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THE
INTERNATIONAL
JEW
THE WORLD'S FOREMOST PROBLEM
Being a Reprint of a Series of Articles
Appearing in The Dearborn Independent
frotn May 22 to October 2, 1920
NOVEMBER, 1920
A/6
h
Preface
WHY discuss the Jewish Question? Because it is
here, and because its emergence into American
thought should contribute to its solution, and not to
a continuance of those bad conditions which surround
the Question in other countries.
The Jewish Question has existed in the United
States for a long time. Jews themselves have known
this, even if Gentiles have not. There have been
periods in our own country when it has broken forth
with a sullen sort of strength which presaged darker
things to come. Many signs portend that it is ap-
proaching an acute stage.
Not only does the Jewish Question touch those
matters that are of common knowledge, such as finan-
cial and commercial control, usurpation of political
power, monopoly of necessities, and autocratic direc-
tion of the very news that the American people read;
but it reachesjnto cultural regions and so touches the
very heart of American life.
This question reaches down into South America and
threatens to become an important factor in Pan-
American relations. It is interwoven with much of
the menace of organized and calculated disorder which
troubles the nations today. It is not of recent growth,
but its roots go deep, and the long Past of this Prob-
lem is counterbalanced by prophetic hopes and pro-
grams which involve a very deliberate and creative
view of the Future.
This little book is the partial record of an investiga-
tion of the Jewish Question. It is printed to enable
interested readers to inform themselves on the data
published in The Dearborn Independent prior to Oct.
1, 1920. The demand for back copies of the paper
was so great that the supply was exhausted early, as
was also a large edition of a booklet containing the
first nine articles of the series. The investigation still
3034482
6 PREFACE
proceeds, and the articles will continue to appear as
heretofore until the work is done.
The motive of this work is simply a desire to make
facts known to the people. Other motives have, of
course, been ascribed to it. But the motive of preju-
dice or any form of antagonism is hardly strong
enough to support such an investigation as this.
Moreover, had an unworthy motive existed, some
sign of it would inevitably appear in the work itself.
We confidently call the reader to witness that the tone
of these articles is all that it should be. The Interna-
tional Jew and his satellites, as the conscious enemies
of all that Anglo-Saxons mean by civilization, are not
spared, nor is that unthinking mass which defends
anything that a Jew does, simply because it has been
taught to believe that what Jewish leaders do is
Jewish. Neither do these articles proceed upon a
false emotion of brotherhood and apology, as if this
stream of doubtful tendency in the world were only
accidentally Jewish. We give the facts as we find
them; that of itself is sufficient protection against
prejudice or passion.
This volume does not complete the case by any
means. But it brings the reader along one step. In
future compilations of these and subsequent articles
the entire scope of the inquiry will more clearly ap-
pear.
October, 1920.
Contents
Page
I. The Jew in Character and Business 9
II. Germany's Reaction Against the Jew 23
III. Jewish History in the U. S. 33 /"
IV. The Jewish Question — Fact or Fancy? 43
V. Anti-Semitism — Will It Appear In the U. S. 55
VI. Jewish Question Breaks Into the Magazines 71
VII. Arthur Brisbane to the Help of Jewry 11
VIII. Does a Definite Jewish World Program Exist? 85
IX. The Historic Basis of Jewish Imperialism 97
X. An Introduction to the "Jewish Protocols" 109
XI. "Jewish" Estimate of Gentile Human Nature 117
XII. "Jewish Protocols" Claim Part Fulfillment 129
XIII. "Jewish" Plan to Split Society by "Ideas" 141
XIV. Did the Jews Foresee the World War? 153
XV. Is the Jewish "Kahal" the Modern "Soviet"? 163
XVI. How the "Jewish Question" Touches the Farm 175
XVII. Does Jewish Power Control the World Press? 187
XVIII. Does this Explain Jewish Political Power? 201
XIX. The All-Jewish Mark on "Red Russia" 213
XX. Jewish Testimony in Favor of Bolshevism 225
"Among the distinguishing mental and moral
traits of the Jews may be mentioned: distaste
for hard or violent physical labor; a strong fam-
ilj sense and philoprogcnitivencss ; a marked -re-
ligious instinct; the courage of the prophet and
martyr rather than of the pioneer and soldier;
remarkable power to survive in adverse environ-
ments, combined with great ability to retain racial
solidarity; capacity for exploitation, both in-
dividual and social; shrewdness and astuteness in
speculation and money matters generally; an Ori-
ental love of display and a full appreciation of
the power and pleasure of social position; a very
high average of intellectual ability."
— The New International Encyclopedia.
The Jew in Character and
Business
THE Jew is again being singled out for critical at-
tention throughout the world. His emergence
in the financial, political and social spheres has been
so complete and spectacular since the war, that his
place, power and purpose in the world are being given
a new scrutiny, much of it unfriendly. Persecution is
not a new experience to the Jew, but intensive scrutiny
of his nature and super-nationality is. He has suf-
fered for more than 2,000 years from what may be
called the instinctivd^nti-Semitism of the other races,
but this antagonism has never been intelligent nor has
it been able to make itself intelligible. Nowadays,
however, the Jew is being placed, as it were, under the
microscope of economic observation that the reasons
for his power, the reasons for his separateness, the rea-
sons for his suffering may be defined and understood.
In Russia he is charged with being the source of
Bolshevism, an accusation which is serious or not ac-
cording to the circle in which it is made; we in Amer-
ica, hearing the fervid eloquence and perceiving the
prophetic ardor of young Jewish apostles of social and
industrial reform, can calmly estimate how it may be.
In Germany he is charged with being the cause of the
Empire's collapse and a very considerable literature
has sprung up, bearing with it a mass of circumstantial
evidence that gives the thinker pause. In England he
is charged with being the real world ruler, who rules
as a super-nation over the nations, rules b}'' the power
of gold, and who plays nation against nation for his
own purposes, remaining himself discreetly in the back-
ground. In America it is pointed out to what extent
the elder Jews of wealth and the younger Jews of
ambition swarmed through the war organizations —
principally those departments which dealt with the
commercial and industrial business of war, and also
the extent to which they have clung to the advantage
10 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
which their experience as agents of the government
gave them.
In simple words, the question of the Jews has come
to the fore, but like other questions which lend them-
selves to prejudice, efforts will be made to hush it up
as impolitic for open discussion. If, however, experi-
ence has taught us anything it is that questions thus
suppressed will sooner or later break out in undesirable
and unprofitable forms.
The Jew is the world's enigma. Poor in his masses,
he yet controls the world's finances. Scattered abroad
without country or government, he yet presents a
unity of race continuity which no other people has
achieved. Living under legal disabilities in almost
every land, he has become the power behind many a
throne. There are ancient prophecies to the effect
that the Jew will return to his own land and from that
center rule the world, though not until he has under-
gone an assault by the united nations of mankind.
The single description which will include a larger
percentage of Jews than members of any other race is
this: he is in business. It may be only gathering rags
and selling them, but he is in business. From the sale
of old clothes to the control of international trade and
finance, the Jew is supremely gifted for business. More
than any other race he exhibits a decided aversion to
• industrial employment, which he balances by an
equally decided adaptability to trade. The Gentile
boy works his way up, taking employment in the pro-
ductive or technical departments; but the Jewish boy
prefers to begin as messenger, salesman or clerk —
anything — so long as it is connected with the commer-
cial side of the business. An early Prussian census
illustrates this characteristic: of a total population of
269,400, the Jews comprised six per cent or 16,164.
Of these, 12,000 were traders and 4,164 were workmen.
Of the Gentile population, the other 94 per cent, or
153,236 people, there were only 17,000 traders.
A modern census would show a large professional
and literary class added to the traders, but no diminu-
tion of the percentage of traders and not much if any
increase in the number of wage toilers. In America
alone most of the big business, the trusts and the
banks, the natural resources and the chief agricultural
THE JEW IN CHARACTER AND BUSINESS 11
products, especially tobacco, cotton and sugar, are
in the control of Jewish financiers or their agents.
Jewish journalists are a large and powerful group here.
"Large numbers of department stores are held by
Jewish firms," says the Jewish Encyclopedia, and
many if not most of them are run under Gentile names.
Jews are the largest and most numerous landlords of
residence property in the country. They are supreme
in the theatrical world. They absolutely control the
circulation of publications throughout the country.
Fewer than any race whose presence among us is
noticeable, they receive daily an amount of favorable
publicity which would be impossible did they not have
the facilities for creating and distributing it them-
selves. Werner Sombart, in his "Jew and Modern
Capitalism" says, "If the conditions in America con-
tinue to develop along the same lines as in the last
generation, if the immigration statistics and the pro-
portion of births among all the nationalities remain
the same, our imagination may picture the United
States of fifty or a hundred years hence as a land in-
habited only by Slavs, Negroes and Jews, wherein the
Jews will naturally occupy the position of economic
leadership." Sombart is a pro-Jewish writer.
The question is. If the Jew is in control, how did it
happen? This is a free country. The Jew comprises
only about three per cent of the population; to every
Jew there are 97 Gentiles; to the 3,000,000 Jews in the
United States there are 97,000,000 Gentiles. If the
Jew is in control, is it because of his superior ability,
or is it because of the inferiority and don't-care at-
titude of the Gentiles?
It would be very simple to answer that the Jews
came to America, took their chances like other people
and proved more successful in the competitive struggle.
But that would not include all the facts. And before
a more adequate answer can be given, two points
should be made clear. The first is this: all Jews are
not rich controllers of wealth. There are poor Jews
aplenty, though most of them even in their poverty are
their own masters. While it may be true that the
chief financial controllers of the country are Jews, it is
not true that every Jew is one of the financial con-
trollers of the country. The classes must be kept
12 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
distinct for a reason which will appear when the
methods of the rich Jews and the methods of the
poor Jews to gain power are differentiated. Sec-
ondly, the fact of Jewish solidarity renders it difficult
to measure Gentile and Jewish achievements by the
same standard. When a great block of wealth in
America was made possible by the lavish use of an-
other block of wealth from across the seas; that is to
say, when certain Jewish immigrants came to the
United States with the financial backing of European
Jewry behind them, it would be unfair to explain the
rise of that class of immigration by the same rules
which account for the rise of, say, the Germans or
the Poles who came here with no resource but their
ambition and strength. To be sure, many individual
Jews come in that way, too, with no dependence but
themselves, but it would not be true to say that the
massive control of affairs which is exercised by Jewish
wealth was won by individual initiative; it was rather
the extension of financial control across the sea.
That, indeed, is where any explanation of Jewish
control must begin. Here is a race whose entire
period of national history saw them peasants on the
land, whose ancient genius was spiritual rather than
material, bucolic rather than commercial, yet today,
when they have no country, no government, and are
persecuted in one way or another everywhere they go,
they are declared to be the principal though unofficial
rulers of the earth. How does so strange a charge
arise, and why do so many circumstances seem to
justify it?
Begin at the beginning. During the formative
period of their national character the Jews lived under
a law which made plutocracy and pauperism equally
impossible among them. Modern reformers who are
constructing model social systems on paper would do
well to look into the social system under which the
early Jews were organized. The Law of Moses made
a "money aristocracy," such as Jewish financiers form
today, impossible because it forbade the taking of in-
terest. It made impossible also the continuous en-
joyment of profit wrung out of another's distress.
Profiteering and sheer speculation were not favored
under the Jewish svstem. There could be no land-
THE JEW IN CHARACTER AND BUSINESS 13
hogging; the land was apportioned among the people,
and though it might be lost by debt or sold under
stress, it was returned every 50 years to its original
family ownership, at which time, called "The Year of
Jubilee," there was practically a new social beginning.
The rise of great landlords and a moneyed class was
impossible under such a system, although the interim
of 50 years gave ample scope for individual initiative
to assert itself under fair competitive conditions.
If, therefore, the Jews had retained their status as
a nation, and had remained in Palestine under the
Law of Moses, they would hardly have achieved the
financial distinction which they have since won. Jews
nevergotjiclL.oiit^of one ai^ Even in modern
€iraes~fhey~haveiiot become rich out of each other but
out of the nations among whom they dwelt. Jewish
law permitted the Jew to do business with a Gentile
on a different basis than that on which he did business
with a brother Jew. What is called "the Law of the
Stranger" was defined thus: "unto a stranger thou
mayest lend upon usury; but unto thy brother thou
shalt not lend upon usury."
Being dispersed among the nations, but never merg-
ing themselves with the nations and never losing a very
distinctive identity, the Jew has had the opportunity
to practice "the ethics of the stranger" for many cen-
turies. Being strangers among strangers, and often
among cruelly hostile strangers, they have found this
law a compensating advantage. Still, this alone would
not account for the Jew's preeminence in finance. The
explanation of that must be sought in the Jew him-
self, his vigor, resourcefulness and special proclivities.
Very early in the Jewish story we discover the tend-
ency of Israel to be a master nation, with other
nations as its vassals. Notwithstanding the fact that
the whole prophetic purpose with reference to Israel
seems to have been the moral enlightenment of the
world through its agency, Israel's " will to mas j^ry"
apparently hindered that purpose. At least such
would seem to be the tone of the Old Testament.
Divinely ordered to drive out the Canaanites that
their corrupt ideas might not contaminate Israel, the
Jews did not obey, according to the old record. They
looked over the Canaanitish people and perceived
14 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
what great amount of man-power would be wasted if
they were expelled, and so Israel enslaved them — "And
it came to pass, when Israel was strong, that they put
the Canaanites to tribute, and did not utterly drive
them out." It was this form of disobedience, this
preference of material mastery over spiritual leader-
ship, that marked the beginning of Israel's age-long
disciplinary distress.
The Jews' dispersion among the nations tempora-
rily (that is, for more than 25 centuries now) changed
the program which their scriptures declare was divinely
planned, and that dispersion continues until today.
There are spiritual leaders in modern Judaism who
stil^ claim that Israel's mission to the nations is spir-
itual, but their assertions that Israel is today fulfilling
that mission are not as convincing as they might be if
accompanied by more evidence. Israel throughout
the modern centuries is still looking at the Gentile
world and estimating what its man-power can be
made to yield. But the discipline upon Israel still
holds; he is an exile from his own land, condemned to
be discriminated against wherever he goes, until the
time when exile and homelessness shall end in a re-
established Palestine, and Jerusalem again become the
moral center of the earth, even as the elder prophets
have declared.
Had the Jew become an employe, a worker for
other men, his dispersion would not probably have
been so wide. But becoming a trader, his instincts
drew him round the habitable earth. There were
Jews in China at an early date. They appeared as
traders in England at the time of the Saxons. Jewish
traders were in South America 100 years before the
Pilgrim Fathers landed at Plymouth Rock. Jews
established the sugar industry in the Island of St.
Thomas in 1492. They were well established in
Brazil when only a few villages dotted the eastern
coast of what is now the United States. And how far
they penetrated when once they came here is indicated
by the fact that the first white child born in Georgia
was a Jew — Isaac Minis. The Jew's presence round
the earth, his clannishness with his own people, made
him a nation scattered among the nations, a corpora-
tion with agents everywhere.
THE JEW IN CHARACTER AND BUSINESS 15
Another talent, however, contributed greatly to his
rise in financial power — his ability to invent new de-
vices for doing business. Until the Jew was pitted
against the world, business was very crudely done.
And when we trace the origins of many of the business
methods which simplify and facilitate trade today,
more likely than not we find a Jewish name at the end
of the clue. Many of the indispensable instruments
of credit and exchange were thought out by Jewish
merchants, not only for use between themselves, but
to check and hold the Gentiles with whom they dealt.
The oldest bill of exchange extant was drawn by a Jew
— one Simon Rubens. The promissory note was a
Jewish invention, as was also the check "payable to
bearer."
An interesting bit of history attaches to the "pay-
able to bearer" instrument. The Jews' enemies were
always stripping them of their last ounce of wealth, yet
strangely, the Jews recovered very quickly and were
soon rich again. How this sudden recovery from loot-
ing and poverty? Their assets were concealed under
"bearer" and so a goodly portion was always saved.
In an age when it was lawful for any pirate to seize
goods consigned to Jews, the Jews were able to protect
themselves by consigning goods on policies that bore
no names.
The influence of the Jew was to center business
around goods instead of persons. Previously all
claims had been against persons; the Jew knew that
the goods were more reliable than the persons with
whom he dealt, and so he contrived to have claims laid
against goods. Besides, this device enabled him to
keep himself out of sight as much as possible. This
introduced an element of hardness into business, inas^
mucTTas it was goods~which"were being dealt in rather
than men being dealt with, and this hardness remains.
Another tendency which survives and which is of ad-
vantage in veiling the very large control which Jews
have attained, is of the same origin as "bearer" bills;
it permits a business dominated by Jewish capital to
appear under a name that gives no hint of Jewish
control.
The Jew is the only and original international cap-
italist, but as a rule he prefers not to emblazon that
16 THE INTERNA iioNAL JEW
fact upon the skies; he prefers to use Gentile banks
and trust companies as his agents and instruments.
The suggestive term "Gentile front" often appears in
connection with this practice.
The invention of the stock exchange is also credited
to Jewish financial talent. In Berlin, Paris, London,
Frankfort and Hamburg, Jews were in control of the
first stock exchanges, while Venice and Genoa were
openly referred to in the talk of the day as "Jew cities"
where great trading and banking facilities might be
found. The Bank of England was established upon
the counsel and assistance of Jewish emigrants from
Holland. The Bank of Amsterdam and the Bank of
Hamburg both arose through Jewish influence.
There is a curious fact to be noted in connection
with the persecution and consequent wanderings of
the Jews about Europe and that is: wherever they
wandered, the center of business seemed to go with
them. When the Jews were free in Spain, there was
the world's gold center. When Spain drove out the
Jews, Spain lost financial leadership and has never
regained it. Students of the economic history of
Europe have always been puzzled to discover why the
center of trade should have shifted from Spain, Portu-
gal and Italy, up to the northern countries of Holland,
Germany and England. They have sought for the
cause in many things, but none has proved com-
pletely explanatory. When, however, it is known that
the change was coincident with the expulsion of the
Jews from the South and their flight to the North,
when it is known that upon the Jews' arrival the
northern countries began a commercial life which has
flourished until our day, the explanation does not
seem difficult. Time and again it has proved to be
the fact that when the Jews were forced to move, the
center of the world's precious metals moved with them.
This distribution of the Jews over Europe and the
world, each Jewish community linked in a fellow-
ship of blood, faith and suffering with every other
group, made it possible for the Jew to be international
in the sense that no other race or group of merchants
could be at that time. Not only were they every-
where (Americans and Russians are everywhere, too)
but they were in touch. They were organized before
THE JEW IN CHARACTER AND BUSINESS 17
the days of conscious international commercial organi-
zations, they were bound together by the sinews of a
common life. It was observed by many writers in the
Middle Ages that the Jews knew more of what was
transpiring in Europe than the governments did. They
also had better knowledge of what was likely to occur.
They knew more aljout conditions than the statesmen
did. This information they imparted by letter from
group to group, country to country. Indeed, they
may be said thus to have originated unconsciously the
financial news-letter. Certainly the information they
were able to obtain and thus distribute was invaluable
to them in their speculative enterprises. Advance
knowledge was an immense advantage in days when
news was scarce, slow and unreliable.
This enabled Jewish financiers to become the agents
of national loans, a form of business which they en-
couraged wherever possible. The Jew has always de-
sired to have nations for his customers. National
loans were facilitated by the presence of members of
the same family of financiers in various countries, thus
making an interlocking directorate by which king
could be played against king, government against
government, and the shrewdest use made of national
prejudices and fears, all to the no small profit of the
fiscal agent.
One of the charges most commonly made against
Jewish financiers today is that they still favor this
larger field of finance. Indeed, in all the criticism that
is heard regarcUng the Jew as a business man, there is
comparatively little said against him as an individual
merchant serving individual customers. Thousands
of small Jewish merchants are highly respected by
their trade, just as tens of thousands of Jewish families
are respected as our neighbors. The criticism, insofar
as it respects the more important financiers, is not ra-
cial at all. Unfortunately the element of race, which
so easily lends itself to misinterpretation as racial prej-
udice, is injected into the question by the mere fact
that the chain of international finance as it is traced
around the world discloses at every link a Jewish cap-
italist, financial fiamily, or a Jewish-controlled banking
System. Many have professed to see in this circum-
stance a conscious organization of Jewish power for
18 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
Gentile control, while others have attributed the cir-
cumstance to Jewish racial sympathies, to the con-
tinuity of their family affairs down the line of descent,
and to the increase of collateral branches. In the old
Scriptural phrase, Israel grows as the vine grows, ever
shooting out new branches and deepening old roots,
but always part of the one vine.
The Jew's aptitude for dealing with governments
may also be traced to the years of his persecution. He
early learned the power of gold in dealing with mer-
cenary enemies. Wherever he went there followed
him like a curse the aroused antipathy of other peoples.
The Jew was never popular as a race; even the most
fervid Jew will not deny that, howsoever he may ex-
plain it. Individuals have been popular, of course;
many phases of Jewish nature are found to be very
lovable when known; but nevertheless one of the bur-
dens the Jews have had to bear as a race is this burden
of racial unpopularity. Even in modern times, in
civilized countries, in conditions which render persecu-
tion absolutely impossible, this unpopularity exists.
And what is more, the Jew has not seemed to care to
cultivate the friendship of the Gentile masses, due
perhaps to the failures of experience, but due
more likely to his inborn persuasion that he belongs to
a superior race. Whatever the true reason, he has
always placed his main dependence on cultivating
friendship with kings and nobles. What cared the
Jew if the people gnashed their teeth against him,
so long as the king and the court were his friends?
Thus there was always, even through most of the
severely trying times, "a court Jew," one who had
bought by loans and held by the strangle-hold of debt
an entrance to the king's chamber. The policy of the
Jews has always been to "go to headquarters." They
never tried to placate the Russian people, but they did
endeavor to enlist the Russian court. They never
tried to placate the German people, but they did suc-
ceed in permeating the German court. In England
they shrug their shoulders at the outspoken anti-Jew
reactions of the British populace — what care they?
Have they not all of lorddom at their heels, do they not
hold the strings of Britain's purse?
Through this ability of theirs to "go to headquar-
THE JEW IN CHARACTER AND BUSINESS 19
ters" it is possible to account for the stronghold they
got upon various governments and nations. Added to
this ability was, of course, the ability to produce what
the governments wanted. If a government wanted a
loan, the Jew at court could arrange it through Jews
at other financial centers and political capitals. If one
government wanted to pay another government a debt
without risking the precious metal to a mule train
through a robber-infested country, the Jew at court
arranged that too. He transferred a piece of paper
and the debt was paid by the banking house at the for-
eign capital. The first time an army was ever fed in
the modern commissary way, it was done by a Jew —
he ha,d the capital and he had the system ; moreover he
had the delight of having a nation for his customer.
And this tendency, which served the race so well
throughout the troublous centuries, shows no sign of
abatement. Certainly, seeing to what an extent a race
numerically so unimportant influences the various
governments of the world today, the Jew who reflects
upon the disparity between his people's numbers and
their power may be pardoned if he sees in that fact a
proof of their racial superiority.
It may be said also that Jewish inventiveness in
business devices continues to the present time, as
well as Jewish adaptability to changing conditions.
The Jew is credited with being the first to establish
branch houses in foreign countries in order that respon-
sible representatives of the home office might be on the
ground taking instant advantage of every opening.
During the war a great deal was said about the "peace-
ful penetration" which the "German Government"
had effected in the United States by establishing here
branch offices and factories of German firms. The
fact that there were many German branch houses here
is unquestionable. It should be known, however, that
they were not the evidence of German enterprise but of
Jewish enterprise. The old German business houses
were too conservative to "run after customers" even
in the hustling United States, but the Jewish firms were
not, and they came straight to America and hustled.
In due time the competition forced the more conserv-
ative German firms to follow suit. But the idea was
Jewish in its origin, not German.
20 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
Another modern business method whose origin is
credited to Jewish financiers is that by which related
industries are brought together, as for example, if an
electrical power company is acquired, then the street
railway company using the electricity would be ac-
quired too, one purpose being in this way to conserve
all the profit accruing along the fine, from the origina-
tion of the power dowij to the delivery of the street car
ride; but perhaps the main purpose being that, by the
control of the power house the price of current could be
increased to the car company, and by the control of
the car company the cost of a ride could be increased
to the public, the controllers thus receiving an addi-
tional profit all down the line. There is much of this
going on in the world today, and in the United States
particularly. The portion of the business immediately
next to the ultimate consumer explains that its costs
have risen, but it does not explain that the costs
were increased by the owners and not by outsiders who
were forced to do so by economic pressure.
There is apparently in the world today a central
financial force which is playing a vast and closely or-
ganized game, with the world for its table and univer-
sal control for its stakes. The people of civihzed coun-
tries have lost all confidence in the explanation that
"economic conditions" are responsible for all the
changes that occur. Under the camouflage of "eco-
nomic law" a great many phenomena have been ac-
counted for which were not due to any law whatever
except the law of the selfish human will as operated
by a few men who have the purpose and the power to
work on a wide scale with nations as their vassals.
Whatever else may be national, no one today be-
lieves that finance is national. Finance is interna-
tional. Nobody today believes that international
finance is in any way competitive. There are some
independent banking houses, but few strong independ-
ent ones. The great masters, the few whose minds
see clearly the entire play of the plan, control numer-
ous banking houses and trust companies, and one is
used for this while another is used for that, but there
is no disharmony between them, no correction of each
other's methods, no competition in the interests of the
business world. There is as much unity of policy be-
THE JEW IN CHARACTER AND BUSINESS 21
tween the principal banking houses of every country
as there is loetween the various branches of the United
States Post Office — and for the same reason, namely,
they are all operated from the same source and for the
S9,me purpose.
Just before the war Germany bought very heavily
in American cotton and had huge quantities of it tied
up here for export. When war came, the ownership
of that mountainous mass of cotton wealth changed
in one night from Jewish names in Hamburg to Jewish
names in London. At this writing cotton is selling in
England for less than it is selling in the United States,
and the effect of that is to lower the American price.
When the price lowers sufficiently, the market is
cleared of cotton by buyers previously prepared, and
then the price soars to high figures again. In the
meantime, the same powers that have engineered the
apparently causeless strengthening and weakening of
the cotton market, have seized upon stricken Ger-
many to be the sweatshop of the world. Certain
groups control the cotton, lend it to German}^ to be
manufactured, leave a pittance of it there in payment
for the labor that was used, and then profiteer the
length and breadth of the world on the lie that "cot-
ton is scarce." And when, tracing all these anti-
social and colossally unfair methods to their source, it
is found that the responsible parties all have a com-
mon characteristic, is it any wonder that the warning
which comes across the sea — "Wait until America
becomes awake to the Jew!" — has a new meaning?
Certainly, economic reasons no longer explain the
condition in which the world finds itself today. Neither
does the ordinar}^ explanation of "the heartlessness of
capital." Capital has .endeavored as never before to
meet the demands of labor, and labor has gone to
extremes in leading capital to new concessions — but
what has it advantaged either of them? Labor has
heretofore thought that capital was the sky over it,
and it made the sky yield, but behold, there was yet an
higher sky which neither capital nor labor had seen in
their struggles one with another. That sky is so far
unyielding. >
That which we call capital here in America is usual-
ly money used in production, and we mistakenly refer
22 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
to the manufacturer, the manager of work, the pro-
vider of tools and jobsT— we refer to him as the "capi-
talist." Oh, no. He is not the capitalist in the real
sense. Why, he himself must go to capitalists for the
money with which to finance his plans. There is a
power yet above him — a power which treats him far
more callously and holds him in a more ruthless hand
than he would ever dare display to labor. That, in-
deed, is one of the tragedies of these times, that "la-
bor" and "capital" are fighting each other, when the
conditions against which each one of them protests,
and from which each one of them suffers, is not within
their power to remedy at all, unless they find a way to
wrest world control from that group of international
financiers who create and control both these condi-
tions.
There is a super-capitalism which is supported
wholly by the fiction that gold is wealth. There is a
super-government which is allied to no government,
which is free from them all, and yet which has its hand
in them all. There is a race, a part of humanity,
which has never yet been received as a welcome part,
and which has succeeded in raising itself to a power
that the proudest Gentile race has never claimed — not
even Rome in the days of her proudest power. It is
becoming more and more the conviction of men all over
the world that the labor question, the wage question,
the land question cannot be settled until first of all this
matter of an international super-capitalistic govern-
ment is settled.
"To the victor belongs the spoils" is an old saying.
And in a sense it is true that if all this power of con-
trol has been gained and held by a few men of a long-
despised race, then either they are super-men whom it
is powerless to resist, or they are ordinary men whom
the rest of the world has permitted to obtain an undue
and unsafe degree of power. Unless the Jews are
super-men, the Gentiles will have themselves to blame
for what has transpired, and they can look for rectifica-
tion in a new scrutiny of the situation and a candid ex-
amination of the experiences of other countries.
Iisue of May 22, 1920.
Germany's Reaction Against
the Jew
HUMANITY has become wise enough to discuss
those forms of physical sickness over which it
formerly drew the veil of shame and secrecy, but
political hygiene is not so far advanced. The main
source of the sickness of the German national body is
charged to be the influence of the Jews, and although
this was apparent to acute minds years ago, it is now
said to have gone so far as to be apparent to the least
observing. The eruption has broken out on the sur-
face of the body politic, and no further concealment
of this fact is possible. It is the belief of all classes of
the German people that the collapse which has come
since the armistice, and the revolution from which
they are being prevented a recovery, are the result of
Jewish intrigue and purpose. They declare it with
assurance ; they offer a mass of facts to confirm it ; they
believe that history will provide the fullest proof.
The Jew in Germany is regarded as only a guest of
the people; he Jias offended by trying to turn himself
into the host. There are no stronger contrasts in the
world than the pure Germanic and the pure Semitic
races; therefore, there hap been no harmony between
the two in Germany; the German has regarded the
Jew strictly as a guest, while the Jew, indignant at not
being given the privileges of the nation-family, has
cherished animosity against his host. In other coun-
tries the Jew is permitted to mix more readily with the
people, he can amass his control unchallenged; but in
Germany the case was different. Therefore, the Jew
hated the German people; therefore, the countries of
the world which were most dominated by the Jews
showed the greatest hatred of Germany during the re-
cent regrettable war. Jewish hands were in almost
exclusive control of the engines of publicity by which
public opinion concerning the German people was
molded. The sole winners of the war were Jews.
But assertion is not enough; proof is wanted;
24 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
therefore, consider the evidence. What occurred im-
mediately upon the change from the old regime to the
new? The cabinet composed of six men, which sub-
stituted the Minister of State, was dominated by the
Jews Haase and Landsberg. Haase had control of
foreign affairs; his assistant was the Jew Kautsky, a
Czech, who in 1918 was not even a German citizen.
Also associated with Haase were the Jews Cohn and
Herzfeld. The Jew Schiffer was Financial Minister of
State, assisted by the Jew Bernstein. The Secretary
of the Interior was the Jew Preuss, with the Jew Dr.
Freund for his assistant. The Jew Fritz Max Cohen,
who was correspondent of the Frankfurter Zeitung in
Copenhagen, was made government publicity agent.
The kingdom of Prussia duplicated this condition
of affairs. The Jews Hirsch and Rosenfeld dominated
the cabinet, with Rosenfeld controlling the Depart-
ment of Justice, and Hirsch in the Department of the
Interior. The Jew Simon was in charge of the Trea-
sury Department. The Prussian Department of Jus-
tice was wholly manned and operated by Jews. The
Director of Education was the Jew Furtran with the
assistance of the Jew Arndt. The Director of the
Colonial Office was the Jew Meyer-Gerhard. The Jew
Kastenberg was director of the Department of Art.
The War Food Supply Department was directed by
the Jew Wurm, while in the State Food Department
were the Jews Prof. Dr. Hirsch and the Geheimrat Dr.
Stadthagen. The Soldiers' and Workmen's Commit-
tee was directed by the Jew Cohen, with the Jews
Stern, Herz, Lowenberg, Frankel, Israelowicz, Lauben-
heim, Seligsohn, Katzenstein, Laufenberg, Heimann,
Schlesinger, Merz and Weyl having control of various
activities of that committee.
The Jew Ernst is chief of police at Berlin; in the
same office at Frankfurt is the Jew Sinzheimer; in
Munich the Jew Steiner; in Essen the Jew Levy. It
wil! be remembered that the Jew Eisner was President
of Bavaria, his financial minister being the Jew Jaffe.
Bavaria's trade, commerce and industry were in con-
trol of the half-Jew Brentano. The Jews Lipsinsky
and Schwarz were active in the government of Saxony;
the Jews Thalheimer and Heiman in Wurtemberg; the
Jew Fulda in Hessen.
GERMANY'S REACTION AGAINST THE JEW 25
Two delegates sent to the Peace Conference were
Jews and a third was notoriously the tool of Jewish
purposes. In addition Jews swarmed through the Ger-
man delegation as experts and advisors — Max War-
burg, Dr. Von Strauss, Merton, Oskar Oppenheimer,
Dr. Jaffe, Deutsch, Brentano, Bernstein, Struck,
Rathenau, Wassermann and Mendelsohn-Bartholdi.
As to the part which Jews from other countries had
in the Peace Conference, German observers declare
that any candid student may discover by reading the
accounts of impartial non-Jewish recorders of that
event. Only the non-Jewish historians seem to have
been struck by the fact; the multitude of Jewish
writers apparently judged it wise to conceal it.
Jewish influence in German affairs came vstrongly
to the front during the war. It came with all the di-
rectness and attack of a flying wedge, as if previously
prepared. The Jews of Germany were not German
patriots during the war, and although this will not
appear a crime in the eyes of the nations who were op-
posed to Germany, it may throw some light on the
Jew's assertion of patriotic loyalty to the land where
he lives. Thoughtful Germans hold that it is impos-
sible for the Jew to be a patriot, for reasons which will
presently be given.
The point to be considered is the general claim that
the persons already named would not have obtained
the positions in which they were found had it not been
for the Revolution, and the Revolution would not have
come had not they brought it. It is true that there
were unsatisfactory conditions in Germany, but they
could and would have been adjusted by the people
themselves; the conditions which destroyed the peo-
ple's morale and were made impossible of reform were
in control of the Jews.
The principal Jewish influences which are charged
with bringing about the downfall of German order may
be named under three heads: (a) the spirit of Bol-
shevism which masqueraded under the name of Ger-
man Socialism; (b) Jewish ownership and control of"
the Press; (c) Jewish control of the food supply and
the industrial machinery of the country. There was
a fourth, "higher up," but these worked upon the
German people directly.
26 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
As it is possible that German conclusions upon this
matter may be received doubtfully by peoples whose
public opinion has been shaped by Jewish influence, it
may help to quote George Fitter- Wilson, of the Lon-
don Globe, who wrote early in April, 1919, "Bolshe-
vism is the dispossession of the Christian nations of the
world to such an extent that no capital will remain in
the hands of the Christians, that all Jews may jointly
hold the world in their hands and reign wherever they
choose." As early as the second year of the war, Ger-
man Jews were preaching that Germany's defeat was
necessary to the rise of the proletariat, at which time
Strobel declared, "I openly admit that a full victory of
the country would not be in the interest of the Social
Democrats." Everywhere it was preached that "the
exaltation of the proletariat after a won victory is an
impossibility." These instances, out of many, are
cited not to reopen the military question but to show
how the so-called German Jew forgot loyalty to the
country in which he lived and joined the outside Jews
in accomplishing the collapse of Germany, and not
merely, as we shall see, to rid Germany of militarism,
which every thoughtful German desired, but to throw
the country into such confusion as to permit them to
seize control.
The press of Germany echoed this plan of the Jew-
ish spokesmen, at first faintly, then boldly. The Ber-
liner Tageblatt and the Munchner Neuester Nach-
richteri were during the whole war official and semi-
official organs of the government. They were owned
and controlled by Jews, as was also the Frankfurter
Zeitung and a host of smaller papers that were their
spiritual dependents. These .papers, it is charged,
were really German editions of the Jew-controlled
press of the Allied countries, and their purpose was
the same. One of the great pieces of research that
ought to be undertaken for the purpose of showing the
world how its thought is manufactured for it every
day, and for what ulterior purposes, is this union of the
Jewish press, which passes for the Public Press,
throughout the world.
The food and supplies of the people quickly passed
into Jewish hands as soon as the war emergency came,
and then began a period of dishonesty which destroyed
GERMANY'S REACTION AGAINST THE JEW 27
the confidence of tfie bravest. Like all other patriotic
people, the (German people knew that war meant sacri-
fice and sufferino;, and like other people they were will-
ing to share the common lot. But they found them-
selves preyed upon by a class of Jews who had pre-
pared everythino; to make profit out of the common
distress. Immediately Jews appeared in banks, war
companies, distribution societies, and the ministries of
supplies — wherever the life of the people could be
speculated in or taxed. Articles that were plentiful
disappeared, only to reappear again at high prices.
The war companies were exclusively Jewish, and al-
though the government attempted to regulate the out-
go of food in the interests of all the people, it became
notorious that those with money could get all of any-
thing they wanted, regardless of the food cards. The
Jews simply trebled the price of the goods they let go
without the cards, and so kept a stream of the nation's
gold flowing into their private treasuries. None of the
government's estimates of the food stocks could be de-
pended on, because of the hidden hoards on which
these speculators drew. This began to disturb the
morale of the people, and complaints were made and
prosecutions started; but as soon as the cases came
up it was discovered that the prosecutor appointed to
charge and the commissioner appointed to judge were
also Jews, and so the cases usually wore themselves
out without results. When, however, a German mer-
chant was caught, great noise was made about it, and
the penalty placed upon him was equal to what all the
others should have had. Go the length and breadth
of Germany today, say the reports, study the temper
of the people, and you will discover that the abuse of
power by the Jews has burned across Germany's mem-
ory like a hot iron.
While these influences were undermining the mass
of the people, higher influences of Jewish origin were
operating upon the government. The advisers of the
Bethmann-Hollweg government were the great ship
magnate, Ballin, a Jew; Theodor Wolff, of the Berliner
Tageblatt and member of the Pan- Jewish press; Von
Gwinner, director of the German Bank who is ocn-
nected by marriage with the great Jew. bankers, :he
Speyers; and Rathenau, the leader of Jewish Indus-
28 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
trial-financial activities. These men were at the
source of things and were bending the government as
the other influences were bending the people.
The rich German Jew could buy the recognition he
desired by acquiring financial power over those inter-
ests which most directly affected the ruling class of
Germany, but how was the poor Jew to gain the recog-
nition he desired? — for all Jews are actuated by the
same desire; it is in them; they feel the spur to mastery.
Having explored the conquest of the higher circles by
Jewish money-power, there is yet to explore the con-
quest of the body of the nation by Jews who had no
money except what they could seize in the disorder
which they caused. The analysis that is given, fol-
lows :
The Jew is not an anarchist. He is not a destruc-
tionist. All this is true, notwithstanding he is the
world's Bolshevist and preeminently Germany's revo-
lutionist. His anarchy is not ingrain, it is a device
which he uses for a purpose. The rich Jew is not an
anarchist, because he can achieve what he desires by
more subtle methods. The poor Jew has no other re-
course. But rich and poor go jointly for a long stretch;
the bond of sympathy between them never breaks; for,
if the anarchy is successful, then the poor Jew shall
take his place with the rich Jew; and if the anarchy
is not successful, it has nevertheless served to break
up new fields in which the rich Jew may operate.
In Germany it was possible for the poor Jew to
thrust himself up through the wall of Germanism
above him only by breaking it up. In Russia the same
was true. The social system had encrusted around
the Jew, keeping him in a position where, as the na-
tions knew by experience, he would be less harmful.
As nature encysts the harmful foreign element in the
flesh, building a wall around it, so nations have found
it expedient to do with the Jew. In modern times,
however, the Jew has found a means of knocking down
the walls and throwing the whole national house into
confusion, and in the darkness and riot that follows,
seize the place he has long coveted. When Russia
broke, who came first to light? Kerensky, who is a
Jew. But his plans were not radical enough, and then
came Trotsky, another Jew. Trotsky found the sys-
GERMANY'S REACTION AGAINST THE JEW 29
tem too strong for him to break in America — he broke
through the weak spot in Russia and would extend that
weakness round the world. Every commissar in Rus-
sia today is a Jew, Publicists are accustomed to speak
of Russia as if it were in disorder. It may be that
Russia is, but the Jewish government of Russia is not.
From a mass of underlings, the Jews of Russia came up
a perfect phalanx, a flying wedge through the superin-
duced disorder, as if every man's place had been previ-
ously prepared for him.
That also is the way it was in Germany. The Ger-
man ceiling had to be broken, as it were, before the
poor Jews could realize their ambition. When the
break was made they swarmed through and settled in
places of control above the nation.
This may explain why Jews the world over supply
the energy of disruptive movements. It is understood
that the young Jews of the United States are propa-
gandists of an ideal that would practically abolish the
United States. The attack is aimed, of course, against
"capitalism," which means the present government of
the world by the Gentile. The true capitalists of the
world are Jews, who are capitalists for capital's sake.
It is hard to believe that they wish to destroy capital ;
they wish to obtain sole control of it, and their wish
has long been in fair way to fulfillment.
In Germany, therefore, as in Russia, distinction is
made between the methods of the rich and of the poor
Jews, because one method affects the government and
the other the morale of the people, but both converge
on the same objective. It is not only desire to escape
oppression that actuates the lower classes of Jews, but
desire to gain control — for the spirit of mastery pulses
strong within them. German convictions on this ques-
tion have reached the place where they may be ex-
pressed thus: Revolution is the expression of the Jews'
will to power. Parties such as the socialists, democrats
and freethinkers are but tools for the Jewish plan to
power. The so-called "dictatorship of the proletariat"
is really and practically the dictatorship of Jews.
So suddenly have German . eyes been opened, so
stormfully wrathful has been the reaction, that the
word has gone out through German Judaism to retire
to the second trench. There has been a sudden and
30 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
concerted abandonment of office wherever the office
made direct contact with the pubhc; there has, how-
ever, been no abandonment of power. What will hap-
pen in Germany is not now known. Some regrettable
things have already happened. But the ^ermans will
doubtless prove themselves equal to the situation by
devising methods of control at once unobjectionable
and effective. But as to Russia, it is hardly doubtful
any longer what .will happen there. When Russia
turns, a shudder will run through the earth.
How Gentile Germany and Russia look at the en-
tire question may be summarized as follows:
( Judaism is the most closely organized power on
earth, even more than the British Empire. It forms
a State whose citizens are unconditionally loyal
wherever they may be and whether rich or poor.!
The name which is given in Germany to this Srate
which circulates among all the states is "All-Judaan."
The means of power of the State of All-Judaan are
capital and journalism, or money and propaganda.
All-Judaan is the only State that exercises world
government; all the other States can and may exer-
cise national government only.
The principal culture of All-Judaan is journalistic;
the technical, scientific, literary performances of the
modern Jew are throughout journalistic performances.
They are due to the marvelous talent of the Jews for
receptivity of others' ideas. Capital and Journalism
are joined in the Press to create a political and spir-
itual medium of Jewish power.
The government of this state of All-Judaan is won-
derfully organized. Paris was its first seat, but has
now been moved to third place. Before the war Lon-
don was its first, and New York its second capital. It
remains to be seen whether New York will now sup-
plant London — the drift is toward America.
As All-Judaan is not in a position to have a stand-
ing army and navy, other states supply these for it.
Its fleet is the British fleet which guards from hin-
drance the progress of all-Jewish world economy, or
that part of it which depends on the a In return,
All-Judaan assures Britain an undit?t irbed political
and territorial world rule. All-Judaan ! as added Pal-
.estine to British control. Wherever there was an All-
GERMANY'S REACTION AGAINST THE JEW 31
Judaan land force (whatever national uniform it might
wear), it worked with the British navy.
All-Judaan is willing to entrust the government of
various strips of the world to the nationalistic govern-
ments; it only asks to control the governments. Ju-
daism is passionately in favor of perpetuating national-
istic divisions for the Gentile world. For themselves,
Jews never become assimilated with any nation. They
are a separate people, always were and always will be.
