[LIBRARY I CALIFORNIA ' s/- W/'kJ UNIVERSITY or CAl IFORNIA^ SAN iiiiiiliiliiiiiiiiliiliiii '^7^..'^ 4-^rr 3 1822 01114 9176 ^ -i^ F Vl^' .■*«^„* i^^4 _-;: ^ il , = Lfc - -Tu THE MOUNTAIN HE KO AND HIS ASSOCIATES. HENRY W. DE PUY. BOSTON: DAYTON & WENTWORTH, No. 86 Washington Street. 1855. Entered axording to Act of Confess, in the year 1S56, by P H I N N E Y & C O ., In the Clerk's ( ffice of the District Court for the Northern T)istrtet of New York. BBADLE A BROTHER, BUFFALO . CONTENTS. Introduction .-" H CHAPTER I. EAKLT HISTORY OF VERMONT. Early Discoveries — Cavtier at Hotchekga — Interview with the Na- tives — Return to France — Cbannplain — His Discoveries — Hudson— The Green Mountains — The Six Nations — The Adirondacks — Fire Arms — Torture of a Prisoner — War between the French and Indians — Corlear — French Expedition against the Mohawks — First English Prisoners in Canada — Montreal attacked by the Indians — Massacre at Schenectady — French Invasion of New Hampshire — Death of Major Waldron — English Expedition against Canada — Sir William Phipps — Captain John Schuyler — French Emulation of Indian Cruelty — Burning of Deerfield — Rev. John Williams — The March over the Green Mountains — Death of Mrs. WiUiams — The Forest Sermon — The Daring Boy — Sufferings of the Captives — Ransom of Rev. Mr. Williams — The Bell of St. Regis — Border Warfare — Colonial War with Canada — English Army on Lake Champlain — Fleet on the St Lawrence — Peace — First Settlements in Vermont — Frontignac — Joliet — Exploration of the Missis- sippi — Lake Champlain — Crown Point — Progress of the English and French Colonies — Fort Dummer — Lovewell's War — The Jesuit Rolle — Siege of Louisbourg — Indian Depredations — Mas- sacre at Fort Massachusetts — Heroic Defense of " Number Four " — Captain Hobbs — Saratoga— The Abbe Picquet— French War of 1756 — Sir William Johnson — Expedition against the French — Johnson's Victory over Dioskau — Indian Depredations — Captain Johnson — Subjugation of Canada again undertaken — General Abercrombie— John Staek— His Intrepidity — Montcalm's Ad- vances toward Fort William Henry — Massacre at Fort Edward — IsRAix Putnam— William Pitt— Putnam's Battle with Fir« VI C0KTENT8. Abercrombic's Defeat at Ticonderoga — Capture of Putnam- -Cm- cities inflicted upon him — Attempt to burn him — Rescue — The Fair Captive — Amherst takes Ticonderoga and Crown Point — Destniction of the Village of St Francis — General Wolfe — His Death and Victory at Quebec — Death of Montcalm — Vaudreuil defeated at Montreal — Canada surrendered to the English — Close of the French War, 13 to 116 CHAPTER IL THE NEW-HAMPSHIKE GEANT8. he Peace of 1763 — Advance of the English Settlements — The Delius Grant — Conflicting Grants by the British Crown — Contro- versies arising therefrom — New-York Charter — Correspondence between the Governors of New Hampshire and New York — Charter of Bennington — Grants of Lands by the Governor of New Hampshire — Proclamation of Governor Colde'n — Counter- Procla- mation — Appeal to the King — ^An Ambiguous Decree — Excitement among the People — Agent sent to England — Determination to repel the New- York Claimants — Ethan Allen — His early Life — He becomes interested in the New-Hampshire Grants — Journal of Iea Allen — Scheme of a Land Speculator — The Aliens in New York — Tra Allen's Foresight — Adventure with a Ghost — Seth "Wakner — Personal Appearance of Warner — His Favorite Pur- suits — Capt. Remembee Baker — Is a Soldier in the French War — Removes to the New-Hampshire Grants — Samuel Robinson — Set- tlement of Bennington — Establishment of a Church and a School — Jedediah Dewey — Oppressive Measures of New York — Indictments — Convention of the Settlers — Samuel Robinson — The King's Order — It is disregarded by Governor Tryon — Procla- mation — Indictments — Ejectment Trials at Albany — Anecdote of Allen — New Attempts to deprive the People of their Property — Defensive Measures — " Hideous Groans " — The Green-Mountain Boys — Reward oflfered for the Arrest of Allen — Allen's Proclama- tion — His Courage — Attack upon Captain Baker's House — His Capture and Rescue — Atten>pt to an-est Warner — A Rumored Invasion — Conciliation — Allen's Protest — Joy in Bennington — QuaiTel Renewed — Letter to Governor Tryon — The " Beech- Seal " — The Scotch Emigrants — Proceedings in Clarendon — " The CONTENTS. Vn Bloody Law " — Allen's Opinion of it — Public Meetings — Doctor Samuel Adams — Benjamin Hough — Allen's Certificate — Trials of the Pioneers — Tyranny of the Government — Rescue of a Pris- oner — Treason Trials — Murder of William French — Dawn of the Revolution, 'll6 to ]d6 CHAPTER in. ETHAN ALLEN. Character of the Patriots of '76 — Ethan Allen — His Position — Re- view of the Causes which produced the Revolution — The Stamp Act — The Tea Tax — The First Congress — Measures of Resist- ance — Contemplated Enterprise against Ticonderoga — Ethan Allen chosen its Leader — His Plan — The Boy-Guide — Allen crosses the Lake — The Fortress attacked — Confusion of the Enemy — Allen and Delaplace — Sunender of the Garrison — Crown Point and Skenesborough Secured — Arnold's Naval Victory — Allen and Congress — Allen and Pareon Dewey — Capture of Allen — Narrative of Allen's Captivitt — His Account of the Victory at Ticonderoga — He falls into the Hands of the Enemy — A Singular Shield — Barbarity of Colonel Prescott — Allen put in Irons — The Tenpenny Nail — Allen's Challenge of Doctor Dace — Magnanimity of Captain Littlejohn — The Duel — Reliance upon Allen's Honor — Cruel Treatment of Prisoners — The Petty Ty- rant — Voyage to England — Allen's Suflferings — Landing at Fal- mouth — Expected Execution of Allen — His Letter to Congress — Reflections upon Death — Conversations with his Visitors — Captain Symonds — The Generous Irishmen — Allen sails from England — The Voyage — Arrival in America — From Bad to Worse — Meeting with old Enemies — Illness — Cruelty and Kindness — Mrs. Blac- den — Removal to New York — A Humane Commander — Allen's Gratitude — The Prison Ship — Battle of Bennington — Allen on Parole — The American Prisoners in New York — Barbarity of the British — Incredible Sufferings — Starvation, Disease and Death — Washington — General Howe — The British Bribe — Allen's Reply — Allen and Rivington — Captain Vandyke — Mr. Miller — Majors Wells and Paine — Mr. Fell — Evacuation of Ticonderoga — Battle of Hubbardton — Triumph of Allen — Burgoyne's Surrender — Btrrgoyne's Proclamation — Allen and the British Officer — Allen's Liberation— His R«tum to Vermont, 196 to 979 VIU CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. THE GEEEN-MOUNTADSr HEKCES. Charter of the Early Settlers of this Country — Influence of their Example — The Puritans and the Followers of Penn — Indian Con- verts — Origin of the Revolution — Reflections on the Character and Services of Congress — Declaration of Indepexdence — Bunker Hill — Ticonderoga — Campaign of 1775 — General Montgomery — General Schuyler — Montgomery enters Canada — Death of Captain Baker — Ethan Allen — Siege of St. John's — Mutiny — James Livingston — Surrender of Fort Chambly — Seth Waenee — The Green-Mountain Rangers — Repulse of Carleton — Surrender of St. John's — Carleton's Retreat from Montreal — Extraordinary March of Arnold — The British retire to Quebec — The Assault Begun — Death of Montgomery — The Cowardly Commanders — Honors to Montgomery — His Character — His Widow — Arnold — Major Mor- gan — Retreat of the Americans — Reinforcements — Energy of Warner — General Gates — Naval Preparations — Battle on Lake Champlain — Plans of the British — Supplies for Ticonderoga — Close of the Campaign of 1776 — General Carleton — The Green- Mountain Pledge — Burgoyne — The Campaign Opened — Evacua»> tion of Ticonderoga — General St. Clair — Retreat of the Americans — Battle of Hubbardton — Advance of the British — Jane McCrea — Account of her Murder — A New-Hampshire Patriot — General Stark — Movements of Burgoyne — The Foray upon the Green Mountains — Battle at Cambridge — Skirmishing — Rain — The Bel- licose Parson — Stark's Speech — Battle of Bennington — The British Reinforced — The Victory at Bennington — Genei-al Stark's Account — Colonels Warner and Herrick — Honor to General Stark's Genius — Important Consequences of this Victory — Censure of Stark in Congress changed to Thanks — General Burgoyne's Opin- ion of his Antagonist changed — Spoils and Trophies — iTxpenses of Stark's Brigade — Traveled Cannon — British, German and Tory Prisoners — Lions and Lambs — Curiosity to see Lord Napier — A Bereaved Mother — General Lincoln — Colonels Brown and Johnson at Lake George — Brown's Success — Generals Gates and Burgoyne — Engagement at Saratoga — British Testimony to American Patri- otism — The Spirit of '76 ; Death rather than Dishonor — Burgoyne's Difficulties thicken— He Surrenders — Medal and Thanks to Genenl CONTENTS. IX Gates — Feats of the Green-Mountain Boys — British Retreat from Ticonderoga, with loss — Difficulties of the Inhabitants of the New- Hampshire Giants — Their Need of a Goveniment — Declare their Independence as a State — Congress refuses to receive them — They form a Constitution — Council of Safety — Its Officers and Powers — Ira Allen on "Ways and Means — A Regiment raised and paid from Tory Property — Governor Chittenden — Incidents of his Life — Ira Allen Secretary of State — His Appearance and Services — Measures of Vermont opposed — Ethax Alle:j's Return — His "Welcome — His Military Distinction — Is Agent from Vermont to Congress — Governor Clinton's Proclamation — General Allen's Counter-Proclamation — He advocates Law and Order — A Hanging Postponed — Excitement in consequence — General Allen's Speech — " Somebody shall be Hanged "-^-General Allen's Quarrel with his Brother Levi — The Tooth-drawing — Colonel Seth Warnee — Dies in Poverty — Inscription on his Tomb — His Widow's Petition to Congress — Widow Storey — Her Secret Retreat — Destruction of Royalton — Pureuit of the Indians — Their Kindness to Female Prisoners — Anecdotes of the Indians — Daring of Mrs. Stone — Mrs. Barker and her Infants — Adverse Claims for Vermont Territory — Congress censures Vermont — Vermont extends its Territory — Poetry for the Green-Mountaineers — British Overtures to Ethan Allen — Allen's Letter to Congress — General Haldiraand negotiates privately with Vermont Leaders — Allen and Fay mislead the English — Their Commission — General Haldimand's Instruction to his Agent — The Agent's Notes of Interviews — Ira Allen's Ingen- ious Delays — Notice of his Career — Washington reconciles Ver- mont and Congress — Feeling of the People — Difficulties with New York — Ethan Allen suppresses