost for the Manchoos. Nothing
could stop our impetuous charge, as with deafening shouts
the whole army swept on victorious, driving them back
with fearful carnage. In vain the Imperialists endeavoured
to deploy ; the head of every formation no sooner appeared
than the volleys of our musketeers swept them away, or
the charging spearmen and halberdiers annihilated them.
Thrown into disorder and mingled with the fugitive crowd,
the right wing, no longer able to oppose the Foo-wang,
was burst asunder by our cavalry. The Imperialists were
totally routed. Halting tlie reserves and centre, the

2(34 maou-lin's bravery.

Cliim£:-wan£: re-formed tliem and moved in the direction
of Hu-kau, while the two wings and the cavalry pursued
the panic-stricken multitude, eventually either driving
them into the waters of the Poyang Lake, some three
miles from the field of battle, or making prisoners of
them.

In the mean while the Chung-wang advanced rapidly
upon the small city of Hu-kau, to where the reserves of
the Imperialist army had already retreated. A quick
march of less than three hours brought us before its walls,
and, advancing my little battery, I prepared to enfilade the
parapet and cover the advance of our stormers. This,
however, proved unnecessary, for the enemy, profiting
by their late experience, had evacuated the place and
embarked in numerous junks and gunboats upon the
Yang-tze river.

During the late engagement Maou-lin and Ling-ho
had particularly distinguished themselves. In vain had
my two friends and the Corsican and Sardinian officers
attempted to compete with their valour. Foremost in
every assault Maou-lin or his adopted brother made them-
selves conspicuous. All had received spear-wounds in the
melee, but, fortunately, none were very severe, and under
the soothing influence of the herbal decoctions the Chinese
surgeons so well understand the use of, they soon became
healed. Our total loss in killed and wounded was
less than two thousand, while that of the enemy was
immense : the whole battle-field and line of retreat was
literally covered with their slain, while hundreds had
perished in the watei's of the Poyang Lake.

Hu-kau had been a military dep6t of the Imperialists,
and in it we captured considerable stores of grain and war
material. After an occupation of several weeks, the
object of the expedition in the defeat of the Imperialist
army, having been so successfully accomplished, the
Chung-wang abandoned that place, and sending back the
divisions that had joined him in Ngan-whui with large

RETURN TO NANKIN. 265

convoys of grain, and the sick and wounded of tlie array,
to be carried to Nankin, lie advanced with his first division
through the southern part of Ngan-whui into the province
of Che-kiang, upon a march of observation, prepara-
tory to the grand campaign of the summer, that had
been decided upon at Nankin by the military council.

I returned with the larger portion of the army to
Nankin, and took my friends with me, as it Avas my
intention to communicate with agents at Shanghae and
transact various affairs connected with forwarding the
Ti-ping cause. The Chung-wang was so pleased witli the
efi'ectiveness of my little field battery that he kept it
Avith him, and before parting with him I received his
best thanks, whilst each of my friends were] given a
certificate for their gallantry in the action" and the
capture of the stockade.

266 PROSPECTS OF THE TI-PINQS IN 1860.

CHAPTER X.

Prosi)ects of the Ti-piiigs in 1860. — Tlieiv Operations. — Relief of Nankin.
— Rout of the Imperialists. — Ti-piug Successes. — British Interference.
— Ti-pings advance on Shanghae. — The Clinng-wang's Address. —
Mr. Bruce's Notification. — Mr. Bruce's Dispatch. — The Future of
China. — The Chung-wang's Dispatch. — Mr. Bruce's Inconsistency. —
Mis.sionary "Holmes." — His Statement. — His Uncourteous Behaviour.
— His Inconsistencies. — Suppressed Missionary Reports. — Rev.
GriiEth Johns' Report. — Newspaper Extracts. — The Shanghae
Massacre of Ti-pings. — Newspaper Extracts. ^ — The Author's Reflec-
tions thereon.

GLOOMY, indeed, were the prospects of the Ti-pings
at the opening of the year 1860. The garrison of
Nankin, reduced to less than 20,000 men by the con-
tinual reinforcements despatched to the armies in Kiang-
si, Ngan-whui, and the north bank of the Yang-tze — a
proceeding rendered necessary by the shortness of supplies
in the capital — was cut off from all communication with
its armies in the field by a series of woi'ks forming a
complete line of circumvallation from the Tsin-hwai river,
which enters the Yang-tze a few miles above Nankin, to
Yentzeke, a position about five miles below the city, and
situated on the Yang-tze river. Large fleets of Impe-
rialist war-junks blockaded the river communication of
the city from below, while, far as the eye could reach,
over hill and valley, the many-bannered hosts of the
besieging army occupied the whole surrounding country.
It seemed but a question of a few weeks more whether
the Imperialists would have the courage to storm tlie
citv, or A\'hether starvation would exterminate the noble

THEIR OPERATIONS. 267

and patriotic band of the first Cliristian movement in
China. It was then the power and organization of the
Ti-pings were displayed to their fullest extent ; at no
time, since the erection of their standard of liberty, had
their cause been threatened by so imminent a danger,
and at no time had their movements been so skilfully
conducted, as during the three months preceding the
relief of Nankin. The tactics first adopted were those of
distracting the attention of the besiegers, and obliging
them to detach portions of their force. In accordance
with this project, the army in the Eastern province of
Ngan-whui, commanded by Le, the Chung-wang (for-
merly general of the first Northern expedition), and the
army in Kiang-si, commanded by the I-wang (the Tien-
wang's brother Shih-ta-kae), by forced marches placed
themselves upon the rear of the besieging army, and
seriously threatened its lines of communication.

The Chung-wang, starting from the vicinity of "Wu-hu
and Tai-piug-foo, on the south bank of the Yang-tze, by
a flank march in a south-easterly direction, placed him-
self immediately in the rear of the grand army of Impe-
rialists encamped before Nankin. Detaching a strong
column to thi'eaten the cities of Soo-chow and Chang-
cliau, the principal depots of the enemy, he hurried his
main body by forced marches to the provincial capital
Hang-chau, and, after heavy fighting, upon the 19th of
March mined the walls, and obtained possession of the
outer city. The Manchoo garrison, after holding out in the
inner or Tartar city for six days, were succoured by a
considerable force from Kiang-su, which joining them,
recovered the city ; the Ti-pings retiring, after inflicting
severe loss amongst their opponents.

In the meanwhile, the I-wang, concentrating his
forces upon the Kiang-si frontier, also invaded the Che-
kiang province, but from a point more to the south.
After capturing the prefectural cities Ku-chau and Yen-
chau, and descending the Tsien-tang river to within a

268 RELIEF OF NANKIN.

short distance of Hang-cliau, he suddenly turned north,
and effected a junction with the Chung- wang.

This strategy, however, had not the anticipated effect,
and the Imperialist army, besieging Nankin, continued
to direct their main efforts to the recapture of that city.
The garrison, in consequence, became reduced to the
greatest straits, and suffered terrible jirivations. During
all their trials, their hope and courage never faltered for
a moment ; in the midst of his perishing people, the
Tien-wang calmly and sublimely taught them to call
upon God as the sure means of deliverance from their
pressing danger.

Hanging his banner from the walls of his palace, and
seated within full view and range of the Manclioo com-
mander's camp, upon a hill directly opposite, the Tien-
wang devoutly composed a special doxology for the use
of the garrison. From the soldiers on the walls to the
little children in their mothers' arms, by day and by
night, the voice of praise and supplication ascended to
the heavens. Whatever we may consider the faults and
errors of these men, most of them are now in the presence
of their Maker ; and if a full and earnest and Christian
belief in His Word can benefit mankind in a future state,
they — and, after a close intercourse of several years with
the Ti-piugs, I say it without a shadow of doubt — will be
rewarded.

At last, finding it impossible to effect the relief of
the capital by distant operations, it became imperative to
assemble an army of relief without delay. Arrangements
M'ere accordingly made for a simultaneous attack by the
armies in the field, and a sortie in force by the garrison.
The combined forces of the Chung and I-wangs marched
directly upon the rear of the besieging army, and on the
3rd of May, the garrison sallying forth from each gate of
the city, according to preconcerted signal, the advanced
guard of the approaching army burst through the Impe-
rialist lines, and effected a junction with them. The day

ROUT OF THE IMPERIALISTS. 269

was bitterly cold, and, taking advantage of a thick snow-
storm, the van of the army of relief — which, to the number
of nearly 20,000, had, by a successful raid for horses, been
mounted for the occasion — made their charge with com-
plete success.

Directly the combination was effected, the entire force
turned upon the Imperialist army. The right and left
wing of the besiegers, considerably distant from the
centre through which the Ti-ping cavalry had charged,
and, moreover, unable to perceive the movements taking
place, through the snow-storm and grey light of the
morning, and being informed only of the sortie, moved
forward uj^on the city, confident in their numbers, and
expecting to easily drive back the weakened garrison, and
enter the city with them.

Meanwhile, leaving a detachment with the troops
from the city to hold their ground, the Ti-ping cavalry
charged straight back upon the enemy's centre, and
falling upon them while they were yet re-forming and in
confusion, drove them off the field with tremendous
slaughter. Then, forming into two bodies, they attacked
each wing of the Imperialist army, which, having dis-
covered the arrival of reinforcements to the garrison,
was now retreating to its lines. It was at this critical
moment the Ti-ping cavalry, after literally riding over
the reserves in rear of the lines, came down upon them.
Pressed by the attack of the garrison in their rear, and
unable to cross the ci'eeks and ditches in face of the
cavah-y in any order, the carnage became fearful. All
the trenches, dug by their own hands, w^ere choked by
the bodies of the Imperialists — scarcely a man that had
crossed those limits escaped. When the work of slaughter
could be safely entrusted to the garrison alone, the cavalry
followed in pursuit of the retreating enemy. The whole
Ti-ping army having now arrived upon the field, the rout
of the Imperialists became total — arms, flags, ammuni-
tion, and provisions, everything that made them an army,

270 TI-PING SUCCESSES.

were abandoned, and in the wildest panic its miserable
remnants fled for refuge to the district city of Tan- Yang.

It is estimated that they lost no less than 60,000 men
during the action and pursuit. The country for many
miles was covered with their bodies, which also filled
the creeks, and stopped the running waters.

Vigorously following up their successes, town after
town, including that of Tan-Yang, fell into the hands of
the Ti-pings. Several Imperialist armies mai'ched from
Soo-chow and Chang-chow to oppose them, but in each
case were totally defeated ; the second in command was
killed, while Ho-chun, the Manchoo Commander-in-Chief,
committed suicide. The mass of disorganized troops dis-
persed themselves all over the country for plunder, and
great numbers flocked to the magnificent city of Soo-
chow, the gates of wliich were closed against them ; they
then gave themselves up to all kinds of excesses, and
setting fire to the extensive and wealthy suburbs, com-
mitted every description of pillage and rapine. When
the Ti-ping army approached, a few days later, the au-
thorities abandoned it, and this, the most important city
in Central China, fell into their hands upon the 24!th
day of May.

During the next three months the Ti-pings were
engaged in taking possession of all the cities within a
considerable distance, and in establishing their rule
throughout the adjoining departments, including the silk
districts of Ly-hong, Wu-seih, Kin-tang, Es-hing, Tay-
saam, Tsat-lee, Kia-hing, Hu-chau, &c. Supplies were
forwarded to Nankin in large quantity, the Budhist
idols and temples were demolished far and wide, and in
their stead the Ti-pings introduced the Holy Scriptures to
every household within their jurisdiction. Their regular
and moderate system of taxation was enforced, and those
country people who at the first alarm had fled from their
homes were gradually returning. At Shanghae, in the
meanwhile, the report of the Ti-ping successes, and the

BRITISH INTERFERENCE. 271

prospect of their early advance upon that city, was made
the occasion for tlie first display of that un-English
perfidy that has since been carried to such a monstrous
extent.

It will be remembered that the British authorities bad
already recognized the Ti-pings as a belligerent power,
and were therefore not only bound to observe a strict
neutrality by every article of international law, but had
actually sought and communicated with them, and in the
person of Sir George Bonham solemnly guaranteed in
writing their observance of neutrality, receiving from the
revolutionists a similar assurance. Yet, in flagrant vio-
lation of the professions of non-intervention, Mr. Bruce
took upon himself, in his capacity as superintendant of
British trade, to commit a breach of neutrality by the
following proclamation and its fulfilment : —

" Tlie uudei-signed issues tliis specuil proclaiiiatiou, &c.

" Sbanghae is a port open to foreign trade, and the native dealers
residing tlierein have large transactions with the foreigners who resort to
the jilace to carry on tlioir business. Were it to lecoine the scene of attack
aiul civil war, commerce would receive a severe blow, and the interests of
those, whether foreign or native, who ^vish to pursue their peaceful avoca-
tions in quiet, would suffer great loss.

" The undersigned will therefore call upon the commanders of Her
Majesty's naval and military authorities to take proper measures to prevent
tlie inhaliitants of Shanghae from being exposed to massacre and pillage,
and to lend their assistance to put down any ijisurrectionaiy movements
among the ill-disposed, and to protect the city against any attack.

(Signed) " Fredk. W. A. Bruce.

" Shaiighae, May 26, 1860."

The solemn pledges made by England were thus deli-
berately violated, but, as will be seen, that injustice was
prompted by mercenary considerations, masked by phi-
lanthropic pretensions. Besides this, we find Mr. Bruce •
audaciously, if not idiotically, declaring his intention
to violate a British guarantee : —

" And it appeared to me tluU withoid taking any part in this civil con-
test, or expressing any opinion on the rights of the parties, we might

272 TI-PINGS ADVANCE ON SHANGHAB.

protect Shangliae from attack, and assist the authorities in preserving
tranquillity."

As Mr. Bruce states defending cities for the Man-
choos by shooting down the Ti-pings is " without taking
any part " in the internecine war, it would be amusing to
have his ideas as to the meaning of " taking part." Not
satisfied with injuring the rights of an acknowledged
belligerent, Mr. Bruce, a few days after, adds insult to
injury. The Kan-wang having forwarded a dispatch to
the consvils of England, France, and the United States,
Mr. Bru.ce issued the following instructions to the British
Consul : —

" With reference to the letter addressed to you, in common with the
consuls of France and the United States, by one of the leaders of the
insui'gents, I am clearly of opinion that it is both inexpedient and objec-
tionable on principle that her Majesty's consuls should hold any communi-
cation with the insurgents at Soo-chow, and I have, therefore, to instruct
you to take tw notice of it."

It would be satisfactory to know upon what " prin-
ciple" Mr. Bruce excuses this act of injustice, and, also,
where he obtained his ideas of belligerent and neutral
" principles." The inconsistency of his conduct will be
seen a little further on, when, although taking " no
notice" of the Ti-ping dispatch, he sends them a com-
munication which he expects they are to notice.

Throughout the rebellion, the Ti-pings had naturally
been anxious to obtain possession of some seaport at
which they would be enabled to trade with foreigners,
and obtain supplies of arms and munitions of war, as
the Imperialists did at the treaty ports. After Soo-chow
had been occupied about three months, the Ti-pings,
relying on the pledges that had been given, marched
upon Shanghae to take possession of it, the Manchoo
power being completely crushed.

Previous to this advance, Soochow had been visited by
a large number of missionaries and mercantile gentlemen,

THE CHUNG-WANG's ADDRESS. 273

who all reported most favourably upon the character, aim,
and religion, of the insurgents. Of these reports, how-
ever, those only were made public to the people of England
which contained false and garbled accounts, intended to
justify the violation of neutrality and the defence of
Shanghae. Before referring to the suppressed reports,
we will notice the attack upon the city. Depending upon
the British guarantees and good faith, the Chung-vvang —
leaving the bulk of his forces to garrison difiTerent places,
and march against the remaining Manchoos in the field —
advanced upon Shanghae himself to treat with the foreign,
representatives ; and expecting no opposition, instead of
throwing his large and victorious army rapidly upon the
city, simply brought Avitli him a portion of his own body-
guard, and some 3,000 irregular troops, more as an escort
than for any ofiensive purpose. On approaching the city,
the Chung-wang addressed and forwarded to the Poreign
Ministers the following communication — the very same
which Mr. Bruce ordered the consul to take " no notice .
of."

" Le, the Loyal King of the Heavenly Dynasty, &c., to the Honourable
Envoys, &c.

" Prevnous to moving my army from Soochow I wrote to you, acquaint-
ing you that it would soon reach Shanghae, and that if the residences of
your honourable nations and the mercantile establisliments would hoist
yellow flags ;is distinguishing marks, I would give immediate ordere to my
oflBcers and soldiei-s prohibiting them from entering or disturbing them in
any way. As you would consequently have received and perused my
letter, I supposed you would act according to the tenor of it. I was not
aware, however, untU yesterday, that the people of your honourable nations
had erected churches in other places in the prefectiu'e of Sung-ke;ing in
which they taught the Gospels, when my army, being at the town of Sze-
king, fell in with a body of imps (Imperialists), who i-esisted its progress,
when my soldiers attacked and destroyed a number of them. Among these
imps there were four foreigners, one of whom my soldiere killed, as they
did not know to what country he belonged. However, in order to main-
tain my good faith to treat foreigners well, I caused the soldier who had
killed the foreigner to be at once executed, thus keeping my word.

" Afterwards, seeing that there was a church at Sze-king, I then knew

274 MR. bruce's notification.

for the first time that the people of your honourable nations came there to
teach the Gospel, and that although they had not hoisted a yellow flag,
they had not been assisting the imps.

" But though the past is done with, precautions can be taken for the
future. My army is now about to proceed directly to Shanghae, and in
the towns or villages through which it will pass, should there be churches,
I earnestly hope that you will give orders to the people of them to stand
at the doors to give information that they are churches, so that there may
be no mistakes in futiu-e.

"My forces have already amved at Tseih-paen, and they will soon
reach Shanghae. I therefore eai-nestly hope that you the honourable
envoys will caU the people of your nations before you, direct them to close
their doors, remain inside, and hoist yellow flags at their houses, when they
need have no fear of my soldiers, as I have already given orders to them
that they must not, in that case, molest or injure any one.

" As soon as I myself arrive, I pui-pose discussing with you all other
business. In the meantime I send this hasty communication, and take
the opportunity to inquii-e after your health.

" Tai-ping, Tien-kwo, 10th year, 7th moon, 9th day (August 18th,
I860)."

When the Chung-wang had arrived within a short
distance of Shanghae, Mr. Bruce, although taking " no
notice" of the Ti-ping communications, was sufficiently
inconsistent to forward the following despatch : —

" NOTIFICATION.

" Reports having reached us of an armed force having been collected in
the neighbourhood of Shanghae, we, the commanders of the military and
naval forces of her Britannic Majesty at Shanghae, hereby give notice that
the city of Shanghae and foreign settlement are militarily occupied by the
forces of her Britannic Majesty and her ally the Emperor of the French ;
and they warn all persons that, if armed bodies of men attack or approach
the positions held by them, they will be considered as commencing hostilities
against the allied forces, and will be dealt with accordingly.

"Shanghae, August 16, 1860."

This precious notification was sent on board a gun-boat
and taken to a place entirely out of the line of march of
the advancing forces, and of course was not delivered.
Unprepared for foreign hostility, the Ti-pings, upon the
18th of August, appeared before Shanghae, and driving in

MR. beuce's despatch. 275

the Tartar outposts advanced with a run to the walls,
perfectly unacquainted with the fact that they were manned
by English and French soldiers. Instead of the friendly
reception always given by the Ti-pings to foreigners, and
which they expected would now be returned, they were
met with a storm of shot, shell, and musketry. The few
following extracts are from the official organ, and give an
account of the unjustifiable slaughter of men whose great
hope was to enter into close and friendly relations vrith
their " foreign brethren," for whose " strict neutrality" the
British Government had solemnly pledged itself : —

" The camp had an earthwork all round, on which several American
cannon were mounted. Since the allied occupation of the city all execu-
tions have been perpetrated here. Against this place the rebels advanced
with unusual boldness. The Chinese soldiers and ofEcers fought for some
time with great spirit, but at last ran away as fast as possible, followed by
the insurgents, who hoped to rush pell-mell with them to the city, and get
through the west gate."

Now commences the " reception" given to the patriots
by men whom, from first to last, they have considered and
treated as brethren.

" Captain Cavanagh then ordered the bridge to be destroyed, and gave
the insui-gents a rather loarm reception from the city-wall with rifles and
canister.

" In the course of the afternoon two guns of Captain Mclntyre's
Madras mountain traiu were seen coming along outside the city wall, with
only a small moat between them and the foe " — (Foe ! The word is false :
the Ti-pings came as fi-iends, not foes) — " who were dodging about behind
graves, houses, and trees, towards the south gate ; but, curious to relate,
not a shot was fired."

The "curious" thing to relate is the wonderful for-
bearance of those men, who, although several hundred
of their comrades were mowed down by the savages on
the walls, never retaliated with a single shot, but even
permitted two guns to be placed in a commanding
position from which they were subsequently used agairist
them with fatal effect.

T 2

276 MR. brtjce's despatch.

" The nature of tlie country outside the gates gave ample scope to the
enemy to conceal themselves, so it was only when a group could be observed
that the howitzers and a Chinese gun — the latter under Gunner Warwick
— could be used with effect. The insurgents, however, are certaioly no
cowards, and constantly showed themselves near the wall from the south
and the west gates.

" The firing of the foreigners, both from the cannon and rifles, was
excellent. As soon as canister was useless, the foe were treated to shell,
thrown time after time into the very middle of their flags.

" When di-iven back from the south gate, the rebels reth'ed past the
south-west angle, where Lieutenant O'Grady, who was waiting for them in
the piquet-house with some marines and Sikhs, gave them another di-essing.

" Captain Maxwell, at the little south gate, had given his Loodianahs
]>lenty to do, and although thej- were only armed with Brown Bess, they
inflicted no small loss on the enemy.

" Giumer Deacon, Royal Marine Artillery, had rigged up a gun be-
longing to the Taoidae, and worked it in the coolest manner and with gi-eat
success.

" Among others killed on the enemy's side was an European who had
made himself very conspicuous. Accompanying him was a half-ca.ste, who
unfortunately managed to escajie. There were several foreignei-s to be
seen among the insurgents, and another is supposed to have fallen outside
C'aptain Budd's position."

The murderous sentiment expressed in the foregoing
passage would be much more appropriately applied to the
conscience-bound mercenaries who defended Shanghae. All
the gallant deeds related were, literally, the slaughter of
some 300 Ti-pings who made no reply whatever to the
dastardly fire of men, who upon that day inflicted an
indelible stain upon their nation's scutcheon.

The official report continues : —

" As soon as it could be done in safety, parties were sent from the
various posts to Iwrn down such houses in the suburbs as could afford
shelter to the enemy, and the fires raged outside the west and south gates
during the whole of Saturday night. Thus ended the first day's work,
with no small loss to the enemy, but imthout a single rasnalty to report on
the foreign side."

The oflB.cials not only carefully ignore the burnings
and destruction committed by British troops, when they

MR. brucb's despatch. 277

write of precisely similar doings upon the part of the Ti-
pings, but actually report upon the " gallantrif of certain
ofl&cers and men concerned in this butchery of unresisting
victims.

The report proceeds with the next day's exploits : —

" Sunday morning broke upon a scene of conflagi-ation and destruction.
Our gallant allies (the French) set to work, in a manner peculiar to them-
selves, to drive away the danger, and, to prevent its recurrence, fii'ed the
suburb, which is by far the richest and moat important collection of native
houses. It is here that the Chinese wholesale merchants Hve. An im-
mense quantity of goods, especially sugar, was stored there, and as the
conflagi-ation in its rapid progress licked up a sugar hong, or soy factoiy,
the flames sprang up with feai-fiil grandeur.

" About two o'clock the Kestrel and Hong hong came steaming down
against a strong tide past the burning suburb. The firing, too, had recom-
menced at the south gate fi'om double-shotted guns and howitzers. Driven
from theii' cover by these means, and comjjelled to take up a new position,
the enemy laid himself open to some fine rifle practice. Mclntyre's guns
were too well handled to let them hide in any of the buildings yet standing,
and Lieutenant OGrady, with some marines, opened a most destructive fire
fi-om the look-out. This gallant officer is really an excellent shot, and we
beUeve it is reckoned in this aflair twenty men fell to his rifle, with scai-cel}'
one intervening miss."

What can the people of England think of a Britisii
ofl&cer coolly resting his rifle, through sheer gaite de cceur,
upon the parapet, and shooting down twenty of his
fellow-creatures while in perfect safety himself? not a
single shot in reply being directed towards any part where
Europeans were stationed.

The terrible work was thus continued : —

" On Monday morning, the 20th August, the enemy had advanced in
gi-eater strength than ever. It was really a curious sight to see them
moving along every one of the little paths which iim parallel to the city
walls, each man carrying a flag, and all moving in Indian file, but in
excellent order, and quite calm and steady. On they came without hesita-
tion, perfectly within range, and seemed to direct their attention principally
to the west gate. Lieutenant O'Grady had been sent there with some
maiines to assist Captain Cavanugh ; and the Madras artUleryraen having
rigged up a gun, a heavy fire was kept ii|), and the insurgents have to

278 MR. brtjce's despatch,

thank the nature of the ground that their loss was not very large. Strange
to say, sca/rcely a shot was returned."

When interested people state this, . one can easily
imagine what the truth, must be.

" During the night the dispatch boat, Pioneer, had proceeded iip the
river, and began dropping 13-inch shells in among the rebel flags. One of
these exploded right in the veiy centre of about 100 red banners, which
immediately afterwards disappeared.

" Some pretty examples might be given of the splendid way the shoot-
ing was carried on. A lai'ge number of yellow flag rebels were observed to
enter a long white house about three-quarters of a mile off. Captain
Mclntyre" (who would have been killed on the first day outside the walls,
if the Ti-pings had only thought fit to answer the murderous fii-e poured
iipon them) " put a shell through the roof, and among others is supposed to
have wounded the second officer in conunand of the rebel army."

It was not the second in command, it was the Chung-
wang himself who was wounded, a piece of shell striking
him on the cheek, and causing a slight impediment of
speech ever afterwards. The last attempt the Ti-pings
made to enter Shanghae was repulsed on Monday night.
Of the next day the report states : —

" On Tuesday but very little work took place, as the rebels had
retreated quite out of range. The conflagration raised by the French in
the water suburb was still raging, and it wa.s melancholy to see hong after
hong, full of valuable goods, falling a prey to the devouring element."

After the advance of the Ti-pings upon the first day,
when they were unexpectedly di-iven back with a loss of
about 3,000 men, they met Mr. Milne, a missionary.
These men were Chinese, and must have been maddened
by the unprovoked slaughter of their relatives and com-
rades, but instead of wreaking vengeance, as naturally to
be expected from Asiatics, with a forbearance beyond all
praise they did not even make him a prisoner, but, upon
finding he was a missionary, sent him to the city gates
with a guard to protect him from any straggling and
vengeful soldier. Mr. Milne reached the gate in safety,

MR. bruce's despatch. 279

but his guard while retreating were each shot down by
British soldiers upon the walls !

At the time this unparalleled breach of faith took
place^at Shanghae, England was bound by every tic, legally
or theoretically binding, to maintain a strict neutrality
between the two contending powers. Not only by Sir
George Bonham's, Consul Meadows', Lord Elgin's, and
Mr. Bruce's guarantees was the nation pledged to a neutral
position ; there was also an Ordinance of Neutrality
passed by Sir John Bowring, Governor of Ilong-kong, in
1855, the principal clause of which is as follows : —

" That it shall be a misdemeanour punishable by not more than two
years' imprisonment, &c., for any British subject within any part of China
to assist either t/ie existing Chinese government, or any or either of the
different factions at present engaged, or who may be hereafter engaged in
opposition to the government, by personal enlistment in the service of
either of the said several parties, or by procuring other pei-sons to enlist
in such service, or by furnishing, selling, or prociiring warlike stores of
any description, or by fitting out vessels, or by knowingly and purposely
doing any other act to assist either party, by which neutrality may he violated."

It is therefore highly improbable that Mr. Bruce
dared upon his own responsibility to violate all these
existing bonds and regulations : much more does it re-
semble the policy of secret instructions. A perusal of the
despatches of the Minister at Pekin must lead to this
conclusion, more particularly when a comparison is drawn
between the following extracts from a despatch of Mr.
Bruce to Lord Rtissell, dated Shanghae, June 10th, 1860,
and his defence of Shanghae only a few weeks later : —

" Without discussing " (he is discussing with Earl Russell, therefore the
plan of intervention was undoubtedly submitted to him) " whether inter,
vention, luider the peculiar circumstances of the civil contest in China, be
justifiable or not, or whether it would be expedient, with a view to opening
the Yang-tze river to trade, to recapture towns, such as Nankin and C'liin-
kiang, which command it, / am hiclined to doubt the policy of attemi)ting to
restore by force of arms the power of the Imperial government in cities and
provinces occupied, or rather overrun, by the insiu-gents."

280 THE rUTUEE OF CHINA.

Yet scarcely two montlis elapse wlien Mr. Bruce acts
in direct contradiction to this opinion !

The following passage from the same despatch speaks
in the ve7'y strongest terms against iiitercentiou : —

" The Chinese ofBcials, pressed for money, and relying on foreign
support, would become more than ever cruel, corrupt, and oppressive ; and
tlie Chinese, deprived of popular insun-eotion, their rude but efficacious
remedy against local oppressors, would loith justice throw on the foreigner
the odium of excesses which his presence alone would render possible. The
consequence would be, popular hostility, reprisals, and that train of events
which would render it necessary to appiropi-iate permanently the province
occupied, or to i-etire from it, leaving behind a bitter ill-will among the
people. No course could be so well calculated to lower our national reputa-
tion, as to lend our material support to a government the corruption of
wlwse authorities is only checked by its weakness." (/ / /)

Such is the opinion of a resident British minister, an
opinion constantly reiterated. The people of England may
then well wonder at conduct in such direct opposition to
the reports of the Government representative in China.
The observations of Col. Sykes, M.P., &c., in his advo-
cacy of a high principle, are worthy of attention. At
page 18 of his valuable little work "The Taeping Eebel-
lion in China," he states : —

" Incredible as it may appear, while we were shooting down those who
asked for our friendship, and were defending a city belonging to a govern-
ment with which we were at wai-, and collecting custom duties by Mr. Lay
and other British subjects, on account of the Emperor of China, that very
emperor was sanctioning British and French officers and soldiers being
tortured and pvit to death at Pekin, and the Prince Kung, the brother of
the emperor, in whom we are now placing such implicit confidence, was at
that time in such a position at Pekin as to have been able to prevent the
cruelties perpetrated upon oiu- officers and men."

■• People generally disregard everything connected with
China, considering the policy towards that empire, and its
atfairs, of but small moment to themselves or state. Unless
engaged in the China trade, in a selfish and narrow-minded
point of view it may be so ; but if we reflect upon the im-

THE chung-wang's dispatck. 281

meusity of tlic Cbinese empire, its direct population of
ono-tliird of the human race, and its indirect brotherhood
with about one-half (including Malays, Tartars, Eluths,
Mongolians, Thibetians, Cochiu-Chinese, Anamese, &c.), —
upon the fact that this vast Empire has outlived all the
mighty ones of Europe, — that her civilization, Christianity,
and power, has yet to come, — if we think why and for what
purpose the Creator has fashioned one-half his people of
the same race, or ponder as to the future of a people who
constitute a body sixteen times more numerous than the
population of Great Britain, and who may possi1)ly at a
future time attain a position in the Avorld proportionately
equal to the present greatness of England herself— if these
facts are reflected upon, they will present deep and inter-
esting themes to the mind of every man not entirely
absorbed with his own littleness, and who can rise above
the exigencies of the present moment.

Repulsed from the walls of Shanghae by those whom
he had always regarded as brothers in the same Eaitli,
the Chung-wang sent the following proclamation to
the European consuls on the 21st August : —

" Le, the loyal Prince of the Heavenly Dynasty, &c., &c., addi-esses
this communicatiou to you, the Honourable Consuls of Great Britain,
United States of America, Portugal, and other countries.

"That good faith must be kept is the principle which guides our
dynasty in its friendly relations with other peoples ; but deceitfiil forget-
fulness of previous arrangements is the real cause of foreign nations ha\-ing
committed a wrong. When my army reached Soo-chow, Frenchmen,
accompanied by people of other nations, came there to trade. They per-
sonally called upon me, and invited me to come to Shanghae to consult
respecting friendly relations between us in future. Knowing that your
nations woi-ship, like us, God the Heavenly Father and Jesus the Heavenly
Elder Brother, and are therefore of one religion and of one origin with us,
I placed entire and undoubting confidence in their words, and consequently
came to meet you at Shanghae.

" It never occurred to my mind that the French, allowing themselves
to be dehidcd by the imps (the Chinese Imperial authorities), would break
then- word and turn their backs upon the arrangement made. Not only,
however, did they not come on my arrival to meet and consult with me,

282 THE chung-wang's despatch.

but they entered into an agreement with the imps to protect the city of
Shanghae against us, by which they viohited their original agreement.
Such proceedings are contraiy to the pi"inciples of justice.

" Now, supposing that the French take under their protection the city
of Shanghae, and a few li (a mile or two) around it, how will they be able,
within that small space, to sell their merchandise, and to carry on conve-
niently their mercantile transactions ?

" I have also learnt that the French have received no small amount of
money from the imps of Hien-Fung (the emperor), which they have without
doubt shared amongst the other nations. If you other nations have not
received the money of the imps, why did several of your people also appear
with the French when they came to Soo-chow and invited me to Shanghae
to confer together ? It is as clear as daylight that your people also appeared
at Soo-chow, and urgently requested me to come to Shanghae. Their words
stOl ring in my ears ; it is impossible that the aflair should be forgotten.

" My army having reached tliis place, if the French alone had broken
their engagements, coveted the money of the imps, and protected their city,
how was it that not one man of your nations came to consult personally
with me 1 You must have also taken money from the imps of Hien-Fung
and divided it amongst you. Seeing, again, you committed a wrong, with-
out taking into consideration that you would have to go to other places
than Shanghae to carry on commercial business. You do not apparently
know that the imps of Hien-Fung, seeing that your nations are of the same
religion and family as the Heavenly Dynasty, used money to establish a
connection ; this is employing others to kill, and using schemes to cause
separations.

"The French have been seduced by the money of the imps, because
they only scheme after profits at Shanghae, and have no consideration for
the trade at other places. They have not only no plea on which to meet
me, but still less have they any ground on which to come before God the
Heavenly Father, and Jesus the Heavenly Elder Brother, or even our own
armies, and the other nations of the earth.

" Our Sovereign Lord was appointed by heaven, and has ruled now for
ten yeai-s. One half the territory he possesses contains the rich lands in
the east and south. The national treasui-y contains sufficient funds to
supj)ly all the wants of our armies. Hereafter, when the whole face of the
country is united under our sway, every part will be contained within our
registei-s, and our success will not depend on the small district of
Shanghae.

" But with hiunan feelings, and in human affairs, all acts have then-
consequences. The French have violated their faith, and broken the peace
between us. Since they have in advance, acted thus contrary to reason,
if they henceforth remain fixed at Shanghae to carry on their mercantile
business, they may so manage. But if they again come into our territory

THE CHUNG-WANG's DESPATCH. 283

to trade, or pass Liito our boundaries, I, so far as I am concerned, may in a
spirit of magnanimity, bear witb their presence and refrain from reckoning
with tliem on the past. Our forces and officers, however, who have now
been subjected to their deceit, must all be filled with indignation, and
desirous of revenge ; and it is to be fesired that they will not again be
permitted, at their convenience, to repair to our territory.

" On coming to Soo-chow I had the general command of upwards of
one thousand officers, and several tens of thousands of soldiers, a brave
army wliich has power to put down all opposition, and whose force is as
strong as the hills. If we had the intention of attacking Shanghae, then
what city have they not subdued 1 What place have they not stormed 1

" I have, however, taken into consideration that you and we alike
worship Jesus, and that, after all, there exists between us the relationship
of a common basis and common doctrines. Moreover, I came to Shanghae
to make a treaty in order to see us connected together by trade and com-
merce ; I did not come for the purpose of fighting with you. Had I at
once commenced to attack the city and kill the people, that would have
been the same as the members of one family fighting among themselves,
which would have caused the imps to ridicule us.

" Further, amongst the people of foreign nations at Shanghae, there
must be varieties in capacity and disposition : there must be men of sense,
who know the principles of right, and are well aware of what is advan-
tageous and what iojurious. They cannot all covet the money of the impish
dynasty, and forget the general trading interests in this country.

" Hence, I shall for the present repress this day's indignation, and
charitably open a path by which to alter ovu" present positions towards each
other. I am extremely apprehensive that if my soldiers were to take
Shanghae, they would not be able to distinguish the good fi'om the bad, in
which case I shall be without grounds to come before Jesus, the Heavenly
Elder Brother.

" Out of a feeling of deep anxiety on your behalf, I am constrained to
make an earnest statement to you foreign nations, as to what is wisdom
and what folly in these affiiirs, and as to the amount of advantage and
injury of the different courses open to you. I beg j-ou, foreign nations*
again carefully to consider what com-se would be gainful, what a losing
one.