All-Judaan's only quarrel with any nation occurs
when that nation makes it impossible for All-Judaan
to control that nation's industrial and financial profits. ,
It can make war, it can make peace; it can command
anarchy in stubborn cases, it can restore order. It
holds the sinews of world power in its hand and it ap-
portions them among the nations in such ways as will
best support All-Judaan's plan.
^Controlling the world's sources of news jAll-Judaan
can always prepare the minds of the people for its next
move. The greatest exposure yet to be made is the
way that news is manufactured and the way in which
the mind of whole nations is molded for a purpose.
When the powerful Jew is at last traced and his hand
revealed, then comes the ready cry of persecution and
it echoes through the world press. The real causes of
the persecution (which is the oppression of the people
by the financial practices of the Jews) are never given
publicity.
All-Judaan has its vice-governments in London and
New York. Having wreaked its revenge on Germany
it will now go forth to conquer other nations. Britain
it already has. Russia it is struggling for, but the
chances are against it. The United States, with its
good-natured tolerance of all races, offers a promising
field. The scene of operations changes, but the Jew
is the same throughout the centuries.
of Mar 29. 1920.
"At first sight it zvould seem as if the eco-
nomic system of North America was the very one
that developed independently of the Jeivs ....
Nevertheless I uphold my assertion that the
United States (perhaps more than any other
land) are filled to the brim with the Jewish spirit.
This is recognised in many quarters, above all in
those best capable of forming a judgment on the
subject ....
"In the face of this fact, is there not some jus-
tification for the opinion that the United States
ozve their very existence to the Jevifs? And if
this be so, how much more can it be asserted that
Jezmsh influence made the United States just
wh-at they are — that is, American? For what we
call Americanism is nothing else, if zue may say
so, than the Jewish spirit distilled."
— Werner Sofnbart, "The Jews and Modern
Capital," pp. 38, 43.
III.
Jewish History in the
United States
THE story of the Jews in America begins with
Christopher Columbus. On August 2, 1492,
more than 300,000 Jews were expelled from Spain, with
which event Spain's prestige began its long decline,
and on August 3, the next day, Columbus set sail for
the West, taking a group of Jews wdth him. They
were not, however, refugees, for the prophetic navi-
gator's plans had aroused the sympathy of influen-
tial Jews for a long period previously. Columbus
himself tells us that he consorted much with Jews.
The first letter he wrote detailing his discoveries was
to a Jew. Indeed, the eventful voyage itself which
added to men's knowledge and wealth "the other half
of the earth" was made possible by Jews.
The pleasant story that it was Queen Isabella's
jewels which financed the voyage has disappeared un-
der cool research. There were three Maranos or
"secret Jews" who wielded great influence at the
Spanish court: Luis de Santagel, who was an im-
portant merchant of Valencia and who was "farmer"
of the royal taxes; his relative, Gabriel Sanchez, who
was the royal treasurer; and their friend, the royal
chamberlain, Juan Cabrero. These worked unceas-
ingly on Queen Isabella's imagination, picturing to her
the depletion of the royal treasury and the likelihood
of Columbus discovering the fabulous gold of the In-
dies, until the Queen was ready to offer her jewels in
pawn for the funds. But Santagel craved permission
to advance tlie money himself, which he did, 17,000
ducats in all, about $20,000, perhaps equal to S160,000
today. It is probable that the loan exceeded the ex-
pedition's cost.
Associated with Columbus in the voyage were at
least five Jews: Luis de Torres, interpreter; Marco, the
surgeon; Bernal, the physician; Alonzo de la Calle, and
Gabriel Sanchez. The astronomical instruments and
maps which the navigators used were of Jewish origin.
Luis de Torres was the first man ashore, the first to
^'4 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
discover the use oi tobacco; he settled in Cuba and
may be said to be the father of Jewish control of the
tobacco business as it exists today.
Columbus' old patrons, Luis de Santagel and Ga-
briel Sanchez, received many privileges for the part
they played in the work, but Columbus himself be-
came the victim of a conspiracy fostered by Bernal,
the ship's doctor, and suffered injustice and imprison-
ment as his reward.
From that beginning, Jews looked more and more
to America as a fruitful field, and immigration set in
strongly toward South America, principally Brazil.
But because of military participation in a disagreement
between the Brazilians and the Dutch, the Jews of
Brazil found it necessary to emigrate, which they did
in the direction of the Dutch colony of what is now
New York. Peter Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor,
did not entirely approve of their settling among his
people and ordered them to leave, but the Jews had
evidently taken the precaution to assure their being
received even if not welcomed, because upon revoking
the order of Stuyvesant, the Directors gave as one of
the reasons for the Jews being received, "the large
amount of capital which they have invested in the
shares of the Company." Nevertheless they were for-
bidden to enter public service and to open retail shops,
which had the effect of driving them into foreign trade
in which they were soon exercising all but a monopoly
because of their European connections.
This is only one of the thousand illustrations which
can be given of the resourcefulness of the Jew. For-
bid him in one direction, he will excel in another.
When he was forbidden to deal in new clothes, he sold
old clothes — that was the beginning of the organized
traffic in secondhand clothing. When he was for-
bidden to deal in merchandise, he dealt in waste —
the Jew is the originator of the waste product bus-
iness of the world; he was the originator of the salvage
system; he found wealth in the debris of civilization.
He taught people how to use old rags, how to clean
old feathers, how to use gall nuts and rabbit skins.
Ha has always had a taste for the furrier trade, which
he now controls, and to him is due the multitude of
common skins which now pass under various alluring
JEWISH HISTORY IN THE UNITED STATES 35
trade names as furs of high origin. The idea of reno-
vation gained commercial value through the Jew. In
the "rag men" who blow tin horns through our cities
and save the old iron, old bottles, old paper and old
fabrics, we have the commercial descendants of these
earlier Jews who turned adversit}^ into success by con-
verting the rubbish of the earth into material of value.
Unwittingly, old Peter Stuyvesant compelled the
Jew to make New York the principal port of America,
and though a majority of New York Jews had fled to
Philadelphia at the time of the American Revolution,
most of them returned to New York at the earliest
opportunity, instinct seeming to make them aware
that in New York was to be their principal paradise of
gain. And so it has proved. New York is the great-
est center of Jewish population in the world. It is the
gateway where the bulk of American imports and ex-
ports are taxed, and where practically all the business
done in America pays tribute to the masters of money.
The very land of the city is practically the holdings of
the Jews. A list of the property owners of the me-
tropolis reveals only at rare intervals a Gentile name.
No wonder that Jewish writers, viewing this unprec-
edented prosperity, this unchecked growth in wealth
and power, exclaim enthusiastically that the United
States is the Promised Land foretold by the prophets,
and New York the New Jerusalem. Some have gone
even further and described the peaks of the Rockies
as "the mountains of Zion," and with reason, too, if
the mining and coastal wealth of the Jews is con-
sidered.
The new v/aterways proposal, which will make an
ocean port of practically every great city on the Great
Lakes and take from New York the prestige she has
maintained by being the gateway toward which the
principal railways narrowed, is being strongly pro-
tested at this time. And the strongest motive in op-
posing this most obvious betterment is that so much
wealth counted in New York is not wealth at all, but
fictitious values depending solely on New York re-
maining New York. When anything comes which will
make New York merely a city on the coast, and not
the city where the great taxers sit to levy their tribute,
much Jewish wealth will decrease. It was fabulous
36 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
before the war. What it is now the statisticians will
hardly undertake to say.
In fifty years the increase in the Jewish population
of the United States has been from 50,000 to more
than 3,300,000. In the British Isles there are only
300,000, in Palestine only 100,000. It is fortunate for
the Jew himself that in Great Britain his numbers are
not greater, for the large and evident control he ex-
ercises in great matters would sometimes make it in-
convenient for the poorer Jew, if he were abroad in
England in large numbers. An unusually well-in-
formed Briton says that anti-Semitism is always ready
to break out in England upon sufficient cause, but it
cannot break out against the inaccessible rich Jews
who control in politics and international finance. It
is probably true that the commonest real cause of
anti-Semitism is the action of the international Jew
who is often unknown and always secure, but the
innocent victim of it is the poor Jew. Anti-Semitism,
however, will be considered in the next article.
The figures representing Jewish population in Great
Britain and the United States indicate that the colos-
sal power wielded by international Jewish financiers is
neither consequent nor dependent upon their number.
The arresting fact about the Jew is his world-wide un-
challenged power, coupled with comparative numerical
inferiority. There are only about 14,000,000 Jews in
the world; they are about as numerous as the Koreans.
This comparison of their numbers with the Koreans
will illustrate still more vividly the phenomenon of
their power.
In the time of George Washington there were about
4,000 Jews in the country, most of them well-to-do
traders. For the most part they favored the American
side. Haym Salomon helped the Colonies out with
the loan of his entire fortune at a critical moment.
But they never assimilated, they did not take up the
usual employments nor farming, they never seemed to
care for the worry of manufacturing things, but only
for the selling of them after they were made.
It is only of recent years the Jew has shown any
capacity for manufacturing, and most of what he now
engages in has grown up as an adjunct to his mer-
chandising plans. By manufacturing, he saves a
JEWISH HISTORY IN THE UNITED STATES 37
profit. The result has not been a decrease in cost to
the public, but an increase. It is characteristic of
Jewish business methods that economies are for the
sake of the business, not for the sake of the public.
The commodities in which there have been the most
inexcusable and exorbitant increases in prices to the
public, and the lines of business which have been most
quickly frightened into lower prices without any ex-
planatory change in the general situation, have been
those fines in which Jews exercise the widest control.
Business to the Jewish mind is money; what the
successful Jew may do with his money after he gets
it is another matter, but in the getting of it he never
permits "idealistic slush" to interfere with the dollar.
His dollar of profit is never "clipped" by any of the
voluntary reforms by which a few men are trying to
ameliorate the condition of the workers.
This is not by any means due to the hardness of
the Jewish heart, but to the hardness of the Jewish
view of business. Business is to it a matter of goods
and money, not of people. If you are in distress and
suffering, the Jewish heart would have sympathy for
you; but if your house were involved in the matter,
you and your house would be two separate entities;
the Jew would naturally find it difficult, in his theory
of business, to humanize the house; he would deal with
it after a manner which other people would call
"hard," but he would not feel the charge to be just;
he would say that it was only "business."
It is probably this way that the Jewish "sweat-
shops" of New York may be explained. When the
susceptible people of the nation commiserated the poor
Jews of the New York sweatshops, they for the most
part did not know that the inventors and operators of
the "sweatshop" method were themselves Jews. In-
deed, while it is the boast of our country that no race
or color or creed is persecuted here, but liberty is in-
sured to all, still it is a fact which every special in-
vestigator has noted that the only heartless treatment
ever accorded the Jew in the United States came from
his own people, his overseers and masters. And yet
there is no evidence that either the "sweater" or the
"sweated" ever thought of it as inhumanity or as
"heartless." It was "business." The "sweated"
38 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
lived in the hope of having a roomful of people sewing
for him or her some day. Their endlessly vital inter-
est in "business" and their unflagging ambition to get
further up the ladder and become masters in their own
sweatshop, enabled them to work without the slightest
sense of oppression or injustice which, after all, is the
sorest thing about poverty. The Jews never regard
work as a calamity, but neither do they regard subor-
dinate positions as permanently theirs. Thus, they
spend their energies in getting up and out rather than
in lamenting the inconveniences of the place where
they are and trying to improve it.
All this is individually excellent but socially harm-
ful. The result is that, until recently, the lower ranges
of employment were wholly unsupervised, and the
higher circles never felt the necessity of devising in-
dustrial reforms and benefits. The record of the great
Jews in charity is very noble; their record in industrial
reforms is nil. With commendable sympathy toward
their own people they will donate a part of their profits
to rectify some of the human need resulting from the
method by which they made their profits, but as for
reforming the method by which they get their profits
in order that the resulting need might be diminished or
prevented, apparently it has never occurred to them.
At least, while there are many charitable names among
the wealthier Jews, there are no names that stand for
an actual, practical humanizing of industry, its meth-
ods and its returns.
This, of course, is unfortunate; but it is intelligible;
more than that, it is explanatory of many things for
which the Jew is blamed by those who do not under-
stand his nature. The Jew will go part way in sharing
the results of his prosperity; he has not gone any
length, save upon outer compulsion, in sharing the
processes, or sharing wealth in the making. And while
the social effect is the same as if this were done out of
cruel insensibihty and inhumanity, still it must be said
that mostly it is done not out of such feelings, but out
of the Jew's ingrain conception of the game of bus-
iness. Some proposals of industrial reform appear as
crazy to him as would a proposal to credit one base-
ball batter's hit to his opponent's score, just as a
matter of humanity.
JEWISH HISTORY IN THE UNITED STATES 3^
The American Jew does not assimilate. This is
stated, not to blame him, but merely as a fact. The
Jew could merge with the people of America if he de-
sired, but he doesn't. If there is any prejudice exist-
ing against him in America, aside from the sense of
inquiry which his colossal success engenders, it is be-
cause of his aloofness. The Jew is not objectionable
in his person, creed, or race. His spiritual ideals are
shared by the world. But still he does not assimilate;
he cultivates by his exclusiveness the feeling that he
does not "belong." This is his privilege, and from one
point of view it may indicate excellent judgment, but
he must not make it one of the grounds of his com-
plaint against Gentiles in general, as he has a tendency
to do. It is better that he should make it clear to
Gentiles once and for all where true Jews stand in
the matter, as when a young Jew said — "There is all
the difference in the world between an American Jew
and a Jewish American. A Jewish American is a mere
amateur Gentile, doomed to be a parasite forever."
The ghetto is not an American product but the
Jews' own importation. They have separated them-
selves into a distinct community. Speaking of this
matter the Jewish Encyclopedia says: "The social
organization of the Jews resident in America has dif-
fered little from that in other countries * * * jn the
main, and without any compulsion, Jews preferred to
live in close proximity to one another, a peculiarity
which still prevails."
To make a list of the lines of business controlled
by the Jews of the United States would be to touch
most of the vital industries of the country — those
which are really vital, and those which cultivated habit
has made to seem vital. The theatrical business, of
course, as everyone knows, is exclusively Jewish, Play-
producing, booking, theater operation are all in the
hands of Jews. This perhaps accounts for the fact
that in almost every production today can be detected
propaganda, sometimes glaringly commercial adver-
tisement, which does not originate with playwrights,
but with producers.
The motion picture industry.
The sugar industry.
The tobacco industry.
40 THE INTERNATIOXAL JEW
Fifty per cent or more of the meat packing in-
dustry.
Upward of 60 per cent of the shoemaking in-
dustry.
Men's and women's ready-made clothing.
Most of the musical purveying done in the coun-
try.
Jewelry.
Grain.
More recently, cotton.
The Colorado smelting industry.
Magazine authorship.
News distribution.
The liquor business.
The loan business.
These, only to name the industries with national
and international sweep, are in control of the Jews of
the United States, either alone or in association with
Jews overseas.
The American people would be vastly surprised if
they could see a line-up of some of the "American
business men" who hold up our commercial prestige
overseas. They are mostly Jews. They have a keen
sense of the value of the American name, and when in
a foreign port you stroll up to the office which bears
the sign, "American Importing Company," or "Amer-
ican Commercial Company," or other similarly non-
committal names, hoping to find a countryman, an
American, you usually find a Jew whose sojourn in
America appears to have been all too brief. This may
throw a sidelight on the regard in which "American
business methods" are held in some parts of the world.
When 30 or 40 different races of people can carry on
business under the name "American," and do it le-
gally, too, it is not surprising that Americans do not
recognize some of the descriptions of American meth-
ods which appear in the foreign press. The Germans
long ago complained that the rest of the world was
judging them by the German-speaking Jewish com-
mercial traveler.
Instances of Jewish prosperity in the United States
are commonplace, but prosperity, the just reward of
foresight and application, is not to be confounded with
control. The prosperity of the Jews can be had by
JEWISH HISTORY IN THE UNITED STATES 41
any one who is willing to pay the price which the Jews
pay for it — a very, very high price, as a rule, all things
considered — but it would be impossible for any Gen-
tile coalition under similar circumstances to attain the
control which the Jews have won, for the reason that
there is lacking in the Gentile a certain quality of work-
ing-togetherness, a certain conspiracy of objective, and
the adhesiveness of intense raciality, which character-
izes the Jew. It is nothing to a Gentile that another
man is a Gentile; it is next to everything to a Jew that
the man at his door is another Jew. So, if instances
of Jewish prosperity were needed, the case of the Tem-
ple Emmanu-el, New York, might be cited, which in
1846 could scarcely raise $1,520 for its budget, but in
1868, following the Civil War, raised $708,755 from the
rental of 231 pews. And the rise of the Jewish cloth-
ing monopoly as one of the results of the same Civil
War might be cited as an instance of prosperity plus
national and international control.
Indeed, it might be said that the Jew has succeeded
in everything he has attempted in the United States,
except farming. The explanation usually made in
Jewish publications is that ordinary farming is far too
simple to engage the Jew's intellect and therefore he
is not enough interested in it to succeed, but that\jn
dairy and cattle farming where the "brain" is more
necessary he has made a success. Numerous attempts
have been made in various parts of the United States
to start Jewish farming colonies, but their story is a
series of failures. Some have blamed the failures on
the Jew's lack of knowledge of scientific farming, others
on his distaste for manual labor, others on the lack of
the speculative element in agriculture. In any case,
he stands higher in the non-productive employments
than in this basically productive one. Some students
of the question state that the Jew never was a man of
the land, but always a trader, for which assertion one
of the proofs offered is the Jews' selection of Palestine
as their country, that strip of land which formed a
gateway between East and West and over which the
overland traffic of the world passed.
luoe of June 5, 1920.
'"The Jewish Question still exists. It would be
useless to deny it ... . The Jcivish Question ex-
ists wherever Jews live in perceptible numbers.
Where it does not exist, it is carried by Jczvs
in the course of their migrations. We naturally
move to those places where zve are not persecuted,
and there our presence produces persecution J . . .
The unfortunate Jczus are nozv carrying anti-
Semitism into England; they have already intro-
duced it into America."
— Theodor Herd, "A Jewish State," p. 4.
IV
The Jewish Question— Fact
or Fancy?
THE chief difRculty in writing about the Jewish
Question is the supersensitiveness of Jews and non-
Jews concerning the whole matter. There is a vague
feeling that even to openly use the word "Jew," or
to expose it nakedly to print, is somehow improper.
Polite evasions like "Hebrew" and "Semite," both of
which are subject to the criticism of inaccuracy, are
timidly essayed, and people pick their way gingerly as
if the whole subject were forbidden, until some coura-
geous Jewish thinker comes straight out with the
good old word "Jew," and then the constraint is re-
lieved and the air cleared. The word "Jew" is not an
epithet; it is a name, ancient and honorable, with sig-
nificance for every period of human history, past, pres-
ent and to come.
There is extreme sensitiveness about the pubhc dis-
cussion of the Jewish Question on the part of Gentiles.
They would prefer to keep it in the hazy borderlands
of their thought, shrouded in silence. Their heritage
of tolerance has something to do with their attitude,
but perhaps their instinctive sense of the difficulty in-
volved has more to do with it. The principal public
Gentile pronouncements upon the Jewish Question are
in the manner of the truckling politician or the pleasant
after-dinner speaker; the great Jewish- names in phil-
osophy, medicine, literature, music and finance are
named over, the energy, ability and thrift of the race
are dwelt upon, and everyone goes home feeling that
a difficult place has been rather neatly negotiated.
But nothing is changed thereby. The Jew is not
changed. The Gentile is not changed. The Jew still
remains the enigma of the world.
Gentile sensitiveness on this point is best expressed
by the desire for silence — "Why discuss it at all?" is
the attitude. Such an attitude is itself a proof that
there is a problem which we would evade if we could.
44 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
"Why discuss it at all?" — the keen thinker clearly sees
in the implications of such a question, the existence of
a problem whose discussion or suppression will not
always be within the choice of easy-going minds.
Is there a Jewish Question in Russia? Unques-
tionably, in its most virulent form. Is it necessary
to meet that Question in Russia? Undoubtedly, meet
it from every angle along which light and healing
may come.
Well, the percentage of the Jewish population of
Russia is just one per cent more than it is in the
United States. The majority of the Jews themselves
are not less well-behaved in Russia than they are here ;
they lived under restrictions which do not exist here;
yet in Russia their genius has enabled them to attain
a degree of power which has completely baffled the
Russian mind. Whether you go to Rumania, Rus-
sia, Austria or Germany, or anywhere else that the
Jewish Question has come to the forefront as a vital
issue, you will discover that the principal cause is the
outworking of the Jewish genius to achieve the power
of control.
Here in the United States it is the fact of this re-
markable minority — a sparse Jewish ingredient of three
per cent in a nation of 110,000,000 — attaining in 50
years a degree of control that would be impossible to a
ten times larger group of any other race, that creates
the Jewish Question here. Three per cent of any
other people would scarcely occasion comment, be-
cause we could not meet with a representative of them
wherever we went in high places — in the innermost
secrecy of the councils of the Big Four at Versailles;
in the supreme court; in the councils of the White
House; in the vast dispositions of world finance —
wherever there is power to get or use. Yet we meet
the Jew everywhere in the upper circles, literally every-
where there is power. He has the brains, the initia-
tive, the penetrative vision which almost automati-
cally project him to the top, and as a consequence
he is more marked than any other race.
And that is where the Jewish Question begins. It
begins in very simple terms — How does the Jew so
habitually and so resistlessly gravitate to the highest
places? What puts him there? Why is he put there?
THE JEWISH QUESTION— FACT OR FANCY? 45
What does he do there? What does the fact of his
being there mean to the world?
That is the Jewish Question in its origin. From
these points it goes on to others, and whether the
trend becomes pro-Jewish or anti-Semitic depends on
the amount of prejudice brought to the inquiry, and
whether it becomes pro-Humanity depends on the
amount of insight and intelligence.
The use of the word Humanity in connection with
the word Jew usually throws a side-meaning which
may not be intended. In this connection it is usually
understood that the humanity ought to be shown to-
ward the Jew. There is just as great an obligation
upon the Jew to show his humanity toward the whole
race. The Jew has been too long accustomed to think
of himself as exclusively the claimant on the humani-
tarianism of society; society has a large claim against
him that he cease his exclusiveness, that he cease ex-
ploiting the world, that he cease making Jewish groups
the end and all of his gains, and that he begin to ful-
fill, in a sense his exclusiveness has never yet enabled
him to fulfill, the ancient prophecj'- that through him
all the nations of the earth should be blessed.
The Jew cannot go on forever filling the role of
suppliant for the world's humanitarianism; he must
himself show that quality to a society which seriously
suspects his higher and more powerful groups of ex-
ploiting it with a pitiless rapacity which in its wide-
flung and long drawn-out distress may be described as
an economic pogrom against a rather helpless hu-
manity. For it is true that society is as helpless be-
fore the well-organized extortions of certain financial
groups, as huddled groups of Russian Jews were help-
less against the anti-Semitic mob. And as in Russia,
so in America, it is the poor Jew who suffers for the
delinquencies of the rich exploiter of his race.
This series of articles is already being met by an
organized barrage by mail and wire and voice, every
single item of which carries the wail of persecution.
One would think that a heartless and horrible attack
were being made on a most pitiable and helpless people
— until one looks at the letterheads of the magnates
who write, and at the financial ratings of those who
protest, and at the membership of the organizations
46 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
whose responsible heads hysterically demand retrac-
tion. And always in the background there is the
threat of boycott, a threat which has practically sealed
up the columns of every publication in America against
even the mildest discussion of the Jewish Question,
The Jewish Question in America cannot be con-
cealed forever by threats against publications, nor by
the propagandist publication of matter extremely and
invariably favorable to everything Jewish. It is here
and it cannot be twisted into something else by the
adroit use of propaganda, nor can it be forever silenced
by threats. The Jews of the United States can best
serve themselves and their fellow-Jews all over the
world by letting drop their far too ready cry of "anti-
Semitism," by adopting a franker tone than that which
befits a helpless victim, and by seeing what the Jewish
Question is and how it behooves every Jew who loves
his people to help solve it.
There has been used in this series the term "Inter-
national Jew." It is susceptible of two interpreta-
tions: one, the Jew wherever he may be; the other, the
Jew who exercises international control. The real
contention of the world is with the latter and his
satellites, whether Jew or Gentile.
Now, this international type of Jew, this grasper
after world-control, this actual possessor and wielder
of world-control is a very unfortunate connection for
his race to have. The most unfortunate thing about
the international Jew, from the standpoint of the
ordinary Jew, is that the international type is also a
Jew. And the significance of this is that the type
does not grow anywhere else than on a Jewish stem.
There is no other racial nor national type which puts
forth this kind of person. It is not merely that there
are a few Jews among international financial control-
lers; it is that these world controllers are exclusively
Jews. That is the phenomenon which creates an un-
fortunate situation for those Jews who are not and
never shall be world-controllers, who are the plain
people of the Jewish race. If world-control were mix-
ed, like the control, say, of the biscuit business, then
the occasional Jews we might find in those higher
financial altitudes would not constitute the problem at
all; the problem would then be limited to the existence
THE JEWISH QUESTION— FACT OR FANCY? 47
of world-control in the hands of a few men, of what-
ever race or lineage they might be. But since world-
control is an ambition which has only been achieved
by Jews, and not by any of the methods usually adopt-
ed by would-be world conquerors, it becomes inevit-
able that the question should center in that remark-
able race.
This brings another difficulty: in discussing this
group of world-controllers under the name of Jews
(and they are Jews), it is not always possible to stop
and distinguish the group of Jews that is meant. The
candid reader can usually determine that, but the Jew
who is in a state of mind to be injured is sometimes
pained by reading as a charge against himself what
was intended for the upper group. "Then why not
discuss the upper group as financiers and not as Jews?"
may be asked. Because they are Jews. It is not to
the point to insist that in any list of rich men there are
more Gentiles than Jews; we are not talking about
merely rich men who have, many of them, gained their
riches by serving a System, we are talking about those
who Control — and it is perfectly apparent that merely
to be rich is not to control. The world-controUing
Jew has riches, but he also has something much more
powerful than that.
The international Jew, as already defined, rules not
because he is rich, but because in a most marked de-
gree he possesses the commercial and masterful genius
of his race, and avails himself of a racial loyalty and
solidarity the like of which exists in no other human
group. In other words, transfer today the world-con-
trol of the international Jew to the hands of the high-
est commercially talented group of Gentiles, and the
whole fabric of world-control would eventually fall to
pieces, because the Gentile lacks a certain quality, be
it human or divine, be it natural or acquired, that the
Jew possesses.
This, of course, the modern Jew denies. There is
a new position taken by the modernists among the
Jews which constitutes a denial that the Jew differs
from any other man except in the matter of religion.
"Jew" they say is not a racial designation, but a re-
ligious designation like "Episcopalian," "Catholic,"
"Presbyterian." This is the argument used in news-
48 THE INl\tiMVATIONAL JEW
paper offices in the Jews' protests against giving the
Jewish designation to those of their people who are
implicated in crime — "You don't give the religious
classifications of other people who are arrested," the
editor is told, **why should you do it with Jews?" The
appeal to religious tolerance always wins, and is some-
times useful in diverting attention from other things.
Well, if the Jews are only religiously differentiated
from the rest of the world, the phenomenon grows
stranger still. For the rest of the world is interested
less in the Jew's religion than in anything else that
concerns him. There is really nothing in his religion
to differentiate the Jew from the rest of mankind, as
far as the moral content of that religion is concerned,
and if there were he would have overcome that by
the fact that his Jewish religion supplies the moral
structure for both of the other great religions. More-
over, it is stated that there are among English speaking
nations 2,000,000 Jews who acknowledge their race and
not their religion, while 1,000,000 are classed as ag-
nostic — are these any less Jews than the others? The
world does not think so. The authoritative students
of human differences do not think so. An Irishman
who grows indifferent to the Church is still an Irish-
man, and it would seem to be equally true that a Jew
who grows indifferent to the Synagogue is still a Jew.
He at least feels that he is, and so does the non-Jew.
A still more serious challenge would arise if this
contention of the modernists we.re true, for it would
necessitate the explanation of these world-controlling
Jews by their religion. We should have to say, "They
excel through their religion," and then the problem
would turn on the religion whose practice should bring
such power and prosperity to its devotees. But an-
other fact would intervene, namely, that these world-
controlling Jews are not notably religious; and still an-
other fact would hammer for recognition, namely, the
most devout believers and most obedient followers of
the Jewish religion are the poorest among the Jews.
If you want Jewish orthodoxy, the bracing morality of
the Old Testament, you will find it, not among the
successful Jews, who have Unitarianized their religion
to the same extent that the Unitarians have Judaized
their Christianity, but among the poor in the side
THE JEWISH QUESTION— FACT OR FANCY? 49
streets who still sacrifice the Saturday business for
their Sabbath keeping. Certainly their religion has
not given them world-control; instead, they have made
their own sacrifices to keep it inviolate against modern-
ism.
Of course, if the Jew differs from the rest of man-
kind only when he is in full accord with his religion,
the question becomes very simple. Any criticism of
the Jew becomes sheer religious bigotry and nothing
else! And that would be intolerable. But it would
be the consensus of thoughtful opinion that the Jew
differs less in his rehgion than in anything else. There
is more difference between the two great branches of
Christianity, more conscious difference, than between
any branch of Christianity and Judaism.
So that, the contention of certain modernists not-
withstanding, the world will go on thinking of the Jew
as a member of a race, a race whose persistence has
defeated the utmost efforts made for its extermination,
a race that has preserved itself in virility and power by
the observance of those natural laws the violation of
which has mongrelized so many nations, a race which
has come up out of the past with the two great moral
values which may be reckoned on monotheism and mo-
nogamy, a race which today is before us as the visible
sign lOf an antiquity to which all our spiritual wealth
harks back. Nay, the Jew will go on thinking of
himself as the member of a people, a nation, a race.
And all the mixture and intermixture of thought or
faith or custom cannot make it otherwise. A Jew is a
Jew and as long as he remains within his perfectly
unassailable traditions, he will remain a Jew. And he
will always have the right to feel that to be a Jew is
to belong to a superior race.
These world-controlling Jews at the top of affairs,
then, are there by virtue of, among other things, cer-
tain qualities which are inherent in their Jewish na-
tures. Every Jew has these qualities even if not in the
supreme sense, just as every Englishman has Shake-
speare's tongue but not in Shakespeare's degree. And
thus it is impracticable, if not impossible, to consider
the international Jew without laying {he foundations
broadly upon Jewish character and psychology.
We may discount at once the too common libel that
50 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
this greater form of Jewish success is built upon dis-
honesty. It is impossible to indict the Jewish people
or any other people on a wholesale charge. No one
knows better than the Jew how widespread is the no-
tion that Jewish methods of business are all unscrupu-
lous. There is no doubt a possibility of a great deal of
unscrupulousness existing without actual legal dishon-
esty, but it is altogether possible that the reputation
the Jewish people have long borne in this respect may
have had other sources than actual and persistent dis-
honesty.
We may indicate one of these possible sources.
The Jew at a trade is naturally quicker than most other
men. They say there are other races which are as
nimble at a trade as is the Jew, but the Jew does not
live much among them. In this connection one may
remember the famous joke about the Jew who went
to Scotland.
Now, it is human nature for the slower man to
believe that the quicker man is too deft by far, and
to become suspicious of his deftness. Everybody sus-
pects the "sharper" even though his sharpness be en-
tirely honest. The slower mind is likely to conceive
that the man who sees so many legitimate twists and
turns to a trade, may also see and use a convenient
number of illegitimate twists and turns. Moreover,
there is always the ready suspicion that the one who
gets "the best of the bargain" gets it by trickery
which is not above board. Slow, honest, plain-spoken
and straight-dealing people always have their doubts
of the man who gets the better of it.
The Jews, as the records for centuries show, were a
keen people in trade. They were so keen that many
regarded them as crooked. And so the Jew became
disliked for business reasons, not all of which were
creditable to the intelligence or initiative of his ene-
mies.
Take, for example, the persecution which Jew mer-
chants once suffered in England. In older England
the merchant class had many easy-going traditions.
One tradition was that a respectable tradesman would
never seek business but wait for it to come to him.
Another tradition was that to decorate one's store
window with lights or colors, or to display one's stock
THE JEWISH QUESTION— FACT OR FANCY? 51
of goods attractively in the view of the public, was a
contemptible and underhanded method of tempting a
brother tradesman's customers away from him. Still
another tradition was that it was strictly unethical and
unbusinesslike to handle more than one line of goods.
If one sold tea, it was the best reason in the world why
he should not sell teaspoons. As for advertising, the
thing would have been so brazen and bold that public
opinion would have put the advertiser out of business.
The proper demeanor for a merchant was to seem re-
luctant to part with his goods.
One may readily imagine what happened when the
Jewish merchant bustled into the midst of this jungle
of traditions. He simply broke them all. In those
days tradition had all the force of a divinely promul-
gated moral law and in consequence of his initiative
the Jew was regarded as a great offender. A man who
would break those trade traditions would stop at noth-
ing! The Jew was anxious to sell. If he could not
sell one article to a customer, he had another on hand
^to offer him. The Jews' stores became bazaars, fore-
runners of our modern department stores, and the old
Enghsh custom of one store for one line of goods was
broken up. The Jew went after trade, pursued it, per-
suaded it. He was the originator of "a quick turnover
and small profits." He originated the installment
plan. The one state of affairs he could not endure was
business at a standstill, and to start it moving he
would do anything. He was the first advertiser — in
a day when even to announce in the public prints the
location of your store was to intimate to the public
that you were in financial difficulties, were about to go
to the wall and were trying the last desperate expedi-
ent to which no self-respecting merchant would stoop.
It was as easy as child's play to connect this energy
with dishonesty. The Jew was not playing the game,
at least so the staid English merchant thought. As a
matter of fact he was playing the game to get it all
in his own hands — which he has practically done.
The Jew has shown that same ability ever since.
His power of analyzing the money currents amounts to
an instinct. His establishment in one country repre-
sented another base from which the members of his
race could operate. Whether by the natural outwork-
52 THE INTERNi^TIOXAL JEW
ing of innate gifts, or the deliberate plan of race unity
and loyalty, all Jewish trading communities had rela-
tions, and as these trading communities increased in
wealth, prestige and power, as they formed relations
with governments and great interests in the countries
where they operated, they simply put more power into
the central community wherever it might be located,
now in Spain, now in Holland, now in England.
Whether by intention or not, they became more close-
ly allied than the branches of one business could be,
because the cement of racial unity, the bond of racial
brotherhood cannot in the very nature of things exist
among the Gentiles as it exists among the Jews. Gen-
tiles never think of themselves as Gentiles, and never
feel that they owe anything to another Gentile as
such. Thus they have been convenient agents of Jew-
ish schemes at times and in places when it was not ex-
pedient that the Jewish controllers should be pubhcly
known; but they have never been successful competi-
tors of the Jew in the field of world-control.
From these separated Jewish communities went
power to the central community where the master
bankers and the master analysts of conditions lived.
And back from the central community flowed informa-
tion of an invaluable character and assistance wherever
needed. It is not difficult to understand how, under
such a condition, the nation that did not deal kindly
with the Jews was made to suffer, and the nation
that yielded to them their fullest desire was favored
by them. And it is credibly stated that they have
made certain nations feel the power of their dis-
pleasure.
This system, if it ever existed, exists in greater
power today. It is today, however, threatened as it
has never been. Fifty years ago, international bank-
ing, which was mostly in control of the Jews as the
money brokers of the world, was on top of business.
It exercised the supercontrol of governments and
finance everywhere. Then came that new thing, In-
dustry, which expanded to a degree unguessed by the
shrewdest prophets and analysts. As Industry gath-
ered strength and power it became a powerful money
magnet, drawing the wealth of the world in its train,
not, however, merely for the sake of possessing the
THE JEWISH QUESTION'— FACT OR FAXCY? S3
money, but of making it work. Production and profit
on production, instead of loans and interest on loans,
became the master method for a time. The war came,
in which the former broker-masters of the world had
undoubtedly their large part. And now the two forc-
es, Industry and Finance, are in a struggle to see
whether Finance is again to become the master, or
creative Industry. This is one of the elements which
is bringing the Jewish Question to the bar of public
opinion.
To state this and to prove it may be nothing more
than to establish the superiority of Jewish ability.
Certainly it is not a tenable position to say that the
Jew is extraordinarily successful and therefore must
be curbed. It would be equally aside from the truth
to say that the co-ordination of Jewish activity has
been, on the whole, a harmful thing for the world. It
may be possible to show that up to this point it has
been useful. Success cannot be attacked nor con-
demned. If any moral question arises at all, it must
concern the use made of the success which has been
attained. The whole matter centers there, after the
previous fact is estabhshed. May the Jew go on as
he has gone, or does his duty to the world require
another use of his success?
This inquiry obviously leads to further discussion,
as well as a gathering up of the remaining threads
of the present discussion, which future articles will
attempt to do.
"To this end we must organise. Organise, in
the first place, so that the world may have proof
of the extetit and the intensity of our desire for
liberty. Organise, in the second place, so that
our resources may become knoivn and be made
available ....
"Organise, organise, organise, until every Jew
must stand up and be counted — counted zvith us,
or prove hitnself, zvittingly or unwittingly, of the
few who are against their own people."
— Louis D. Brandeis, Justice of the United
States Supreme Court, "Zionism," pp.
113, 114.
V
Anti-Semitism— Will It Appear
in the U. S.?
ANYONE who essays to discuss the Jewish Ques-
i\ tion in the United States or anywhere else must be
fully prepared to be regarded as an Anti-Semite, in
high-brow language, or in low-brow language, a Jew-
baiter. Nor need encouragement be looked for from
people or from press. The people who are awake
to the subject at all prefer to wait and see how it all
turns out; while there is probably not a newspaper in
America, and certainly none of the advertising me-
diums which are called magazines, which would have
the temerity even to breathe seriously the fact that
such a Question exists. The press in general is open
at this time to fulsome editorials in favor of everything
Jewish (specimens of the same being obtainable almost
anywhere), while the Jev/ish press, which is fairly
numerous in the United States, takes care of the
vituperative end.
Of course, the only acceptable explanation of any
public discussion at present of the Jewish Question is
that some one — writer, or publisher, or a related in-
terest — is a Jew-hater. That idea seems to be fixed;
it is fixed in the Jew by inheritance; it is sought to be
fixed in the Gentile by propaganda, that any writing
which does not simply cloy and drip in sirupy sweet-
ness toward things Jewish is born of prejudice and
hatred. It is, therefore, full of lies, insult, insinua-
tion, and constitutes an instigation to massacre. These
terms are culled at random from Jewish editorial utter-
ances at hand.
It would seem to be necessary for our Jewish citi-
zens to enlarge their classification of Gentiles to in-
clude the class which recognizes the existence of a
Jewish Question and still is not anti-Semitic.
There are four distinct parties traceable among the
Jews themselves. First, those whose passionate pur-
pose is to keep Jewish faith and life alive at the cost
of any sacrifice of popularity or success; second, those
56 THE INTERNi5[(TIONAL JEW
who are willing to make whatever sacrifice may be
needed to preserve Jewish religion, but are not so
particular about the traditional customs of Jewish
life; third, those who have no very strong convictions
either way, but are opportunists, and will always
swerve in the direction of success; and, fourth, those
who believe and preach that the only solution of the
differences between the Jew and other men is the
complete absorption of the Jewish race by the other
races. The fourth is the weakest, most unpopular
and least to be considered of all the parties.
With Gentiles there are only two classes, as far as
this special question is concerned: those who dislike
Jews, they cannot tell why; and those who are dis-
posed to fairness, in spite of the accident of con-
geniality or uncongeniality, and who recognize the
Jewish Question as, at least, a problem. Both these
attitudes, whenever they become apparent, are sub-
ject to the charge of "anti-Semitism."
Anti-Semitism is a term which is bandied about
too loosely. It ought to be reserved to denote the real
anti-Jewish temper of violent prejudice. If used in-
discriminately about all who attempt to discuss Jew-
ish characteristics and Jewish world-power, it may in
time arrive at the estate of respectability and honor.
Anti-Semitism in almost every form is bound to
come to the United States; indeed, it may be said
that it is here now, and has been here for a long time.
If it be mislabeled now, the United States will not be
able to work within it the transformation which has
been effected upon so many other ideas that have
arrived here in their journey round the globe.
I.
It may be a serviceable clearing of the ground to
define what anti-Semitism is not:
1. It is not recognition of the Jewish Question.
If it were, then it could be set down that the bulk of
the American people are destined to become anti-
Semites, for they are beginning to recognize the ex-
istence of a Jewish Question and will steadily do so
in increasing numbers as the Question is forced upon
them from the various practical angles of their lives.
ANTI-SEMITISM— WILL IT APPEAR IN THE U. S.? 57
The Question is here. We may be honestly blind to
it. We may be timidly silent about it. We may
even make dishonest denial of it. But it is here. In
time all will have to recognize it. In time the polite
"hush, hush" of over-sensitive or intimidated circles
will not be powerful enough to suppress it. But to
recognize it will not mean that we have gone over
to a campaign of hatred and enmity against the Jews.
It will only mean that a stream of tendency which has
been flowing through our civilization has at last ac-
cumulated bulk and power enough to challenge atten-
tion, to call for some decision with regard to it, to call
for the adoption of a policy which will not repeat the
mistakes of the past and yet will forestall any pos-
sible social menace of the future.
2. Again, the pubhc discussion of the Jewish
Question is not anti-Semitism. Publicity is sanitary.
The publicity given the Jewish Question, or certain
aspects of it, in this country has been very mislead-
ing. It has been discussed more fully in the Jewish
press than elsewhere, but not with candor or breadth
of vision. The two dominant notes — they are sound-
ed over and over again with monotonous regularity
in the Jewish press — are Gentile unfairness and
Christian prejudice. These apparently are the two
chief aspects of life which impress Jewish publicists
when they look over the line of their own race. It
is said in all soberness that it is fortunate for Jews
generally that the Jewish press does not circulate
very widely among Gentiles, for it is probably the
one established agency in the United States which,
without altering its program in the least, could stir
up anti-Jewish sentiment by the simple expedient of
a general reading among non-Jews. Jewish writers
writing for Jewish readers present unusual material
for the study of race consciousness and its accom-
paniment of contempt for other races. It is true
that in the publications referred to, America is con-
stantly praised, but not America as the land of the
American people; America, rather, as the land of
the Jews' opportunity.
On the side of the daily press, there has been no
serious discussion at all. This is neither surprising nor
reprehensible. The daily press deals with matters that
58 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
have reached the overheated stage. When it mentions
the Jews at all, it has stock phrases for the purpose; the
effort includes a list of the famous Jews of history, and
usually closes with complimentary references to certain
local Jews of commendable qualities, whose advertise-
ments are not infrequently found in another part of the
paper. Summing up, it may be said that the publicity
given the question in this country consists in misrepre-
sentative criticism of the Gentiles by the Jewish press
and misrepresentative praise of the Jews by the non-
Jewish press. An independent effort to give a con-
structive publicity cannot, therefore, be laid to anti-
Semitism, even when some of the statements which are
made in the course of it arouse the resentment of Jewish
readers.
3. Nor is it anti-Semitism to say that the suspicion
is abroad in every capital of civilization and the cer-
tainty is held by a number of important men that there
is active in the world a plan to control the world, not by
territorial acquisition, not by military aggression, nor
by governmental subjection, not even by economic con-
trol in the scientific sense, but by control of the ma-
chinery of commerce and exchange. It is not anti-
Semitism to say that, nor to present the evidence which
supports that, nor to bring the proof of that. Those
who could best disprove it if it were not true are the
international Jews themselves, but they have not dis-
proved it. Those who could best prove it would be
those Jews whose ideals include the good of the whole
of humanity on an equality and not the good of one race
only, but they have not proved it. Some day a pro-
phetic Jew may arise who will see that the promises
bestowed upon the Ancient People are not to be fulfilled
by Rothschild methods, and that the promise that all the
nations were to be blessed through Israel is not to be
fulfilled by making the nations the economic vassals of
Israel ; and when that time comes we may hope for a re-
direction of Jewish energy into channels that will drain
the present sources of the Jewish Question. In the
meantime, it is not anti-Semitism, it may even be found
to be a world service to the Jew, to throw light on what
purpose motivates certain higher circles.