Insurrection — His Characteristic Proclamation — Vermont admitted an Independent State, 1789 — Ethan Allen's Retirement — Becomes an Author — Character of his Book — A popular Anecdote of him Contradicted — His Integrity — Scene in Court — Changes his Residence — Characteristic Courtship of his Second "Wife — Amusing Account of the Marriage — " The Church Militant and the Church Military "—Allen's Kindness — The Lost Children Found— Tribute to his Patriotism— His Death —Inscription on his Toinb 279 to 42& INTRODUCTION. •* Far be from me or my friends," says a distinguished writer, "such frigid philosophy, as may conduct us, indiflferent and unmoved, over any ground that has been dignified by wisdom, bravery or virtue. The man is httle to be envied whose patriot- ism would not gain force upon the plains of Marathon, or whose piety would not grow warm among the ruins of lona." And thus, among the objects that attract the attention of people, in all countries, as they advance in civilization, few are sought with more avidity than the facts concerning their early history. Our patriotism is warmed, and our virtue is strengthened, while gazing upon the fields where the blood of our ancestor was shed in defense of liberty, or while perusing the story of the perils, sufierings, and self-sacrificing heroism of those who won our national independence. Nothing, therefore, can tend more strongly to the preservation of the liberties of our own favored and happy country, than a familiarity with the deeds, and an admiration for the character, of our revolutionary ancestors. Our glorious institutions can be in no danger while there is a sentiment of patriotism among the people, which glows at ihe recital of our country's renown, and which cherishes the XH I N T K D U T 10 K^ . memoiy of its heroes. To foster this feeling, as well as to direct attention to a class of patiiots whose claims to the grateful re- membrance of those who enjoy the blessings of free institutions have been too much disregarded, is the design of the present volume. No portion of our country has a history so replete with stining events as that bordering upon Lake Champlain. Situ- ated between the French province of Canada and the English colonies, and simultaneously claimed by each, it was, for one hundi-ed and fifty years, the grand highway of their warlike expeditions against each other, and the scene upon which their bloodiest and most hotly contested battles were fought. Here many of the heroes of the American Revolution received their first experience in the ai't of war, and achieved that renown which afterward placed them at the head of armies whose noble pur- pose sanctified their resort to the awful arbitrament of battle. There, too, the most powerful and threatening army sent out to crush the freedom of this country, began its march in triumph, and there ended it in a most disastrous defeat. The histoiy of the Green-Mountain state, which stretches along the east shore of Lake Champlain, is so closely interwoven with that of the armies which have trodden its soil, and of the wars in which they were engaged, that the one cannot be fairly written to the exclusion of the other.' In addition to the usual authorities on American history con- sulted in the preparation of this volume, especial indebtedness to the following is acknowledged — Slade's Vermont State INTEODUCTION. Xlll Papei-s — Williams' and Thompson's Histories of Vermont — and Chipman's Lives of Warner, Chittenden and Chipman. These are all Vermont authors. Eev. Samuel Williams, D. D., author of the first History of Vermont, was the grandson of Rev. John Williams, the " Deerfield Captive," and father of Charles K. Williams, for many years Chief Justice of Vermont, and recently the popular governor of that state. He was one of the founders and the principal benefactor of the University of Vermont, at Burlington, For several years he employed hia talents, almost if not quite gratuitously, in delivering lectures in natural philosophy, and in forwarding the progress of the Uni- versity. With only four hundred and eighty dollars raised by subscription, he purchased the first philosophical apparatus for the institution. That this apparatus might be as complete as possible, Dr. Williams expended the money in the most ft-ugai manner, admitting nothing of foreign maniifacture which eould be made at home, and nothing of brass where it might be made of wood. Dr. Williams had removed to Vermont as early as 1777, and resided at Rutland. In 1793, he published his History of Vermont, in one volume. The narrative was then brought down to the Revolutionary war ; but the work was afterward greatly enlarged, and, in 1809, was published in two volumes of about five hundred pages each. The history of the state was brought down to the period of the publication of the work. The few copies of it yet in existence are highly prized. The copy which the writer of this obtained, although much worn, printed on coarse paper, and roughly bound, cost as much XIV INTKODUCTION. as a dozen volumes of new works got up in the mosi faiiltleaa modern style. Rev. Zadock Thompson, of Burlington, has also published a large work of six hundred pages of small type, comprising the Natural and Civil History and a Gazetteer of the state. It is a work of great research and value, and as a large portion of it can be of especial interest to Vermonters only, it should hold a prominent place in the library of every citizen of that state. The compiler is indebted to the couiiesy of several gentlemen of Vermont for important assistance in the preparation of these pages. From the Hon. Charles K. Williams was received a fil* of the "State Banner," pubhshed at Bennington in 1841, and containing a series of "Historical Readings," by Hon. Hiland HaJl, which have been freely used in the portion of this work relating to the difficulties between New York and the New- Hampshire Grants. From George F. Houghton, Esq., of St. Albans, many valuable suggestions were derived, as well as a most eloquent address on the Life of Seth Warner, delivered by him before the Vermont legislature. This and two other ad- dresses, by Prof. James D. Butler, on the early history of Vermont, have supplied these pages with several important incidents not found elsewhere. Chaimcey Goodrich, Esq., of Bm-lington, and Brigadier-general Ethan Allen Hitchcock, (grandson of the " Hero of Ticonderoga," ) also communicated facts which have enriched the present work. Hon. Henry Stevens, the distinguished antiquary of Vermont, courteously placed a considerable portion of his large and INTKODUCTION. XV invaluable collection of State Papers at the disposal of tno compiler. For many years, Mr. Stevens has been indefatigable in collecting documents concerning the early history of Vermont. The papers of the early settlers of the state — the correspond- ence of Revolutionary officers — and the documents in the archives of the nation, or oopies of them, have been treasured up by Mr. Stevens. Vermont is under great obligations to him for his services in searching for and arranging official papera and other testimony touching the origin, progress, and final consum- mation of the struggle which resulted in giving to the American Switzerland that proud individuality of which it so justly boasts. Vermont wiU only do justice to itself, its founders, and to Mr. Stevens, when these records of a state whose histoiy is more remarkable than that of any other in the union, are placed "before the public. When this is done, the world will be satisfied that these early settlers were men of no common mould, and their services will be better understood and more gratefully appreciated than at present. For a mere handful of men to resist the combined efforts of New York on the one side and New Hampshire on the other, while repulsed if not rejected by the home government, and menaced by a foreign foe — involved the exercise of no ordinaiy sagacity, and an amount of nerve and energy with which, in this day, we are not familiar. But so it was. While maintain- ing an open war with the neighboring states, they protected the ■whole line of our frontier by keeping on terms with the common enemy, while at the same time they rendered moie efficient aid XVI INTRODUCTION. to the government wbicli discarded them, than either of the states alluded to. The official correspondence with Washing- ton — comprised in the Papere of Mr. Stevens — goes to demonstrate this beyond a doubt. The engraving of the Heroic Statue of Gen. Ethan Allen will be regarded as an attractive feature'of the present volume. The Statue is the production of B. H. Kinney Esq., a young and self- taught Vermont artist ; and, although his first great undei-taking, is of promising excellence, and gives evidence of a high order of art- istic ability. It is the length and breadth, the depth and power of Ethan Allen, morally and historically considered, and in his phys- ical no less than in his intellectual characteristics, — an artistic realization of one of the most practical and common-sense characters that ever lived. Those who look upon it are at once convinced that it is an actual likeness of the Hero of Ticonde- roga. This is the best evidence of the genius of the sculptor, that his work is invariably regarded as a truthful representation. The statue is of heroic size — one-third larger than life — and represents the subject in a bold, commanding attitude; his camp cloak thrown from his left and resting on his right shouldei-; hia hand grasping the sword at- his side; and his whole expression resolute and full of enei'gy — as if he had just uttei-ed those memorable words at Ticonderoga, and intended to see his demands complied with at all hazaids. The engraving is the more valuable as it is the only picture of the statue that the sculptor has pennitted to be engi-aved. As the reader may be interested to know something more of Mi-. Kinney, the following INTRODUCTION. XVll notice of his career, as furnished by himself in a private letter to a friend, will appropriately close this notice of his statue : "I was bred, from infancy to manhood, in the town of Sunderland, Bennington county, Vermont — the town in which Ethan Allen first lived, and which for nearly twenty years was his residence. During my boyhood I listened to the tales respecting the great hero of the Green Mounta ins, with those thrilling emotions and the wild delight which are only known to mountaineers. Many were the acts of "desperate valor," performed by my schoolmates and myself, in sham fights emulating the daring deeds of the Green-Mountain Heroes of '76. And the impression which I received at that time of the noble spirit of patriotism which stimulated the fearless and true-hearted Hero of Ticonderoga, has grown brighter and brighter as I have grown to years of manhood, and witnessed the neglect of duty to their country, in the pursuit of selfish ends, so characteristic of a considerable portion of the prominent men of this age. This is the reason of my selecting Ethan Allen as the firrt great subject of ray labors in my favorite art" MOUNTAIN HEROES. CHAPTEK I. EARLY HISTORY OF VERMONT, the savages, of murderous soul. In painted bands, dark to the combat roll. With midnight orgies, by Uie gloomy shade, On the pale victim point we reeking blade ; Or cause the hamlet, lulled in deep refuse, Xo more to wake, or •wake to ceaseleas woes." HCJCPHBETS. Of the adventnrous band of navigators, who, early in the sixteenth century, sailed westward in the wake of those frail caravels, the Mina, Pinta, and Santa Maria, James Cartier, a Frenchman, was the first to explore the interior of the vast continent to which Colnmbns had led the wav. "WTiile sailinor alonof the Atlantic coast, in 153i, in search of a passage to China, he discovered the mouth of a great river, to which he eubsequently gave the name of " St Lawrence." * The following spring, in the belief that the St. Lawrence was the desired channel to the East Indies, a larger ex- pedition was equipped, which Cartier conducted direct to this noble stream, and sailed two hundred leagues inland. There the navigation was obstructed by "a • Thus named in honor of the Saint whose festival occurred on th« day (lOtb August) of its discovery. 