" Should any of your honourable nations regret what has occurred, and
hold friendly relations with our state to be best, they need have no appre-
hensions in coming to consult with me. I treat people according to right
principles, and will certainly not subject them to any indignities. Should,
however, your honourable nations still continue to be deluded by the imps,
follow theii" lead in all things, without reflecting on the difference between
you ; you must not blame me if hereafter you find it difficult to pass along
the channels of commerce, and if there is no outlet for native produce.

284 MR. bruce's inconsistency.

" I have to beg all your honourable nations to again and again weigh
in your minds the circumstances ; and now write this special communica-
tion, and ti-ust you will favoiu- me with a reply.

" I beg to make inquiries after your health.

" TaepLng, Tien-kwo, 10th year, 7th moon, 12th day."

With strange, but most, probably compulsory incon-
sistency, after the defence of Shanghae, Mr.Bruce, although
previously opposing any intervention or help to the Man-
choos in the strong terms already quoted in his despatch
to Lord Russell concerning that event, abuses the Ti-pings
almost as strongly, as if to justify the outrage he had
been guilty of towards them. In one part of the despatch
referred to, dated Shanghae, September 4th, 1860, Mr.
Bruce, speaking of the Ti-ping advance upon Shanghae,
states : —

" They were perfectly, howevei-, aware of our intention to defend the
town. It was explained to them in the most unequivocal manner by
Mr. Edkins during his late visit to Soo-chow, to whom they seem to have
attributed an official character. It probably conduced to the ungracious
reception he met witli."

Now tliis passage is entirely contrary to fact, which
will be perceived directly on perusing the account given
by Mr, Edkins himself. At another part of his defence,
Mr. Bruce states : —

" It is certain that even Hung-jin (Kan-wang), from whom, as educated
in a missionary school, and therefore better instructed in religious doctrine,
and of more liberal views than the Ti-pings in general, the Protestant mis-
sionaries expected great tilings, declined to abandon or postpone the attempt
on Shanghae."

This hollow accusation against Hung-jin in particular,
and the Ti-pings in general, is as ridiculous as it is so to
call the Ti-pings illiheral, because they would not desist
from capturing an important city of the enemy, the posses-
sion of which was absolutely necessary for their existence.

It is now desirable to notice the following extract from
tlie same despatch. The Mr. Holmes referred to in it

MISSIONARY " HOLMES." 285

•

visited Nankin about the same time Shanghae was de-
fended, and wrote an account of what took place in such
terms as to render it difficult to believe it ever emanated
from the pen of a minister of the Gospel, particularly
when it is remembered that the stronger the grounds
might have been to condemn the religious belief of the
Ti-pings, the greater the duty of Mr. Holmes to fulfil his
mission and teach them better. Mr. Holmes was sent to
China as a missionary and not as a theological critic ;
neither was he required to teach those who were perfect in
the Faith ; his services were required by (and had he done
his duty would have been given to) people struggling
through the clouds of paganism and ignorance, such as
he describes the Ti-pings to have been encompassed with.
Why, then, did Mr. Holmes make no attempt to succour
those who acknowledged the same Saviour, whose Word
he professed to teach, who had accepted the Bible in its full
integrity, and who, in my presence, have implored mis-
sionaries to remain among and teach them those mysteries
they were not able to interpret ? Why did Mr. Holmes
report in such an uncharitable spirit of men freely receiving
and professing Christianity, and make not the slightest
effort to rectify the faults he so condemned ? Mr.
Holmes has thus laid himself open to severe censure ; but
he is not the only missionary to blame. Although vast
sums of money are contributed in England, and expensive
missions sent to people and countries that will not profess ;
how is it that no attempt has been made to help th6 millions
at one time constituting the Ti-ping revolution, who not
only professed Christianity as their principal object, but
who fought, suffered, and died for it.
Mr. Bruce goes on to state : —

" I enclose herewith a very interesting accovint given by a Mr. Holmes,
a Baptist American missionaiy, of a trip he had made lately to Nankin. . . .

" I beg particularly to call your Lordship's attention to Jlr. Holmes's
general reflections at the close of his letter. . . .

" But as the chief is an ignorant /analic, if not an impostor, and the

286 HIS STATEMENT.

•

bulk of hia adherents are drawn from the dangerous classes of China, the
result is the rule of the sword in its worst form.

" Their system differs in notliing, as far as I can learn, from the pro-
ceedings of a band of brigands organized under one head."

Mr. Bruce, it will be seen, went quite out of his way
to enclose this " interesting account" from an " American
Baptist missionary," but quite overlooked the reports of
the British missionaries, which were entirely suppressed.

As for Mr. Bruce's reflections upon the " ignorance" of
the Ti-ping-Wang, and the form of " brigandage," those
who follow through this history will probably feel justified
in questioning the accuracy of his conclusions and in con-
demning the spirit which dictated them.

The following are extracts from the " particularly re-
commended " account, and embrace the principal points : —

" We ran all night, and next morning anchored in the mouth of the
creek which leads from the river up to the city of Nankin. On inquiring
for some one with whom we could communicate, I was invited to enter the
fort, and on doing so was received by a tall Kwang-si oflBcer. He greeted
me as his ocea/)i brother, and drawing me down to a seat beside him in the
place of honour, entered at once into conversation."

Upon entering the city, Mr. Holmes states : —

" We were received by a venerable-looking and very polite old man,
whom we learned to call Pung-ta-jen (his Excellency Mr. Pung). He had
been requested by the Chang-wang to entertain us with supjier.
We found him exceedingly polite and affable, and I thought I could
discern some appearance of real religious character, which is more than I
can say for any other man I met."

Mr. nolmes was thus received bythe Chang-wang : —

" On being seated, he began the conversation as follows : —

" ' Wha-seen-sung (be assured), foreigners and men of the Heavenly
kingdom are all brethren. We all believe in the Heavenly Father and
Son, and are, therefore, brethren. Is it not so ] '

" I then mentioned the object for which I had come, speaking of the
deep interest which had long been felt in their cause by foreign Cluistians.

" After receiving assurances fi'om him of their gratification at my
arrival, we retii-ed.

HIS STATEMENT. 287

" The Tien-Wang, we were informed on the evening of our arrival, was
niiich gratified at our coming.

" After tliis, the Chang-wang invited mo in to see him again. Being
quartered in liis house, it was quite convenient to go in at any time. . . .
He then proceeded to give an outline of Chi istianity, which, though very loose
and general, contained little that could he objected to : — God, the Creator of
all things ; Jesus, his son, the Saviour of the world ; the Holy Spirit— the
words coiTect in the main, though I afterwards became convinced that
neither he, nor any of them, had any adequate idea of their true significa-
tion. ' Was tliis what we believed, also ?' he asked, when he had finished
his recapitulation. I gave him to understand that I had no objection to
make to what he had said, but that they appeared to have other doctrines
which I did not understand the import of, for example, Mr. Pung had
spoken of worshipping the Heavenly Father, the Heavenly Brother, and
the Tien- Wang, and of these three being one. To this he simply rcpUed
that Mr. Pwng had preached erroneously."

Now tliis plain avowal of the correct and intimate
knowledge the Ti-ping leaders possessed of Christianity
might well, one would suppose, have satisfied even Mr.
Holmes ; for what more could he expected from men but
newly awakened to the truth, and yet struggling towards
the gradually increasing light ?

Another striking example of the enlightened character
of the Ti-ping chiefs is thus given by Mr. Holmes, and
should cex'tainly have impressed him favourably : —

" Another similar chair was placed near him (Chang-wang), on which
he invited me to be seated, and at once began to question me about _/orei</M
imichinery, &c. He had been puzzled by a map with parallel lines running
each way, said to have been made by foreigners, which he asked me to
explain. He then submitted to my inspection a spy-glass and a music-box,
asking various questions about each."

The following account may be designated coolly inso-
lent and not trustworthy, being founded on fictions : —

"Johni 1. — Christ is here pronounced to be God; does Tien-Wang
claim to be God or man ? Matt. xxii. 29, 30. — How is this to be reconciled
\vith the statement that the Western Prince has contracted a marriage in
the other world ? Matt. xx. 25-26. — How is this to be reconciled with the
Tien-Wang's assumption of authority in spiiitual matters? John iii. 13,

288 HIS UNCOURTEOUS BEHAVIOUR.

Gal. i. 8, Rev. xxii. 18-19. — How can Tien- Wang have another revelation ?
This document the Chang-wang was afraid to present to his chief. He
returned it to me, and I supposed that I should hardly find a man bold
enough to keep it in his possession."

This may be the American Baptist mode of procedure,
but we may easily believe it is hardly the. style in which au
English missionary of ordinary good manners and educa-
tion would act. If a Chinaman were to arrive in England
and draw up a similar list of queries, and send them to
the Queen, it would afl'ord a precisely parallel case. The
Chang-wang, after assuring Mr. Holmes his hyperbolical
theories were " erroneous," must have felt himself grossly
insulted by the latter's vincourteous catechising. When
about to leave Nankin, Mr. Holmes states : —

" On Wednesday we had determined to return. On annoimcing our
intention, we were entreated to remain a few days longer. He (Chang-
wang) also invited me to come back again, and bring with me my family,
offering to give me a place in his own house. On our departure a sum of
money was offered us to ' buy tea,' as it was stated, ' on our way home.'
ThLs we declined. . . . He insisted that he would have no face if he
sent away a guest without making liim some present, and substituted a
piece of sUk, which, with several little articles received before, are preserved
as memorials of the visit. A present of a small globe, with several other
foreign articles, were very gladly received on his part."

Eroni the extracts I have given, one might naturally
suppose Mr. Holmes would have returned from his visit
favourably impressed ; with what astonishment, then, will
be perused the following " reflections ": —

" I shall content myself with a few general reflections upon the state
and prospects of this movement. I went to Nankin predisposed to receive

a favourable impression I came away with my views entirely

changed. I had hoped that their doctrines, though crude and erroneous,
might, notmthstanding, embrace some of the elements of Christianity. I
found, to my sorrow, notliing of Christianity but its names, falsely applied,
applied to a system of revolting idolatry."

How does this agree with the well-known uncompro-
mising iconoclasm of the Ti-pings ? How can it be recon-

HIS INCONSISTENCIES. 289

ciled with tlie statements given by Mr. Holmes as to the
Christian knowledge of the Chang-wang ? which, he says,
" contained little that could lie objected to,'^ or the passage,
" I gave him to understand that I had no objection to
make to what he had said " ? Is it from this Mr. llolmcs
derived his idea of "revolting idolatry " ? The narrative
continues : —

" Their idea of God is distorted until it is inferior, if possible, to that
entertained by other Chinese idolaters. The idea which they entei-tain of
a Saviour is likewise low and sensual, and his honours are shared by
anothei-." (Compare thLs with the Tien-Wang's proclamation at page 84,
giving the titles to the chiefs, and strictly forbidding himself to be addressed
by any appellation that may infringe upon the attributes of the " Celestial
Elder Brother'" (our Saviour), and then judge of its tnith.) " The Eastern
King is the saviour from disease, as he is the saviour fiom sin." (The
Eastern King had been dead some years.) " Among the features of their
theology that slvocked me most may be mentioned the following : — They
speak of the wife of the Heavenly Father, whom they call Tien-ma
{Heavenly Mother), &c., (fee."

If Mr. Holmes was so " shocked," it would have been
his duty to teach instead of to criticise them, especially
as they " entreated " him to remain, or " come back" to
them.

He further states : —

" I had hoped, too, that though ci-ude and erroneous in their notions,
they would yet be ready to stand an appeal to the Bible " (meaning his
aiTogant list of queries), " and to be insti-ucted by those competent to
expound its truths. Here, too, I was disappointed."

This is palpably unjust, when in the same narrative
he states they " entreated" him to stay with them. Such
are the opinions of the missionary on whose testimony
the British Government mainly rely.*

* The opinions of Mr. Holmes afford a fair sample of the anti-Ti-ping
missionaries.

290 SUPPRESSED missionahy reports.

It now becomes necessary to notice the suppressed
missionary reports, furnished by members of the London
Mission Society and Propagation of the Faith Society.

These reports appeared a few years back in the Mis-
sionanj Magazine, bvit I venture to again make them
public, not only to support and prove my own view of
the Ti-ping revolution, but because I feel certain that
only a very small proportion of the British people can
have seen them, as, if it had been otherwise, a far
different policy would have been employed in the treat-
ment of the Ti-pings.

The following extracts are from the narrative of a
journey amongst the Ti-pings, by the Revs. Edkins, John,
Macgowan, and Hall, bearing date " Shanghae, July 16,
I860:"—

"THE RELIGIOUS VIEWS AND PRACTICES OF THE INSURGENTS.

" From tlie iuformatiou acquired, it is evident tliat the religious element
enters very powerfully into this gi-eat revolutionary movement. Notliing
can be more erroneous than the supposition that it is a purely political one,
and that religion occupies but a subordinate place in it. So far is this fi-om
being the case, that, on the contraiy , it Ls the basis upon which the former rests,
and is its life-perpetuating source. The downfall of idolatry, and the estab-
lishment of the tvm-ship of the true God, are objects aimed at by them, vnth
as much sincenty and devotion as the expulsion of the Manchus, and the
conquest of the empire. In opposition to the pantheistic notions of the
philosophers of the Sung dynasty, they hold the doctrine of the pei-sonality
of the Deity ; in opposition to the popular polytheistic notions, tliey have
tlw clearest conception of the unity of God ; and in opposition to the fatalism
of philosophical Budhism, they believe in and teach the doctrine of an all-
superintending Providence. This appears on the very surface, and no one
can be among them for any length of time without being impressed with it.
They feel that they have a work to accomplish, and the deep conviction
that they are guided by an vmerring finger, and supported by an omnipotent
arm in its execution, is their inspiration. Success they ascribe to the
goodness of the Heavenly Father, and defeat to his chastisements. The
Deity is with them, not an abstract notion, nor a stem implacable sovereign,
hut a loving fatlier, who watches tenderly over their afFair.s, and leads them
by the hand. The Scriptures of the Old and New Testament are theii-
proposed standard of faith now, as they were at the commencement of
the movement.

SUPPRESSED MISSIONARY REPORTS. 291

"the feelings entertained by the insurgents towards foreigners,

AND their prospects OF FUTURE SUCCESS.

" The feeling which they entertain towards foreigners is apparently of
the most friendly nature ; they are always addressed as ' our foreign
brethren.' 'We worsliip the same Heavenly Father, and believe in the
same elder Brother, why should we be at variance ? ' They seem to be
anxious for intercourse with foreigners, and desirous to promote the interests
of trade. The opening up of the eighteen provinces to Ircule, they say, would
he most pleasing to them. Some would say that policy would make them
talk in this way — suppose it did ; how is it that policy, or something akin,
does not make the Imperialists speak in the same way ? They say that
foi-eignei-s will be respected whenever they pass through their territory ;
and the respectful attention they have paid to those who have visited them
is a sufficient proof of theii- sincerity.

" A great deal has been said about the cruelty of the ' long-haired
rebels'; but in this there has been much exaggeration and misrepresentation.
In no instance have we ivitnessed any traces of wilful destruction. It is true
they kill, but it is because they must do so or submit to be killed. They
bum, but so far as our observation went, it is invariably in self-defence.
Much of the burning is done by the Imperialists before the arrival of the
rebels, and the cases of suicide are far more numerous than those of murder.
The fact that all the women have been allowed to leave Sung Kiang, and
that they are known, in many cases, to Juive made attempts to save men and
women who had plunged themselves into the canals and rivers, is a proof
that they are not the cruel relentless marauders that they have been represented
to he hy many. They are revolutionists in the strictest sense of the term;
both the work of slaughter and of plunder are carried on so far as is neces-
sary to secui'e the end. These are e^nls which necessarily accompany such
a movement, and are justifiable or otherwise in so far as the movement
itself is so."

The following letter was written by the Rev. J.
Edkins and the Rev. G. John, giving a report to the
secretary of their society of a visit to the Ti-pings at
Soo-choAV. It is dated " Shanghae, August 16, 1860,"
and proves the incorrectness of Mr. Bruce' s statements,
that Mr. Edkins informed the Ti-pings, " in the most
unequivocal manner," that Shanghae would be defended
against them, and that Mr. Edkins met with an " un-
gracious reception."

292 REV. GIUFPITHS JOHN's REPOKT.

" REPORT OF REV. GRIFFITHS JOHN TO REV. DR. TIDMAN.

"Shanghae, August 16, 1860.

" By the last mail you were informed that two letters had just been
received from Soo-chow ; one from Hung-jin, the Kan-wang, to Mr. Edkins,
and another from the Chimg-wang, to Mr. Edkins and myself, inviting us
both to Soo-chow, to meet the former king. We felt that only one course
of action was left open to us as Christian missionaries. We were exceed-
ingly anxious to have an interview with this man, for the purpose of ascer-
taining the trutli on various points of interest — of encouraging liim in his
praiseworthy endeavoura to correct the errors connected with the move-
ment — of learning what might be done towards spreading the truth among
his people — and of suggesting plans and improvements for his consideration.
With this object we left Shanghae on the 30th ult., accompanied by three
other brother missionaries. At one point we passed a floating bridge,
which had been constructed by the Insurgents, and left in charge of some of
the country people. A proclamation was j)ut up on shore, exliorting the
people to keep quiet, attend to tl^eir avocations, and bring in presents as
obedient subjects. One of the countiy people remarked, as we were passing
along, that the proclamation was very good, and that if the rebels would
but act accordingly, everything would be all right. ' It matters very little
to us,' said he, ' wlio is to be tlie emperor — whether Hien-fung or the
Celestial King — provided we are left in the enjoyment of our usual peace
and quiet.' Such, I believe, is the universal sentiment among the common
people. A part of the bridge was taken off to allow oiu- boats to pass
through, after which it was closed again very carefully. The country
jnaple loere, for the most part, at their work hi the fields as itsual. The towns
and villages presented a very sad spectacle. These once flourishing marts
are entu-ely deserted, and thousands of the houses are burnt down to the
ground. Here and there a solitary old man or old woman may be seen
moving slowly and tremblingly among the ruins, musing and weeping over
the terrible desolation that reigns around. Together with such scenes the
number of dead bodies that continually meet the eye were indescribably
sickening to the heart. It must not be forgotten, however, that most of
the burning is done hy the Imperialists before the arrival of the Insurgents,
and that what is done by the latter is getierally in self-defence, and that
more lives are lost by suicide than by the sword. Though the deeds of
violence perpetrated by the Insurgents are neither few nor insignificant,
still they would compare loell with those of lite Imperialists. The people
generally speak well of the old rebels. They say that the old rebels are
humane in their treatment of the people, and that the mischief is done by
those who have but recently joined them. We were glad to find that, both
at Soo-chow and Kwun-shan, the country people were beginning to go amo^ig
ihem fearlessly to sell ; and that they were paid the full value for every article.
We were told at the latter place that to sell to the rebels is good trade,

KEV. GllIFFITHS JOIIN's REPORT. 293

as they give three and four tusli for wliat thty formerly got only ouo
cash.

" We reached Soo-chow early on the 2nd inst., and had an interview
with the Kau-wang on the same day. He a])[)eared in a rich robe and gold
embroidered crown, surrounded by a number of officers, all of whom wore
robes and caps of red and yellow silk. On our entering he stood up and
received us with a hearty shake of the hand. He said that our visit made
him very happy, and that his heart was quite set free. He then made
kind inquiries about his old friends in Shanghae, both native and foreign.
He was much pleased to hear of the pi;ogress of the Gospel at Anioy ; of
the recent accession of converts to the Church in the neighbourhood of
Canton and Hong-kong ; and of the late revival in the West. ' The king-
dom of Christ,' said he, ' must spread and overcome every opposition ;
whatever may become of the celestial dyna.sty, there can be no doubt
concerning this matter.'

" He then put off his crown and robe, and dismissed hLs officere ; after
which we had a free and confidential convereation on various points. We
gladly accepted an invitation to dine with him. Before partaking of the
viands prepared for us, he proposed that we should sing a hymn and pray
togetlier. Having selected one of Dr. Medhui'st's hymns, he himself
started the tune, and .sang with remarkable correctness, warmth, and
energy. After a short prayer offered up l)y Mr. Edkins, we sat at table.
The conversation turned almost exclusively upon religious subjects, in fact,
he did not seem to wish to talk about anything else. He seemed to feel
very grateful to Dr. Legge, Messrs. Chalmers, Hamberg, Edkins, and othei's,
for their past kindness to him. He told us that his object in leaving
Hong-kong for Nan-king was solely to preach the Gospel to the subjects of
the celestial dynasty ; and that on his arrival he begged permission of his
cousin to be allowed to do so. The chief, however, would not hear of it, but
insisted upon liis immediivte promotion to the rank of king. Though tho-
roughly devoted to the new dynasty, and determined to live or die with it,
he told us repeatedly that he was much happier when employed as a Native
Assistant at Hong-kong. than now, notwithstanding the dignity confeiTed
upon him and the authority with which he is invested. We were escorted
on hoi-ses to our boat at a late hour.

" We visited him again on the following day. On our arrival at his
residence, we found a foreign merchant waiting upon lum, and the Kan-
wang considerably agitated in mind. The reason of this we afterwards
learnt was, that he had heard that the letters which he had sent to the
representatives of foreign powers at Shanghae had not been opened ; and
that the city was held by English as well as French soldiers. The first he
spoke of as a personal insult to himself, and the second us a direct violaticm
of ills principle of neutridily which forei<j)vers should adopt belweeii tlus two
contending parties. * * *

294 NEWSPAPER EXTRACTS.

" Though we told him that these were matters with whicli we, as Mission-
aries, had nothing to do, still we could not but feel a secret sympathy with
him.

" After the merchant had left, we had a very interesting conversation
with him on various matters, but especially the character of Taeping Wang,
the chie£ Before separating, he proposed that we should commend each
other to the care of Almighty God, and invoke His blessing in prayer.
After singing a hymn, he engaged in prayer. His prayer was exceedingly
appropriate, fervent, and scriptural. He prayed that all tlie idols might
perish, that the temples should be converted into chapels, and that pure
Christianity should speedily become the reli/jion of China. This was a most
interesting sp>ectacle — a spectacle never to be fwgotten.

" We were all much pleased with the Kan-wang. His knowledge of
Christian truth is remarkably extensive and correct. He is veiy anxious
to do what he can to introduce pure Christianity among his people, and to
con-ect existing en-ors. He says, however, that he can do but very little
actively in this work, and that hence he is very anxious to get as many
Missionaries as jiossible to Nan-king, to teach the people. ' I cannot do
much,' said he, ' but if you will come, I will get you chapels, exhort the
people to attend, and wiU attend myself regularly.' He has prepared a
prayer for the use of the soldiers, which is remarkably good. He wished us
to prepare a series of simple prayers for general distribution. We took with
us a number of copies of the whole Bible, and a good selection of tracts, all
pubKcly delivered to his care. These will, I have no doubt, do their work
among not a few. He expressed his opinion that the Chief is a pious
man, notwithstanding all his en-ors. He devoutly worships God, and is a
constant reader of the Scrijjtui-es. The Bible and the ' Pilgrim's Progress'
seem to be his favourite books. The Kan-wang thinks that much may be
done in course of time towards putting him right on various points. It is
very gratifyiny to find that he does hold tlie Scriptures of t/ie Old and New
Testaments as the inspired Word of God, and the standard of faith.

The following extracts are quoted from the press of
China, upon the subject of repelling the Ti-pings from
Sbanghae. The Overland Register, Sept. 11th, 18(50, in
its general summary, states : —

" However atfaii-s may be affected at the North by the action of the
Allied Force.s, the late proceedings at Shanghae will probably inflict a
damage which no success at the North will or can compensate for, and the
case is the more dangerous because that interested persons are led to
scandalize the insurrection, that the shame of the slaughter of the Insurgents
before Shanghae by the arms of Christian England and Catholic France

NEWSPAPER EXTRACTS. 295

may be lessened. It will be seen from the details given elsewhere that
the advance of the Insurgents u])on Shanghae has been checked by tlie
direct interference of the allied forces in concert with the Imperial
rabble, and by way of adding insnlt to injuiy, and of stemming the tide
of indignation which a truli/ christian public sentiment might be expected
to pour upon the policy wliich dictated such action. Sundry individuals
are persuaded to lorile down the Insurgents who have sui-vived the shooting
do^vn, and make them out worse than their heathen countrymen. Hardly
had the echo of the Christian muskets died away and the heathen allies
finished cutting off the arms and legs of the slain to secure their ornaments,
when it is found out suddenly that the rebels are blasphemous outlaws,
and do not understand the ductrine of the Trinity as taught in the theologi-
cal schools of England and other Christian countries, and upon the word,
evei-y man who would save the reputation of the allied councils, at once
commences to damn the Insurgents for blasphemy, that he may be able to
bless the Allies {ovj'oul and a-uel murder. We have especial reference to
a lengthy dissertion by one Rev. J. L. Holmes, which is far too long
for republication in this edition, and which should not find place if it were
possible ; and though shame may cause many to accept any excuse for the
unwarranted and cruel sla%tghter of the half-ckristianized victims who came
to be converted, not killed, yet we trust there may be found some whose
Christianity will take precedence of nationality even, and that the Insurgents
may find sympathizers, even though that sympathy involve condemnation
of the policy wliich prompts either to shoot them or write against them.
The fact is, a gross and unmitigated error ha.s been committed at
Shanghae, and all the writing that can be published cannot alter the error
or excuse it. The Insurgents did not come professing a pure Chi'istianity,
on the contrary, eveiy missionary who has visited them, and even their
traducer, who shared then- hosjiitality at Nankin, received then- paitiug
gifts of friendship, and then returned to print five columns of deti-action
and abuse in the North China Herald, bearing testimony that the Insurgents
admit the imperfection of their religious knowledge, and only beg that
teachers might be sent them, so that they might know the truth as it is in
Jesus ; and the Christian world may well cry ' shame ! ' upon any Missionary
of the Gospel, who going among them, instead of seeking to instruct them,
speuils the time of his hospitable reception in seeking out their eri'ors and
pubUshiug them in order to turn s^onpathy away from them and palliate
the crime that had ali-eady been perpetrated at theii- expense."

Speaking of the French Jesuitical influence working
against the Ti-pings, The Overland liegister continues : —

" That France should spurn the Rebellion, it is Init natural, for the
Insurgeuts have the ISible, and next to the devil, a free Bible may be .su)!

296 NEWSPAPER EXTRACTS.

posed the object of direst attack on the part of a Jesuitical ])riesthood.
But it will be long ere the stain upon British honour and justice and
Christian profession is erased. It is currently stated that the French are
savagely beut upon the utter destruction of the Insurgents, and that they
will insist upon an attack upon Nankin." (This was mooted at that time,
as per Mr. Bruce's despatches, but was not executed, because, as another
writer stated, ' They have it in their power, we are told, and nobody doubts
the truth of the statement, to ruin the foreign trade at Shanghae, and
they also have it in their power to foiTa with the representatives here of
foreign powers provisional regulations by which in existing circumstances
the destruction of that trade may be prevented." This was thoroughly
ajipreciated ; therefore, while gradually destroying the Ti-pLngs and under-
mining their cause, neutrality was also pretended.) " Such a thing is by
no means beyond the Ijounds of possibility, so that ere long the world may
be edified with the sight of the ' Defender of the faith,' in company with the
' woman arrayed in purple and scarlet,' and the disciples of Buddha, all
joining in the hue-and-cry after the rascally Bible-reading insm-gents.

" Happy are they who fall by the merciful administration of Christian
warfare, for if once their power is broken, there are other Governor Yehs
in China to take the place of the cowarcUy brute who tortured and slaugh-
tered 60,000 of his countrymen in the Canton province, and Shanghae may
be treated to the same spectacle which six years ago sent a thrUl of hoiTor
all over the civilized world, with only this difference — that the resiyonsibility
will rest upon those professedly Christian nations who will have been the
cause of them."

This has happened ; but the thrill of horror was either
not felt, or the professing Christian nations have become
exceedingly callous ; but then, " six years ago," it was
Yeh who did all that ; during 1860-1-2-3-4, it was done
by Christian nations.

" The political creed of the insurgent leaders is aM that could be wished
by the most enthusiastic admirers of what strong nations call ' international
comity,' when the weaker party have anj-thing worth possessing. If the
proclamations and other writings from insurgent sources are sufficient
authority (and we know of no reason why they should be otherwise
regarded), then- position Ls about as follows : —

" 1. That Chinese, not Tartars, shall rale China ; and surely no Western
nation can find fault with that.

" 2. That the exclusive policy heretofore maintained by the Imperial
Government shall be superseded by a liberal policy, so that China may
become one in the great Congress of Nations, instead of standing aloof
in childish pomposity.

THE SHANGHAE MASSACRE OF TI-PINGS. 297

" 3. That a free access be given to the arts and manufactures of otliiT
nations.

" 4. That kindly relations be cultivated witli all foreign people, nnd
the resources of the country be developed by ii liberal exchange of its
products for those of otlier lands.

" 5. That the improvements in various mechanical arts, the inventions
of foreign nations, be introduced into the country.

" We have neither time nor space to complete the list, but it may bo
said, generally, that in the political creed of the insurgent leaders there
appears, from beginning to end, a complete revolution of the Chinese
ideas in every important particular, and there is not an item of it that
should not meet with the warm sympathy of every man who cares for the
welfare of any countiy besides his own, or even any man whose only
interest in foreign nations is limited to what may be got out of them . ."

It has lately been the common practice to represent
the Ti-pings as " monsters of cruelty," " ruthless devas-
tators," &c. The following extracts, from a communica-
tion by a " correspondent of the North China Herald"
republished in the Nonconformist of Nov. 14th, 1860,
. give some authentic particulars respecting the Shanghae
massacre of Ti-pings. Upon the approach of the Ti-pings
to the walls of the city, the writer states : —

" Wlien it was discovered that they were real rebels, orders were given
to fire on them. They waved the hand, begged our officers not to fire, and
iftood there motionless, wishing to open communication and explain their
object. No notice was taken of this, but a heavy fire of rifles and grape
was kept up ou them for about two hoiu-s, when they retired with a loss
estimated at two hundred. Here, as at the South-gate, they seem to have
essayed to opeii communication, and to have been replied to in the same
way. After they had been driven back, the French soldiei-s rushed
frantically among the peaceful inhabitants of the place, murdering men,
women, and children, without the least discrimination. One man was
stabbed right through as he was enjoying his opium- pipe. A woman, who
had just given bii-th to a chUd, was bayoneted without the faintest provo-
cation. Women were ravLshed and hoiises plundered by these ruthless
marauders without restraint. Everything was taken away from the poor
people, who were trying to escape, and thrown into a heap, so a.s to do
away with the possibility of ever being reclaimed. Unless the article or
articles were immediately yielded, the bayonet was brought in to decide
the (jucstion."

298 NEWSPAPER EXTRACTS.

The truth of these statements can be supported by
the evidence of my personal friends, some of whom were
wounded when trying to rescue helpless Avomen from
unheard-of barbarity.

" After tliis sort of work had beea going on for some time, the beau-
tiful temple of the ' Queen of Heaven ' was set on fii-e by the French.
The fire had been extending ever since, so that now the Eastern suburb
presents a sad spectacle. The burning of the Southern and Western
suburbs by the English, and the gi-eater part of the Eastern subiu'b by the
French, has dejirived thousands of their happy homes and reduced them
to iiTetrievable poverty."

Recounting the events of the following day, the author
states : —

" Now the firing and shelling commenced. The Insurgents stood it for
several hours like men of stone, immovable, without returning a single shot. At
length a well-directed shell from H.M.S. Fioneer, bursting in the midst
of one of the hamlets, and another from the Racehorse, which followed
the former in about two seconds, bursting in the midst of the other
hamlet, started them faii-ly."

At Si-ka-wei, a village some few miles from Shanghae,
the following proclamation Avas fou.nd posted upon the
Roman Catholic church : —

" The Chung-wang herewith commands his officei-s and soldiers that
they may aU be thoroughly acquainted with it. Having received the
Heavenly decree to lead my soldiers everywhere to fight, the soldiers have
already come to Shanghae and have pitched their tents at the chapel. Now
it is ordained that not the minutest particle of foreign property is to be
injured. The veteran soldiers are supposed to be acquainted with the
Heavenly religion, that foreigners together with the subjects of the
celestial djmasty all worship God and equally reverence Jesus, and that all
are to be regarded as brethren (or to belong to the body of bretlu-en). The
veteran soldiers will surely not dare to ofiend, but I have been thinking
that the soldiers who have but recently joined us are ignorant of this being
a place of worship, and are unable thoroughly to imderstand that their
religion is one with, and their doctrine has the same origin as, ours. Hence
the propriety of issuing this command. Because of this, all the soldiers,
whether veterans or otherwise, are commanded to be fully aware that,
hereafter shoiild any one be found guilty of injuring the property, goods,
houses,Oi- ehapt'Ls of foreigners, it Ls decreed that he -ivill be decapitated

THE author's reflections tuereon. 299

•without mercy. Let all tremble and obey. Don't disobey this command.
7th month, 15th day."

The Times of India contains the following, in the
article from its Shangliae correspondent, dated October
24th :—

" I thank you for having done what you could for your sxiffering fellow-
creatures in China, but the work is not done yet. Hitherto you have
heard nothing but the details of rebels being handed over to the Imperialists
for torture ; of Slianghae, with its notorious execution-gi'ovind, being held
by English and French troops ; of a steamer manned by sailors from French
ships of war, and loaded with rice, being sent to the relief of Imperialist
cities ; of English officers and sailors fortifying cities and mounting guns,
and instructing the Tartar soldiers in fighting against the rebels ; of guns
being plundered from the Taepings ; of duties being collected for the
Imperialists ; and last, not least, of innocent blood liaving been .shed 1)y
Englishmen, and all this without one single act of retaliation, a cii'cmnstance
perhaps unparalleled in tJw history of the world."

But enough of extracts from the press ; it is sufficient
to state that, with few exceptions, the whole British press
of China and India emphatically condemned the flagrant
violation of honour, of international law, and of solemnly-
pledged neutrality. Although too late to prevent the
deeds in China that have tarnished the national honour
of England, it is yet possible that similar atrocities may
be in future arrested, if the British people will only be a
little more watchful of the dealings of their Government
with foreign nations, and will seek wider sources of in-
formation as regards them than such as may be presented
through ordinary channels. It is, morecwer, of parti-
cular importance that, upon every question of foreign
policy, a man should be competent to judge for himself :
to content oneself with " home policy " is simply absurd,
for while other nationalities and other races exist, home
policy will entirely depend upon foreign conduct, and the
relations that are established abroad ; in fact, as much so
as the conduct and management of a household is regu-
lated by society and the customs of its neighbours.

300 TI-PING POLYGAMY.

CHAPTER XL

Ti-piiig Polygamy. — Ti-ping Women. — Their Improved Position. —
Abolition of Slavery by the Ti-pings.— Its Prevalence iu China. —
Moral Revolution effected by Ti-pings. — Theii- Religious Works. —
Their Conduct Justified. — Jesuit Missionaries. — Consul Hei-vey's
Despatch.^Apathy of Missionaries. — Its Consequences. — Chinese
Antipathy to Christianity. — Christianity of the Ti-pings. — Their
Forms of Worehip. — Ti-ping Man-iages. — Religious Observances. — '
The Ti-ping Sabbath. — Its Observance. — Then- Ecclesiastical System.
— Forms of Worship). — The Mo-wang. — Ti-piug Churches.

DUELING my intercourse with the Ti-pings, if one part
of their system and organization appeared more
admirable than another, it was the improved position of
their women, whose status, raised from the degrading
Asiatic regime, approached that of civilized nations. This
improvement upon the ignorant and sensual treatment of
2,000 years affords strong evidence of the advancement of
their moral character. Although the practice of polygamy
has by some war Christians been used as an argument to
justify murdering the Ti-pings, I do not remember an
instance in which those ultra-moral personages have en-
deavoured to teach the Ti-pings the difference between the
law of well-beloved Abraham's time, upon which many of
their religious rules are framed, and the later dispensation
of the Gospel. It is, however, a great mistake to imagine
that the Ti-pings are either confirmed or universal poly-
gamists. In the first place, as they have thrown off all
the other heathen practices of their countrymen, there is
no reason to suppose they would make this an exception.
In the second place, I know that many who have become

TI-PING WOMEN. 301

enlightened by the New Testament, have abandoned poly-
gamy; while a vast number of the rest, only partially
instructed, are either averse to it, or simply maintain the
establishment of one principal and several inferior wives,
or concubines, according to ancient custom, and as a mark
of high rank. It is also a fact that in some cou.ntries a
j)lurality of wives is rather beneficial than otherwise ; and
it may be that China is one of these. But above all, how-
ever detestable we may consider polygamy, where is the
Divine command against it ?