If the above propositions are true, then the term
"anti-Semitic," so freely bestowed on this series of
ANTI-SEMITISM— WILL IT APPEAR IN THE U. S.? 59
articles, betrays a worse spirit in the critics than in the
author. But enough of that. There is much yet to do,
and what is done must stand on what merit remains
after friend and foe ahke are through with praise and
blame.
II.
Anti-Semitism has unquestionably swayed large
sections of humanity at various times, warping the
vision, twisting the characters and staining the hands of
its victims, but the most amazing statement that can be
made of it is that it has never accomplished anything in
behalf of those who used it, and it has never taught any-
thing to the Jews against whom it was used.
The grades of anti-Semitism are fairly numerous,
and a few of them may be cited here :
1. There is first that degree of anti-Semitism, if it
may be so described, which consists in a plain dislike of
the Jew as a person, no matter whom he may be. This
is often found in people of all grades. It is found
mostly, however, in those whose contact with Jews has
been very limited. It begins sometimes in childhood
with an instinctive dislike for the word "Jew." It is
encouraged by the misuse of the word "Jew" as an epi-
thet, or as an adjective generally descriptive of unpopu-
lar practices. The feeling is not different from that
which exists toward Gentiles, concerning whom the
same notions are held, but it differs in that it is extended
to the race of unknown individual Jews instead of being
restricted to known individuals who haay justify such a
feeling.
Congeniality is not within our choice, but control of
the sentiment of uncongeniality is. Every fair-minded
person is compelled at times to reflect that it is not im-
possible that the person for whom he feels a dislike may
be as good and possibly a better person than he. Our
dislike merely registers the result of attraction and re-
pulsion as they operate between another person and
oneself; it does not indicate that the disliked person is
unworthy. Of course, wherever intelligence is joined
with this instinctive withdrawal from social contact
with members of the Jewish race, prejudice is fore-
stalled, except, of course, in those persons who hold that
there are no individuals among the Jews worthy of re-
60 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
spect. This is an extreme attitude and is composed of
other elements beside natm'al dishke. It is possible for
people to dislike Jews and not be anti-Semitic. Indeed,
it is not at all uncommon, it grows more and more com-
mon, that intelligent and refined Jews themselves do not
rehsh the society of their own people except in cases of
exceptional refinement.
This really calls for some comment on the manners
and characteristics of the ordinary member of the Jew-
ish race, the accidents of behavior which stand out most
obnoxiously and of which Jews themselves are oft^en the
most unsparing critics, but these comments must fall
into place later.
2. A second stage of the spirit of anti-Semitism
may be designated as hatred and enmity. It should be
noted that the antipathy referred to immediately above
was not hatred. Dislike is not hatred, nor is it neces-
sarily enmity. One may dislike sugar in his tea without
troubling to hate sugar. But undoubtedly there are
people who because they have let their dislikes deepen
into prejudice, and perhaps also because of unpleasant
experiences with members of the Jewish race (probably
a million Americans have been brought to the verge of
becoming Jew-haters this winter because of contact with
Jewish merchants and landlords) may be classified as,
at least, incipient anti-Semites. This is most of all un-
fortunate for the persons who harbor these emotions.
It is unfortunate in that it unfits the mind to consider
intelligently the facts which constitute the Jewish Ques-
tion, and also unfits it to deal with them in a fair and
constructive way. For one's own sake, whatever the
provocation otherwise, it is better not to let passion de-
flect the needle of one's mind. Hatred at the wheel
means hazard on the course. Enmity lives in the vi-
cinity of the Jews more than of any other race, and the
reason for this is one of the puzzles of the ages. The
Jewish nature itself, as shown in ancient and modern
history, is not without its own share of enmity, and it
either evokes or provokes enmity where it comes in con-
tact with those Aryan races which follow their natural
impulses unchecked by cultural and ethical influences.
This age-long conflict of the Jew has puzzled the minds
of students for generations. Some explain it Biblically
as the curse of Jehovah upon His Chosen People for
ANTI-SEMITISM— WILL IT APPEAR IN THE U. S.? 61
their disobedience to the disciphne by which He would
have made them the Prophet Nation of the world. If
this offense must come, if it is part of the Jew's heritage,
an old saying — Christian and Scriptural, by the way —
would still remain true: "It must needs be that of-
fenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense
Cometh."
3. In some parts of the world at various times this
feeUng of hatred has broken into murderous violence,
which has roused, as wholesale phjj-sical outrage always
does, the horror and resentment of humanity. This is
the extreme form in which anti-Semitism has exhibited
itself, and it is the charge of intending to stimulate it
here and elsewhere which every public discussion of the
Jewish Question has to bear. There is, of course, no
excuse for these outbreaks, but there is sufficient ex-
planation of them. The Jews usually explain them as
expressions of religious prejudice, and the Gentiles as
rebellion against an economic yoke which the Jews have
woven for the people. It is an astonishing fact that, to
take one country, the parts of Russia where anti-Semitic
violence has been most marked are the most prosperous
parts, so prosperous indeed and with a prosperity so un-
questionably due to Jewish enterprise that the Jews
have openly declared that they have the power to throw
those parts of Russia back into commercial lethargy
again by simply withdrawing. It is utterly idle to
throw denials at this statement. It is confirmed time
and time again by men who have ^nv: to Russia full of
Tesentmerit against the attitude of the Russians toward
-trhe-Jerrs, as that attitude is represented in the Anglo-
Saxon press, aiul who have come home with a new light
-onthe cause of these outbreaks, though not excusing
their character. Impartial observers have also found
that some of the outbreaks have been precipitated by
the Jews themselves. A correspondent, known the
world over for his trenchant defense of the Jews under
Russian persecution, was always bitterly attacked by
the Jews themselves whenever he stated the truth about
this, notwithstanding his protest to them that if he did
not tell the truth when they were in the wrong the
world would not be readj^ to believe him when he said
they were blameless. To this day, in every country,
the Jews are slow to admit blameworthiness for any-
62 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
thing. They must be excused, whoever else may be
accused. It is a trait which will have to be disciplined
before they can be brought to assist, if ever they can,
the removal of those characteristics which arouse the
antagonism of other peoples. Elsewhere in the world,
it may be said that out-and-out enmity to the Jews has
an economic basis. This, of course, leads to the ques-
tion whether the Jew shall have to become a deliberate
failure, or deny his genius, and forego his just meed of
prosperity before he can win the approval of the other
races — a question which will arise for discussion later.
As to the religious 'prejudice which the Jews are, as a
rule, readiest to affirm, it is safe to say that it does not
exist in the United States. Yet it is charged up to
Americans by Jewish writers just as freely as it is
charged up to Russians. Each non-Jew reader is com-
petent to settle this for himself. He can easily do so by
asking himself whether in all his life he has ever felt a
moment's resentment against the Jew on account of his
reUgion. In an address recently delivered in a Jewish
lodge and reported in the Jewish press, the speaker, a
Jew, stated that if 100 non-Jews on the street were ap-
proached at random and casually asked what a Jew is,
the reply of the majority would be, "He is a Christ-
killer." One of the best known and most highly re-
spected rabbis in the United States said recently in a
sermon that children in Christian Sunday schools were
taught to regard the Jew as a Christ-killer. He re-
peated it in a conversation several weeks later.
It would probably be the testimony of Christians
generally that they never heard this term until they
heard it in a Jewish complaint, and certainly themselves
never used it. The charge is absurd. Let the 20,000r
000 now in the Christian Sunday schools of Canada and
the United States testify as to the instruction given.
There is no hesitation in stating that there is no preju-
dice whatever in the Christian churches against the Jew
on account of his religion. On the contrary, there is
not only a deep sense of indebtedness, but a feeling of
sharing with the Jew in his religion. The Sunday
schools of the Christian churches of the world are spend-
ing six months of this year studying the International
Lessons which are appointed for the Books of the
Judges, Ruth, First and Second Samuel and the Books
ANTI-SEMITISM— WILL IT APPEAR IN THE U. S.? 63
of the Kings, and every year is devoted in part to the
Old Testament.
Here, however, is something for Jewish reUgious
leaders to consider: there is more downright bitterness
of rehgious prejudice on the part of the Jews against
Christianity than could ever be possible in the Christian
churches of America, Simply take the church press of
America and compare it with the Jewish press in this
regard, and there is no answer. No Christian editor
would think it either Christian or intelligent to attack
the Jewish religion, yet any six months' survey of the
Jewish press would yield a mass of attack and prejudice
on the other side. Moreover, no religious bitterness in
America attains within infinite distances to that bitter-
ness visited upon the Jew who becomes a Christian in
his faith. It amounts almost to a holy vendetta. A
Christian may become a Jewish proselyte and his mo-
tives be respected; it is never so when a Jew becomes a
Christian. These statements are true of both the
orthodox and liberal wings of Judaism. " It is not his
religion that gives prominence to the Jew today; it is
something else. And yet, with undeviating monotony,
it is repeated wherever the Jew takes cognizance of the
feeling toward him that it is on account of three things,
first and most prominent of which is his religion. It
may be comforting to him to think that he is suffering
for his faith, but it is not true. Every intelligent Jew
must know it.
Every Jew ought to know also that in every Chris-
tian church where the ancient prophecies are received
and studied, there is a great revival of interest in the
future of the Ancient People. It is not forgotten that
certain Promises were made to them regarding their po-
sition in the world, and it is held that these prophecies
will be fulfilled. The future of the Jew, as prophetically
outlined, is intimately bound up with the future of this
planet, and the Christian church in large part — at least
by the evangelical wing, which the Jews most condemn
— sees a Restoration of the Chosen People yet to come.
If the mass of the Jews knew how understandingly and
sympathetically all the piophecies concerning them are
being studied in the Church, and the faith that exists
that these prophecies will find fulfillment and that they
will result in great Jewish service to society at large,
64 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
they would probably regard the Church with another
mind. They would at least know that the Church does
not believe that it will be the instrument in the conver-
sion of the Jews — a point on which Jewish leaders are
tragically misled and which evokes more bitterness than
anything else — but that it depends on quite other in-
struments and conditions, which it is not the function
of this article to point out except to say that it will be
the Jews' very own Messiah which will accomplish it
and not the "wild olive," or the Gentile.
Curiously enough, there is a phase of anti-Semitism
having to do with religion, but not in the way here dis-
cussed. There are those, very few in number and of
atheistical tendencies, who assert that all religion is a
sham, being the invention of Jews for the purpose of
enslaving the minds of the people of the world to an
enervating superstition. This position, however, has
had no effect on the main issue. It is a far extreme.
III.
Now, which of these exhibitions of anti-Semitism
will show itself in America? If certain tendencies con-
tinue, as they are certain to do, what form will the feel-
ing toward the Jew take? Not that of mass violence,
we may be sure. The only mass action visible now is
that of Jewish agencies themselves against any person
or institution that dares to bring the Jewish Question
to public attention.
1. Anti-Semitism will come to America because of
the habit which emotions and ideas apparently have of
making their way westward around the world. North
of Palestine, where the Jews have been longest settled
and where they are now in great numbers, anti-Semit-
ism is acute and well-defined. ■ Westward, in Germany,
it is clearly defined but, until the seizure of German
revolutionary agencies, was devoid of violence. Still
farther westward, in Great Britain, it is defined, but
because of the comparatively small number of Jews in
the British Isles and their coalition with the ruling class,
it is more a feeling than a movement. In the United
States it is not so definite, but shows itself in a restless-
ness, a questioning, a sensible friction between the tradi-
tional tendency of the American to fair-mindedness and
his respect for the cold facts.
, ANTI-SEMITISM— WILL IT ^PPtAR IN THE U. S. ? 65
Because the Question will assume more and more
pressure in America it behooves everyone^ of foresight
to disregard the shortsighted protests of the Jews them-
selves and see to it that the Question shall not present
itself among us as it has done among other people, in
its most distressing and confusing forms. It is a public
duty to seize this problem at its beginning and train it
up, so to speak; that is, so prepare for it that it may be
handled here in a manner which will form a model for
all other countries, which will indeed supply all other
countries with the essential materials for a permanent
solution. And this can be done only by exposing and
recognizing and treating with the serum of publicity the
conditions before which, heretofore, the nations have
helplessly floundered because they lacked either the de-
sire or the means to get at the great root of the diffi-
culty.
2. Another cause of the Question appearing here
will be the great influx of the Jews which is planned for
America. There will probably be a million Jews enter
the country this year, increasing our Jewish population
to nearly 4,500,000. This does not mean merely an
immigration of persons, but an immigration of ideas.
No Jewish writer has ever told us, in systematic fashion,
just what is the Jews' idea of non-Jews, how they regard
the Gentiles in their private minds. But there are in-
dications of it, although one would not attempt to re-
construct the Jewish attitude toward Gentiles. A Jew
ought to do this for us, but he would probably be cast
out by his own people if he discharged his task with
rigorous jealousy for the exact fact.
These people are coming here regarding the Gen-
tile as an hereditary enemy, as perhaps they have
good ground for doing, and so believing they are go-
ing to model their behavior in a manner that will
show it. Nor will these Jews be so helpless as they
appear. In stricken Poland, where the Jews are rep-
resented as having been stripped of everything dur-
ing the war, there are hundreds daily appearing
before the consulate to arrange their passage here.
The fact is significant. In spite of their reputed
suffering and poverty, they are able to travel a great
distance and to insist on coming. No other people
are financially able to travel in such numbers. But
66 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
the Jews are. It will readily be seen that they are
not objects of charity. They have been able to keep
afloat in a storm that has wrecked the other people.
They know it and they joy in it, as is natural. And
they will bring here the same thoughts toward the
majority which they have harbored in their present
lands of domicile. They may hail America; they will
have their own thoughts about the majority of the
American people. They may be in the lists as Rus-
sians or Poles or what not, but they will be Jews
with the full Jewish consciousness, and they will
make themselves felt.
All this is bound to have its effect. And it is not
race prejudice to prepare for it, and to invite Ameri-
can Jews themselves to consider the fact and con-
tribute to the solution of the problem which it pre-
sents.
3. Every idea which has ruled Europe has met
with transformation when it was transplanted in
America. It was so with the idea of Liberty, the idea
of Government, the idea of War. It will be so with
the idea of anti-Semitism. The whole problem will
center here and if we are wise and do not shirk it, it
will find its solution here. A recent Jewish writer
has said: ''Jewry today largely means American
Jfewry all former Jewish centers were de-
molished during the war and were shifted to America."
The problem will be ours, whether we choose it or
not.
And what course will it take? Much depends on
what can be accomplished before it becomes very
strong. It may be said, however, that the first ele-
ment to appear will be a show of resentment against
certain Jewish commercial successes, more particu-
larly against the united action by which they are
attained. Our people see the spectacle of a people
in the midst of a people, in a sense which the Mor-
mons never were, and they will not like it. The
Mormons made an Exodus; Israel is going back into
Egypt to subjugate it.
The second element which will undoubtedly appear
is prejudice and its incitement. The majority may
always be right, but they are not always initially
reasonable. That prejudice which exists now, and
ANTI-SEMITISM— WILL IT APPEAR IN THE U. S. ? 67
which is freely admitted by both Jew and Gentile,
may become more marked, to the distress of both
parties, for neither the subject nor the object of
prejudice can attain that freedom of mind which is
happiness.
Then we may most confidently look for a reac-
tion of Justice. It is here that the whole matter
will begin to bend to the genius of Americanism.
The innate justice of the American mind has come
to the aid of every object that ever roused American
resentment. The natural reaction with us is of very
brief duration; the intellectual and ethical reaction
swiftly follows. The American mind will never rest
with merely resenting certain individuals. It will
probe deeper. Already this deeper probe has been
begun in Great Britain and America. We character-
istically do not stop with persons when principles are
in sight.
And upon this there will be an investigation of ma-
terials, part of which may yet be presented in this se-
ries and which may possibly be disregarded for a
time, but which at a future date will be found to be
the clue to the maze. Upon this, the root of all the
trouble will be bared to the light, to die as all roots
do when deprived of their concealment of darkness,
and then the Jewish people themselves may be ex-
pected to begin an adjustment to the new order of
things, not to lose their identity or to curtail their
energy or to dim their brilliance, but to turn all into
more worthy channels for the benefit of all races,
which alone can justify their claim to superiority. A
race that can achieve in the material realm what the
Jews have achieved while asserting themselves to be
spiritually superior, can achieve in a less sordid, a
less society-defying realm also.
The Jews will not be destroyed; neither will they
be permitted to maintain the yoke which they have
been so skillful in fastening upon society. They are
the beneficiaries of a system which itself will change
and force them to other and higher devices to justify
their proper place in the world.
Ittoe of Jone 19, IQIi).
"We must force the Gentile governments to
adopt measures ivhich will promote our broadly
conceived plan already approaching its triumphal
goal by bringing to bear the pressure of stimu-
lated public opinion which has in reality been
organised by us zvith the help of the so-called
'great pozver of the Press. With few exceptions,
not worth considering, it has already fallen into
our hands."
— The Seventh Protocol.
VI.
Jewish Question Breaks Into
the Magazines
ONCE upon a time an American faculty member of
an American university went to Russia on busi-
ness. He was expert in a very important department
of applied science and a keen observer. He entered
Russia with the average American's feeling about the
treatment which the government of that people ac-
corded the Jew. He lived there three years, came
home for a year, and went back again for a similar
period, and upon his second return to America he
thought it was time to give the American public
accurate information about the Jewish Question in
Russia. He prepared a most careful article and sent
it to the editor of a magazine of the first class in the
Eastern United States. The editor sent for him, spent
most of two days with him, and was deeply impressed
with all he learned — but he said he could not print the
article. The same interest and examination occurred
with several other magazine editors of the first rank.
It was not because the professor could not write —
these editors gladly bought anything he would write
on other subjects. But it was impossible for him to
get his article on the Jews accepted or printed in
New York.
The Jewish Question, however, has at last broken
into a New York magazine. Rather it is a fragment of
a shell hurled from the Jewish camp at the Jewish
Question to demolish, if possible, the Question and
thus make good the assertion that there is no such
thing.
Incidentally it is the only kind of article on the
Jewish Question that the big magazines, whose mazes
of financial controllers make most interesting rummag-
ing, would care to print.
Yet, the general public may learn much about the
Question even from the type of article whose purpose
is to prove that the Question doesn't exist.
Mr. William Hard, in the Metropolitan for June,
70 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
has done as well as could be expected, considering the
use he was supposed to make of such material as he had
at hand. And doubtless the telegraph and letter
brigades, which keep watch over all printed references
to the Jews, have duly congratulated the good editors
of the Metropolitan for their assistance in soothing
the public to further sleep.
It is to be hoped, for the sake of the Question, that
Mr. Hard's effort will have a wide reading, for there is
very much to be learned from it — much more than it
was anybody's intention should be learned from it.
It may be learned, first, that the Jewish Question
exists. Mr. Hard says it is discussed in the drawing-
rooms of London and Paris. Whether the mention of
drawing-rooms was a writer's device to intimate that
the matter was unimportant and frivolous, or merely
represented the extent of Mr. Hard's contact with the
Question is not clear. He adds, however, that a docu-
ment relating to the Question has "traveled a good bit
in certain official circles in Washington." He also
mentions a cable dispatch to the New York World, con-
cerning the same Question, which that paper publish-
ed. His article was probably published too early to
note the review which the London Times made of the
first document referred to. But he has told the reader
who is looking for the objective facts in the article that
there is a Jewish Question, and that it does' not exist
among the riff-raff either but principally in those circles
where the evidence of Jewish power and control is
most abundant. Moreover, the Question is being dis-
cussed. Mr. Hard tells us that much. If he does not
go further and tell us that it is being discussed with
great seriousness in high places and among men of
national and international importance, it is probably
because of one of two things, either he does not know,
or he does not consider it consonant with the purpose
of the article to tell.
However, Mr. Hard has already made it clear that
there is a Jewish Question, that it is being discussed,
that it is being discussed by people who are best situ-
ated to observe the matter they are talking about.
The reading of Mr. Hard's article makes it clear
also that the Question always comes to the fore on the
note of conspiracy. Of course, Mr. Hard says he does
JEWISH QUESTION BREAKS INTO THE MAGAZINES 71
not believe in conspiracies which involve a large num*
ber of people, and it is with the utmost ease that his
avowal of unbelief is accepted, for there is nothing
more ridiculous to the Gentile mind than a mass con-
spiracy, because there is nothing more impossible to
the Gentile himself. Mr. Hard, we take it, is of non-
Jewish extraction, and he knows how impossible it
would be to band Gentiles together in any consider-
able number for any length of time in even the noblest
conspiracy. Gentiles are not built for it. Their con-
spiracy, whatever it might be, would fall like a rope
of sand. Gentiles have not the basis either in blood or
interest that the Jews have to stand together. The
Gentile does not naturally suspect conspiracy; he
will indeed hardly bring himself to the verge of be-
lieving it without the fullest proof.
It is therefore quite easy to understand Mr. Hard's
difficulty with conspiracy; the point is that to write
his article at all, he is forced to recognize at almost
every step that whenever the Jewish Question is dis-
cussed, the idea of conspiracy occupies a large part
in it. As a matter of fact, it is the central idea in Mr.
Hard's article, and it completely monopolizes the
heading — "Great Jewish Conspiracy."
The search for basic facts in Mr. Hard's article will
disclose the additional information that there are cer-
tain documents in existence which purport to contain
the details of the conspiracy, or — to drop a word that is
unpleasant and may be misleading and which has not
been used in this series — the tendency of Jewish power
to achieve complete control. That is about all that
the reader learns from Mr. Hard about the documents,
except that he describes one as "strange and horrible."
Here is indeed a regrettable gap in the story, for it is
to discredit a certain document that Mr. Hard writes,
and yet he tells next to nothing about it. Discredit-
able documents usually discredit themselves. But
this document is not permitted to do that. The
reader of the article is left to take Mr. Hard's word for
it. The serious student or critic will feel, of course,
that the documents themselves would have formed a
better basis for an intelligent judgment. But laying
that matter aside, Mr. Hard has made public the fact
that there are documents.
72 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
And then Mr. Hard does another thing, as well as
he can with the materials at hand, the purpose of the
article being what it was, and that is to show how little
the Jews have to do with the control of affairs by show-
ing who are the Jews that do control certain selected
groups of affairs. The names are all brought forward
by Mr. Hard and he alone is responsible for them, our
purpose in referring to them being merely to show
what can be learned from him.
Mr. Hard leans heavily on Russian affairs. Some-
times it would almost seem as if the Jewish Question
were conceived as the Soviet Question, which it is not,
as Mr. Hard very well knows, and although the two
have their plain connections, it is nothing less than
well-defined propaganda to set up Bolshevist fiction
and knock it down by Jewish fact for the purpose of
the latter. However, what Mr. Hard offers as fact
is very instructive, quite apart from the conclusion
which he draws from it.
Now, take his Russian line-up first. He says that
in the cabinet of Soviet Russia there is only one Jew.
But he is Trotsky. There are others in the govern-
ment, of course, but Mr. Hard is speaking about the
cabinet now. He is not speaking about the commis-
sars, who are the real rulers of Russia, nor about the
executive troops, who are the real strength of the
Trotsky-Lenin regime. No, just the cabinet. Of
course, there was only one Jew prominent in Hun-
gary, too, but he was Bela Kun. Mr. Hard does not
ask us to believe, however, that it is simply because of
Trotsky and Kun that all JEurope believes that Bolshe-
vism has a strong Jewish element. Else the stupid
credibility of the Gentiles would be more impossible of
conception than the idea of a Jewish conspiracy is to
Mr. Hard's mind. Why should it be easier to believe
that Gentiles are dunces than that Jews are clever?
However, it is not too much to say that Trotsky is
way up at the top, sharing the utmost summit of Bol-
shevism with Lenin, and Trotsky is a Jew — nobody
ever denied that, not even Mr. Braunstein himself (the
latter being Trotsky's St. Louis, U. S. A., name).
But then, says Mr. Hard, the Mensheviks are led
by Jews, too! That is a fact worth putting down be-
side the others. Trotsky at the head of the Bolshe-
JEWISH QUESTION BREAKS INTO THE MAGAZINES 73
viks; at the head of the Mensheviks during their oppo-
sition of the Bolsheviks were Lieber. Martovand Dan —
"all Jews," says Mr. Hard.
There is, however, a middle party between these
extremes, the Cadets, which, Mr. Hard says, are or
were the strongest bourgeois political party in Russia.
"They now have their headquarters in Paris. Their
chairman is Vinaver — a Jew."
There are the facts as stated by Mr. Hard. He
says that Jews, whose names he gives, head the three
great divisions of political opinion in Russia.
And then he cries, look how the Jews are divided!
How can there be conspiracy among people who thus
fight themselves?
But another, looking at the same situation may
say, look how the Jews control every phase of political
opinion in Russia! Doesn't there seem to be some
ground for the feeling that they are desirous of ruling
everywhere?
The facts are there. What significance does it
bring to the average mind that the three great parties
of Russia are led by Jews?
But that does not exhaust the information which
the matter-of-fact reader may find in Mr. Hard's
article. He turns to the United States and makes
several interesting statements.
"There is Otto Kahn," he says. Well, sometimes
Otto Kahn is there, and sometimes he is in Paris on
important international matters, and sometimes he is
in London advocating certain alliances between British
and American capital which have to do in a large way
with European political conditions. Mr. Kahn is
rated as a conservative, and that may mean anything.
A man is conservative or not according to the angle
from which he is viewed. The most conservative men
in America are really the most radical; their motives
and methods go to the very roots of certain matters;
they are radicals in their own field. The men who con-
trolled the last Republican Convention — if not the
last, the most recent— are styled conservatives by
those whose vision is circumscribed by certain limited
economic interests; but they are the most radical of
radicals, they have passed the red stage and are white
with it. If it were known what is in the back of Mr.
74 THE INTERNA^TIONAL JEW
Kahn's mind, if he should display a chart of what he is
doing and aiming to do, the term which would then
most aptly describe him might be quite different.
Anyway, we have it from Mr. Hard, "There is Mr.
Kahn."
"On the other hand," says Mr. Hard, "there is
Rose Pastor Stokes." He adds the name of Morris
Hillquit. They are, in Mr. Hard's classification,
radicals. And to offset these names he adds the
names of two Gentiles, Eugene V. Debs and Bill Hay-
wood, and intimates that they are much more powerful
leaders than the first two. Students of modern in-
fluences, of which Mr. Hard has long appeared as one,
do not think so. Neither Debs nor Haywood ever
generated in all their lives a fraction of the intellectual
power which Mrs. Stokes and Mr. Hillquit have gene-
rated. Both Debs and Haywood live by the others.
To every informed person, as to Mr. Hard in this
article, come the Jewish names to mind when the social
tendencies of the United States are passed under
reflection.
This is most instructive indeed, that in naming the
leaders of so-called conservatism and radicalism, Mr.
Hard is driven to use Jewish names. On his showing
the reader is entitled to say that Jews lead both di-
visions here in the United States.
But Mr. Hard is not through. "The man who
does more than any other man — the man who does
more than any regiment of other men — to keep Ameri-
can labor anti-radical is a Jew — Samuel Gompers."
That is a fact which the reader will place in his list —
American labor is led by a Jew.
Well, then, "the strongest anti-Gompers trade
union in the country — The Amalgamated Clothing
Workers — and very strong indeed, and very large — is
led by a Jew — Sidney Hillman."
It is the Russian situation over again. Both ends
of the movements, and the movement which operate
within the movement, are under the leadership of
Jews. This, whatever the construction put upon it,
is a fact which Mr. Hard is compelled by the very
nature of his task to acknowledge.
And the middle movement, "the Liberal Middle"
as Mr. Hard calls it, which catches all between, pro-
JEWISH QUESTION BREAKS INTO THE MAGAZINES 75
duces in this article the names of Mr. Justice Brandeis,
Judge Mack and FeHx Frankfurter, gentlemen whose
activities since Armistice Day would make a very-
interesting story.
For good measure, Mr. Hard produces two other
names, "Baron Gunzberg — a Jew" who is "a faithful
official" of the Russian Embassy of Ambassador
Bakhmetev, a representative of the modified old
regime, while the Russian Information Bureau, whose
literary output appears in many of our newspapers is
conducted by another Jew, so Mr. Hard calls him,
whose name is familiar to newspaper readers, Mr. A. J.
Sack.
It is not a complete list by any means, but it is
quite impressive. It seems to reflect importance on
the documents which Mr. Hard endeavors to minimize
to a position of ridiculous unimportance. And it
leads to the thought that perhaps the documents are
scrutinized as carefully as they are because the readers
of them have observed not only the facts which Mr.
Hard admits but other and more astonishing ones, and
have discovered that the documents confirm and ex-
plain the observations. Other readers who have not
had the privilege of learning all that the documents
contain are entitled to have satisfaction given to the
interest thus aroused.
The documents did not create the Jewish Question.
If there were nothing but the documents, Mr. Hard
would not have written nor would the Metropolitan
Magazine have printed the article here discussed.
What Mr. Hard has done is to bring confirmation
in a most unexpected place that the Question exists
and is pressing for discussion. Someone felt the pres-
sure when "The Great Jewish Conspiracy" was ordered
and written.
Ilsue of June 26, 1920.
/
"What are you prating about? As long as we
do not have the Press of the whole world in our
hands, everything you may do is vain. We must
control or influence the papers of the whole ii'orld
in order to blind and deceive the people."
— Baron Montefiore.
VII.
Arthur Brisbane Leaps to the
Help of Jewry
ONCE more the current of this series on the Modern
Jewish Question is interrupted to give notice of
the appearance of the Question in another quarter, the
appearance this time consisting of a more than two-
column "Today" editorial in the Hearst papers of
Sunday, June 20, from the pen of Arthur Brisbane.
It would be too much to say that Mr. Brisbane is the
most influential writer in the country, ])ut perhaps he
is among the dozen most widely read. It is, therefore,
a confirmation of the statement that the Question is
assuming importance in this country, that a writer of
Mr. Brisbane's prominence should openly discuss it.
Of course, Mr. Brisbane has not studied the Ques-
tion. He would probably admit in private conversa-
tion — though such an admission would hardly be in
harmony with the tone of certainty he publicly
adopts — that he really knows nothing about it. He
knows, however, as a good newspaper man, how to
handle it when the exigencies of the newspaper day
throw it up to him for offhand treatment. Every
editorial writer knows how to do that. There is some-
thing good in every race, or there have been some
notable individuals in it, or it has played a picturesque
part in history — that is enough for a very readable
editorial upon any class of people who may happen to
be represented in the community. The Question,
whatever it may be, need not be studied at all; a
certain group of people may be salved for a few para-
graphs, and the job need never be tackled again.
Every newspaper man knows that.
And yet, having lived in New York for a long time,
having had financial dealings of a large and obligating
nature with certain interests in this country, having
seen no doubt more or less of the inner workings of the
great trust and banking groups, and being constantly
surrpunded by assistants and advisors who are mem-
78 THE INTERN AvnONAL JEW
bers of the Jewish race, Mr. Brisbane must have had
his thoughts. It is, however, no part of a newspaper
man's business to expose his thoughts about the racial
groups of his community, any more than it is a show-
man's business to express his opinion of the patrons
of his show. The kinds of offense a newspaper will
give, and the occasions on which it will feel justified in
giving it, are very limited.
So, assuming that Mr. Brisbane had to write at
all, it could have been told beforehand what he would
write. The only wonder is that he felt he had to
write. Did he really feel that the Jews are being
"persecuted" when an attempt is made to uncover the
extent and causes of their control in the United States
and elsewhere? Did he feel, with good editorial
shrewdness, that here was an opportunity to win the
attention and regard of the most influential group in
New York and the nation? Or — and this seems with-
in the probabilities — was he inclined simply to pass it
over, until secretarial suggestions reached him for a
Sunday editorial, or until some of the bondholders
made their wishes known? This is not at all to im-
pugn Mr. Brisbane's motives, but merely to indicate
on what slender strings such an editorial may depend.
But what is more important — does Mr. Brisbane
consider that, having disposed of the Sunday editorial,
he is through with the Question, or that the Question
itself is solved? That is the worst of daily editorializ-
ing; having come safely and inoffensively through
with one editorial, the matter is at an end as far as that
particular writer is concerned — that is, as a usual
thing.
It is to be hoped that Mr. Brisbane is not through.
He ought not to leave a big question without contrib-
uting something to it, and in his Sunday editorial he did
not contribute anything. He even made mistakes
which he ought to correct by further study. "What
about the Phoenicians?" he asks. He should have
looked that up while his mind was opened receptively
toward the subject, and he would not have made so
miserable a blunder as to connect them so closely with
the Jews. He would never find a Jew doing that. It
is permissible, however, in Jewish propaganda intended
for Gentile consumption. The Phoenicians themselves
ARTHUR BRISBANE TO THE HELP OF JEWRY 79
certainly never thought they were connected in any
way with the Jews, and the Jews were equally without
light on the subject. If in nothing else, they differed
in their attitude toward the sea. The Phoenicians not
only built boats but manned them; the Jew would
rather risk his investment in a boat than himself. In
everything else the differences between the two peoples
were deep and distinct. Mr. Brisbane should have
turned up the Jewish Encyclopedia at that point in his
dictation. It is to be hoped he will resume his study
and when he has found something that is not printed
in "simply written" Jewish books will give the world the
benefit of it. It is hardly like the question of the ro-
tundity of the earth ; this Question is not settled and it
will be discussed.
Mr. Brisbane is in a position to pursue some in-
vestigations of his own on this subject. He has a large
staff, and it is presumed that some of its members are
Gentiles of unbiased minds; he has a world-wide or-
ganization; since his own modification of speech and
views following upon his adventure in the money-mak-
ing world, he has a "look-in" upon certain groups of
men and certain tendencies of power — why does he not
take this Question as a world problem and go after the
facts and the solution?
It is a task worthy of any newspaper organization.
It will assist America to make the contribution which
she must make if this Question is ever to be turned from
the bugbear it has been through all the centuries. All
the talk on earth about "loving our fellow men" will
not serve in lieu of an investigation, because it is ask-
ing men to love those who are rapidly and insidiously
gaining the mastery of them. "What's wrong with the
Jew?" is the first question, and then, "What's wrong
with the Gentile to make it possible?"
As in the case of every Gentile writer who appears
as the Jew's good-natured defender, Mr. Brisbane is
compelled to state a number of facts which comprise a
part of the very Question whose existence is denied.
"Every other successful name you see in a great
city is a Jewish name," says Mr. Brisbane. In his own
city the ratio is even higher than that.
"Jews numbering less than one per cent of the
earth's population possess by conquest, enterprise, in*
80 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
dustry and intelligence 50 per cent of the world's com-
mercial success," says Mr. Brisbane,
Does it mean anything to Mr. Brisbane? Has he
ever thought how it will all turn out? Is he wilhng to
absolve that "success" from every quality which hu-
manity has a right to challenge? Is he entirely satis-
fied with the way that "success" is used where it is
supreme? Would he be willing to undertake to prove
that it is due to those commendable qualities he has
named and nothing less commendable? Speaking of
the Jew-financed Harriman railroad campaign, is Mr.
Brisbane ready to write his endorsement upon that?
Did he ever hear of Jewish money backing railroads
that were built for railroad purposes and nothing else?
It would be very easy to suggest to Mr. Brisbane, as
editor, a series of articles which would be most enlight-
ening, both to himself and his readers, if he would only
put unbiased men at work gathering the facts for them.
One of the articles might be entitled "The Jews at
the Peace Conference." His men should be instructed
to learn who were the most prominent figures at the
Peace Conference; who came and went most constantly
and most busily; who were given freest access to the
most important persons and chambers; which race pro-
vided the bulk of the private secretaries to the impor-
tant personages there ; which race provided most of the
sentinels through whom engagements had to be made
with men of note; which race went furthest in the en-
deavor to turn the whole proceeding into a festival
rout by dances and lavish entertainment; which civil-
ians of prominence oftenest dined the leading conferees
in private session.
If Mr. Brisbane, with the genius for reporting which
his organization deservedly has, will turn his men loose
on that assignment, and then print what they bring him,
he will have a story tha,t will make a mark even in his
remarkable career as an editor.
He might even run a second story on the Peace Con-
ference, entitled, "Which Program Won at the Peace
Conference?" He might instruct his men to inquire as
to the business which brought the Jews in such quality
and quantity to Paris, and how it was put through.
Particularly should they inquire whether any jot or
tittle of the Jews' world program was refused or modi-
ARTHUR BRISBANK lO THK HELP OF JEWRV 81
fied by the Peace Conference. It should also be care-
fully inquired whether, after getting what they went
after, they did not then ask for still more and get that,
too, even though it constituted a discrimination against
the rest of the world. Mr. Brisbane would doubtless
be surprised to learn that of all the programs submitted
to that Conference, not excepting the great program on
which humanity hung so many pathetic hopes, the only
program to go through was the Jews' program. And
yet he could learn just that if he inquired. The ques-
tion is, having obtained that information, what would
Mr. Brisbane do with it?
There are any number of lines of investigation Mr.
Brisbane might enter, and in any one of them his
knowledge of his country and of its relation to this
particular Question would be greatly enlarged.
Does Mr. Brisbane know who owns Alaska? He
may have been under the impression, in common with
the rest of us until we learned better, that it was owned
by the United States. No, it is owned by the same
people who are coming rapidlj!" to own the United
States.
Is Mr. Brisbane, from the vantage point afforded by
his position in national journalism, even dimly aware
that there are elements in our industrial unrest which
neither ''capital" nor "labor" accurately define? Has
he ever caught a glimpse of another power which is
neither "labor" nor "capital" in the productive sense,
whose purpose and interest it is to keep labor and
capital as far apart as possible, now by provoking labor,
now by provoking capital? In his study of the in-
dustrial situation and its perfectly baffling mystery, Mr.
Brisbane must have caught a flash of something behind
the backmost scene. It would be good journalistic
enterprise to find out what it is.
Has Mr. Brisbane ever printed the names of the men
who control the sugar supply of the United States — does
he know them — would he like to know them?
Has he ever looked into the woolen situation in this
country, from the change of ownership in cotton lands,
and the deliberate sabotage of cotton production by
banking threats, right on through to the change in the
price of cloth and clothing? And has he ever noted the
names of the men he found on that piece of investiga-
82 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
tion? Would he like to know how it is done, and who
does it? Mr. Brisbane could find all these things and
give them to the public by using his efficient staff of
investigators and writers on this Question.
Whether Mr. Brisbane would feel free to do this, he
himself best knows. There may be reasons why he
would not, private reasons, prudential reasons.
However that may be, there are no reasons why he
should not make a complete study of the Question — a
real study, not a superficial glance at it with an eye to
its "news value" — and arrive at his own considered
conclusion. There would be no intolerance about that.
As it is now, Mr. Brisbane is not qualified to take a
stand on either side of^the Question; he simply brushes
it aside as troublesome, as the old planters used to brush
aside the anti-slavery moralists; and for that reason the
recent defense of the Jew is not a defense at all. It is
more like a bid for favor.
Mr. Brisbane's chief aversion, apparently, is toward
what he calls race prejudice and race hatred. Of
course, if any man should fear that the study of an
economic situation would plunge him into these serious
aberrations of mind, he should be advised to avoid that
line of study. There is something wrong either with
the investigation or with the investigator when preju-
dice and hatred are the result. It is a mighty poor ex-
cuse, however, for an intelligent man to put forward
either on his own behalf or on behalf of those whose
minds he has had the privilege of molding over a course
of years.
Prejudice and hatred are the very conditions which
a scientific study of the Jewish Question will forestall
and prevent. We prejudge what we do not know, and
we hate what we do not understand; the study of the
Jewish Question will bring knowledge and insight, and
not to the Gentile only, but also to the Jew. The Jew
needs this as much, even more than the Gentile. For
if the Jew can be made to see, understand and deal
with certain matters, then a large part of the Question
vanishes in the solution of ideal common sense. Awak-
ing the Gentile to the facts about the Jew is only part
of the work; awaking the Jew to the facts about the
Question is an indispensable part. The big initial vic-
tory to be achieved is to transform Gentiles from being
ARTHUR BRISBANP: TO THE HELP OF JEWRY 83
mere attackers and to transform Jews from being mere
defenders, both of them special pleaders for partisan
views, and to turn them both into investigators. The
investigation will show both Gentile and Jew at fault,
and the road will then be clear for wisdom to work out
a result, if there should perchance be that much wisdom
left in the race.
There is a serious snare in all this plea for tolerance.
Tolerance is first a tolerance of the truth. Tolerance
is urged today for the sake of suppression. There can
be no tolerance until there is first a full understanding
of what is tolerated. Ignorance, suppression, silence,
collusion — these are not tolerance. The Jew never has
been really tolerated in the higher sense because he has
never been understood. Mr. Brisbane does not assist
the understanding of this people by reading a "simply
written" book and flinging a few Jewish names about
in a sea of type. He owes it to his own mind to get into
the Question, whether he makes newspaper use of his
discoveries or not.
As to the newspaper angle, it is impossible to report
the world even superficially without coming everywhere
against the fact of the Jews, and the Press gets around
that fact by referring to them as Russians, Letts, Ger-
mans and Englishmen. This mask of names is one of
the most confusing elements in the whole problem.
Names that actually name', statements that actually de-
fine are needed for the clarification of the world's mind.
Mr. Brisbane should study this question for the
light such a study would throw on other matters with
which he is concerned. It would be a help to that study
if from time to time he would publish some of his find-
ings, because such publication would put him in touch
with a phase of Judaism which mere complimentary
editorials could not. No doubt Mr. Brisbane has been
deluged by communications which praise him for what
he has written; the real eye-opener would come if he
could get several bushels of the other kind. Nothing
that has ever come to him could compare with what
would come to him if he should publish even one of the
facts he could discover by an independent investigation.
Having written about the Jews, Mr. Brisbane will
probably have a readier eye henceforth for other men's
pronouncements on the same subject. In his casual
84 THE INTERNATIONAL JE;W
reading he will find more references to the Jew than he
has ever noticed before. Some of them will probably
appear in isolated sentences and paragraphs of his own
papers. Sooner or later, every competent investigator
and every honest writer strikes a trail that leads toward
Jewish power in the world. The Dearborn Inde-
pendent is only doing with system and detail what
other publications have done or are doing piecemeal.
There is a real fear of the Jew upon the publicity
sources of the United States — a fear which is felt and
which ought to be analyzed. Unless it is a very great
mistake, Mr. Brisbane himself has felt this fear, though
it is quite possible he has not scrutinized it. It is not
the fear of doing injustice to a race of people — all of us
ought to have that honorable fear — it is the fear of do-
ing anything at all with reference to them except un-
stintedly praising them. An independent investiga-
tion would convince Mr. Brisbane that a considerable
modification of praise in favor of discriminate criticism
is a course that is pressing upon American journalism.
Isme of July 3, 1920.
VIII.
Does a Definite Jewish World
Program Exist?
IN all the explanations of anti-Jewish feeling which
modern Jewish spokesmen make, these three alleged
causes are commonly given — these three and no more:
religious prejudice, economic jealousy, social antipathy.
Whether the Jew knows it or not, every Gentile knows
that on his side of the Jewish Question no religious
prejudice exists. Economic jealousy may exist, at least
to this extent, that his uniform success has exposed the
Jew to much scrutiny. A few Jewish spokesmen seek
to turn this scrutiny by denying that the Jew is pre-
eminent in finance, but this is loyalty in extremity.
The finances of the world are in control of Jews; their
decisions and their devices are themselves our economic
law. But because a people excels us in finance is no
sufficient reason for caUing them to the bar of public
judgment. If they are more intellectually able, more
persistently industrious than we are, if they are endowed
with faculties which have been denied us as an inferior
or slower race, that is no reason for our requiring them
to give an account of themselves. Economic jealousy
may explain some of the anti-Jewish feeling; it cannot
account for the presence of the Jewish Question except
as the hidden causes of Jewish financial success may
become a minor element of the larger problem. And as
for social antipathy — there are many more undesirable
Gentiles in the world than there are undesirable Jews,
for the simple reason that there are more Gentiles.