20 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNT A} N HEKOES. great and swift fall." At this point, Cartier found a large Indian village, bearing the name of Hochelaga. The population was more numerous, the wigwams were more substantially built, and the town was more strongly fortified than any other occupied by the abo- rigines, of which the early settlers of the country have given a description. Cartier conciliated the natives by presents of hatchets, beads and rings — articles more magnificent than any of which they had previously had a conception — and they regarded him and his associ- ates as celestial beings. To Cartier all was so new and strange, that he almost deemed himself transported to some land of enchantment. He erected a fort where the city of Montreal now stands, calling it, in honor of his king, Mount Royal. There he passed the winter, formed alliances with the Indians, and took formal pos- session of the country, which he named New France. Ascending the hill which towered above his fortress, and overlooked the country for many miles around, he was enraptured with the scene upon which he gazed. Before him the mighty St. Lawrence, coming solemnly from an unknown land, rolled on majestically toward the ocean ; the distant horizon was bounded by the lofty mountains of Vermont,* crowned with perpetual ver- dure ; while illimitable forests, robed in the gorgeous hues of autumn, were spread out before him in every direction. Donnacona, the Indian king who conducted him to the summit of the hill, informed him that he might sail westward on the great river, for three moons — passing through several immense lakes — * So called when the state was organized, from two French woril% verd, gieen, and mont, mountain. DISCOVEEIES OF CAETIEK. 21 without reaching its source; that the river had its origin in a sea of fresh water to which no limits were known. Far to the south-west, he continued, there was another great river,*, which ran through a country where there was no ice or snow ; to the north, there was a large inland sea of salt water,f extending to a region of perpetual ice ; while southward there were rivers and smaller lakes, penetrating a beautiful and fertile country, belonging to a powerful and warlike nation called the Iroquois. The next spring, Cartier, taking with him Donna- cona and sevei^al of the natives, returned to France, and represented to the king the advantages that would result from a settlement in this country, principally by means of the fur trade ; but the fallacious opinion then prevalent among all the nations of Europe, that such countries only as produced gold and silver were worth the possession, had such influence on the mon- arch, that he slighted the judicious advice of Cartier, and deferred making any establishment in Canada. But, although this object was generally neglected, some individuals entertained just views of its importance ; and among the most zealous for prosecuting discov- eries and making a settlement there, was Eoberval, a nobleman of Picardy. The ting, at length convinced of the expediency of the measure, resolved to send Cartier, accompanied by this nobleman, again to Can- ada. The expedition was undertaken in 154:0, and an attempt was made to found a colony ; but in the course of a year or two, the enterprise was abandoned. The colony was broken up, and for upward of half a • The Ohio. t Hudson's Bay. 22 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. ^enturj, the French made no further attempt to estab- lish themselves on the St. Lawrence. In 1600, one Chauvin, a commander in the French navv, made a voyage to Canada, from which he re- turned, with a profitable cargo of furs. The public now began to turn more attention to this country. An armament was equipped, and the command given to Pontgran. He sailed in 1603. Five years afterward, Samuel de Champlain, who had accompanied Pont- gran's expedition, founded the city of Quebec* In 1609, accompanied by several friendly Indians, he proceeded to the locality described by Cartier. He afterward sailed up the Eichelieu or Sorel river, and entered a lake to which he gave his own name.f He also visited Lake George, which, from the extreme purity of its waters, he called St. Sacrament.:}: It is inferred from his own narrative, that he then proceeded across the country, and touched the Hudson river at Glen's Falls. During the same season, Henry Hudson sailed up the river to which his name is given, as far as Albany. Possibly,. at the same time that Champlain was resting near the head waters of the Hudson, the English navigator was encamped scarcely forty miles below.. Strange that two adventurers, in the service of different sovereigns, ruling three thousand miles * This was the original Indian name, signifying narrow, because the St. Lawrence, which, from that point to the ocean, is from ten to fifteen miles wide, is there reduced to a width of about one mile. t The Indian name of Lake Champlain was Canaideri-Quaninte, sig- nifying the mouth or door of the country. Another Indian name was Petawa-Bouque, signifying alternate land and water. . X The original Indian name was Horicon, meaning Silver Water. It was also called Canaideri-oit, or The Tail of the Lake. CHAMVLAIN AND HUDSON. 23 away, and approaching from different points of the compass, should so nearly meet in the vast forests of wild America — each exploring a part of the conti- nent never before traversed by Europeans. Strange, too, that the vicinity where these adventurers so nearly met, should, for almost a hundred and fifty years, be the boundary between the nations respectively repre- sented by them, and the scene of their frequent and bloody conflicts for supremacy. Although that beautiful portion of Vermont border- ing on Lake Champlain was thus early explored, and although settlements were made in its immediate vicinity, by the Dutch at Albany in 1613 — by the English at Springfield, on the Connecticut, in 1635 — and by the French at Montreal in 1640, the whites did not permanently occuj^y any portion of the territory comprised in the present boundaries of the State, until the year 1724. Situated between the settlements of the French on the one hand, and those of the English on the other, it was constantly exposed to the incur- sions and depredations of both, in the almost inces- sant warfare maintained between them. The dense forests of the Green Mountains became the favorite lurking places of the wielders of the tomahawk, and resounded with the war-whoop of those savages who were willing to be allies for either of the contending parties. They were traversed by the prisoners taken in the French wars, and were witnesses of their heroism and of their suflerings. For these reasons, actual set- tlements were perilous and impracticable. It was a disputed ground between the English and the French, {¥? which many a guerilla battle was fought. And 24 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUKTAIN HEROES. tnus the historj of Yermont is so closely interwoven with that of the regions adjacent, that it will be neces- sary, in the progress of this narrative, in order to exhibit a complete view of the transactions in whicn Yermont was interested, or in which its early heroes bore a distinguished part, often to carry forward an account of events which transpired beyond the geo- graphical limits of the state. In his expedition across the lake which bears his name, Champlain was accompanied by only two Frenchmen — the balance of the party, amounting to about sixty, were Huron and Algonquin warriors, who had determined on a hostile excursion into the terri- tory of the Iroquois, or, as they were afterward desig Tiated by the English, the Five Nations. This federal association is said to have derived its origin from the most remote antiquity ; and, as the name imports, it comprehended five Indian nations, of which the Mohawks have obtained the most lasting re- nown, and which were confederated, on terms of the strictest equality, in a perpetual alliance, for united conquest and mutual defense. The members of this united body reckoned themselves superior to all the rest of mankind, and the distinctive appellation which they adopted* was expressive of this opinion. But the principles of their confederacy displayed far more pol- icy and refinement than we might expect from the arro- gance of their barbarous name. They had embraced the Roman practice, of increasing their strength by incorporating the people of other nations with them- selves. After every conquest of an enemy, when they * Ongue-Homce, — tbat is, " Men sui-passing all otLors." TILE FIVE NATIOKS. 25 had indulged their revenge by some cruel executions, they exercised their usual policy, in the adoption of the-remaiuing captives ; and frequently with so much advantage, that some of their most distinguished sa- chems and captains, were derived from defeated and adopted foes. Each nation had its own separate repub- lican constitution, in which rank and office were claimed only by age, procured only by merit, and enjoyed but by the tenure of public esteem. In no communit}^ was age accorded more respect, or youth endowed with greater beauty.