The Ti-pings have abolished the horrible custom of
cramping and deforming the feet of their women. But
although, under their improved system, no female child
is so tortured, many of their wives have the frightful
"small feet;" having, with the exception of the natives
of Kwang-se, some parts of Kwang-tung, and the
Miau-tze, originally conformed to the crippling custom.
All children born since the earliest commencement
of the Ti-ping rebellion have the natural foot. This
great benefit to the women, their consequent improved
appearance, and the release of the men from the tail-
wearing shaven-headed badge of former slavery, form the
two most conspicuous of their distinguishing habits, and
cause the greatest difference and improvement in the
personal appearance of the Ti-pings as compared with that
of their Tartar-governed countrymen. The much higher
social position of the Ti-ping ladies over that of their
unfortunate sisters included within the Manchoo domestic
regime, has long been one of the brightest ornaments of
their government. A plebeian Ti-ping is allowed but one
wife, and to her he must be regularly married by one of
the ministers. Amongst the Chiefs, marriage is a ceremony
celebrated with much pomp and festivity; the poorer
classes can only marry when considered worthy, and when
permitted to do so by their immediate rulers. In contra-
distinction to the Manchoos, the marriage knot when once
tied can never be unloosed ; therefore, the custom of

302 THEIR IMPROVED CONDITION.

putting away a wife at pleasure, or selling her — as in
vogue among the Chinese — or the proceedings of the British
Court of Divorce, has not found favour in their sight.

Every woman in Ti-pingdom must either be married,
the member of a family, or an inmate of one of the
large institutions for unprotected females, existing in most
of their principal cities, and superintended by proper
officials ; no single woman being allowed in their territory
otherwise. This law is to prevent prostitution, which is
punishable with death, and is one which has certainly
proved very effective, for such a thing is unknown in any
of the Ti-ping cities. The stringent execution of the law
has, in fact, been rather too severe, for I have seen cases
where women have rushed about the sti'eets to find new
husbands directly they have received the melancholy tidings
of their late beloved's decajiitation by the " demon imps."
It is possible these bereaved ladies may not have been on
the strength of the regiment ; but at all events this acting
of the law was rather too exaggerated. The conduct of
the Chinese lady who fanned her husband's grave to dry
it previous to her early acceptance of a new lord, and so
preserve a correct propriety, is more excusable than this.
Woman is by the Ti-pings recognized in her proper sphere
as the companion of man ; the education and develop-
ment of her mind is equally well attended to ; her duty
to God is diligently taught, and in ordinary worship she
takes her proper place ; many of the women are zealous
and popular teachers and expounders of the Bible ; in fact,
everything is done to make her worthy of the improved
position she has attained by reason of theTi-ping movement.
The institutions for unprotected women are presided
over by duly appointed matrons, and are particularly
organized and designed to educate and protect those young
girls who lose their natural guardians, or those married
women whose husbands are away upon public duty, and
who have no relations to protect and support them. Very
many of the women accompany their husbands upon

ABOLITION OP SLAVERY BY THE TI-PINGS. 303

military expeditions ; inspired with enthusiasm to share
the dangers and severe hardships of the battle-field. In
such cases they are generally mounted upon the Chinese
ponies, donkeys, or mules, which they ride a la Duchesse
de Berri. In former years they were wont to fight bravely,
and could ably discharge the duties of officers, being how-
ever formed into a separate camp and only joining the men
in religious observances. The greatest physical comfort
to the women is their enjoyment of natural feet and the
ability to move about as they wish ; though, unfortunately,
it is only amongst the youngest that this prevails entirely.
It is utterly impossible to describe a more striking con-
trast than that presented in the walk and carriage of two
women, one having the compressed, and the other natural
feet ; the former, even when standing still, has a very un-
steady appearance, but when stumping along with the
usual uncertain tottering gait, apparently in danger of
rolling over at every step, the crippling custom excites the
iitmost disgust and the greatest commiseration for its
victims. And yet this revolting exhibition is by the
Chinese described as " swaying elegantly from side to side
like the graceful waving of the willow tree ! "

It is, probably, due to the feet — and Chinese feet are
naturally very well formed — being of their natural shape,
and the consequent elegance of carriage, that many of the
Ti-pings' wives have been selected as the handsomest
prisoners captured during the war, and that they appear
in such advantageous contrast with the Imperialists.

The detestable system of slavery is totally abolished
by the Ti-pings, and the abolition made effective by punish-
ment with decapitation upon the slightest infringement
of the law by male or female. The law as far as the
slavery of men was concerned had no great occasion for
existence, such cases being uncommon in China ; but the
real necessity for such an important innovation consisted
in the fact that every woman was more or less a slave.
The head wives of the aristocrat and the plebeian, although

304 ITS PEEVALENCB IN CHINA.

not actually recognized as slaves, are still purchased by
the bridal present, upon receipt of which, and never
otherwise, they are handed over to their purchaser, or
husband. The inferior wives are simply bought ; with or
without the knowledge of their family, for no equality
of position is required, as they are selected according to
the fancy of their future master, from relatives or slave-
dealers as the case may be. Besides those who are pur-
chased for wives, a great proportion of the women of
China become the concubines of successive masters, by
whom they are sold from one to the other ; many are
bought for domestic slavery ; but vast numbers are pur-
chased for a life of public infamy. The establishments
set apart for this purpose are immense, and contain several
hundred women purchased at the tenderest ages and
reared to this wretched existence. At Hong-kong, at
Shanghae, and several other places in China, buildings of
this class are maintained upon the British territory, and
the Hong-kong colonial government, and Shanghae
municipal council, regularly tax and recognize them. It
is the common practice of the poorer Chinese to sell their
female children, and when the vastness of the population,
and the fact that these children are mostly purchased for
immoral purposes, is considered, the consequences may
easily be imagined. At many and widely separated parts
of China, I have seen comely young maidens from twelve
to twenty years of age, offered for sale by their mothers,
or speculators, at prices varying from sLt to thirty dollars,
so that, as I have frequently heard the Chinese say, " You
may sometimes buy a handsome girl for so many cash a
catty (weight of one pound and a third) less than pork."
This is the precise state of things which the Ti-pings
would not tolerate amongst themselves, and which they
would in time have taught all China to abhor were it not
for foreign interference.

If the Ti-pings had not been interfered with, it is
possible, though very improbable, they might have caused

-•ren^srm;-::^-."

•^<~v;>T . V ■ :^i^__

MORAL KEVOLUTION EFFECTED BY TI-l'INGS. 305

a temporary falling-off of trade, consequent upon the
nulliiication of Lord Elgin's treaty, the usual efiects of
civil war, &c., and it is quite certain the residue of in-
demnity, as far as the Manchoos were concerned, would
have been lost ; but whatever might or might not have
been the result, trade would not have suffered much,
for the Ti-ping power would soon have been supreme.
Par nobler, then, would it have been for England to have
avoided the contamination of the Manchoo alliance, and
to have preserved the respect and friendship of at least
a portion of the Chinese empire.

The wonderful achievement of the Ti-pings, not only
in effecting an important moral revolution, but also a
national deliverance of their countrymen, affords an
almost incredible psychological phenomenon. Eising,
as it were intuitively, from the lowest depths of moral de-
gradation, they suddenly recognize and instantly abandon
all those vices and national evils which had become
engrafted upon the Chinese mind by the solemn and
unswerving practice of 2,000 years. With meteor-like
perception, the great originator of the revolution becomes
convinced of the degradation of his countrymen. China,
rooted to her antiquity, her seclusion, and her apathy,
beyond the most distant hope of change or improve-
ment, yields to this new influence, and bows before the
teaching of the almost unknown student, Ilung-sui-tshucn.
The traditional lore of more than 2,000 years, the mystic
and doejily-venerated teaching of ancient sages, the pro-
fligacy and idolatry sanctioned and indulged in for ages,
are suddenly disregarded. But in one way can this be
accounted for. Divine Providence has manifested itself in a
manner as marvellous and superhuman as in the recorded,
miracles of old. The miraculous interpositions of Divine
Power in the olden times appealed to the senses of small
portions of a semi-barbarous people by a physical and
visible wonder. This most extraordinary of revolutions
Las effected the moral regeneration of a vast proportion

306 THEIll nELIGIOTJS WORKS.

of the human race by an invisible and wonderful agency.
Therefore, whatever may be the apparent result of the
hostility of foreign dynasties, of this we may rest assured,
the Almighty Power that has seen fit to kindle the
glimmering sparks of the first Christian movement in
modern Asia has lighted a torch that may not easily be
extinguished, faint and obscure as that light may burn
amid the gloom of persecution which, in all climes, and in
all ages, has marked the dawn of Christianity. Nations
may rejoice over the seeming triumph of their policy,
and may witness unmoved the martyrdom of tlie noble
Ti-ping leaders, but nevertheless the moment will arrive
when, that smouldering spark will burst into a fire that
may not be controlled by human agency.

I have probably had a much greater experience of the
Ti-ping religious practices than any other European, and
as a Protestant Christian I have never yet found occasion
to condemn their form of worship. In the first place,
the principal and most important article of their faith is
the Holy Bible in all its integrity — Old and New Testa-
ments entire. These have always been circvdated through
the whole population of the Ti-ping jurisdiction, and
printed and distributed to the people gratuitously by their
Government. Besides tlic Bible, numerous religious
works by the Tien-wang (the Taiping king), and Kan-
wang (his prime minister), have been commonly circulated
among their followers ; but I entirely deny that these, or
any single one of them, tend to alter, modify, or super-
sede any part of the Word of God, as some persons have
taken upon themselves to intimate. These works have
been issued as the individual explanations and opinions
of the two authors, but never as any essential article
of belief. Had such not been the case, is it likely the
Bible would have been given in a complete form, by
which any peculiar and erroneous teaching of the Tien-
wang would have become exposed ? And is not this
free and unlimited circulation of tlie Scriptures the very

TIIEIIl COKDUCT JUSTIFIED. 307

best and most certain prosiiect of improvement ? So anti-
Christian, however, have been the arguments of nearly all
opposed to the Ti-pings, that it is even possible some of
their sect may dispute this truth.

Any one influenced by a sense of justice or Christian
I'eeling will naturally wonder why a large proportion of
idolaters, suddenly converted to the faith and accepting
the Bible with joy, should require any defence for their
unavoidable errors — errors common among the most per-
fect, and such as new disciples must, in the natural
order of learning the holy mysteries, have been surroimded
with. The answer must be, that all those in any way
interested in the suppression of the Ti-pings, carefully
circulated all the errors they could detect and all they
could invent, cautiously concealing the fact that, what-
ever errors there might be are to be attributed to the
Ti-pings not being able to thoroughly master, and rightly
interpret, in a few years what no Christians have been able
to do nnanimously in nineteen centuries.

It may be asked, What had the religion of the Ti-pings
to do with the Avar that has been waged against them ?
— was that religion the true casus belli ? Was any casus
belli ever stated ? Assuredly not. With none of the cir-
cumstances allowed by men to justify killing their species
— such as a just war, a defensive war, &c. — the Ti-pings
have been most wantonly massacred. It may be urged
by some that the sanguinary war maintained by the revo-
lutionists can be held as a proof of their un-Christian cha-
racter, and that they are endeavouring to propagate their
faith by the sword. The simple reply to this is, that the
Ti-pings have proved themselves to be far more merciful
than their enemies. Oppressed and persecuted, their
patriotism became aroused ; they sought not to establish
their faith by the sword; they sought to recover their
patrimony from the usurping Tartar. They fought to
uphold Christianity, not to crush it. Far from being
incited by fanaticism to deeds of blood, it is a well-known

X 2

308 THEIR CONDUCT JUSTIFIED.

fact — particularly stated by the Eevs. GrifTith John,
Joseph Edkius, Lobschied, Muirhcad, and others — that
the Ti-ping chiefs have always deplored the great loss of
life consequent npon their struggle for liberty. In the
tenth century, Christianity was introduced into Denmark
by the sword, in the thirteenth into Prussia, and became
established throughout Europe by religious wars. All
Christianity has been compelled frequently to maintain
itself by force of arms. The seventh century witnessed
the wars against the Saracens ; and if, as some people
have stated, the Ti-pings had been fighting for the pur-
pose of esiahltslumj their religion, and were wrong for so
doing, then it is a sad reflection that all Christianity must
be wrong, and that our Christian ancestors should have
become either martyrs or Mohammedans.

The annals of history, and the practices of modern
civilization, sufficiently prove the necessity of civil liberty
for the enjoyment of Christian worship ; why, then,
should the Ti-piugs be blamed if, in order to obtain the
latter, they have been compelled to fight for their
freedom ?

The rise of the Ti-ping rebellion singularly resembles
many events mentioned in sacred history, and many of
the Ti-pings have delighted in comparing themselves to
the Israelites of old. Even should the revolutionists have
placed a warlike interpretation upon such passages from
the liew Testament as, " Think not that I am come to
send peace on earth ; I come not to send peace, but a
sword ; " " for he beareth not the sword in vain ; " who
among us dare judge them as misinterpreters of Gospel,
remembering the conversion of the heathen is executed
according to the will and pleasure of the Lord, and not
by any rule or formula laid down by man ? It would be
idle and presumptuous to say this must be the plan, or
that shall be the manner ; and yet there have been found
ministers of the Gospel who are ready to justify the out-
rages committed on the Ti-pings, because they think they

JESUIT MISSIONAllIES. 309

have not accepted the Word of God in the manner they
should liave done !

When the statements of the A-arious missionaries arc
perused, it must be Avondcred how it is that those who
have been sent to China through the Christian generosity
of the British public, have never yet attempted to succour
or guide aright the great Christian revolution. The Bishop
of Victoria, the Eevs. Griffith John, ]\Euirlicad, Edkins,
Mills, Milne, Lobschied, Lambath, and many others too
numerous to mention, have rejoiced in the most eloquent
terms about the Ti-pings, have partially approved, and
criticised their acts, when sending their rcjjorts to England.
"What liavc they done to assist those who have " en-
treated " them, as Mr. Holmes, the Baptist missionary,
was entreated, to come and teach the Word of God ?
Absolutely nothing !

Last year, it was estimated that the whole number of
Protestant Christian converts in China, the result of
more than thirty years of missionary labour, Avas some
1,400, and these included all the employees of the dif-
ferent mission establishments, many of Avhom, I have
good reason to know, have an amount of faith similar to
that of the Portuguese rice Christians of Macao, who, not
long since, struck in a body, and told the priests they
would not be Christians any longer, unless they received
another quarter of a catty more rice per day. England
sends more missionaries amongst the poor benighted
heathen than any other nation ; yet the work of all she
has sent to China put together will not equal the prose-
lytes of one Jesuit. The Jesuits penetrate the vast
Chinese empire in every direction, shaven-headed, and
dressed as natives. With a sublime earnestness of pur-
pose, many of them devote their lives to their missionary
work ; adopting the strange and hostile country, and
giving up for ever all ties of home, kindred, or nation,
these devoted men never depart from China, but, till
death relieves them, labour Avith that unfaltering perse-

310 CONSUL HERVEY's DBSPATCn.

verance so eminently characteristic of the order of J esus.
I do not, by any means, advocate either the principles of
the Jesuits, or their peculiar mode of pi'opagating them;
but what I do maintain is, that while the self-sacrifice of
the Jesuits forms one extreme of missionary labour, so
the confinement of Protestant missionaries to the treaty
ports constitutes the other, and that many could be aycU
employed in the interior.

"What excuse can missionaries give for their surprising
negligence of the Ti-piug rebellion ? Can it be that
ministers of the Gospel egotistically preferred tlieir 1,400
converts to the 70,000,000, and upwards, of those who
might have become Christians under the Ti-ping authority
during 1801-2, had our missionaries helped them, and our
Government permitted them to exist ? Of course not !
Well then, why ? Let the British ofiicials who prevented
the few missionaries who would have gone to the Ti-pings
reply for them, and those who would not go at all reply
for themselves. Their reasons must indeed be plausible
to find approbation. If the Ti-i:)ings Avere very bad, all
the more occasion for teaching them ; if very good, how
is it the missionaries allowed them to be sacrificed
without protest ? In all probability no reply would be
given ; but the condvict of the British consuls at Canton,
Ningpo, and Shanghae, affords the true answei', as far as
those missionaries who were willing to preach the Gospel
to the Ti-pings are concerned. At Canton they were
refused passports to the territory of insurgents. At
Ningpo the missionaries were withdrawn from that city
when it was captured by the Ti-pings, as Mr. Consul
Hervey states in his despatch of Dec. ulst, 1861, to
Mr. Bruce : —

" I would here state tliat with a view of avoiding needless discussions
with the insurgents ... I thought it best to desire our missionaries
to abandon the city . . . The city has now become a gigantic camp,
and a scene of desolation and riot, and has therefore ceased to be the fit
and proper abode for teachers of Christianity and propagators of the

CONSUL UEK,VK\'S BD.'il'ATCII. 311

gospel. (1) This step luill tend to simplify considerably our future relations
with the Taepings at Ningpo.'"

This sinister passage must be remembered when con-
sidering" tlie treaclicrous expulsion of the Ti-pings from
the city by the allied Anglo-Franeo-Manchoo piratical
fleet.

Do the subscribers to the mission funds expect Mr.
Consul Ilcrvey to be the director of the missionaries, or
a competent judge of " a fit or proper abode for teachers
of Christianity " ? — if so, in the latter case tlicy arc wo-
I'ully deceived.

Captain Corbett, Pv.N., writes to Admiral IIopc from
Ningpo on the 20th December, 1861 : —

"The missionaries are gradually removing <uit of tlic clly. I thought
it my duty to remonstrate with them against remaining where, ia the event
if any difficulty arisiny between ourselves and the Tuepinrjs, they would
prove a source of great embarrassment to us."

Why all this anxiety to force the missionaries away
from their duty ? To get them out of the way before
the commencement of the hostilities already decided upon,
seems the only answer !

At Shanghae Mr. Consul Medhurst has interfered with
the missionary Avork ; but, above all, Mr. Bruce's regula-
tions actually ^5 ;'o/;i6// the communication of missionaries
or any other British subject with the Ti-pings ; in con-
sequence of which, I was compelled to smnf/(/le the Eev.
W. Lobschicd up to Nankin in May, 1862.

It will thus be seen, the teaching of the Word of God,
and the spreading of the Gospel unto the uttermost ends
of the earth, has, in China, been made subservient to offi-
cial intrigue. This may somewhat explain the extraor-
dinary apathy of missionaries, although it certainly cannot
justify their neglect of their Master's orders. Missionaries
should be servants of Christ alone ; but out in China, it

312 APATHY OP MISSIONABIES.

appears, they are either politicians, or they permit the
object of their sacred mission to be perverted by unscru-
pulous officials, and thereby become secularized.

Whatever may have been the benefit of the missions
hitherto, their wanton, cruel sacrifice of the greatest Chris-
tian movement this world has ever witnessed has dimmed
their glory with a shadow all time cannot remove ; it is
even needless to blame them for ne^lectinc" the innu-
merable and less favourable points of the Ti-ping religion
— the grand and unalterable fact was the possession of
the whole Bible as their only faith, and the hitherto
unparalleled free circulation of it by the martyred revolu-
tionists.

Only last June, the Bishop of Victoria, at the Iligh-
bury College grounds, referred to some of the remarkable
scenes incident to the rebellion, and observed — " that in
A.moj^, which had suffered deeply, missionary work had
made more progress than in any other city in China !
One eff'ect of the Ti-ping movement had been the wide-
spread destruction of idolatry, by which a vast work had
been done, preparatory to that of the missionary."

The idols, indeed, loere all destroyed, but the mission-
aries did not step in. And now that the Ti-pings have
been driven from their former possessions, and nearly
exterminated, all the idols have been replaced by the
Manchoos ; and the missionaries may rest assured it
will take them infinitelv longer to overthrow the re-
established Budhism than it occupied the Ti-pings
in the first place. The Chinese have been edified by
witnessing the Europeans fighting to suppress what
has always been looked upon by natives as a religious
movement, alien to the ancient and national faith of
the country, in fact, as Christianity, or the religion of
the foreigners. This being the case, it would be absurd
to expect the Chinese will again come forward and adopt
the creed for which they are daily beholding the Ti-pings
sufier, — a creed to which they are naturally averse, and

ITS CONSEQUENCES. 313

dare not profess if they would, not only from dread of
their Manchoo Government (which will certainly keep a
sharj) look-out to suppress any new outbreak of a move-
ment which so nearly overthrew their own dynasty), but
from the very fact that they have seen the strong and
resistless " foreign devils " allied to the Manchoos for the
express purpose of exterminating the Ti-ping Christians.
There can be no ground for cavilling about the right of
the Ti-pings to such denomination, the fact being that
they accepted the Bible, acknowledged it as the Word
of CJod, and worshipped His Son, as the Tien-wang has
written, " as the Saviour of men's souls." Can the mis-
sionary-made Christians do more ?

Por my part, I shall ever rejoice, because I have been
in a position to render what little assistance I could to
many hundreds of the Ti-piugs who have requested me to
give them the foreign interpretation of different articles
of faith; and I shall ever regret that, while missionaries
are sent with exhaustlcss munificence into parts that ivill
not prof ess Christianity, to the Ti-pings, under whose
authority millions have professed and accepted the Scrip-
tures with an enthusiasm and firmness of purpose never
excelled, not one has been sent or volunteered to go.

It is difficult to understand, how ministers of the
Gospel should not have felt a generous sympathy Avith
men, whose profession of Christianity not only entitled
them to the In-otherhood they have always claimed with
Europeans, but actually deprived their movement of a very
great element most essential to its success — the popular
national rising against the Manchoos.

Even Mr. Bruce, their greatest enemy, has stated, —

" My impression is that both the prospects of the extension of pure
Christianity in China through the instiii mentality of these men, and the
success of the insurrection among the Chinese, viewed as a political move-
ment against the Tartar Government, have suffered materially from tlie
religious character Hung-sui-tshuen's leadership has imparted to it.

314 CHINESE AKTIPATny TO CHRISTIANITY.

" Not only the gentry and educated classes, but the mass of the people,
regai'd with deeji veneration the sages upon whose authority their moral and
social education for so many generations has reposed. And the profession
of novel doctrines resting on the testimony of a modern and obscure
indi\'idual, must tend not only to deprive the revolt of its character as a
national rising against the Tartar yoke, but must actually transfer to the
Tartars and their adherents the prestige of upholding national traditions
and principles against the assaults of a numerically insignificant sect."

What could appeal more powerfully to our sympathy
than this statement of an enemy ? But for their pro-
fession of Christianity the Ti-pings woukl have carried
the whole population of China with them long ago. Mr.
Bruce in the above statement, and all persons acquainted
with Chinese character, agree that the minds of the people
are so immutable and apathetic, and so fixedly rooted to
the ancient superstitions and idolatry of their country,
that all change seems impossible. This being admitted,
is it not certain that some superhuman effort must be
made ?

The Chinese, with their strong and peculiar idiosyn-
crasies, will never be taught Christianity : whenever they
become Christians, it will be in exactly the same manner
the Ti-pings became so, viz., by their own readings. of
Scripture, as the Aixthor shall see fit to inspire them, but
certainly not through foreign teaching or interpretation.
If the Ti-ping rebellion should be utterly extinguished,
the result will be dismal for generation after genera-
tion. The cause of true religion will have been delayed
and driven backwards. It is to be hoped that it may
be otherwise, and that the Bishop of Victoria prophesied
truly when he said that —

" On the e^'entful day on which the flag of Taeping-Wang floated
triumphantly from the battlements of Nankin, a light has been kindled in
the empire of China, which shall ner^er be extinguished, and those first and
faint glimmerings of truth will brighten with increasing clearness, and
' shine more and mor.e unto perfect day.' "

CnrsISTIANITT OP THE TI-PINGS. 315

As I have already stated, the princiiial feature of the
Ti-ping faith is their acknowledgment of the Holy Bible
as the word of the True God. All their religious practices
are deduced from its authority, and, in so far as they liave
been able to effect it, their form of worship and belief
assimilates to Protestantism. All the principal sacra-
ments of the Protestant religion are either observed or
celebrated with such error or approximation as they have
been interpreted with. The holy communion, unfortunately,
has not been correctly understood; in its place every
fourth Sunday the Ti-pings are in the habit of partaking
of grape-wine. Each Sabbath three cups of tea are placed
upon the altar as an offering to tlie Trinity ; it is only
since 1859, when Ilung-jin, the Kan-wang, joined the
Ti-pings, that the cups of tea have been tasted ; previously,
they were a part of the offerings rendered up at each
worshipping, — a custom generated by their confusion of
the ancient sacrifices mentioned in the Old Testament
with the offerings and the Lord's Supper of the New.

Baptism constitutes the principal and most important
of their sacraments. Until the arrival of the Kan-wang
at Nankin, none but grown-up persons who, after a strict
and lengthened examination, were found duly qualified,
were admitted to the fellowship of the Ti-pings and
baptized as Christians. The following were the forms
observed, as issued by the royal authority of the Tieu-
wang, in the "Book of Ptcligious Precepts of the Ti-ping
Dynasty" : —

"forms to de observed wiiex mex wish to forsake their sixs.

" Tlioy liiust kneel down in God's ])i-escncc, aud iisk Him to forgive
their sins ; they may then cither take a l)asin of water and wa.sli them-
selves, or go to the river and Latlie themselves ; after wliich they must
continue daily to supplicate Divine ftvvour, and the Holy SinriCs * assistance

* It lias, notwithstanding such evidence of their ;\]ipreciation of the
fact, been stated that the Ti-pings denied the Trinity and the Holy Ghost.

316 THEIR FOEMS OP WORSHIP.

to renew their hearts, saying grace at every meal, keeping holy the Sabbath
day, and obeying all God's commandments, especially avoiding idolatry.
They may then be accounted the children of God, and their souls will go to
heaven when, they die ; all people throughout the world, whether Chinese
or foreigners, male or female, must observe this in order to obtain salva-
tion."

The prayer of the recipient of baptism was as fol-
lows : —

" I [.1. i>.], kneeling do'wn with a true heart repent of my sins and
pray the Heavenly Fatlicr, the Great God, of His abundant mercy, to for-
give my former sins of ignorance in repeatedly breaking the diviBe com-
mands, earnestly beseeching Him also to grant me repentance and newness
of life, that my soul may go to Heaven ; while I, from henceforth, truly
for.sake my former ways, abandoning idolatry and all corrujit practices, in
obetlience to God's commands. I also pray that God would give me His
Holy Spirit to change my wicked heart, deliver me from all temptation,
and grant me His favour and protection, bestowing on me food and
raiment, and exemption from calamity, jMCice in this world and glory in the
next, through the mercies of our Saviour and elder Erother, Jesus, wlio
redeemed us from sin. I also pray that God's will may be done on earth as
it is done in Heaven. Amen."

These prayers, together with many others, were slightly
altered by the Ivan-wang, whose superior, in fact perfect
knowledge of Cliristianity as practised by the English
Protestant Church, led to the improvement of many and
important forms of the Ti-ping worship. Unfortunately
through the total loss of the numerous and valuable
original Ti-ping documents I had gathered during my
service and intercourse with those people, I am tmable to
give my readers a literal translation, or do more than notice
what may be never otherwise known or rendered verbatim
to this world. All my journals, manuscripts, and other
original papers, collected upon the spot, have, although
often recommenced, been successively captured by the
Imperialist troops, with the rest of my baggage ; therefore
I must request those who may feel an interest in my
narrative, to excuse the incompleteness of any parts I
have recounted from memory.

TI-PING MARRIAGES. 317

Marriage among the Ti-pings is solemnized with re-
markable strictness, and the ceremony is per formed by
an officiating priest, or rather presbyter. All the hea-
then and superstitious customs of the Chinese are
completely relinquished. The ancient customs by which
marriages were celebrated — the semi-civilized espousal
of persons who had never previously seen each other;
the choice of a lucky day; the present of purchase-
money, and many others — are abolished. Those only
that seem to be retained are the tying up of the bride's
long black tresses, hitherto worn hanging down, and
the bridegroom's procession at night, with music, lan-
terns, sedan-chairs, and a cavalcade of friends (and in
the case of chiefs, banners and military honours), to fetch
home his spouse. As a natural consequence of the absence
of restraint in the enjoyment of female society, marriages
amongst the Ti-pings arc generally love matches. Even
in cases where a chief's daughter is given in alliance to
some powerful leader, compulsion is never used, and the
affianced are given every opportunity to become acquainted
with each other.

I have frequently seen the marriage ceremony per-
formed, and I can only say that, excepting the absence of
the ring, it forms as close and veritable an imitation of that
practised by the Church of England as it is possible to
imagine. When the bridal party are all met together,
they proceed to the church (i.e. "the Heavenly Hall,"within
the official dwelling of each mayor of a village or circle
of twenty-five families, excepting in the case of chiefs,
who are married in their own hall), and after many
prayers and a severe examination of the bride and bride-
groom's theological tenets, the minister joins their right
hands together, and when each have accepted the other,
pronounces a concluding benediction in the name of the
Eather, Son, and lloly Spirit. To the best of my belief
divorce is not only not permitted, but actually unknown
or thought of. Adultery is punishable with death ; and

61b llELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES,

it may be that tliis is the only case in which the Ti-pings
consider a complete release a vinculo ??zf/^n"mop?M justifiable.
All their rules upon the subject, and in fact their entire
penal code, I once possessed; unfortunately I have no
translations, and none are to be obtained outside their
ranks.

All Budhistic ceremonies are rigidly prohibited at
funerals, and also the common Chinese sacrifices to the
manes of their ancestors, ^hile a form of Christian
burial is established, and a regular service read over the
coffin by an officiating minister.

Various forms of prayer, ceremonies, and thanksgivings
arc used upon all felicitous or adverse events : — upon the
commencement of all expeditions, at births, building of
houses, previous to battles, after victory and after defeat, for
daily use, for all sick and wounded persons, for harvest,
for rulers and princes, for blessings and success vouchsafed,
which they invariably attribute to God.

In every household throughout the length and breadth
of the Ti-ping territory the following translation of the
Lord's Prayer is hung up for the use of children, being
painted in large black characters on a white board : —

" Supreme Lord, our Heavenly Father, forgive all our sins tbat we have
committed in ignorance, rebelling against Thee. Bless us, brethren and
sisters, thy little chikben. Give us oiu* daily food and raiment ; keep
from VIS all calamities and afflictions, that in this world we may have peace,
and finally ascend to Heaven to enjoy eternal happiness. We pray Thee
to bless the brethren and sisters of all nations. We ask these things for
the redeeming merits of our Lord and Saviour, our Heavenly Brother
Jesus' sake. We also pray, Heavenly Father, that Thy holy will may be
done on earth as it Ls in Heaven ; for thine are all the kingdoms, glory, and
power. Amen."

Frequently I have watched the Ti-ping women teach-
ing this prayer to their little children, the board con-
taining it being always the most jn-ominent object in
the principal apartment of their dwelling. Children have

THE TI-PING SABRATII. 319

often run up to me on entering a house, and then
pulling mo towards the board, commenced reading the
prayer.

The seventh day is most religiously and strictly oh-
served. The Ti-ping sablmth is kept upon our Saturday,
and no sooner has the last knell of the Friday midnight
sounded, than, throughout Ti-piugdom, the people arc
summoned to Avorship their God. The Sabbath morn
liaving been ushered in with prayer, the people retire
to their rest or duties. During the day two other
services are held, one towards noon and the other in
the evening. Each service opens with the Doxology : —

" We praLse Tliee, O God, our Heavenly Fatlier ; ^

Wo praise Jesus, tbe .Saviour of tlic world ;
We praise tlie Holy Spirit, the sacred intelligence;
We praise the Three j'ersons, united cis the True iSjiirit" ifec.

This is followed by the hymn : —

" The true doctrine is different from the doctrine of the world.
It saves men's souls, and affords the enjoyment of endless bliss.
The wise receive it at once with joyfid exultation.
The foolish, when awakened, understand thereby the way to heaven.
Our Heavenly Father, of His infinite and incomparable mercj".
Did not spare His own Son, but sent Him down into the world,
To give His life for the redemption of all our transgi-e.ssions.
When men know this, and repent of their sins, they may go to heaven."

After this the minister reads aloud a chapter of tlic
Bible, and then follows a creed, which is repeated by all
the contyrc'ration standing, similar to that contained in the
Ti-ping trimetrical classic, than wliich a more closely
resembling counterpart of our Apostles' Creed it would
be difficult indeed to imagine,

" But the Groat God,
Out of )iily to mankind,

320 ITS OBSERVANCE.

Sent His first-born Son

To come down into the world.

His name is Jesus,

The Lord and Saviour of men,

Who redeems thorn from sin

By tlic endurance of extreme miserj^.

Upon tlie cross

They nailed His body.

Where He shed His precious blood,

To save all mankind.

Three days after His death

He rose from the dead,

And during forty days

He discoursed on heavenly things," <ic.*

After this the whole congregation kneeling, the minister
rCcWs a form of prayer, whicli is repeated after him by
those present. When this litany is concluded, the people
resume their seats and the minister reads to them a ser-
mon, after which the paper containing it is burnt. During
the singing of hymns the voices arc accompanied by the
mvisic of very melancholy-sounding horns and hautboys.
Upon the conclusion of the sermon the people all rise to
their feet and with the full accompaniment of all their
plaintive and wild-sounding instruments, render with
very great effect the anthem : —

" May the king live ten thousand years, ten thousand times ten thousand
years."

Then follow the Ten Commandments, with the special
annotations affixed to each : f —

" 1. Worship the Great God.

2. Do not worshiij depraved sjiirits.

3. Do not take God's name in vain. His name is Jehovah.

*^' Trimetrical Classic. See Appondi.v.
t Annotations, See Appendix.

THEIR ECCLESIASTICAL S"SSTEM. 321

4. On the seventh day is the Sabbath, Vvhcn you must praise God for

HLs goodness.

5. Honovu- father and mother.
G. Do not kill or injure people.

7. Do not commit adultery, or practise any iincleanuesj.

8. Do not steal,

9. Do not lie.

10. Do not covet."

The services are concluded with a hymn of supplication,
and then large quantities of incense and fire-crackers are
burnt.

The Sabbath is most strictly kept ; not the slightest
infraction is permitted : shops arc closed, work suspended,
and even military operations if possible. Upon that day,
between services, the chiefs meet together to discourse
upon religious subjects and frequently to supplicate the
assistance of Divine Providence for a deliverance from
the incessant dangers and perils of their hazardous life.
Meanwhile the ecclesiastics, until church-time arrives,
proceed through the camps and dwellings, examining
and instructing the soldiers, women, and children.

The ecclesiastical system of the Ti-pings is a form of
presbytery. The Tien-wang is king and high priest over
his people ; four princes occupy the next rank in the lay
government of the Church, and after them several grades
of clergy, who have to pass special and very severe examina-
tions before obtaining their orders. These clerical examina-
tions are conducted by the Ecclesiastical Court, presided
over by the four principal divines and four princes, at
Nankin; but before office is bestowed upon successful
candidates, the whole of the papers, essays, and work of
the student are submitted to that extraordinarily diligent
man, the Tien-Avang, subject to his approval or rejection.
Not only this, but the whole work of his vast territory
and numerous followers, passes through and is culminated
in his hands.
Over each parish of five-and-twenty families, a minister

322 roiiMS OP worship.

is placed, and a Church, or Ileavenly hall, is built for
him ; over each circle of twenty-five parishes, a superior or
elder of the Church is appointed, who, in rotation, visits
all the churches under his control upon successive Sab-
baths. In like manner the chief ecclesiastic of the
district performs his duty, and above him, the superior of
the department. Once during each month, the whole of
the people are assembled — soldiers, civilians, men, women,
and children, in some prominent locality under the canopy
of heaven ; a platform is erected, and their chief Wang
or governor preaches to them, and gives a general lecture
upon the subject of all orders, military, civil, and social
administration. This mass meeting is also practised
previous to any grand or important movement taking
place.

Issuing forth from the gates of the city, the entire
populace follow their governor, who, proceeding to the
elevated position selected for him, generally a small hil-
lock or rising ground, harangues them with great energy
and enthusiasm. Ilis large — eight-foot square — wang
flag is planted by his standard-bearer immediately behind
him, while his two snake flags (the armorial insignia of
the chiefs) are held upon cither hand ])y their particular
banner-men. The foot of the hillock is encircled by the
chief's body-guard, outside whose cordon the troops, with
their numerous and many-coloured banners, are formed in
brigades ; between which, the civilians, men, women, and
children, are congregated.

As nearly as I can remember, the following is verbatim
the delineation of an address I heard the Mo-wang deliver
at Pau-Yen. Upon reaching a table in the centre of the
elevated platform, lie said aloud, " Let us praise the
Heavenly Pather ;" upon which he knelt down, the, whole
multitude following him and praying for several minutes.
The Mo-wang then rose and asked, " Are all the country
magistrates present ?" Receiving an affirmative answer,
he then spoke as follows : —

THE MO-WANG. 823

" The great God our Heavenly Father lias seat the Tion-wang to rule
over lis, and to subdue the rivers and mountains to his dominion. This is
l)y the great goodness of the Heavenly Father. All you country people,
therefore, should listen reverently to the commands of the king, which I
now proclaim. Formerly the people suffered much ; now you have found
peace, and the land is again becoming rich. I exhort any who still remain
away from their homes to return to them without fear. The previous tlis-
tresses which you have endured were sent by the will of Heaven. They arc
now jiast, to return no more. A U among our troops who are so wicked as to
roh or abuse you shall he piMiished with death. If there he any such now
among you or jrrowling through the country, bring them to me, and I will
punish them as they deserve. I also exhort you to regulai-ly render the
tribute and taxes due to the king. You have eaten the bitter, you may
now enjoy the sweet. As for you, Heavenly soldiers (Tien-ping), we
trust only to the help of the Heavenly Father, and expect to obtain the
empire. Listen then to the commands of the king. From the Ijeginning
till the present all our sufferings and battles have been for you, O people of
the middle kingdom, that you might be freed from the hated dominion of
the Manchoos. We have hitherto succeeded only by the favour of the
Heavenly Father. Whenever, therefore, you go to fight them, let your
heart be tiiie to Him, and never suffer the imps to overcome you. When
you go forth, do not rob the people, do not commit violence upon
females, nor burn houses. If any of you do these wicked things, I
will not pardon but certainly punish you."