None of the Jewish spokesmen today mention the
political cause, or if they come within suggestive dis-
tance of it, they limit and locahze it. It is not a ques-
tion of the patriotism of the Jew, though this too is very
widely questioned in all the countries. You hear it in
England, in France, in Germany, in Poland, in Russia,
in Rumania — and, with a shock, you hear it in the
United States. Books have been written, reports pub-
lished and scattered abroad, statistics skillfully set forth
for the purpose of showing that the Jew does his part
86 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
for the country in which he resides; and yet the fact
remains that in spite of these most zealous and highly
sponsored campaigns, the opposite assertion is stronger
and lives longer. The Jews who did their duty in the
armies of Liberty, and did it doubtless from true-
hearted love and allegiance, have not been able to over-
come the impression made upon officers and men and
civilians by those who did not.
But that is not what is here meant as the political
element in the Jewish Question. To understand why
the Jew should think less of the nationalities of the
world than do those who comprise them is not difficult.
The Jew's history is one of wandering among them all.
Considering living individuals only, there is no race of
people now upon the planet who have lived in so many
places, among so many peoples as have the Jewish
masses. They have a clearer world-sense than a^iy
other people, because the world has been their })ath.
And they think in world terms more than any nationally
cloistered people could. The Jew can be absolved if he
does not enter into national loyalties and prejudices
with the same intensity as the natives; the Jew has
been for centuries a cosmopolitan. While under a flag
he may be correct in the conduct required of him as a
citizen or resident, inevitably he has a view of flags
which can hardly be shared by the man who has known
but one flag.
The political element inheres in the fact that the
Jews form a nation in the midst of the nations. Some
of their spokesmen, particularly in America, deny that,
but the genius of the Jew himself has always put these
spokesmen's zeal to shame. And why this fact of na-
tionhood should be so strenuously denied is not always
clear. It may be that when Israel is brought to see
that her mission in the world is not to be achieved by
means of the Golden Calf, her very cosmopolitanism
with regard to the world and her inescapable national-
istic integrity with regard to herself will together prove
a great and serviceable factor in bringing about human
unity, which the total Jewish tendency at the present
time is doing much to prevent. It is not the fact that
the Jews remain a nation in the mjdst of the nations; it
is the use made of that inescapable status, which the
world has found reprehensible. The nations have tried
DOES A JEWISH WORLD PROGRAM EXIST? 87
to reduce the Jew to unity with themselves; attempts
toward the same end have been made by the Jews them-
selves; but destiny seems to have marked them out to
continuous nationhood. Both the Jews and the World
will have to accept that fact, find the good prophecy in
it, and seek the channels for its fulfillment.
Theodor Herzl, one of the greatest of the Jews, was
perhaps the farthest-seeing public exponent of the phi-
losophy of Jewish existence that modern generations
have known. And he was never in doubt of the ex-
istence of the Jewish nation. Indeed, he proclaimed
its existence on every occasion. He said, "We are a
people — 0716 people.'^
He clearly saw that what he called the Jewish Ques-
tion was poHtical. In his introduction to "The Jewish
State" he says, "I believe that I understand anti-
Semitism, which is really a highly complex movement.
I consider it from a Jewish standpoint, yet without fear
or hatred. I believe that I can see what elements there
are in it of vulgar sport, of common trade jealousy, of
inherited prejudice, of religious intolerance and also of
pretended self-defense. I think the Jewish Question is
no more a social than a religious one, notwithstanding
that it sometimes takes these and other forms. It is a
national question, which can only be solved by making it
a political ivorld-question to be discussed and controlled
by the civilized nations of the world in council."
Not only did Herzl declare that the Jews formed a
nation, but when questioned by Major Evans Gordon
before the British Royal Commission on Alien Immigra-
tion in August, 1902, Dr. Herzl said: "I will give you
my definition of a nation, and you can add the adjective
'Jewish.' A nation is, in my mind, an historical group
of men of a recognizable cohesion held together by a
common enemy. That is in my view a nation. Then
if yon add to that the word 'Jewish' you have what I under-
stand to he the Jewish nation."
Also, in relating the action of this Jewish nation to
the world, Dr. Herzl wrote — "When we sink, we become
a revolutionary proletariat, the subordinate officers of
the revolutionary party; when we rise, there rises also
our terrible power of the purse."
This view, which appears to be the true view in that
it is the view which has been longest sustained in Jewish
88 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
thought, is brought out also by Lord Eustace Percy, and
re-pubhshed, apparently with approval, by the Cana-
dian Jewish Chronicle. It will repay a careful reading:
"Liberalism and Nationalism, with a flourish of
trumpets, threw open the doors of the ghetto and of-
fered equal citizenship to the Jew. The Jew passed out
into the Western World, saw the power and the glory
of it, used it and enjoyed it, laid his hand indeed upon
the nerve centers of its civilization, guided, directed and
exploited it, and then — refused the offer * * *More-
over — and this is a remarkable thing — the Europe of
nationalism and liberalism, of scientific government and
democratic equality is more intolerable to him than the
old oppressions and persecutions of despotism * * *
In the increasing consolidation of the western nations,
it is no longer possible to reckon on complete toleration
* * *
"In a world of completely organized territorial sov-
ereignties he (the Jew) has only two possible cities of
refuge : he must either pull down the pillars of the whole
national state system or he must create a territorial
sovereignty of his own. In this perhaps lies the ex-
planation both of Jewish Bolshevism and of Zionism, for
at this moment Eastern Jewry seems to hover uncer-
tainly between the two.
"In Eastern Europe Bolshevism and Zionism often
seem to grow side by side, just as Jewish influence
molded Republican and Socialist, thought throughout
the nineteenth century, down to the Young Turk revo-
lution in Constantinople hardly more than a decade ago
— not because the Jew cares for the positive side of radical
philosophy, 7iot because he desires to be a partaker in
Gentile nationalism or Gentile democracy, but because no
existing Gentile system of government is ever anything but
distasteful to him."
All that is true, and Jewish thinkers of the more fear-
less type always recognize it as true. The Jew is against
the Gentile scheme of things. He is, when he gives his
tendencies full sway, a Republican as against the mon-
archy, a Socialist as against the republic, and a Bol-
shevist as against Socialism.
What are the causes of this disruptive activity?
First, his essential lack of democracy. Jewish nature is
autocratic. Democracy is all right for the rest of the
DOES A JEWISH WOK 1.1) ]M And it is also natural that not every Jew should
know this. The Sanhedrin always was the aristo-
cracy, and would be today. When rabbis cry from
their pulpits that they know nothing about this
thing, they are doubtless telling the truth. What
the international Jew depends upon is the likelihood
of every Jew approving that which brings power and
prestige to his people. At any rate, it is well enough
known that however little the ordinary Jewish leader
may have been told about world programs, he re-
gards with the greatest respect and confidence the
very men who must put these programs through, if
these exist at all.
The twenty-fourth Protocol of the Learned Elders
of Zion has this to say:
"Now I will discuss the manner in which the roots
of the house of King David will penetrate to the
deepest strata of the earth. This dynasty, even to
this day, has given the power of controlling world
affairs to our wise men, the educational directors of
all human thought."
This would indicate, if reliable, that, as the Pro-
tocol goes on to recite, the Autocrat himself has not
appeared, but the dynasty, or the Davidic line in
which he must appear, have entrusted the work of
preparing for him to the Wise Men of Zion. These
wise men are represented not only as preparing those
who exercise rulership over Judaism's affairs, but
also as framing and influencing the world's thought
toward ends which shall be propitious to these plans.
Whatever may be hidden in the program, it is cer-
tain that its execution or the effects of its execution
cannot be hidden. Therefore, it may be possible to
find in the outer world the clues which, traced back
to their source, reveal the existence of a program,
whose promise for the world, good or bad, ought to
be widely known.
Ubuc of July 17, 1920.
X.
An Introduction to the "Jewish
Protocols"
THE documents most frequently mentioned by
those who are interested in the theory of Jewish
World Power rather than in the actual operation of
that power in the world today, are those 24 documents
known as ''The Protocols of the Learned Elders of
Zion."
The Protocols have attracted much attention in
Europe, having become the center of an important
storm of opinion in England only recently, but discus-
sion of them in the United States has been limited.
These are the documents concerning which the Depart-
ment of Justice was making inquiries more than a
year ago, and which were given publication in London
by Eyre and Spottiswoode, the official printers to the
British Government.
Who it was that first entitled these documents with
the name of the "Elders of Zion" is not known. It
would be possible without serious mutilation of the
documents to remove all hint of Jewish authorship,
and yet retain all the main points of the most compre-
hensive program for world subjugation that has ever
come to public knowledge.
Yet it must be said that thus to eliminate all hint
of Jewish authorship would be to bring out a number
of contradictions which do not exist in the Protocols
in their present form. The purpose of the plan re-
vealed in the Protocols is to undermine all authority
in order that a new authoritj^ in the form of autocracy
may be set up. Such a plan could not emanate from
a ruling class which already possessed authority, al-
though it might emanate from anarchists. But anar-
chists do not avow autocracy as the ultimate condition
they seek. The authors might be conceived as a com-
pany of French Subversives such as existed at the
time of the French Revolution and had the infamous
Due d'Orleans as their leader, but this would involve
a contradiction between the fact that those Sub-
versives have passed away, and the fact that the pro-
no THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
gram announced in these Protocols is being steadily
carried out, not only in France, but throughout Eu-
rope, and very noticeably in the United States.
In their present form which bears evidence of be-
ing their original form, there is no contradiction. The
allegation of Jewish authorship seems essential to the
consistency of the plan.
If these documents were the forgeries which Jewish
apologists claim them to be, the forgers would prob-
ably have taken pains to make Jewish authorship so
clear that their anti-Semitic purpose could easily have
been detected. But only twice is the term "Jew"
used in them. After one has read much further than
the average reader usually cares to go into such mat-
ters, one comes upon the plans for the establishment
Oif the World Autocrat, and only then it is made clear
of what lineage he is to be.
But all through the documents there is left no
doubt as to the people against whom the plan is aim-
ed. It is not aimed against aristocracy as such. It
is not aimed against capital as such. It is not aimed
against government as such. Very definite provisions
are made for the enlistment of aristocracy, capital and
government for the execution of the plan. It is aim-
ed against the people of the world who are called
"Gentiles." It is the frequent mention of "Gentiles"
that really decides the purpose of the documents.
Most of the destructive type of "liberal" plans aim
at the enlistment of the people as helpers; this plan
aims at the degeneration of the people in order that
they may be reduced to confusion of mind and thus
manipulated. Popular movements of a "liberal"
kind are to be encouraged, all the disruptive philoso-
phies in religion, economics, politics and domestic life
are to be sown and watered, for. the purpose of so
disintegrating social solidarity that a definite plan,
herein set forth, may be put through without notice,
and the people then molded to it when the fallacy of
these philosophies is shown.
The formula of speech is not, "We Jews will do
this," but "The Gentiles will be made to think and do
these things." With the exception of a few instances
in the closing Protocols, the only distinctive racial
term used is "Gentiles."
INTRODUCTION TO THE "JEWISH PROTOCOLS" 111
To illustrate: the first indication of this kind comes
in the first Protocol in this waj'-:
"The great qualities of the people — honesty
and frankness — are essentially vices in politics,
because they dethrone more surely and more cer-
tainly than does the strongest enemy. These
qualities are attributes of Gentile rule; we cer-
tainly must not be guided by them."
And again:
"On the ruins of the hereditary aristocracy of
the Gentiles we have set up the aristocracy of our
educated class, and over all the aristocracy of
money. We have established the basis of this
new aristocracy on the basis of riches, which we
control, and on t'he science guided by our wise
men."
Again :
"We will force up wages, which however will
be of no benefit to workers, for we at the same
time will cause a rise in the prices of prime neces-
sities, pretending that this is due to the decline
of agriculture and of cattle raising. We will also
artfully and deeply undermine the sources of pro-
duction by instilling in the workmen ideas of
anarchy and encourage them in the use of alcohol,
at the same time taking measures to drive all
the intellectual forces of the Gentiles from the
land."
(A forger with anti-Semitic malice might have
written this any time within the last five years, but
these words were in print at least 14 years ago ac-
cording to British evidence, a copy having been in
the British Museum since 1906, and they were circu-
lated in Russia a number of years prior.)
The above point continues: "That the true
situation shall not be noticed by the Gentiles pre-
maturely we will mask it by a pretended effort
to serve the working classes a,nd promote great
economic principles, for which an active propa-
ganda will be carried on through our economic
theories."
These quotations will illustrate the style of the
Protocols in making reference to the parties involved.
It is "we" for the writers, and "Gentiles" for those
112 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
who are being written about. This is brought out
very clearly in the Fourteenth Protocol:
"In this divergence between the Gentiles and
ourselves in ability to think and reason is to be
seen clearly the seal of our election as the chosen
people, as higher human beings, in contrast with
the Gentiles who have merely instinctive and ani-
mal minds. They observe, but they do not fore-
see, and they invent nothing (except perhaps ma-
terial things). It is clear from this that nature
herself predestined us to rule and guide the
world."
This, of course, has been the Jewish method of
dividing humanity from the earliest times. The
world was only Jew and Gentile; all that was not Jew
was Gentile.
The use of the word Jew in the Protocol may be
illustrated by this passage in the eighth section:
"For the time being, until it will be safe to
give responsible government positions to our
brother Jews, we shall entrust them to people
whose past and whose characters are such
that there is an abyss between them and the
people."
This is the practice known as using "Gentile
fronts" which is extensively practiced in the financial
world today in order to cover up the evidences of
Jewish control. How much progress has been made
since these words were written is indicated by the
occurrence at the San Francisco convention when the
name of Judge Brandeis was proposed for President.
It is reasonably to be expected that the public mind
will be made more and more familiar with the idea of
Jewish occupancy — which will be really a short step
from the present degree of influence which the Jews
exercise — of the highest office in the government.
There is no function of the American Presidency in
which the Jews have not already secretly assisted in a
very important degree. Actual occupancy of the
office is not necessary to enhance their power, but to
promote certain things which parallel very closely the
plans outlined in the Protocols now before us.
Another point which the reader of the Protocols
will notice is that the tone of exhortation is entirely
INTRODUCT10i\ TO THE "JEWISH PROTOCOLS" 113
absent from these documents. They are not prop-
aganda. They are not efforts to stimulate the am-
bitions or activity of those to whom they are address-
ed. They are as cool as a legal paper and as matter-
of-fact as a table of statistics. There is none of the
"Let us rise, my brothers" stuff about them. There
is no "Down with the Gentiles" hysteria. These
Protocols, if indeed they were made by Jews and con-
fided to Jews, or if they do contain certain principles
of a Jewish World Program, were certainly not in-
tended for the firebrands but for the carefully pre-
pared and tested initiates of the higher groups.
• Jewish apologists have asked, "Is it conceivable
that if there were such a world program on the part
of the Jews, they would reduce it to writing and pub-
lish it?" But there is no evidence that these Proto-
cols were ever uttered otherwise than in spoken words
by those who put them forth. The Protocols as we
have them are apparently the notes of lectures which
were made by someone who heard them. Some of
them are lengthy ; some of them are brief. The asser-
tion which has always been made in connection with
the Protocols since they have become known is that
they are the notes of lectures delivered to Jewish stu-
dents presumably somewhere in France or Switzer-
land. The attempt to make them appear to be of
Russian origin is absolutely forestalled by the point
of view, the references to the times and certain gram-
matical indications.
The tone certainly fits the supposition that they
were originally lectures given to students, for their
purpose is clearly not to get a program accepted but to
give information concerning a program which is repre-
sented as being already in process of fulfillment.
There is no invitation to join forces or to offer opin-
ions. Indeed it is specifically announced that neither
discussion nor opinions are desired. ("While preach-
ing liberalism to the Gentiles, we shall hold our own
people and our own agents in unquestioning obedi-
ence." "The scheme of administration must ema-
nate from a single brain * * * Therefore, we may
knou- the plan of action, but we must not discuss it,
lest we destroy its unique character * * * The in-
spired work of our leader therefore must not be
114 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
thrown before a crowd to be torn to pieces, or even,
before a limited group.")
Moreover, taking the Protocols at their face value,
it is evident that the program outlined in these lec-
ture notes was not a new one at the time the lectures
were given. There is no evidence of its being of re-
cent arrangement. There is almost the tone of a
tradition, or a religion, in it all, as if it had been hand-
ed down from generation to generation through the
medium of specially trusted and initiated men. There
is no note of new discovery or fresh enthusiasm in it,
but the certitude and calmness of facts long known
and policies long confirmed by experiment.
This point of the age of the program is touched
upon at least twice in the Protocols themselves. In
the First Protocol this paragraph occurs:
"Already in ancient times we were the first to
shout the words, 'Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,'
among the people. These words have been repeat-
ed many times since by unconscious poll-parrots,
flocking from all sides to this bait, with which they
have ruined the prosperity of the world and true
personal freedom * * * The presumably clever
and intelligent Gentiles did not understand the
symbolism of the uttered words; did not observe
their contradiction in meaning; did not notice
that in nature there is no equality * * *"
The other reference to the program's finality is
found in the Thirteenth Protocol:
"Questions of policy, however, are permitted
to no one except those who have originated the
policy and have directed it for many centuries."
Can this be a reference to a secret Jewish Sanhe-
drin, self-perpetuating within a certain Jewish caste
from generation to generation?
Again, it must be said that the originators and
directors here referred to cannot be at present any
ruling caste, for all that the program contemplates is
directly opposed to the interests of such a caste. It
cannot refer to any national aristocratic group, like
the Junkers of Germany, for the methods which are
proposed are the very ones which would render power-
less such a group. It cannot refer to any but a peo-
ple who have no government, who have everything to
INTRODUCTION TO THE "JEWISH PROTOCOLS' 115
gain and nothing to lose, and who can keep themselves
intact amid a crumbling world. There is only one
group that answers that description.
Again, a reading of the Protocols makes it clear
that the speaker himself was not seeking for honor.
There is a complete absence of personal ambition
throughout the document. All plans and purposes
and expectations are merged in the future of Israel,
which future, it would seem, can only be secured by
the subtle breaking down of certain world ideas held
by the Gentiles. The Protocols speak of what has
been done, what was being done at the time these
words were given, and what remained to be done.
Nothing like them in completeness of detail, in breadth
of plan and in deep grasp of the hidden springs of
human action has ever been known. They are verily
terrible in their mastery of the secrets of life, equally
terrible in their consciousness of that mastery. Truly
they would merit the opinion which Jews have recently
cast upon them, that they were the work of an inspired
madman, were it not that what is written in the Proto-
cols in words is also written upon the life of today in
deeds and tendencies.
The criticisms which these Protocols pass upon the
Gentiles for their stupidity are just. It is impossible
to disagree with a single item in the Protocols' descrip-
tion of Gentile mentality and veniality. Even the
most astute of the Gentile thinkers have been fooled
into receiving as the motions of progress what has
only been insinuated into the common human mind
by the most insidious systems of propaganda.
It is true that here and there a thinker has arisen
to say that science so-called was not science at all.
It is true that here and there a thinker has arisen to
say that the so-called economic laws both of conserva-
tives and radicals were not laws at all, but artificial
inventions. It is true that occasionally a keen ob-
server has asserted that the recent debauch of luxury
and extravagance was not due to the natural impulses
of the people at all, but was systematically stimulated,
foisted upon them by design. It is true that a few
have discerned that more than half of what passes
for "public opinion" is mere hired applause and booing
and has never impressed the public mind.
116 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
But even with these clues here and there, for the
most part disregarded, there has never been enough
continuity and collaboration between those who were
awake, to follow all the clues to their source. The
chief explanation of the hold which the Protocols
have had on many of the leading statesmen of the
world for several decades is that they explain whence
all these false influences come and what their purpose
is. They give a clue to the modern maze. It is now
time for the people to know. And whether the Proto-
cols are judged as proving anything concerning the
Jews or not, they constitute an education in the way
the masses are turned about like sheep by influences
which they do not understand. It is almost certain
that once the principles of the Protocols are known
widely and understood by the people, the criticism
which they now rightly make of the Gentile mind will
no longer hold good.
It is the purpose of future articles in this series to
study these documents and to answer out of their con-
tents all the questions that may arise concerning them.
Before that work is begun, one question should be
answered — "Is there likelihood of the program of the
Protocols being carried through to success?" The
program is successful already. In many of its most
important phases it is already a reality. But this need
not cause alarm, for the chief weapon to be used
against such a program, both in its completed and un-
completed parts, is clear publicity. Let the people
know. Arousing the people, alarming the people,
appealing to the passions of the people is the method
of the plan outlined in the Protocols. The antidote
is merely enlightening the people.
That is the only purpose of these articles. En-
lightenment dispels prejudice. It is as desirable to
dispel the prejudice of the Jew as of the Gentile. Jew-
ish writers too frequently assume that the prejudice
is all on one side. The -Protocols themselves ought to
have the widest circulation among the Jewish people,
in order that they may check those things which are
bringing suspicion upon their name.
Imuc cf July 24, 1920.
XI.
"Jewish" Estimate of Gentile
Human Nature
"Upon completing this program of our pres-
ent and future actions, I will read to you the
principles of these theories." — Protocol 16.
"In all that I have discussed with you
hitherto, I have endeavored to indicate carefully
the secrets of past and future events and of
those momentous occurrences of the near future
toivard zvhich ive are rushing in a stream of
great crises, anticipating the hidden principles of
future relationships with the Gentiles and of our
financial operations." — Protocol 22.
THE Protocols, which profess themselves to be an
outline of the Jewish World Program, are found
upon analysis to contain four main divisions. These,
however, are not marked in the structure of the docu-
ments, but in the thought. There is a fifth, if the
object of it all is included, but this object is assumed
throughout the Protocols, being only here and there
defined in terms. And the four main divisions are
great trunks.from which there are numerous branches.
There is first what is alleged to be the Jewish con-
ception of human nature, by which is meant Gentile
nature. It is inconceivable that such a plan as that
which the Protocols set forth could have been eVolved
by a mind that had not previously based the prob-
ability of success on a certain estimate of the ignobility
and corruptibility of human nature — which all through
the Protocols is referred to as Gentile nature.
Then, secondly, there is the account of what has al-
ready been accomplished in the realization of the pro-
gram — things actually done.
Thirdly, there is a complete instruction in the
methods to be used to get the program still further
fulfilled — methods which would themselves supply the
estimate of human nature upon which the whole fabric
is based, if there were nothing else to indicate it.
118 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
Fourth, the Protocols contain in detail some of the
achievements which, at the time these words were ut-
tered, were yet to be made. Some of these desired
things have been achieved in the meantime, for it
should "be borne in mind that between the year 1905
and the year 1920 there has been time to set many in-
fluences in motion and attain many ends. As the sec-
cond quotation at the head of this article would indi-
cate, the speaker Tcnew that events were "rushing in a
stream of great crises," a knowledge which is amply
attested by Jewish sources outside the Protocols.
If this series of articles represented a special plead-
ing upon the Jewish Question, the present article would
seek to win the reader's confidence by presenting first
the set of facts which are described under "secondly"
in the above list of main divisions. To begin with the
estimate of human nature here disclosed is to court
alienation of the reader's interest, especially if the
reader be a Gentile. We know from abundant sources
what the Jewish estimate of human nature is, and it
tallies in all respects with what is disclosed in the
Protocols, but it has always been one of the fallacies
of Gentile thought that human nature is, now, full of
dignity and nobility. There is little question, when
the subject is considered in all its lights, that the
Jewish conception is right. And so far as these Proto-
cols are concerned, their low estimate of mankind,
though harsh to human pride and conceit, are very
largely true.
Just to run through the Protocols and select the
salient passages in which this view is expressed is to
find a pretty complete philosophy of the motives and
qualities of human beings.
Take these words from the First Protocol:
"It should be noted that people with evil in-
stincts are more numerous than those with good
ones; therefore, the beSt results in governing
them are attained by intimidation and violence,
and not by academic argument. Every man aims
for power; everyone desires to be a dictator, if
possible; moreover, few would not sacrifice the
good of others to attain their own ends."
"People in masses and people of the masses
are guided by exceptionally shallow passions, be-
"JEWISH" ESTIMATK OF GENTILE NATURE 119
liefs, customs, traditions and sentimental theories
and arc inclined toward party divisions, a fact
which prevents any form of agreement, even
when this is founded on a thoroughly logical basis.
Every decision of the mob depends upon an acci-
dental or prearranged majority, which, owing to
its ignorance of the mysteries of political secrets,
gives expression to absurd decisions that intro-
duce anarchy into government."
"In working out an expedient plan of action,
it is necessary to take into consideration the
meanness, the vacillation, the changeability of the
crowd * * * It is necessary to realize that the
force of the masses is blind, unreasoning and un-
intelligent, prone to listen now to the right, and
, now to the left * * *"
"Our triumph has also been made easier be-
cause, in our relations with the people necessary
to us, we have always played upon the most
sensitive strings of the human mind— on calcula-
tion, greed, and the insatiable material desires of
men. Each of these human weaknesses, taken
separately, is capable of paralyzing initiative and
placing the will of the people at the disposal of
the purchaser of their activities."
In the Fifth Protocol, this shrewd observation on
human nature is to be found:
"In all times, nations as well as individuals,
accepted words for acts. They have been satis-
fied by what is shown them, rarely noticing
whether the promise has been followed by ful-
fillment. For this reason we will organize 'show'
institutions which will conspicuously display their
devotion to progress."
And this from the Eleventh Protocol:
"The Gentiles are like a flock of sheep * * *
They will close their eyes to everything because
we will promise them to return all the liberties
taken away, after the enemies of peace have been
subjugated and all the parties pacified. Is it
worth while to speak of how long they will have
to wait? For what have we conceived all this
program and instilled its measures into the minds
of the Gentiles without giving them the possibility
120 . THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
of examining its underside, if it is not for the
purpose of attaining by circuitous methods that
which is unattainable to our scattered race by a
direct route?"
Notice also this very shrewd observation upon the
"joiners" of secret societies — this estimate being made
by the Protocols to indicate how easily these societies
may be used to further the plan:
"Usually it is -the climbers, careerists and
people, generally speaking, who are not serious,
who most readily join secret societies, and we shall
find them easy to handle and through them oper-
ate the mechanism of our projected machine."
The remarks under this head are curtailed by the
present writer, because the Protocols make reference to
a very important secret order, the mention of whose
name in this connection might lead to misunderstand-
ing, and which is therefore reserved for future and
fuller attention. It will, however, be of interest to
the members of that order to see what the Protocols
have to say of it, and then to check up the facts and
see how far they correspond with the words.
To continue: "The Gentiles join lodges out
of curiosity or in the hope that through them
they may worm their way into social distinction
* * * We therefore give them this success so that
we can take advantage of the self-conceit to which
it gives birth and because of which people un-
consciously accept our suggestions without ex-
amination * * * You cannot imagine to what an
extent the most intelligent Gentiles may be
brought to a state of unconscious naivete under
conditions of self-deceit, and how easy it is to
discourage them by the least failure, even the
stopping of applause, or to bring them into a state
of servile subjection for the sake of regaining it.
The Gentiles are as ready to sacrifice their plans
for the sake of popular success as our people are
to ignore success for the sake of carrying out
our plans. This psj^chology of theirs facilitates
the task of directing them."
These are a few of the passages in which this esti-
mate of human or Gentile nature is made out in words.
But even if it were not so baldly stated, it could be
"JEWISH" ESTIMATE OF GENTILE NATURE 121
easily inferred from various items in the program
which was depended upon to break up Gentile solid-
arity and strength.
The method is one of disintegration. Break up the
people into parties and sects. Sow abroad the most
promising and Utopian of ideas and j^ou will do two
things: you will always find a group to cling to each
idea you throw out; and 5^ou will find this partisanship
dividing and estranging the various groups. The
authors of the Protocols show in detail how this is
to be done. Not one idea, but a mass of ideas are to
be thrown out, and there is to be no unity among them.
The purpose is ??oi to get the people thinking oj ie
thing, but to thi nk so ^diversely about so many dif-
ferent tKingj^'th-^ there will
The result of thisTviii be vast disuniTy!
and that is the result aimed for.
When once the solidarity of Gentile society is
broken up — and the name "Gentile society" is perfectly
correct, for human society is overwhelmingly Gentile —
then this solid wedge of another idea which is not at all
affected by the prevailing confusion can make its way
unsuspectedly to the place of control. It is well
enough known that a body of 20 trained police or
soldiers can accomphsh more than a disordered mob
of a thousand persons. So the minority initiated into
the plan can do more with a nation or a world broken
into a thousand antagonistic parties, than any of the
parties could do. "Divide and rule" is the motto of
the Protocols.
The division of society is perfectly easy, according
to the estimate of human nature made in these docu-
ments. It is human nature to take promises for acts.
No one who considered the list of dreams and vagaries
and theories that have swayed the people through the
centuries can doubt this. The more Utopian, the more
butterfly-like the theory, the more it commands pub-
lic adherence. Just as the Protocols say, Gentile so-
ciety does not scrutinize the origin or the consequences
of the theories it adopts. When a theory makes its ap-
peal to the mind, the tendency is to believe that the
mind which receives it always had it in essence, and
therefore the experience has all the glow of original
discoverv.
122 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
In this manner, theory after theory has been ex-
ploited among the masses, theory after theory has been
found to be impracticable and has been discarded, but
the result is precisely that which the program of the
Protocols aims for — with the discarding of each theory,
society is a little more broken than it was before.
It is a little more helpless before its exploiters. It
is a little more confused as to where to look for
leadership. As a consequence society falls an easy
victim again to a theory which promises it the good it
seeks, and the failure of tiiis theory leaves it still more
broken. There is no longer any such thing as public
opinion. Distrust and division are everywhere. And
in the midst of the confusion everyone is dimly aware
that there is a higher group that is not divided at all,
but is getting exactly what it wants by means of the
confusion that obtains all around. It will be shown,
as claimed by the Protocols, that most of the disrup-
tive theories abroad in the world today are of Jewish
origin; it will also be shown that the one solid un-
broken group in the world today, the group that knows
where it wants to go and is going there regardless of
the condition of society, is the Jewish group.
The most dangerous theory of all is that which ex-
plains the rise of theories and the social break-up which
follows them. These are all "symptoms of progress"
we are told. If so, then "progress" is toward dissolu-
tion. No one can predicate the fact of "progress" on
the ground that, whereas our fathers made wheels to
go round with the blowing wind or the running water,
wc make them go round by successive small explosions
of gasoline. The question of "progress" is. Where are
the wheels taking us? Was windmill and water wheel
society better or worse than the present society? Was
it more unified in its morality? Did it more highly
respect law, did it produce a higher and sturdier type
of character?
The modern theory of "ferment," that out of all
the unrest and change and transvaluation of values a
new and better mankind is to be evolved is not borne
out by any fact on the horizon. It is palpably a
theory whose purpose is to make a seeming good out
of that which is undeniable evil. The theories which
cause the disruption and the theory which explains the
"JEWISH" ESTIMATE OF GENTILE NATURE 123
durnption as good, come from the same source. The
whole science of economics, conservative and radical,
capitalistic and anarchistic, is of Jewish origin. This
is another of the announcements of the Protocols which
the facts confirm.
Now, all this is accomplished, not by acts, but by
words. The tvord-brokers of the world, those who
wish words to do duty for things, in their dealings
with the world outside their class, are undoubtedly the
Jewish group — the international Jews with which these
articles deal — and their philosophy and practice are
precisely set forth in the Protocols.
Take for illustration these passages: The first is
from the First Protocol:
"Political freedom is an idea, not a fact. It is nec-
essary to know how to apply this idea when there is
need of a clever bait to gain the support of the people
for one's party, if such a party has undertaken to
defeat another party already in power. This task is
made easier if the opponent has himself been infected
by principles of freedom or so-called liberalism, and
for the sake of the idea will yield some of his own
power."
Or consider this from the Fifth Protocol:
"To obtain control over public opinion, it is
first necessary to confuse it by the expression from
various sides of so many conflicting opinions that
the Gentiles will lose themselves in the labyrinth
and come to understand that it is best to have no
opinion on political questions, which it is not
given to society at large to understand but only
to the ruler who directs society. This is the first
secret.
"The second secret consists in so increasing
and intensifying the shortcomings of the people
in their habits, passions and mode of living that
no one will be able to collect himself in the chaos,
and, consequently, people will lose all their mutual
understanding. This measure will serve us also
in breeding disagreement in all parties, in dis-
integrating all those collective forces which are
Gtill unwilling to submit to us and in discouraging
all personal initiative which can in any way inter-
fere with our undertaking."
124 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
And this from the Thirteenth Protocol:
"* * * and you may also notice that we seek
approval, not for our acts, but for our words uttered
in regard to one or another question. We always
announce publicly that we are guided in all our
measures by the hope and the conviction that
we are serving the general good.
"To divert over-restless people from discussing
political questions, we shall now bring forward
new problems apparently connected with the
people — problems of industry. In these, let them
lose themselves as much as they like. Under such
conditions we shall make them think that the new
questions have also a political bearing."
(It is to be hoped that the reader, as his eye passes
over these details of the Program, is also permitting
his mind to pass over the trend of events, to see if he
may detect for himself these very developments in the
life and thought of the past few years.)
"To prevent them from really thinking out
anything themselves, we shall deflect their atten-
tion to amusements, games, pastimes, excitements
and people's palaces. Such interests will distract
their minds completely from questions on which
we might be obliged to struggle with them. Be-
coming less and less accustomed to independent
thinking, people will express themselves in unison
with us because we alone offer new lines of thought
— of course through persons whom they do not
consider as in any way connected with us."
In this same Protocol it is plainly stated what is
the purpose of the output of "hberal" theories, of
which Jewish writers, poets, rabbis, societies and in-
fluences are the most prolific sources:
"The role of the liberal Utopians will be com-
pletely played out when our government is recog-
nized. Until that time they will perform good
service. For that reason we will continue to direct
thought into all the intricacies of fantastic theories,
new) and supposedly progressive. Surely we have
been completely successful in turning the witless
heads of the Gentiles by the word 'progress.' "
Here is the whole program of confusing, enervating
and trivializing the mind of the world. And it would
"JEWISH" ESTIMATE OF GENTIEE NATURE 125
be a most outlandish thought to put into words, were
it not possible to show that this is just what has been
done, and is still being done, by agencies which are
highly lauded and easy to be identified among us.
A recent writer in a prominent magazine has
pointed out what he calls the impossibility of the
Jewish ruling group being allied in one common World
Program because, as he showed, there were Jews act-
ing as the leading minds in all the divisions of present-
day opinion. There were Jews at the head of the
capitalists, Jews at the head of the labor unions, and
Jews at the head of those more radical organizations
which find even the labor unions too tame. There is a
Jew at the head of the judiciary of England and a Jew
at the head of Sovietism in Russia. How can you say,
he asked, that they are united, when they represent so
many points of view?
The common unity, the possible common purpose
of it all, is thus expressed in the Ninth Protocol:
"People of all opinions and of all doctrines
are at our service, restorers of monarchy, dema-
gogues, Socialists, communists and other Utopi-
ans. We have put them all to work. Every one
of them from his point of view is undermining
the last remnant of authority, is trying to over-
throw all existing order. All the governments
have been tormented by these actions. But we
will not give them peace until they recognize our
super-government."
The function of the idea is referred to in the Tenth
Protocol also:
"When we introduced the poison of liberalism
into the government organism, its entire poUtical
complexion changed."
The whole outlook of these Protocols upon the
world is that the idea may be made a most potent
poison. The authors of these documents do not be-
lieve in liberalism, they do not believe in democracy,
but they lay plans for the constant preaching of these
ideas because of their power to break up society, to
divide it into groups, to destroy the power of collec-
tive opinion through a variety of convictions. The
poison of an idea is their most relied-on weapon.
The plan of thus using ideas extends to education :
126 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
"We have misled, stupefied and demoralized
the youth of the Gentiles by means of education
in principles a'nd theories,^ patently false to us,
but which we have inspired." — Protocol 9.
It extends also to family life:
"Having in this way inspired everybody with
the thought of his own importance, we will break
down the influence of family life among the Gen-
tiles, and its educational importance." — Protocol
10.
And in a passage which might well provide the ma-
terial for long examination and contemplation by the
thoughtful reader, this is said:
"Until the time is ripe, let them amuse them-
selves * * * Let those theories of life which we
have induced them to regard as the dictates of science
play the most important role for them. To this
end we shall endeavor to inspire blind confidence
in these theories by means of our Press * * *
"Note the successes we have arranged in
Darwinism, Marxism, and Nietzscheism. The de-
moralizing effect of these doctrines upon the minds
of the Gentiles should be evident at least to us."
— Protocol 2.
That this disintegration and division of Gentile so-
ciety was proceeding at a favorable rate when the
Protocols were uttered is evident from every line of
them. For it must be remembered that the Protocols
are not bidding for support for a proposed program,
but are announcing progress on a program which has
been in process of fulfillment for "centuries" and "from
ancient times." They contain a series of statements
regarding things accomplished, as well as a forelook at
things yet to be, accomplished. The split of Gentile
society was very satisfactorily proceeding in 1896, or
thereabouts, when these oracles were uttered.
It is to be noticed that the purpose is nowhere
stated to be the extermination of the Gentiles, but
their subjugation, at first under the invisible rule which
is proposed in these documents, at length under the
rule of one whom the invisible forces would be able to
put in control of the world through political changes
which would create an office of World President or
Autocrat. The Gentiles are to be subdued, first in-
"JEWISH" ESTIMATE OF GENTILE NATURE 127
tellectually, as here shown, and then economically.
Nowhere is it hinted that they are to be deprived of
the earth, but only of their independence of those
whom the Protocols represent to be Jews.
How far the division of society had proceeded
when these Protocols were given may be gathered
from the Fifth Protocol:
"A world coalition of Gentiles could cope with
us temporarily, but we are assured against this
by roots of dissension among them so deep that
they cannot be torn out. We have created an-
tagonism between the personal and national in-
terests of the" Gentiles by arousing reUgious and
race hatreds which we have nourished in their
hearts for twenty centuries."
As far as that concerns the dissensions of the Gen-
tiles or Christian world, it is absolutely true. And we
have seen in our own nation how "the antagonism
between personal and national interests" have rested
on "religious and race hatreds." But whoever sus-
pected a common source for these? More amazing
still, who would expect any man or group to avow
themselves the source? Yet it is thus written in the
Protocols — ^'ive have created the antagonism — 7ve thus
assure ourselves against the possibility of a Gentile
coalition against us." And whether these Protocols
are of Jewish origin or not, whether they represent
Jewish interests or not, this is exactly the state of the
world, of the Gentile world, today.
But a still deeper division is aimed for, and there
are signs of even this coming to pass. Indeed, in Rus-
sia it has already come to pass, the spectacle of a Gentile
lower class led by Jewish leaders against a Gentile upper
class! In the First Protocol, describing the effects of a
speculative industrial system upon the people, it is
said that this sort of economic folly —
"* * * has already created and will continue
to create a society which is disillusioned, cold and
heartless. Such a society is completely estranged
from politics and religion. Lust of gold will be the
only guide of the people * * * THEN, not for
the sake of good, nor even for the sake of riches,
but solely on account of their hatred of the privi-
leged classes, the lower classes of the Gentiles
128 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
will follow US in the struggle against our rivals for
power, the Gentiles of the intellectual classes."
"The lower classes of the Gentiles will follow us
* * * against * * * the Gentiles of the intellect
tual classes.^'
If that struggle were to occur today, the leaders of
the Gentile insurgents against Gentile society would be
Jewish leaders. They are in the leader's place now —
not only in Russia, but also in the United States.
"There is all the difference in the world," said
a young Jeivish philosopher, "betzvcen an Amer-
ican Jezv and a Jeivish American. A Jeivish
American is a mere amateur Gentile, doomed to
be a parasite forever."
— "The Conquering Jew," p. 91.
Kioe of }m\j 31, 19J0 .
XII.
"Jewish Protocols" Claim Partial
Fulfillment
"With the present instability of all authority,
our power will be more unassailable than any
other, because it will be invisible until it has
gained such strength that no cunning can under-
mine it." — Protocol 1.
"It is indispensable for our purposes that,
as far as possible, wars should bring no terri-
torial advantages. This will shift war to an
economic footing .... Such a condition of af-
fairs will place both sides under the control of
our international agents with their million eyes,
whose vision is unhampered by any frontiers.
Then, our international rights will eliminate na-
tional rights in the narrow sense, and will govern
the governments as they govern their subjects." —
Protocol 2.
AS a mere literary curiosity, these documents which
are called "The Protocols of the Learned Elders of
Zion," would exercise a fascination by reason of the
terrii3le completeness of the World Plan which they
disclose. But they discourage at every turn the view
that they are literature; they purport to be statesman-
ship, and they provide within their own lines the clue
by which their status may be determined. Besides
the things they look forward to doing, they announce
the things the^y have done and are doing. If, in look-
ing about the world, it is possible to see both the
estabhshed conditions and the strong tendencies to
which these Protocols allude, it will not be strange if
interest in a mere literary curiosity gives way to
something like alertness, and it may be alarm.
A few general quotations will serve to illustrate
the element of present achievement in the assertions
of these documents, and in order that the point may
be made clear to the reader the key words will be
emphasized.
130 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
Take this from Protocol Nine:
"In reality there are no obstacles before us.
Our super-government has such an extra-legal
status that it may be called by the energetic and
strong word — dictatorship. I can conscientiously
say that, at the present time, we are the law-
makers. We create courts and jurisprudence. We
rule with a strong will because we hold in our
hands the remains of a once strong party, now
subjugated by us."
And this from the Eighth Protocol:
"We will surround our government with a
whole world of economists. It is for this reason
that the science of economics is the chief subject of
instruction taught by the Jews. We shall be sur-
rounded by a whole galaxy of bankers, indus-
trialists, capitalists, and especially by million-
aires because, actually, everything will be de-
cided by an appeal to figures."
These are strong claims, but not too strong for the
facts that can be marshaled to illustrate them. They
are, however, but an introduction to further claims
that are made and equally paralleled by the facts. All
through the Protocols, as in this quotation from the
Eighth, the pre-eminence of the Jews in the teachiiig
of political economy is insisted upon, and the facts
bear that out. They are the chief authors of those
vagaries which lead the mob after economic impossi-
biUties, and they are also the chief teachers of political
economy in our universities, the chief authors of those
popular textbooks in the subject, which hold the con-
servative classes to the fiction that economic theories
are economic laivs. The idea, the theory, as instru-
ments of social disintegration are common to both the
university Jew and the Bolshevik Jew. When all this
is shown in detail, public opinion upon the importance
of academic and radical economics may undergo a
change.
And, as claimed in the quotation just given from
the Ninth Protocol, the Jewish world power does to-
day constitute a super-government. It is the Proto-
col's own word, and none is more fitting. No nation
can get all that it wants, but the Jewish World Power
can get all that it wants, even though its demands ex-
"JEWISH rROTOrOLS" CLAIM PART FULFILLMENT 131
ceed Gentile equality. "We are the lawmakers," say
the Protocols, and Jewish influences have been law-
makers in a greater degree than any but the specialists
realize. In the past ten years Jewish international
rule, or the power of the group of International Jews
has quite dominated the world. More than that, it has
been powerful enough to prevent the passage of salu-
tary laws, and where one law may have shpped through
to a place on the statute books, it has been powerful
enough to get it interpreted in a sense that rendered
it useless for its purpose. This, too, can be illustrated
by a large collection of facts.
Moreover, the method by which this is done was
outlined long ago in the program of which the Proto-
cols purport to be an outline. ''We create courts," con-
tinues the quotation, and it is followed in other Proto-
cols by numerous references to "our judges." There
is a Jewish court sitting in a public building in the
city of New York every week, and other courts, for
the sole advantage and use of this people whose spokes-
men deny that they are a "separate people," are in
formation everywhere. The Zionist plan has already
been used in some of the smaller European countries
to confer an extra-citizenship upon Jews who already
enjoy citizenship in the lands of their residence, and in
addition to -that a degree of self-rule under the very
governments which they demand to protect them.