* The people of the several nations, and especially the Mohawks, were distinguished by the usual Indian qualities of attachment to liberty, forti- tude in the endurance of pain, and j^reference of craft and stratagem to undisguised operations in war,f and by a more than usual degree of perseverance, resolution, and active intrepidity. Almost all the tribes around this people, and even many at a great distance, who were not included in their confederacy, acknowledged a subjection to it, paid a tribute which two aged sachems were annually deputed to collect, :{: and were restrained from making war or peace without the con- sent of the Five Nations. It was the policy of all the " Sucli was the efficacy of tLe Indian mode of life, in developing the finer proportions of which the human frame is susceptible, that, when the fatatue of the Apollo-Belvidere was beheld, for the first time, by Benjamin West, the distinguished American painter, he started at the unexpected likeness, and exclaimed, "How like it is to a young Mohawk wanior ! " t In this peculiarity most of the Indian tribes resembled the ancient Spartans ; as they did also in the diligence with which they cultivated conciseness of speech. t " I have often had opportunity to observe what anxiety the poor In- dians wtre under, while these two old men remained in that pait of tie 2 26 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOCNTAIN HEROES. chiefs to affect superior purity, and to distribute among tbe people their own share of tribute and plunder. All matters of common concernment were transacted in general meetings of the sachems of each nation ; and the influence of time, aided by a long course of judicious policy and victorious enterprise, had com- pletely succeeded in causing the federal character and sentiments to prevail over the peculiarities of their sub- ordinate national associations. When, at a period subsequent to the first visit of the Europeans, the Tus- carora tribe was vanquished, they were permitted to revive their broken estate, by ingrafting it on this powerful confederacy, by being associated as a new member of the general union, instead of being diffused and losing their identity among the other tribes, and the confederacy thereafter obtained the name of the Six IlN^ations. Both the French and English writers, who have treated of the character or affairs of this people, have concurred in describing them as at once the most judicious and politic of the native powers, and the most fierce and formidable of the native inhabitants of America. When the French under Champlain settled in Can- ada, they found the Five ISTations engaged in a bloody war with the powerful tribe of Adirondacks, by whom idxej had been driven from their original possessions wound Montreal, and between the Connecticut river and Lake Champlain, now the state of Yermont, and forced to seek an asylum in the region bounding on country where I -was. An old Moliawk sachem, in a poor blanket, and dirty shirt, may be seen issuing his oi'dcr with as arbitraiy an authority as a Roman dictator." — Coldcn. TITE FIVE XATIOXS. 27 Lake Ontario and the Mohawk river. The Five Na- tions, however, were regaining their lost ground, and had compelled the Adirondacks to fly for safety behind the strait where Quebec is built. But the tide of suc- cess was suddenly turned by the arrival of Champlain, who naturally joined the Adirondacks, because ho had settled on their lands. Kear the place where the fortress of Ticonderqga was afterward erected, the Indians, with whom Champlain was exploring the country, encountered a body of two hundred Irocjuois, who were on their way down the lake on a w^ar expe- dition. Loud shouts at once arose from both parties, as they snatched up their weapons and prepared for action. Champlain and the two Frenchmen with him, each armed with an arquebuse,* participated in the conflict, and as the L'oquois had no previous knowl- edge of fire-arms, they soon fled in dismay, leaving fifty warriors dead on the field, while ten or twelve prisoners were captured by the Adirondacks.f All engaged in this expedition went to their homes highly * "A sort of hand-gun ; a species of fire-arms anciently used, ■which Was cocked with a ■wheel. It carried a ball that ■weighed nearly two ounces. A larger kind, used in fortresses, carried a ball of three ounces and a half." — Encyclopedia. t If, on this occasion, the Indians 'were for the first time "witnesses of the deadly effect of fire-arras, the French "were equally surprised by the fiendish cruelties inflicted by the Indian ■warriors upon their prisoners. "After proceeding about eight leagues down the lake," says Dr. Fitch in his admirable history of Washington county, " they landed after nightfall ; and, taking one of the prisoners, made a speech to him, up- braiding him ■with the barbarities ■which he and his people had perpe- trated in the war, without showing mercy in any instance, and informing him, that it would now devolve on him to submit to the same destiny. They then told him to sing if he had any courage : this he commenced 28 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUN^oxlN HEEOES. pleased with Champlain, and from this time onward, their several tribes were firmly attached to the French and their interests.'^ doing, but in the most sad and dolorous tones. A fire had been previ- ously- kindled, and was now burning briskly. Each Indian took from it a brand, and commenced burning the skin of the poor creature, a lit- tle at a time, to make him suffer longer torment Remitting this at times, they would then throw liim on his back in the water. Afterward, pull- ing off his finger-nails, they put hot ashes on the ends of his fingers. Next, they tore the scalp from the top of his head, and then dropped melted pitch upon the naked skull. They then pierced holes through his arms near the wrists, and with sticks drew out therefrom the sinews and neiTes, forcibly pulling upon them, until they were rent asunder. Strange cries at times were uttered by this miserable creature ; yet, dur- ing the whole of the homd performance, he was so firm and unshaken, that one would have said he did not feel any pain. The Indians urged Champlain to take a firebrand, and join them in their employment. But he remonstrated with them, telling them he was unused to such cruelties — that his people only shot at their enemies with their guns, and if they would only permit him to have one shot at the captive with his arquebuse, it was all he would ask. They would not consent to this ; and, unable longer to endui-e the sight, he turned away with dis- gust. Perceiving his disquietude, they called him back, telling him to do as he had desired. He hereupon discharged his arquebuse at the sufferer with such effect, that, as Charlevoix intimates in describing this scene, he had no occasion for desiring a second shot Even now that their victim was dead, they were not satisfied, but, ripping him open, they threw his entrails into the lake, and then cut off his head, arms and legs, preserving only his scalp, which they added to the number they had taken from those who had been killed in the battle. More atrocious still, they took his heart, and cutting it into a number of slices, gave a piece to one of his own brothers, and to each of the other pris- oners, ordering them to eat it These put it into their mouths, but were unable to swallow it ; whereupon, some of the Algonquin Indians who guarded the prisoners, allowed them to spit out the whole aud throw it into the water." * Champlain died at Quebec, in December. 1634 — one hundred years alter Cartier had discovered the St. Lawrence. He was governor of FEEXOn WARFARE WITH THE INDIANS. 29 From this period, an implacable war was carried on by the Iroquois aga'inst the Canadian settlements on the St. Lawrence. For a time, the conduct, the bravery, and especially the fire-arms of the French, proved an overmatch for the skill and intrepidity of the Five Na- tions, who were defeated in several battles, and reduced to great distress. It was at this critical juncture, that the first Dutch ship arrived in the Hudson river, with the colonists who established themselves at Albany. The Iroquois, easily procuring from these neighbors a supply of that species of arms to which alone their enemies had been indebted for their superiority, re- vived the war with so much impetuosity and success, that the nation of the Adirondacks was completely an- nihilated ; and the French too late discovered, that they had espoused the fortunes of the weaker people.* Canada from 1610 until the time of Lis death, with the exception of three years, during which period the English liad possession of the country. By his arduous efforts, Quebec, as early as J626, began to assume the appearance of a city. That year a stone fortress was built, and the colony was rapidly growing into power. Champlain died after having been more than thirty years a resident of Canada. He is repre- sented by the writers of that time, as a man of much penetration, activ- ity and intrepidity. He could not have succeeded in establishing a new city and colony in the midst of a populous, warlike, and savage nation, if he had lacked great ability, enterprise and courage. He was a man of eminent piety, and zealous in the propagation of the Catholic faith. He often said, "the salvation of one soul was of more value than the conquest of an empire." * One of the stratagems of the Five Nations is worthy of mention. At one time they sent the French a proposal for a peace, to which the latter readily inclined, and requested the Indians to receive a deputation of Jesuits, whose exertions, it was expected, would conciliate their sin- cere fjiendship. The Five Nations willingly agreed, and desired to see the priests immediately ; but the instant they got hold of them, they 30 ETHAN ALLEN AND GliEEN-ilOCNTAIN HEKOES. Hence originated the mutual dread and enmity that so long subsisted between the Freneh and confederated Indians, and entailed so many calamities upon both. The French colony, being in extreme distress, solic- ited aid from the mother country. Two regiments were sent Mit by the king, and thus strengthened, Courcelles, governor of Canada, dispatched a party by the way of Lake Champlain, in the winter of 1665, to attack the Five Kations. The French, less accustomed to the climate, and less acquainted with the country than their savage enemies, attempted vainly to imitate their rapid and secret movements. They lost their way among the wastes of snow, and often enduring the greatest misery, arrived, without knowing where they were, at the village of Schenectady, which a Dutch- man of consideration, named Corlear, had recently founded. The French, exhausted and stupefied with cold and hunger, resembled rather an army of beggars, than of hostile invadei-s, and would have fVdlen an easy prey to a body of Indians who were in the village, if Corlear, touched with compassion at their miserable appearance, had not employed both influence and arti- fice with the Indians, to persuade them to spare their unfortunate enemies, and depart to defend their own people, against a more formidable attack in a difierent quarter, which he led them to expect. When the In- dians were gone, Corlear and his townsmen gave re- freshments to the famishing Frenchmen, and supplied them with provisions and other necessaries to carry marched to attack the Indian allies of the French, and talcing the pries*a ■with them as hostages, to enforce the neutrality of tlieir countrymen, gave the Adiroiidacks a signal defeat. FRENCH EXPEDITION AGAINST THE MOHAWKS. 