At these gatherings, the iafinitc variety of military-
costume, the bright and gorgeous colours, tlie rich floating
folds of the silken flags, the whole variegated appearance
of the multitude of well and becomingly dressed members
of a new people, as it were, united for the cause of freedom,
and imbued in a wonderful and enthusiastic manner with
the fixed determination of Christianizing their mighty
empire, — all these combined, presented to the moralist a
grand and imposing aspect.

Besides the priests appointed to regular parochial
duties, great numbers are attached to the army, and each
Wang, or chief of high rank, is provided with several,
both to perform the household religious services, and
instruct the immediate followers of the chief.

The clergy are all dressed entirely in black ; the elders,

T 2 .

324

TI-PING CHURCHES.

or superiors, being distinguished by an ornament of pearls
worn on the front of their head-dress.

The churches of the Ti-pings are not separate build-
ings, but consist of a Sacred, or " Heavenly hall,"
specially constructed for the purpose of Divine worship,
in all the principal official buildings, and palaces of the
princes or Wangs. In CA^ery case the Heavenly hall is
the most important portion of the building, and its conse-
crated character is never violated by being used for other
than religious purposes.

Tl-nxc L-UDIES OF EAXJC.

TI-PINGDOM IN 1861.

CHAPTER XII.

Ti-pingclom in 18G1. — Its Armies. — The Foreign Tolicy of England. — Its
Consequences. — Aduiiral Hope's Expedition. — Comments thereon. —
Its Results. — Lord Elgin's Three Points. — Official Communications.
— Secret Orders. — Evidence of such. — Their Object. — Official Com-
munications. — Mr. Parkes' Despatch analyzed.— Newspajier Extracts.
— Official Papers. — Mr. Parkes' Measures. — His Arrogant Behaviour.
■ — Result of the Yang-tze Expedition. — Ngan-king Invested. — INIodus
Operandi. — The Ying-wang's Plans. — His Inteiview with Mr. Parkes.
— Sacrifices his Interests. — Sketch of the Ying-wang. — Hung-jiu's
Adventures. — The Chung-wang's Operations. — The Results. — Siege
of Hang-chow. — Its Capture. — Manchoo Cruelties. — Position of the
Ti-pings in 1861.

FAR, briglitei" dawned the spring- of 18G1 upon the
Ti-ping cause than did the opening of the previous
year. In nearly every direction the revolutionists were
victorious : the principal forces of the Manchoo emperor
were completely routed, and a considerable portion of the
most valuable territory in China had fallen into their
hands, and was fast becoming thoroughly consolidated as
a part of their possessions. It seemed as though at last
their heroic strui]r2:les were about to receive their well-
merited reward. So great was the prestige of their late
triumphs that, wherever they marched, whole armies
of Imperialists vanished away without striking a blow,
or, if unable to seek security in precipitate flight, defended
themselves with the wild unorganized desperation of
despair.

The extent of country entirely under the Ti-ping
rule was very considerable. Along the line of the great
Yang-tze river, from N.E. to S.W., their territory extended

326 n'S ARMIES.

from its banks below Chin-kiang into the central part
of the province of Kiang-si, south of the Poyang lake,
a distance of more than 360 miles ; while from the boun-
daries of their possessions N.W. of the river to the opposite
limits in the S.E., an irregular breadth of 200 to 250
miles included tlie whole of their settled dominions, form-
ing an area upwards of 90,000 square miles, and contain-
ing a population of some 45,000,000. Besides this, large
portions of the provinces of Iloo-peh, Iloo-nan, Fu-kcen,
Che-kiang, and the distant Sze-chuan, were occupied by
powerful Ti-ping armies. The lowest approximate strength
of their forces at this time might be estimated at 350,000 ;
but a large proportion consisted of mere boys. Tliis
force was divided into five principal armies, the remainder
doing garrison duty at Nankin, Soo-chow, and many-
other of the most important cities within their jurisdic-
tion. One of the five armies in the field was commanded
by the Ying-wang in the province of Hoo-peh : the
Chung-wang commanded a large force in the southern
districts of Ngan-whui ; the Shi-wang, with a very
powerful army, was operating in the central part of
Kiang-si ; and the Kan-wang, having proceeded to the
province of Hoo-nan, was joined by upwards of 40,000
insurgents from the old seats of rebellion against the
Manchoo dynasty, — the provinces in the southern limit
of the empire, Kwang-tung, Kwang-se, and Kwei-chow ;
and, besides this force, far away upon the western bovmdary
of China, Shih-ta-kae (I-wang), the Ti-ping emperor's
brother, in command of a large army, was successfully
operating in Sze-chuan. In fact, north, south, east, and
west, the star of the patriots shone brightly in the
ascendant, while that of the Manchoos seemed setting in
the gloom and darkness, through which, upwards of two
hundred years ago, it had struggled into existence. The
greatest empire in the world appeared at length about to
be relieved from that incubus which for two centuries had
paralyzed its hopes and energies ; the enlightenment of

TUE FOUEIGN POLICY OP ENGLAND. 327

China seemed approaching, step by step with the advent
of Christianity, which, following rapidly on the expulsion
of the Tartar, with its vast train of benefit and improve-
ment, promised, not alone to place that empire upon tlie
pedestal of greatness yet reserved for her, but to realize
corresponding advantages for the whole civilized world.
One dark cloud alone appeared to cast a shadow upon so
bright an horizon— the policy of the Britisli Government.
Language can scarcely express how sei'iously the interests
of the universe, and of England in particular, have been
prejudiced by a persistence in the suicidal measures dic-
tated hy a policy so mistaken.

Forcibly as the moral effect of the general foreign policy
of England has been denounced by statesmen, how few have
been found to raise their voices in the British senate in
protestation against the practical evils which that policy
has engendered in the far East, a country abounding in
tea and silk, and now paralyzed by opium instead of
being enriched by the manufactures of Great Britain.
The moral effect of bad statesmanship, however much it
may weaken England's just influence and the future peace
of Europe, cannot sensibly affect the 2^)'(^sent wealth and
pursuits of the people. Trade, politics, civilization, and
religion, are pretty well balanced and regulated through-
out Europe ; therefore, whatever evil might result from
the foreign policy of the British Government, no particular
improvement could be expected to take place in a state of
affairs which we consider almost perfect. But very dif-
ferent are the results of our peculiar kind of foreign policy
in the case of China. With that extensive empire present
relations are unsatisfactory, and the mutual benefits to
be derived from a free intercourse arc yet hidden in the
vale of futurity. Mutual benefit is hardly the correct
expression, for from a country which may be regarded as
the richest in the world in proportion to its extent and
population, England would derive far greater commercial
advantages than she could possibly bestow. Whenever

828 ITS CONSEQUENCES.

a prospect of the most satisfactory relations ofTcrccl, and
whenever a free intercourse was not only offered, but
actually established by any section or part of that
innumerable people, it would be only natural for Eng-
land to rejoice, if not for the sake of the Chinese, and the
higher objects of humanity, at least for selfish motives.
But this is exactly what the British Government has
proved incapable of appreciating, by preferring temporary
interests to those which were much greater and far more
lasting.

The Ti-pings offered not only satisfactory relations
and free intercourse, but every advantage that England
could possibly wish for or be benefitted by. Christianity
and civilization, as practised among ourselves, would have
become morally and physically certain imder their rule.
The detestable opium trade would have been completely
annihilated, and British produce would have taken its
place, to the benefit of the Chinese, and the relief of the
choked markets and distressed operatives of England. The
fulfilment of the Ti-ping law, that European " brethren "
should " go out or in, backwards or forwards, in full
accordance with their own will or wish," whether for
pleasure or " to carry on their commercial operations,"
did throw open the M'hole of their territory to free inter-
course and trade, and would have done the same for the
entire Chinese empire. The exclusiveness and hatred of
the Manchoo Government to the " outer barbarians " and
" foreign devils " loas by the Ti-pings changed into friend-
ship and kindness. Modern improvements would have
been extensively introduced. The trade, at present re-
stricted to a few treaty ports, would have become uni-
versal throughout the empire, and the vast stores of
mineral riches, almost unknown to foreigners, would have
yielded forth their mines of wealth, while a general and
enormous commerce, perfectly free and unfettered (except-
ing opium), would have thrown open an empire richer
in itself than all Europe. To England especially, as the

ADMIRAL UOI'E's EXPEDITION. 329

greatest commercial power, an inexhaustible source of
profit would certainly have been established, and Avould
have produced, without ap:gression or ursurpation of
territory, a revenue far excelling any derived from India.
All these and many other important advantages were
partially established by the Ti-pings, and would un-
doubtedly have been completed upon the final overthrow
of the Manchoos.

Strong as these inducements should have been to cause
England to adopt a different policy towards China, and
much as such a course would have tended to her own
advantage, there was another and a higher consideration
Avhich she should have permitted to influence her. As a
powerful and influential nation, a duty was cast upon her,
if not to extend the hand of friendship to a people who
Avere nobly struggling to follow her in the path of
civilization and to learn the true religion, at least not to
thwart such efforts, and, by untimely interference, render
them hopelessly inoperative. Personal experience, the
reports of men of intelligence and honour, all prove but
too plainly how the friendly Ti-ping nation was crushed
by British interference. It has been urged that the
friendly professions of that people were not genuine, and
that their undertaking would never have been performed.
Had such a course, so opposed to their nature, been
pursued, surely it would have been more grateful to the
martial spirit of England to resort to arms for the purpose
of enforcing an observance of good faith and honour, than
for that of avenging the capture of a wretched opium
smuggler.

Upon the 11th of February tlic expedition under
command of Admiral Hope, started for the Yang-tze-kiang
with the object of opening that river to foreign trade, in
accordance with the treaty lately concluded at Pekin. In
all respects this expedition was of the greatest importance,
as well to the Chinese as the foreigners whom it most
particularly interested. Its results were entirely prejudicial

830 COMMENTS THEEEON.

to the Ti-pings. The diplomatic and military authorities
of the expedition mostly opposed the Ti-ping movement
for its interference with the " carrying into due effect the
terms of the treaty "just forced from the Manchoo at the
cannon's mouth, and the almost certain prospects of its
success, which Avould not only sadly affect the " China
indemnity," but their own individual prospects of office
and aggrandizement expected through their intercourse
Avith the suddenly changed polite and obliging Manchoo
mandarins. The deputation of the mercantile community
attached to the expedition was utterly absorbed with
its trading pursuits, and looked upon anything and
everything likely to interfere with its immediate profits
with no little amount of hostility : the future was com-
pletely ignored; its expectations were an uninterrupted
trade for three years, and a return to England with a large
fortune; therefore it is hardly to be wondered at that
it looked with hatred upon the change progressing in
the shape of the Ti-ping revolution. Besides the personal
and spontaneous prejudice entertained by these two classes
against the Ti-pings, it seems pretty certain that directly
after all the efforts of the Manchoo Government to repel
foreigners hj force had failed, intrigues to deceive and
induce them to act against the rebels they were unable
to subdue, were successfully adopted. Even Mr. Bruce
(who had stated in his despatches — " If there is one
art of diplomacy understood by the Chinese it is that
of separating interests which ought to be identical ")
seems to have been thoroughly imposed upon, while the
false professions of the Manchoos, in order to obtain the
assistance of the British against the Ti-pings, have
had no small share in consummating that gross outrage.
Again discussing the policy of assisting the Imperialists
(which the latter had requested, making great protes-
tations of "friendship," "mutual commercial interests,"
&c.), he says : — " It is evidently for the interest of
the Chinese autliorities to induce us to embark in a

ITS llESULTS. 331

course of action wliicli will embroil us with the in-
surgents."

Yet, eventually, Mr. Bruce cliosc to place implicit
faith in their professions, and took one occasion out of
many, in that disgraceful affair of the Anglo-Chinese fleet
(depending upon the truth of the truthless Prince Kung,
whose hands yet reeked with the blood of our murdered
countrymen), to gave his favourable opinion to the British
Government ; and the British people, depending upon their
representatives, who depended upon the Government, who
depended upon Mr. Lay, who depended upon Wan-siang,
president of the Manchoo Foreign Office, who depended
upon Prince Kung, M'ho depended upon some one else,
actually permitted the very laws of the land to be set
aside, by allowing the ordinance of neutrality to be broken,
and the Foreign Enlistment Act to be declared null and
void. Fortunately the disgraceful affair terminated in the
most ignominious manner, and the British sailors were
saved the degradation (that had been thrust upon the
soldiers) of becoming the mercenary bravos of a corrupt
and sanguinary despotism.

Upon the opening of the Yang-tzc to trade, and the
selection of the cities of Han-kow, Kiu-kiang, and Chin-
kiang as the treaty ports, it became necessary to enter
into some agreement with the Ti-pings, who commanded
the river throughout its principal positions; in fact, by
their possession of Nankin, Wu-hoo, Tae-ping-foo, the
cities of Seaou-shan, Tung-shan, and several others, this
trade was almost as completely in their power as the
valuable silk trade had been since May, 1860. In conse-
quence of this, Admiral Hope (ignoring, Avith all the
arrogance of superior strength, the fact that the murderous
repulse of the Ti-pings from Shanghae had given them a
perfect right to make it a casus belli, and to retaliate
upon British commerce, lives, or any other possession)
communicated with the Ti-ping authorities at Nankin,
and 2ilcd(/cd the neutrality of the British nation once more.

332

LORD Elgin's three points.

Tlic Earl of Elgin's instructions to Admiral Hope con-

tain the following ;

" It is obvious, liowevei-, that before British vessels can navigate the
river in safety, some understanding must be arrived at with the rebels,
who are believed to be in possession of certain points upon it. It is with
the view of obtaining jouv assistance towards the accomplishment of this
object that I now address myself to your Excellency.

" Nothing, I am confident, would so surely tend to the establishment
of such an understanding on a satisflictory basis as your Excellency's own
presence and authority, if your other engagements should permit of your
proceeding up the river in person. At any rate, I would venture to suggest
that a naval force, sufficiently large to inspire respect, should present itself
before Nankin, and that the rebel authorities shotdd be informed that lue
do iiot appear as enemies, or with the intention of tdkiiuj part in the civil war
now raffing in China, but that we require from them some sutficient
assurance that British vessels proceeding Tip or down the river for trading
jiurposes shall not be interfered with, or subjected to molestation by persona
acting under their orders."

In his letter of instruction to Mr. Parkes, who accom-
panied the admiral as diplomatic secretary or agent. Lord
Elgin gave three points to he ohscrvcd : —

"the EAKL of ELGIN TO MR. PAHKES.

" Hong-kong,
"January 19, 1861.

" 1. That attempts on the part of
foreigners to introduce into the dis-
turbed districts munitions of war
and recraits should be vigorously
repressed."

" 2. That the dues of the Chinese
Government on foreign trade, both
inwai'ds and outwards, should be
collected at Ohiu-kiang or Shangliae."

" 3. That we should maintain an
attitude of strict iieutrality between
the Imperial Government and the
rebels."

uow LOED Elgin's instkuctions

>\'ERE INTERPRETED AND ACTED
ON.

Notwithstanding existing pledges
of neutrality, the Imperialists were
supplied with ships, stores, arms, and
every munition of war they required,
at Shangliae and all the treaty purls.

The revenues were secured to the
Tartars, and the ports of collection
defended against the Ti-pings.

By assisting the Imperialists in
every possible way ; protecting the
treaty ports and constituting Im-
perialist bases of ojseration against

* See Parliamentary " Correspondence respecting the opening of the
Yang-tze-kiang river to foreign trade."

OFFICIAL COMMUXICATIONS. 333

the Ti-pings at cacli of them ; aUowing trade with tlie Imperialists and
jirohibitlng any with llie Ti-pings ;— liy supplying tlic Iniiifriali.st.s with
leveuiie, and jirutectiug it against tlic Ti-pings ; — by defending Shanghac
for tlie Imperialists and shooting down the Ti-pings wlien they demanded
it in 18G0 and 18G2 ; — by supplying the Imperialists with aniLs to tlie
prejudice of the Ti-piugs.

The following passage appears in the letter of instruc-
tions addressed by the Earl of Elgin to Mr. Parkcs,
viz. : —

" It is not possible to anticipate with certainty the reply which the
rebel leaders may give to the communication which the admiral is about
to make to them, although there is, I think, reason to hope that they will
not receive it in an unfriendly spirit ; nor, if it wei-e possible, would it be
necessaiy that I should attempt to do so on the present occasion, as you
are alreatJi/ /ally acquainted with (he vieivs that T enteiiain respecting the
policy which it is expedient in adopt toivards them, and the objects which anc
ought to endeavour to accomplish under the provisional an-angement for
opening up the Yang-tze, which has been entered into by Mr. Bruce and
Prince Kuns;/'

E-eading these instructions together with the third of
the three articles above cited, it would not be unreasonable
to conclude that a policy of neutrality was intended to be
acted upon : how far such intentions were sincere may be
gathered from the following " orders" addressed to Com-
mander Aplin.

" ORDERS ADDRESSED TO COMMANDER APLIX.

" Memo. CorOmandel, Nanking, March 28, 1801.

" You arc, in company with Mr. Muirhead, to wait on the chief
authorities of the Taejjings, for the purpose of making the following cnm-
nuinication, leaving a copy with them, should they wish you to do so,
and noting their answers in the margin for my information.

" (Signed) J. Hope,

" Vicc-Admiral, and Commauder-in-Cluef."
" Commander Aplix,
Hei- Majesty's shi]) Centaur, Nanking."

334 SECRET ORDERS.

" COMMUNICATJOX MADE BY COMMANDER APLIN TO THE TAEPING
AUTHORITIES AT NANKING.

" I am dii'ected by tlie Commaiider-in-Chief of tlie naval forces of her
Majesty the Queen of England iu China, to acquaint you that it is his
intention to have beacons put up on the river-side between Woo-sung and
Fu-shan ....

" That the Governments of Emjland and France having ordered that
any attempt of the TaepLiig army to enter Shanghae or Woo-sung shall be
repelled by force ; and it being clear, therefore, that the presence of the
Taeping troops in that vicinity can be productive of no good to them, and
may lead to collision, it is very desii-able that they shoidd not approach
within two days' march of these places, and the Commander-in-Chief requests
that orders may be sent to the officers in command of their troops to this
effect ; copies to be supplied to me. Shoidd this ba done, he ivill exert his
influence to prevent any hostile expedition issuing from these places for the
purpose of attacking the Taeping troops."

With regard to this document, in the first place, the
statement that the English Government had " ordered"
Shanghae and Woo-sung to be defended vi et armis, is
simply untrue. The Foreign Secretary's first "07'ders" with
I'esrard to the defence of Shansrhae, or anv other treaty
port, bear date, " Foreign OflBce, July 2'ith, 1S61," and
are given to Mr. Bruce : —

" I have received from the Admiralty, together with other papers, a
copy of Vice-Admiral Hope's letter to you of the 8th of May .... I
liave caused the Admiralty to be informed, in reply, that I am of opinion
that Vice-Admii-al Hope's measures should be ajiproved ; and I have now
to instruct you to endeavour to make arrangements to secure the neutrality
of all the treaty ports against the rebels. The Government of Pekin will
2)robably make no difficulty in abstaining from using the treaty ports as
bases of operations against the rebels, provided the rebels on their side
refrain from attacking those ports .... Tou will understand, however,,
that her Majesty'' s Government do not wish force to he used against tlve rebels
in a/ny case, except for the actual protection of the lives and i^roperty of British
subjects.

" I am, itc,

"(Signed) J. Russell."

If then orders liad been issued to Admiral Hope or
any one else, they must have been secret orders, for none

EVIDENCE or SUCH. 335

are upon record to such effect as stated in the communica-
tion to the Ti-ping authorities. Moreover, the condition
upon which the neutrality of the treaty ports was proposed
in the Foreign Secretary's despatch was not observed.
The Pekiu Government was never asked to abstain from
using Shanghae as a base of operations against the Ti-
pings ; on the contrary, they were not only assisted to
make it one by the moral and indirect support of the
British authorities, but by the actual assistance of British
soldiers and sailors in the field, chiefly headed by Admiral
Hope, who almost before the ink of his guarantee was dry
openly violated it. "VYhat renders this flagrant disregard of
all truth and honour still more to be deplored is the fact
that the Ti-pings, in their wonderfully earnest endeavours
to cultivate the friendship of Europeans, complied with
every requisition of even Admiral Hope and his colleagues.
They agreed not to attack Shanghae for the space of one
year, upon the special understanding that the British upon
their part would prevent the Imperialists from using that
city for any aggressive or belligerent purposes ; and
although not even the shadow of an attempt was made by
Admiral Hope, or any other British authority, to fulfil the
pledges given upon the part of England, with an almost in-
credible forbearance and good faith, theTi-pings to the very
day, nay, nearly to the very hour, faithfully, but entirely
to their own i^rejudico, refrained from any attack upon
Shanghae. As for the orders with regard to Woo-siuuj,
they can only be attributed to the exuberant imagination
of the diplomatic Admiral, such place having never upon
any occasion been referred to by the "orders" from the
Eoreign Secretary.

It is difficult indeed to consider Admiral Hope's com-
munication, either in accordance with the public instruc-
tions of Lord Elgin and Earl Russell, or other than in
direct opposition to them. Of course it would be idle to
suppose that either Mr. Bruce, the minister to Pekin,
Admiral Hope, Mr. Parkes, the diplomatic agent, or any

336 THEIR OBJECT.

of the consuls, would have dared to systematically violate
the orders of their Government ; it can therefore only bo
concluded that secret orders were given.

To those who cannot reconcile Admiral Hope's and
Mr. Parkcs's communications with the Ti-pings, with the
explicit instructions they had each received, and can
neither approve of their idea of " strict neutrality," it
must appear that the Admiral's communication at Nankin
was simply a very imsailor-like trap to catch the Ti-pings.
The plot was doubtless very creditable to the ingenuity
and diplomatic finesse of those who planned it ; but those
admirable politicians, though remarkably indifferent moral-
ists, cannot easily reconcile it with honour and justice.
Had the drama been enacted nearer to home, it would
from its very clumsiness have attracted attention ; but as it
occurred so far away, scarcely a soul but those personally
interested either knew or cared anything about it.

The intention evidently was to induce the Ti-pings to
promise not to attack Shanghae, and then, by converting
that city into a base and nucleus for the Manchoos,
to compel them to do so for their self-preservation. The
theory was a bold one, and would have been realized were
it not for the extraordinary forbearance of the Ti-pings,
which forced Admiral Hope, and the others, to commence
liostilities themselves. The conditions upon which the
insurgents had agreed not to attack Shanghae, the viola-
tion of the British pledges, and the true position of affairs,
of course, formed no part of the programme to be made
public ; and it was correctly considered that China Avas
too far away, and the British people not suflBciently in-
terested to scrutinize matters very closely. Thus it is
that a few unprincipled officials have been able to attempt
the justification of their conduct, upon the pleas, that
the Ti-pings broke faith and attacked Shanghae, and that
the leaders of this great Christian and jiatriotic movement
were a horde of banditti who desolated everything, and
meditated the destruction of Shanghae, &c. «&c. &c.

OFFICIAL COMMUNICATIONS. 337

The reply of the Ti-ping authontics to Admiral Hope's
'' strict neutrality" despatch, as translated by government
interpreters, is thus : —

" Mung, the Tsan-sze-keun (successor elect to the Prince Tsan), of tlie
lieavenly Tai-piug kingdom, issues the following urgent orders to the Ching
Tsin-kwan, Ai-toene, and Moh-hun-te " names of certain high ofl5cers, " for
their information : —

" ' Whereas officers, deputed hy the Admiral of Great Britain, have
come to the palace of the Tsan-szc-keun, and stated that, as Shanghae and
Woosung are depots of their commerce, they have undertaken the protec-
tion of those two places, in order that the safety of all classes of the people
living thei'e may be secured ; they therefore request that the forces of the
Celestial d3-uasty may not go to those two places, the same being unnecessary,
and not lilcely to be attended with any material advantage. The Tsan-sze-
keun accordingly issues these urgent orders to his younger brethren, in
order that they may direct the troops composing the diflerent diwsions
that, whenever they ai-rive in the vicinity of the places named, they must
not approach nearer to them than 100 li, an arrangement which will con-
duce to the advantage of both parties. They are also to understand that
the capture of those places Ls to form no part of the plan of campaign for

the PRESENT YEAR.' "

This decree sufficiently evinces the anxiety of the Ti-
ping Government to act in accordance with the wishes of
that of England.

Commander Aplin thus reported the result of his
mission to Admiral Hope : —

" With reference to the communication made by me to the chief Tae-
ping authoi'ities at Nankin .... I received a promise to-day that the
order should be given, a.s requested, respecting the beacons ; that, with
regard to the 2nd paragraph of the communication, an order woiild be
sent to their officers in command not to attack Shanghae or Woosung
THIS year" , . , .

Mr. Parkes, in his report of the means by which
the agreement of the Ti-pings to Admiral Hope's com-
nunication was obtained, states :*—

* See Blue Book, «• Upon the Rebellion in China," presented to Parliament
April, 18G2.

338 OFFICIAL COMMUNICATIONS.

" We replied that, of course, any insurgents having the folly to attack
Shanghae, after the Governments of France and England (t) had determined
to protect that port, would meet certain destruction, but that the object of
the Commander-in-Chief w;\s to prevent collision and unnecessary bloodshed.
We had long been doing all iu our power to avoid tliis ;(!!!) we took no
part in the struggle between the Taepings and the Imperialists, with whom
we were also at peace, and should fall out only with those who injured us
.... and any Taeping movement upon Shanghae would be considered as
an attempt to injure us. ( ! ! ) Were they, on their part, equally anxious
to maintain a friendly xmderstanding with us, they would surely write the
orders they had been requested to furnish if this were the case, and a
refusal to do so would natui-ally lead us to misti-ust their intentions." (! ! !)

Mr. Parkes coutinues : —

" I endeavoured to make clear to them the objects of British policy in
China ; (?) that our interests here were strictly commercial, and that they
must disabuse their minds of an impression which I fancied they enter-
tained, that we, like themselves, so\ight the possession of territory, and
therefore that oiu- interests were opposed to theirs. It was for the protec-
tion of our commerce, and for that pm-pose only, that we stationed a force
at Shanghae."

Mr. Parkes had amjole room to dilate on this subject,
for it is difficult to imagine in what light, save that of an
usurpation of territory, the Ti-pings could behold the
seizure of Shanghae, Woo-sung, Ningpo, &c.

" Experience," continues Mr. Parkes, " had proved to us that we could
not trust to the Imperial Government to protect the place, either against
the Taeping forces, or the inferior bodies of insurgents. . . . ; that
experience had also shown that, owing to their imperfect organization and
discipline, plunder and violence marked the progi-ess of the Taejjings ; and
consequently, to secure the safety of our 2)eople and their property, it was
necessary vie should protect ourselves. (! !) That this mode of protection was
perfectly efficient, but as it put us to expense and inconvenience, we should
be glad when it was rendered no longer necessaiy by the i-estoration of the
country to order, whether tliis was effected by its becoming wholly Taeping,
or by reverting to Imperial rule, and when Shanghae or any other place
that the English Government might see fit to protect, would revert to the
hands of the governing power. . . . They (the Taepings) wished to
know, however, in which way the Admiral would ' use his influence ' to
prevent their being attacked by the Imperialists from Shanghae ; and
whether one of their officers would be allowed to visit Shanghae to leai-n
what arrangements were made in this respect."

MR. PAUKES' DESPATCU ANALYZED. 339

This very singular extract is much open to objection.
1. If "experience had proved" that the Imperialists
were unable to withstand the Ti-pings, how is it that
Mr. Parkes states, with regard to the defence of Shanghae,
&c., " we should ])e glad when it was no longer rendered
necessary by the restoration of the country to order,"
particularly when the policy that was pursued naturally
prolonged the struggle and delayed that result ? 2. Tlie
inaccuracy of tlic statement that, " to secure the safety
of our people and their j)roperty, it Avas necessary wc
should protect them ourselves," is thoroughly proved by
the capture of Ningpo by the Ti-pings on tlie Dtii Decem-
ber, 1861, when not the slightest particle of Britisli
property was touched, and all foreigners were treated as
"brothers'^ by the Ti-pings; and, moreover, by the fact
that not a single case is upon record in which the Ti-
pings have ever retaliated upon European life or property
when they might have done so with every justification.
3. Then, with regard to the " any other place that the
English Government might see fit to protect," when the
whole of the province, with the exception of Shanghae,
loas in the possession of the Ti-pings, and when the entire
silk and a great proportion of the tea trades were also
in their undisturbed possession, why was not Shangliae
surrendered to the rising and trium])hant power, as
Ningpo had been; particularly when we are told that
"it was rendered no longer necessary, by the restoration
of the country to order," to pursue the policy of de-
fending the treaty ports, or any other place, " that the
English Government might see fit to protect " ?

Mr. Parkes continues his report tlius : —

" I then said tliut our dLscussion had chiefly related to .Slianghae, and
to the warning given them by the Admiral not to approach tliat port ; but
I was anxious to learn how far the friendly dispositions tliey professed
(more than the Imperialists ever did) " would induce them to abstain from
obstructing our commerce, and whether they were disposed to agree to
propositions of the following nature : —

340 NEWSPAPER EXTRACTS.

" 1. No Taeping force to advance within 100 li of any Cliinese port or
place open by treaty to British trade, provided that the Tartar government
do not send out expeditions from those parts or places to attack the
Taepings." (It was upon this condition the Ti-pings promised not to
attack Shanghae during the "present year," 1861.)

" 2. The Taeping autliorities or forces not to obstruct the transit of
native produce to the aforesaid ports or places, nor to prevent British
merchandise passing from thence into the interior." (This clause always
■was, and has been, faithfully and regularly observed ; and such being the
case, upon what grounds but the extraction of the " indemnity " from the
Imperial customs at Shanghae, can the plea of injuiy to trade upon the
capture of that city by the Ti-pings rest, seeing that elsewliere they never
injured, but did their utmost, even amidst the sanguinaiy and fierce prose-
cution of civU war, to foster and preserve it ?)

"At the close of the interview I had to go into some further explana-
tions as to the rights and duties of neutrality, in consequence of theii' having
asked whether the Englisli vessels of war at Nankin would carry supplies
from them to the besieged garrison at Ngan-king, which I, of course, told
them could not be done."

This savours rather highly of hypocrisy when it
emanates from one of those fully acquainted with what
was to be. " Of course," their clestrnction being predeter-
mined, the Ti-pings "could not be" assisted; can Mr.
Parkes and his superiors explain the conduct described
in the following extract by the same " rights and duties of
neutrality " ?

"to the editor op the SluxngUae Times.

" Sir, — Do the authorities tliink that tlie terms of the treaty were that
foreign vessels shoidd be allowed to transport troops and ammunition for
the suppression of this revolutionary movement in China 1

" That foreign vessels should be the chief instruments in the hands of
this imbecile government to do their dirty worh, although garnished with
gold. Can it be possible that H. B. M.'s Government will allow its
ships to take passengers from here — ostensihhj as coolies, hut really as
soldiers — a fact to wliich the whole foreign and native community here are
alive 1 Can it be possible that, after so much experience and the sacrifice
of so many of our countiymen, we are going to throw ourselves need-
lessly into the boiling caldron ?

" Let us look before we leap. Vessels are loading here with soldiers
for Shanghae " (Imperialist soldiers). " Tlie fact is known at Hong-kong,

OFFICIAL PAPERS. 341

and it will create much difliculty. Let the hLstoiy of the thi'cc past vara
with China teacli us not to create another.

" Youi-s, &.C.,

" A Fkieno to China.
"Hankow, Januari/ 11, 1862."

For some months this disgraceful Avork proceeded, till
at last the following official sanction appeared : —

" CONSUL MEDIIURST TO 3IU. BRUCE.*

" Shanghae, March 21, 1862.
" Sii-, — The Taoutao " (Manchoo governor of the walled Chinese city of
Shanghae) " having been anxious for some time piist to get a reinforcement
from the army under General Tseng-kwo-fan " (Manchoo general command-
ing Imperialist troops up the river Yang-tze) "for the relief of this garrison
and that of Sung-kiangfoo, and having repeatedly questioned me as to the
possibility of allowing a few British vessels to be chartered for the purpose
of bringing the troops down .

" The Taoutae accordingly entered into negotiations with a house here

for the employment of a certain number of steamers for the conveyance

hither of 9,000 men. ... I at once addressed Sir J. Hope a letter,

. . . and from his answer .... you will observe that he entirely

approves of the measure.

" I have, S:c.,

(Signed) " W. H. Medhurst."

This arrangement, in accordance, we are bound to be-
lieve, with the " duties of neutrality," was executed by the
house of Mackenzie, Eichardson, & Co., of Shanghae, in
co7isideratmi of the sum of 180,000 taels (£60,000) paid
by the Manchoo Government.

While the British steamers have passed tlie walls of
Nankin, crowded with Imperialist troops, hastening to
the destruction of the Ti-pings in the neighbourhood of
Shanghae, I have sat on the silent batteries and sym-
pathized with the too credulous people Avho, faitliful to
their promises of neutrality, fooiislily allowed the Tartar
troops to pass scathless right under the muzzles of their

* Sec " Further Papers relating to the Rebellion in Cliina," presented
to both Houses of Parliament by command of her Majesty.

342 MR. PAEKES' MEASURES.

guns, simply because they were safely sheltered hy the
British ensign flying over them. The ruse of ship-
ping the soldiers as coolies, and so smuggling them
past the Ti-ping positions, was abandoned upon the
legalization of the trade by the same admiral and autho-
rities who, but a few months previously, had explained
the " duties of neutrality " to the Ti-pings, and had
given them to understand it was impossible their stores
could be conveyed to Ngan-king, as any such act would
constitute a breach of neutrality ! After the legalization,
the Imperialst braves were carried down to Shanghae
by tliousands, and many a time I bave longed to put
a shot through the hulls of their conveyances ; but the
Ti-pings would not allow me, because, as they said,
it might hurt the "foreign brethren"! Meanwhile,
directly the cowardly rabble had passed out of range
of the batteries, their yells of bravado could be plainly
heard, and British oak and British seamen became
hidden and disgraced by a cloud of Manchoo flags
waved in defiance, whenever it could be done in safety.

As Mr. Parkes and his co-adjutors did not obtain an
instant compliance with their grossly unjust demands
upon the Ti-pings, viz., not to attack Shanghae, a city
belonging to them by every known right as natives of the
soil, if they were able to capture it from the Manchoos ;
not to levy duty upon the British vessels passing through
their territory, and to avoid all the principal ports, the
great sources of revenue to their enemies, simply because
their capture of such places might interfere with the
British trade — they took more active measures, viz.: —

" To effect this, we proceeded early on the following morning to the
palace of the Tien-wang . . . and on an-iving there at 10 a.m. handed
the following note to an officer, with the request that it might be sent to
the Tien-wang : — •

" ' The under-mentioned British officers, namely, Captain Aplin, senior
naval officer in the Yangtze river, and Mr. Parkes, having been engaged
during the last five days in fruitless endeavours to arrange certain important

UIS ARROGANT IJEHAVIOUR. 848

business with the Tacping authorities, and being gi-eatly inconvenienced by
the dehiy thus occasioned, respectfully request admission to the Tien-waiig,
or that the Tien-wang will appoint an officer to meet them witli full
authority to settle their business without further trouble.' "

Let Englishmen apply this arrogant document to
themselves. The Tien-wang was crowned sovereign over
a vast territory ; his large armies Avere in victorious
possession ; and he, being invested with all the mystery
and divine attributes common to eastern monarchs,
became a much more unapproachable object than western
rulers, even to his own people. "What would Englishmen
do if some foreign official, dissatisfied with waiting " five
days" in negotiation with their proper authorities "to
arrange certain important business," were to force them-
selves into Iler Majesty's palace, and "request" her to
personally treat with them, or "appoint an officer to meet
them," and so infx'inge official etiquette?

Not satisfied with issuing this presumptuous summons,
Ml*. Parkes proceeds : —

" After having repeatedly inquired whether the Tien-wang had taken
any notice of our application, and been as often told that it had been sent
in to him, we at last ascertained that instead of thLs having been done, our
note had been forwarded to the Tsan-sze-keun " (one of the Ti-plng secre-
taries of state, and the proper authority to receive any communication).
" We now told the officer who had deceived us to bring back our note,
and while waiting for it the Tsan-sze-keun and Le Teen-tseang, a chief who
had taken a prominent part at all the interviews, sent to tell us that the
orders we wanted should be ready to-morrow. We took no notice of this
■message, and they sent a second time to say that they wished to see us at
the Tsan-sze-keun's residence. To this we replied that having found it
necessary to make an application to the Tien-wang himself, we could not
now return to them, and thai if tliey" (the pereons appointed by the Ti-ping
Government to transact such business) " wished to speak with its they sftould
come to the palace."