Wherever Jewish tendencies are permitted to work un-
hindered, the result is not "Americanization," nor
"Anghcization" nor any other distinctive nationalism,
but a strong and ruling reversion back to essential
"Judaization."
The "agents" referred to in the first quotation will
receive attention in another article. To resume the
claims of the Protocols: This from the Seventeenth
Protocol:
"We have taken good care long ago to dis-
credit the Gentile clergy and thereby to destroy
their mission, which at present might hamper
us considerably. Their influence over the people
diminishes daily.
"Freedom of conscience has been proclaimed
everywhere. Consequently it is only a question of
time when the complete crash of the Christian
132 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
religion will occur. It will be easier still to
handle the other religions, but it is too early to
discuss this phase of the subject."
This will be of considerable interest, perhaps, to
those clergymen who are laboring with Jewish rabbis
to bring about some kind of religious union. Such a
union would of necessity dispose of Christ as a well-
meaning but wholly mistaken Jewish prophet, and
thus distinctive Christianity would cease to exist in-
sofar as the "union" was effective. The principal re-
ligious aversion of the Protocols, however, so far as it
is expressed, is against the Catholic church in general
and the pontifical office in particular.
A curious paragraph in this Protocol claims for
the Jewish race a particular skill in the art of insult:
"Our contemporary press will expose govern-
mental and religious affairs and the incapacity
of the Gentiles, always using expressions so derog-
atory as to approach insult, the faculty of em-
ploying which is so well known to our race."
This from the Fifth Protocol:
"Under our influence the execution of the
laws of the Gentiles is reduced to a minimum.
Respect for the law is undermined by the lib-
eral interpretation we have introduced in this
sphere. The courts decide as we dictate, even in
the most important cases in which are involved
fundamental principles or political issues, view-
ing them in the light in which we present them to
the Gentile administration through agents with
whom we have apparently "nothing in common,
through newspaper opinion and other avenues.
"In Gentile society where we have planted dis-
cord and protestantism * * * *"
The word "protestantism" is evidently not used in
the religious or sectarian sense, but to denote a temper
of querulous fault-finding destructive of harmonious
collective opinion.
This from the Fourteenth Protocol:
"In countries called advanced, we have created
a senseless, filthy and disgusting literature. For
a short time after our entrance into power we
shall encourage its existence so that it may show
in greater relief the contrast between it and the
"JKWISH PROTOrOLS" CLAIM PART FULFILLMENT 133
written and spoken announcements which will
emanate from us."
Discussing in the Twelfth Protocol the control of
the Press — a subject which must l)e treated more ex-
tensively in another article — the claim is made:
'^We have attained this at the present time to
the extent that all news is received through sev-
eral agencies in which it is centralized from all
parts of the world. These agencies will then be
• to all intents and purposes our own institutions
and will publish only that which we permit."
This from the Seventh Protocol bears on the same
subject:
"We must force the Gentile governments to
adopt measures which will promote our broadly
conceived plan, already approaching its trium-
phant goal, by bringing to bear the pressure of
stimulated public opinion, ichich has been or-
ganized by us with the help of the so-called 'great
power' of the press. With a few exceptions not
worth considering, it is already in our hands."
To resume the Twelfth Protocol:
"If we have already managed to dominate the
mind of Gentile society to such a point that al-
most all see world affairs through the colored
lenses of the spectacles which we place before their
eyes, and if now there is not one government with
harriers erected against our access ^o'that which by
Gentile stupidity is called state secrets, what then
will it be when we are the recognized masters of
the world in the person of our universal ruler?"
The Jewish nation is the only nation that possesses
the secrets of all the rest. No nation long protects a
secret which directly concerns another nation, but
even so, no nation has all the secrets of all the other
nations. Yet it is not too much to say that the Inter-
national Jews have this knowledge. Much of it, of
course, amounts to nothing and their possession of it
does not materially add to their power, but the fact
that they have the access, that they can get what-
ever they want when they want it is the important
point — as many a secret paper could testify if it could
talk, and many a custodian of secret papers could tell
if he would The real secret diplomacy of the world
134 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
is that which hands over the world's so-called secrets
to a few men who are members of one race. The
surface of diplomacy, those activities which get written
down in the memoirs of comfortably aging statesmen,
those coups and treaties which are given high-sounding
fame as if they really were important — that is in-
comparable with the diplomacy of Judah, and its
matchless enginery for worming out the hidden knowl-
edge of every ruling group. The United States is in-
cluded in all these statements. Perhaps there is no'
government, in the world so completely at their serv-
ice as is our own at present, their control having been
gained during the past five or six years.
The Protocols do not regard the dispersal of the
Jews abroad upon the face of the earth as a calamity,
but as a providential arrangement by which the World
Plan can be the more certainly executed, as see these
words of the Eleventh Protocol:
"God gave to us, His Chosen People, as a
blessing, the dispersal, and this which has appeared
to all to be our weakness has been our ivhole strength.
It has now brought us to the threshold of uni-
versal rule."
The claims to accomplishment which are put forth
in the Ninth Protocol would be too massive for words
were they too massive for concrete realization, but
there is a point where the word and the actuality meet
and tally.
"In order not to destroy prematurely the
Gentile institution's, we have laid our efficient
hands on them, and rasped the springs of their
mechanism. They were formerly in strict and
just order, but we have replaced them with a lib- *
eral disorganized and arbitrary administration.
We have tampered with jurisprudence, the fran-
chise, the press, freedom of the person, and, most
important of all, education and culture, the cor-
ner stone of free existence.
^^We have misled, stupefied and demoralized
the youth of the Gentiles by means of education
in principles and theories patently false to us,
but which we have inspired.
"Above existing laws, without actual change
"JEWISH PROTOCOLS" CLAIM PART FULFILLMENT 135
but by distorting them through contradictory in-
terpretations, we have created something stupend-
ous in the way of results."
Everyone knows that, in spite of the fact that the
air was never so full of theories of liberty and wild
declarations of "rights," there has been a steady cur-
tailment of "personal freedom." Instead of being
socialized, the people, under a cover of socialistic
phrases, are being brought under an unaccustomed
bondage to the state. The Public Health is one plea.
Various forms of Public Safety are other pleas. Chil-
dren are hardly free to play nowadays except under
play-masters appointed by the State, among whom,
curiously enough, an astonishing proportion of Jews
manage to find a place. The streets are no longer as
free as they were; laws of every kind are hedging
upon the harmless liberties of the people. A steady
tendency toward systematization, every phase of the
tendency based upon some very learnedly stated "prin-
ciple," has set in, and curiously enough, when the in-
vestigator pursues his way to the authoritative center
of these movements for the regulation of the people's
life, he finds Jews in power. Children are being lured
away from the "social center" of the home for other
"centers"; they are being led away (and we are speak-
ing of Gentile children — no Gentiles are ever allowed
to regulate the lives of Jewish children) from their
natural leaders in home, church and school, to in-
stitutionalized "centers" and scientific "play spots,""
under "trained leaders" whose whole effect, con-
sciously or unconsciously, is to lead the modern child
to look to the State, instead of its natural environ-
ment, for leadership. All this focuses up to the World
Plan for the subjugation of the Gentiles, and if it is
not the Jewish World Plan it would be interesting to
know why the material for it is so largely Gentile
children and the leaders of it so often of the Jewish
race.
Jewish liberties are the best safeguarded in the
United States. Gentiles take their chance with pub-
lic matters, but every Jewish community is surrounded
by special protectors who gain special recognition by
various devices — political and business threats not the
least of them. No public spirited Gentiles are wel-
136 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
coined to the task of regulating the lives of Jewish
children. The Jewish community in every city is all-
sufficient in itself as far as such activities go. The
most secret of all parochial schools are the Jewish
schools, whose very locations are not all known to the
officials of large cities. The Jew is almost anxious in
his efforts to mold the Gentile mind; he insists on
being permitted to tell the Gentile what to think,
especially about the Jew; he is not averse to influenc-
ing general Gentile thought in a manner which,
though it come about by wide circles, works ultimately
into the Jewish scheme of things. The anxiety and the
insistence, so well known to all who have observed
them, are only reflections of the Jew's conviction that
his is the superior race and is capable of directing the
inferior race — of which there is but one, including
the whole non-Jewish world.
Every influence that leads to lightness and loose-
ness in Gentile youth today heads up in a Jewish
source. Did the young people of the world devise the
"sport clothes" which have had so deleterious an ef-
fect on the youth of the times that every publicist has
thought it worthy of mention? Those styles come out
of Jewish clothing concerns, where certainly art is
not the rule nor moral influence the main considera-
tion. The moving picture is an interesting develop-
ment of photography allied with the show business,
but whose is the responsibility for its development
along such lines as make it a menace to the minds of
millions — so serious a menace that it has not escaped
observation and condemnation everywhere? Who are
the masters of musical jazz in the world? Who direct
all the cheap jewelry houses, the bridge-head show
parks, the "coney islands," the centers of nervous
thrills and looseness? It is possible to take the showy
young man and woman of trivial outlook and loose
sense of responsibility, and tag them outwardly and
inwardly, from their clothing and ornaments to their
hectic ideas and hopes, with the same tag, "Made,
introduced and exploited by a Jew."
There is, therefore, something most sinister in the
light which events cast upon that paragraph:
"We have misled, stupefied, and demoralized
the youth of the Gentiles by means of education
"JEWISH PROTOCOLS" CLAIM PART FULFILLMENT 137
in principles and theories, patently false to us,
but which we have inspired."
"Principles and theories" do not necessarily imply
lofty or even modest intellectual qualities. The
youngster who spends his noon hours and evenings at
the movies is getting his "principles and theories" just
as the more intellectual youngster from a higher grade
of society who listens to a Jewish "liberal" expound
"sex liberty" and the "control of population" is getting
his. The looseness which inheres in these "principles
and theories" does not emanate from the Gentile home,
or the Gentile church, or from any line of money-
making which is filled principally with Gentiles, but
from theories, movements and lines of money-making
mostly fancied by Jews. This line of accusation could
be run much deeper, but it is preferred to restrict it
to what is observable by decent eyes everywhere.
And that "the youth of the Gentiles" are the prin-
cipal victims, and not the youth of the Jews, is also
observable. While a certain percentage of Jewish
youth itself is overcome by this social poison, the
percentage is almost nothing compared with the re-
sults among the youth of the Gentiles. It is a sig-
nificant fact that Jews who link this process of enerva-
tion of Gentiles with large profits are not themselves,
nor are their sons and daughters, the -victims of this
enervation. Jewish youth comes through more
proudly and more cleanly than the mass of Gentile
youth.
Many a father and mother, many a sound-minded,
uncorrupted young person, and thousands of teachers
and publicists have cried out against luxury. Many a
financier, observing the manner in which the people
earned and flung away their money, has warned
against luxury. Many an economist, knowing that the
nonessential industries were consuming men and ma-
terials that were necessary to the stabilizing of essen-
tial industries; knowing that men are making knick-
knacks who should be making steel; knowing that men
are engaged in making gew-gaws who should be work-
ing on the farm ; that materials are going into articles
that are made only to sell and never to use, and that
materials are thus diverted from the industries that
support the people's life — every observer knowing this
138 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
crazy insistence on luxurious nonessentials has lifted
up a strong voice against it.
But, according to these Protocols, we have been
starting at the wrong end. The people, it is true, buy
these senseless nonessentials which are called luxuries.
But the people do not devise them. And the people
grow tired of them one by one. But the stream of
varieties continues — always something else being
thrust at the people, dangled before th^eir eyes, set
bobbing down the avenue on enough manikins to give
the impression that it is "style"; newspaper print
and newspaper pictures; movie pictures; stage cos-
tumes enough to force the new thing into "fashion"
with a kind of force and compulsion which no really
worthy essential thing can command.
Where does it come from? What power exists
whose long experience and deliberate intent enable it
to frivolize the people's minds and tastes and compel
them to pay most of their money for it too? Why this
spasm of luxury and extravagance through which we
have just passed? How did it occur that before lux-
ury and extravagance were apparent, all the material
to provoke and inflame them had been prepared be-
forehand and shipped beforehand, ready for the stam-
pede which also had been prepared?
If the people of the United States would stop to
consider, when the useless and expensive thing is
offered them — if they would trace its origin, trace the
course of the enormous profits made out of it, trace
the whole movement to flood the market with useless-
ness and extravagance and thus demorahze the Gentile
public financially, intellectually and socially — if, in
short, it could be made clear to them that Jewish
financial interests are not only pandering to the loosest
elements in human nature, but actually engaged in a
calculated effort to render them loose in the first place
and keep them loose — it would do more than anything
else to stop this sixfold waste — the waste of material,
the waste of labor, the waste of Gentile money, the
waste of Gentile mind, the waste of Jewish talent, and
the worse than waste of Israel's real usefulness to the
world.
We say the Gentile public is the victim of this stim-
ulated trade in useless luxuries. Did you ever see
"JEWISH PROTOCOLS" CLAIM i-ART FULFILLMENT 139
Jewish people so victimized? They might wear very
noticeable clothing, but its price and its quality agree.
They might wear ratUer large diamonds, but they are
diamonds. The Jew is not the victim of the Jew, the
craze for luxuries is just like the "coney island" crowd
to him; he knows what attracts them and the worth-
lessness of it.
And it is not so much the financial loss that is to
be mourned, nor yet the atrocities committed upon
good taste, but the fact that the silly Gentile crowds
walk into the net willingly, even gaily, supposing the
change of the fashion to be as inevitable as the coming
of spring, supposing the new demand on their earnings
to be as necessary and as natural as taxes. The
crowds think that somehow they have part in it,
when their only part is to pay, and then pay again for
the new extravagance when the present one palls.
There are men in this country who know two years
ahead what the frivolities and extravagances of the
people will be, because they decree what they shall be.
These things are all strictly business, demoralizing to
the Gentile majority, enriching to the Jewish minority.
Look at the Sixth Protocol for a sideUght on all
this:
This is an excerpt from a longer passage dealing
with the plans by which the people's interest could be
swung from pohtical to industrial questions, how in-
dustry could be made insecure and unfair by the in-
troduction of speculation into its management, and
finally how against this condition the people could be
rendered restless and helpless. Luxury was to be the
instrument:
"To destroy Gentile industry, we shall, as an
incentive to this speculation, encourage among the
Gentiles a strong demand for luxuries — all enticing
luxuries.''
And in the First Protocol:
"Surely we cannot allow our own people to
come to this. The people of the Gentiles are
stupefied with spirituous liquors * * *"
— incidentally, the profits of spirituous liquors flow in
large amounts to Jewish pockets. The history of the
whisky ring in this country will show this. Historic-
ally, the whole prohibition movement may be described as
140 TH« INTERNATIONAL JEW
a contest between Geyitile and Jewish capital, and in this
instance, thanks to the Gentile majority, the Gentiles
won.
The amusement, gambhng, jazz song, scarlet fic-
tion, side show, cheap-dear fashions, flashy jewelry,
and every other activity that lived by reason of an in-
visible pressure upon the people, and that exchanged
the most useless of commodities for the prices that
would just exhaust the people's money surplus and
no more — every such activity has been under the mas-
tery of Jews.
They may not be conscious of their participation in
any wholesale demoralization of the people. They
may only be conscious of "easy money." They may
sometimes yield to surprise as they contrast the silly
Gentiles with their own money-wise and fabric-wise
and metal-wise Jews. But however this may be, there
is the conception of a program by which a people may
be deliberately devastated materially and spiritually,
and yet kept pleasant all the time — and there also is
the same program translated into terms of daily trans-
actions and for the most part, perhaps altogether under
control of the members of one race.
Wise of AnCast 7, 1920.
XIII.
"Jewish" Plan to Split Society
by "Ideas"
THE method by which the Protocols work for the
breakdown of society should now be fairly evident
to readers of these articles. An understanding of the
method is necessary if one is to find the meaning of
the currents and cross-currents which make so hope-
less a hodge-podge of the present times. People who
are confused and discouraged by the various voices
and discordant theories of today, each seeming to be
plausible and promising, may find a clear clue to the
value of the voices and the meaning of the theories
if they understand that their confusion and discourage-
ment comprise the very objective which is sought.
The uncertainty, hesitation, hopelessness, fear; the
eagerness with which every promising plan and offered
solution is grasped — these are the very reactions which
the program outlined in the Protocols aims to pro-
duce. The condition is proof of the efficacy of the
program.
It is a method that takes time, and the Protocols
declare that it has taken time, indeed, centuries. Stu-
dents of the matter find the identical program of the
Protocols, announced and operated by the Jewish race,
from the first century onward.
It has taken 1900 years to bring Europe to its pres-
ent degree of subjugation— violent subjugation in some
countries, political subjugation in some, economic sub-
jugation in all — but in America the same program,
with almost the same degree of success, has required
about 50 years. Certain mistaken ideas of liberalism,
certain flabby ideas of tolerance, all of tjiem originat-
ing at European sources which the Protocolists had
completely polluted, were transported to America, and
here under cover of the blindness and innocence of a
false liberalism and tolerance, together with modern
appliances for the swift acceleration of opinion, there
has been worked a subjugation of our institutions and
public thought which is the amazement of European
142 THE INTERNAilONAL JEW
observers. It is a fact that some of the important
students of the Jewish Question, whom Jewish pub-
licists are pleased to damn with the term "Anti-
Semites," have been awakened to the existence of
the Question not by what they have observed in
Europe, but by what they have seen in the swift and
distinct "close-up" which has been afforded in Ameri-
can affairs.
The center of Jewish power, the principal sponsors
of the Jewish program, are resident in America, and
the leverage which was used at the Peace Conference
to fasten Jewish power more securely upon Europe,
was American leverage exercised at the behest of the
strong Jewish pressure which was brought from the
United States for that purpose. And these activities
did not end with the Peace Conference.
The whole method of the Protocols may be de-
scribed in one word. Disintegration. The undoing of
what has been done, the creation of a long and hope-
less interim in which attempts at reconstruction shall
be baffled, and the gradual wearing down of public
opinion and public confidence, until those who stand
outside the created chaos shall insert their strong
calm hand to seize control — that is the whole method
of procedure.
Putting together the estimate of human nature
which obtains in these Protocols, and their claims to
a rather definite though as yet incomplete fulfillment
of olie World Program (these two comprising the
themes of the previous two articles), some of the
aspects of this propaganda of disintegration have be-
come clear. But not all of them. There are yet
other aspects of these methods, which will be dealt
with in the present article, and there are yet future
reaches of the program which will be considered later.
The first point of attack is Collective Opinion, that
body of ideas which through men's agreement with
them, holds large groups together in political, racial,
religious or social unity. Sometimes we call them
"standards," sometimes we call them "ideals"; what-
ever they may be called, they are the invisible bonds
of unity, they are the common faith, they are the
great overarching reason for group unity and loyalty.
The Protocols assert that here the first attack has
"JEWISH" PLAN TO SPLIT SOCIETY BY "IDEAS" 143
been made. The history of Jewish propaganda in the
world shows that also.
The first wave of attack is to corrupt Collective
Opinion. Now, to "corrupt" in the real sense does
not mean anything unsavory or unclean. The whole
power of every heresy is its attractiveness to the good
mind. The whole explanation of the strong hold
which untruth has gained upon the world of our day,
is that the untruth is reasonable, inspiring and appar-
ently good. It is only after a long discipline in false
ideals — which are reasonable, inspiring and good — that
the evil fruits appear in acts and conditions which are
unreasonable, destructive and wholly evil. If you will
trace the idea of Liberty as it has appeared in Russian
history, from its philosophic beginning (a Jewish be-
ginning, by the way) to its present ending (a Jewish
ending also), you will see the process.
The Protocols claim that the Gentiles are not
thinkers, that attractive ideas have been thrown at
them so strategically and persistently that the power
of thought is almost destroyed out of them. Fortu-
nately this is a matter on which any Gentile may apply
his own test. If he will segregate his ruhng ideas,
especially those that center round the thought of
"democracy," he will discover that he is being ruled
in his mind by a whole company of ideas into whose
authority over him he has not inquired at all. He is
ruled by "say so" whose origin he has not traced.
And when, pursuing those ideas, he finds that they are
not practicable, he is received by the explanation that
"we are not yet sufficiently advanced." Yet when
he does see men who are sufficiently "advanced" to
put these very ideas into operation, he recoils from
what he sees them do, because he knows that "ad-
vancement" such as that is deterioration — a form of
disintegration. Yet every one of the ideas were
"good," "reasonable," "inspiring," "humane," to be-
gin with. And, if this Gentile will observe a little
further, he will see that they are the most persistently
preached ideas in the world; he will also see who the
preachers are.
The Protocols distinctly declare that it is by means
of the set of ideas which cluster around "democracy,"
that their first victory over pubfic opinion was ob-
144 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
tained. The idea is the weapon. And to be a weapon
it must be an idea at variance with the natural trend
of Hfe. It must indeed be a theory opposed to the
facts of life. And no theory so opposed can be ex-
pected to take root and become the ruling factor, un-
less it appeals to the mind as reasonable, inspiring and
good. The Truth frequently seems unreasonable; the
Truth frequently is depressing; the Truth sometimes
seems to be evil; but it has this eternal advantage, it
is the Truth, and what is built thereon neither brings
nor yields to confusion.
This first step does not give the control of public
opinion, but leads up to it. It is worthy of note that
it is this sowing of "the poison of liberalism," as the
Protocols name it, which comes first in order in those
documents. Then, following upon that, the Protocols
say:
"To obtain control over public opinion it is
first necessary to confuse it."
Truth is one and cannot be confused, but this
false, appealing liberalism which has been sown broad-
cast, and which is ripening faster under Jewish nur-
ture in America than ever it did in Europe, is easily
confused because it is not truth. It is error, and error
has a thousand forms. Take a nation, a party, a city,
an association in which "the poison of liberalism" has
been sown, and you can split that up into as many
factions as there are individuals simply by throwing
among them certain modifications of the original idea.
This is a piece of strategy well known to the forces
that invisibly control mass-thought. Theodor Herzl,
the arch-Jew, a man whose vision was wider than any
statesman's and whose program paralleled the Proto-
cols, knew this many years ago when he said that the
Zionist (cryptic for "Jewish") state would come be-
fore the Socialist state could come; he knew with
what endless divisions the "liberalism" which he and
his predecessors had planted would be shackled and
crippled.
The process of which all Gentiles have been the
victims, but never the Jews — never the Jews! — is just
this —
First, to create an ideal of "broad-mindedness."
That is the phrase which appears in every Jewish re-
"JEWISH" PLAN TO SPLIT SOCIETY BY "IDEAS" 145
monstrance against public mention of the Jew and liis
alleged World Program: "We thought you were too
broad-minded a man to express such thoughts;" "we
thought Mr. So-and-So was too broad-minded a man
to suspect the Jews of this;" "we thought the daily or
weekly or monthly such-and-such a paper was too
broad-minded editorially to consider such material."
It is a sort of keyword, indicative of the state of
mind in which it is desired that the Gentiles be kept.
It is a state of flabby tolerance. A state of mind which
mouths meaningless phrases about Liberty, phrases
which act as an opiate on the mind and conscience and
which allow all sorts of things to be done under cover.
The phrase, the slogan, is a very dependable Jewish
weapon. ("In all times people have accepted words
for acts." — Protocol 5.) The reality behind the phrase
the Protocols frankly admit to be non-existent.
Nothing has served to create "broad-mindedness,"
a state of mind whose breadth indicates its lack of
depth, so much as the ideas of liberalism which the
Jews are constantly teaching to Gentiles and on which
they never themselves act. We need a new sort of
allegiance to the reality of life, to the facts as they
are, which will enable us to stand up under all cajoling
to "broad-mindedness" and assert a new intolerance
of everything but truth. The terms "narrow" and
"broad" as they are used today represent lies. The
liberal man ought to believe more, he ought to be deep
and wide in his beliefs in order to merit that name; but
as a usual thing he believes nothing. He is not liberal
at all. When you seek belief, belief with a founda-
tion, belief with vitality, you must seek it among men
who are sneered at, under this false Jewish-promoted
notion of liberaUty, as "narrow men." Jewish propa-
ganda, in common with the Protocols, is against men
who have dug down to the rock; they want "broad-
minded men" who can easily be shifted about the
surface, and thus serve the invisible scheme in any
manner desired. This type of men, on their part,
never imagine but that their "broad-mindedness" is a
mark of their superiority and independence.
Now, see what follows. Men are born believers.
For a time they may believe in "broad-mindedness"
and under the terrific social pressure that has been
146 THE INTEiviMATlONAL JEW
set up in its favor they will openly espouse it. But
it is too shallow to satisfy any growing roots of life.
They must believe, deeply, something. For proof of
this, notice the undeniable strength of the negative
beliefs which are held by men who fancy that they
believe nothing. Therefore, some who are highly en-
dowed with independence of spirit, root down into
those prohibited matters which at some point touch
Jewish concerns — these are the "narrow" men. But
others find it more convenient to cultivate those de-
partments which promise a highway whereon there
shall be no clashes of vital opinion, no chance of the
charge of "intolerance" ; in short they transfer all their
contemplative powers to the active life, even as it is
written in the Protocols —
"To divert Gentile thought and observation, in-
terest must be deflected to industry and commerce.**
It is amazing to look around and see the number of
men who have been actually browbeaten into com-
mitting their whole lives to these secondary or even
tertiary things, while they look with great timidity
and aversion at the vital things which really rule the
world and upon the issue of which the world really
depends.
But it is just this deflection to the materialistic
base that offers the Protocolists, and similarly Jewish
propagandists, their best hold. "Broad-mindedness"
today consists in leaving vital matters severely alone.
It descends quickly to material-mindedness. Within
this lower sphere all the discord which distresses the
world today is to be found.
First, there is the ruin of the upper circles of in-
dustry and commerce:
"To make it 'possible for liberty definitely to
disintegrate and ruin Gentile society, industry must
he placed on a speculative basis."
No one needs to be told what this means. It
means, as everything about us shouts, the prostitu-
tion of service to profits and the eventual disappear-
ance of the profits. It means that the high art of
management degenerates into exploitation. It means
reckless confusion among the managers and dangerous
unrest among the workmen.
"JEWISH" PLAN TO SPLIT SOCIETY BY "IDEAS" 147
But it means something worse: it means the spht-
up of Gentile society. Not a division between "Cap-
ital" and "Labor," but the division between the Gen-
tiles at both ends of the working scheme. Gentile
managers and manufacturers are not the "capitalists"
of the United States. Most of them have to go to the
"capitaUsts" for the funds with which they work —
and the "capitalists" are Jewish, International Jews.
But with Jewish capital at one end of the Gentile
working scheme putting the screws on the manufac-
turers, and with Jewish agitators and disruptionists
and subversives at the other end of the Gentile work-
ing scheme putting the screws on the workmen, we
have a condition at which the world-managers of the
Protocol program must be immensely satisfied.
"We might fear the combined strength of the
Gentiles of vision with the blind strength of the
masses, but ive have taken all measures against such
a possible contingency by raising a wall of mu-
tual antagonism between these two forces. Thus,
the blind force of the masses remains our sup-
port. We, and we alone, shall serve as their
leaders. Naturally, we will direct their energy
to achieve our end." — Protocol 9.
The indication that they are highly satisfied is that
they are not only not doing anything to relieve the sit-
uation, but are apparently willing to have it made
worse, and if it be at all possible for them to do so
they would like to see this coming winter, and the
privations which are scheduled for it (unless Gentile
flabbiness before the Jewish power, high and low, re-
ceives a new backbone), bring the United States to
the verge of, if not across the very line of Bolshevism.
They know the whole method of artificial scarcity
and high prices. It was practiced in the French Revo-
lution and in Russia. All the signs of it are in this
country too.
Industrial problems for their mental food and light
amusement for their leisure hours, these are the Proto-
cols' method with regard to the Gentile mind, and
under cover of these the work is to be done — the work
which is best expressed by the motto, "Divide and
Rule."
148 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
Read this:
"To divert over-restless people from discus-
sing political questions, we shall now bring for-
ward new problems apparently connected with
them — problems of industry." — Protocol 13. •
Has not everyone been struck by the divorcement
which exists in this country between the mass-thought
which is almost exclusively devoted to industrial ques-
tions, and the party-thought which is endeavoring to
keep the field of pure politics? And is it not a fact
that our friends, the Jews, are strongly entrenched in
both fields — in politics to keep it reactionary, and in
industrial circles to keep it radical — and so widen the
split? And what is this split but a split of the Gen-
tiles? — for society is Gentile, and the disruptive in-
fluences are Jewish.
Read this:
^^We have included in the constitution rights
for the people that are fictitious and not actual
rights. All those so-called 'rights of the people'
can only exist in the abstract and can never be
realized in practice * * * The proletarian gains
no more from the constitution than the miserable
crumbs thrown from our table in return for his
votes to elect our agents and pass our measures.
Republican rights are a bitter irony to the poor
man, for the pressure of daily labor prevents
him from using them, and at the same time, de-
prives him of the guaranty of a permanent and
certain livelihood by making him dependent upon
sfnA;e5, organized either by his employers or his
comrades J ^ — Protocol 3.
This remark about strikes is not at all puzzling to
anyone who has studied the different types of strikes
in this country. The number fomented from above
the working class is astoundingly large.
Read this also:
^^We will force wp wages which, however, will
be of no benefit to the workers, ior we will at the
same time cause a rise in the prices of neces-
sities, pretending that this is due to the decline
of agriculture and of cattle raising. We will
also artfully and deeply undermine the sources of
"JEWISH" PLAN TO SPLIT SOCIETY BY "IDEAS" 149
-production by instilling in the workmen ideas oj
anarchy.'* — Protocol 6.
And this:
"We will represent ourselves as the saviors of
the working class who have come to liberate them
from this oppression by suggesting that they join
our army of socialists, anarchists, communists,
to whom we always extend our help under the
guise of the fraternal principles of universal hu-
man solidarity." — Protocol 3.
"Broad-mindedness" again! In this connection it
is always well to remember the words of Sir Eustace
Perc}'-, heretofore quoted, words which are sponsored
by Jews themselves — "Not because the Jew cares for
the positive side of radical philosophy, not because he
desires to be a partaker in Gentile nationalism or Gen-
tile democracy, but because no existing Gentile sys-
tem of government is ever anything but distasteful
to him."
Or, as the author of "The Conquering Jew" says:
"He is democratic in his sentiments, but not in his
•nature. When he proclaims the common brotherhood
of man, he is asking that the social gate now closed
against him in so many quarters shall be open to him;
not because he wants equality, but because he desires
to be master in the social world, as he is showing him-
self in so many other spheres. Many an honorable
Jew will, I doubt not, dispute the accuracy of this
distinction; but if he does it will be because he has
lived so long in the atmosphere of the West that he
is unconscious of what is bred in the bone of his
Eastern race."
It is not difficult, therefore, to see the genealogy
of the Jewish ideas of liberalism from their origin to
their latest effects upon Gentile life. The confusion
aimed for is here. There is not a reader of these
lines who has not felt in his own life the burden of
it. Bewilderment characterizes the whole mental cli-
mate of the people today. They do not know what
to believe. First one set of facts is given to them, then
another. First one explanation of conditions is given
to them, and then another. The fact-shortage is acute.
There is a whole market-full of explanations that ex-
plain nothing, but only deepen the confusion. The
ISO THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
government itself seems to be hampered, and whenever
it starts on a line of investigation finds itself mys-
teriously tangled up so that procedure is difficult. This
governmental aspect is also set forth in the Protocols.
Add to this the onslaught on the human tendency
toward religion, which is usually the last barrier to fall
before violence and robbery unashamed stalk forth.
In order to bring the condition about at which this
World Program aims, the Fourth Protocol says:
"It is for this reason that we must undermine
faith, eradicate from the minds of the Gentiles
the very principles of God and Soul, and replace
these conceptions by mathematical calculations
and material desires."
"When we deprived the masses of their belief
in God, ruling authority was thrown into the
gutter, where it became public property, and we
seized it." — Protocol 5.
"We have taken good care long ago to discredit
the Gentile clergy." — Protocol 17.
"When we become rulers we shall regard as
undesirable the existence of any religion except
our own, proclaiming One God with Whom our
fate is tied as The Chosen People, and by Whom
our fate has been made one with the fate of the
world. For this reason we must destroy all other
religions. If thereby should emerge contempo-
rary atheists, then, as a transition step, this will
not interfere with our aims." — Protocol 14.
This will probably offer matter for reflection by
the "broad-minded."
It is curious to note how this religious program
has worked out in Russia where Trotsky (as loudly
heralded in the American Jewish press) is said to
have no religion, and where Jewish commissars tell
dying Russians who ask for priests, "We have abol-
ished the Almighty." Miss Katherine Dokoochief is
reported, under a Philadelphia date, to have told the
Near East Relief that Russian Christian churches have
been subjected to the vilest indignities by the Bol-
sheviki, details of which she gives; but "the synagogues
remain untouched, meeting with no damage."
All these lines of attack, whose object is the de-
struction of the natural rallying points of Gentile
"JEWISH" PLAN TO SPLIT SOCIETY BV "IDEAS" ISl
thought, and the substitution of other rallying points
of an unwholesome and destructive nature, are as-
sisted, as we saw in the last article, V:)y the propaganda
for luxury. Luxury is recognizedly one of the most
enervating influences. Its course runs from ease,
through softness, to flabbiness, to degeneracy, mental,
physical and moral. Its beginnings are attractive, its
end is lasciviousness in some' form, testifying to the
complete breakdown of all the strong fiber of the life.
It may make a theme for a more complete study some
day, this lure to lasciviousness through luxury, and the
identity of the forces that set the lure.
But now, to conclude this general view of the
method, rather this part of the method, the confusion
itself, which all these influences converge to produce,
is expected to produce another more deeply helpless
state. And that state is, Exhaustion.
It -needs no imagination to see what this means.
Exhaustion is today one of the conditions that menace
the people. The recent political conventions and their
effect upon the public fully illustrate it. Nobody
seemed to care. Parties might make their declarations
and candidates their promises — nobody cared. The
war and its strain began the exhaustion; the "peace"
and its confusion have about completed it. The people
believe little and expect less. Confidence is gone. In-
itiative is nearly gone. The failure of movements
falsely heralded as "people's movements" has gone far
to make the people think that no people's movement
is possible.
So say the Protocols:
"To wear everyone out by dissensions, ani-
mosities, feuds, famine, inoculation of diseases,
want, until the Gentiles see no other way of
escape except an appeal to our money and power."
—Protocol 10.
"We will so wear out and exhaust the Gen-
tiles by all this that they will be compelled to
offer us an international authority, which by its
position will enable us to absorb without disturb-
ance all the governmental forces of the world
and thus form a super-government.
"We must so direct the education of Geotile
society that its hands will drop in the weakness
152 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
of discouragement in the face of any under-
taking where initiative is needed." — Protocol 5.
The Jews have never been worn out or exhausted.
They have never been nonplused. This is the true
psychic characteristic of those who have a clue to the
maze. It is the unknown that exhausts the mind, the
constant wandering around among tendencies and in-
fluences whose source is not known and whose pur-
pose is not understood. Walking in the dark is wear-
ing work. The Gentiles have been doing it for cen-
turies. The others, having a pretty accurate idea what
it was all about, have not succumbed. Even persecu-
tion is endurable if it is understandable, and the Jews
of the world have always known just where it fitted
in the scheme of things. Gentiles have suffered more
from Jewish persecutions than have the Jews, for after
the persecutions were over, the Gentile was as much
in the dark as ever; whereas Judaism simply took
up again its century-long march toward a goal in
which it implicitly beheves, and which, some say who
have deep knowledge of Jewish roots in the world and
who too may be touched with exhaustion, they will
achieve. However this may be, the revolution which
would be necessary to unfasten the International Jew-
ish system from its grip on the world, would probably
have to be Just as radical as any attempts the Jews
have made to attain that grip. There are those who
express serious doubts that the Gentiles are competent
to do it at all. Maybe not. Let them at least know
who their conquerors are.
Utae of Aa(u9t M. 1920.
XIV.
Did the Jews Foresee the
World War?
BEFORE proceeding to a more detailed study of
the connection between the written program of the
documents which are called "The Protocols of the
Learned Elders of Zion," and the actual program as
it can be traced in real life, we shall now view those
plans which were future when the Protocols were
uttered. It must be borne in mind, however, that
what was future in 1896 and 1905, may be past to-
day, that what was flan then may he fulfillment now.
To bear this in mind will be in exact accord with the
expression of Protocol 22 — "I have endeavored to in-
dicate carefully the secrets of past and future events,
and of those momentous occurrences of the near future
toward lohich we are rushing in a stream of great crises.'^
Some of those "momentous occurrences" have come
to pass, and with them a brighter light on the Ques-
tion which we are studying.
An illustration of this which is fresh in the minds
of all was furnished by the Great War. Jewish com-
ment on this series of articles has made much of the
fact that one of the articles was devoted to the then
prominence of the Jewish Question in Germany, and
it was sought to mislead the people to think that this
series was really a part of subtle German after-the-
war propaganda. The fact is that articles on the
Question in a number of countries were set aside in
order to bring the Question itself prominently before
the minds of Americans with the least delay. The
postponed articles will appear in due season, though
out of their order. Germany is today, with perhaps
the possible exception of the United States, the most
Jew-controlled country in the world — controlled with-
in and from without — and a much stronger set of facts
could be presented now than was presented in the
original article (the facts of which were at first denied
and later admitted by the Jewish spokesmen in the
United States). For, since that article was written,
1154 ^ '^ THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
public sentiment in Germany has swept the Jews large-
lly out of public office. German public opinion exert-
ed itself to the utmost to put German political admin-
iistration back into German hands. But did that lib-
cerate Germany from the Jews? Not at all. For their
(entrenchments stretched further and deeper than mere
display of official power. Their hold on the basic in-
dustries, the finances, the future of Germany has not
been loosened in the least. It is there, unmovable.
In what that hold consists, the reader will be told at
isome convenient time.
Germany is mentioned now, in connection with the
Jews, for this purpose: It will be remembered that it
was from Germany that the first cry of "annexations"
came, and it came at a time when all German war ac-
tivities and war sentiment were admittedly in Jewish
control. "Annexations" was the cry that flashed
across the world one day. And back across the world,
from the United States, a nation that was not even a
party to the war at that time, the word flashed back,
"No Annexations." Thus by a dramatic play the
whole question was thrust before the world.
Soon the people of all countries had forgotten the
blood of battle, the war profiteers and every other
vital point, and were discussing a matter which be-
longed to the end of the war and not the beginning,
the question of "annexations." Now, when it is
known who were controlling the formulation of war-
aims in Germany and who were the chief counselors
■of the foreign policy of the United States at the same
time, the projection of this question of "annexations"
into the world's mind becomes interesting; interest-
ing but not wholly intelligible.
Not until you read the Protocols do you get a full
light on this — and this report of the Protocols which
is now given the world probably dates from 1896:
There is absolutely ironclad proof of the date 1905.
The Second Protocol begins on the note of war,
and its opening words are these:
"It is indispensable for our purpose that, as
far as possible, wars should bring no territorial
advantages. This will shift war to an economic
footing, and nations will perceive the strength
of our superiority in the aid we render."
DID THE JEWS FORESEE THE WORLl^ WAR? 155
Who was thinking, between 1896 and 1905, of the
new "no annexations" rule to be applwed to war?
Were you? Do you know of any statesnii .n who was?
We know that military men were concerm d about the
appliances and operations of any future wa r that might
occur. We know that statesmen, of the more respon-
sible sort, were working to consolidate a balance of
interests that would make war extremely improbable.
Who had outdistanced them all in foresil^ht and plan-
* ning sufficiently to lay down a definite pjP(*gram of "no
annexations?"
Fortunately the clue to the answer i« supplied to
us by unquestionable Jewish sources. 'Ttie American
Jewish News, of September 19, 1919, had nn advertise-
ment on its front page which read thiffis:
"WHEN PROPHETS SPEAF.
By Litman Rosenthal
Many years ago Nordau prophesied the Balfour
Declaration. Litman Rosenthal, his; intimate
friend, relates this incident in a fas-
cinating memoir."
The article, on page 464, begins: "J?ft- was on Sat-
urday, the day after the closing of the S I3dth Congress,
when I received a telephone message h%]isn Dr. Herzl
asking me to call on him."
This fixes the time. The Sixth Zicwnnist Congress
was held at Basle in August, 1903.
The memoir continues: "On entering; the lobby of
the hotel I met Herzl's mother who wetlcomed me
with her usual gracious friendliness, awd asked me
whether the feelings of the Russian ZioniMs? were now
calmer.
" 'Why just the Russian Zionists, F ra«i Herzl?' I
asked. 'Why do you only inquire abou.t these?'
" 'Because my son,' she explained, 'is mostly inter-
ested in the Russian Zionists. He consi flers them the
quintessence, the most vital part of thth Jewish peo-
ple.' "
At this Sixth Congress the British. Government
("Herzl and his agents had kept in coi ttact with the
EngUsh Government" — Jewish Encyclo f>e«]lia. Vol. 12,
page 678) had offered the Jews a coloiay in Uganda,
East Africa. Herzl was in favor of talking it, not as
a substitute for Palestine, but as a step toward it.
156 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
It was this which formed the chief topic of conver-
sation between Herzl and Litman Rosenthal in that
Basle hotel. Herzl said to Rosenthal, as reported in
this article: "There is a difference between the final
aim and the ways we have to go to achieve this aim."
Suddenly Max Nordau, who seems at the confer-
ence held last month in London to have become Herzl's
successor, entered the room, and the Rosenthal inter-
view was ended.
Let the reader now follow attentively the impor-
tant part of this Rosenthal story : — (the italics are ours)
"About a month later I went on a business trip
to France. On my way to Lyons I stopped in Paris
and there I visited, as usual, our Zionist friends. One
of them told me that this very same evening Dr. Nor-
dau was scheduled to speak about the^ixth Congress,
and I, naturally, interrupted my journey to be pres-
ent at this meeting and to hear Dr. Nordau's report.
When we reached the hall in the evening we found it
filled to overflowing and all were waiting impatiently
for the great master, Nordau, who, on entering, received
a tremendous ovation. But Nordau, without paying
heed to the applause showered upon him, began his
speech immediately, and said:
" 'You all came here with a question burning in
your hearts and trembling on your lips, and the ques-
tion is, indeed, a great one, and of vital importance.
I am willing to answer it. What you want to ask is:
How could I — I who was one of those who formulated
the Basle program — how could I dare to speak in favor
of the English proposition concerning Uganda, how
could Herzl as well as I betray our ideal of Palestine,
because you surely think that we have betrayed it and
forgotten it. Yet listen to what I have to say to you.
I spoke in favor of Uganda after long and careful con-
sideration; deliberately I advised the Congress to con-
sider and to accept the proposal of the English Gov-
ernment, a proposal made to the Jewish nation through
the Zionist Congress, and my reasons — but instead of
my reasons let me tell you a political story as a kind
of allegory.
" 'I want to speak of a time which is now almost
forgotten, a time when the European powers had de-
cided to send a fleet against the fortress of Sebastopol.
At this time Italy, the United Kingdom of Italy, did
DID THE JEWS FORESEE THE WORLD WAR? 157
not exist. Italy was in reality only a little principality
of Sardinia, and the great, free and united Italy was
but a dream, a fervent wish, a far ideal of all Italian
patriots. The leaders of Sardinia, who were fighting
for and planning this free and united Italy, were the
three great popular heroes: Garibaldi, Mazzini, and
Cavour.
" 'The European powers invited Sardinia to join in
the demonstration at Sebastopol and to send also a
fleet to help in the siege of this fortress, and this pro-
posal gave rise to a dissension among the leaders of
Sardinia. Garibaldi and Mazzini did not want to send
a fleet to the help of England and France and they
said: "Our program, the work to which we are pledged,
is a free and united Italy. What have we to do with
Sebastopol? Sebastopol is nothing to us, and we
should concentrate all our energies on our original
program so that we may realize our ideal as soon as
possible."