31 them home : Jiaving taught them, by a sensible lesson, tliat it is the mutual duty of men to mitigate by kind- ness and charity, instead of aggravating by ambition and ferocity, the ills that arise from the rigors of climate and the frailty of human nature. The French governor expressed much gratitude for Corlear's* kind- ness, and the Indians never resented his benevolent stratagem. The names of two of the officers of Cour- celles in this expedition are perpetuated, the one by the Sorel river, the other by the town of Chambly. To retrieve the misfortunes of their winter expedi- tion, the French, in the spring of 1666, with all the militia of Canada, amounting to twenty companies of foot, mar<;hed into the Mohawk country. The expedi- tion was attended with great expense and fatigue, being continued for more than seven hundred miles through an uncultivated and hostile country ; and failed in materially harassing the Indians. At the ap- proach of the French, the savages easily found places of safety by retiring into the woods and swamps, where the French armies could not follow them. The result, however, was fovorable to the cause of peace. " This man enjoyed great influence with the Indians, who, after his death, always addressed the governors of N'ew York with the title of Corlear, an expression, in their view, significant of kindness, friendship, and confidence. Grateful for his unexpected, if not undeserved hospi- tality, Courcelles invited Corlear to visit him in Canada. The invitation was accepted, but on his journey thither, this noble man was unfortu- nately drowned in Lake Champlain. The lake in which he perished, the Indians afterward called Corlear's Lake, by which name it was commonly known among the English and Dutch, for many years. The erroneous idea, that Champlain perished in the lake which beare his name, waa obviously derived from this incident. fS2 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MO L'NTAIN HEROES. The French, exhausted with the expense and fatigac of the campaign, and mortified by their want of suc- cess, did not wish to repeat the experiment of another expedition into the Indian territory. The Indians were not pleased to see the war bronght into the heart of their own territory, and were not jet able to oppose a large body of liien armed and disciplined in the European manner, with much prospect of success. And at length, after a long period of severe but inde- cisive hostilities, both parties, wearied of war, but not exhausted of animosity, agreed to a general peace, which was concluded in the year 166T. Thus, for the first time, the blessings of complete peace were real- ized by the French colonies. During the partial cessation of hostilities between the French and Indians, for almost twenty years, the former, by insidious artifices, did much to influence the Indians against the English settlers in iSTew Eng- land, and doubtless afforded them aid in their bar- barous warfare upon the English settlements. The French, whose suppleness of character and demeanor"^ was always more acceptable to the Indians in their native condition, than the grave, unbending spiiit of the English, found it easier to cultivate and employ, than to check or eradicate the treachery and cruelty * A curious instance of the complaisance of the French, is related V>y Oldmixon in his account of the sa7ao;es who were greatly charmed ■with the good breeding of the French, in alwiys appearing perfectly nalie"TAm HEEOES. encompassed by -water on three of its sides. On thia spot, now called Crown Point, the French erected a fort sufficientlj strong to resist any force that could be suddenly or easily brought against it, and gave it the name of St. Frederick. The land on which it was erected properly belonged to the Six Nations ; but it was claimed by the government of IsTew York, and had been granted by one of their governors, so early as 1696, to Dellius, the Dutch minister of Albany. The designs of the French, and the dangerous consequences attending the erection of their new fort, were well un- derstood in the English colonies. The Massachusetts government was not a little alarmed. Mr. Belcher, the governor, gave the first information to the gov- ernment of 'New York, of the French proceedings. Still, through the passiveness of the council, the French were suflered to advance nearly two hundred miles toward Albany, and to erect a fortress which would enable them, in any future war, to make their assaults with safety and success upon the frontier settlements of ISTew York, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire. The war which had so long distressed the frontiers of Massachusetts and jS^ew Hampshire, effectually j^re- vented the progress of settlements to the north and west. From 1703 to 1713, the inhabitants being constantly harassed by calls for military service, agri- culture was suffered to languish, many people were killed or captured, a heavy public debt was incurred, and the population of the country was vastly below what it would have been, had an uninterrupted peace been maintained. According to Hutchinson, from 1675, the beginning of Philip's war, to 1713, five or POPULATION OF THE COU^'TKY. 59 BIX thousand of the youth of the country had been destroyed by the enemy, or diseases contracted by the war ; nine in ten of these would have been fathers of families, and, in the course of forty years, must have multiplied to near one hundred thousand. The north- ern and western part of "New York was a wilderness, little known to the English. !N^or was the war less embarrassing to the progress of settlements and population in Canada. In 17.14, the whole number of inhabitants, from fourteen to sixty years of age, able to bear arms, was four thousand four hundred and eighty -four. The standing forces at that time were twenty-eight companies of marines, paid by the king, containing six hundred and twenty eight men ; but the Indians were numerous, always ready to turn out on short notice, and as they were fre- quently led by daring French officers, their incursions were generally attended with distressing consequences. Kelieved from the war, the inhabitants of JSTew England now turned their attention to their internal affairs, and the improvement of their plantations ; and the settlers who had been shut up in fortified houses, or driven from their plantations, now flattered them- selves that they should not again be molested by the Indians. But this was a vain hope, for a renewal of war between England and France must necessarily produce hostilities between their colonies, and all the horrors of savage war must be again sustained. A fleet sufficient to block up the St. Lawrence, and a small invading army by Lake Champlain under an able commander, would have put an end to the embar rassments so long suffered by the English colonies. GO ETHAN ALLEN AND UKKEX-ilOtJATAiX HEKOKS. During the calm which followed the peace of Utrecht, the English colonies increased their settlements north and west. jSTew York, Massachusetts, and jSTew Hamp- shire extended their grants of land into the present limits of the state of Yermont. Fort Dummer was erected by Massachusetts in 1724, on the west bank of the Connecticut river, near the place where the vil- lage of Brattleborough has siiice grown up, and was thus named in compliment to Mr. Dummer, lieutenant- governor of Massachusetts. Other forts were built in its immediate vicinity on the east bank of the Con- necticut, and many families settled near them on both sides of the river. These pioneers were considerably harassed by a war, which raged principally in Xew Hampshire, between the whites and Indians, and which was generally known as "Lovewell's war," from the name of a successful leader of the English. The In- dians were said to have been instigated by Sebastian Kolle, a Jesuit, wlio had long been settled among them, and possessed great influence with several tribes.* The war was begun in 1723, and concluded in 1725. * Rolle was slain in battle, while fighting against the English. He liad been a very active agent in, if not the principal cause of the war, and his death was considered a very auspicious event, by the English. It must be acknowledged, however, that he was a loss to the literaiy world. Previous to his residence at Nonidgewock, he had spent six years in traveling among the various tribes in the interior of America, and he had learned most of their languages. He was nearly forty yeara a missionary, twenty-six of which he had spent at N'oiTidgewock among the Indians ; and with their manners and customs he had become inti- mately acquainted. His letters on various subjects, evince that he was a man of superior natural powers, which had beeu improved by an edu- cation in a college of Jesuits in Europe, With the learned languages he was thoroughly acquainted, and by his assiduity, he had taught many LOIJISBOUEG. 