If Mr. Parkes had met with the fate of Mr. Eichard-
son and others in Japan, or experienced indignities similar
to those suffered by IMr. Edan, political agent at the
Bhootanesc court, during his superlatively arrogant die-

344 EESULT OF THE YANG-TZE EXPEDITION.

tation to the Ti-ping chiefs, can it be denied that it would
have been his own fault ?

In his explanation of thrusting himself into the Tien-
wang's palace, and outraging all the Ti-ping rules and
ceremonies, Mr. Parkes has evidently forgottten liimself,
and represented his own conduct as that of the Ti-pings.
He says : —

" It was clearly necessary to take a stand of this kind wlicn wo saw
that tlic ignorance and pride of these people induced them to assume the
same absurd and insufferable pretensions in their treatment of foi'eigners
that characterized the Mandarins in days that are past."'

This little conceit of the diplomatic agent is really
amusing, by reason of its being perfectly unique. I
cannot remember another instance in which the Ti-ping
has been compared with the Manchoo in behaviour to
foreigners or anything else. When people set them-
selves to work deliberately to injure others, it generally
happens that they strive to vilify them in order to justify
themselves. To this motive, I suppose, we must ascribe
the "clearly necessary stand" of Mr. Parkes.

The result of the Yang-tze expedition, in so far as the
Ti-pings were concerned, amounted to a treaty of neutrality
between them and England ; a promise on their part not
to attack Shanghae, and to remain 100 li (about 30 miles)
away from it during the '■^ present year'' ^ (1861), upon
condition that the British authorities prevented the Im-
perialists from attacking them from that place, or using it
for belligerent purposes ; and a pledge from Admiral Hope,
that if the Ti-ping forces were to attack the other treaty
ports, all British subjects being " unmolested both in their
persons and property, the commanders of the vessels of
war stationed there will receive directions in no way
whatever to interfere in the hostilities lohich may be going
on, except for the purpose of protecting their countrymen,
should it be necessary to do so." It also resulted in their
being compelled to break their engagements, and thus

NGAN-KIKG IX VESTED. Siu

expose tlicmsclves to British hostility and encov;ragc the
violation of solemn pleclt,^os of neutrality. Crave as are
the accusations uliich may he hrought forward against a
numhcr of British officials, it must he admitted that their
conduct fully justified the most severe animadversions.

In the meanwhile, during the negotiations at Nankin,
the Ti-ping forces mentioned in the first pages of this
chapter were severally engaged prosecuting, upon the
whole, a very successful series of operations.

The city of Ngan-king (capital of Ngan-whui province)
having hecomc closely invested hy an Imperialist army of
some 20,000 men, and a flotilla of several hundr(>d truu-
hoats, the Ying-wang was charged with the relief of that
city during his march up the course of the Yang-tze to
his destined operations in the province of Hupeh.

Although Is'gan-lving had heen threatened hy Impe-
rialist forces during some eighteen months, until the spring
of 18G1 it had never heen seriously menaced, the !^^anchoo
braves having contented themselves with the ordinary
phase of Chinese warfare — watching, flag-waving, and
yelling at a safe distance from any prohahle vicious attempt
of the dangerous Chaug-maous.* ISTgan-king, however,
Avas a place of great strength for Chinese warfare ; it
formed i\\e point cVaiipui of all Ti-ping movements either
to the northern or north-western provinces, and previous
to any attack iipon their capital. Nankin, or its fortified
outposts, its reduction was an ahsolutc necessity. The
city heing huilt right on the hrink of the great river, was
ahsolute mistress of that important highway, without
which, and its invaluahle water communication, any ex-
tensive movement of the ]\Ianchoo armies in an easterly
direction hccamc impracticahle. At last, tliercforc, the
Manchoo warriors girded up their loins, that is to say,
tucked up the hottoms of their petticoat inexpressihlcs,
fiercely wound their tails around their clcanly-shavcn

• Long-haired, a name given the Ti-pings because of their tresses.

346 MODUS OPERANDI,

caputs, made a terrible display of huge flags, roaring
gongs, horridly painted bamboo shields, and a most ex-
travagant waste of gunpowder, and moving forward Avith
terrific cloud-rending yells, established themselves safely
out of cannon-range of the walls, and proceeded to com-
plete the investment of the doomed city by building
themselves in with a formidable series of earth-works and
stockades, from which they could neither climb out nor
enemies climb in. As a rule, the Chinese never fight
unless they are obliged to. Not that they are so cowardly
as some Europeans have mistakenly seemed to believe, but
rather from those singularlj^ refined traits of reasoning
Avhich, with these peculiar people, border closely upon the
absurd. For instance, having myself often spoken with
Chinamen regarding their ineffective and almost childish,
but for the merciless treatment of the vanquished,
military tactics, I have always been answered to the
following effect : — ■

" Hi-ya, how can ? Two piecee man no can stop one
place aller same time, spose nother piecee man must
wantchee come, mi must wantchee go ; spose mi must
wantchee stop, nother jiiecee man no can come."

Singularly enough this principle is generally applied.
If a determined resistance is certain, those who should
attack content themselves by safely fortifying themselves
at a distance, as in the case at Ngan-king ; but should the
determination of the defensive party be doubtful, then an
attack, with no little impetuosity and daring, will almost
surely take place.

Now, the Ti-pings have never been known as remark-
able for the logic, cowardice, or whatever it may be termed,
generally peculiar to the race of Chinese : upon the con-
trary, their reputation has ever been that of fighting men.
In consequence of this certain jirospect of hard knocks
4 in the event of their being irrational enough to try and
climb over the walls of Ngan-king when the Ti-pings
were determined to try and prevent them, the Imperialists

THE -I'ING-AVANG's I'LANS. 317

very wisely made themselves masters of the situation by
establishing' a complete cordon of stockades around the
city, extending from the river above to a point just below
its walls, calculating, with a perfect i)hilosophy, that when
the rice within the city became finished, those without
might make a good breakfast, then scale the walls free
from any "hard knocks," and, better than all, gather the
heads of the helpless and famished garrison, ad libitum ;
(bus capturing the city, obtaining the emoluments of a
long and easy campaign, and winding up with the head-
money, all without the danger of fighting.

Meantime, although the city was fast becoming strait-
ened for provisions, the Ying-Avang confined his efforts
for its relief to distant operations, probably considering its
garrison amply sufiicient not only to maintain the place,
but to prevent any complete blockade by sallying forth
upon the Manchoos, as their strength, although less than
half that of the besiegers, was considered such as would
not be likely to diminish their possible chance of victory.
In this case, however, too much was expected from a
mostly newly-levied force, exposed to tlie attack of llonan
braces and Tartar troops, the best forces in the service of
the IMancboo empei'or.

The Ying-wang, his plans, and the success attending
his hitherto operations, became known to the Yang-tzo
expedition, under Admiral Hope, in ]\[arch. Upon the
22nd of that month Mr. Parkes visited the Ying-wang at
the city of Hwang-chow, situated upon the northern bank
of the river, 50 miles from the treaty port Ilan-kow. In
his report of the interview he states : —

" At the gatii by which we entered I observed a proclamation in the
name of the Ying-wang, assuring the people of protection, and inviting
them to come and trade freely with the troops. Another proclamation,
addressed to the latter, prohibited them from that (hitc from wandering into
the villages and plundering the i)eople. A third notice, appended to t/w,
heads of two rebels, made known that these men had been executed Jt>r
robbing the people of their clothes while engaged in collecting grain for the
troops."

818 niS INTERVIEAV AVITH ME. PAEKES.

This statement, to those who know anything about
the Ti-pings, appears perfectly true ; how does Mr. Parkes
reconcile it with his report that " plunder and violence
marked the progress of the Ti-pings" ?

" He iuformed me that he was the leader knowu as tlie Ying-waiig (or
Heroic Prince) ; that he was charged from Nankin to relieve Ngan-king,
and had imdertaken a westward movement with the view of gaining the
rear of the Imperial force, and besieging that city on the western side.
So far he had been completely successful.

" Leaving Tung-ching, a city forty miles to the north of Nankin, on the
6th instant, he marched in a north-westerly direction upon the city of Hoh-
shan, thus avoidmg all the Impearialist posts in the districts of Yung-
chung, (ire. On the 10th he took Hoh-shan, where there was no con-
siderable force to opjiosc him ; and then turning to the south-west, reached
Yiing-shan on the 1-lth, which fell in tlie same way. Hastily securing the
munitions of these two places, of which he stood in need, he pressed on to
Kwang-chow, and succeeded in surprising a camp of the Amnor Tartars,
killing, as the Ying-wang said, all the men, and capturing all the horses.
This, and a small affair at Paho, placed him in possession of Kwang-chow,
which he entered witliout opposition on the 17th instant. He had thus
taken three cities, and had accomplished a march of 600 li (say 200 miles)
in eleven daj's, and w;a.s now in a position either to attack in rear the
Imperial force which he had just turned, and draw them off from Ngan-
king, or, postjjoning that operation, to occupy Han-kow, from which he
was distant only fifty miles. He added, however, that he felt some hesita-
tion in marching upon the latter place, as he had heard that the English
had already established themselves at that port.

" I commended his caution in this respect, and advised him not to
think of moving vipon Han-kow, as it was impossible for the insurgents to
occupy any emporium at which we were established, without seriously
interfering with our commerce, and it loas necessary that their movements
should be so ordered as not to dash loith ours."

Now this exaggerated " caution " and absurd regard
for " our commerce " made the Ying-wang sacrifice his
own interests.

His expedition was planned for the express purpose of
capturing Han-kow (preparatory to that of Wu-chang, the
capital of the Hupeh province, situated directly opposite,
on the other side of the Yang-tze) ; the relief of Ngan-
king was to be cflectcd eii route, either by the direct attack

SACRIFICKS niS INTERESTS. 319

of his army or by the effect of its success elsewliorc. At
the time of liis interview with Mr. Parkes, either operation
was simply a matter of choice, for Ilan-kow was almost
undefended and offered an easy capture; while haviiu,'
completely outmanceuvred the besiegers of Ngan-king, he
might have fallen upon their rear, and, with a sortie of the
garrison, probably exterminated them. Of course, to
effect either plan a continuation of his hitherto prompt
and decisive action was imperative ; this, however, became
arrested by the unfortunate and prejudical presence of the
English, who, in the midst of his successes, established
themselves at the city the capture of which formed the
terminal point of his campaign. Of course, !Mr. Parkes
does not report the threats of hostility thrust upon the
Ying-wang to deter him from advancing upon, and occu-
pying the Eldorado on which foreigners of every degree
were gi'eedily intent, trusting to the terms of the J'llgin
treaty with the Manchoo Government for the fuUilment
of their golden visions. But it were idle, indeed, to suppose
so energetic a commander as the Ying-wang would allow
all the fruits of his past operations and the favourable
prospects of a rapid prosecution of his movement, to be
lost either by "hesitation in marching upon llan-kow," or
by the advice of Mr, Parkes. The Ying-wang undoubt-
edly received a threat of " strict neutrality " in event of
his appearing at Han-kow — that sort of " neutrality " with
which Mr. Parkes was "fully acquainted," and which has
invariably been assumed towards the Ti-pings, but which
some might interpret by the words, " gratuitous hostility."
The Ti-ping cause suffered from British contact in
this, as in every other instance, as the Ying-wang delayed
his march upon llan-kow, and sent to Nankin for orders.
His army, although mustering nearly 50,000 men, did not
possess a fighting strength of more than half that number,
the rest being simply the coolies in usual attendance upon
all Chinese armies ; therefore delay in the enemy's country
simply meant defeat. The critical and favourable moment

350 SKETCH or THE YING-WANG.

to strike a successful blow %Yas lost, and while the great
cause of Christianity and freedom was once more paralyzed
by the incubus of British interests, the opponents to both
received such ample time to concentrate their out-generalled
forces, that when, after a delay of several months, the
Ying-wang received orders to advance upon Han-kow,
and ojien communication with the British authorities, he
encountered their vastly superior army close to the city of
Ma-ching, and after a most desperately contested battle,
was defeated with heavy loss, and then gradually driven
beyond the city of Ngan-king without having been able to
succour that position, or obtain the slightest advantage
from his previous brilliant exploits.

The Ying-wang, although only twenty-four years of
age, had already, by his extraordinary courage, obtained
one of the highest positions among the Ti-pings, ranking
at this time as a generalissimo of the army, and a noble of
the first degree, with the honourable title of Ying-wang
(Heroic Prince). By the Imperialists he had received the
cognomen of " Sze-ngan-kow " (Four-eyed dog), in con-
sequence of his remarkably rajiid and successful strategy ;
and next to the Chung-wang his presence inspired more
fear in Manchoo bosoms tlian the vicinity and opera-
tions of any other Ti-ping leader. Singularly romantic
were the antecedents of this yoimg and gallant chieftian.
A youthful Cantonese student, while immersed in study-
ing tlu! wise proverbs of the Chinese classics, he chanced
to meet a fellow-scliolar related to some of the Hung
family, who had originated and still formed so important
a part of the Ti-ping rebellion. Shortly afterwards, having
been unfairly treated in his examination by. the corrupt
government officials, he turned towards the new dOetjMnes
of the Ti-pings, aud, with the assistance of his friend, paid
a visit to Huug-jin, the future Kan-wang, who at this
time, 1857, was fulfilling the duties of Christian teacher
and catechist to the London Missionary Society at Hong-
kong. Of an impulsive and enthusiastic disposition, he

SKETCH OF THE YING-WANG. 351

soon became a convert to Christianity, which Ilung-jin
preached with an eloquence that obtained tlio I'ulurf
Prime Minister of Ti-pint,'-wani? the confidence and entire
approval of all missionaries and Christians for many years,
though, singularly enougli, when the time of Ilung-jin's
elevation to tlie second place among the Ti-pings arrived —
that is to say, the moment when by his power and influence
it might naturally have been known that his exertions lo
Christianize China would liavc become immense, and
would have been accompanied by proportionately gigantic
results — his English pretended friends for the most part
abandoned him.

The Ying-wang added one more to the large number
of proselytes obtained by the earnestness and devotion of
the warm-hearted and noble-minded llung-jin. lie bad
been for some months under the tuition of tlie latter, and
had become greatly attached to him, when, deeply im-
pressed by the information of the imprisonment of llung-
jin's mother, Avife, and several other relatives, by the
Canton mandarins, because of their connection, thougli
very distant, with the principal members of the Ti-ping
rebellion, and that they were only saved from execution by
the etlbrts of some missionaries, he formed the determina-
tion to rescue them from imprisonment and ill-treatment.

Proceeding with his fellow-student to the city of
Canton, they managed, through bribing some of the prison
warders, to obtain a moment's admission to the aged
mother of Hung-jin. To their surprise they found with
her, besides other relatives, a granddaughter of surpassing
beauty, w^ho was the orphan of Ilung-jin's brother — a
brother who, Avith nearly the whole of his family, perished
during the ruthless massacres of the innocent kindred
of the Ti-ping rebels. Although their first meeting
lasted but a few minutes, it seems the future Ying-wang
and the beautiful captive maid became mutually attachc>(l.
In their case, however, the romance admits of explanation.
I have myself seen both the Y'ing-wang and the lady, and

352 SKETCH OF THE TIKG-WANG.

I consider that of each sex they were by far the most
handsome I ever beheld in China. I can, therefore, easily
believe that when in the wretchedness of her captivity,
the young- and noble-looking student appeared before her
surrounded by all the extra attractions of his position as
her deliverer, the lonely and miserable girl turned towards
him with her whole heart. Not less natural seems the
passion of the student, whose newly-aroused religious
enthusiasm predisposed him to entertain the warmest
feelings towards those he came to rescue and whose cause
he had already esjioused. During the short moments of his
first interview, he told the prisoners to be prepared for an
attempt to escape upon a certain night. The appointed
time arrived, but no rescue, for the would-be deliverer,
betrayed by one of the gaolers whom he had bribed and
trusted, was seized while making his way into the prison
by means of false keys, and thrust, helpless as themselves,
among those anxiously awaiting his assistance. Brought
before the cruel Manchoo mandarins, he was sentenced to
the barbarous death by " cutting into a thousand pieces,"
while Hung-jin's mother, wife, niece, and several other
relatives, were condemned to torture and decapitation.

Time flew onwards, and at length the evening before
the fatal day arrived. "What dread and overpowering
feelings those poor doomed creatures felt upon that last
day of life, while anticipating the horrid tortures coming
with the morrow's sun, I do not know; but what I can tell
is, that suddenly, about midnight, the doors of their prison
were burst asunder, and the whole of the captives liberated
by an insurrection of famine-maddened Chinamen.

These tumults, created for want of rice, are of very
frequent occurrence in China, and are often attended with
great loss of life ; in nearly all such cases the rioters break
open the prisons and augment their strength with the
released captives. To such an event were the Ti-pings
indebted for their brave Ying-wang, for many a future
victory, and for the Manchoos' oft-repeated defeat.

HUNG-JIN's ADVENTITIIES. 353

Making liis way clown to the European settlement,
Ilung-jiu's pupil, with his teacher's mother, wife, and
niece, and several male relatives of the Ilung family,
found safety under the kind protection of some European
missionaries. In the morning they all cmharked and
took passage to Hong-kong on board an American river
steamer plying between the two places, and within four
or five hours anchored in sal'ety under the folds of the
flag of freedom.

Iluug-jin's happiness in the release and society of his
•wife and mother may easily be imagined; but soon rumours
of other Manchoo persecution reached liim, and, dreading
the sudden death of his dearest relatives, if captured, he
determined to make his way to Xankin, and then return
for them, if such a plan proved practicable. His travel
through the country and ultimate arrival at Nankin has
been noticed in another chapter ; suffice it, therefore, to
say, he was accompanied by him who afterwards became
the Ying-wang, himself disguised as an itinerant surgeon,
and the latter as his attendant. Upon their arrival at
Nankin, Hung-jin was detained and created Kan-wang
by his relative the Ti-ping-wang, while his companion,
receiving a commission in the Ti-j)ing army, was given
letters to a number of Ti-piug 2)artisans in the provinces
of Kwang-tung, Eo-keen, and Kiang-si, and also received
instructions to bring the Kan-wang's relatives from Hong-
kong, and having delivered his despatches, to return to
Nankin in company witli those who would join his party
(several Ti-ping officers accompanying him) by the way.
Reaching Uong-kong safely, disguised as wandering men-
dicants, the whole of the refugees succeeded in arriving at
the first rendezvous in small parties of two or three, under
his guidance. At this place several lumdred men mustered
in arms, and recruited at other parts of their route. After
many encounters with the Manchoo troops and many
perilous adventures, the Ying-wang having principally
contributed to the successful efforts of his comrades by

2 A

354 THE chung-wang's operations.

his distinguished gallantry, re-entered Nankin with the
Kan-wang's family. Soon after the successful issue of his
mission, tlie Ying-wang was promoted, and received the
beautiful niece of his patron and friend in marriage.

The Ying-wang having studied for a military life and
possessing undaunted bravery, soon rose in the Ti-ping
army, and during the famous victories obtained over the
besiegers of Nankin in May, 18G0, while in command of a
small division, defeated the Tartar body-guard of Chang-
kwoh-liang, second in command of the Imperialist army,
and killed that general, falling himself desperately
wounded in the moment of victory. Upon his recovery
he received the title and position of Ying-wang.

While in the west, successes that would undoubtedly
have led to the capture of Han-kow and other important
positions Avere rendered nugatory through the presence of
the English ; in fact wherever the Ti-pings carried on their
operations apart from that baneful influence, good fortune
crowned their efforts.

The Shi-wang in Kiang-si, the I-wang in Sze-chuan,
the Kan-wang in Hoo-uan, and the Chung-wang in Che-
kiang, were successful in each province.

Although the movements of the three former Wangs
were very extensive, and although the Shi-wang had
captured the capital and many other large cities in
Kiang-si, and in June had occupied the city of Wu-
chang-hien (situated a few miles below the Y'"ing-wang's
position at Hwang-chow, but on the opposite side of the
river, and from which two points the armies of the
Shi and Ying AYangs would have co-operated in the
r.eduction of Han-kow, but for the stoppage of their
movements caused by the presence of British author-
ities and merchants at that city, and the menaces they
had been treated to by the politicans of the Y^ang-tze
es^ieditiou), all these operations paled before those of
the Chung-wang in Che-kiang. Pressing rapidly for-
ward with a small army of observation, the Commander-

THE RESULTS. 355

in-Chief made a false attack upon the important city of
Hang-chow, the provincial capital, strongly garrisoned by
Tartar troops of the Eight Banners, and after satisfying
himself as to the strength of the enemy, by a rapid and
brilliantly executed series of manoeuvres, succeeded in
capturing the important cities of Chapoo, Hayen, Kashen,
Hoo-chow, lli-niug, &c., and, in fact, obtaining complete
possession of all that most valuable territory extending
from the south of the Ta-hoo lake to the walls of llanir-
chow, and from the banks of the river Yang-tze to tlic
sea at Shanghae, with the exception of that small portion
adjacent to the latter city that was guaranteed by the
agreement with Admiral Hope to remain a neutral ground
during the "present year."

In consequence of the tactics pursued by the Com-
mander-in-Chief as the result of his short campaign of
observation, the main body of the two armies respectively
commanded by the Shi and Kan Wangs were recalled from
their distant successes and concentrated at the important
cities of Hwuy-chow (capital and centre of the green tea
districts in Ngan-whui, upon the south of the Yang-tze,
at the time completely under the jurisdiction of the
Ti-pings) and Soo-chow, with a large force already under
the personal command of the Chuug-wang himself. Tliese
two columns were marched, the one from Soo-chow in a
south-westerly, and that from Hwuy-chow in an easterly
direction, co-operating with each other upon the city of
Hang-chow.

The Manchoo force concentrated at Hang-chow for its
defence, and for the general defence of the Che-kiang
province, numbered 125,000 men, of whom 35,000 were
Tartars of the Eight Banners, the whole comnuuulcd
by the Imperial commissioner and Tartar general, Luy-
chang, assisted by the noted Chinese commander Chang
Yuh-leang.

At the commencement of the Chung-wang's campaign,
a movement took place which was attended by a success

2 a2

356 SIEGE OF HANG-CHOW.

that put in action the hostile operations of the British
Government, and thus brought disaster to the Ti-pings,
whose available forces amounted to about 295,000
men, as opposed to 420,000 Manchoo Imperialists.
Although to a casual and uninformed observer these
figures may a2)pear greatly advantageous to the Im-
perial cause, such was very far from being the case.
With the exception of their Tartar troops and cer-
tain portions of the Chinese regulars, the Manchoo
Government could not depend ui^ou its defenders.
Those who might fairly be trusted did not exceed two-
thirds of the total number ; the rest, comprising the
militia [h^aces), were compartively useless in the field,
and many of the veteran Ti-pings confidently advanced
against a greater odds than ten to one.

The two divisions of the Chung-wang's army uniting
under the walls of Hang-chow, commenced the siege of
that city with much vigour. The Tartar garrison being of
great strength, and aided by an army in the field, for
nearly a month the progress of the besiegers Avas not very
material. Numerous actions occurred, and a severe
struggle was maintained, without any decided success upon
cither side. At last, unable to carry the city by direct
attack, after severely repulsing a sortie of the gari'ison,
combined with an attack of the army of co-operation, the
Chung-wang determined to reduce the city by cutting off
its communications, and with this intent organized opera-
tions that, judging by their results, proved of the very
gravest importance to Manchoo, foreigner, and Ti-ping
alike.

Establishing the main body of his army in lines of
circumvallation around Hang-chow, a strong division of
nearly 60,000 men was detached under the command of
the generals Hwang and Fang, w"ith orders to capture all
the important cities to the south-east of Hang-chow, and
terminate the expedition with the full possession of the sea-
port Ning-po, one of the treaty ports open to foreign trade.

ITS CAPTURE. 357

Dividiniy into two columns, respectively comniantlcd by
the above-mentioned generals, the division pushed rapidly
forward, acting under the direct orders of the Shi-wang,
who superintended the movement against the enemy's
communications, while the Chung-wang himself conducted
the siege operations. The columns of Hwang and his
colleague Fang, during the month of November, succes-
sively captured all the cities to the south and south-east of
llang-chow, while other expeditionary columns detached
by the Shi-wang obtained possession of all situate between
the possessions of the Ti-pings in the north and north-
east, round to the westward, and to the positions occupied
by the two subordinate generals ; thus completely cutting
off every communication of the besieged city. After re-
ducing the departmental and district cities, Shaou-shing,
Fung-wha, Yu-yaou, Yen-chow, Tsze-ke, and many others,
and after receiving a deputation from the European
residents of Ningpo, who left them highly satisfied, the
leaders of the two columns effected a junction of their
forces, and, moving upon Ningpo, carried that city by a
sudden assault on the 9th of December, 1861. Meanwhile,
other divisions, detached from the Chung-wang's army,
captured and garrisoned all the southern, western, and
eastern departments of the province, so that when, upon
the 29th of December, the garrison of Ilang-chow
succumbed to famine and the determined assault given
by the besiegers on that day, the Avhole of Che-kiang
became subject to the Ti-ping Government.

In consequence of these successful operations, the
end of the year found the Ti-pings in almost entire pos-
session of the two richest and most densely populated
provinces of China, Che-kiang and Kiang-su, while the
small portion of Kiang-su yet held by Manchoo authorities
was comprised within a radius of thirty miles around
Shanghae. Faithfully observing their part of the agree-
ment made Avith Admiral Hope and his coadjutors, the
Ti-pings refrained from any advance upon Shanghae, even

358 MANCHOO CRUELTIES.

although the non-fulfilment by the British authorities of
the conditions upon which the said agreement was made
fairly released them from its obligations ; but directly the
*' present year " had expired, every otlicr position in the
province being already in their hands, troops were moved
forward to drive the Manchoos from this their last strong-
hold in the province.

As has been alreadv observed, the nosition of the
Ti-pings was one which but for the interference of the
British Government must undoubtedly have caused the
overthrow of the Manchoo Tartar dynasty. They pos-
sessed the valuable silk districts, the tea districts
of Ngan-whui and Che-kiang, the cotton districts of
Kiang-su, and the potteries and porcelain manufacturing-
districts of Kiang-si, which together constitute the prin-
cipal sources of revenue in the emj)ire. The repulse of
the Ying-wang, and consequent fall of Ngan-kiug upon
the 5th of September, afforded the Imperialists but little
compensation for their defeats everywhere else. Ngan-
king, completely invested by land and water, and unre-
lieved by the Ying-wang, after its garrison had endured
the most terrible privations, fell into the hands of the
besiegers. Three regiments of the garrison, unable to en-
dure the horrors of the famine rasing within the doomed
city, which had reduced them to cannibalism of the most
frightful description, human flesh being eagerly sought
at the price of eighty cash per catty* and devoured with
avidity, surrendered to the Imperialists upon condition of
a free pardon, but were massacred to a man, and their
headless bodies cast into the Yang-tze. After this the
remaining portion of the fighting men came to the usual
Chinese arrangement with the besiegers, and leaving the
city unmolested, reached the Ti-ping position at Loo-chow.
Then came the triumph of the Manchoos, who, entering
the city, ruthlessly slaughtered the non-combatant inhabi-

* About fourpence per 1-333 lb. avoii'duiiois.

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POSITION OF THE TI-PINCS IN 1S61. 359

tants : men, women, and children, Avhose mutilated bodies
•were borne down towards the sea by the swiftly rushing
waters of the great river. I beheld tlicm mangled with
every atrocity that fiends could perpetrate, floating down
the stream in hundreds, huddled together, while the river
steamers, Governor- General and Carthage, surrounded by
the ghastly remnants of mortality, became impeded in
their movements.

The capture of Ilang-chow and the entire of the Che-
kiang province concluded the operations of the Ti-piugs
in 1861. They had now attained a magnificent position ;
the richest provinces and most important cities of China
had become subservient to them, the most valuable sea-
coast in the world was partly theirs, their base of operations
against the Manchoos could not be surpassed, and it only
now remained to capture the commercial city of Shanghae.
The whole of the trade of the interior, valuable beyond
calculation, Avas justly theirs, — it had been so since 1860 ;
but yet that city was maintained by British forces as
the citadel of the Manchoos, whereby the Ti-pings were
defrauded of the export and import duties Avhich belonged
to them, but which, in the hands of the Manchoos,
not only answered for the " indemnity," but served to
obtain for them all munitions of war needed to carry on
the struggle. Under these circumstances, the possession
of Shanghae became imperatively necessary, and yet
such was the chivalrous observance of good faith on
their part that they refrained from hostilities until the
expiration of the " present year," although long since
released from all moral obligations, and prompted by
all considerations of self-interest and aggrandisement
to subjugate Shanghae Avithout a moment's notice or
delay.

360 LIFE IN NANKIN.

CHAPTEll XIII.

Life in Nankin. — Ti-ping Character. — Its Friendly Nature. — Eeligious
Observances. — Cum-lio.- — Curious Ad venture. — A Catastrophe. — Love-
making. — Difficulties. — Trip to Shanghae. — Reflections. — On the
Yang-tze River. — Life on the River. — An Adventure. — Tlie Deserted
Lorcha. — The Murdered Crew. — " Mellen's " Fate. — Arrival at
Shanghae.- — Return Voyage. — SLn-ya-meu. — A " Squeeze Station." —
The " Love-chase." — Fraternizing. — Wife-purcliasiiig. — The Grand
Canal. — Cliina under Manchoo Rule. — Its Population. — The Manchoo
Government.

AFTER my return to Nankin from the Chung-wang's
army, I spent some very pleasant months in that
city. The warm summer weather of central China pro-
duced a sort of lassitude both of mind and body, and for
a time, while leading a happy and listless life, mixing
Avith the kiud and enthusiastic Ti-pings, or wandering
through the beautiful gardens of the Chung-wang's palace
with Marie, the outer world became forgotten. Aroused
each day with the rising sun, my friend, Philip, and I
would meet the Chung-wang's household at the morning
prayers in the " Heavenly Hall." Here, from about six
o'clock till seven, I regularly joined in the prayers of
people whose devotion I have never seen excelled else-
where. The men and women were separated by occu-
pying different sides of the Hall, and the worship was
generally conducted by the Chung-wang's chaplain. After
a long form of supplication, "the anthem was chanted,
followed by a doxology and hymn ; the officiating minister
then closed the service by reading a written prayer, which
when finished was always set on fire and consumed.

o
a:
J
I
O

LIFE IN NANKIN. 301

Oftentimes while kneeling in the midst of an appa-
rently devout congregation, and gazing on the upturnod
countenances lightened by the early morning sun, whicli
poured its golden rays through the quaintly carved win-
dows, have I wondered why no British missionary occupied
my place, and why Europeans generally preferred slaugh-
tering the Ti-pings to accepting them as brothers in
Christ ; and while scanning the assembled Christian
Chinese, praying from the Bible we Europeans trust in
and declare to be our guide, I have felt a sympathy and
enthusiasm for their cause that never can be weakened or
subdued.

About an hour after prayers the great drums at the
palace entrance would sound for the morning meal.
When the family were assembled, the following form of
grace was given by the master of the house, or, in the
absence of the Chung-wang, by his brother : —

" Hoa\-enly Father, tlie Great God, bless us thy little ones. Give us
clay by day food to eat and clothes to wear. Deliver us from evil and
calamity, and receive our souls into heaven."

After breakfast the household would disperse upon
their various daily occupations, — the ladies to their
private apartments, there to employ themselves wifli
embroidering the exquisitely ornamented shoes and
silken garments in vogue among the Ti-pings, to perform
more domestic duties, or amuse themselves with music
and singing.

The Chung-wang's cousin, Yu-wang (the Admired
Prince), being Vice-President of the Board of War, and
member of the Tien-wang's Privy Council, seemed gene-
rally overwhelmed Avith business. Eirst he would gallop
off with a numerous escort to the offices of the " Board
of War." Ilaving returned from thence, after the mid-day
meal he would don his state robes and attend the royal
court. This chief possessed a high reputation for wisdom
in council, sanctity in living, and bravery in the tield.

362 LIFE IN NANKIN.

Besides his civil appointmentsj he was a general of the
"Loyal troops of the palace of the Tien-wang" (the
veteran elite of the Ti-ping forces). He was married
to but one wife, though many of his associates were poly-
gamists, and, although a young man, was of a remarkably
grave and religious character, so much so, that even his
little running pages seemed affected by it and forgot their
Avild mischievous propensities.

Each day the major-domo mustered his people to
prayers, to feed, and to work. Tlie captain of a detach-
ment of the Chung-wang's body-guard regularly drilled
them in the large courtyard of the palace. The Com-
mander-in-Chief's adjutant-general, Lee-wang, daily con-
ducted the business connected with his office, employing
an immense number of scribes, officials, and soldiers,
who waited and carried away huge sheets of yellow pro-
clamations almost larger than themselves. In another
part of the Chung-wang's palace his private secretaries
seemed for ever writing, or rather painting, interminable
Chinese characters on large-sized paper and small-sized
paper, which they continually added to the vast heaps of
manuscript piled up around them, while I have often
wondered what it could all be about.

These various duties were executed with a wonderful
exactitude and regularity, almost mechanical ; indeed,
throughout Nankin and every part of Ti-pingdom I
have always found a similar state of methodical organ-
ization.

I frequently visited the Minister of the Interior, the
Chang-wang (Accomplished Prince), and other chiefs,
with my two companions, and we were always received
with such kindness and hospitality that every house in
Nankin became our home. AVe usually employed a part
of each day instructing the Ti-ping soldiers in gunnery or
drilling tliem upon a plan combining the line and column
formation of European tactics with their own more iindis-
ciplined manoeuvres. The Chinese are well known for

TI-PING CHAEACTEU. 363

their imitative ingenuity ; })ut we found these free
Chinamen still more easily taught, their quick acquire-
ment of English words and extraordinary ajititude for
every kind of instruction being really marvellous.

When I look back upon the unchangeable and universal
kindness I liave always met with from the Ti-pings, even
while their dearest relatives were being slaughtered by my
countrymen, or captured by the Manchoos to be tortured
to death and their wives and daughters Avhen not killed
infamously outraged and passed from hand to hand by
the rabble Imperialist soldiery, it almost seems to be a
dream, so difficult is it to comprehend their magnanimous
forbearance, when, according to the lev taUonis in vogue
among civilized nations, they should have executed every
Englishman they met with similar barbarities to those
practised upon the unfortunate Ti-ping prisoners given
up by Bi'itisli officers (during the years 1862-3-4) to the
Manchoo authorities.

During all my intercourse with the Ti-pings I can re-
collect nothing more unpleasant than being made " bogie "
to frighten unruly children ; and even this was of rare
occurrence, so great a feeling of respect for Englishmen
did their parents entertain. Sometimes, Avhilc strolling
through a city, I have been pointed out as a white man
bogie to little yellow-skinned Ti-pings by their black-haired
pretty mother, qualified, however, in most cases by a polite
invitation to enter and partake of a cup of tea ; and so the
only offence that could be taken at becoming "bogie"
would be from the unflattering opinion one's appearance
caused in the juvenile imagination. How different are
the scowling looks and the epithet " Yang-quitzo " ap-
plied to us with the aspiration of hate by our Manchoo
allies !

The kind and friendly feeling of the Ti-pings I often
found so excessive as to be absolutely annoying. Eor
hours together I have been quite wearied out by their
attentions. Some impulsive Ti-pingitc would seize a hand

364 ITS FUIENDLY NATURE.

of his " foreign brother," and retaining it between his
own for several hours, all the time maintain an energetic
conversation, perfectly regardless as to whether I imder-
stood him or not ; probably when tired he would leave me
in the hands of a particular friend, who in turn, after
exhausting his own conversational powers and my patience,
would give me up to another. To those who have ex-
perienced the ordinary dislike and contumely of the
Chinese, the surprising friendliness of the Ti-pings is no
less remarkable than pleasant. The ingenuous earnestness
with which they always welcomed Europeans as " Wa-
choong-te " (brethren from across the seas), and the
apparent sincerity with which they would claim the re-
lationship as fellow-worshippers of " Yesu," seems to have
impressed all who have really been among them with
similar feelings of unmingled pleasure.

When I remember in what manner these people have
been treated by my country, I almost feel the blush of
shame at being an Englishman. None who love their
country can behold its foreign policy a\ ith satisfaction, or
hope for its future. It requires but a glance at the history
of the greatest nations of ancient and modern history to
perceive our danger, and the parallel between our present
position and the meridian of their greatness. The yearn-
ing for self-aggrandizement has caused the overthrow of
many nations, and day by day we see the rich colonies
forming part of some overgrown aggressively created
empire, seceding from and breaking the power of their
former oppressor. Well for us or our descendants will it
be if by changing our policy and pursuing one of righteous-
ness and non-aggression, England is preserved from
destruction amid the regular and successive crash of
falling nations.