" 'But Cavour, who even at this time was the most
prominent, the most able, and the most far-sighted
statesman of Sardinia, insisted that his country should
send a fleet and beleaguer with the other powers Se-
bastopol, and, at last, he carried his point. Perhaps
it will interest you to know that the right hand of Ca-
vour, his friend and adviser, ivas his secretary, Hartum,
a Jew, and in those circles, which were in opposition
to the government, one spoke fulminantly of Jewish
treason. And once at an assembly of Italian patriots
one called wildlj^ for Cavour's secretary, Hartum, and
demanded of him to defend his dangerous and treason-
able political actions. And this is what he said: "Our
dream, our fight, our ideal, an ideal for which we have
paid already in blood and tears, in sorrow and despair,
with the life of our sons and the anguish of our
mothers, our one wish and one aim is a free and
united Italy. All means are sacred if they lead to this
great and glorious goal. Cavour knows full well that
after the fight before Sel^astopol sooner or later a peace
conference will have to he held, and at this peace con-
ference those powers will participate icho have joined
in the fight. True, Sardinia has no immediate con-
cern, no direct interest at Sebastopol, but if we will
help now with our fleet, we will sit at the future peace
coriference enjoying equal rights with the other powers,
158 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
and at this peace conference Cavour, as the represen-
tative of Sardinia, will proclaim the free and inde-
pendent, united Italy. Thus our dream for which we
have suffered and died, will become, at last, a wonder-
ful and happy reality. And if you now ask me again,
what has Sardinia to do at Sebastopol, then let me
tell you the following words, like the steps of a ladder:
Cavour, Sardinia, the siege of Sebastopol, the future
European peace conference, the proclamation of a free
and united Italy." '
"The whole assembly was under the spell of Nor-
dau's beautiful, truly poetic and exalted diction, and
his exquisite, musical French delighted the hearers
with an almost sensual pleasure. For a few seconds
the speaker paused, and the public, absolutely intoxi-
cated by his splendid oratory, applauded frantically.
But soon Nordau aisked for silence and continued:
" 'Now this great progressive world power, Eng-
land, has after the pogroms of Kishineff, in token of
her sympathy with our poor people, offered through
the Zionist Congress the autonomous colony of Uganda
to the Jewish nation. Of course, Uganda is in Africa,
and Africa is not Zion and never will be Zion, to quote
Herzl's own words. But Herzl knows full well that
nothing is so valuable to the cause of Zionism as ami-
cable political relations with such a power as England
is, and so much more valuable as England's main
interest is concentrated in the Orient. Nowhere else
is precedent as powerful as in England, and so it is
most important to accept a colony out of the hands
of England and create thus a precedent in our favor.
Sooner or later the Oriental question will have to be
solved, and the Oriental question means, naturally,
also the question of Palestine. England, who had
addressed a formal, political note to the Zionist Con-
gress — the Zionist Congress which is pledged to the
Basle program, England will have the deciding voice
in the final solution of the Oriental question, and Herzl
has considered it his duty to maintain valuable rela-
tions with this great and progressive power. Herzl
knows that we stand before a tremendous upJfeaval of the
whole world. Soon, perhaps, some kind of a world-
congress will have to be called, and England, the great,
free and powerful England, will then continue the work
it has begun with its generous offer to the Sixth Con-
DID THE JEWS FORESEE THE WORLD WAR? 159
gress. And if you ask me now what has Israel to do
in Uganda, then let me tell you as the answer the
words of the statesmen of Sardinia, only applied to
our case and given in our version; let me tell you the
following words as if I were showing you the rungs of
a ladder leading upward and upward: Herzl, the Zion-
istic Congress, the Enghsh Uganda proposition, the fu-
ture ivorld war, the peace conference where with the
help of England a free and Jewish Palestine will be
created.'
"Like a mighty thunder these last words came to
us, and we all were trembling and awestruck as if we
had seen a vision of old. And in my ears were sound-
ing the words of our great brother Achad Haam, who
said of Nordau's address at the First Congress:
" 'I felt that one of the great old prophets was
speaking to us, that his voice came down from the free
hills of Judea, and our hearts were burning in us when
we heard his words, filled with wonder, wisdom and
vision.' "
The amazing thing is that this article by Litman
Rosenthal should ever have been permitted to see
print. But it did not see print until the Balfour Dec-
laration about Palestine, and it never would have
seen print had not the Jews believed that one part of
their program had been accomplished.
The Jew never betraj^s himself until he believes
that what he seeks has been won, then he lets himself
go. It was only to Jews that the 1903 "program of
the> Ladder" — the fiiture world war — the peace confer-
ence — the Jewish program — was communicated. When
the ascent of that ladder seemed to be complete, then
came the public talk.
A similar illustration of this is to be found in the
fall of the Czar. When that event transpired it was
an occasion of great rejoicing in New York, and a
Gentile of world-wide fame made a speech in which
he lauded an American Jew of national reputation for
having begun the downfall of the Czar by providing
the money with which propaganda had been made
among Russian prisoners in Japan during the Russo-
Japanese war. The story came out only after the suc-
cess of the plot. It is not at all out of keeping that
the last men to see the last act of the plot carried out,
the actual murder of Nicholas Romanovitch, his wife»
160 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
his young daughters and his invahd boy, were "five
Soviet deputies, the latter five all Jews." What be-
gan with the assistance of an American financier,
finished with Soviet deputies.
Did International Jews in 1903 foresee the war?
This Rosenthal confession is but one bit of evidence
that they did. And did they do nothing but foresee
it? It were well if the facts stopped at foresight and
did not run on to provocation.
For the present the reader is invited to retain in
his mind two points in this Rosenthal article: "Per-
haps it will interest you to know that the right hand
of Cavour, his friend and adviser, was his secretary,
Hartura, a Jew." This is the way the Jewish press
speaks of its own. If this paper, or a Chicago paper,
or a New York paper should go through the list of the
secretaries of the men of power in the world today
and make the note after the names — "His secretary,
a Jew," the Jewish Anti-Defamation Society would
send letters of protest. There is one rule for the Gen-
tile and one for the Jew, in the Jewish mind. Writing
in the public prints about Hartum, he would be de-
scribed as an "Itahan."
Were the Jewish secretaries who abounded before
the war, during the war and throughout the Peace
Conference of less brilliance than Hartum? Were
there not Hartums in England, France, Germany, yes
and in Russia too (in the United States there were
many) who saw the "program of the Ladder"? Did
Max Nordau who saw it so clearly in 1903 forget it
in 1914 and 1918?
We know this: the Jews in their Congress at Basle
in 1903 foresaw "the future world war." How did
they know it was to be a ''world war"?
We know this also : the Protocols, perhaps as early
as 1896, certainly not later than 1905, foresaw the
pohcy of "no annexations."
The World War came to -pass.
"No annexations" came to pass. What was then
future in the Jewish world program, is now past.
In the Protocols there are two forms of declara-
tion. One is, "we have." The other is, "we shall."
If somewhere in the world this summer the high secret
spokesman of the World Program is addressing his
class of International Initiates, he will have to say
DID THE JEWS FORESEE THE WOULD WAR? 161
"we have" in many places where the spokesman of
1896 said"we shall." Things have been accomplished.
"We will represent ourselves as the saviors of the
laboring classes." That has been and is being done.
"We will deflect the thoughts of the Gentiles to in-
dustry and commerce." That has been done. "We
will create a strongly centralized administration so as
to grasp all the social forces strongly in. our hands."
That has been done. "We will adopt for ourselves
the liberal side of all parties and all movements and
provide orators." That has been done. "We will
force up wages." That has been done. "We will at
the same time cause a rise in the price of prime neces-
sities." That has been done. "We will also under-
mine the sources of production by instilling in the
workmen ideas of anarchy." That has been done.
"To demonstrate our enslavement of the Gen-
tile governments of Europe, we shall show our
power to one by crimes of violence, that is, by a
reign of terror." — Protocol 7.
Who that sees Russia and beholds the attitude of
the premiers of England, France and Italy toward the
Soviets, the "enslavement" of statesmanship by a con-
dition that tangles more gnarledly the more it is dealt
with — who that sees the prostration of Europe before
a wound that is deliberately kept from healing, can
forbear to say: That too has been done!
"Our plans will not upset contemporary institu-
tions immediately. Their management will only be
altered and consequently the whole procedure of their
activity will thus be directed according to plans laid
down by us." That has been done.
"We shall saddle the press and keep a tight rein
upon it." That has been done. The rein is being
strongly pulled in the United States at this moment,
as many an editor can testify.
"Even if there should be those who desire to write
against us, no one will print their writings." In large
part, that has been done. It has been done complete-
ly with the profit-making press.
"We shall, as an incentive to speculation, encour-
age among the Gentiles a strong demand for luxuries —
all-enticing luxuries." That has been done.
"To each act of opposition we must be in a posi-
tion to respond by bringing on war through the neigh-
162 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
bors of any country that aares to oppose us, and if
these neighbors should plan to stand collectively
against us, we must let loose a world war." (Proto-
col 7). The term "world war" is the same as that
used by Rosenthal and Nordau. "Herzl knows," said
Nordau in 1903, "that we stand before a tremendous
upheaval of the whole world."
"We must create unrest, dissension and mutual
animosities throughout Europe and, with the help of
her relationships, on other continents. ' ' This has been
done. This passage continues: "There is a double
advantage in this. First, we shall command the re-
spect of all countries by this method, for they will real-
ize that we have the power to create disorder or estab-
lish order at will." This too has been done.
Truly did the spokesman of 1896 speak of "those
momentous occurrences of the near future toward
which we are rushing in a stream of great crises."
Not only was "no annexations" achieved "as far
as possible," just as the Protocols outlined it, but a
host of other plans have matured in achievement
along with it. "No annexations" as a matter of po-
litical morality is one thing; and "no annexations" for
the reason that "this will shift war to an economic
footing and nations will perceive the strength of our
superiority in the aid we render" is quite another
thing. The world was with the "no annexations" pro-
gram as a matter of political morality; the other pro-
gram, which used this morality as its vehicle, was hid-
den.
There are still other matters in this group which
must receive attention, but another article will be nec-
essary to do it. In the meantime, it is natural to
wonder whether, with the program as outlined in this
report of the Protocols having received fulfillment in
so many particulars, a new Protocol, or a further un-
folding of the Ladder has been made by the Wise Men
to their Initiates; and whether any additional unveil-
ing will ever come to the knowledge of the world. It
would seem that a proper estimate of the knowledge
now available would lead to such an awakening as to
nullify the present program and make all future ones
impossible. But Gentiles like their ease, and Judah
is beckoned on by a bright star.
Issue of August 21, 1920.
XV.
Is the Jewish "Kahal" the Modern
"Soviet"?
THE Soviet is not a Russian but a Jewish institu-
tion. Nor is it the invention of Russian Jews of
the present time, a new poUtical device which has been
set up as a vehicle of the ideas of Lenin and Trotsky;
it is of ancient Jewish origin, a device which the Jews
themselves invented to maintain their distinctive ra-
cial and national life after the conquest of Palestine
by the Romans.
Modern Bolshevism, which is now known to be
merely the outer cloak of a long-planned coup to es-
tabhsh the domination of a race, immediately set up
the Soviet form of government because the Jews of
all countries who contributed to Russian Bolshevism
had long been schooled in the nature and structure
of the Soviet.
The Soviet appears in the "Protocols of the Learned
Elders of Zion" under the ancient name of KAHAL.
In the Seventeenth Protocol this passage occurs:
"Even now our brothers are under obligation
to denounce apostates of their own family or any
person known to be opposed to the Kahal. When
our kingdom comes, it will be necessary for all
subjects to serve the state in a similar manner."
Anyone who is acquainted with contemporary Jew-
ish life knows what this denunciation of apostates
means. The bitterness of the persecution, which falls
upon a convert to Christianity, or upon the Jewish
son or daughter of an orthodox family who chooses
to marry a Gentile, is without parallel among men.
Very recently in a western state a fine Jewish girl chose
to marry a Gentile, who was a newspaperman. From
the time of her announcement of intention, the girl was
treated as an apostate. Had she died a most wretch-
ed death, had she descended to a status of most ig-
nominious shame, the feelings which her fate would
have aroused could not have been more terrible. A
164 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
darkly solemn funeral service was held for her, and
on her bridal day she was declared to be dead to her
people.
The case is very far from being unusual. Perhaps
one of the most moving descriptions of it is to be
found in the life of Spinoza, the great philosopher
whom modern Jews are fond of holding up for exhi-
bition as a great ornament of their people. Spinoza's
studies led him to question many of the dogmas the
rabbis taught, those "commandments of men" of
which the New Testament speaks, and as Spinoza
was already a person of influence the very common
Jewish tactic of bribery was tried upon him.
There would be some hesitation in using the words
just set down— "the very common Jewish tactic of
bribery" — if they were not known to be true. There
is no desire to cast aspersions which grow out of
malice. But Jewish history as written by Jews pro-
vides mountains of proof that bribery was, while pres-
ent knowledge amply testifies that it still is, the favor-
ite and most dependable weapon of the Jews. A
Jewish writer, Jacob Israel De Haan, a Dutch lawyer
resident in Jerusa4em, has recently stated that one
hope of a settlement of the Arab agitation in Pales-
tine is the ease with which the Arab press can be
bribed. His words are: "There is a strong agitation
here among the Arabs against what they call the Zion-
ist peril. But the Arabs, especially the Arabian
papers, are open to bribe. This weakness will cause
them, in the long run, to lose out against us."
So, young Spinoza was offered an annual stipend
of 1,000 florins if he would be silent upon his convic-
tions and from time to time show himself at the syna-
gogue. This he refused with high-minded scorn. He
made ready to earn his bread by polishing lenses for
optical instruments. Upon this, he was excommuni-
cated, a proceeding which is thus described:
"The day of excommunication at length arrived,
and a vast concourse assembled to witness the awful
ceremony. It began by the silent and solemn light-
ing of a quantity of black wax candles, and by open-
ing the tabernacle wherein were deposited the books
of the Law of Moses. Thus were the imaginations of
the faithful prepared for all the horror of the scene.
IS THE JEWISH "KAHAL" THE MODERN "SOVIET"? 165
The chief rabbi, the ancient friend and master, now
the fiercest enemy, of the condemned, was to order
the execution. He stood there pained, but impla-
cable; the people fixed their eager eyes upon him. High
above, the chanter rose and chanted forth in loud
lugubrious tones the words of execration; while from
the opposite side another mingled with these curses
the thrilling sounds of the trumpet. And now the
black candles were reversed, and were made to melt
drop by drop into a huge tub filled with blood."
(Lewes: Biographical History of Philosophy.)
Then came the final anathema. " 'With the judg-
ment of the angels and of the saints, we excommuni-
cate, cut off, curse and anathematize Baruch de
Espinoza, with the consent of the elders and all this
holy congregation, in the presence of the holy books:
by the 613 precepts which are written therein, with
the anathema wherewith Joshua cursed Jericho, with
the curse which Elisha laid upon the children, and
with all the curses which are written in the law.
Cursed be he by day, and cursed be he by night.
Cursed be he in sleeping, and cursed be he in wak-
ing cursed in going out, and cursed in coming in.
The Lord shall not pardon him, the wrath and the
fury of the Lord shall henceforth be kindled against
this man, and shall lay upon him all the curses writ-
ten in the Book of the Law. The Lord shall destroy
his name under the sun, and cut him off for his un-
doing from all the tribes of Israel, with all the curses
of the firmament which are written in the Law * * *
And we warn you that none may speak with him
by word of mouth nor by writing, nor show any fa-
vor unto him, nor be under one roof with him, nor
come within four cubits of him, nor read any paper
composed by him.' " (Pollock: Life of Spinoza.)
"As the blasting words were uttered, the lights
were all suddenly immersed in the blood, a cry of re-
ligious horror and execration burst from all; and in
that solemn darkness, and to those solemn curses,
they shouted Amen, Amen!" (Professor J. K. Hos-
mer: The Jews.)
That is a commentary on the decree of denuncia-
tion. It also throws a very strong light on the pres-
sure which is brought against many Jews who would
166 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
cry out against the anti-social ideas o£ their people,
but who dare not because of the penalties it would
bring.
This denunciation, as Protocol Seventeen orders,
is to be made against anyone who is "known to be
opposed to the Kahal" or ancient Soviet system of
the Jews.
After the destruction of the Jewish state by the
Romans, the Jews maintained a center in the Patri-
arch; and after the dispersion of the Jews out of Pal-
estine this center of nationality was preserved in the
Prince of the Exile, or Exilarch, an office which is be-
lieved to persist to the present time, and which some
believe to be held now by an American Jew. In spite
of all assertions to the contrary, the Jews have never
ceased to be "a people"; that is, a consciously united
racial group, different from all others, and with pur-
poses and ideals which are strictly of the Jews, by
the Jews and for the Jews in distinction from the rest
of the world. That they constitute a nation within
the nations, the most responsible Jewish thinkers not
only declare but insist upon. And this is wholly jn
accord with the facts as observed. The Jew not only
desires to live apart from other people, but he works
with his own people as against others, and he desires
as much as possible to live under his own laws. In
the city of New York today, the Jews have succeeded
in establishing their own court for the settlement of
their own questions according to their own laws. And
that is precisely the principle of the Soviet-Kahal.
From the first century forward, as any reader can
see by consulting the Jewish Encyclopedia, the "com-
munity," "assembly" or "Kahal" has been the center
of Jewish life. It was so earlier, in the time of the
Babylonian captivity. And the last official appear-
ance of it was at the Peace Conference, where the
Jews, in accordance with their World Program, the
only program that passed successfully and unchanged
through the Peace Conference, secured for themselves
the right to the Kahal for administrative and cultural
purposes in addition to many other privileges in coun-
tries where their activities had been a matter of pro-
test. The Polish question is purely a Jewish question,
and Paderewski's failure as a statesman was entirely
IS THE JEWISH "KAHAL" THE MODERN "SOVIET"? 167
due to his domination by Jewish influences. The Ru-
manian question is hkewise a Jewish question, and all
Rumanians speak of the United States as "The Jews'
Country" because they know through their statesmen
the terrific pressure which was exerted by American
Jews against their country, a pressure extending to
the very necessities of life, and which compelled Ru-
mania to sign agreements which are as humiliating as
those that Austria asked of Serbia, out of which the
World War grew. The Jewish Question is written all
over the forces that provoked the war, and over all the
hindrances to peace which the world has since seen.
Under the Kahal or ancient Soviet, the Jews lived
by themselves and governed themselves, doing bus-
iness with the government solely through their repre-
sentatives. It was communism in a more drastic form
than has been seen anywhere in the world outside
Russia. Education, health, taxes, domestic affairs, all
were under the absolute control of a few men who
constituted the ruling board. This board, as the pres-
ent-day Jewish hierarchy is supposed to be, was self-
perpetuating, the office often passing in an unbroken
line of hereditary succession through many genera-
tions. All property was in common, which however
did not prevent the leaders becoming rich. These
Kahals or Soviets existed in Rome, France, Holland,
Germany, Austria, Russia, Denmark, Italy, Rumania,
Turkey and England. In the United States the idea
has developed around the synagogue and around na-
tional and international secret societies of Jews, of
which more will be said in succeeding articles.
The Kahal is the traditional Jewish political insti-
tution during the dispersal of the race among the na-
tions. Its international aspect is to be seen in the
higher councils. These councils enlarged as the Jews
spread over the world. The Jewish Encyclopedia cites
the Council of Three Lands, the Council of Four
Lands, and the Council of Five Lands, showing an
international relationship in earlier years. But like
all such records, public view of them is not easily ac-
cessible so far as they relate to modern times, f^ The
recent Zionist Congress in London, where doubtless
much business was done that pertained to the Jewish
people throughout the world, though not in public
168 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
halls by any means, may be called the Council of
Thirty-Seven Lands, for the delegates to that congress
came from all parts of the world, from points remote
as Lapland and South Africa, Persia and New Zea-
land. The purpose of these World Councils was the
unification of the Jews, and the records of their as-
semblages run back through the centuries.
It is therefore no new thing that has arisen in
Russia. It is the imposition by the Jewish revolu-
tionists ypon Gentile Russia of a form of control in
which Judaism has been schooled from the earliest
times of its contact with the world. Soviet Russia
could not have been possible had not 90 per cent of
the commissars been Jewish. Soviet Hungary could
not have been possible had not Bela Kun, the chief
Red, been a Jew, and had not 18 of his 24 commissars
been Jews. The Jews are the only group schooled in
the erection and administration of the Kahal.
An Associated Press dispatch under date of August
12 throws a light on the congeniality of the Soviet sys-
tem and the Jewish mind. Speaking of the Polish
towns and villages occupied by Bolshevik forces in
their recent drive, the dispatch says:
"The local Jewish parish populations already
are said to be setting up Soviet and Communist
governments."
Of course. Yet this is in strange contrast with
what we are constantly told through the press of the
sufferings of the Jews under the Soviet form and of
their abhorrence of the Reds. However, most of what
we read concerning this in the public press is Jewish
propaganda, pure and simple, and the reports of men
on the spot contradict it all. One relief worker testi-
fies that relief work in Poland is frequently "hung up
because some Jew landlord asks an exorbitant rent
for his premises," while another testifies that though
railroad fares in the supposedly famine-stricken dis-
tricts have gone up 1,000 per cent, the best and high-
est-fare trains are "exclusively occupied by Jews."
He adds, of his trip through Hungary, "The Hun-
garians have no money any more, but the Jews have."
"But American Jews abhor Trotsky and Soviet-
ism," is the plea sometimes made.
Do they?
IS THE JEWISH "KAHAL" THE MODERN "SOVIET"? 169
On page 9 of the American Jewish World, of July
30, a letter signed "Mrs. Samuel Rush" appears. It
is headed: "Are We Really Ashamed of Trotsky?"
Read a few excerpts from it:
"I have read of late several laments from ed-
itors of Jewish publications that the Jew is now
libeled as a radical.
"It is true that many Jews are radicals. It is
also true that some of the radical leaders are
Jews.
"But before weeping over the downfall of
the race, let's think a bit.
"Trotsky himself has never been represented
as anything but a cultured man, a student of
world economics, a powerful and efficient leader
and thinker who will surely go down in history
as one of the great men our race has given to
the world.
"* * * Very few of us doubt any longer that
behind the absurdities written about Russia is
the great truth that Russia is in that unsettled
state which always attends reconstruction. There
is a plan behind this seeming disorder, and out
of the upheaval will come order. It will not be
Utopia, but as good a government as the un-
doubtedly high-minded practical idealists who
are building for Russia can build with the neces-
sarily'' imperfect materials — human beings — with
which they must work.
"And one of the leaders is Leon Trotsky!
"Are we really ashamed of Trotsky?"
The lady is evidently not ashamed of Trotsky, or
Mr. Braunstein, as his real name is.
Or take Judge Harry Fisher, of Chicago. While
drawing a salary for work in the court, Judge Fisher
went abroad on Jewish relief work. His plans were
changed somewhat after his departure and he landed
in Russia. He asserts in several interviews that he
was permitted to arrive in Russia on condition that
he leave political matters alone. There has been no
such restriction placed upon him since his return to
the United States, for he appears as an open advocate
of full trade relations with the Soviet Government
of Russia,
170 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
The Chicago Tribune thus quotes him:
"'We must leave Russia alone' he said" in
summarizing his views. 'We should resume
trade with the Soviet. The Bolshevist Govern-
ment is permanent. * * * While there are only
700,000 members of the Communist party, the
peasants, who represent almost 100,000,000 peo-
ple, are solidly back of the Lenin regime.' "
Among the Soviet devices which the 100,000,000
peasants of Russia are said to be "solidly back of," is
the following (it is particularly interesting in view of
the fact that Judge Fisher is judge of the Morals
Court of Chicago) :
" 'Some time ago it was published that the
women of Russia had become national prop-
erty,' he said. 'That is untrue, but the ease
with which marriage and divorce may be effect-
ed makes for rapid changes. Everyone wanting
to marry goes to what we would call the city
hall and registers.
" 'Inducements to marry are great. When
people are hard pressed for clothes and food
they sometimes make a pact to wed for a day.
" 'The next day they go down to the city hall
and register again. This time their names are
put side by side in the divorce book. That is all
that is necessary to be divorced, and they have
had a good feed in the bargain.' "
Judge Harry Fisher, of Chicago, who has returned
from Jewish relief work abroad, evidently is one with
the others in not being ashamed of Trotsky.
Also Max Pine, for many years secretary of the
United Hebrew Trades of New York, has been abroad
in Soviet Russia as "a labor delegate." He too had
many good things to say of the Soviets, among other
things the strange contradiction that the Jews are
doing very well in Russia but are not pro-Bolshevik!
Here are three persons from widely different
spheres of life, yet each one of them indicates a
natural liking for the Kahal or Soviet, an admiration
of its methods, and a distinct good feeling toward its
rulers. For Sovietism is the rankest form of autoc-
racy, and the marriage laws of Soviet Russia are in
IS THE JEWISH "KAHAL" THE MODERN "SOVIET"? 171
full harmony with the program stated in the Pro-
tocols —
"We will break down the influence of family-
life among the Gentiles."
Whether the Soviet-Kahals of Russia will succeed
in completely undermining Russian family life is ex-
tremely doubtful. The weakness of Soviet rule is the
same as that of the Protocols — a moral weakness which
must eat like a cancer until it destroys the institutions
which it infests.
Russia today, viewed in the light of the Protocols,
does not represent the Judaic state, but it represents
the Gentile state seized by Jewish forces. There are
three degrees of action set forth in the Protocols.
There is first the secret process of breaking up the in-
tegrity of society by the admixture of alluring but
disruptive ideas. This is a work in which Gentile
agitators are used. When the ideas have worked suf-
ficiently to break up society and explode in a crisis,
then as in Germany, the forces that have worked in
secret come swiftly to the front to take the reins and
guide the riot. In Germany this immediately occur-
red upon the collapse which followed the armistice, but
the Germans were wise enough to know the meaning of
the influx of Jews into all the official positions of the
former empire, and it was not long before they were
politically ousted. In Russia, however, the Jews
sprang immediately into official positions and have
succeeded in remaining there. It began with Keren-
sky compeUing the Czar to lay aside his crown; it con-
tinues with Trotsky and his armies at the throat of
Europe.
But this seizure of a country, as was attempted in
Germany, and as was not only attempted but succeed-
ed in Russia, is not the end of the Program. It is only
the beginning of its open or public phase. The Soviet-
Kahal makes for the complete breaking up of soci-
ety, the entire cutting off of co-operation and com-
munication, the ruling of each little section in the way
desired, until the whole country lies helpless in iso-
lated bits. The process includes, of course, the dis-
integration of industry also, the massing of Gentiles
into an army, and a general destruction of morality
and order. It is the Protocol program in its last stage
172 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
before the reconstruction begins which shall make the
conquered country a Jewish state.
The world has not seen that last stage yet. It has
not come, even in Russia. If the Russian people
waken from the daze into which they have been thrust,
it will not come. Jewish voices loudly proclaim that
Soviet Russia has come to stay. The only authorita-
tive voice on that subject is the voice of Russia, and
Russia has not yet spoken. Today the world is trem-
bling on the very verge of Real Russia's awakening, and
with it a retribution most terrible upon the Sovietists.
The program of the Protocols once came near suc-
ceeding in the French Revolution, but its essential im-
morality overreached itself. It has come a step near-
er success in Russia, but there too its defiance of the
moral law will be its undoing. The Jewish Question
of today is being fought out in Russia and Poland,
and the strength of the Jewish forces is largely and
mostly supplied from the United States of America.
No wonder those small East European independencies
which are fighting for their lives refer to our country
as "The Land of the Jews."
*'We will show our power to one," say the
Protocols. "In order to demonstrate our enslave-
.ment of the Gentile governments of Europe, we
shall show our power to one of them by crimes
of violence, that is, by a reign of terror." (Proto-
col Seven.)
One by one the Gentile nations of Europe have
been compelled to withdraw their troops from Russia.
One by one the premiers of Europe have submitted to
heavy shackling of their official hands with regard to
the Russian question. And today the world looks on
while little Poland, apparently the second country on
the list of Soviet victims, is made to feel heavy ven-
geance for her daring to be independent of Jewish power.
Russia has been made to pay for her attempted inde-
pendence of the Jew; Poland is now being made to
pay. It is a flame, the Jews of Eastern Europe hope,
and many Jews of America also,' which will sweep
round the world.
If the ruling Jews of the world wished the Russian
people freed, if they wished the flames of Bolshevism
to be quenched, if they wished Jewish participation in
IS THE JEWISH "KAHAL" THE MODERN "SOVIET"? 173
revolutionary movements to be withdrawn, they could
accomplish it in a week. What is going on today is
going on by permission of the Jewish world powers.
There is apparently no desire to curtail a movement
which largely originated in American Jewry. This is
the program of "showing our power to one," and the
program will be followed out. The "showing," how-
ever, is twofold; it is a showing of power, but it is also
a showing of the people who wield the power, and in
the end it might have been just as well had the power
never been coveted, attained, or used.
Anyone who desires to test the exactitude of the
Protocols' estimate of human nature may do so by
observing his own reactions to the Russian Bolshevist
situation. It is undeniable that there exists among all
classes of Gentiles in America a kind of admiration for
the coup which Lenin and Trotsky have managed on
such a massive scale. The audacity of it, the ability
to stay afloat thus long in defiance of so many laws,
have conspired to draw out unwilling applause.
Consider then this passage from the Tenth Proto-
col:
"The people feel an especial love and respect
toward the genius who wields political power,
and they say of all his high-handed actions: 'It
is base, but clever! It is a trick, but how he
played it! So majestic! So impudent!'
"We count on attracting all nations to the
constructive work of laying the foundations for
the structure planned by us. It is necessary for
us first of all to acquire the services of bold and
fearless agents, who will overcome all obstacles
in our pathway.
"When we accomplish our governmental coup
d'etat, we will say to the people: 'Everything has
gone badly, all have suffered. We will eliminate
the causes of your sufferings — nationality, fron-
tiers and diversity of coinage. Of course you
are free to pronounce sentence upon us, but that
can scarcely be just if you do so before giving
a trial to that which we offer you.' "
This is very well conceived, and this is the way in
which, up to this time, it has worked out. But there
will be a strong reaction set in. False promises like
174 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
chickens come home to roost. The real originators,
the real purpose of the movement hidden behind Bol-
shevism will become evident. And then the world will
crush out again the World Program which at times
has seemed so near success.
There will probably be more light upon this World
Program as a result of the Russian Kahal-Soviet
system than from any other attempt to reahze it. For
five generations the world has lived in a false light
supposed to be shed by the French Revolution. It is
now known that that revolution was not the Revolu-
tion of the French People, but the disorders of a mi-
nority who sought to impose upon the French People
the very Plan which is now being considered. It was
the French People who ultimately put down the so-
called French Revolution. And France, as a result of
that upheaval of a well-organized minority, has been
bound by Jewish control ever since.
The Russian Revolution will go down in history
with no such false halo of romance around it. The
world now knows it for what it is. The world will
soon know whose was the money and whose were the
brains that fostered it, and from what part of the
world the principal impetus came. The Russian up-
heaval is racial, not political nor economic. It con-
ceals beneath all its false socialism and its empty
mouthings of "human brotherhood" a clear-cut plan
of racial imperialism, which is not Russian, and which
the common sense and interest of the world will speed-
ily stamp out.
Issue of Aogost 28, 1920.
XVI.
How the "Jewish Question"
Touches the Farm
THE real estate speculations of the Jews are fa-
miliar to all, but unfortunately do not constitute
their entire land program. Many American cities
have changed their characters entirely during the past
15 years by reason of Jewish speculation in residence
property, and it is a fact established in the larger
eastern cities that the recent exorbitant and extor-
tionate rise in rents was largely a matter of the Jewish
landlord. The governor of one of the most important
of our commonwealths was loath to sign a bill regu-
lating rents. His hesitancy was encouraged by very
heavy pressure brought to bear upon him by the
weightiest Jewish financial interests in his own and
neighboring states. He finally decided that he would
sign the bill and give the law effect, and the fact that
decided him was his personal investigation and the
investigation of his personal agents into hundreds of
cases of abuse where he discovered that it was a com-
mon practice among Jewish landlords to transfer the
same piece of property round and round to every
member of the family ia turn, each "transfer" being
the excuse for a new increase in the rent. Men have
their eyes opened to the Jewish Question in various
ways: this was the way a governor had his eyes
opened.
That, however, is not the peculiarity of Jewish
landlords alone; Gentile landlords have played the
same trick. But landlordism is peculiarly a Jewish
ambition and. distinction; the Jew is the Landlord of
America. Any group of tenants almost anywhere in
America, except the West, could testify to this.
Nor is landlordism itself reprehensible, things be-
ing what they are, unless it is anti-social and anti-
American. And just here is where it gets point.
Some of the oldest and most sacred shrines of Amer-
icanism in the East have entirely lost their character
as such by the invasion — not of "foreigners" — but of
Jews.
176 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
The more one sees of this invasion, the more one
utterly distrusts the statistics given out by Jews as to
the Jewish population of the United States.
Do you know that the one nationality on which the
Government of the United States is estopped from
asking questions, either for immigration or census sta-
tistics, is the Jewish?
Do you know that when the Government of the
United States wants to know anything about the Jews,
it must go to statisticians which the Jews themselves
support?
If a nation claims that it is no nation with respect
to the United States Government, as the Jews claim,
and has no national statistics which it will permit the
government to collect in the official way, why should
it treat itself as a nation and keep its own records?
The Jews of the United States, like the Jews of
every European country, are a nation among them-
selves, with their own government, their own policy,
their own records; and the United States Govern-
ment does business with the Jewish Government in
America through chosen Jews — no doubt of that.
It is, however, a digression. The matter of Jewish
statistics will come up again. In the meantime a
glance at the rapid changing of so many American
cities in all parts of the land leads to the belief that
the Jewish statistics furnished by the Jews for Gentile
consumption entirely misstate the facts, and this belief
is strengthened by the knowledge that the statistics
given by the Jews for Jewish consumption are very
different from those supphed for the outside world.
Landlordism may be explained by the inclination of
the Jew toward speculation, and we know that real
estate has been made one of the most speculative of
occupations, disgracefully, almost disastrously so.
The Jew cannot be condemned for becoming a land-
lord, for becoming the most conspicuous landlord in
America; he cannot be condemned apart from his
Gentile co-offenders for the abuse be has made of his
advantage as landlord. But it is a matter for Ameri-
can concern that the cities to which, in the schoolbooks,
our children are taught to look as the birthplaces of
liberty and as still the spokesmen of Americanism,
should become Semite cities, financially and politically,
HOW "JEWISH QUESTION'" TOUCHES THE FARM 177
and the recruiting grounds of the world's Bolshevism.
Until recently, however, the Jew in America has
not cared for the land. It is a characteristic. The
Jew is not an agriculturist. Lavish fortunes have
been expentled to make him so, but the productive
work of farming has not had, and does not now have,
any appeal to him. His choice in land is this: land
that produces gold from the mine, and land that pro-
duces rents. Land that produces mere potatoes and
wheat has not directly interested him.
It is true, of course, that the land question has been
distinctly Jewish in countries like Poland and Ru-
mania. No law against Jews owning land in those
countries has ever been effective in preventing their
control of whole provinces. Not that the Jews de-
manded the right to farm the land, their choice was to
farm the farmers. By devious methods and the use
of "Gentile fronts" they could always secure control of
the land, and thus dominating the peasants they
could create almost any condition they wished. That
is what they actually did. That is the Jewish Ques-
tion in those parts of the world. Not for farming
purposes, it must be understood, but for the purpose of
controlling the main source of wealth in agricultural
countries and for taking the control of the people away
from their natural Gentile leaders.
These two things always go together in countries
where there is intellectual or landed aristocracy to
which the people look for leadership : the Jewish pro-
gram is to destroy that leadership by gaining control of
the land. It is profitable, of course, but when you
survey the outworking of the plan you always see
something other than profits involved. The consum-
mate perfection of the Jewish plan for World Control
is that it does not involve sacrifice as have other plans,
it is immensely profitable at every stage, and the
greater the profitableness the more surely the purpose
is being achieved.
In America there was no aristocracy to be cut under
by the gaining of land control. Jewish activity in the
United States until recentlj^ has confined itself to the
control of land products after they have been pro-
duced: that is, so to say, Jewish interests do not
engage in trapping, but they control the fur trade.
178 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
Speaking of furs, it is very funny to see how some
affairs turn out. During the war there was a great
to-do made about the German control of the American
fur trade. It was true that the fur trade was con-
trolled from Germany, but not by Germans — by Jews!
And then a great to-do was made about seizing, con-
fiscating and absolutely selling out that "German"
fur business to Americans, and the "Americans" who
bought it were — Jews ! The actual control has never
changed; the profits still find their way to the "Inter-
national" purse.
But furs is just an example. Jewish interests do
not engage in raising grain, but control the grain that
others produce. The need of the United States is
a "Who's Who of Jewish Financiers" that the people
may identify the men about whom they read as having
made this "corner" or sprung that "coup." , These in-
terests, which have simply grabbed American-pro-
duced wealth and made American consumers pay and
pay and pay, have been able to operate almost openly
because of the sheer blindness of the American people
as they read their newspapers. And, of course, while
the American newspaper will gladly inform you that
this man is an Italian and that man a Pole and the
other man a Briton, it will never tell you that the
fourth man is a Jew. There is a Jewish organization
in every city, large and small, to prevent it — and they
prevent it by methods that are violent and wholly
subversive of the American ideal of liberty.
So, until recently, the plan in the United States has
been to seize the commodity at just that point in its
passage from producer to consumer where the heaviest
weight of profit can be extracted from it — at the neck
of the bottle, so to speak — and control it there. It is
not service that the people pay for; they pay for
seizure.
But a new movement has begun in the United
States. Jewish millions are now being used to secure
immense tracts of American lands. Formerly it was
enough to control the cotton, as the bread was con-
trolled, but now the movement is toward controlling
the cotton lands. The operations are carefully guard-
ed; "Gentile fronts" are used almost exclusively;
but follow the trail through all the "blinds" and "false
HOW "JEWISH QUESTION" TOUCHES THE FARM 179
scents," and you come at last to the International
Jew, whose throne is set up in London.
Many Jews have written The Dearborn Inde-
pendent saying that they do not know about these
racial plans for world control. It may well be be-
lieved that they do not. One purpose of these articles
is to tell them about it. But this every Jew rejoices in
— the movement of his people toward power. And it
is this sentiment that the International Jew implicitly
trusts, and because this sentiment exists The Inter-
national Program secures a maximum of success at a
minimum risk of exposure. Jewry is not a democracy
but an autocracy. Of course the ordinary Jew does
not know ! The question is, Why should he revile the
Gentile who tries to tell him? If a Jew will not seal
his mind against the statements made in these articles,
he will find in his own knowledge sufficient corrobora-
tion of their principal features, and he will be in a
better position to assist in the solution of the Jewish
Question.
It is with amazement at certain men's conception
of editorial honesty that The Dearborn Indepen-
dent has read some of the reports made of these arti-
cles. Under cover, principally of the Yiddish, alleged
translations of these articles have been flung broadcast
among non-English speaking Jews, translations which
not only bear no resemblance to the original, but
actually insert whole paragraphs of matter which never
appeared in the original at all. Is there a fear of per-
mitting the average Jew to read this series? Nothing
is more desired by those whose purpose is to lay foun-
dations for the solution of the Jewish Question in
America than that every Jew in the United States
should know exactly what is being printed here week
by week. The Jew has been deceived by his leaders
long enough.
The fact is, then, that there is a definite and al-
ready well forwarded movement toward the control of
the cotton lands of the United States. The first step
was to depreciate the market value of these lands as
much as possible. Pressure was brought through cer-
tain banks to limit the cotton farmers' efforts. They
were told that if they planted more acreage to cotton
than they ^ were told to, they would not be financed.
180 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
Cotton production was to go down while cotton prices
were to go up, and the profits were not the farmers'
but those who controlled the course of cotton from
the first market to the wearer. Cotton farming was to
be made less profitable, while cotton speculation was to
become more profitable. The public was being com-
pelled to supply the money by which the Jewish con-
trollers were to buy the land. In brief, it was to be
made more profitable to sell cotton lands than to sell
cotton.
These statements are being deliberately restricted
to the traffic in cotton lands. Jewish financiers in
New York and London know these things, even if
Jewish editors and rabbis do not.
This movement has been within the knowledge of
certain classes of business men for a long time, indeed
some have been forced by what used to be called "the
pressure of circumstances," to serve the movement.
But they were not able to interpret its meaning. It is
only recently that the more important Gentile business
men of the United States have been able to interpret
certain things. The war was a potent eye-opener.
Those wonderful documents known as the "Proto-
cols," with their strong grasp of every element of life,
have not overlooked Land. The Land Program is
found in the Sixth Protocol, which is one of the brief-
est of these documents and may be quoted in full to
show now the relation it bears to certain excerpts
made in previous articles:
Protocol VI.
"We shall soon begin to establish huge mo-
nopolies, colossal reservoirs of wealth, upon
which even the big Gentile properties will be de-
pendent to such an extent that they will all fall
together with the government credit on the day
following the political catastrophe. The econo-
mists here present must carefully weigh the sig-
nificance of this combination. We must develop
by every means the importance of our super-gov-
ernment, representing it as the protector and
benefactor of all who voluntarily submit to us.
"The aristocracy of the Gentiles as a political
HOW "JEWISH QUESTION" TOUCHES THE FARM 181
force has passed away. We need not take them
into consideration. But, as owners of the land,
they are harmful to us in that they are independ-
ent in their sources of livelihood'. Therefore, at
all costs, we must deprive them of their land.
"The best means to attain this is to increase
the taxes and mortgage indebtedness. These mea-
sures will keep land oivnership in a state of un-
conditional subordination. Unable to satisfy their
needs by small inheritances, the aristocrats among
the Gentiles will burn themselves out rapidly.
"At the same time it is necessary to encour-
age trade and industry vigorously and especially
speculation, the function of which is to act as a
counterpoise to industry. Without speculation,
industry will cause private capital to increase and
tend to improve the condition of Agriculture BY
FREEING THE LAND FROM INDEBTED-
NESS FOR LOANS by the land banks. It is nec-
essary for industry to deplete the land both of labor-
ers and capital, and, through speculations, trans-
fer all the money of the world into our hands, there-
by throwing the Gentiles into the ranks of the pro-
letariat. The Gentiles will then bow before us
to obtain the right to existence.
"To destroy Gentile industry, we shall, as an
incentive to this speculation, encourage among
the Gentiles a strong demand for luxuries, all-
enticing luxuries.
"We will force up wages, which however will
be of no benefit to workers, for we will at the
same time cause a rise in the prices of prime ne-
cessities, pretending that this is due to the decline
of agriculture and of cattle raising. We will also
artfully and deeply undermine the sources of
production by instilling in the workmen ideas of
anarchy, and encourage them in the use of alco-
hol, at the same time taking measures to drive
all the intellectual forces of the Gentiles from
I'he land.
"That the true situation shall not be noticed
by the Gentiles prematurely, we will mask it by
a pretended effort to serve the working classes
and promote great economic principles, for which
182 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
an active propaganda will be carried on through
our economic theories."
The local and passing element in this is "the aris-
tocracy of the Gentiles." That is to say, the program
is not entirely fulfilled by the passing of aristocrats.
Jewry goes on just the same. Its program stretches
far. Jewry will retain such kings as it desires as long
as it desires them. Probably the last throne to be va-
cated will be the British throne because what to the
British mind is the honor of being Jewry's protector
and therefore the inheritor of the blessing which that
attitude brings, is to the Jewish mind the good fortune
of being able to use a world-wide empire for the fur-
therance of Jewry's purpose. Each has served the
other and the partnership will probably last until
Jewry gets ready to throw Britain over, which Jewry
can do at almost any time. There are indications that
it has already started on this last task.
But the permanent elements in this Protocol are
the Land, the Jews, and the Gentiles. A word of ex-
planation may be necessary on this inclusion of the
Gentiles as permanent: the Protocols do not contem-
plate the extermination of the Gentiles, nor the mak-
ing of this world a completely Jewish populated world.