61 In 1744, England again declared war against France and Spain, which again involved the colonies in hos- tilities with the enemies of the mother country and their Indian allies. The savages took np the hatchet with great alacrity, and the frontier posts suffered severely. Commerce, in general, and especially the fisheries, suffered great injury from privateers fitted out at Louisbourg, a French port on Cape Breton. Its situation gave it such importance, that nearly six millions of dollars had been expended on its fortifi- cations. The place was deemed so strong as to de- serve the appellation of the Dunkirk of America. In peace, it was a safe retreat for the ships of France, bound homeward from the East and West Indies. In war, it gave the French the greatest advantages for ruining the fishery of the northern English colonies, and endangered the loss of I^ova Scotia. The reduc- tion of this place was, for these reasons, an object of the highest imjportance to New England ; and Mr. of his converts to read and write, and to coiTespond with him in their own language. With the principal clergymen of Boston, he held a cor- respondence in Latin. He possessed great skill in controversy, and made some attempts at Indian poetry. By a compliance with the In- dian mode of life, and a gentle, condescending deportment, he had gained the affections of the savages; But he used the offices of devotion as incentives to Indian ferocity, and even kept a flag, on which was de- picted a cross surrounded by bows and anows, which he used to hoist on a pole at the door of his church when he gave the Indians absolution, previous to their engaging in any enteiprise. A dictionary of the NoiTidgewock language, composed by him, was found among his papers, which is now deposited in the library of Harvard college. It is a quarto volume of five hundred pages. Rolle was in the sixty-seventh year of his age when he was killed. His natural son, by an Indian woman who had served him as a laundress, was also slain during the war. G2 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOrNTAIN HEKOES. Vaughan of New Hampshire, who liad often visited that place as a trader, conceived the project of an expedition .against it. He communicated it to Gov- ernor Shirley, and being ardent and enthusiastic, con- vinced him that the enterprise was practicable, and inspired him with his own enthusiasm. Early in Jan- uary, 1745, before he received any answer to the communications he had sent to England on the sub- ject, he requested of the members of the general court, that they would lay themselves under an oath of profound secrecy in regard to a proposal of very great importance. They readily took the oath, and he communicated to them the plan which he had formed of attacking Louisbourg. The proposal was at first rejected, but it was finally carried by a, ma- jority of one. Letters were immediately dispatcher' to all the colonies, as far as Pennsylvania, request ing their assistance, and an embargo on their ports Forces were j)romptly raised, and William Pepperrel'i was appointed commander of the expedition. This officer, with several transports, sailed from l^antucket on the 24th of March, and arrived at Canso on the 4th of April. Here the troops, joined by those of ISJ'ew Hampshire and Connecticut, amounting collec- tively to upward of four thousand, were detained three weeks, waiting for the ice, which environed the island of Cape Breton, to be dissolved. At length Commodore Warren, agreeably to orders from England, arrived at Canso in the Superbe, of sixty guns, with three other ships of forty guns each ; and, after a consultation with the general, proceeded to cruise before Louisbourg. The general soon after sailed with SIEGE OF LOTJISBOUKG. 63 the whole fleet ; and on the 30th of April, coining to anchor at Chapeaurouge Bay, landed his troops. Lieutenant-colonel Yaughan conducted the first col- umn through the woods within sight of Louisbourg, and saluted the city with three cheers. At the head of a detachment, chiefly of the New-Hampshire troops, he marched in the night to the north-east part of the harbor, where they burned the warehouses containing the naval stores, and staved a large quantity of wine and brandy. The smoke of this fire, driven by the wind into the grand battery, so terrified the French that, spiking the guns, they abandoned it and re- tired to the city. The next morning, Yanghan took possession of the deserted battery ; but the most difiicult labors of the siege remained to be performed. The cannon were to be drawn nearly two miles over a deep morass, within gun-shot of the enemy's prin- cipal fortifications ; and for fourteen nights the troops, with straps over their shoulders, sinking to their knees in mud, were employed in this arduous ser- vice. The approaches were then begun in the mode which seemed most proper to the shrewd understand- ings of untaught militia. Those ofiicers who were skilled in the art of war, talked of zig-zags and epauleraents ; but the troops made themselves merry with the terms, and proceeded in their own way. By the 20th of May, they had erected five batteries, one of which mounted five forty-two-pounders, and did great execution. Meanwhile, the fleet cruising in the harbor had been equally successful ; it cap- tured a French ship of sixty-four guns, loaded with stores for the garrison, to whom the loss was as 64: ETHAN AX.LEN AOT) GEEEK-MOIJNTAIN HEROES. distressing as to the besiegers the capture was for- tunate. Euglisli ships of war were, besides, con- tinually arriving, and added such strength to the fleet, that a combined attack upon the town was resolved upon. Discouraged by these adverse events and menacing appearances, Duchambon, the French commander, determined to surrender ; and. on the 16th of June, 1745, articles of capitulation were signed. After the surrender of the city, the French flag was kept flyiilg on the ramparts, and several rich prizes were thus decoyed. Two East-Indiamen, and one South Sea shij), valued at six hundred thousand pounds, were taken by the squadron at the mouth of the harbor. This expedition was one of the most remarkable events in the history of JS^orth America. It was not less hazardous in the attempt, than successful in the execution. It displayed the enterprising spirit of New England ; and though it enabled Britain to purchase a peace, yet it excited her envy and jeal- ousy against the colonies, by whose exertions it was acquired. The intelligence of this event spread rap- idly through the colonies, and difiiised universal joy. "Well might the citizens of- New England feel some- what elated. Without even a suggestion from the mother country, they had projected, and with but comparatively little assistance achieved, an enterprise of vast importance to her and to them. Tlieir com- merce and fisheries were now secure, and their mari- time cities relieved from all fear of attack from a quarter recently so great a source of dread and d Iscomfort. FEENCH FLEET DISPEESED. 65' Fired with resentment at their loss, the French made extraordinary exertions to retrieve it, and to inflict chastisement on ISTew England. The next summer they dispatched to the American coast a powerful fleet, carrying a large number of soldiers. The news of its approach spread terror throughout New England but an uncommon succession of disasters deprived it of all power to inflict injury. After remaining a short time on the coast, it returned to France, hav- ing lost two admirals, both of whom, it was supposed, put an end to their lives through chagrin ; having also, by tempests, been reduced to one-half of its former force, without efiecting any of the objects anticipated. In former wars, several routes had been traversed by the enemy in approaching the frontiers of the New- England colonies from Canada. One by the river St. Francis through Lake Memphremagog,* thence over portages to the Pasumsic river, which empties into the Connecticut at Barnet. Another was through Lake Chamj)lain by the present town of Whitehall, thence up Wood or Pawit creek, and over the Green Moun- tains to the Connecticut. Otter creek, the Winooski, Lamoille and White rivers, emptying into Lake Cham- plain, were also frequented routes in passing over the Green Mountains to the corresponding rivers on its eastern slope emptying into the Connecticut. All portions of that territory were therefore familiar to the * This lake is thirty miles long, and two or three in width. It lies mostly in Canada, but the south end extends into Ycrniont. The Indian words from which its name is derived are Mcm-ploic-bouquc, signifying a large expanse of water. — See Thompson's Gazetteer. 6o ETHAIT ALLEN AIvD GEEEN-3I0UNTAIN HEKOES. French, and as the scouting parties of the English wore also penetrating northward to intercept the en- emy, Yermont, which had been the highway of war parties, became the scene of many fierce and bloody affrays. The French fortress of St. Frederick, (called afterward, by the English, Crown Point.) afforded great facilities for sudden and successful attacks upon the English settlements. The history of a war on the fron- tiers is little else than the recital of the exploits, the sufferings, and the deliverance of individuals, of sin- gle families, or, at most, of small parties. The first incursion of the Indians was at the "great meadow," (now Putney, Yt.,) a few miles above Fort Dummer. They killed a few individuals at various times, and carried others into captivity. One case of heroism is mentioned with pride. Two Indians captured "^""11- liam Phi23ps in his field. After they had conducted him some distance, the Indians being some distance apart, Phipps knocked down the nearest Indian with his hoe, and, seizing his gun, shot the other. But, on returning to the fort, he fell into the hands of three other Indians, who killed him. In August, 1746, a party of nine hundred French and Indians attacked Fort Massachusetts, near the south-west corner of Yermont. The garrison consisted of only twenty-two men, under the command of Ser- geant Hawks. Notwithstanding the inferiority of his force, this brave oflicer, knowing the character of the French commander, resolved to defend the place to the last extremity. For twenty-eight hours, with small-arms only, and a scanty supply of ammunition, he resisted the efforts of the enemy, and kept them at HEROISM OF SERGEANT BAWKS. 67 a respectful distance. Habituated to sharp-shooting, the garrison, singled out the assailants jrt'-herever they exposed themselves, and brought them down at long shot. Instances occurred in which the enemy were thus killed, at the extraordinary distance of sixty rods; and they often fell when they supposed them- selves in perfect security. Having at length exj)ended most of his ammunition, the brave commander reluc- tantly consented to submit, and a capitulation w'as agreed upon, by which the gan-ison were to remain prisoners of war until exchanged or redeemed, to be humanely treated, and to be shielded from the cruelty of the Indians. Yaudreuil, in violation of the articles of capitulation, delivered one half of the captives into the hands of the irritated Indians. Hawks * lost but one man during the siege, but the enemy, according to information afterward obtained, had forty-seven killed or badly wounded. In the mean time, Shirley, having effected the con- quest of Louisbourg, which must ever remain one of the hardiest enterprises recorded in military annals, determined on the conquest of Canada. His plan, like all previous ones for the accomplishment of that purpose, contemplated a simultaneous attack on Quebec by a fleet, and an expedition by the way of Lake Champlain against Crown Point and Montreal. Like the others, ill-success attended this enterprise. * Sergeant Hawks rose to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the army, in the war of 1755, and was at the attack on Ticonileroga in 1758, and •with the army in the conquest of Canada. Bold, hardy, and enterpnsing, he acquired the confidence and esteem of hia superior officers, and was intrasted with important commands. He was no less valued bj the in- habitants of Deerficld, his native town, for his civil qualities. 