Can we look ujion our acquisition of India, of our old
American colonies, of New Zealand and the Cape of
Good Hope annexations, &c., or our wars with China,
Burmah, Japan, and last though not least, our war upon

RELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES. 365

the Ti-ping Christian revolution, without remembering
the fate of the mighty empire of Imperial Eome ? Can
wo ponder with satisfaction over the former greatness of
Spain, Portugal, and Uolland, the decline of their po\yer,
and its causes ? In connection with this subject I cannot
forbear quoting the following extract from a letter written
by the Bishop of Victoria to the Archbishop of Canter-
bury, dated Hong-kong, May 23rd, 1853, and in which,
referring to the Ti-ping revolution, he states : —

"Ami if Britain, and, above all, Britaia's Church, neglect the cull, ami
arise not to her high behest as the ambassadress of Clirist and the heraldress
of the cross among these Eastern emjiires, tlien the page of liLstoi-y will
liereafter record the melancholy fact that, like Spain, Portugal, and Hol-
land, who each enjoyed their brief day of sujiremacy and empire in these
Eastern seas, and then sank into insignificance and decay, so Britain,
wielding the mightiest sceptre of the ocean, and ruling the vastest colonial
cmpii-e of the world, failed to consecrate her talents to Christ, and, incjlo-
riovshj intent on mere self-aggrandizement and iceallh, fell from her ccalted
seat in merited ignominy and shame."

At Nankin each day the signal for prayer was given
from the Tien-wang's palace, when the great gongs within
the first courtyard were sounded. The signal was then
repeated from house to house, till at last the brazen re-
verberation having died away in the most remote corners
of the city, and having been echoed along the massive
ramparts by the solitary watchmen to the distant suburbs,
the knee of every man within, or in the adjoining villages
without the walls, became bent in prayer. Often have I
stood upon the old time-worn mural defence of Nankin,
with the last lingering light of sunset throwing strange
fantastic shadows around me, and listened to the humming
noise rising uj) from the praying people below. At other
times I have gazed from that same ancient wall at mid-
night, as the last hollow tap from the sentinel's bamboo
drum was sounded, have seen the whole populace assemble
to welcome the Sabbath day ; then turning towards the

366 cuM-HO.

distant hills, crowned with the fortifications and numerous
tents of the idolatrous Imperialists, I have felt that God
would never forsake those who so fervently believed and
studied his word.

Dark days have come upon the Ti-ping cause ; but
although many have perished who hopefully assured me
" the Heavenly Father would protect them," and although
others arc now wanderers from what they had settled
as a Christian territory, so long as even one righteous
believer shall remain, I have faith in God's word for their
eventual success.

The idol-worshippers and the worshippers of mammon
have together made merry over persecuted Christians,
but if right is eyer vindicated upon earth, and if the Bible
shall not for the first time in its history cause the entire
extermination of those who suffer for professing it, a day
will come when their unholy rejoicing shall be turned
into trouble and lamentation. That day of retribution
may be far distant, yet recent events would seem to
prove it near ; and whenever it does come, how terrible
it will be.

Time flew onward at Nankin with seemingly treble
rapidity, so happily passed the days with myself and
European comrades. At last a shadow came athwart the
general happiness. My friend, since our return to the
city, had taken every advantage of his honourable scars to
forward his dumb suit of her ladyship Cum-ho, the Chung-
wang's daughter, and as he thought with great success.
Nearly every day Miss Cum-ho and Marie would join us
in the palace gardens, and from simple " Chin-chining,"
pressing one hand on the region of his heart, &c., my
friend somehow managed to pick up a little Chinese in a
very short time, by which his courtship no doubt was
considerably benefited. Eor awhile things went on thus ;
but one unpropitious morning the pretty princess was
entrusted with a little brother for a ramble in the gardens.
As usual, at the commencement of a large shrubbery my

CURIOUS ADVENTURE. 307

friend and her ladyship took the wrong path, and so hecame
separated from Marie and myself.

We could not have strolled far, when suddenly a most
tremendous screaming arose in the direction of the palace.
Leaving Marie to follow me, I ran in the direction of the
noise as fast as possible. When close up to the termina-
tion of the shrubbery, I heard voices proceeding from a
little by-path, and, following it up, soon ascertained the
cause. It appeared that the princess having become
absorbed with my friend's endeavours to study the Chinese
language, forgot lier young brother, and left him to his
own devices, Avhen, with the usual perversity of small
people, he straightway got into mischief. Not content
with making mud pies on the open walks of the shrubbery,
or otherwise innocently amusing himself, this wretched
child saw fit, in an evil moment, to investigate the dark
and tortuous windings of the path in which I found him.

Late rains had made the out-of-the-way part this
infant mind determined to explore, a perfect quagmire,
through which he had successfully wriggled along, until,
reaching one of those large earthen jars peculiar to China,
sunk into the ground, and filled with agricultural compost,
the Chung-wang's youngest " olive-branch" tumbled in.
After the first suffocating dip, he had managed to stick his
head out and give tongue in his loudest key. The scene
of disaster being only a few hundred yards from where the
servants lived in rear of the palace, the noise had attracted
the attention of several, who at once hastened to the spot ;
and they had just succeeded extracting their young lord
from his unenviable position when I arrived among
them.

His little Excellency was led ofi" by the faithful serving-
men, wliile I returned for Marie, and after seeing her to
the palace, ran down the shrubbery to its end, and there,
calmly oblivious to all besides themselves, found my friend
and his companion side by side on one of the garden seats.
Miss Cum-ho was terribly frightened at my tale, not only

368 A CATASTROPHE.

for the sake of her brother, but because the affair would
make known her meetings with my friend. We had no
time to make any arrangement by which this might be
avoided, for I had scarcely told them of the mischance
when up came a couple of young pages in search of the
lady.

Upon reaching the palace, the Mrs. Chung-wang ap-
peared, superintending the Avashing of her sou and ready
to receive her delinquent daughter. Two old duennas, of
particularly vinegar aspect, advanced upon the girl, who
for a moment clung to my friend's arm. That moment,
however, must have sufficed to show the Chung-wang's
better-half the state of her daughter's affections, whom
she now sharply upbraided while being dragged into the
palace. Poor Cum-ho disappeared in tears, doubtless
severely pinched by her two guards, while the injured
" parient," after seeing her purified boy carried in before
her, retired with a Parthian exclamation of " Yang-
quitzo," thrown at my friend.

It was the first time I had ever heard an European
called " foreign devil " in Ti-pingdom, and Mrs. Chung-
wang must have been hugely offended to have uttered

such a thing. Tui'ning to L , I exclaimed, "Well, old

fellow, what do you think of it ? "

"Think," he answered; "why it's the last I shall see
of Cum-ho."

" Yes, I suppose it will be ; but that won't trouble you
much ? "

After a moment's thought, my friend seriously said to
me : — " My dear fellow, I really believe I love that girl ;
Chinese or not, she is a good, warm-hearted creature, and
— I think she loves me ; besides, she is very pretty. What
do vou think of her hair ? is it not lone? and beautiful ?
I do not believe any English girl has such tresses. She
has a straight nose too, and her eyes are very fine ; don't
you think so ? "

" Yes, there's no question about it ; she is a very good-

LOVE-MAKING. 3G9

looking girl, but, unfortunately, you must remember she
is tlie Chung-wang's daugliter."

" I don't care if she's the Lord Duke of ]V[acaciac's
daughter ; if she loves me I icill see her again."

" Have you spoken to her about love ? " I asked.

" I cannot exactly say I have, for I do not know the
Chinese version of the verb, but I believe she understood
what I meant when I tried to. How do you express " I
love you" in Chinese ?

" Gno gnae ne," I told him as well as I knew.

" Noo nay nee ; well, I tliiuk I shall remember that ;
noo nay nee ; yes, that's simple enough ; but how shall
I meet Cum-ho again to tell her so ? that's the ques-
tion."

"Trust to the Chinese Cupid, if there is one ; besides,
if she loves you, depend upon it you will hear from her
somehow before long ; but I must say I still retain a vivid
remembrance of some of your Hong-kong attachments ;
there was A-far, the pretty daughter of Canton Jack, our
boatman ; do you forget how desperately in love you fancied
yourself with that sun-burnt, black-eyed, rough-headed
' Saupau girl ? ' "

"Oh, nonsense," replied my friend, pettishly, " there's
a vast difference between the two ; at that time I was fresh
from England and could not be much smitten by a Chinese
boat-girl, Avith the thoughts of the dear girls at home
filling mv mind. But now I have been so lonir in China
I have almost forgotten what an English woman is like ;
you cannot deny that Cum-ho is handsome ; sec what a
beautiful little mouth she has, what teeth, what ."

"There, that will do, my friend; it is needless to re--
capitulate the fair celestial's charms, you are evidently a
victim of the little Chinese god; but I will just ask one
thing ; apart from the danger of becoming obnoxious to so
powerful a chief as the Chung-wang, who Avould certainly
never look with pleasure upon an alliance between his
daughter and yourself, leang-szc-ma (lieutenant) in his

2 ]j

370 DIFFICULTIES.

guards though he has made you, — how would you feel
disposed to carry home to England a Chinese wife ? "

" Home ! " said he, bitterly ; " most likely I shall never
see home again, at all events I love the girl, and I am
determined not to give her up so easily ; if I escape the
gingall-balls and rusty spears of those rascally Imps, the
Chung-wang may yet be willing to give me his daughter ;
it appears to me the marriage ceremony of the Ti-pings is
much like ours, and if nothing else will succeed, why, an
elopement a la Ti-ping Gretna Green may."

" You shall never do anything so rash," I responded,
as we entered the palace and proceeded to our quarters,
" we shall be leaving Nankin for some days very shortly,
and when we return, if you are still of the same mind, we
will resume the subject and see what can be done."

After this event Cum-ho was never permitted to meet
us, although she managed now and then to send a message
by Marie to the " Yang-quitzo." The misfortune of that
confounded child would have proved a source of much
merriment, but for the interruption of our pleasant prome-
nades it effected. Besides making a prisoner of Cum-ho,
it very considerably annoyed Marie and myself; for the
vigilance of the elder ladies of the household having
become aroused, they carefully watched over my betrothed
wherever she went. I cannot but admit that, one and all,
the women of Ti-pingdom were paragons of modesty and
propriety, and although in this case their espionage proved
rather vexatious, I did not admire them less for it.

Previous to this, I had determined to take a trip to
Shanghae in order to ascertain, if possible, the purport of
the will left by Marie's father, and also to make various
arrangements with regard to obtaining supplies of grain,
European arms, &c., for Nankin ; all of which the Man-
choos were able to obtain ad libitum from Europeans at
the treaty ports, although furnishing the same articles to
the Ti-pings was strictly prohibited by the British autho-
rities, in spite of their pledged neutrality. Before setting

TRIP TO .SHANGHAE. 371

out upon my journey, I had an interview witli the Minister
of the Interior, Chang-wang, who gave me a number of
passes, requesting mc to bestow them upon respectable
Europeans and inform them Nankin was open to trade.
A few foreign vessels were occupied trading to the city,
and among them my friend Mellen, with two of his own
lorchas. I had met him several times when in port, and
shortly before I set out for Shanghae he had sailed with
the vessel he was on board, intending to return with a
cargo of rice, &c.

When all was ready for a start, I had no small difficulty
in getting my friend away with me ; Philip I left behind
to continue drilling and otherwise instructing the soldiery,
and also as my agent for other affairs. Besides the bother
with my friend, I experienced a more serious one before
getting the crew of my vessel to obey orders. These men
during my stay had become thoroughly Ti-pingized, and
having allowed their hair to grow, did not seem at all
inclined to shave and adopt the Manchoo badge of slavery
again. So attached to the Ti-ping re-establishment of
Chinese customs had they become, tliat I was compelled
to call in the Sze-wang to make them shave and leave
Nankin. It may be that, as a rule, the Chinese are pretty
well contented with and accustomed to the monkey tail,
but let their national spirit once be aroused upon the
subject, they feel the degradation bitterly. With scarcely
an exception, the whole crew violently protested against
resuming the guise of the Tartar, and one fine young
fellow felt so acutely while under the hands of the barber
that he actually cried like a child.

At last, however, the tresses were all shorn off, and
having parted with Marie with the full intention of
making her my wife when I returned, and having given
her a letter for Cum-ho, concocted by my friend from a
Morison's Chinese and English Dictionary, the anclior was
rudely dragged forth from its snug hiding-place in the
muddy bottom of the Nankin crock ; then clapping my

2 u 2

372 REFLECTIONS.

shiny-headed men on to the halyards fore and aft, all sail
was "made, and Nankin bidden adieu for a time.

The Yang-tze river, at its mildest mood and lowest
period in the middle of winter, is still a mighty and a
swift-running stream ; but in summer, when swollen with
the vast torrents from the melted snow of the region of
great mountains, amid which it rises far away beyond the
western limits of Thibet, its waters rush fierce and foam-
ing far into the country upon either side of its proper
channel. Such was the case upon my departure from
Nankin.

Sailing was out of the question, because what little
wind there came was, as the sailors say, dead on end.
But although our canvas could not help us on our way, the
boiling tide did, and that at the rate of nearly five knots
an hour. I have many a time floated along the bosom
of that grand Yang-tze, and with nature all beautiful
around me, crew and servants obedient to the slightest
wish, and, above all, a sympathizing friend, fancied more
complete happiness impossible.

At such moments I have often reflected upon the
great Ti-ping movement, and wondered whether my
partisanship could have blinded me to any of its defects,
and so led me to disagree with the manifold tales of horror
and detraction narrated by persons who opposed the re-
bellion. I have even tried to persuade myself that I was
a fool, that I had been imposed upon and deceived by the
Ti-pings as to their real character, and that the hostile
reports were trvie. But then I could not help feeling
myself sincerely a well-wisher of the rebels ; I knew that
I became a partisan from my conviction of the righteous-
ness and favourable characteristics of their cause, and from
no mere worldly interest or attraction ; and, moreover,
against the hearsay adverse testimony I could certainly
plead, " seeing is believing," and prefer my own eyesight
and personal experience to the talcs of others, the greater
proportion of whom had never even seen a Ti-ping under

^ a

ON THE "XANG-TZB IIIVER. 373

any circumstances, much less when at their home and unin-
fluenced by the horrors of Asiatic warfare. Besides this,
nearly all my friends and acquaintances were entirely
of the same opinion as myself, including the Revs.
W. Lobschied, Griffitli John, and other missionaries, who
had really seen Ti-ping life and manners.

These driftings on the Yang-tzo were productive of
mvich meditation. Far from the trammels, disturbance,
and troubles of the great cities of men, with the warm
pure air blowing freshly upon us, we could think only
of the justice and reason of things, completely unbiassed
by the stereotyped customs and formal conventionalities
of society ; but the living voice of Nature all around us,
manifested in the murmur of the moving Avaters, the
humming noise of manifold insects, the myriad lamps of
the fire-fly at night, and the brilliant-coloured feathery
songsters in full chorus among the reed-beds' luxuriant
foliage by day, whispered a better and more comprehensive
theory of existence. So far as society was concerned, it
might have been extinct, for we were at such times per-
fectly isolated, myself and friend Avere alone with regard
to companionship, Avill, and authority. Of course this sort
of life requires change ; it is all very well for a few months ;
but then one seems to wish for something more than the
voice of nature, and the novelties of strange people, new
faces, and busy life, become excessively attractive.

To descend unto the mere creature comforts of such
living : — at four in the morning Ave arose ; As-sam, Avith
meek devotion, or rather serpent-like Asiatic stealthiness,
would bring coffee, containing just a dash of strong waters,
with a little breakfast of rice-cake or toast, by way of
fortifying oneself in a cholera country. This sailors'
inseparable morning stimulant despatched,* habited in

* The coffee of the morning watch (i a.m. to 8 a.m.) lias become so
inveterate and cherished a custom that I liave had a main-yard carried
away in a sudden squall wliile rousing tlie men from the galley-fire and
theii- hook-pots.

374i LIFE ON THE RIVER.

thin white silk, we were douched with many buckets of
water, drawn overnight and separated from, the thick
muddy particles of the Yang-tze by settling and cooling
till morn, when the clear part was poured off for use ; then
a couple of brawny Chinese mariners would rub us down
like young horses, and our day began.

If the locale was favourable and the breeze light, a
stroll along the river's bank, gun in hand, keeping time
with the progress of our vessel with the tide, almost
surely supplied us with many fat pheasants, wild pigeons,
and some of the numerous Chinese summer water-fowl,
or snipe and curlew of singular variety. A stroll to the
trees and bushes further inland would possibly reward
us with a few woodcock, rice-birds or ortolan, and other
delicious game peculiar to China.

Whenever the game-bag became full, or the sun too
high to be pleasant, we returned to our floating home,
probably with some fish purchased from a solitary dip-
net fisherman, working at a little clear spot among the
tall bulrushes overhanging some tideless deep pool, the
favourite resort of his legitimate prey.

About 11 a.m. our breakfast was served, that breakfast
a feast for an epicure : choice and fragrantly-scented tea
the principal beverage, and fish, newly plundered from the
rich stores of the river, the standing dish. How shall I
sing your praises, ye finny tribes of the Yang-tze ? Large
and small, long and short, thick and thin, flat and deep,
every conceivable shape and coloixr, with every possible
flavour appertaining to fishes of any part of the world, or
the most approved delicacy, I safely pronounce ye un-
equalled by your brethren of foreign seas, lakes, or running
streams. Above all ranks the delicious Ke-yu (chicken-
fish), combining the qualities of British salmon, turbot,
and whiting, equally the favourite of natives and Euro-
peans, and in some of the distaiit cities eagerly purchased
at fabulous prices by the wealthy gourmands.

The remnants of fish being carried away, the hot and

LIFE ON THE RIVER. 375

greasy face of As-sam would be thrust into our cabin,
followed by tbat individual's other parts, carefully bearing
to his yet strong -appetited masters a brown and juicy
pheasant or wild duck, done as he knew how to do them,
with Chinese ingenuity and cunning spices. A plentiful
supply of fruit — oranges, pears, pumelos, peaches, li-chces,
and Chinese preserves — finished a cheap, though almost
Sybarite repast ; and last, but not least in a hot climate,
one glass of ice-cold water Avas forthcoming.

If the day was not oppressively hot, we would while
away the time with books, or my friend would bring out
his soft-toned flute, and join in melody with the birds,
huge dragon-flies, and other flying, creeping, and crawling
things, which had all woke up to be happy in the bright
sunshine.

Should we, perchance, fall in with some fellow wan-
derer, we met as brothers and equals ; but this did not
often happen. Swiftly roll the yellow waters, yellower
still in the fierce sunlight, spreading away over islands,
villages, and cultivated fields, far into the interior. Some-
times, when in flood, even 500 miles from its mouth, this
mighty river is bounded here and there by the glittering
horizon of its own waters. At one spot the roof of a tall
house just shows above the stream ; at another the tops
of some great trees may be noticed bending along with the
rushing tide.*

Purple, dim, and vast, rise the mountains, lazily flaps
the white canvas, while through the tall bulrushes beau-
tiful little summer ducks skim about, great "Bramley"
kites wheel high above, uttering their piercing cries, and
in and out of the feathery-topped bamboo strange and
brilliantly-plumaged birds incessantly play. Still we glide

* The iinmcnse volume of water composing the Yang-tze in the middle
of summer must be incredible to those who have not seen it. In conse-
quence of its great rise (some 35 feet) and strong current, villages and
towns are always built upon high ground thi-oughont tlie whole length of
its coui-se.

876 LIFE ON THE MVER.

with the flowmg waters, which, from unknown mysterious
regions flow onward, flow ever, towards the great outside
ocean, whither for hundreds of centuries it has flowed,
untired and unceasing, and whither it will flow to all
eternity.

"Ho-li" is echoed along the decks, and reverentially
our long-tailed cook brings burning charcoal between iron
pincers. The day is too hot now for work, for talking,
almost for thinking, and whilst the tide sweeps along, we
slowly puff our cheroots and recline under the grateful
shade of the awning in a state of semi-coma.

Lying on the flat of our Saxon backs, and lazily
wreathing reflective-producing columns of smoke from
our Manilas, we build castles in the air, loftier far
and not so scrim as those which ever and anon frown
back at the mountains on either side. We dream with
revolver in belt and gun at hand, ready to knock
over stray unwary ducks, or savage, plundering, military
Manchoos, should it become necessarv. Little kings
are we in our own right ; obsequiously bends As-sam,
pattern of boys and servants, to our lordly nod ; meekly
answers A-foo, lotvder, captain, and pirate that he is ;
for the white men are strong, the Chinese think, and
we must be civil to them while awake, even if we murder
them when asleep.

We have no bad smells here, no wear and tear and
flurry of cities ; our habits are primitive, and for the most
part, we own the open heavens only as our roof, and
breathe the pure and uncontaminated atmosphere of the
temperate zone.

A mid-day siesta, for at night we must be watchful
of straggling piratical Manchoo gunboats, followed by
another gunning excursion in the cool of the evening, or
possibly a few minutes passed in some secluded village ;
then dinner at dusk, almost the same as breakfast, except-
ing the addition of curry (real curry, not as is often the
case, a yellow-looking mess of that name only), some of

AN ADVENTURE. 377

the many clescriptions of Chinese vegetables, and pastry
made by that clever As-sam ; followed by a game of
chess, a duet with my concertina and friend's flute, and
a fragrant Manila to accompany the constitutional after-
dinner quarter-deck promenade, terminate the pleasures
of the day.

While daylight lasted wo were generally safe; but
whenever night spread her sable mantle over river, shore,
and man alike, the utmost vigilance was required. By
generally keeping underweigh all night, and choosing the
centre of the stream, with one or two exceptions I avoided
any serious danger from the Imperialist braves and gun-
boats, as one well-directed shot would mostly satisfy
them ; some of my friends, however, were not so fortunate,
and on this occasion of my river life I came upon a scene
of horror I never shall forget.

After successfully running past the fortifications and
flotillas situated at the commencement of the Imperialist
jurisdiction, early one morning, when within a few miles
of Chin-kiang, Ave came in sight of a loreha close in to
the river's l)ank. As the wind was too scant to be useful
for vessels bound up the river, at first I paid but little
attention to the otherwise singular position of the strange
craft, but when nearly abreast, to my astonishment I dis-
covered her to be the Fox, my friend Mellen's loreha.
The daylight was now pretty well developed, and almost
at the same time I was enabled to discern some one on
deck waving a large white signal. Upon this I steered
directly for the loreha, and when sufficiently near, saw the
figure was that of a w^oman, apparently alone ; that the
vessel was evidently derelict, from the confusion and
dismantled state of her rigging, and that she was run
ashore high and dry, her bow actually projecting a con-
siderable way over the land.

Uunning as close alongside as we could without
grounding, we anchored in the stream right abeam of lici-,
and arming ourselves and a couple of good men, my friend

378 THE DESERTED LOECHA.

and I proceeded to board the lorcha. Upon doing
so we were met at the gangway by the old nurse of
Mellen's children, who was wringing her hands and loudly
vociferating the peculiar lament in vogue among the
Chinese women when in grief.

A deserted ship has at all times a disheartening,
melancholy sort of cflTect, upon a sailor at all events ; but
although I had seen such a thing before, even far away
upon the vast ocean hundreds of miles from the nearest
land, I never experienced so sudden and so fearful a chill
as the moment my feet touched that lorcha's deck. It
was not the grievous aspect of old As-su, neither was
it the deserted appearance of the vessel itself, but the
atmosphere seemed heavy with some undefinable horror,
that unearthly smell, or rather perception, of human
blood which those who have discovered deeds of slaugh-
ter will easily appreciate, but which I cannot further
explain.

Of course my first endeavour was to gather something
from the old nurse, meanwhile my friend proceeded aft
towards the lorcha's cabin. Before I could distinguish
anything tangible from the sobbing " hi-yo hi-yo's " of
As-su, I was startled by his horrified exclamation.

" Great God ! come here, A ," called he in the

sharp accents of powerful excitement. In a moment I
was by his side and gazing down through the torn-oif
cabin skylight.

I have passed among the bodies of thousands killed
in the sanguinary Chinese battles ; I have moved slowly
along creeks, ay, even the broad Yang-tze itself, lit-
erally choked with poor remnants of humanity; quite
lately I have wandered through once happy Ti-ping
villages, at this time tenanted alone with the starved,
dead, and the miserable living cannibals, yet existing
upon their former companions. I have passed through
all these fearful scenes, yet never did I feel the overpower-
ing horror I experienced while gazing into that lonely

THE MURDERED CREW. 379

cabin; lonely, indeed, for only the bodies of the ruth-
lessly murdered composed its ghastly tenancy.

Blood stained the sides, the ceiling, and the furniture,
while the deck of that gory cabin seemed one coagulated
mass. Doubled up at the foot of his berth my poor
friend Mellen, one of the bravest among the brave, lay
mangled and hideous ; above him, in the very attitude of
protecting her husband, stood the corpse of his noble-
hearted wife, frightfully disfigured and covered witli
wounds ; while the innocent little child lay gashed and
lifeless by its father's side. I will not further horrify my
readers with a description of the fearful nature of the
wounds inflicted upon these unfortunates ; suffice it to say
that altliough Mellen himself was cut up with many, his
brave wife was literally hacked to pieces.

I afterwards ascertained, through inquiries made in
the vicinity by my interpreter A-ling, and from the
testimony of the nvirse As-su, wlio escaped the fate of
her mistress by secreting herself, that my friends had
been thus brutally murdered by a number of Imperialist
soldiery in combination with some of the crew.

Poor Mellen had on board a large amount of money,
some £G,000 sterling. At Eching his crew had informed
the Mandarins of this, and they, taking the opportunity
to pocket a large sum by simply gratifying their hatred
of a solitary " foreign devil," had authorized a party of
soldiers to murder him. These soldiers assembled on
board a large Ti-mung close to where I found the
Fox ; but as the latter happened to pass them during
the day, and moreover, in company with another vessel,
their desiiirns were frustrated for a little while. With
true Chinese cunning, however, these wretches managed
to get Mellen into their murderous clutches. At the
village of Kwa-chow, within sight of the treaty port
Chin-kiang, the Chinese lowdcr (captain), by making
some plausible excuse, induced his master to anchor there
and allow him to go on shore, lleturning on board with a

380 "MELLENS FATE.

couple of soldiers disguised as merchants, this wretcli
(who was actually the father of Mellen's wife, and whose
life his master had once saved at the peril of his own)
pretended the pseudo traders were anxious to have a large
cargo taken to Nankin, to he emharked some distance up
the river, and for which they agreed to pay a very high
freight. Mellen was very unwell, and trusting to the
statements and integrity of his Chinese father-in-law,
unfortunately agreed to return up the river and take in
the iictitious cargo for the Ti-pings. That same night his
vessel was anchored hut a short distance from the Tl-mmtg
and her bloodthirsty crew. About midnight the assassins
took to a couple of small boats and pulled for their prey.
At this time the confederates among the lorcha's crew
made a noise on deck, probably to get Mellen out in the
dark, when their work would be safer than in a light
cabin with a deadly revolver to oppose them. Mrs.
Mellen, leaving her sick husband below, ran on deck with
a revolver, and seeing the two boats close alongside,
instantly fired several shots at them. As the yelling
savages swarmed on board, she ran down to her husband
closely followed by them, and then the butchery com-
menced. Poor Mellen was killed rising from the berth,
and ere he could draw the sword I found half unsheathed
just underneath him. His wretched wife, after sulfering
every tortu.re and atrocity the cruel Chinese particularly
excel in, died over her husband's body, faithful to the
last, with one arm round his severed neck, the other
upraised as though to ward the blow her eyes had seen
coming ere they closed for ever. Poor girl ! I can never
forget the horribly mutilated state in which I found her :
it would hardly have been possible to touch an unwounded
spot on her body. She had killed one and hit another
of the murderers ; they stated ashore that she was as
bad as a " Yang-quitzo" (all this my interpreter ascer-
tained) ; and they wreaked a most ferocious vengeance
upon the defenceless woman. When the victims were

ARRIVAL AT SnANGHAE. 381

killed, the treasure was carried off, aud the whole vessel
pillaged fore and aft ; and when everything of the slightest
value had been taken, the crew and soldiers, after running
her ashore upon the bank, took their departure. The old
nurse, after some time, had ventured from her hiding-
place, and for four days had been living on the deck of
the charnel ship when we boarded her.

Having sent news of the tragedy to Chin-kiang, a
steamer came to the spot and towed the Fo.r^ down to
Silver Island, where the mangled bodies were removed
and given Christian burial. And so terminated my
friendship with poor Mellen and his courageous wife ;
since then all my friends, I may say, in that distant and
fatal land have perished by the sword, by sudden death,
or by the deadly diseases of the country.

The facts of the foregoing barbarous murders I for-
warded to H.M.'s consul at Chin-kiang, who, with the
officers of the gunboat on the station, beheld the bodies
and saw them buried, yet no redress was ever sought
from the allies of the British Government. This is
but one of many and many a similar specimen of the
Manchoo feeling towards Englishmen, and this is the
style of people who are to be firmly established througli-
out China by the overthrow of the Ti-ping rebellion by
the aid of British arms.

Leaving my vessel at Chin-kiang (I had at this time
entirely purchased her from the previous owner), in charge
of A-ling, I took a passage to Shanghae with ray friend
on board one of the river steamers, "When all business
was arranged, I set out upon my return to Nankin,

leaving L in charge of a fine lorcha Ave had

jointly purchased as a blockade-runner to the Ti-ping
capital, to follow mc as fast as wind and tide would allow,
I found out Marie's relatives, and they told me that
Manouel Ramon had inherited all her father's property,
that he had raised a foreign contingent of Manila-men
and Portuguese, Avith Avhich he had joined the Imperialists,

382 RETURN VOYAGE,

and that he was determined to be revenged upon myself
and betrothed.

"While at Shaughae I sought out many Europeans who
owned lorchas, Ningpo boats, and other river craft, and
stating the advantages to be derived from trade with
Nankin, induced a goodly number to undertake the risk,
to whom I bestowed the passes given me by the Chung-
wang. "When I had settled various transactions "odth
regard to obtaining arms, agents, and a correspondence
with that portion of the Shanghae press known to be
impartial, I returned by steamer to Chin-kiang, accom-
panied by Captain P , whom I had formerly seen in

command of the schooner whose crew had mutinied at
the Lang-shan crossing. I had met him in Shanghae, and
he willingly took a share of my vessel at Chin-kiang,
agreeing to run her himself in the Nankin trade.

Upon reaching Chin-kiang and taking up my quarters
on board the old craft, I determined to proceed with her
to a town some thirty miles up a branch of the Grand
Canal, purchase a cargo of rice, and take it with me to
Nankin. This idea was soon put into force, and after the
lotoder had collected his men from the gambling dens in
the \allage immediately opposite the city of Chin-kiang,
on the other side of the river, we got underweigh. "With
a light breeze and beautiful weather we proceeded merrily
on our trip, with that exhilarating feeling the prospect
of a visit to a strange and interesting country always
produces.

After being swept down stream for more than an
hour, just below Silver Island, we came to the entrance of
the creek up which lay our further course. Steering into
its mouth, we left the swift and turbid waters of the great
Yang-tze, and landing our crew with their collars and rope,
sloAvly tracked along the quieter stream. Our destination
was the town of Sin-ya-mcu, the great emporium of that
part of China. From the river inland the whole country
is richly cultivated, and the style of agriculture and farm-

SIN-YA-MEU. 383

house seems more nearly approaching that of England
than I have observed elsewhere. Barley, wheat, rye, and
oats greet the eye in place of the interminable paddy-
fields of most parts of China. Haystacks are seen about
the farms, and the dwellings are aU of a large and
spacious build. The country is slightly wooded and full
of wild pigeons, and of these my friend and self obtained
many, thanks to our double-barrels. These pigeons are
quite unlike any I have seen in other countries ; their
colour very closely resembles that of the dove, but the
breast and wings are like the golden plover ; and a beau-
tiful circlet round the neck, similar to the ringdove,
with a large black tail, completes their exquisite plumage.
The delicacy of this bird excels that of any other I have
ever tasted, yet the Chinese pay no attention to their
presence, and neither attempt to catch, eat, tame, or do
anything else with them.

This country would be perfect were it not for the im-
perfections of the people who inhabit it, or rather, the
evil qualities of its rulers, for I believe the Chinese them-
selves are capable of almost any improvement. During
my trip to Sin-ya-meu I particularly noticed the abomin-
able extortion of the Manchoo Government. Although
the distance from the mouth of the creek to the town is
considerably less than thirty miles, I passed no fewer than
fifteen custom-houses established along its banks. The
creek is a very broad one, and forms the principal route
for the wood rafts bound from Han-kow (up the Yaug-tze)
to the town. I passed many on my journey, and conversed
with the merchants to whom they belonged, who all
bitterly complained of the gross extortion of the Customs
oQicials, and assured me that by law no more than two
duty-stations were authorized, yet at each of the fifteen
they were squeezed of the same amount of duty that
ought only to have been paid twice.

Sin-ya-meu I found to be a very extensive unwalled
town, the centre of an immense trade. "What little

384.

A "SQUEEZE STATION.

iDusiness is transacted at the treaty port Chin-kiang, is
entirely dependent upon Sin-ya-meu ; and unless the
native merchants can be induced to establish themselves
at the former city, it will never become a place of much
commercial importance.

A MANCHOO SQUEEZE STATIOX.

While the invaluable A-iiug was negotiating for the
rice, I took a trip as far as the walled city of Yang-chow-

foo with my friend P . This town and the district has

long been famous for its women, who, the natives say, are
the handsomest in China. Although our experience was
limited to a couple of days, from what we saw in the
country and town during daylight, and in the sing-songs
at night, we were able to form the same opinion. The
women, though darker than those of the Honan province,
are quite as straight-featured and much moi'e rosy and
robust. They also appeared taller than is usual in south
and central China, and their eyes seemed larger and not
quite so oblique.

TUB " LOVE CHASE." 385

Wlien within a few U of Yang-chow, a turn of the
creek placed our boat close to a pair of damsels on the
bank, but they no sooner espied the strange faces of my-
self and P , than they rushed towards a neighboiiring

farm-house, screaming " Yang-qiiitzo-li " (foreign devils
are coming) at the top of their slirill voices. We had
just that moment been talking of the reputed loveliness of

the Yang-ehow ladies, and P , with his liead full of

the sul)ject, jumped ashore and ran after the two fugitives
in order to have a nearer opportunity to satisfy himself as
to their superior charms. With my boy As-sam I
followed my friend on shore. The girls, terrified by the
pursuit of the " foreign devil," were headed by that
individual just before they managed to hobble up to the
house. Their crippled feet sadly interfered with what
would otherwise have been their very graceful figures.
Their faces were certainly very pretty, and the excitement
added not a little to their interesting appearance. At

first, when P appeared between themselves and their

home, they clung to each other and continued to yell,
while several Chinamen came running towards them
armed with hoes and spades, and the dogs of the farm
joined chorus with a tremendous barking. Put when the
ladies found my friend did not attempt to carry them off,
but continued in front of them bowing and scraping like
a French dancing master (although this, of course, they
did not know), and when the advancing Chinamen
observed my fowling-piece and one of the snapping curs
had been saluted with a large stone between its eyes,
which changed the baying into liowling, the commotion
gradually subsided, although paterfamilias, and mater-
familias, Avho now put in her appearance, seemed by no
means satisfied.

When the farmer's men, carrying hoes and other
agricultural instruments, for the nonce converted into

warlike Aveapous, arrived upon the scene, P suddenly

thrust a hand into an inside breast pocket of his coat, and

2 c

386 PRATERNIZING.

winding up a small musical-box lie carried there, changed
the combative feeling of the natives into the greatest
surprise and curiosity. Taking advantage of the pause,
while the astounded people seemed to look upon my
friend, with " the British Grenadiers " issuing from the
region of his heart, as a "Joss" man, I told As-sam to
inform the head of the family that we had landed to
inquire the way to Yang-chow. This seemed to brighten
the old fellow's dingy countenance without the aid of
water, although he still seemed dubious as to whether we
were " Joss " men, robbers, or honest travellers. One of
his sons at this moment displayed a remarkable genius by
guessing the cause of my friend's music, and it after-
wards transpired that the clever youth had an old musical-
box in a forgotten corner of the paternal dwelling, which
had been obtained from the foreign-frequented city of
Chin-kiang a year or two ago, but had been broken by
over- win ding just when it began to play.

The two pretty daughters having been conveyed to the
inner apartments by their watchful mother, who, I believe,
penetrated the real cause of our visit, and did not seem
very much inclined to dazzle the vision of the strangers
from afar with their celestial charms, we were invited to
tea by their father, and the musical-box was produced
for the general dehght of the company.

After tea and rice-cakes had been despatched, the
musical-box nearly worn out, and the girls peeping
through the bamboo screen fairly propitiated by our
gentle manner and extraordinary tales, the old farmer
discovered that he had in former days been acquainted
with As-sam's father in Canton ; at once we were pressed
to remain and partake of dinner, and the already genial
humour of the old man became redoubled.

The day passed over very comfortably, except that at
dinner the Chinese yeoman would persist in being polite,
and as this involved the fishing-up of pieces of meat from
the dinner bowls with his own chop-sticks and the care-

WIFE PURCHASINC. 387

ful depositing of the same morsels iu his visitors' basins,
it was not exactly pleasant.