The Protocols contemplate a Gentile world ruled by
the Jews — the Jews as masters, the Gentiles as hewers
of wood and drawers of water, a policy which every
Old Testament reader knows to be typically Jewish
and the source of divine judgment upon Israel time
and again.
Now, look at this whole Program as it concerns the
Land.
"Owners of the land * * * are harmful to us in
that they are independent in their sources of livelihood."
That is a foundation principle of the Protocols. It
matters not whether the owners are the "Gentile aris-
tocracy," the peasants of Poland, or the farmers of the
United States — land ownership makes the owners "in-
dependent in their sources of livelihood." And any form
of independence is fatal to the success of the World
Program which is written so comprehensively in the
Protocols and which is advancing so comprehensively
under Jewish guidance in the world of actual affairs
today.
HOW "JEWISH QUESTION" TOUCHES THE FARM 183
Not "tillers" of the land, not "dwellers" on the
land, not "tenants," not an "agricultural peasantry,"
but "owners of the land" — this is the class singled out
for attention in this Sixth Protocol, BECA USE they
are "independent in their sources of livelihood.^'
Now, there has been no time in the history of the
United States when apparently it was more easy for
the farmer to own his land than now. Mortgages
should be a thing of the past. Everywhere the propa-
ganda of the question tells us that the farmers are
growing "rich." And yet there were never so many
abandoned farms!
"Therefore, at all costs ive must deprive them of their
land."
How? "The best means to attain this is to increase
land taxes and mortgage indebtedness." High taxes to
keep the land at all, borrowed money to finance the
tilling of it.
"These measures will keep land ownership in a state
of unconditional subordination."
We will leave it to the farmers of the United States
to say whether this is working out or not.
And in a future reference to this subject we will
show that whenever an attempt is made to enable
farmers to borrow money at decent rates, whenever it
is proposed to lighten the burden of "mortgage indebt-
edness" on the farm, Jewish financial influence in the
United States steps in to prevent it, or faihng to pre-
vent it, mess it all up in the operation.
By increasing the farmer's financial disability on
the one hand, and by increasing industrial allurements
on the other, a very great deal is accomplished. The
Protocol says: "It is necessary for industry to deplete
the Land both of laborers and capital."
Has that been done? Have the farms of the
United States been depleted both of laborers and
capital? Certainly. Money is harder for the farmer
to get than it is for any other man; and as for labor, he
cannot get it on any terms.
What is the result of these two influences, the one
working on the farm, and the other in the cities? It
is precisely what the Protocol says it will be: In-
creased wages that buy less of the materials of life —
"we will at the same time cause a rise in the prices of
184 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
prime necessities, pretending that this is due to the de-
cline of agriculture and cattle raising."
The Jew who set these Protocols in order was a
financier, economist and philosopher of the first order.
He knew what he was talking about. His operations
in the ordinary world of business always indicated that
he knew exactly what he was doing. How well this
Sixth Protocol has worked and is still working out in
human affairs is before the eyes of everyone to see.
Here in the United States one of the most impor-
tant movements toward real independence of the finan-
cial powers has been begun by the farmers. The farm-
ers' strong advantage is that, owning the land, he is
independent in his sources of livelihood. The land
1 will feed him whether he pleases International Jewish
Financiers or not. His position is impregnable as long
as the sun shines and the seasons roll. It was there-
fore necessary to do something to hinder this budding
independence. He was placed under a greater dis-
advantage than any other business man in borrowing
capital. He was placed more ruthlessly than any
other producer between the upper and nether stones of
a thievish distribution system. Labor was drawn
away from the farm. The Jew-controlled melodrama
made the farmer a "rube," and Jew-made fiction pre-
sented him as a "hick," causing his sons to be ashamed
of farm fife. The grain syndicates which operate
against the farmer are Jew-controlled. There is no
longer any possibility of doubting, when the facts of
actual affairs are put alongside the written Program,
that the farmer of the United States has an interest in
this Question.
What would this World Program gain if the wage-
workers were enslaved and the farmers were allowed to
go scot-free? Therefore the program of agricultural
interference which has been only partially outlined
here.
But this is not all.
Any writer who attempts fully to inform the Gen-
tile mind on the Jewish Question must often feel that
the extent of the Protocols' Conspiracy is so great as
to stagger the Gentile mind. Gentiles are not con-
spirators. They cannot follow a clue through long and
devious and darkened channels. The elaborate com-
HOW "JEWISH QUESTION" TOUCHES THE FARM 185
pleteness of the Jewish Program, the perfect co-ordi-
nation of its mass of details wearies the Gentile mind.
This, really more than the daring of the Program itself,
constitutes the principal danger of Program being ful-
filled. Gentile mental laziness is the most powerful
ally the World Program has.
For example: after citing the perfectly obvious
coincidence and most probable connection between the
Protocols and the observable facts with reference to
the farm situation, the writer is compelled to say, as
above, "But this is not all." And it is a peculiarity
of Gentile psychology that the Gentile reader will feel
that it ought to be all because it is so complete. This
is where the Jewish mind out-maneuvers the Gentile
mind.
Gentiles may do a thing for one reason: the Jew
often does the same thing for three or four reasons.
The Gentile can understand thus far why Jewish
financiers should seek control of the land in order to
prevent widespread Agricultural Independence which,
as Protocol Six says, would be "harmful to us." That
reason is perfectly clear.
But there is another. It is found in the Twelfth
Protocol. It contemplates nothing less than the play-
ing of City against Country in the great game now
being exposed. Complete control over the City by the
industrial leverage, and over the Country by the debt
leverage, will enable the Hidden Players to move first
the Countrj^ by saying that the City demands certain
things, and then move the City by saying that the
Country demands certain things, thus splitting Citi-
zens and Farmers apart and using them against one
another.
Look at the plainness and the boldness, yet the
calm assut-ance, with which this plan is broached:
"Our calculations reach out, especially into the
country districts. There we must necessarily
arouse those interests and ambitions which we can
always turn against the city, representing them to
the cities as dreams and ambitions for independence
on the part of the provinces. It is clear that the
source of this will be precisely the same, and that
it will come from us. It will be necessary for us
before we have attained full power to so arrange
186 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
matters that, from time to time, the cities shall come
under the influence of opinion in the country dis-
tricts, that is, of the majority prearranged by our
agents * * *"
The preliminaries of the game are here set forth —
to jockey City and Farm against each other, that in
the end the Conspirators may use whichever proves
the stronger in putting the Plan over. In Russia,
both schemes have been worked. The old regime, es-
tablished in the Cities, was persuaded to lay down
power because it was made to believe that the peasants
of Russia requested it. Then, when the Bolshevists
seized power, they ruled the peasantry on the ground
that the Cities wanted it. The Cities listened to the
Country, now the Country is listening to the Cities.
If you see any attempt made to divide City and
Farm into antagonistic camps, remember this para-
graph from the Twelfth Protocol. Already the poison
is working. Have you never heard that Prohibition
was something which the backwoods districts forced
upon the cities? Have you never heard that the High
Cost of Living was due to extravagant profits of the
farmer? — profits which he doesn't get.
One big dent in this Program of World Control
could be made if the Citizen and the Farmer could
learn each other's mind, not through self-appointed
spokesmen, but directly from each other. City and
Farm are drifting apart because of misrepresentation
of outsiders, and in the widening rift the sinister
shadow of the World Program appears.
Let the Farmers look past the "Gentile fronts" in
their villages or principal trading points, past them
to the real controllers who are hidden.
Usoe oi September 4, 1920.
XVII.
Does Jewish Power Control the
World Press?
THE purpose of this article is twofold: to set forth
what the Protocols have to say about the relation
'of the Press to the World Program, and to make an in-
troduction to a study of Jewish influence on the Press.
The Jewish race has always been aware of the ad-
vantages to be derived from news. This was one of
the factors in its control of European commerce from
the earliest Christian times. To be informed before-
hand, to know what was coming before the Gentiles
among whom they lived knew it, was a special privilege
of the Jews, made possible by the close communication
in which widely separated Jewish groups kept them-
selves. From the first they were inveterate corre-
spondents. They were the inventors of the news-letter.
This does not imply, however, that the Jews were
the forerunners or even the sponsors of the modern
Press. It was no part of their purpose to distribute
news among the people, but to keep it for themselves
as a secret advantage. The political, economic and
commercial news which sped with really remarkable
facility throughout Europe, from Jewish community to
Jewish community, was in reality the official budget by
which each community informed all the others of what
was transpiring, a^ to war, trade current's, rising
emergencies, or whatever the matter may have been.
For centuries the Jews were the best informed people
on the continent; from their secret sources in courts
and chancellories, from privileged Jews who were
placed in every position of vantage, the whole race
was informed of the state of the world.
Scouts were kept in motion everywhere. Far down
in South America, before the British or Dutch colonies
in North America had hardly secured a foothold, there
were Jews who served as outposts for European trade
interests. The world was spied out in the interests of
their race, just as today the entire planet is under the
watchful eyes of Jewish agents — mostly Gentiles, it
must be said — for any hint of new gold discoveries.
188 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
An interesting and historic illustration of the Jews'
appreciation of news is to be found in the career of
Nathan Rothschild. Rothschild had laid all his plans
on the assumption that the Emperor Napoleon, then
banished to Elba, was finally eliminated from Euro-
pean affairs. Napoleon unexpectedly returned, and
in the "Hundred Daj^s" it seemed as if the Rothschild
financial- edifice might collapse. Feverishly the finan-
cier aided both Prussia and England, and as the Battle'
of Waterloo approached, no one was more interested in
the outcome than he.
Rothschild was a man who shrank from the sight
of blood; he was physically a coward, and any sign of
violence unnerved him; but so intense was his interest
in the battle on which his whole fortune seemed to de-
pend, that he hastened to France, followed the British
Army, and when the battle began he hid himself in
"some shot-proof nook near Hougomont" where he
watched all day the ebb and flow of battle. Just be-
fore Napoleon ordered the last desperate charge Roths-
child had made up his mind. He said afterward that
his exclamation at this point was, "The House of
Rothschild has won the battle."
He hurried from the field, galloped wildly to Brus-
sels, communicating not a word of what he knew to
the anxious people he met by the way. Hiring a car-
riage at an exorbitant price, he galloped away to
Ostend. Here a fierce storm was raging on the ocean
and no sailor was willing to set out for England, about
20 miles away. Rothschild himself, always afraid of
danger, forgot his fear in his visions of the stock mar-
ket. He offered 500, 800, and at length 1,000 francs
to the man who would take him across. But no one
dared. Finally one sailor proposed that if Rothschild
would pay 2,000 francs into his wife's hands, he would
attempt it.
Half dead the two men reached the English coast,
but without rest Rothschild ordered express post and
hurried away to London. Whip and spur were not
spared on that journey.
There were no telegrams in those days, no swift
communication. England was anxious. The rumors
were bad. And on the morning of June 20, 1815, when
Nathan Rothschild appeared in his usual place at the
DOES JEWISH POWER CONTROL THE PRESS? 189
Stock Exchange and leaned against the column, En-
gland knew nothing of what he knew. He was pale
and broken. The sight of his face led the other finan-
ciers to believe that he had received bad news from
the front. Then it was seen that he was quietly selling
his securities. What? Rothschild unloading? The
market dropped disastrously, a very panic seized the
financiers, the market was flooded with consols offered
for sale — and all that was offered, Rothschild's agents
bought!
So it went on, all day the 20th, and all day the 21st.
At the close of business the second day, Rothschild's
heavy chests were crammed with securities. Then in
the evening a courier galloped into London with the
news that Wellington had won and Napoleon was a
fugitive. But Nathan Rothschild had made $10,000,-
000 and the men he did business with had lost that
much — all as an affair of news !
There was a little incident in Washington during
the war — a "leak" of news, it was called. The wise
men of Wall Street sometimes whisper that even be-
tween 1914-1918 there were men of Rothschild's race
who showed his same appreciation of "news," with the
same profitable results. And not only the men of
"Rothschild's race," but some of their "Gentile fronts,"
also.
There were times during the war when no Gentile
knew what was going on in certain countries. The
Jewish leaders always knew. Some very interesting
testimony can be presented on that point.
Aside from its own interest, this Rothschild narra-
tive fully illustrates the statement that while the Jews
were very early news-gatherers, they were not publi-
cists. They used the news for their own benefit; they
did not disseminate it. If it had depended on their
influence, there would have been no public Press at all.
It was in France, which had no newspapers outside the
capital, that the French Revolution was possible.
There being no reliable exchange of news and opinion,
the people were kept in ignorance. Paris itself did not
know that the Bastille had fallen until next day.
Where there is no Press, minorities easily gain control
— as the Jewish-Bolshevist revolution in Russia
illustrates.
190 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
One of the most dangerous developments of the
time is public distrust of the Press. If the day ever
comes v/hen swift, reliable and authoritative communi-
cation with the entire people shall be necessary for
public action in the interests of public safety, the
nation may find itself sadly crippled unless a new con-
fidence in the daily Press can be built up. If for no
other reason than that a free press is a safeguard
against minority seizure of control, such laws as the
zone laws, or any restrictions on the freest and fullest
communication between various parts of the country,
should be absolutely abolished.
But, the Press being in existence, and being largely
an Anglo-Saxon creation, it is a force not to be treated
lightly, and that is the point where the World Program
and Jewish Control come in contact with it.
The Protocols, which overlook nothing, propose a
very definite plan with regard to the Press. As in the
multitude of other matters with which these remark-
able documents deal, there are the two phases — "what
we have done," and ''what we will do."
As early as the Second Protocol, the Press comes
in for attention. It is significant that it makes its ap-
pearance in the same Protocol in which the "No An-
nexations" program was announced 20 years before
the World War, in the same Protocol in which it is
announced that Gentile rulers will be allowed to appear
before the people for a short period, while Jewish in-
fluences were organizing themselves behind the seats
of power, and in the same Protocol where Darwinism,
Marxism and Nietzscheism are claimed among the
most "demoralizing" doctrines which Jewish influence
has disseminated. These are very curious statements,
but not stranger than the actuality that has come to
pass.
Says the Second Protocol:
"There is one great force in the hands of mod-
ern governments, which creates thought move-
ments among the people, that is, the Press. The
presumed role of the Press is to indicate sup-
posedly indispensable needs, to register popular
complaints, and to create discontent. The tri-
umph of 'free speech' (babbling) rests in the
Press. But governments are unable to profit by
DOES JEWISH POWER CONTROL THE PRESS? 191
this power, and it has fallen into our hands.
Through it ice have attained influence while remain-
ing in the shadow. Thanks to it, we have amassed
gold, though it has cost us torrents of blood and
tears J"
In the same Protocol '^our Press" is spoken of as the
agency through which are disseminated "those theories
of life which we have induced them (the Gentiles) to
regard as the dictates of science."
"To this end we shall certainly endeavor to in-
spire blind confidence in these theories by means of
our Press."
Then follows the claim made concerning the three
most revolutionary theories in the physical, economic
and moral realms, namely, Darwinism, Marxism and
Nietzscheism.
In the Third Protocol the claim is made that this
control of the Press is being used to break down re-
spect for authority:
^'Daring journalists and audacious pamphlet-
eers make daily attack upon the personnel of the ad-
ministration. This abuse of authority is definitely
preparing the downfall of all institutions, and
everything will be overturned by blows coming
from the infuriated populace."
Again, in the Seventh Protocol, discussing the
progress which the World Program has already made,
the part played by the Press is indicated :
"We must force the Gentile governments to
adopt measures which will promote our broadly
conceived plan already approaching its triumphal
goal, by bringing to bear the pressure of stimulated
public opinion, which has in reality been organized
by us icith the help of the so-called ^ great power^ of
the Press. With few exceptions not worth con-
sidering, it is already in our hands."
Thus twice is the claim made to control of the
Press. "It has fallen into our hands," says the Second
Protocol. "It is already in our hands," says the
Seventh. In the Second Protocol the Press is repre-
sented as furthering revolutionary physical, economic
and moral philosophies; while in the Seventh it is used
to create the "pressure of stimulated public opinion"
192 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
for the purpose of "forcing Gentile governments to
adopt measures which will promote our broadly con-
ceived plan, already approaching its triumphant goal."
A word of comment may be made here upon the
claim of the Second Protocol that "thanks to it (the
Press), we have amassed gold, though it has cost us
torrents of blood and tears."
This is a statement which can be illustrated in
many ways. "Though it has cost us torrents of blood
and tears" is an admission upon which the Protocols
throw light, a light which also shines upon the Jewish
argument regarding responsibility for the recent war,
namely, that Jewish World Financial Power could not
have willed the war seeing that Jews suffered so heavily
in Eastern Europe. The Protocols frankly recognize
the possibility of Jews suffering during the establish-
ment of the World Program, but it consoles them with
the thought that they fall as soldiers for the good of
Israel. The death of a Jew, we are told in the Proto-
cols, is more precious in the sight of God than the
death of a thousand "seed of cattle," which is one of
the delicate names applied to the Gentiles.
The reference to the amassment of gold is very
clear. It does not apply to ownership of publications
and a share in their profits only, but also the use that
may be made of them through silence or outcry to pro-
mote International Jewish Financiers' schemes. The
Rothschilds bought editors as they bought legislators.
It was a preliminary of nearly every scheme they
floated to first "fix" the newspapers, either for silence
or clacque boosting. In matters of war and peace; in
the removal of administrations inimical to Jewish,
financial or political plans; in the elimination by pub-
Uc exposure of "Gentile fronts" whom their Jewish
masters wished to be rid of; in the gradual building up
of reputation and influence for "rising men" who had
been chosen for work in the future — in these and like
matters the Press very greatly aided the International
Cabal in attaining its end.
All the details of the foregoing paragraph can be
illustrated at length by instances which have occurred
in the United States within the past 15 years.
There was once a Senator of the United States who
— but that story illustrates another point also, and
DOES JEWISH PdWER CONTROL THE PRESS? 193
will be reserved until that point is reached in this
series of discussions.
The Twelfth Protocol, however, contains the entire
plan of Control of the Press, reaching from the present
time into the future when the Jewish World Govern-
ment shall be established. The reader is invited to
read carefully and thoughtfully the deep and wide out-
reaching of this plan.
Keep also in mind the boast that has been made for
generations that no publication that has handled the
Jewish Question in a manner distasteful to the Jewish
powers has been allowed to live.
"What role is played at present by the Press?
It serves to inflame the passions of selfish partisan-
ship which our interests require. It is shallow,
lying and unfair, the most people do not under-
stand what end it serves."
In that quotation we have the same low estimate
which was noted when we studied "the estimate of hu-
man nature" which the Protocols contain.
Now, for the Plan of Press Control : We separate
the points for convenience:
"We shall handle the Press in the following
manner:
1. "We shall saddle it and keep tight rein
upon it. We shall do the same also with other
printed matter, for of what use is it to rid our-
selves of attacks in the Press, if we remain ex-
posed to criticism through pamphlets and books?"
2. "Not one announcement will reach the 'people
save under our supervision. We have attained this
at the present time to the exteyit that all news is re-
ceived through several agencies in which it is central-
ized fi-om all parts of the loorld."
A sidelight on the first sentence above may be had
from this Jewish statement regarding the British Dec-
laration relating to Palestine: "This Declaration was
sent ffom the Foreign Office to Lord Walter Rothschild.
* * * It came perhaps as a surprise to large sec-
tions of the Jewish people * * * Bq^ to those
who were active in Zionist circles, the declaration was
no surprise. * * * Jhe icording of it came from the
British Foreign Office, but the text had been revised in the
Zionist offices in America as well as in England. The
194 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
British Declaration was made in the form in which the
Zionists desired it. * * *" pp. 85-86, "Guide to
Zionism," by Jessie E. Sampler, published by the
Zionist Organization of America.
3. "Literature and journalism are two most
important educational forces, and consequently
our government will become the owner of most of
the journals. * * * jj y^g 'permit ten private
journals, we shall organize thirty of our own, and so
on. This must not be suspected by the public, for
which reason all the journals published by us will be
EXTERNALLY of the most contrary opinions and
tendencies thus evoking confidence in them and at-
tracting our unsuspecting opponents, who thus will
be caught in our trap and rendered harmless."
This is most interesting in view of the defense now
being made by so many Jewish journals. "Look at
the newspapers owned and controlled by Jews," they
say; "see how they differ in policy! See how they dis-
agree with each other!" Certainly, "externally," as
Protocol 12 says, but the underlying unity is never
hard to find.
Besides, one way of discovering who are the people
that have knowledge of the Jewish World Problem, or
who can be convinced of it, or»who will write about it,
is just to start a paper which "externally" seems to be
independent on the Jewish Question. So deeply is this
thought shared by even uneducated Jews that a rumor
is today widespread in the United States that the
reason for the present series of articles in The Dear-
born Independent is the desire of its owner to for-
ward the Jewish World Program! Unfortunately,
this scheme of starting a fake opposition in order to
discover where the real opposing force is, is not con-
fined to the Jewish Liternationalists, although there is
every indication that it was learned from them.
This idea of a misrepresentative front for certain
secret purposes is expressed at length not only with
reference to the Press, but throughout the Protocols
in other relations But in Protocol 12 it is fully de-
veloped with regard to the Press, as the following
quotations show.
(a) In order to force writers into such long pro-
ductions that no one will read them, a tax on writing
DOES JEWISH POWER CONTROL THE PRESS? 195'
is proposed — "on books of less than 30 pages a double
tax." Small articles are most feared. Therefore
doubly tax the pamphlets of less than 30 pages. The
longer articles fewer will read, so the Protocols argue,
and the double tax will thus "force writers into such
long productions that they will be little read, especially
as they will be expensive."
BUT—
"That which we ourselves shall publish for
directing the public mind will be cheap and widely
read. The tax will discourage mere literary
ambition, whereas the fear of punishment will
make the writers subservient to us. Even if there
should he those who may desire to write against
MS, no one will publish their writings.^' (How
many American writers know this !)
"Before accepting any work for printing, the
publisher or printer must obtain permission from
the authorities. Thus ice shall know in advance
what attacks are being prepared against us and
shall be able to counteract them by coming out
beforehand loith explanations on the subject."
That is largely the situation today. They do know
in advance what is being done, and they do seek to
disarm it beforehand.
(b) Here are the Three Degrees of Jewish Jour-
nalism which are not only stated in the Protocols but
are observable in the everyday world of the present.
"The leading place will be held by organs of
an official character. They will always stand
guard over our interests and consequently their
influence will be comparatively small.
"The second place will be held by semi-of-
ficial organs whose aim it will be to attract the
indifferent and lukewarm.
"In the third category we shall place organs
of apparent opposition. At least one will be ex-
tremely antagonistic. Our true opponents will
mistake this seeming opposition as belonging to
their own group and will thus show us their
cards.
"I beg you to notice that among those who at-
tack us there will be organs founded by us, and
196 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
they will attack exclusively those points which
we plan to change or eliminate.
"All our papers will support most diverse
opinions: aristocratic, republican, even anarchist,
so long of course as the Constitution lives. * *
These fools who believe they are repeating the
opinions expressed by their party newspapers will
be repeating our opinions or those things which
we wish them to think.
"By always discussing and contradicting our
writings superficially, and ivithout touching upon
their essence, our press will keep up a blank fire
against the official newspapers, only to give us
opportunity to express ourselves in greater de-
tail than we could in our first declaration. This
will be done when useful to us.
"These attacks will also convince the people of
the full freedom of the press, and it will give
our agents the opportunity of declaring that the
papers opposing us are mere wind-bags, since
they cannot find any real arguments to oppose
our orders."
Undoubtedly that would be the case were all the
papers controlled. In the case of the present series of
articles, however, the tables appear to be turned. It
is the Jewish Press which has so signally failed to
bring forward disproof either by fact or argument.
"When necessary, we shall promulgate ideas
in the third section of our Press as feelers, and
then refute them vigorously in the semi-ofiicial
press.
"We shall overcome our opponents without
fail because they will not have organs of the
Press at their disposal.
"The pretext for suppressing a puhlication will
be that it stirs up the public mind without basis
of reason" — a pretext which has already been
urged time and again, but without the legal
power to effect suppression, although without
legal power the Jewish interests in the United
States have effected a pretty complete suppres-
sion of everything they do not desire.
How far does Jewish influence control the News-
papers of the United States?
DOES JEWISH POWER CONTROL THE PRESS? 197
In SO far as the use of the word "Jew" is concerned,
the Press is almost completely dominated. The editor
who uses it is certain to hear from it. He will be
visited and told — contrary to everything the Jew is
told — that the word "Jew" denotes a member of a
religious denomination and not a member of a race,
and that its use with reference to any person spoken of
in the pubhc prints is as reprehensible as if "Baptist,"
"Cathohc," or "Episcopahan" were used.
The Jew is always told by his leaders that regard-
less of religion or country of birth, he is a Jew, the
member of a race by virtue of blood. Pages of this
paper could be filled with the most authoritative Jewish
statements on this point. But what the Jew is told by
his leaders, and what the Gentile editor is told by the.
Jewish committee are two different and antagonistic
things. A Jewish paper may shriek to the skies that
Professor So-and-So, or Judge So-and-So, or Senator
So-and-So is a Jew; but the secular newspaper that
should do that would be visited by an indignant com-
mittee bearing threats.
A certain newspaper, as a mere matter of news,
published an excerpt from one of The Dearborn In-
dependent articles. Next day a number of advertis-
ing accounts (fropped for lack of copy. Inquiry
developed the fact that the reticent aldvertisers were
all Jewish firms and the cause of their action was the
really unimportant excerpt which the paper published.
It developed also that the advertising agent who
handled all the advertising for those Jewish firms was
himself a Jew who also held an office in a Jewish secret
society, which office was concerned exclusively with
the control of newspapers in the matter of Jewish
publicity. It was this man who dealt with the editor.
A lame editorial retraction followed which faintly
praised the Jews. The advertising was returned to
the paper, and it is just a question whether that editor
was rightly handled or not. Certainly he has been
made to feel the power. But the diplomacy of it was
bad. The editor, along with hundreds of others, has
only been given the proper b-ackground for estimating
the Jewish power in its wider reaches.
This is not to say that every editor should enter
upon a campaign to expose the secret power. That is
198 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
a matter for personal decision. Every editor, how-
ever, is so situated that he can see certain things, and
he ought to see them, note them, and inwardly digest
them.
Jewish publicity in response to these articles is
very easy to get in almost any newspaper. Some have
fallen most lamentably for lying statements. Others
have opened their columns to propaganda sent out
from Jewish sources. That is all very well. But the
Gentile interest in the question has been largely ig-
nored, even in cases where the editors are awake to
the whole Question. This too affords a vantage from
which the average editor can view what is transpiring
in this country.
If a list of the Jewish owners, bondholders and
other interests in our newspapers should be published,
the list would be impressive. But it would not ac-
count for the widespread control of the Press as ob-
served in this country. Indeed, it would be unfair in
such a connection as this to list some of the Jewish-
owned newspapers of the United States, because their
owners are fair and public-spirited servants of the
people.
Actual ownership does not often account for much
in a newspaper. Ownership in the newspaper busi-
ness is not always synonymous with control.
If you wish to know the control of the newspaper,
look to its attorney and the interests he serves; look to
the social connections of its chief editors; look to the
advertising agents who handle the bulk of Jewish ad-
vertising; and then look to the matter of the paper's
partisanship or independence in politics.
Newspaper control of the Press by the Jews is not
a matter of money. It is a matter of keeping certain
things out of the 'public mind and putting certain things
into it.
One absolute condition insisted upon with the daily
Press is that it shall not identify the Jew, mention him,
or in any but the most favorable way call the public's
attention to his existence.
The first plea for this is based on "fairness," on the
false statement that a Jew is not a Jew but a church
member. This is the same statement which Jewish
agents in the United States Government have used for
DOES JEWISH POWER CONTROL THE PRESS? 199
years to prevent the United States Government from
listing the Jews in any racial statistics. It is in direct
contradiction to what the Jews themselves are told.
A flabby "fairness," a sloppy "broad-mindedness," a
cry of "religious prejudice," is the first plea. The sec-
ond is a sudden cessation of Jewish patronage. The
third is withdrawal of patronage by every Gentile con-
cern that is under the grip of Jewish financiers. It is
a mere matter of brutal bludgeoning. And the fourth
act, in a community thoroughly blinded to the Jewish
Question, is the collapse of the offending publication.
Read the Jewish Encyclopedia for a list of some
of the papers which dared open up the Question, and
ceased!
When old Baron Moses Montefiore said at Krakau:
"What are j^ou prating about? As long as we
do not have the press of the whole world in our
hands, everything you may do is vain. We must
control or influence the papers of the whole world
in order to blind and deceive the people."
— he knew what he was saying. By "blinding" the
people he only meant that they should not see the Jew,
and by "deceiving" them he only meant that the people
should think certain world movements meant one
thing when they really meant another. The people
may be told what happens: they may not be told what
was behind it. The people do not yet know why
certain occurrences which have affected their whole
lives, should have occurred at all. But the "why" of
it is very definitely known in certain circles whose news
service never sees print, and sometimes not even
writing.
Statistics as to the space given the Jews by news-
papers concerning the things they want to get into
print would also be an eye-opener. A minority na-
tion, they get more publicity than any ten of the im-
portant minor nations of Europe — of the kind of pub-
licity they want!
The number of Jewish contributors to the Press of
the United States makes another interesting statistical
bit. It would be sheer prejudice to make objection-
able mention of many Jewish journalists and writers,
and they come within the scope of this study only as
they have shown themselves to be the watchful agents
200 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
and active servants of the System, This is what
many of them are. Not the ambitious young Jewish
reporter who runs around the streets gathering news,
perhaps, but the journaUst at the seat of news and at
the necks of those two or three important international
runways through which the news of the world flows.
The whole matter, as far as extent of control is
concerned, could be visualized on a map of the United
States, by means of colored pins showing the number
of Jewish-owned, provably Jewish-controlled papers,
and the number of Jewish writers who are directing
the majority thought of the various sections of the
country.
The Jewish journalist who panders to unrest, whose
literary ambition is to maintain a ferment in his read-
ers, whose humor is sordid and whose philosophy is one
of negation; as well as the Jewish novelist who extols
his or her own people even while the story sows subtle
seeds of disruption in Gentile social or economic life
must be listed as the agents of that World Program
which would break down society through the agency of
"ideas". And it is very striking how many there are,
and how skillfully they conceal their propaganda in
their work.
Here and there in the United States it is now be-
coming possible to print the word "Jew" in the head-
lines of an article, and tell the Jewish committee which
calls the next day that this as yet is a free country.
Quietly a number of newspapers have tested the
strength of this assumed control in their communities,
and have discounted it.
There is no reason for fear on the part of the
editor who has his facts. But the editor who backs
down will more and more feel the pressure upon him.
The man who courageously and fairly holds his ground
will soon learn another thing that is not so generally
known, namely, that with all the brilliance there is a
lot of bluff, and that the chain of control once broken
is felt throughout the whole system as a blow.
There is nothing that the International Jew fears so
much as the truth, or any hint of the truth about him-
self or his plans. And, after all, the rock of refuge
and defense, the foundation of endurance for Jew or
Gentile must be the Truth.
laane of September 11, 1920.
XVIII.
Does This Explain Jewish Political
Power?
LITTLE has yet been said in this commentary on
J the Protocols about the poUtical program con-
tained in them. It is desirable that the points be
taken separately in order that when our study turns to
actual conditions in this country, the reader may be in
a position to judge whether the written program agrees
with the acted program as it may be seen all about us.
The World Program as outlined in these strange docu-
ments turns upon many points, some of which have
already been discussed. Its success is sought (a) by
securing financial control of the world, this having al-
ready been secured by the overwhelming indebtedness
of every nation through wars, and by the capitalistic
(not the manufacturing or managerial) control of in-
dustry; (b) by securing political control, which is easily
illustrated by the condition of every civilized country
today; (c) by securing control of education, a control
which has been steadily won under the blinded eyes of
the people; (d) by trivializing the public mind through
a most complete system of allurement which has just
brought us into a period which requires the new word
"jazz" to describe it; and (e) by the sowing of seeds of
disruption everywhere — not the seeds of progress, but
of economic fallacies and revolutionary temper. All of
these main objectives entail various avenues of action,
none of which has been overlooked by the Protocols.
In leading up to what the Protocols have to say
about the selection and control of Presidents, it will be
enlightening to take the views which these documents
express about other phases of politics.
It may be very interesting to those Jewish apolo-
gists, who in all their pronouncements never discuss the
contents of the Protocols, to know that so far from
their being a plea for monarchy, they arc a plea for
the most drastic and irresponsible liberalism in gov-
ernment. The powers behind the Protocols appear to
have absolute confidence in what they can do with the
202 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
people once the people are made to believe that popu-
lar government has really arrived.
The Protocols believe in frequent change. They
like elections; they approve frequent revisions of
constitutions; they counsel the people to change their
representatives often.
Take this from the First Protocol :
"The abstract conception of Liberty made it
possible for us to convince the crowd that gov-
ernment is only the management for the owner
of the country, the people, and that the steward
can he changed like a pair of worn-out gloves.
The possibility of changing the representatives of
the people has placed them at our disposal and,
as it were, has placed them in our power as crea-
tures of our purposes."
Note also how this Use of Change is buried in
this paragraph from the Fourth Protocol which de-
scribes the evolution of a Republic :
"Every republic passes through several stages.
The first is that of senseless ravings, resembling
those of a blind man throwing himself from right
to left. The second is that of demagogy which
breeds anarchy and inevitably leads to despotism,
not of a legal, open and consequently responsible
character, but an ftnseen and unknown despotism,
felt none the less because exercised by a secret
organization. Such a despotism acts with even
less scruple because it is hidden under cover and
works behind the backs of various agents, the
shifting and changing of which will not harm its
secret power, but serve it, since such changes will
relieve the organization from the necessity of
expending its resources on rewards for long
service."
This "changing" of servants is not unknown in the
United States. A former Senator of the United States
could easily testify to this if he only knew who did the
"changing." Time was when he was the tool of every
Jewish lobbyist in the Senate. His glib tongue lent
charm and plausibility to every argument they wished
to advance against the government's intentions. Se-
cretly, however, the Senator was receiving "favors"
from a very high source, "favors" of a financial char-
]>OES THIS EXPLAIN JEWISH POLITICAL POWER? 203
acter. The time came when it was desirable to "de-
tach" the Senator. The written record of his "favors"
was abstracted from its place of supposed secrecy, a
newspaper system that has always been the ready
organ of American Jewry made the exposure, and an
indignant public did the rest. It could not have been
done had not the man been compromised first; it could
not have been done without certain newspaper con-
nivance; it would never have been done had not the
Senator's masters wished it. However, it was done.
In the Fourteenth Protocol, which begins "When
we become rulers,^' it is pictured how hopeless the Gen-
tile peoples will have become of any betterment of con-
ditions through changes of government, and therefore
will accept the promise of stability which the Proto-
colists of that time will be prepared to offer:
"The masses will become so satiated with the
endless changes of administration which we insti-
gated among the Gentiles when we were under-
mining their governmental institutions, that they
will tolerate anything from us * * *"
The official who is changed most quickly in this
country is the man who questions certain matters
which come from Jewish sources. There must be a
small army of such men in the United States today.
Some of them do not know even now how it happen-
ed. Some are still wondering why perfectly legitimate
and patriotic information should have been lost in an
icy silence when they sent it in, and why they should
have lost favor for sending it.
Protocol Nine is full of the most amazing claims,
of which these may serve as illustration:
"At the present time, if any government raises
a protest against us, it is only for the sake of
form, it is under our control, and it is done by our
direction, for their anti-Semitism is necessary for
keeping in order our lesser brothers. I will not
explain this further as already it has been the
subject of numerous discussions between us."
This doctrine of the usefulness of anti-Semitism
and the desirability of creating it where it does not
exist are found in the words of Jewish leaders, an-
cient and modern.
"In reality there are no obstacles before us.
204 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
Our super-government has such an extra-legal
status that it may be called by the energetic and
strong word — dictatorship. I can conscientiously
say tliat at the present time we are the lawmakers."
In that Protocol this claim is made:
"De facto, we have already eliminated every
government except our own, although de jure
there are still many others left."
That is simple: the governments still exist, under
their own names, having authority over their own
people; but the super-government has unchallenged
influence over all of them in matters pertaining to the
Jewish Nation and particularly in matters pertaining
to the purpose of The International Jew.
The Eighth Protocol shows how this can be:
''For the time being, until it will be safe to give
responsible government positions to our brother
Jews, we shall entrust them to people whose past
and whose character are such that there is an abyss
between them and the people; to people, for whom,
in case of disobedience to our orders, there will
remain only trial or exile (from public life), thus
forcing them to protect our interest to their last
breath."
In the Ninth Protocol again is this reference to
party funds:
''The division i?ito parties has placed them all
at our disposal, inasmuch as in order to carry on
a party struggle it is necessary to have money,
and we have it all."
There have been many investigations of campaign
funds. None has ever yet gone deep enough to in-
quire into the "international" sources of these funds.
Now, in the United States during the last five years
we have seen an almost complete Judaized adminis-
tration in control of all the war activities of the
American people. The function of the regularly or-
ganized United States Government during that time
was practically confined to the voting of money. But
the administration of the business end of the war was
in charge of a government within a government, and
this inner, extra government was Jewish.
It is, of course, often asked why this was so. The
first answer given is that the Jews who were immedi-
DOES THIS EXPLAIN JEWISH POLITICAL POWER? 205
ately placed in charge of the business administration
of the war were competent men, the most competent
men who could be found. This was actually the an-
swer given to an inquiry as to the reason for so large a
part of the foreign policy of the United States depend-
ing on the counsel of a certain group of Jews — they
were the men who knew, no one else knew so much,
.the officials chosen by the people had a right to select
the most efficient and able counsel they could find.
Very well, let that stand. Let the explanation be
that in all the United States, Jews were the only per-
sons to be found who could handle the emergency with
masterly ease. We shall see more of this phase of
the matter at another time. The war is not under dis-
cussion in this article, merely the fact that in an
emergency the government became distinctly Jewish.
But the Second Protocol would appear to throw a
little light on the matter:
^^The administrators chosen by us from the
masses for their servility will not he persons
trained for government, and consequently they
will easily become pawns in our game, played by
our learned and talented counsellors, specialists
educated from early childhood to administer world
affairs. As we know, our specialists have been
acquiring the necessary knowledge for govern-
ing * * *"
The language is a trifle raw, as it usually is when
Gentiles are under discussion. But the same fact,
namely, that Jewish specialists have come to the aid
of Gentile administrators in an emergency, when utter-
ed for the consideration of the general public, may be
very beautifully phrased.
The untrained Gentile administrator must have
help; his unpreparedness makes it necessary. And
who knows it better than those who have the help to
offer? The Gentile public has been taught to suspect
the man who has had experience in politics or govern-
ment. This, of course, makes the whole situation
doubly easy for those whose specialty it is to give
"aid." Just what interests they aid most will give,
when discovered, a strong light upon their zeal.
But in all that the Protocols have to say about the
political angle of the World Program, nothing is of
206 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
SO great interest as that which concerns the selection
and control of Presidents. The whole plan is outlined
in the Tenth Protocol. The fact that the President
of France seems to have been in mind is a localism;
the plan is applicable elsewhere; indeed has elsewhere
its most perfect illustration.
This Tenth Protocol, then, leads gradually up to
the subject, tracing the evolution of rulers from Auto-,
crat to President, and of nations from Monarchies to
Republics.
The language of this passage is particularly objec-
tionable, but no more so than can be found in current
Jewish literature where boasting of power is indulged
in. Unpleasant as the whole attitude is, it is valuable
as showing in just what hght the supporters of the
Protocol Program view the Gentiles and their digni-
ties. It must be borne in mind that the Jewish ideal
is not a President, but a Prince and a King. The Jew-
ish students of Russia marched the streets in 1918
singing this hymn —
"We have given you a God;
Now we will give you a King."
The new flag of Palestine, now permitted to fly with-
out hindrance, bears insignia, as does every synagogue,
of a Jewish King. The Jewish hope is that the Throne
of David shall be set up again, as doubtless it will be.
None of these things is to be decried in the least, nor
to be regarded with anything but a decent respect, but
they should be borne in mind as a side light on the
expressed contempt for Gentile Presidents and Legis-
latures.
The Tenth Protocol reaches the theme of Presi-
dent thus:
"Then the rise of the repubhcan era became
possible, and then in the place of a sovereign "we
substituted a caricature of him, a President pick-
ed from the crowd * * * Such was the founda-
tion of the mine we laid underneath the Gentile
people, or more accurately, tl^e Gentile peoples."
It is with something of a shock that one reads that
men with a "past" are specially favored for the presi-
dential office. Men with a "past" have become Presi-
dent in various countries, including the United States,
there is no doubt of that. In some instances, the par-
DOES THIS EXPLAIN JEWISH POLITICAL POWER? 207
ticular scandal that constituted the "past" has been
publicly known; in other cases it has been hushed up
and lost in a maze of rumor. In at least one case it
was made the special property of a syndicate of men
who, while protecting the official from public knowl-
edge, compelled him to pay rather stiffly for their
service. Men with a "past" are not uncommon, and it
is not always the "past" but the concealment of it that
concerns them most, and in this lack of frankness, this
distrust of the understanding and mercy of the people,
they usually fall into another slavery, namely, the
slavery of political or financial blarckmail.
"We will manipulate the election of Presidents
whose past contains some undisclosed dark affair,
some 'Panama,' then they will be faithful execut-
ors of our orders from fear of exposure and from
the natural desire of every man who has at-
tained a position of authority to retain the priv-
ileges, emoluments and the dignity associated
with the position of President."
The use of the word "Panama" here refers to the
various scandals which arose in French political cir-
cles over the original efforts to construct the Panama
Canal. If the present form of the Protocols had been
written at a later date they might have referred to the
"Marconi wireless" scandals in England — though on
second thought, they would not have done so because
certain men were involved who were not Gentiles.
Herzl, the great Jewish Zionist leader, uses the expres-
sion in "The Jewish State." Speaking of the manage-
ment of the business of Palestine he says that the So-
ciety of the Jews "will see to it that the enterprise
does not become a Panama but a Suez." That the
same expression should occur in Herzl and in the
Protocols is significant; it has also another significance
which will be described at another time. It must be
clear to the reader, however, that no one writing for
the general public at this day would refer to a "Pana-
ma" in a man's past. The reference would not be
understood.
It is this practice of holding a man under obligation
which makes it needful on the part of the true pub-
licist to tell the truth and the whole truth about as-
pirants for public office. It is not enough to say of a
208 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
candidate that he "began as a poor boy" and then be-
came "successful." How did he become successful?
How explain the "rise" of his fortunes? Sometimes
the clue leads deep into the domestic life of the can-
didate. It may be told of a man, for example, that he
helped another out of a scrape by marrying the woman
involved, and received a sum of money for doing so.
It may be told of another that he was implicated by
his too friendly relations with another's wife, but was
relieved of his predicament by the astute diplomacy
of powerful friends, to whom thereafter he felt him-
self in debt of honor. It is strange that, in American
affairs at least, the woman-note is predominant. In
our higher offices that has more frequently occurred
than any other, oftener than the money-note.
In European countries, however, where the fact of
a man's being entangled illegitimately with a woman
does not carry so heavy a stamp of shame with it,
the controlled men have been found to have "pasts" of
another character.
The whole subject is extremely distasteful, but
truth has its surgical duties to perform, and this is
one of them. When, for example, a pivotal assem-
blage like that of the Peace Conference is studied, and
the men who are most subject to Jewish influence are
isolated, and their past history is carefully traced,
there is almost no difficulty whatever in determining
the precise moment when they passed over into that
fateful condition which, while it did not hinder them
of public honors for one hour, made them unchange-
ably the servants of a power the public did not see.
The puzzling spectacle which the observer sees of the
great leaders of Anglo-Saxon races closely surrounded
and continuously counseled by the princes of the
Semitic race, is explained only by a knowledge of those
leaders' "past" and those words of the Protocols-
'^We will manipulate the election of Presidents whose
past contains some undisclosed dark affair."
And where this Jewish domination of officials is
glaringly apparent, it may be safely assumed that the
custody of the secret is almost entirely with that race.