68 ETHAX ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIX HEKOES. Earl J in the year 1T47, the fort at K^umber i\ t,v' (now Charlestown,) near Fort Dummer, was attacked by a party of three hundred French and Indians, nnder the command of a Frenchman named Debeline. It was defended by Captain Phinehas Stevens, and thirty men. The fort being constructed of combustible materials, the enemy believed it possible to set it on fire, and thereby compel the garrison to surrender without further opposition. To effect this, the neigh- boring fences, and a log hut about forty rods to wind- ward, were soon set on fire, and as the wind was strong, the fiames approached, and covered the fort with a dense body of smoke, through which was heard the terrifying yell of the savages, and a constant roar of musketry. Undaunted, the brave little garrison resolved to defend their post to the last extremity, and a novel scheme was adopted to extinguish the approaching flames, which now began to threaten its destruction. By great exertions, no less than eleven trenches, or subterranean galleries, were carried under the walls, of such a depth that men standing in them to extinguish the fire on the exterior walls, were completely protected from the shot of the enemy. Buckets of water, from a well within, were handed to the men, who kept the parapet constantly moist- ened. Several hundred barrels were thus expended, and the fort rendered perfectly secure from the ap- proaching flames. In the mean time, a brisk fire was continued upon the enemy, when they could be distinguished through the smoke. Thus baflied in his plan, Debeline resolved to carry the place by other means ; a sort of carriage was prej)ared, loaded DEFENSE OF NUMBER FOUR. 60 with burning fagots, and forced toward the fort ; flaming arrows were also tried, but his eiforts to fire the i^lace proved abortive. On the second daj, De- beline proposed a cessation of hostilities until sunrise the jiext morning, to which Stevens assented ; and in the morning, before the time had expired, Debelino approached with fifty men, under a flag, which he planted within twenty rods of the fort. A jsarley was then agreed on, and Stevens admitted a lieutenant and two men into the fort as hostages, and the same number were sent out to Debeline, who demanded that the garrison should lay down their arms, pack uj) their provisions in blankets, surrender the fort, and be conducted prisoners to Montreal ; and Ste- vens was requested to meet him without the fort, and give an answer. Stevens accordingly met the French commander, but before he had time to return his answer, Debeline threatened that if the terms were rejected, the fort should be stormed, and in case any of his men should be killed, the garrison should be put to the sword. Stevens coolly replied, that as he had been intrusted by his government with the command of the fort, he should hearken to no terms, until he was satisfied that he could no longer defend it. Stevens returned to the fort and found his men unanimously determined to defend the place or die in the attempt. This resolution was communicated to the French commander about noon ; the hostages were exchanged, and the firing was renewed with a shout from the Indians, and it continued until day- light the next moj-ning, when Stevens was familiarly saluted with a "good morning" from the enemy, and 70 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES, a proposition was made for a cessation of arms for two hours. Soon after, two Indians approached with a flag, and promised that if Stevens would sell them provisions, thej would leave the place without further efforts. In reply, they were told that five bushels of corn would be given for each captive in Canada, for whom they should give hostages, to remain until the captives should be delivered. In the attack which continued three days, thousands of balls were poured upon the fort, yet not a man of the garrison wag killed, and only two wounded. Debeline, convinced that he could not operate upon the fears of his enem}^, or gain possession of the place without an assault, continued a distant fire a short time ; then reluctantly withdrew from the fort. When the intelligence of this brave defense was received at Boston, Commo- dore Sir Charles Knowles, who happened to be at that station, was so highly gratified at the conduct of Stevens, that he sent him an elegant sword ; and Number Four, when incorporated into a town in 1753, was called after the commodore's name, Charles- town. It should have been named after its heroic defender. Although baffled in their attempt on Number Four,* Debeline's forces remained on the frontiers, divided into small parties, and were engaged in several severe skirmishes with the hard}' English pioneers. Fort Dummer, Bridgman's fort, and others, were the scenes of some of these affrays. Others occurred with bands * This -was one of the four townships gi-anted on the east side of the Connecticut by Massachusetts, and then distinguished by no other name than their Tvumber, BATTLE NEAR FOKT DUMMDE. 71 of colonial rangers, who made frequent excursions over the Green Mountains, and sometimes to the vicinity of Crown Point. One of these bands of rangers, con- sisting of forty men, under the command of Captain Hobbs, met the enemy twelve miles west of Fort Dummer, The latter, one hundred and fifty in num- ber, were commanded by a half-breed named Sackett. Confident of victory from their immense superiority in number, the enemy rushed up impetuously, but were checked by the well-directed fire of Hol»bs. The two commanders had been known to each other in time of peace, and were celebrated for their intrepidity. Sackett, who could speak English, in a stentorian voice frequently called upon Hobbs to surrender, and threat- ened, in case of refusal, to rush in and sacrifice his men with the tomahawk, Hobbs, in tones which shook the forest, as often returned a defiance, and urged Ill's enemy to put his threat in execution. The action continued with undaunted resolution, and, not unfre- quently, the enemy approached Hobbs' line, but were driven back to their first j)Osition, by the fatal fire of his sharp-sighted marksmen ; and thus four hours tlapsed without either side giving up an inch of their original ground. At length, finding Hobbs determined on death or victory, and that his own men had sufiered peverely, Sackett ordered a retreat, carrying ofi' his dead and wounded, and leaving his antagonist to con- tin no his march without further molestation. In ]S[ovember, 1747, a descent was made upon Sara- t':>ga, where about thirty families were collected. A pa.ty of French and Indians concealed themselves near the fort at night. In the morning, a few of the Indians 72 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. aijproached the fort, and were fired upon by the garri- son as soon as they were discovered. The Indians, pretending to be wounded, fell ; then rose up, and, run- ning a short distance, fell again. The English rushed out to take them prisoners, when the French, who had been concealed, surrounded and quickly disarnaed them. Several were massacred and others were carried into caj)tivity.* The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748, again gave peace to the colonies. Prisoners were to be released on both sides without ransom, and all conquests mutually restored. This war had been extremely * TLis expedition was led by the Abbe Picquet, a distinguished Jesuit missionaiy. He was bom_ in 1708. He became veiy celebrated in France, at an early age, and seemed rapidly winning his way to the highest distinction in the church ; but the activity of his zeal induced him to become a missionary among the Indians. He came to America in 1733, and remained thirty years. He established a mission at La Presentation, (now Ogdensburg,) where he also erected a fort. Mills, workshops and trading-houses were completed in rapid succession. Beginning with only six faniilies in 1749, there were ninety the year following, and four hun- dred in 1751. His industry and energy were remarkable. He labored from three o'clock in the morning until nine ai nights His disinterest- edness was extreme. He supported himself by his own exertions, having a daily allowance of only two pounds of bread and a half-poundrof pork fi'om the government ; which caused the savages to say, on an occasion when they gave him a deer and some pailridges, "We doubt not. Father, but that there have been disagreeable expostulations in your stomach, because you have had nothing but pork to eat. Here's something to put yonr affairs in order." Picquet had the address to attach the Six Na- tions to the French interests. Three thousand of these Indians were in hm colony. He afterward distinguished himself in the war which re- sulted in the conquest of Canada. When, in 1760, he saw that all was lost, he went to New Orleans by the way of the lakes and the Missis- sippi, and about two years afterward he returned to France, and died in 1781. FRENCH EKCKOACHMENTS. 