Towards evening we were gratified hy the presence of
the young women to perform various duties in the
principal room, in which we were established. Whether
the small cups of rice-spirit at dinner had made their
father unusually relaxed iu domestic regime I do not
pretend to say, but he certainly called his daughters up to
him, and actually permitted them to be gazed upon by
strangers and to gaze in return, and to listen to their mar-
vellous tales of other lands, these latter singularly im-
proved upon by As-sam whenever my knowledge of the
Chinese language was at fault.

To my unqualified surprise, when upon the point of
taking our departiu'e, As-sam asked me to let him have
fifty dollars and stop it from his wages, as he wished to
buy our host's youngest daughter ! It appeared that the
old gentleman, warmed with the recollection of his friend-
ship for our servant's father, or impressed with As-sam's
importance and wealth through the eloquence of that cun-
ning individual himself, and seeing him in connection
with Europeans, whom the Chinese always look upon as
overburdened with dollars, had offered him his daughter
iu marriage for the sum of fifty dollars. I refused to be a
party to the transaction, so As-sam had to leave without a
bride, although he promised to return and claim her
whenever he had saved her value. I bade the farmer and
his household farewell, wishing more than ever for the
success of my Ti-ping friends, who had abolished this
buying and slavery of women among themselves, and
intended, God willing, to do so throughout the land.

Upon reaching Sin-ya-mcu I found the faithful A-ling
had obtained the cargo of rice and loaded our craft with
it. We therefore at once set out upon our return to
Nankin, choosing the route by the Grand Canal, which
would bring us into the Yang-tze river at Ivwa-chow,
some few miles above Chin-kiauii'

2 c 2

388 THE GBAND CANAL.

Placing the crew on to the yu-lds (which, working iu
a figure of eight motion, urge a vessel along upon the
same principle as the screw propeller), by these large oars
our vessel was soon impelled beyond Sin-ya-meu and into
the Grand Canal. This magnificent work of olden time
is artificial for an. extent of some 550 miles. Originally
throughout nearly the whole of this length, its sides were
built of marble, with an uniform breadth of more than
150 feet, and a depth of not less than 25. Since the
conquest of China by the Manchoos, however, this great
work has been sadly neglected, and at many parts the
marble sides are no longer visible. At frequent intervals
between Hang-chow (the capital of the Che-kiang
province, where the canal terminates in the waters of
Hang-chow bay) and the city of Lin-tsing (where it joins
a l)ranch of the Pei-lio river and continues on for about
180 miles up to Pekin, the capital of China), the canal is
no longer navigable, while the sluices, having become
neglected, have broken down the raised embankment and
flooded the surrounding country. This vast work was
executed about 600 years ago by Koblai Khan, the first
Emperor of the Yuen or Mongol dynasty, as a means of
supplying the sterile pi'ovince of Chi-le (in which the
capital is situated) from the rich and fertile provinces of
Keang-su, Shang-tung, and Che-kiang, through which
the canal is constructed.

Not only the Grand Canal, but every other work of
art, antiquity, and manufacture, has been injured and
allowed to fall into decay by the Manchoo dynasty.
Although the latter claim descent from the refugee
Mongol Princes, who were expelled from China by the
first of the native dynasty of Ming, a.d. 136G, they have
done far less towards any advancement of the physical or
moral prosperity of China. During the Mongol era many
great works of public benefit and improvement were
preserved and others created, but since the epoch of the
Manchoo China has seriously dctoriated in every phase of

CUIV.V UNDER MANCHOO RULE. 389

her antique civilization. The Manclioo conquerors arc
self-evidcntly preying upon the nation at the present day,
even although they have been in possession two hundred
years, and exhibit not the slightest wish .to improve or
benefit the people, whom they only plunder. They seem
to be actuated by the knowledge that their reign is but
for a time, and consequently rule against freedom or im-
provement in order to make that time as long as possible.
They have proved themselves to be unequalled destroyers,
and have produced absolutely nothing. All Chinese of
mind and education declare that the Manchoo dynasty
cannot last ; even the highest officials of the very Govern-
ment itself have made the same observation to members
of the last British Embassy to China. Had the Ti-pings
not possessed Christianity, China would have risen to
their standard as one man ; had the revolution not seemed
likely to interfere with British "indemnities " and opium
trading, it would have succeeded ; and had not England
interfered, the wretchedness of China would have been
relieved by the change of dynasty, the necessity for which
becomes more apparent daily.

The only advancement China has undergone during
the Manchoo rule has been her rapid increase of popula-
tion within the last century. Eor more than one lumdred
years after the conquest the depopulating effect continued
in full force. Thousands of the Chinese emigrated to
Eormosa, Hae-nan, Thibet, Cochin-China, Ava, Siam, the
territories of the Miau-tze, and other independent tribes ;
while many thousands fell by the sword, and a greater
number perished by famine, the inevitable and most
deadly companion of war in that densely populated and
closely cultivated country, l^ut since the Chinese have
become used to the Tartar yoke, about the middle of the
eighteenth century, the population has continued increas-
ing at the Malthusian ratio of doubling every twenty-five
years. Still this enormous increase is estimated to have
simply restored to the land the number of people it main-

390 ITS POPULATION. X

tained before the Manclaoo invasion. This conclusion is
formed from the most moderate data, but, as Malthus
himself observes, " The more difficult as well as the more
interesting part of the inquiry is to trace the immediate
causes which stop its further progress." The loss of life
by the Ti-ping revolution may be one cause, for it is a
moot question whether war be not one of the ordained
methods to arrest the pro-creative power. This, however,
is a consideration for those who have made such theories
their study. At all events it is certain that the great
increase of the population of China has ceased, and it is
palpable that, vnth already more than three hundred
inhabitants on a square mile, the soil is unable to support
any further multiplication of its children.

The increase of the population of China seems another
likely enemy of the continuance of the Manchoo dynasty.
The ranks of the people having become full again, all
the old hatred of the Tartar, his tail-wearing badge of
servitude, extortion, monopoly of office, oppression, &c.,
naturally assume a more formidable aspect. The means
of livelihood are also more precarious, and the famine riots
have become more frequent and threatening, the impover-
ished people of course turning against the Government
whose extortion not a little helps to create their misery.
The number of malcontents become continually increased,
while the impotence and corruption of the Government,
or rather the Manchoo subjugators, is daily more apjiarent
to them.

It is a singular fact that the Tartars have never
amalgamated with the Chinese, and that at the present
day, by their organization of the eight tribes of " Banner-
men," they are as distinct as during the reign of their
first Emperor. Manchoo troops of the " eight banners "
garrison every important city in China, Manchoo officers
hold every military command, but I never found a China-
man who would admit relationship to one, or that did not
feel liimself insulted by the supposition.

THE MANCIIOO GOVERNMENT. 391

Whether the cause may be patriotism, famine, increaso
of population, or the extortion and oppression of tlic
Government, certain it is that at this period* the Chinese
are unusually disaffected towards their rulers, and that,
besides the Ti-ping movement, there are distinct rebellions
progressing in each of the eighteen provinces.

The Manchoo Government is generally admitted to be
hopelessly oppressive, cruel, and totally corrupt ; it is
also believed that they have, and by their system are
comj)elled, to oppose Christianity and modern civilization.
In the face of all these facts he must indeed be a very
wise or a very foolish man who will either venture to
believe that the Manchoo-Tartar dynasty can endure, or
will wilfully criminate himself by upholding tlieir cause.
Most probably the British Government thought only of
their own interests during their late interference, and it is
at least doubtful whether a sincere mercenary motive or
a sincere desire to perpetuate the Manchoo dynasty would
have been the most wicked.

* Commencement of the year 18G5.

392 TI-PINa EEVOLUTION IN 1861.

CHAPTER XIV.

Ti-ping Revolution, in 1861. — Official Coiresjiondence. — Its Review. —
Professions of Neutrality. — How carried out. — Captain Dew's Inter-
pretation. — Ti-ping Bemonstrance. — Cause of British Hostility. —
Mr. Bruce's Assertions. — Mr. Bruce's Second Despatch. — Mr. Brace's
Difficulty. — His Inconsistency. — Despatch No. 3. — Inconsistent
Statements.- — Ti-j^ings ajiproach Ningpo. — Intei-view with Ti-jiing
Chiefs. — Mr. Hewlett's Interview with " Fang." — General Hwang's
Despatch. — General "Fang's" Despatch. — Capture of Ningjjo. —
British Intervention. — Ti-ping Moderation. — Open Hostilities com-
menced. — Commander Bingham's Despatch. — Taeping Rejjly. — Com-
mander Bingham's Rejoinder.

IN order to form a just appreciation of the position of
the Ti-ping revolution at the close of the year 1861,
it becomes necessary to review briefly the political rela-
tions of each party engaged in it from the period of
ratification of the Yang-tze expedition treaty of neutrality
with the Ti-pings (by Admiral Hope), and the commence-
ment of actual hostilities against them at the opening of
the year 1862.

By the following review of the ofl&cial correspondence
(as given in Blue Book form of " Papers relating to the
llebellion in China " for 1861) men of every party, partial
or impartial, may form an opinion as to British policy in
China.

Exactly thirty-six days after his solemn pledges of
non-intervention — given in accordance with his instruc-
tions from Lord Elgin — to the Ti-ping authorities, at theu'
capital. Admiral Hope, upon hearing of the capture of
Chapoo, penned the following orders, dated H.M.S.

OFFICIAL CORRESrONDENCE. 393

Scout, Nagasaki, May 8, to Captain Dew, II.M.S. En-
counter : —

" You are further to put yourself iu communication with tlic leader of
the rebel forces, and to point out to liim that the capture and destruction
of the town of Ningpo would be extremely injurious to British trade, and
that of foreigners generally, and, therefore, that you require him to desist
from all hostile proceedings against the to^\^l, and, without committing
youi-self to the necessity of having recourse to force, you will remind him
of what took place last year at Shanghae, and the impossibility of his
capturing the place should you find yourself compelled to assist in its
defence, a course, you will add, you are unwilling to adopt, as placing you
in a hostile jjosition in regard to the Taepings generally, with wlmn wc
Jiave no wish to quarrel."

In this despatch the Admiral states he has no " wish
to quarrel " with the Ti-pings, yet, in violation of his own
pledges, and his orders to " maintain an attitude of strict
neutraliti/," he constitutes himself dictator over their
operations — operations unavoidable during their expulsion
of the Manchoos, and essential to their self-preservation,
general interests, and military honour — and interferes
between the belligerents and their natural rights ; and
then continues as follows : —

" You will further, immediately on your arrival at Ningpo, place
yourself in communication with the Chinese authorities for the purpose of
ascertaining what their means of resistance are, and the probabilities of
theii' proving successful ; and should you find them amenable to advice,
you will jjoint out to them such measures ;is cii'cumstances may render
expedient, and you will place every dbslructimi in the way of the capture of
the town by the rebels. . . .'

At this time not only was Britisli national faith pledged
to a neutral course, but the Admiral's actions were dia-
metrically opposed to his instructions.

Mr. Bruce, writing some time previously to Lord
Russell upon this subject, in a despatch dated Tien-tsin,
January 3, 18G1, states : —

" But I have directed Mr. Sinclaii-" (Consul at Ningpo) " not to under-
take the defence of the city, and to confne his efforts, should it be attacked,
to a mediation, which may save the place from being the scene of pillage
and massacre."

394 ITS REVIEW.

In a despatch to Admiral Hope, upon the same affair,
Mr. Bruce writes : —

" I do not consider myself authorized to protect the town of Ningpo
from the insurgents. . . ."

In his instructions to the consul at Ningpo, Mr. Bruce
stated : —

"But I do not consider myself authorized to afford any military pro-
tection to the town of Ningpo, or to take any active measirres against the
insurgents. . . . Your language should 1 le, that we tahe no part in this
civil contest, but that we claim exemption from injury and annoyance at
the hands of both parties. . . ."

These professions of neutrality received the following
sanction from the British Government : —

LORD J. RUSSELL TO JIR. BRUCE.

"Foreign Office, March 28, 1861.
" Sir, — Her Majesty's Government approve the instructions wluch you
gave to Mr. Consul Sinclair, as reported in your dispatch of the 3rd of
January last, with reference to the probability of the rebel forces attacking
Ningpo. " I am, &c.,

(Signed) " J. Eussell."

How, then, can Admiral Hope's offering " every ob-
struction in the way of the capture " of Ningpo by the
Ti-pings be accounted for, otherwise than as the result of
secret instructions from the British Government; for it
would indeed be preposterous to imagine that the Admiral
dared act in direct opposition to the public orders, or that,
having done so, his disobedience would have received the
unqualified approval his " every obstruction" policy did.

Admiral Hope, in a despatch to Mr. Bruce, of the
same date as the " every obstruction " one, in detailing
his plan, wrote : —

" There can be no doubt of the importance of Ningpo to our trade
under existing circumstances, and should you therefore find it expedient to
sanction forcible interference for its security, I request you will communi-
cate ■Nvith Captain Dew direct. . . ."

PROFESSIONS OF NEUTRALITY. 395

By this it appears that a British Admiral would have
felt himself justified in considering his Government's
orders, liis own pledges, and the national honour, secondary
in consequence to the temporary advantages arising from
" our trade." Lord Russell, upon receipt of the Admiral's
"every obstruction" despatch, instructed Mr. Bruce as
follows : —

" I have received ... a copy of Vice- Admiral Hope's letter to
you of the 8th May, respecting the measures ado])ted by him for the defence
of Ning]30. ... I have caused the Admiralty to be informed, in reply,
that 1 am of opinion that Vice-Admiral Hope's measures should be
approved. . . . You will understand, however, that Her Majesty's
Oovernmont do not wish force to he used urjainsl the rebels in any ease
eooceptfor the actual x>rotection of tlie lives and property of British subjeclv."

Professions of neutrality are here reiterated, although
at the same time the Admiral's hostile policy is approved
of. Meanwhile, in the face of these plain orders to " ob-
serve neutrality," Admiral Hope thus addressed the
Ti-piug chief in command of Chapoo : —

" The following communication from Vice-Admiral Sir James Hope,
K.C.B., commanding the naval forces of Great Britain in China, is made
to the General commanding the Taeping troops at Chapoo : —

" 1. I have been informed that the troops under your orders have lately
captured the town of Chapoo, and that there is an intention on their part
of advancing on Ningjio.

" 2. As the capture of Niugpo wovild be extremely injurious to British
trade, and that of foreigaers generally, I beg you to desist from advancing
on that town within a distance of two marches.

" 3. Slioukl these my wishes Ije disregarded, and I sincerely trust they

may not be, as it would be with deep regret that I should place my forces

in a hostile position towards the Tacjiings, with whom tve loish to maintain

amicable relations, 1 may be compelled to assist in the defence of Ningpo,

and in that case I need hardly point out to you the hopelessness of success

on your part, whilst what occuiTed at Shanghae last year Ls still fresh in

your memories.

(Signed) « E. Dew, Captain.

"Encounter, June 11, 18G1."

In this despatch the Ti-ping general is insulted by
menace ; an unmanly reference is made to Shanghae ; a

396 HOW CARRIED OUT.

hostile attitude is threatened if the Ti-piugs capture cities
the possession of which is most essential to the success
of their cause — and yet, withal, a wish " to maintain
amicable relations " is professed !

Upon the 8th August, 1861, after the singular inter-
pretation of neutrality by his subordinates and Admiral
Hope, Earl Russell indited the following order to Mr.
Bruce : —

" Her Majesty's Government desire to maintain, as they have clone
hitherto, neutrality between the two contending parties hi China. If
British subjects are taken prLsonei-s by either party, you should do your
utmost to save them from torture or capital punishment, but otherwise you
should abstain from all interference in the civil viar." "

When the massacre before Shanghae, in 1860, is
remembered, when the subsequent approval of Admiral
Hope's hostile intentions is considered, and when the
various modes in which our pledges of neutrality were
indirectly violated are counted, this despatch will require
no comment.

In fulfilment of the desire (to maintain neutrality,
" as they have done hitherto" vipon the part) of his
Government, Captain Dew gave all the assistance he
possibly could to the Manchoo defenders of Ningpo ;
besides framing eight plans t for the defence of the city
against the Ti-pings ; according to Mr. Bruce : —

" He fitted twelve hea^■y guns with cai-riagesj, ic, to mount on the
waUs."

Again, in the same despatch, % Mr. Bruce states : —

" Captain Dew had gone farther, than he was strictly warranted Ln
doing, in his desire to save the city of Ningpo. . . ."

We are forced to believe this fitting of heavy guns,
and defence of Chinese cities, a part of the neutrality Her

* See page 4G, Blue Book,
t See jiage 50, Blue Book.
% See page C4, Blue Book.

CAPTAIN dew's interpretation. 397

Majesty's Government had " hitherto " maintained, and
in their opinion a true interpretation of this order, " that
excepting- intercession for British prisoners our authorities
shouhl abstain from all interference in the civil war !"

Captain Dew's next interpretation of tliis order took
the form of a buccaneering exploit against the Ti-ping
custom-houses. Upon the occupation of the country
between the silk districts and Shanghae by the Ti-pings,
Europeans were sent in (charge of the silk boats plying on
the inland waters, one being placed with each valuable
boat load, in order to pass it through the Ti-ping territory
as foreign property. Consul Medhurst, in a despatch to
Captain Dew,* writes : —

" The consequenco is, that foreign escorts go inland without passports,
and a number of irresponsible seamen are introduced into tlie country . . .
the result of this state of things cannot be good. . . . The j^-incipal
danger to be feared by jjersons sending up country arises, not so much from
tlie acts of the rebels themselves, as from the squeezing and plundering
propensities of the Imperialist forces, and from the pilfering attacks of
lawless peasantry. . . . Both kinds of marauders might be kept in
good check through visits made periodically by Her Majesty's gun-boats.
. . . If you approve of this scheme, I would suggest your sending a
gun-boat up in the course of the next few days. . . ."

Captain Dew having approved the " scheme," we will
proceed to notice what he did. Instead of paying atten-
tion to " both kinds of marauders " pointed out by Consul
Medhurst as the " principal danger," the Captain, towards
the middle of June, as stated in The Friend of China,
employed himself about the following piratical outrage : —

" Sixteen, boats freighted with bales of silks and cocoons, with some
Europeans in charge of them, and belonging to Euj'0])ean firms in Shanghae,
were pa,ssing a Taeping custom-house at Loo-chee, some dist;inco up the
Shanghae or Wong-poo river. They were brought to, and a small duty of
four dollars per bale of silk was demanded. The boats belonging to two of
the firms paid the duty and proceeded on their voyage, but tin; pereon in

• See page 50, Blue Cook.

398 TI-PING REMONSTRANCE.

charge of the boats belonging to Messrs. Adamson & Co., of Shanghae,
refused to pay it, and lie was then told he could not proceed until the duty
was paid, and the boat and bales of silk were consequently taken possession
of. This was construed into an act of ' atrocious pii-acy,' and the Flavier
and Captain Dew went to Loo-chee to demand restitution. Explanations
were given by the Taeping Governor of the district, but they were unavail-
ing ; the unqualified restoration of the sUk was insisted on under a thi-eat
of bombardment ; the boats and bales of silk were therefore surrendered
to Captain Dew, but as some small arms were missing, Captain Dew took
possession of the guns of the ciLstom-house, and seized some customs' police,
and took them away with him to be detained until the arms missing fi-om
the boat should have been returned. The letter ^vl■itten by the Governor
of the tUstrict, named Wan, to the authorities of Shanghae, consequent upon
this outrage, is dignified and forbearing, and it were well for us to act in
the spii-it it manife.sts. The above are only examples of our professed
neutrality ; many others, however, have occiuTed."

The following are extracts from the letter written upon
the subject by the Ti-ping chief, Wan: —

" I find on inquiry, that the silk, &c., lost by yoiu' merchant, was
seized in lieu of duties, in conseqiience of an attempt on his part to get by
the custom-house and evade jiayment of duties, on which he was arrested,
and your charge, therefore, that he was plundered, is utterly without
foundation.

" The Truly Sacred Lord who has established the Divine Dynasty, has
also established custom-houses ivherever the country is quiet, and by his law
all merchants who pass these must pay the regular duties, and your mer-
chant in daring to force his ivay through and evade the payment of customs,
and you in coming here and making a disturbance and squeezing the money
buck, have behaved in a manner at utter variance with propriety. . , .

" A special communication."

Meanwhile, Mr. Bruce, the chief diplomatist, unable
to jiistify this increasing aggression otherwise, fiercely
assailed the Ti-ping theology and civil administration. In
a despatch to Lord Eussell, dated at " Pekin, June 23,
1861,"* he takes upon himself to state (supremely in-
different to, or rather ignoring, the valuable testimony
of the Eevs. Griffith, John, Edkius, Medhurst, Muirhead,
Legge, &c.) :—

* See page 51, Blue Book.

CAUSE OF BRITISH HOSTILITY. 399

" The evidence of all classes of observers seems unanimous, both as to
the destnictive natvirc of the insurrection, and as to the blasphemous and
immoral character of the superstition on which it is based."'

Does Mr. Bruce and those who agree with him, venture
to term oitr Bible the so-called " blasphemous and immoral
superstition?" — for on that, and that alone, is theTi-ping
faith established. The following extracts from the same
dispatch, and two others, having been approved by Her
Majesty's Government, contain a complete key to the
course taken against the Ti-pings, and lay bare a policy
deduced from false premises, and founded upon utter
violation of principle. The three despatches under con-
sideration consist of — 1. Mr. Bruce to Lord Russell, June
23, 1861 ; 2. Mr. Bruce to Vice-Admiral Sir J. Hope,
Pekin, June IG ; 3. Vice-Admiral Sir J. Hope's reply to
Mr. Bruce, dated, Imperieuse, Hong-kong, July 11. —
Dispatch No. 1 states : —

" In the enclosed letter to Sir James Hope, to which I beg to draw
your Lordship's attention, I have stated at length the dangere to which the
progress of the insurrection exposes British interests in China. . . .
Oiu' permanent interests are those of trade, the prosperity of which is
linked with order and tranquillity. We have, in addition, a temporary
interest arising out of the indemnities payable from the custom-house
revenue, which is, however, intimately linked with the former.

" What is to become of these interests if the ports Ml into the hands of
the rebels r'

Here we have the true cause of British hostility to the
Ti-pings. Not that our Government feared the trading
"interests" would suffer if the Ti-pings captured the
treaty ports — by no means ; but they dreaded tlie certain
loss of the " temporary interest arising out of the indem-
nities." They knew full well, as a quotation from dis-
patch No. 3 will prove, the Ti-pings had never injured our
trade ; that although the capture of the ports miffht cause
a temporary stagnation, those who would take them came
as their " brothers " in Christ, and ultimately Avould have
established a free and general commerce throughout the

400 MR. buuce's assertions.

country ; but they also knew that the success of the
Ti-pings wouki imj^eril their existence, by stopping the
indemnification for the last unnecessary and aggressive
war with China, and by sweeping away the immense
revenue derived from the vile opium traffic.

In the same despatch, Mr. Bruce, with his usual
acumen, winds up his syllogism of fallacious assertions —
" The nature of the insurrection is destructive " and its
religion " blasphemous and immoral ;" the insurrectionists
are able to capture the Imperial cities, therefore, the
" commercial prosperitj^ " of the treaty ports and the
" temporary interests " would be destroyed by the success
of the Ti-pings — in the following words : —

" The motives of the far larger part of tlie force are, I aisprehend, a
desire to live on the spoils of the ricli and industrious, to carry oif ■women,
and to lead a life of alternate adventure and licence, with little feeling for
the Taejjing cause. ... I see, thei'efore, little hopes of commnnities
like those of Shanghae and Ningpo escaping destruction. . . . The
commercial prosperity of the ports would receive a fatal blow. . . The
proceeds of the custom-houses would fall off, and nothing but force would
enable us to receive the proportion of duties we are entitled to " (the
indemnities) "under the convention of Pekin, oiit of their diminished
receipts."'

Now, I submit, these forebodings with regard to the
indemnity having been verified by the capture of Ningpo
and the rapid success of the Ti-pings, led to the participa-
tion of England in the Chinese internecine war. If Mr.
Bruce, by the above-quoted statements, intended to advise
his Government to assist the Imperialists — and they
cannot admit of any other interpretation — how can that
distinguished and consistent statesman reconcile them
with his strong disapproval of any such policy expressed
only a few mouths before, and which I have already
quoted in a jirevious chapter : —

" No course could be so well calculated to lower our national i-eputa-
tion, as to lend our material supj)ort to a Government the corruption of
whose authorities is only checked by its weakness."

MR. BRUCE's second DESPATCH. 401

JMi'. Bruce first states, the worst possible policy
Engla-ucl could choose would be to interfere against the
Ti-pings ; and then he declares, if Ave do not interfere,
" that nothing but force would enable us to receive " in-
demnities and enjoy trade. The i^resent British Govern-
m(uit has thought fit to adopt the suicidal course pointed
out by Mr. Bruce, and now it has experienced the fact
that " no course could be so well calculated to lower
our national reputation." Tlie last testimony of Mr., or
rather. Sir P. Bruce ; of Mr. Lay, C.B., late Inspector-
General of Chinese Customs ; of Captain Sherrard Osborne,
E..N., late Admiral of the so-called Anglo-Chinese flotilla ;
and of all who have the least opportunity of knowing any-
tlung about the subject, unite in confessing the evil of the
past policy exercised towards the Ti-pings, and state that the
Manchoo Government, despite the fact that it owes its
very existence to the help of the British, has thoroughly
returned to its exclusivencss, its evasion of treaty obliga-
tions, and its hatred of the " outer-barbarians " who have
saved it from extinction.

We will now proceed to notice despatch No. 2, addressed
by Mr. Bruce to Admiral Hope, which atFords further proof
of the false principles on which British interference was
founded : —

" Tlie Government will soou bu in pofise.ssion of the accounts . . of
the agi-eement entered into by the rebels not to attack Shanglwe for a
twelvemonth, and of the corresponding assurance that, if we are not inolesled
ill trading up tlie river, our desire and intention are to remain neutral in
the civil contest now in progi-ess in Cliiua.

"Her Majesty's Government will jirobably abstain from rendering
active assistance at present to the Imperial Government, both on account
of the assurances of neutrality we have given to the insurgents, and on
account of the serious and indefinite consequences to which any such inter-
vention would in all in-obability lead."

The signification of the " at present " will be seen
upon perusal of the following paragraph, which exactly
describes the plan very shortly adopted by tlie British

2 D

402 ME,, bhuce's difficulty.

Governm{3nt, in direct violation of those " assurances of
neutrality we have given to the insurgents ": —

"Another coiii-.se is open to cousidenitiou, namely, that of taking the
open ports or the principal ones under our protection and safeguard, and
declaring that we will repel by force any attack iii)on them by the insur-
gents. Conaiderinr/ that h<j treaty loe have an interest in the revenue derived
at tliese iwrts from trade, a/nd that this, the only source of our hulemnities,
would he materially diminished, if not altogether destroyed, should they he
assaulted and captured ... I think it may be urged, with truth,
in justification of such a coiu'se, that it afibrds the best means of protecting
our interests. . . . But this course is not unattended with difficulty.
The insurgents would naturally object, that in leaving the revenue and
administration of these places in Imperial hands, we do in reality assist the
Imperialists."

This conclusion is correct ; for, so impossible was it to
usurp the treaty ports and not "in reality assist the
Imperialists," that the mask was thrown off by openly
making war upon the Ti-pings. The only " difficulty " to
allude to, which indeed is really almost creditable to the
conscience of Mv. Bruce, was the fact that England Avas
pledged to the opposite policy ; but it must be remembered
that the only tie which bound her to carry out that policy
was one of justice and honour, while strong temptations to
its violation were in existence ; also, that it is not the lot
of every minister to be able to discern how the commercial
interests of his covmtry may be best provided for.

" To this we should reply that we exercise the legitimate i-iglit of self-
defence in protecting our own interests, and that if in doing so we are
obliged to limit the belligerent rir/hts of the insurgents, the cause is to be
found in the ruthless nature of the war they wage."

This excuse is the principal one given by the British
Ministry to justify its breach of faith ; but " the cause "
must, from what has already been stated, be regarded as
utterly false.

But, should we for a moment admit the hypothetical
" ruthless nature of the war they wage," by what right
were we " obliged to limit the belligerent rights of the

HIS INCONSISTENCY. 403

insurgents," when it is universally admitted that the
Imperialists are quite as ruthless, if not more so ? More-
over, did the British Government attempt to limit the
belligerent rights of either North or South in America ?
yet the one was ruthless enough, and the cotton trade was
injured. Unscrupulous persons who would justify the
destruction of semi-civilized people, when it can he done
with imj)unity, may say these cases are not parallel ;
nevertheless, the only difference is, that Avith America we
have treaties allowing Englishmen to settle and trade
everywhere, while in China the treaty limits the settling
and trading to certain parts. The principle of non-inter-
vention applies quite as strongly to the one nation as
the other ; moreover, the Ti-pings never did, or would
have attempted to, blockade the trade of any port at
which Europeans were settled. Did either belligerent so
far study foreign interests in America ?

To resume our review of despatch No. 2, Mr. Bruce
continues : —

" The Government would, no doubt, wisli to liear from you wliotlifr
Nankin could ha attacked with success by a purely naval force." . .

After deprecating any partial hostilities against the
Ti-pings, the despatch continues : —

" And on tlic other liand, wc; .should lose a favourable oppoi'tunity of
placing our relations with the Emjieror on a satisfactory footing, if we were
deprived by some incidental event of the power of making our aid a matter
of bargain with the Imperial Government. . . • The longer we are
abh; to preserve an indifferent attitude between the two parties, the more
inclined they will be to hid higher for our friendship and support."

What an accomj)lished frequenter of the Bialto the
author of these creditable sentences would have made !
This despatch was written on the IGth June, 1801 ; within
seven months open hostilities were initiated against the
Ti-pings by Admiral Hope, in direct violation of his
Govei'nment's existing orders to maintain neutralitv; and
within nine months the British Government adopted the

2d 2

40-1 DESPATCn NO. -?.

policy " of taking tlic open ports nnder our protection,"
and violated all pledges of neutrality by prosecuting a
regular, though never openly declared, Avar upon the
insurgents.

The following are the most important passages from
despatch No. 3. They plainly state that our "commercial
interests " would not suffer from the acts of the rebels,
and that trade was not injured by them, although com-
pletely in their power.

After disapproving of any attack upon Nankin,
Admiral Hope states : —

" The Taepiug autliorities will be open to easy access by iis so long as
Nankin remains the seat of Government ; and from sucli experience as our
short intercourse liiis afforded, I see a fair prospect of owv acquiring suffi-
cient influence with them to enable us to carry all jjoints which are essen-
tial to ovAT commercial interests, even to that of eventual abstinence from
molesting the consular ports.

" It is further clear that we cannot afford to quarrel with tlieui, as at
any moment they might slop the vihole trade of Shanghae, at this time by
far the largest portion of that from China."

Nothing can be more to the point than this admission
that the Ti-pings did not injuriously affect our trading
interests ; but the opium traffic and indemnities were
threatened, and to save them the treaty ports were held
against the victorious patriots.

In his reply to the three despatches quoted from, Earl
Russell wrote : —

" I have to state to you that Her Majesty's Government agree witli
Admiral Hope in regarding an attack on Nankin as higldy impolitic, but
it might bo expedient to defend the treaty ports {/" the Chinese " (Manchoos)
" would consent not to iise those ports for purposes of aggression."

It will thus be seen Lord E-ussell did not authorize the
defence of the treaty ports even " if the Chinese (Man-
choos) would consent not to use those ports for purposes
of aggression," as he indefinitely states that in event of
such action upon the part of the Manchoo Government,

DESPATCH KO. 3. 405

"it might 1)C expedient to defend" them. Yet, although
even this ambiguous suggestion coukl not become an abso-
lute order in the absence of the fulfilment of the condition
precedent, the British authorities in China acted as though
Lord E-ussell had imperatively ordered the military occu-
pation of the ports, upon the proviso having been agreed
to by the Imperial belligerent ; and it was not till after
the open violation of the oft-guaranteed neutrality by
the commencement of systematic hostilities against the
Ti-pings, that the Foreign Secretary publicly authorized
the j^roccedings.

Admiral llope declared " all points " could be carried
with the Ti-pings, even regarding their avoidance of the
treaty ports, " essential to our commercial interests."
Most undoubtedly he was correct. The Ti-pings never
injured the trade, and would have abstained from molest-
ing the treaty ports had they been made neutral ; but the
ports having become the principal depots of the enemy,
naturally compelled them to endeavour to obtain posses-
sion of them.

When the agreement or treaty of neutrality was made
with the Ti-ping authorities by the leaders of the British
expedition opening up the Yang-tze to trade, Mr. Parkes
reported : —

" Tliey wished to kno\v, however, in wliich w<ay the Admiral would
use liis influence to |ii'evcnt tlieii- being attacked by th(! Imperialists from
Slianghae ; and whether one of their officei's would be allowed to visit
Shanghac, to learn what arrangements were made in this respect."

No such arrangements ever were made, although upon
that condition had the Ti-pings consented to refrain from
capturing Slianghae for " one year." When at length
they were driven to attack the very citadel of the enemy,
they truthfully gave this reason : —

" If there were no impish (I\[anchoo) forces at Slianghae and Woo-sung,
the Chung-wang and She-wang would certainly not think of sending theii"
troops to take those places."

400 INCONSISTENT STATEMENTS.

Upon July 28, the British Consul at Shaughae wrote
to Mr. Bruce : —

" The Imperialist aiitliority does not extend beyond a circuit of from
fifty to sixty miles from Shangliae, and I see no reason wliate-\-er to suppose
that they will ever be able to cb-ive the rebels beyond that limit. . . .
The presence of foreign forces in this city alone saves its authorities from
summarj' ejection. But, if the rebels were allowed to take possession, the
country in our immediate viciuitj^ would at once lajise into the wretched
state of anarchy which exists beyond the rebel lines ; the native population
would inevitably disappear, property would miserably deteriorate." . .

Mr. Bruce, in his notice of this clespatcli to Lord
llussell, states : —

" Your Lordship will observe that he states that the cai)turc of Shangliae
would be fatal to the commercial prosperity of the port. To me it is
rather a matter of surprise that trade should continue at all. . . . The
export of silk between June 18G0 aud June 18G1 lias, in sjiite of these
disadvantages, amounted to 85,000 bales,"

Directly after this we find Mr. Bruce hearing testimony
that Ti-ping " success in any locality is attended Avith its
total desiriiclion ! " Admiral Hope admitted tliat the
insurgents had the Shangliae trade, " hy far the largest
portion of that from China," entirely in their power, but
did not stop it ; Mr. Medhurst (Shangliae Consul) declared
the whole country within " fifty to sixty miles " was
under Ti-ping jurisdiction ; and Mr. Bruce notices the
large export of silk from the districts where silk, he
states, meets witli " total destruction " ! Now, common
sense may inquire vrhether this totally destroyed country,
"wretched state of anarchy," "native population that
inevitably disappeared," and " jiroperty that miserably de-
teriorated," could have managed to produce 88,112 bales
of silk in the year 18G1 ? This, with only one exception,
Avas the largest amount ever exported from China in one
year. The silk districts were entirely in the possession of
the Ti-pings, and every bale had passed through their
hands. A reference to the table of statistics* will convince
the most sceptical that the Ti-pings actually increased the

■"" See Appendix B.

TI-1'INGS Ari'IlOAGU NINGrO. 4i07

valuabltj trade, but that since tlicir expulsion from tlie
silk districts, tlie produce a,nd exportation of that article
has fallen off more than one half.

There is another matter to be considered -oith regard
to the political morality of Mr. Bruce. At the beginning
of the year 18G1 he ollicially stated : —

'• It does not ivjipear to me necessary to take an)' part in this conflict ;
but our material interests at Sliangliae justify us in insisting on its being
exempted from attack until the iusui-gents have sufhciently cstablislicd
thcii- superiority to enable ns to consider the contest as respects that part
of Cliiua at an end. In that case, the population of the town \n\\ be qtiite
ready to acknowledge the n(!\\' pf)\ver, and the authority of the Mandarins
will fall without a blow.''

Yet, when, according to the extracts from the despatch
of Consul Medhurst, this " iiniil " had arrived by the
complete establishment of the Ti-ping superiority, Mr.
Bruce singularly enough forgets his declaration of only a
few months previous.

The Ti-pings at length, after successively capturing the
important cities of Shou-shing, Puug-wha, Yii-yaou, and
Tsze-kec, came in contact with the British authorities at
Ningpo. Having occupied every part of the Chc-kiaug
and Kiang-su provinces, to the south of the Yang-tze,
Avith the exception of the three treaty ports, Shanghae,
Ningpo, and Chin-kiang, the Ti-pings, both to preserve
their conquests and prosecute their cause, were obliged to
advance upon those cities, which had become the strong-
holds of the enemy. Upon their approach to Ningpo, a
conference was held by the representatives of Great
Britain, Prance, and the United States. The official
report of this meeting states : —

"It has been decided that the undersigned" shall proceed tliLs day

■* William Breck, Esq., ITnited States Consul.

M. I.eon Obry, His Imperial Majesty's Na-\y, commanding steamer

Co)ij'iichtK.
Lieutenant Henry Huxhaiii, 11. N., commanding H.M.'s gunboat Kestrel.
Frederick Hai-vey, Esq., Her Majesty's Oonsid.