When necessity arises, it may be a public service for
those in possession of the facts to make them public —
not for the purpose of destroying reputations, but for
DOES THIS EXPLAIN JEWISH POLITICAL POWER? 209
the purpose of damning for all time a most cowardly
practice.
Politically, so the Jewish publicists tell us, Jews do
not vote as a group. Because of this so we are told,
they have no political influence. Moreover, we are
told, they are so divided among themselves that they
cannot be led in one direction.
It may be true that when it is a question of being
for anything, the Jewish community may show a ma-
jority and minority opinion — a small minority, it is
likely to be. But when it becomes a question of be-
ing against anything, the Jewish community is always
a unit.
These are facts to which any ward politician can
testify. Any man in political life can test it for him-
self by announcing that he will not permit himself to
be dominated by Jews or anybody else. Just let him
mention Jews in that manner ; he will no longer have to
read about Jewish solidarity; he will have felt it. Not
that, in a vote, this Jewish solidarity can accomplish
anything it wishes; the Jew's political strength is not
in his vote, but in the "pull" of, say, seven men at the
seat of government. The Jews, a political minority so
far as votes are concerned, were a political majority so
far as influence was concerned, during the last five
years. They ruled. They boast that they ruled.
The mark of their rule is everywhere.
The note which everyone observes in politics, as in
the Press, is the fear of the Jews. This fear is such
that nowhere are the Jews discussed as are, say, the
Armenians, the Germans, the Russians or the Hindoos.
What is this /ear but reflection of the knowledge of the
Jews' power and their ruthlessness in the use of it?
It is possibly true, as many Jewish publicists say, that
what is called anti-Semitism is just a panic-fear. It is
a dread of the unknown. The uncanny spectacle of an
apparently poor people who are richer than all, of a
very small minority which is more powerful than all,
creates phantoms before the mind.
It is very significant that those who most assume
to represent the Jews are quite content that the fear
should exist. They wish it to exist. To keep it deli-
cately poised and always there, though not too obtru-
sively, is an art they practice. But once the balance
210 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
is threatened, their crudeness instantly appears. Then
comes the threat, by which it is hoped to re-establish
the /ear again. When the threat fails, there comes the
wail of anti-Semitism.
How strange this is, that the Jews should not see
that the most abject form of anti-Semitism is just this
fear which they are willing to have felt toward them
by their neighbors. This fear is "Semitophobia" in its
worst form. To inspire fear — what is more dreaded
by the normal man, and yet what more delights an
inferior race?
Now, a great service is done when the people are
emancipated from this fear. It is the process of eman-
cipation that Jewish publicists attack. It is this they
call anti-Semitism. It is not anti-Semitism at all; it
is the only course that can prevent anti-Semitism.
The process involves several steps. The extent of
the Jewish power must be shown. To this, of course,
strong Jewish objection is made, though no strong
disproof can be made.
Then, the existence of this power must be explained.
It can be explained only by the Jewish Will to Power,
as it may be called, or by the deliberate program which
is followed in the attainment of the power. When the
method is explained, half the damage is undone. The
Jew is not a superman. He is bright, he is intense, his
philosophy of material things leaves him free to do
many things from which his neighbor draws back; but,
given equal advantages, he is not a superman. The
Yankee is more than his equal any time, but the Yankee
has an inborn inclination to observe the rules of the
game. When the people know by what means this
power is gained — when they are informed how, for ex-
ample, political control is seized, as it has been in the
United States, the very method takes all the glamour
from the power, and shows it to be a rather sordid
thing after all.
This series of articles is attempting to take these
orderly steps, and it is believed the complete effort will
justify itself to reasonable minds, both Jewish and
Gentile.
In the present article one importafnt means of power
has been described on the authority of the Protocols.
Whether the method laid down by the Protocols is
DOES THIS EXPLAIN JEWISH POLITICAL POWER? 211
worth considering or not depends entirely on whether
it can be found in actual affairs today. It can be
found. The two tally. The parallel is complete. It
were well for the Jew, of course, if no trace of him
could be found in either the written or the actual pro-
gram. But he is there, and it is illogical for him to
blame anyone but himself for being there. Certainly,
it is small defense against the fact to heap abuse upon
the one who discloses the fact. , We have agreed that
the Jews are clever, but they are not so clever as to be
able to cover their work. There is a certain element
of weakness in them which reveals the whole matter in
the end. And even the revelation would not mean
much if the thing revealed were not wrong. But that
is the weakness of the Jewish program — it is wrong.
The Jews have never gained any measure of success so
great that the world cannot check it. The world is
engaged in a great checking tactic now, and if there
are still prophets among the Jews they should lead
their people in another path.
The proof and the fruit of any exposure of the
World Program is the removal of the element of fear
from the peoples among whom the Jews live.
I»«e of September 18, 1920.
"In a zvorld of completely organised territorial
sovereignties he (the Jew) has only two possible
cities of refuge; he must either pull down the
pillars of the whole national state system, or he
must create a territorial sovereignty of his own
. . . .In Eastern Europe, Bolshevism and Zionism
seem to grow side by side .... not because the
Jew cares for the positive side of radical phi-
losophy, not because he desires to be a partaker
in Gentile nationalism or Gentile democracy, but
because no existing Gentile system is ever any-
thing but distasteful to him."
XIX.
The All-Jewish Mark on **Red
Russia"
WE shall now briefly interrupt the commentary
which we have been making on the Protocols, to
set at rest once and for all certain misstatements which
are made for Gentile consumption.
To learn what the Jewish leaders of the United
States or any other country think, do not read their
addresses to the Gentiles; read their addresses to their
own people. On such matters as these — Whether the
Jew regards himself as destined to rule the world;
whether he regards himself as belonging to a nation
and race distinct from every other nation and race;
whether he regards the Gentile world as the legitimate
field of his exploitation by a lower moral method than
is permissible among his own people ; whether he knows
and shares the principles of the Protocols — on such
matters as these, the only safe guide is to be found in
the words which Jewish leaders speak to Jews, not in
the words they speak to Gentiles.
The notable Jewish names which appear oftenest in
the Press do not represent the spokesmen of Judaism
at all, but only a selected few who represent the De-
partment of Propaganda Among the Gentiles. Some-
times that propaganda is in the form of donations for
Christian charitable organizations; sometimes it is in
the form of "liberal" opinion on religious, social and
political questions. In whatever form it comes, you
may depend upon it that the real activities of the
Jewish hierarchy proceed under cover of that which
the Gentile is invited to observe and approve.
The statements offered in this series are never
made without the strictest and fullest proof, confirma-
tion and corroboration in the utterances of Jewish
leaders. This is one of the strange features of the
multitude of Jewish attacks on this series: they are
attacking what they themselves stand for, and their
only reason for the attack must be their belief that
this investigation has not been able to penetrate
214 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
through to that which has been kept hidden from the
world.
The most persistent denials have been offered to
the statement that Bolshevism everywhere, in Russia
or the United States, is Jewish. In these denials we
have perhaps one of the most brazen examples of the
double intent referred to above. The denial of the
Jewish character of Bolshevism is made to the Gentile;
but in the confidence and secrecy of Jewish communi-
cation, or buried in the Yiddish dialect, or obscurely
hidden in the Jewish national press, we find the proud
assertion made — to their own people! — that Bolshe-
vism is Jewish.
Jewish propaganda has only two straws to grasp in
the terrible tale of murder, immorality, robbery, en-
forced starvation and hideous humanism which make
the present Russian situation impossible to describe
and all but impossible to comprehend.
One of these straws is that Kerensky, the man who
eased in the opening wedge of Bolshevism, is not a
Jew. Indeed, one of the strongest indications that
Bolshevism is Jewish is that the Jewish press em-
phasizes so fiercely the alleged Gentilism of at least
two of the revolutionary notables. It may be cruel to
deny them two among hundreds, but merely saying so
cannot change Kerensky's nationality. His name is
Adler. His father was a Jew and his mother a Jewess.
Adler, the father, died, and the mother married a
Russian named Kerensky, whose name the young
child took. Among the radicals who employed him
as a lawyer, among the forces that put him forward to
drive the first nail into Russia's cross, among the
soldiers who fought with him, his Jewish descent and
character have never been doubted.
"Well, but there is Lenin," our Jewish publicists
say — "Lenin the head of it all, the brains of it all, and
Lenin is a Gentile! We've got you there — Lenin is a
Gentile!"
Perhaps he is, but why do his children speak Yid-
dish? Why are his proclamations put forth in Yid-
dish? Why did he abolish the Christian Sunday and
establish by law the Jewish Saturday Sabbath?
The explanation of all this may be that he married
a Jewess. The fact is that he did. But another ex-
THE ALL-JEWISH MARK ON "RED RUSSIA" 215
planation may be that he himself is a Jew. Certainly
he is not the Russian nobleman he has always claimed
to be. The statements he has made about his identity
thus far have been lies. The claim that he is a Gentile
may be unfounded too.
No one has ever doubted Trotsky's nationality —
he is a Jew. His name is Braunstein. Recently the
Gentiles were told that Trotsky had said he wasn't
much of anything — in religion. That may be. But
still he must be something — else why are the Russian
Christian churches turned into stables, slaughter
houses and dancing halls, while the Jewish synagogues
remain untouched? And why are Christian priests
and ministers made to work on the roads, while
Jewish rabbis are left their clerical privileges? Trotsky
may not be much of anything in religion, but he is a
Jew nevertheless. This is not mere Gentile insistence
that he shall be considered a Jew whether or no; it is
straight Jewish teaching that he is. In a future dis-
cussion on ''religion or race?" we shall show that even
without religion, Trotsky is, and is considered by all
Jewish authorities to be, a Jew.
An apology must be made here for repeating well-
known facts. Yet, so many people are not even now
aware of the true meaning of Bolshevism, that at the
risk of monotony, we shall cite a few of the salient
facts. The purpose, however, is not alone to explain
Russia, but to throw a warning light on conditions in
the United States.
The Bolshevik Government, as it stood late this
summer when the latest report was smuggled through
to certain authorities, shows up the Jewish domination
of the whole affair. It has changed very slightly since
the beginning. We give only a few items to indicate
the proportion. It must not be supposed that the
non-Jewish members of the government are Russian.
Very few Russians have anything to say about
their own country these days. The so-called "Dicta-
torship of the Proletariat," in which the proletariat has
nothing whatever to say, is Russian only in the sense
that it is set up in Russia; it is not Russian in that it
springs from or includes the Russian people. It is the
international program of the Protocols, which might
be "put over" by a minority in any country, and which
is being given a dress-rehearsal in Russia.
216 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
Table Showing Jewish Control of Russia
Number Number of Jewish
of Jewisli Per-
Menbers Members cenlafe
The Council of the Commissaries
of the People 22 17 77.2%
The Commissariat of War 43 33 76.7%
The Commissariat of Foreign
Affairs 16 13 81.2%
The Commissariat of Finance. . . 30 24 80.0%
The Commissariat of Justice 21 20 95 . 2%
The Commissariat of Pubhc
Instruction 53 42 79.2%,
The Commissariat of Social
Assistance 6 6 100 . 0%
The Commissariat of Work 8 7 87 . 5%
Delegates of the Bolshevik Red
Cross to Berlin, Vienna,
Varsovie, Bucharest, Copen-
hagen 8 8 100.0%
Commissaries of the Provinces. . 23 21 91 .3%
Journalists 41 41 100.0%
These are enlightening figures. The reader will
note that the Jewish percentage is high at all times,
never lower than 76 per cent in any case. (Curiously
enough, the lowest percentage of Jews is found in
the Commissariat of War.) But in those com-
mittees which deal most closely with the mass of the
people, as well as in the committees of defense and
propaganda, Jews fill literally all the places.
Remember what the Protocols say about Press
Control : remember what Baron Montefiore said about
it, and then look at the Government Journalists. That
committee comprises 41 men, and the 41 are Jews.
Only Jewish pens are trusted with Bolshevist propa-
ganda.
And then the so-called "Red Cross delegates,"
which are merely Red Revolutionary delegates to the
cities named — of the 8, there are 8 Jews.
The Commissariat of Social Assistance, upon
whose word the life and privilege of tens of thousands
hang — there are 6 members, and the 6 are Jews. And
so on through the list.
THE ALI.JF.WISH MARK ON "RED RUSSIA" 217
Out of the 53 members of the Commissariat of Pub-
lic Instruction, 11 are noted as non-Jews. But what
kind of non-Jews is not stated. They may be "non-
Jews like Lenin" whose children speak the Yiddish as
their native tongue. Whatever they are, there is a
sidelight upon their attitude in the fact that the Bol-
shevik! immediately took over all the Hebrew schools
and continued them as they were and laid down a rule
that the ancient Hebrew language should be taught in
them. The ancient Hebrew language is the vehicle of
the deeper secrets of the World Program.
And for the Gentile Russian children — ? "Why,"
said these gentle Jewish educators, "we will teach
them sex knowledge. We will brush out of their
minds the cobwebs. They must learn the truth about
things!" — with consequences that are too pitiable to
narrate. But this can be said: unquestionably there
were deaths among innocent Jews when Hungary
wrested itself free from the Red Bolshevism of Bel^
Kun (or Cohen). The Jews may well call it th^
'White Terror" that followed their failure to re-enact
the tragedy of Russia in Hungary. But there are
mountains of evidence to show that nothing had so
potent an effect in producing the bloodslied of the
"White Terror" as the outraged minds of parents
whose children had been compulsoril}'- drawn through
sloughs of filth during the short time the Jewish
Bolsheviki had charge of the schools. ^rvJiffv^^ i'
A*»erican Jews do not like to hear ttiis. Their
shrinking from it would be greatly to their honor did
they not immediately return to the defense of the peo-
ple who do these things. It is well enough known that
the chastity of Christians is not so highly regarded by
the orthodox male Jew as is the chastity of his own
people, but it would be pleasant to be certain that all
of them condemn what went on in Russia and Hungary
in the matter of education. However, as most of the
influences which destroy Gentile youth today — in
America — are in the hands of the Jews, and as it is
plainly stated in the Protocols that one of the lines of /^
campaign is "to corrupt the youth of the Gentiles,"/
the situation is one that calls for something more than
mere hard feelings and angry denials whenever these
facts are referred to.
218 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
It is not the economic experiment, so-called, tnat
one objects to in Russia; it is not the fallacies, the sad
delusion of the people. No. It is the downright,
dirty immorality, the brutish nastiness of it all; and
the Une which the immorality and nastiness draws
between Jew and Gentile. The horrible cruelty in-
volved we will not deal with, leaving it merely with
the explanation which has found utterance in the
Jewish press that "it may be that the Jew in Russia is
taking an unconscious revenge for his centuries of
suffering."
"But," asks some reader, "how may we know that
all this is true?"
Bearing in mind that we are speaking of Russia,
not for the interest of the Russian situation at all, but
to indicate the international character of those who
are responsible for conditions there, and to identify
them for the protection of the United States, we shall
look at the evidence.
There is, of course, the evidence brought to light
by our own United States Senate and printed in a
Report of the Committee on the Judiciary. We do
not wish to spend much time on this, because we prefer
in these articles to use Jewish testimony instead of
Gentile. But we shall pause long enough to show the
nature of the testimony brought out by our own
government. ,
Dr. George A. Simons, a clergyman in charge of an
American congregation in Petrograd at the time the
Bolshevik terror broke out, was a witness. Parts of
his testimony are given here:
" 'There were hundreds of agitators who fol-
lowed in the trail of Trotsky-Bronstein, these men
having come over from the lower East Side of
New York * * * ^ number of us were im-
pressed by the strange Yiddish element in this
thing right from the start, and it soon became
evident that more than half the agitators in the
so-called Bolshevik movement were Yiddish.'
"Senator Nelson — 'Hebrews?'
"Dr. Simons — 'They were Hebrews, apostate
Jews. I do not want to say anything against
the Jews, as such. I am not in sympathy with the
anti-Semitic movement, never have been, and do
THE ALL-JEWISH MARK ON "RED RUSSIA" 219
not ever expect to be * * * g^^ j have a
firm conviction that this thing is Yiddish, and
that one of its bases is found in the East Side of
New York.'
"Senator Nelson — 'Trotsky came over from
New York during that summer, did he not?'
"Dr. Simons— 'He did.'
"Later Dr. Simons said: 'In December, 1918
* * * under the presidency of a man known as
Apfelbaum * * * out of 388 members, only
16 happened to be real Russians, and all the rest
Jews, with the exception possibly of one man,
who is a Negro from America, who calls himself
Professor Gordon * * * ^^j^,^ 265 of this
northern commune government that is sitting in
the Old Smolny Institute came from the lower
East Side of New York— 265 of them. * * *
" 'I might mention this, that when the Bol-
sheviki came into power, all over Petrograd we at
once had a predominance of Yiddish proclama-
tions, big posters, and everything in Yiddish. It
became very evident that now that was to be one
of the great languages of Russia; and the real
Russians, of course, did not take very kindly to
it.' "
William Chapin Huntington, who was commercial
attache of the United States Embassy at Petrograd,
testified :
"The leaders of the movement, I should say, are
about two-thirds Russian Jews * * * Xhe Bol-
sheviks are internationalists, and they were not inter-
ested in the particular national ideals of Russia."
William W. Welch, an employe of the National
City Bank, New York, testified:
"In Russia it is well known that three-fourths of
the Bolshevik leaders are Jewish * * * There
were some — not many, but there were some — real
Russians; and what I mean by real Russians is Russian-
born, and not Russian Jews."
Roger E. Simmons, Trade Commissioner connected
with the United States Department of Commerce, also
testified. An important anonymous witness, whom
the committee permitted to withhold his name, told
the same things.
220 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
The British White Book, Russia, No. 1— "A Col-
lection of Reports on Bolshevism in Russia, presented
to Parliament by Command of His Majesty, April,
1919," contains masses of the same testimony from
many sources, all of them eyewitnesses.
In that very highly respected magazine Asia for
February-March, 1920, is an article which contains,
among other important ones, these statements: (the
italics are ours)
"In all the Bolshevist institutions the heads
are Jews. The Assistant Commissar for Elemen-
tary Education, Grunberg, can hardly speak Rus-
sian. The Jews are successful in everything and
obtain their ends. They know how to command
and get complete submission. But they are proud
and contemptuous toward everyone, which
strongly excites the people against them * * *
At the present time there is a great national religious
fervor among the Jews. They believe that the
promised time of the rule of God's elect on earth
is coming. They have connected Judaism with a
universal revolution. They see in the spread of
revolution the fulfiUing of the Scriptures:
'Though I make an end of all the nations,
whither I have scattered thee, yet will I not make
an end of thee.' "
Now, if Gentile proof were wanted, the files of
The Dearborn Independent for a whole year would
not begin to contain it. But Jewish proof is better.
There has been a strange vacillation in Jewish opin-
ion concerning Bolshevism. At first it was hailed with
delight. There was no concealment whatever in the
early days of the new regime as to the part which
Jewry had in it. Public meetings, interviews, special
articles poured forth in which very valuable elements
of truth were mingled. There was no attempt at con-
cealment of names.
Then the horror of the thing began to take hold
upon the world, and for just a breathing space Jewish
opinion fell silent. There was a spasmodic denial or
two. Then a new burst of glorification. The glorifi-
cation continues within Judaism itself, but it now car-
ries on the Gentile side of its face a very sad expression
labeled "persecution."
THE ALL-JEWISH MARK ON "RED RUSSIA" 221
We have lived to see the day when to denounce
Bolshevispi is to "persecute the Jews."
In the American Hebrew, for September 10, 1920,
an article appears which not only acknowledges and
explains the part which the Jew plays in the present
unrest and upheaval, but justifies it — and justifies it,
curiously enough, by The Sermon ori the Mount.
The writer says that "the Jew evolved organized
capitalism unth its working instrumentality, the banking
system."
This is very refreshing, in view of the numerous
Jewish denials of this economic fact.
"One of the impressive phenomena of the impres-
sive time is the revolt of the Jew against the Franken-
stein which his own mind conceived and his own hand
fashioned * * *" If this is true, why is Jewish
"organized capital with its working instrumentality,
the banking system" supporting the revolt?
"That achievement (referring to the Russian over-
throw) , destined to figure in history as the overshadow-
ing result of the World War, was largely the outcome of
Jewish thinking, of Jewish discontent, of Jewish effort
to reconstruct."
"This rapid emergence of the Russian* revolution
from the destructive phase and its entrance into the
constructive phase is a conspicuous expression of the
constructive genius of Jewish discontent."
(This, of course, requires proof that the construc-
tive phase has appeared. The implication here is
sheer propaganda. The Protocols, however, have a
reconstructive program. We have not reached it as
yet in this series of articles, but it is clearly outlined in
the Protocols — destroy Gentile society, and then re-
construct it according to "our" plans.)
Now read carefully:
"What Jewish idealism and Jewish discontent have
so poiverfidly contributed to accomplish in Russia, the
same historic qualities of the Jewish mind and heart
ARE TENDING TO PROMOTE IN OTHER
COUNTRIES."
Read that again. "What Jewish idealism and Jew-
ish discontent have so powerfully contributed to ac-
compHsh in Russia!" Just what was that? And just
how did it "powerfully contribute?" And why are
222 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
"Jewish idealism" and "Jewish discontent" always
linked together? If you read the Protocols it is all
very clear. Jewish idealism is the destruction of Gen-
tile society and the erection of Jewish society. Was
it not so in Russia? — Yiddish proclamations on the
walls, the ancient Hebrew in the schools, Saturday sub-
stituted for Sunday, and the rabbis respected while the
priests were put to work on the roads! All "power-
fully contributed" to by murder, rapine, theft and
starvation.
Our author is more candid than he realizes. He
calls this linked idealism and discontent 'Hhe historic
qualities of the Jewish mind." The Dearborn Inde-
pendent is indebted to him for this clear confirmation
of what it has been saying for some time.
But even that is not all. "These same historic
qualities of the Jewish mind" which "contributed so
powerfully to accomplish in Russia" the Red Terror
still existing there, are declared by this author to be
tending to promote the same sort of thing in other
countries. He says so in so many words — "tending.to
promote in other countries."
But we knew that. The only difference is that
when Gentiles said it, they were overwhelmed with
the wildest abuse; but now a pro- Jewish writer says it
in a leading Jewish publication. And he says it apol-
ogetically — listen to him:
"It was natural that * * * discontent in other
parts of the world should find expression in overempha-
sis of issues and overstatement of aims."
What discontent? Jewish discontent, of course.
Discontent with what? With any form of Gentile rule.
And how did it find expression? ''In overemphasis of
issues and overstatement of aims." What were these
issues and aims? To bring the Bolshevik revolution
to the United States.
No, they did not overstate their aims; they exactly
stated them — they simply selected the wrong country,
that's all. .
There are Russian Bolshevists in this country now,
hawking about the streets of New York the gold ciga-
ret cases which they stole from Russian families, and
the family jewels, the wedding and birthday rings,
which they filched from Russian women. Bolshevism
THE ALL-JEWISH MARK ON "RED RUSSIA" 223
never got further than the pawnshop and burglar's
"fence" idea. The proof of this traffic in stolen prop-
erty is going to drive some people into hiding before
long. It will be a long, long time before America will
be taking orders in Yiddish, or American women will
be giving up their jewels to "the chosen race."
However, that happens to be only the most recent
acknowledgement that has come to hand. It is sig-
nificant for its confession that "Jewish discontent" was
"tending to promote" in "other countries" what it has
"so powerfully contributed to accomplish in Russia."
And with such a link between the American He-
brew, Russian Bolshevism and the Protocols, there are
still Jewish publicists with the crust to say that only
crazy people could see the connection. Only blind
people will not see it. But that is only a minor con-
nection. This series of articles does not rest on any-
thing so accidental as this Jewish New Year's apology
for Bolshevism in the great Hebrew weekly of the
United States.
Iliue oi September 25. 1920
"Out of the economic chaos, the discontent of
the Jezv evolved organized capital wiih its luork-
ing instrnnicntality, the banking system ....
"One of the impressive phenomena of the iifi-
pressive time is the revolt of the Jew against the
Frankenstein zvhich his omn -mind conceived and
his omn hand fashioned. ...
"That achievement (Russian Bolshevik revolu-
tion-Ed.), destined to figure in history as the over-
shadowing result of the World War, zvas largely
the outcome of Jewish thinking, of Jewish dis-
content, of Jeivish effort to reconstruct ....
"What Jewish idealism and Jcivish discontent
have so pozverfully contributed to accomplish in
Russia, the same historic qualities of the Jezvish
mind and heart are tending to promote in other
countries ....
"Snail America, like the Russia of the Czars,
overwhelm the Jew zvith the bitter and baseless
reproach of being a destroyer, and thus put him
in the position of an irreconcilable enemy?
"Or shall America avail itself of Jezvish
genius as it avails itself of the peculiar genius
of every other race? ....
''That is the question for the American people
to answer."
— From an article in The American Hebrew,
Sept. 10, 1920.
XX.
Jewish Testimony in Favor of
Bolshevism
THE American people will answer that question,
and their answer will be against the disruptive
genius of dissatisfied Jews,
It is very well known that "what Jewish idealism
and Jewish discontent have so powerfully contributed
to accomplish in Russia" is also being attempted in
the United States. Why did not the writer in the
American Hebrew say the United States, instead of
saying "the same historic qualities of the Jewish
mind and heart are tending to promote in other
countries.'^
"Jewish idealism and Jewish discontent" are not
directed against capital. Capital is enlisted in their
service. The only governmental order the Jewish ef-
fort is directed against is Gentile governmental order;
and the only "capital" it attacks is Gentile capital.
Lord Eustace Percy who, if one may judge by the
full and appreciative quotations of his words in the
Jewish press, has the sanction of thinkers among the
Jews, settles the first point. Discussing the Jewish
tendency to revolutionary movements he says:
"In Eastern Europe Bolshevism and Zionism
often seem to grow side by side, just as Jewish
influence molded Republican and Socialist thought
throughout the nineteenth century down to the
Young Turk revolution in Constantinople hardly
more than a decade ago — 7iot because the Jew
cares for the positive side of radical philosophy,
not because he desires to be a partaker in Gentile
nationalism or Gentile democracy, but because no
existing Gentile system of government is ever any-
thing but distasteful to him."
And that analysis is absolutely true. In Russia,
the excuse was the czar; in Germany, the kaiser; in
England it is the Irish question; in the numerous
South American revolutions, where the Jews always
had a ruling hand, no particular reason was thought
226 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
necessary to be given; in the United States it is "the
capitalistic class;" but always and everywhere it is,
by the confession of their own spokesman, a distaste
for any form whatsoever of Gentile government. The
Jew believes that the world is his by right; he wants
to collect his own, and the speediest way of doing so
is the destruction of order by revolution — a destruc-
tion which is made possible by a long and clever cam-
paign of loose and destructive ideas.
As to the second point, every reader can verify the
fact from his own experience. Let him recall to his
mind the capitalists who have been held up to public
scorn in the Jew-controlled press of the United States
— and whom does he find them to be? Whose forms
have you seen caricatured with the dollar-mark in
Hearst's papers? Are they Sehgman, Kahn, Warburg,
Schiff, Kuhn, Loeb & Company, or any of the others?
No. These are Jewish bankers. The attack is never
made on them. The names made most familiar to you
by newspaper denunciation are the names of Gentile
industrial and banking leaders — and Gentile leaders
only — the principal ones being Morgan and Rocke-
feller.
It is a well-known fact that during the French
Commune when men of wealth suffered severe losses
in property, the Jewish Rothschilds were not injured
to the extent of one pennyworth. It is also a well-
known fact, capable of proof satisfactory to any or-
dinary mind, that the connections between Jewish
financiers and the more dangerous revolutionary ele-
ments here in the United States are such that it is
most unlikely that the former stand to lose anything
in any event. Under cover of the disorder in Russia
at the present time, Jewish financiers are taking ad-
vantage of the stress of the people to gain control of
all the strategic natural resources and municipal prop-
erty, by methods which they fully expect to be legal-
ized by Jewish courts when the present "Bolshevik
regime" announces that it will give way to a "modi-
fied communism." The world hasn't seen the end of
Bolshevism yet. Like the World War, Bolshevism
cannot be interpreted until it is seen who profits most
by it, and the profiteering is in full sway now. The
enemy is Gentile capital. Not any other. And "all
JEWISH TESTIMONY IN FAVOR OF BOLSHEVISM 227
the wealth of the world in our hands" is the unspoken
slogan of every Jewish outbreak in the world today.
The quotation at the head of this article represents
the position which the Jews are now ready to take
with reference to the Russian Revolution. They have
always been charged with responsibility for what has
occurred in that unhappy country, but at first their
spokesmen denied it. The denials were most indig-
nant, and were usually accompanied by the typical
plaint that the charge was "persecution." But the
facts have been so overwhelming, and the government
investigations have been so revealing, that denials
have been abandoned.
For a while an attempt was made to distract atten-
tion from Russia by a tremendously powerful propa-
ganda concerning the Jews in Poland. There are
many indications that the Polish propaganda was
undertaken as a "cover" for the immense immigration
of Jews into the United States. It may be that some
of our readers do not know it, but an endless stream of
the most undesirable immigrants pours daily into the
United States, tens of thousands of the same people
whose presence has been the problem and menace of
the governments of Europe.
Well, the Polish propaganda and the immigration
movement are sailing along smoothly, and the United
States Government is assured by the Jewish ring at
Washington that everything is quiet along the Poto-
mac (it is quiet there, quiet as the Jewish ring could
wish), but still the Russian fact persists in calling
for explanation.
And here is the explanation: The Jews created
capitalism, we are told. But capitalism has proved
itself ill-behaved. So now, the Jewish creators are
going to destroy their creation. They have done so
in Russia. And now, will the American people be
good and let their Jewish benefactors do the same
in America?
That is the new explanation, and, typically Jewish
again, it is coupled with a proposal for the United
States — and a threat! If America refuses this par-
ticular service of the Jew, we "put him in the position
of an irreconcilable enemy." See quotation at the
head of this article.
228 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
But the Jews have not destroyed capitalism in Rus-
sia. When Lenin and Trotsky make their farewell
bow and retire under the protective influence of the
Jewish capitalists of the world, it will be seen that
only Gentile or Russian capital has been destroyed,
and that Jewish capital has been enthroned.
What is the record? Documents printed by the
United States Government contain this letter: Please
note the date, the Jewish banker and the Jewish
names:
"Stockholm, Sept. 21, 1917.
"To Mr. Raphael Scholan:
"Dear Comrade: — The banking house, M. War-
burg, opened an account for the enterprise of Comrade
Trotsky upon receipt of a telegram from the Chairman
of the 'Rhein-Westphalian Syndicate.' A lawyer,
probably Mr. Kestroff, obtained ammunition and or-
ganized the transportation of same, together with that
of the money * * * to whom the sum demanded by
Comrade Trotsky is to be handed.
"Fraternal Greetings !
"Furstenberg."
Long before that, an American Jewish financier
was supplying the funds which carried revolutionary
propaganda to thousands of Russian prisoners of war
in Japanese camps.
It is sometimes said, by way of explaining the Bol-
shevik movement, that it was financed from Germany,
a fact which was seized upon to .supply war propa-
ganda. It is true that part of the money came from
Germany. It is true that part of the money came
from the United States. It is the whole truth that
Jewish finance in all the countries was interested in
Bolshevism as an All-Jewish investment. For the
whole period of the war, the Jewish World Program
was cloaked under this or that national name — the
blame being laid on the Germans by the Allies, and
on the Allies by the Germans, and the people kept in
ignorance of who the real personages were.
It was stated by a French official that two millions
of money was contributed by one Jewish banker alone.
When Trotsky left the United States to fulfill his
appointed task, he was released from arrest at Halifax
JEWISH TESTIMONY IN FAVOR OF BOLSHEVISM 229
upon the request of the United States, and everyone
knows who constituted the War Government of the
United States.
The conclusion, when all the facts are considered,
is irresistible, that the Bolshevik revolution was a care-
fully groomed investment on the part of International
Jewish Finance.
It is easy to understand, then, why the same forces
would like to introduce it to the United States. The
real struggle in this country is not between labor and
capital; the real struggle is between Jewish capital
and Gentile capital, with the I. W. W. leaders, the
Socialist leaders, the Red leaders and the labor leaders
almost a unit on the side of the Jewish capitalists.
Again recall which financiers thesfe men most at-
tack. You cannot recall a single Jewish name.
The main purpose in these two articles, however, is
to introduce the Jewish testimony which exists as to
the Jewish nature of Bolshevism.
The Jewish Chronicle, of London, said in 1919:
"There is much in the fact of Bolshevism
itself, in the fact that so many Jews are Bol-
sheviks, in the fact that the ideals of Bolshevism
at many points are consonant with the finest ideals
of Judaism."
Jn the same paper, of 1920, is a report of an address
made by Israel Zangwill, a noted Jewish writer, in
which he pronounced glowing praise on "the race
which has produced a Beaconsfield, a Reading, a Mon-
tagu, a Klotz, a Kurt Eisner, a Trotsky." Mr. Zang-
will, in his swelling Semitic enthusiasm, embraced the
Jews in the British Government in the same category
with the Jews of the Hungarian and Russian Bolshevik
governments. What is the difference? They are all
Jewish, and all of equal honor and usefulness to "the
race."
Rabbi J. L. Magnes, in an address at New York
in 1919, is reported to have said:
"When the Jew gives his thought, his devo-
tion, to the cause of the workers and of the dis-
possessed, of the disinherited of the world, the
radical quality within him goes to the roots of
things, and in Germany he becomes a Marx and
a Lassalle, a Haas and an Edward Bernstein; in
230 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
Austria he becomes a Victor Adler and a Fried-
rich Adler; in Rzissia, a Trotsky. Just take for
a moment the present situation in Russia and in
Germany. The revolution set creative forces
free, and see what a large company of Jews was
available for immediate service. Sociahst Revo-
lutionaries and Mensheviki, and Bolsheviki, Ma-
jority and Minority Socialists — whatever they be
called — Jews are to be found among the trusted
leaders and the routine workers of all these revo-
lutionary parties. ^^
"See," says the rabbi, "what a large com-
pany of Jews are available for immediate serv-
ice." One ought to see where he points. There
are as many Jewish members of revolutionary
societies in the United States, as there were in
Russia; and here, as there, they are "available
for immediate service."
Bernard Lazare, a Jewish writer who has published
a work on anti-Semitism, says:
"The Jew, therefore, does take a part in revo-
lutions, and he participates in them in so far as he
■ is a Jew, or more correctly, in so far as he re-
mains a Jejv."
He says also — "The Jewish spirit is essentially
a revolutionary spirit, and consciously or other-
wise, the Jew is a revolutionist."
There is hardly any country in the world, except
the United States, where denials of this could be made
in such a way as to require proof. In every other
country the fact is known. Here we have been under
such a fear of mentioning the word "Jew" or anything
pertaining to it, that the commonest facts have been
kept from us — facts which even a superficial knowl-
edge of Jewish writing would have given us. It was
almost a pathetic spectacle to see American audiences
go to lectures about the Russian situation, and come
away from the hall confused and perplexed because
the Russian situation is so un-Russian, all because no
lecturer thought it politic to mention "Jew" in the
United States, for, as some day we shall see, the Jew
has contrived to gain control of the platform too.
Not only do the literary lights of Jewry acknowl-
JEWISH TESTIMONY IN FAVOR OF BOLSHEVISM 231
edge the Jew's propensity to revolution generally, and
his responsibility for the Russian situation particular-
ly, but the lower lights also have a very clear idea
about it. The Jew in the midst of the revolution is
conscious that somehow he is advancing the cause of
Israel. He may be a "bad Jew" in the synagogue
sense, but he is enough of a Jew to be willing to do any
thing that would advance the prestige of Israel. Race
is stronger than religion in Jewry.
The Russian paper, On to Moscow, in September,
1919, said:
"It should not be forgotten that the Jewish
people, who for centuries were oppressed by
kings and czars, are the real proletariat, the real
Internationale, which has no coimtry."
Mr. Cohan, in the newspaper, Communist, in April,
1919, said:
"Without exaggeration, it may be said that
the great Russian social revolution was indeed
accomplished by the hands of the Jews. Would
the dark, oppressed masses of the Russian work-
men and peasants have been able to throw ofif
the yoke of the bourgeoisie by themselves? No,
it was precisely the Jews who led the Russian
proletariat to the dawn of the Internationale and
not only have led, but are also now leading the
Soviet cause which remains in their safe hands.
We may be quiet as long as the chief command
oi the Red Army is in the hands of Comrade
Leon Trotsky. It is true that there are no Jews
in the ranks of the Red Army as far as privates
are concerned, but in the committees and Soviet
organizations, as commissars, the Jews are gal-
lantly leading the masses of the Russian proletariat
to victory. It is not without reason that during
the elections to all Soviet institutions the Jews
are winning by an overwhelming majority * * *
The symbol of Jewry, which for centuries has
struggled against capitalism, has become also the
symbol of the Russian proletariat, which can be
seen even in the adoption of the Red five-point-
ed star, which in former times, as it is well known,
was the symbol of Zionism and Jewry. With this
sign comes victory, urith this sign comes the death
232 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
of the parasites of the bourgeoisie * * * Jewish
tears will come out of them in sweat of drops of
blood."
This confession, or rather boast, is remarkable for
its completeness.
The Jews, says Mr. Cohan, are in control of the
Russian masses — the Russian masses who have never
risen at all, who only know that a minority, like the
czar's minority, is in control at the seat of govern-
ment.
The Jews are not in the Red Army, Mr. Cohan
informs us, that is, in the ranks where the actual fight-
ing is done; and this is strictly in line with the Proto-
cols. The strategy of the World Program is to set
Gentiles to kill Gentiles. This was the Jewish boast
during the various French social disasters, that so
many Frenchmen had been set killing each other.
In the World War just passed, there were as many
Gentiles killed by Gentiles as there are Jews in the
world. It was a great victory for Israel. "Jewish
tears will come out in sweat of drops of blood."
But the Jews are in the places of control and safety,
says Mr. Cohan, and he is absolutely right about it.
The wonder is that he was so honest as to say it..
As to the elections, so-called, at which the Jews
are so unanimously chosen, the literature of Bolshe-
vism is very explicit. Those who voted against the
Jewish candidates were adjudged "enemies of the revo-
lution" and executed. It did not require many execu-
tions at a voting place to make all the elections
unanimous.
Mr. Cohan is especially instructive on the signifi-
cance of the Red Star, the five-pointed emblem of
Bolshevism. "The symbol of Jewry," he says, "has
become also the symbol of the Russian proletariat."
The Star of David, the Jewish national emblem,
is a six-pointed star, formed by two triangles, one
standing on its base, the other on its apex. Deprived
of their base lines, these triangles approximate the
familiar Masonic emblem of the Square and Compass.
It is this Star of David of which a Jewish observer in
Palestine remarks that there are so few among the
graves of the British soldiers who won Palestine in the
recent war; most of the signs are the familiar wooden
JEWISH TESTIMONY IN FAVOR OF BOLSHEVISM 233 , 7<,o ^
Cross. These Crosses are new reported to be objee- ^^^
tionable to the new rulers cf Palestine, because they y
are so plainly in view of the visitor who approaches \
the new Jewish university. As in Soviet Russia, so in /
Palestine, not many Jews laid down their lives for the /
cause: there were plenty of Gentiles for that purposes
As the Jew is a past master in the art of symbol-
ism, it may not be without significance that the Bol-
shevik Star has one point less than the Star of David.
For there is still' one point to be fulfilled in the World
Program as outlined in the Protocols — and that is the
enthronement of "our leader." When he comes, the
World Autocrat for whom the whole program is
framed, the sixth point may be added.
The Five Points of the Star now apparently as-
sured are the Purse, the Press, the Peerage, Palestine
and Proletarianism. The sixth point will be the
Prince of Israel.
It is very hard to say, it is hard to believe, but Mr.
Cohan has said it, and revolutions especially since the
French Revolution confirm it, that "with this sign
comes the death of the parasites of the bourgeoisie
* * * Jewish tears will come out of them in sweat of
drops of blood." The "bourgeoisie," as the Protocols
say, are always Gentile.
The common counterargument to the invincible
fact of the Jewish character of the Russian revolu-
tion— an argument which is destined to disappear now
that Jewish acknowledgment is coming thick and
fast — is that the Jews in Russia suffer too. "How
can we favor a movement which makes our own peo-
ple suffer?" is the argument put up to the Gentile.
Well, the fact is this: they are favoring that move-
ment. Today, this very moment, the Bolshevik Gov-
ernment is receiving money from Jewish financiers in
Europe, and if in Europe, then of course from the
International Jewish bankers in America also. That
is one fact.
Another fact is this: the Jews of Russia are not
suffering to anywhere near the extent we are told by
the propagandists. It is now a fact admitted by Jews
themselves that upon the first sweep of the Bolshevists
across Poland, the Polish Jews were friendly with the
invaders and helped them. The fact was explained
234 THE INTERNATIONAL JEW
by American Jews in this manner: since Bolshevism
came to Russia, the condition of the Jews there has
greatly improved — therefore the Polish Jews were
friendly. And it is true — the condition of Russian
Jews is good.
One reason is: they have Russia. Everything
there belongs to them.
The other reason is: The Jews of- Russia are the
only ones receiving help there today.
Did that second statement ever strike you as sig-
nificant? Only the Jews of Russia have food and
money sent to them. It is one form, of course, of the
support which the Jewish world is giving Bolshevism.
But if the suffering among the Jews is what the propa-
gandists say it is, what must it be among the Rus-
sians? Yet no one is sending food or money to them.
T,he probable truth of the whole situation is that Jew-
ish Bolshevism is laying a tax on the world. Any
time it may be required, there is plenty of evidence as
to the good condition of the Jews in Russia. They
have all there is.
Another source of confusion is revealed in the
question: "How can Jewish capitalists support Bol-
shevism when Bolshevism is against capitalism?"
Bolshevism, as before stated, is only against Gen-
tile capitalism. Jewish financiers who remained in
Russia are very useful to the Bolsheviki. Read this
description by an eyewitness: "A Jew is this Com-
missary of the Bank, very elegant, with a cravat of
the latest style, and a fancy waistcoat. A Jew is this
District Commissary, former stockbroker, with a
double bourgeois chin. Again a Jew, this inspector
of taxes: he understands perfectly how to squeeze the
bourgeoisie."
These agents of Jewry are still there. Other agents
are among the Russians who fled, getting their lands
away from them on mortgage loans. When the cur-
tain lifts, most of the choice real estate will be found
to have passed into Jewish control by perfectly "legal"
means.
That is one answer to the question, Why the Jew-
ish capitalists support Bolshevism. The Red Revo-
lution is the greatest speculative event of human
history. Besides, it is for the exaltation of Israel;
JEWISH TESTIMONY IN FA\'OR OF BOLSHEVISM 235
it is a colossal revenge, which the Jews always take
where they can, for wrongs real or imaginary.
Jewish capitalism knows exactly what it is doing.
What are its gains?
1. It has taken a whole rich country, without the
cost of war.
2. It has demonstrated the necessity of gold.
Jewish power rests on the fiction that gold is wealth.
By the premeditated clumsiness of the Bolshevik
monetary system, the unthinking world has been made
to believe still more strongly that gold is necessary,
and this belief gives Jewish capitalism another hold
on the Gentile world. If the Bolshevists had been
honest, they could have dealt Jewish capitalism its
death blow. No! Gold is still on its throne. De-
stroy the fiction that gold has value, and you leave
the Jewish International Financiers sitting forlorn on
heaps of useless metal.
3. It has demonstrated its power to the world.
Protocol Seven says: ''To demonstrate our enslave-
ment of the Gentile governments of Europe, we will
show our power to one of them by crimes of violence,
that is, a reign of terror." Has Europe been suf-
ficiently "shown"? Europe has, and is afraid ! That
is a great gain for Jewish capitalists.
4. Not the least of the gains is the field practice in
the art of revolution which Russia has offered. Stu-
dents in that Red school are coming back to the United
States. The technique of revolution has been reduced
to a science according to the details laid down in the
Protocols. To use Rabbi Magnes's words again: "See
what a large company of Jews was available for imme-
diate service." The available company is now much
larger.
Uamc of October, 2, 1920.
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