408 INTERVIEW WITH TI-PING CHIEFS.

(28tli Nov.), on board Her Majesty's gun-boat Kestrel, to the rebel liead-
quarters . . . and liaviiig obtained an interview with the insurgent
leaders, shall convey to them verbally, as well as in writing, the following
message : —

" ' 1. That the inidcrsigned fcike no 2Mrt in thLs civil contest, but tliat
they claim exemption from injury and annoyEince at the hands of both
jiarties." . . .

This fresh pledge of neutrality, together with three
other clauses respecting the forthcoming occupation of
Ningpo, the foreign settlement, and the lives and property
of the European residents, was given to the Ti-ping
generals at Yli-yaou and Fung-wha. Nothing could have
been more satisfactory than the result of this communica-
tion. The following are extracts from the account given
by Mr. Hewlett (Consular Interpreter) of the interview
with the Ti-ping chiefs : —

" We at once informed Hwang (Commanding-General at Yii-yaou) of
the object of our visit," to which "he gave his unqualified assent, 'although,'
he added, ' in the event of the Mandarins resisting, and of my having to
attack Ningpo, I cannot be responsible for the lives of any of your country-
men who may remain inside the city. Otherwise, I will do all I can to
prevent their being molested, and will at once behead any of my fcillowers
who dare to offer them any annoyance.'

" He assured us that his desire was to keep well with foreigners, with
whom lie was anxious to ojien trade ; spoke of us as worshippers of the
.same God and the same Jesus as themselves, and denominated us — ' Wai-
hsiuug-te ' — their foreign hrothers.

" He seemed to entertain no doubt whatever of being successful in his
attack on Ningpo.

" Eager inquii-ies were made on all sides for foreign fire-arms, of which
they seem to have but few — a want that would be sufliciently felt were
they ever to come in contact witli troops courageous enough to stand
against them."

This paragraph may fairly account for the successes
afterwards gained over the ill-armed Ti-pings hy Major
Gordon's and other troops, well provided with British
artillery, shell, rifles, &c., &c.

"As far as human life is concerned, the rebels, at the capture of
Yii-yaou, appear to have used their opportunity with forbearance ; we saw

MK. IIEAVLETT's INTEllVIEW AVITU "TANG." 109

but few (load bodies, and of thosn some, ns wo ■wove informed, were their
ovm men who had been caught j)lundermg and hwning.

" Hwang having informed ns that another body of troops, also inuh-r
the Slic-wang's orders, and commanded by one Fang, a general of equal
rank with lumsclf, was advancing on Ningpo from the Fung-wha, or
bouth-'west side, vc ])roceeded uj) that branch of the river earlj- on Monday
morning, the 2nil instant, and found the said insurgents encamped at a
place called Pih-too, but ten miles from Ningpo."

TIio following account of Mr. IleAvlett's interview
with Fang" is worthy of the best attention, proving, as
it does, the earnest desire of the poor Ti-pings to bo
on terms of friendship, even brotherhood, with all the
nations of their " foreign brethren;" and that any reason-
able Avish of the British authorities Avould have been
complied Avith.

" \Vc at once went ashoi-e, and put ourselves in communication with
the leader, Fang, a man of only 25 years of age, and a native of Kwang-se.
We hastened to represent to him the serious injury to trade that must
ensue on the capture of Ningpo by his forces, and the consequent loss that
would accrue to foreign interests, besides the danger, in reality no slight
one, to foreign life and property, to be apprehended both from the lawless
characters in his own ranks, and equally so from the bands of unruly
Cantonese and Cliiu-chcw men at Ningpo, ever on the look-out for an
opportunity of indiscriminate plunder. We ended by eagerly dissuading
him from advancing on Ningpo.

" To our two objections Fang replied by assui-ing us tliat his party
were most anxious to keep well with foreigners, who, indeed, were no other
than tlieii" brothel's, inasmuch as both worshipped one God and one Jesus ;
and that as for trade, that would be allowed to go on ivs formerly, while ho
begged us to feel (juite at case as to the persons and property of our country-
men, any molestation shown to whom would be followed by instant
decapitation. Their object being the overthrow of the present dynasty, they
ca/uM not allow Ningpo to remain in the hands of the Imperialists.

" It was with difficulty that we succeeded in persuading Fang to delay
his attack on Ningp(5 for one v.eek ; another day, he said, was to have seen
him there, had we not intci-posed.

" One could not help feeling struck with the earnestness and apparent
sincerity of this young leader. Whilst alive to the dangers attending the
cause in which ho was eng.iged, lie seemed to be confident that the supi)ort
of Heaven would carry them through all their difficulties, and that, so aided;
they must prevail. He told us that nearly the whole province was in their

410 GENERAL" HWANG's DESrATCH.

hands, or would be before long, aud that Haiig-cluiw, the provincial
capital, -would fell, ' as soon as Heaven shonld see fit to give it into theii-
hands.' "

The General Hwang gave the following reply to the
communication of the foreign representatives, which,
together with Fang's, fairly expresses the aim and feeling
of the Ti-ping Government : —

"HWAKG, TAI-PINO leader at YU-YAOU, to consul HARVEY'.

'* Hwang, a noble of the rank of E,"' with tlic prienomen 'Paou teen'
('Precious Heavenly'), and Commander-in-Chief of the chief army of his
Highness Prince + Tsung, who is of the Eoyal body-guard in the capital
of the Heavenly Dynasty, which is the dynasty patented imder the true
Divine Commission as the Heavenly Kingdom of Universal Peace, addresses
an official communication to F. Han-ey, Esq., Her Majesty's Consul;
W. Breck, Esq., United States Consul; Lieutenant H. Huxliam, Royal
Navy ; Captain L. Obry, His Imperial Majesty's Navy, in referejice to the
interview held (this day) for tlic purijose of deliberating on the maintenance
of friendly relations between the respective countries.

" From the foundations of the heavens and the earth, the world has
been divided into the central kingdom, China, and the external kingdoms,
foreign countries. Each kingdom, whether China or those of foreign
countries, has been ruled over by men of its own nation. (This has been
the universal practice.)

" But in the time of the Ming dynasty the Tartar imps, originally serfs
from beyond the northern frontier, stole into China, and usurped the
emblems of i-oyalty [lit, seized upon the divine materials], making unclean
and polluting the land to a degree that no tongue can tell of [lit., to a
degree difficult for the fingers to I'eckou].

" Even till now, and during a period of more than 200 years, have they
been going on in their wickednes.s, until at last their cup of iniquity is
filled to the overflowing.

"At these their sins the Heavenly Father being exceeding wroth [III.,
his anger was as an earthquake], would have destroyed the world ; then
Jesus, the Heavenly Elder Brother, out of his mercy and lovingkindness
towards mankind, sent down the true and holy Lord, the Heavenly King,
to wash out the stains of the northern serfs, and to set up anew the house
of Han [i. e., to re-establish a purely native dynasty].

* " E " corresponds to the Chinese title " Kimg," or Duke,
t i. e., She-wang (the Assistant Prince).

GENEKAL UWAKG's UESl'ATCJI. 'Ill

" Tliosp, then, iirc the times of eliaiiL^iiii; tlio dyiuisty, and of refuniiing
the kingdom ijrfsci'il)cd liy ITcaveu and submitted to by man.

" The command of tlio valiant troops of this great army liaH been con-
ferred ui)on me ]>y royal eomniLssion, with the allotted task of rooting out
of the earth all that is uuholj' [lit., of destroj'ing in the east and exter-
minating in the west, part of a complete sentence, signifying a thorough
eradication of c\-il from all the four quarters of the globe], and of visiting
on the lieads of their I'ulci-s the araictions of the people.

" The highest object of my mission is none other than the foundation
and establishment of the dynasty ; subordinate to that, my aim is the wel-
fiire of the people [lit., the black-haired nndtitudes], tliat I may weed out
from among them those that oppress, and gi\'e peace to such as are true of
hciirt.

" Hence it Ls that throughout the wliole of my onward course ' there
were none' (as it is written) 'that came not foi-th with meat and drink to
welcome the soldiei-s of the King.' ■'

" Our great army having at this time invaded the province of Che-kumg,
and the representatives of your several countries, stationed at Ningpo,
La\ing come this day to my head-quarters at Yii-yaou, to deliberate about
maintaining amicable relations with us, on the understanding of mutual
non-inteifercnee, and lunging requested me to order my troops to al>slain,
on their arrival at Ningpo, from injuring the persons or property of your
respective countrymen at that place, I hereby promise to issue the above
orders to my troops, and to command them to respect the terms of the
agreement.

" In case any of my troops should dare, contrary to my ordci-s, to
molest any of your coimtrvmen or to injure tlieii' jn'opei'ty, I will, on your
arresting and handing over to me the otiender, at orice behead him.

" In the same way, if any of the subjects of your respective countries
.should, contrary to your orders, take ujjon themselves to a.ssist the imps in
repelling our advance, you \\ill in your tm'n dii'ect tliem to refrain from
so doing.

* A quotation from the " Sze Shoo IMencius," torn. i. cha]!. 2. The
King of Tse is inquiring of Mcncius whether he ought to take possession
of the kingdom of Yen, lately conquered by him. Mcncius, iustaueiug
the practice of the ancient kings Wan and Woo under similar cii-cum-
stances, reidies that, unless the voice of tlie pcojilc in\'ites the invader to
take po.sscssion, he is nf>t justified in so doing. Hence the rebels would
have it believed that they have enlisted in their cause the sympathies of the
nation, without which, according to received notions, it will be imjiossiljle
for them to obtain the "Tccn-ming" (the Divine Commi.ssiou), and, by
consequence, the Empire.

412 GENERAL " !• ANG's " DESrATCU.

" From and after this date the friendly arrangement now agreed upon
is to be binding on both parties.

" Sincerely trusting that you will not allow yourselves to feel anxious
about this matter, and with wishes for your good health, I beg to forward
this special communication.

"19th day of the 10th month of the 11th ('Sin-yew') year of the
Heavenly Kingdom of Universal Peace" [November 29, 1861].

The General Faug gave tlie following answer : —

" FANG, TAI-PING LEADER AT FUNG-HWA, TO CONSUL 1IAR^•EY.

" Fang, Commander-in-Chief of the Forces, charged with the reduction
of the disobedient, and a member of the Royal body-guard in the capital of
the Heavenly Dynasty, &c., in official reply to F. Harvey, Esq., Her
Majesty's Consul ; W. Breck, Esq., United States Consul ; Lieutenant H.
Huxham, R.N. ; Cajitain L. Obry, His Impei'ial Majesty's Navy, request-
ing them to set their minds at rest.

" The Almighty God, the Supreme Lord, the Heavenly Father, and
Jesus the Heavenly Elder Brother, sent our true and holy Lord, the
Heavenly King, down into the world, and ordained him to be Ruler over
the Central Kingdom. To destroy the imps, to deliver the people, and to
rescue the Central Empire : these are the chief objects of liis desires.

" The sjjecial task of chastising the nation '"" [lit., those without the
palace doors], with a view to the establishment of the Dynasty, has now
been conferred upon me by royal commission. M}- mission is simply to
show compassion to the people, and to punish the crimes of their rulers.

" The troops of my great army have now entered the department of
Ningiio. and I fully jiurijose capturing the departmental city, and making
it revert to the King to serve as a basis from which we may give peace to
and console the four estates of the nation [scholars, husbandmen, mechanics,
and traders].

" I have this day received your letter, and informed myself completely
of its contents ; all the requisitions therein contained I promise to comply
with. I -will, therefore, order my troops to frame their conduct after the
Divine pattern, and to abstain from tumult and acts of aggi'ession.

" Wherefore I beg of you to set your minds at rest.

" Good faith, as a principle of action, being a most important desidera-
tum, no retractation must be made in respect of the number of days con-
ceded prior to our advance on the cit)'.

" With reference to the persons and property of your respective country-
men, I will issue the strictest orders, forbidding either the one or the other

i. e., those of the nation who do not submit.

CAPTURE OF NINfirO. 413

to bo injured in the very least degree. Trade sliall be allowed to continue
as usual, with the additional ad\antage of being conducted on a fairer
footing. On no account will act.s of violence or robbery be j)erinittcd.

" One word from the superior man is sufficient to settle any affair ; he
is true, he Ls sincere, and hence no mistake or misunderstanding can arise.

" Whilst forwarding this in reply, I beg to express my wishes for your
happiness.

(Enclosed, twenty-one Proclamations.)

"22nd day of the 10th month of the 11th ('Sin-yew') year of the
Heavenly Kingdom of Universal Peace" [2nd December, 18G1].

Faithfully fulfilling that cxtraordiuary example of
their willingness to preserve friendship with foreigners —
the promise to delay their occupation of Ningpo one
week — the Ti-pings, immediately upon the expiration of
the seven days, on the morning of Dccemhcr 9, moved
up to the city wails, and within an hour Ningpo was com-
pletely in their possession; the Manchoos, Mandarins,
regular troops, braces, pirates, and all, having fled from
the city, scarcely striking a blow in its defence.

Although the British authorities contented themselves
upon this occasion with underhanded hostility against
the Ti-pings, the same unworthy procedure was equally
as much a violation of the principle of their pledged
neutrality as the open warfare they shortly commenced in
the ncighl)ourhood of Shanghae. As all assertions of
this description require proof, it is necessary to encumber
this narrative with extracts from the official documents
that, for the honour of England, should remain in oblivion
for ever, were they not necessar^v to prove the disreputable
transactions of various ofiicials, and mv reasons for
advocating the Ti-ping cause.

I have already noticed the singular sort of interpre-
tation put upon the " no wish to quarrel," " the wish to
maintain amicable relations," and the orders to " abstain
from all interference in the civil wax-," " maintain an
attitude of strict neutrality," &c., by Admiral Hope and
Captain H. Dew. Wc will therefore conclude the review

414 BRITITH INTERVENTION.

of " fitting twelve heavy guns," &c. at Ningpo, by one
other example of breach of faith and neutrality.

The instructions to the Ningpo Consul by Mr. Bruce
were to " take no part " in defending the city. The written
guarantee forwarded to the leaders of the poioerful
advancing army were precisely similar. " The undersigned
take no part in this civil contest." Now, in spite of these
pledges, we have seen Admiral Hope order " every ob-
struction" to be placed before the Ti-pings. In his
account of the capture of Ningpo he fairly admits his
own faithlessness thus : —

" 2. Everythiug liad been done to assist the Imperialists in the defence
of the town, except the use of force, in their favour, and their Lordships
will not fail to observe how utterly useless such measures proved, iu conse-
quence of the cowardice and imbecility of the Mandarins."

This taking " no part " and at the same time doing
" everything to assist " one belligerent requires no
comment.

When the Ti-ping forces assaulted Ningpo, the Com-
mander-in-Chief of the Imperialists ran away, and being
lowered over the city wall with a number of retainers,
received jn-otection from the British Consul, who facilitated
tlieir escape. This same Consul, in his report of the
city's capture to Lord Hussell, states : —

" Ningpo is now in the fidl and unquestionable possession of the
Taeping forces. I am glad to state that, up to the present time, there has
been no slaughter, or massacre, or fires, within the walls ; and that, with
the exception of a few men killed, and a certain amotint of destruction of
property, the rebels have, so far, conducted themselves with wonderful
moderation."

Admiral Hope, in his report to the Admiralty of the
same event, states : —

"The behaviour of the reljols has boon good hitherto, and they profess
a strons desire to remain on good terms with foreigners.'

TI-PING MODERATION. 115

Here we find the most positive proof that the principal
alleged reason for the defence of Shanghae against the
insurgents, namely, l)ecause their " success in any locality
is attended with its total destruction" is utterly false.
While " the ruthless nature of the war thev wa"'e"is
thus urged (as though even it could justify the dishonour-
ing of J3ritish pledges) against the Ti-pings, we find that
upon the only occasion this theory was subjected to proof,
by the reports of their most bitter opposers, they behaved
"loitJi loonderfxil moderntion."

Mr. Parkcs (late Secretary to Lord Elgin's Embassy),
in a memorandum upon the capture of Ningpo, still
farther proves the great friendliness of the insurgents.
He says : —

" The Ningpo rebels liavc shown tlie utniosfc dcsiro to be on friendly
terms with foreigncirs. Outside the south gate, wliich formed the point
of attack, stands the estal)lisliincnt of the Sisters of Charity, wliich, if
occupied, would form excellent cover for an assaulting force, as its ujjper
windows command the city walls ; yet, althoiigh they crouched underneatli
its enclosures, as they collected for their rush on the gate, they did not
trespass for a moment witliLn the premises. Anotlua- large Roman Catholic
establislunent was one of the first buildings they had to p.uss, as they poured
into the city, flushed and excited with their success ; but they only stopjied
to ivelcoma a small knot of foreigners who were standing underneath the
jiorch, and to charge their peophi to offei- them no liai'm. liomau Catholics
and Protestants they hailed indLscriminately as being of the same i-eligion
and fraternity as themselves.

" The house of one of the principal Cliinese of Ningpo, who is well
known at Shanghae, from his wealth and the prominent suppoi-t he has
always given to the Government, remaing untouched, simply because he has
hired a Freiichman to live iii, it, ami give his name temporarily to the
prenmes."

Now the ignorant and designing have delighted tliem-
selves by exhausting the most damnifying epithets upon
the so-called " l)lood-thirsty marauders," "ruthless bri-
gands," &c. ; yet the following extract from the same
memorandum (of an enemy, be it remembered) seems to

416 OPEN HOSTILITIES COMMENCED.

indicate those persons as being cither remarkably imagina-
tive or mendacious : —

" It must Le stated, however, to tlieir credit, that as yet the capture of
Ningpo, and it is believed also of the other cities of this province, has not
beeu marked with those atrocities which the rebels ai-e known to have
committed elsewhere."

The " atrocities " committed elsewhere were those
occasioned by the hard necessity of the war, and v/hen the
Ti-pings had no choice but to kill or be killed. But the
question of Ti-ping atrocities could not possibly be con-
strued into any fair cause of hostilities against them,
it being a well-known fact that of the two belligerents
they were by far the most humane.

The occupation of Ningpo by the Ti-ping forces may
be justly considered the culminating point of their suc-
cesses, and the termination of a period of British policy
towards them, that period being the deceitful one. Almost
immediately after that important event, the hitherto
covert hostility of the British Government became ex-
changed for a more decided action, and the epoch of open
hostility was established by the commencement of direct
military operations against the Ti-pings from Shanghae,
shortly followed by the same policy at Ningpo.

Some few days after the fall of Ningpo, Admiral Hope
proceeded to Nankin for the purpose of obtaining a
renewal of the promise by the Ti-ping authorities not to
attack Shanghae for one year, as the former agreement
expired at the end of 1861. The arrangement, however,
was not again approved by the Ti-pings, not only because
the British contractins? officials had broken faith with
regard to their pledge of preventing the Imperialists from
using Shanghae for purposes of aggression against them,
but from the fact that Shanghae had become the very
arsenal and rallying-placc of their enemy. To these
principal and all-sufficient causes, others might be added,

COMMANDER BINCnAM's DESPATCU. 417

such as the undeniahle bclligereut right of the Ti-pings to
capture any city just as they captured Ningpo.

The Ti-ping authorities having very properly refused
to become a party to prejudice their own interest, Admiral
Hope conducted the following communication with them,
as if to find some pretext for making the approach of the
Ti-pings upon Shanghac a casus belli. The correspondence
is well worthy of the closest attention. The open
arrogance and unsound reasoning of the British portion
being no less conspicuous than the righteous tenor and
sound argument of the Ti-pings.

" COMMUNICATIOX SrADE BY COMMANDER BINGHAM TO THE TAEPING AUTHO-
RITIES AT NANKING, ON THE 27th OF DECEMBEll, ISCl.

" I am directed by the Commander-in-Chief of the Naval Forees of Her
Majesty the Queen of Enghmd in the Chinese Seas, to acquaint you —

" 1. That during tlic hist year certain Britisli subjects liave sustained
lossea by robberies committed in the territories which are hekl by your
armies, and that it Ls therefore necessary that you make immediate and
satisfactory arrangements for theii- receiving compensation. These losses
amount to 7,-563 taels 1 mace 7 candarenes, 4,800 dollars, 20 bales of silk,
and 2 muskets, as shown by the accompanying list.

" 2. That junks which cany British colours arc no less Britisli vessels
than those which are foreign-built, and tliat they must be allowed to pa-ss
up and down the river free from examination or any other molestation, in
conformity with the agreement made with you in the early i)art of this
year. That in order to insure that no junk hoists a British Hag whicli is
not entitled to do so, tlieir papers will bo exaniini-il l)y the senior officer
here, who will take the British flag away from any vessel not entitled to
wear it, and will give notice of having done so to the Cliief Officer of tlie
Customs.

" 3. That the promise made by you that your troops .should not approach
within 100 U of Slianghac and Woo-sung has not lieen faithfully observed.
The Commander-in-Chief now requires tiiat, in proof of your good faith
you select an officer of high rank who shall accompany him to Shanghae'
and who shall from thence proceed in company with on(^ of his officers to
the port:^ in its vicinity, which are held by your forces, so that the order on
the subject may be shown to the officers commanding them, with the view
of preventing further mistakes.

" 4. That a large and valuable Britisli trade ha\'ing sprang up at
Kiu-kiang and Hankow, the Commandcr-in-Clii<^f i.s under the necessity of

2 K

418 TAEPING llEPLT.

requiring a promise from you that youi- forces will not approach these places
within 100 U; also that you are distLuctly to imderetand that SUver IsltuicI,
the residence of the British Consul at Chin-kiang-foo, is not to be molested.

(Signed) "Henry M. Bingham.

"lienard, Nanking, December 27, 1861."

" REPLY OF THE TAEPING AUTHORITIES AT NANKING TO COMMANDER BINGHAM.

" Mung, the young Prince of Tsan, Jin, Prince of Chang, and Se, Prince
of Shun, Defenders of the Court, Pillars of Heaven, in the Divine Kingdom
of Universal Peace, being the Kingdom of the Heavenly Father, the
Heavenly Elder Brother, and the Heavenly King, make this joint reply
to Captain Bingham, British Senior Naval Officer at Nanking.

"On the 18th day (December 28) of the 11th month of the 11th or
Sin-yew year of the Divine Kingdom of the Heavenly Father, Heavenly
Elder Brother, and Heavenly King, we received your letter setting forth
four points, which you state you had been directed to communicate to us
by the Naval Commander-in-Chief of your country.

" We have acquainted ourselves with the contents of your communica-
tion, which has occasioned us the greatest surprise ; we bear in mind that
while your country pays adoration to Jesus, our Divine Kingdom respect-
fully worships Shangte.

"The worshi]) of Jesus is the fount and origin of our religions, and
thus from age to age we have been as one family ; therefore when your
country came to discuss matters with us in the spring, our Lord the
Heavenly King issued to us his sacred commands ordering us to receive
you with courtesy, and to deal with you in perfect sincerity, in order to
mark our high regard for those who are allied with and are of the same
origin as ourselves. Being thus united by our religion, which is the wor-
ship of Heaven, and also by our friendly (political) relations, it is above all
things necessary that we should respectively adhere to our Heavenly
principles both in mind and action, and that we should compare our wants
^vith those of others, instead of seeking only our own profit at the expense
of the interests of our fellow-men. It is thus that you prove your friend-
ship to be indeed sincere.

" On considering the four proposals set forth in your communication,
we find that our Divine Kingdom cannot assent to them, and we shall
proceed to state in detail the grounds of our refusal.

" The first point is a demand for compensation for 7,360 taels and odd
silver, 200 taels' worth of copper cash, 4,800 dollars, 20 bales of raw silk,
and 2 muskets, all said to have been taken by people of our Divine King-
dom in the 5th, 6th, and 7th months of the jjresent year at Soo-heu, Suh-
kea-kiang, Lew-hoo, Kaou-ching (Laou-ching), and other places.

" There is an absence of right in this demand. Everything desei-ving

TAEPING REPLY. 419

of credit admits of pi-oof Althougli the places named arc not 1,000 U
distant from our capital, tlii'v are situated several hundreds of li from it,
and nearly half a year has ehipsod since the alleged occurrences took place.

" It is imreasonable to demand compensation for claims, when no
proofs can be produced, and the assertion of such claims Ls in itself a veiy
unfriendly act. Were we, of the Divine Kinf^doiii, to put forward such
uiil'iMiuded claims, what course, may we ask, would your country ])ursue (
If our nation have indeed established a custom-house at San-le-keaou, and
exacted a double levy of duty in the manner stated, how is it, as your
merchant-boats are constantly passing that si)i>t, that a single instance only
of such conduct should have occun-ed ? We will not, however, take upon
ourselves to deny that your boat had to submit to the exaction ; but,
gi-unting that it occurred, it should be remembered that at thus juncture,
when a movement Ls going on throughout the Empii'e, local maraudei-s and
wandering people naturally take advantage of the opportunity atibrded
them to commit depredations. How, therefore, do you know that these
robberies were not the work of parties of these vagabonds, simidating the
appearance and profiting by the fear inspired by the troops of the Divine
dynasty I Or how do you know that some of the Tartar imps have not
personated the officers and troops of the Di\iiie Kingdom, and in that
feigned character plundered your merchant-boats, with a view, by these
nefarious mean.s, of causing ill-will between our two families 1 Moreover,
if the places named have indeed been brought under the ndeof our Celestial
dynasty, our lieutenants must be there in garrison ; and if these irregula-
rities were committed by their troops, how is it that your country did not
immediately bring them to the notice of those officers, in order that thej-
may at once take steps for the punishment of the offenders ? Instead of
doing this, however, you allow a long time to elapse, and tlien you sud-
denly come to our capital to raise discussions with us on the subject at
this distance ! *

" In the second point of your communication you claim, 'that junks
which carry British colours are no less British vessels than those which
an; foreign-built, and must therefore be allowed t(j p;uss up and down the
river free from examination or any other molestation, in conformity with
the agreement made in the early part of thli year.'

" (Jn this we have to observe, that an agreement once entered into
should be most f\vithful_ly and strictly adliered to, and cannot be departed
from. Now in the agreement concluded with you in the sj)ring, it is not
stated that junks carrying British C(jlours are no less British vessels than
those which are foreign-built, and are therefore entitled to pass free from
examination or molestation.

" The idea is now suddenly started by your country for the first time.
But in the ti-ansaction of business, an open and straightforward course of
action must be pursued, if distiiLst and suspicion are to be avoided. Sup-

2 E 2

420 TAEPING REPLT.

pose that a Chinese merchant has goods, the duties on which amount to a
considerable sum, and that your comitry would not ask him to pay more
than half that sum in return, for a flag and papers which should free him
fi'om all charge on passing our custom-houses, is it not evident that the
dishonest trader w^ould gladly turn such an opportunity to account, and
that in that case we should soon find that our custom-houses had been
established to no pui-pose ?

" Moreover, the rules of the custom-houses of our Divine Kingdom
permit the merchants and people of all places, and those who still shave
their heads, to pass to and fro, and trade in salt and other goods on pay-
ment of the duties that are defined hy regulation. This institution has
been too long in existence to make it reasonable that it now should be set
aside.

" Again, in the former agreement, ]io arrangement whatever was made
respecting the employment of Chinese junks by your country, the stipula-
tion as to the free passage to the river being confined to vessels of your own
countr}-. We agreed to this arrangement as a fi'iendly act to those who
are of the same family as ourselves. But if native junks should be largely
employed by your nation, we have good cause to fear the treachery of the
Imperial imps, who will employ these junks in the furtherance of their
own dark and evil designs by falsely passing them off as your trading-craft.
If this were the case, how gi-eatly would our dLfiiculties of defence be
increased !

" PurtLennore, the customs form the most important source of revenue
on which we depend for the support of the soldiers of our Di^dne dynasty ;
and if, by \mdue protection granted to native junks, the payment of duties
is avoided, general indignation would be felt among all our princes, high
functionaries, officers, and soldiers ; and they would never allow such an
arrangement to continue in force. In putting forward this proposal, your
country shows that you seek only your own profit, regardless of the welfare
of others ; and you are acting in a^ manner that is calculated neither to jiro-
mote friendly relations, nor to induce reliance on your own promises.*

■" " On the occasion when they recently stopped some British junks at
Woo-hoo, eventually retainuig two (subsequently released by the Bouncer),
in pledge for payment of duty, on the whole their demand amounted to
2,000 taels. Their right to levy moderate duties on all vessels trading in
the territories they hold was allowed in the original arrangement entered
into with them, but they were, at the same time, distinctly acquainted that
I had stationed a vessel of war at Nanking for the express pm-pose of
securing to British vessels entire freedom in the exercise of their right of
navigating the Yang-tze. The necessity of iireventing any interference
whatever with the passing trade by the rebels, arises from the impracti-
cability of recovering any duties they might extoi-t without a serious

TAEPING llEPLY. 421

" The tliiid point states that the promise made in the second month of
the present year, that tlie Tacping troops should not approach within 100
li of Shanghac and Woo-sung has not been faithfully observed, <fec.

" It is true that in the spring of this year we did make an agreement
of this nature, but if we discuss it by strict principles it will be seen that
thei-e is no spot under the wide canopy of heaven that was not created by
Shangte, that upon us rests the obligation of recovering by our arms the
whole of China for Shangte, and that it is difficult for us to make any
exception in the matter of territory, even to the extent of a foot of soil.
It was only in consideration of your nation being of the same origin an
ourselves that we acted as we did.

" Though commerce may be to you the means of livelOiood, to us the
possession of territory Ls all-important. It was only as a mark of our
benevolent and just regai-d for our f(>llow-men that we consented for the
space of the jiresent year to avoid making any attack on Sluuighae and
Woo-sung, and when wc entered into that agi-eement we issued our com-
mands requiring it to bo obscr\-ed at all places in our possession, and have
I'eceived reports from our various connnanders, assuring us that our orders
liave been most sci-upulously observed. But a.s it is obligatory on our
Divine armies to kill the imps wherever they are to be found, how can our
heavenly troops be forbidden to fulfil this duty ] If there were no impisli
forces at Shanghae and Woo-sung, the Chung-wang and She-wang would
certainly not think of sending then- troops to take those places ; and should
you be willing to undertake the expulsion of the impish soldiers, then our
Divine dynasty will send officei-s to tranquillize those places, and tp protect
not only the jieople but your trade also.

'" Whj', then, sho\dd the advance of our Di\ine soldiers within 100 li
occa-sion you any apprehension I The present year is now drawing to
a close, and with it the time named in our agreement, and we can never
consent that our Divine troops shall not prepare to attack those places,
simply out of consideration for yoiir trade. It occasions us, therefore,
gi-ejit surprise to suddenly receive from you such a proposal, at the very
time when the Chung-wang and She-wang, at the head of several millions
of the Divine soldiers, are engaged in recovering from the enemy Soo-chow,
Hang-chow, and the whole province.

" Your fourth point Ls to the effect that, as a large and valuable BritLsh
ti-ade has spi-ung uji at Kiu-kiang and ITankow, you wish us to promise
not to approach these places within 100 li, and also not to molest Silver
Island, the residence of the British Consul at Chin-kiang.

collision. In the case of ImperialLsts, redi-ess could always ultimately be
obtained by reference through the Minister to the Government at Peking.
—J. Hope."

This is the excuse given for depriving the Ti-pings of their levenuc.

4-22 TAEPING llEl'LY.

" We have well consiflcrcd this proposal, and consider that in putting
it forward your country has committed a grave error. The case stands
thus : — It is now long since our vast and illustrious Empire of China
became the prey of these Tartars, who know no respect fur Shangte, nor
any other worshiji than that of devils. All sons and daughters of Heaven
should be moved with the deepest enmity against them, with a hatred too
deeji to allow of their li^dng together with them in the same world, and,
therefore, wherever they are to be found, death should await them at our
liands. Strange that just at the veiy time when we are about to despatch
troops to take Hankow, Kiu-kiang, Chin-kiang, and Silver I.sland, your
country should seek, under the guise of maintaining friendly relations with
ourselves, to render secret assistance to the Tartar imps, by occupying
several of their most important positions, and thus completely fettering our
movements.

" How can we possibly consent to such a pn'oposal ?

" When we have taken Hankow, Kiu-kiang, Chin-kiang, and Sih'er
Island, and tranquillized those places, if your country should then wish to
conduct trade there as before, what is there to pi-event your entering into
further negotiations with our nation on these points ? That being the case,
what object can you have in requiring us not to take those places 1 If you
entertain fears as to the conduct of our soldiers, and think that they may
commit wanton slaughter or destruction, you sliould know that Heaven
guides all our actions, and that while we kill all those who pay Heaven no
respect, we save, on the other hand, all those who prove themselves, by
worshipping Heaven, to be Heaven's children.

"All our power is derived from Shangte, and from Christ comes our
support ; all our acts are done in their sight and receive their entire
approval.

" If you make the anticipated dispersion of the merchants and people
of those ports an argument in. favour of your proposal, we meet it by
obseiwing that when your ofEcere conferred -with us iu the spring, this very
point came under discussion. At first it was proposed on your side that
we should not attack Kiu-kiang and Hankow, but afterwards, when we
made it clear (to your officers) in the orders we gave them that it was
necessary that we should attack and take the whole of China, as being the
territory of Shangte, they replied. If your troops do not kill or injure
British subjects, or do not burn or plunder British houses or property, then
we shall remain neutral and assist neither party. To which we replied that
you should not only remain neutral, but .should also take no offence at our
troops, if the people in their alarm were to disperse, and thus cause your
trade to be interfered with. Your officers replied. We shall take no offence,
but we shall require you to give us notice of your intention to attack these
places. To this we answered. We will not refuse to give you notice before
we make our attack, but we are afraid that our communications with you

COMMANDEU BINGHAIil's REJOINDER. 423

niiiy lie oLstructcd liy tUo impLsh camps, and that wlion we shall have
succeeded in sweeping these away, the time then left will not l)e sufficient
for the purpose, and the oiiussion may prove a cause of trouble. We added,
however, that )^our country must not again act as you did at Shangliae,
where you received the letters of our nation, and yet assisted the Tartar
forces to defend that city. Thus it will be seen that the point has been
already fullj' considered, and that it is usele.ss to enter into .any further
discussion.

" To i-esume. As friendl}^ relations exist between us, let us i-egard each
other as people of the same famUy. Those whom we are thus hotly engaged
in slaughtering are no other than the Tartar imps and robbers, and the
whole empire of China is the conquest we intend to eft'ect. As the Tartar
imps have not yet been exterminated, and the great work of conquest Ls
still incomplete, we cannot give our consent to such proposals as those which
your Cdunti-y now makes to us.

" Your only course, therefore, Ls to wait until the Tartar imps .shall
have been annihilated, when we shall be ready to give our attention to any
advantageous measures that j-our country may have to propose.

" We trust you will listen to this advice and raise no further questions ;
also that you will firmly maintain the present peaceful relations, and give
no occasion for distrust or ill-will. These are the hopes that should be
earnestly entertained on both sides.

" P. S. Wc observe that the translation of the letter before us, and the
paper communicating the points under discussion (the English original ?)
are wi-itten on white paper and bear no seal. It is very difficult for us to
know whether documents thus prepared are spurious or authentic, and we
fear that they could easily lie imitated by the Tartar imps, and that the
fraud might bo attended Avith serious consequences.

"We trust, therefore, that in order to cstablLsh the authenticity of your
documents your country will in future observe the practice of affixing 3-our
seal to them.

"Dated the 22nd day of the 11th month of the llth or Sin-yew j-ear
of the Divine Kingdom of Universal Peace, being the Kingdom of the
Heavenly Father, Heavenly Elder Brother, and Heavenly King (Januaiy
1, 1862)."

" COMMANDER BINGHAM TO THE TAEPING AUTHORITIES AT NANKING.

" Heioard, Nanking, January 1, 18G2.

" I am directed by the Commander-in-Chief of the Naval Forces of the
Queen of England in the Chinese Seas to acknowledge the receipt of your
reply to the communication made by me four days ago, and to acquaint
you —

" 1 . That in bringing the demands for compensation for the robberies
committed on British subjects to the notice of the authorities at Nanking,

424 COMMANDER BINGHAM'S REJOINDER.

instead of exacting redress for them on the spot where they were com-
mitted, he has given j-ovi the strongest proof of his desire to treat you in a
friendly manner.

" Your refusal to do justice gives him the right to take his o^vn measures
for procuring adequate redress for these injuries.

" 2. That he will take effectual measures to prevent any vessel carrying
the English flag which has not the right to do so, but that he will not
permit vessels, whether of European or Chinese construction, which are
owned by British subjects, to be interfered with in any way or imder any
pretext, in their undoubted right of navigating the Yang-tze-kiang Eiver
free from all molestation, and you will do so at your peril.

" 3. The towns of Shanghae and Woo-sung, as you well know, are
occupied by the military forces of England and France, and if you repeat
the absurdity of attacking them, you will incur, not merely a repulse as
on a former occasion, but such further consequences as your folly will
deserve.

" 4. Your refusal to enter into an engagement to leave SUver Island,
Kiu-kiang, and Hankow free from molestation, all places which you have
not the slightest chance of attacking with success, proves to the Com-
mander-in-Chief that your expressions of Mendly feeling are mere words,
and the necessity of deaHng with you accordingly.

(Signed) " Henry M. Bingham."

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