73 disastroiis to the colonies. Many lives were lost, tho increase of population was checked, great losses were sustained in the commercial interests of the country, and a burdensome debt of several millions had been incurred. With the return of peace, however, com- merce revived, the settlements began to extend, and public credit was restored. But only a brief interval of repose was allowed to the colonies. In 1756, eight years from the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, Great Britain again declared war against France, on the ground of the encroachments of the French upon the English territories in America. Some years previous to this' war, the French had com- menced a chain of posts, designed to extend from the bead of the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi, with a view to maintain a communication between their northern possessions and Louisiana. In 1750, the English government granted a large tract of land on the Ohio river to an association called the Ohio com- l^any, formed for the purpose of settling the country, and carrying, on a trade in furs with the Indians. The French governor of Canada, apprehending both the loss of the fur trade and the interruption of his com- munications with Louisiana, claimed the whole country between the Ohio and the Alleghanies, and prohibited the further encroachments of the English. He also opened a new communication between Lake Erie and the Ohio, and stationed troops at posts along the line. The Ohio company, thus threatened in their trade, persuaded Governor Dinwiddle of Yirginia, in 1753, to send a remonstrance to the French commandant. Geokge Washington was the bearer. The commandant 4c 74 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOCNTAIN EEfiOES. returned for answer that he had taken possession of the country by order of the governor-general of Can- ada, whose orders alone he could regard. The British government, on learning the claim set up bj the French, directed the Virginians to resist it by force. In 1754, an expedition was conducted against the French by "Washington ; but the superior force of the enemy obliged him to capitulate, with the privilege of returning with his troops to Yirginia. This was prop- erly the commencement of what is commonly styled the French wm\ although the formal declaration was not made till 1756. In the nnean time, the British government recommended the colonies to unite for their common defense. A convention of delegates from all the northern colonies accordingly met at Al- bany in 1754, and adopted a plan of union ; but it was rejected both by the provincial assemblies and by the home government : by the former because it gave too much power to the crown, and by the latter because it gave too little. The substance of the plan was the formation of a grand council, consisting of delegates from the several colonies, subject to the control of a president-general to be appointed by the crown, whose assent should be essential to the adoption of any meas- ure of policy. This council, it was proposed, should have power to enact general laws, apportion the quotas of men and money to be raised by each colony, deter- mine the building of forts, regulate the operations of armies, and concert all measures for their common protection and safety. It is worthy of remark that this plan of union was perfected on the fourth of July, the day which afterward became so memorable in our EXPEDITION AQAIKST CKOWN POINT. 75 history. In the spring of 1755, vigorous preparations ■were made for carrying on the war. An expedition under General Braddock, directed against the French on the Ohio, was unfortunate. Owing to the arrogance and rashness of the commander, the British troops were surprised and defeated, with great loss, by a very inferior force of French and Indians. General Brad- dock was mortally wounded, and the conduct of the retreat devolved on "Washington, who was in command of the colonial militia, and by whom the army was saved fi-om total destruction. In connection with Braddock's expedition against Fort Du Quesne, two others were concerted : one against Fort ^'iagara and Frontignac, to be com- manded by Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, and one against Crown Point, to be commanded by Gen- eral "William Johnson. The former of these met with BO many delays, that when it arrived at Oswego, the season was so far advanced, that j)rudence forbade the further prosecution of the enterprise. The forces destined to attack Crown Point, with the requisite military stores, could not be collected at Albany until the last of August, 1755. Thence the army under command of General Johnson, pro- ceeded to the south end of Lake George,* designing to proceed to the outlet of the lake at Ticonderoga, and there erect a fort to aid in the operations against Crown Point. There he learned that an armament, fitted out in France, had eluded an English squadron * Until tills time the lake had been called St. Sacrament, but Johnson gave it the name of Lake George. Recently, effoi-ts have been made to restore to this beautiful lake the original Indian name of Horicon» Tb ETHJLN ALLEN AND QEEEN-MOTTNTAIN HEROES. sent to intercept it, and had arrived at Quebec ; and that Baron Dieskau, commander of the Erench forces, was rapidly advancing to the defense of Crown Point. Finding that no immediate attack would be made by the English, and being informed that Johnson's camp was not strongJy fortified, Dieskau resolved on march- ing toward the English lines. An express that had been sent out by Johnson, returned about midnight, bringing word that the enemy was within four miles of Eort Edward, apparently intending to attack that post. It was probably only a detached party of In- dians that had been seen by the express. This mis- information caused a severe disaster. A council of officers was assembled, who advised that a force should be sent to intercept the enemy, whether de- feated or victorious, when on his way back from Fort Edward. Colonel Ephraim "Williams, with a thousand troops, and Hendrick, a celebrated Indian chief, with two hundred Indians, Were accoi'dingly detached for this purpose, on the morning of September 8th. They had proceeded but four miles, when they encountered the enemy. Dieskau, informed by his runners of their approach, had halted and prepared for their reception, forming his forces in a semicircle, the ends of which were far in advance of the center, and con- cealed from view by the forest. Into this ambuscade the detachment marched, wholly unsuspicious that any enemy was within several miles. Suddenly the war-whoop resounded in every direction, and a gall- ing fire was opened all along the front and- left side of the column. Williams, to obtain a more defensible position, ordered his men to ascend the rising ground VICTORY OF GENEKAL JOHNSON. 77 on their right. But this only brought them upon tho other wing of the French line. Both Williams and Ilendrick, with numbers of their followers, fell, and a confused retreat ensued. A large portion of these troops were from western Massachusetts, and there were few families in that district who did not mourn the loss of relatives or friends who w^ere cut off in " the bloody morning scout at Lake George," as this encounter was familiarly designated.* As the firing came nearer, it was manifest that Williams was defeated ; and three hundred men un- der Colonel Cole, were sent out to cover the retreat. The discomfited soldiers soon began to arrive in large bodies, and at length, Dieskau's troops made their appearance. The order and regularity with which the grenadiers advanced in platoons, with their bur- nished muskets glittering in the sun, we can readily imagine caused no small trepidation among the raw troops of which Johnson's force was composed. Fortu nately, a considerable pause was mado by the French before commencing the attack, enabling the men measurably to recover from their panic, and when once engaged, they fought with the calmness and resolution of veterans. The camp was assailed by the grenadiers in front, and by the Canadians and Indians upon both flanks. But a few discharges of artillery against these last, caused them to fall back and secrete themselves behind logs and trees, from whence they afterward mnlntained only an irregular and nearly harmless fire. General Johnson being wounded, was compelled to retire to his tent, and • Fitch's History of "Washington County 78 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-ilOUNTAJN HEEOES. the commaud subsequently devolved upon General Lyman, who several times stationed himself in front of the breastwork, the better to inspirit the men and direct their movements. For nearly four hours the battle lasted ; and the assailed still standing firm at every point, Dieskau was constrained to order a re- treat. This order appears to have been obeyed with more alacrity than any that had been given for some time previous. So hastily did the men withdraw, that their leader, having been wounded in his foot, was unable to keep pace with them. Reclining against a stump to obtain temporary relief from his pain and fatigue, he was discovered by a provincial soldier. Dieskau, to propitiate the soldier, was about drawing out his watch to present to him ; whereupon the soldier, deeming he was searching for a pistol, discharged his musket at the baron, giving him a grievous wound in the hip, of which be died twelve years afterward. The French retreated to the ground where the forenoon engagement had occurred, and there paused for the night, searching out the bodies of the slain, and rifling them of whatever they found of value upon them.* , This victory revived the spirits of the colonists, depressed by the recent defeat of General Braddock ; but the success was not improved by General John- son. With an apathy quite unaccountable, he failed to follow up his victory, and drive the French from Lake Champlain, as he might easily have done. The remainder of the campaign was employed in the erection of Fort William Henry, at the head of Lake • Fitcli's History of V»'aslungton County REVIEW OF THE CAMPAIGN OF l^^SS. 79 George. In the fall his army was discharged, with the exception of six hundred men who occupied the forts on the frontier. The French retained possession of Ticonderoga,* and fortified it. Thus ended the campaign of 1755. It opened with the brightest pros- pects: immense preparations had been made, yet not one of the objects of the three principal expe- ditions had been attained ; and, by this failure, the whole frontier was exposed to the ravages of the Indians, which were accompanied by their usual acts of barbarity. The expedition under Braddock had been conducted with extreme imprudence and rash- ness, and had terminated in defeat and disgrace. The movement against ISTiagara, under Shirley, had been too extensive in its plan to be concluded in one campaign ; and at the northward, Baron Dieskau had given Johnson an opportunity to gain a victory without leaving his camp or exposing himself to danger. The army under General Johnson, on the frontiers of New York, although it checked incursions to the north-west quarter of Massachusetts, afforded but lit- tle security to the frontiers on Connecticut river. The St. Francis tribe of Indians, commanding an easy route through Lake Memphreraagog and several neighboring streams, made frequent inroads, and killed many persons. But the most disastrous affair that occurred on Connecticut river, was at Bridgman's • The original Indian name was Cheonderoga, signifying noisy, in reference to the rush of waters at the outlet of Lake George. It was at first called by the French Carillon, a word havmg the same signifi- cation as the Indian name. 80 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. Fort. A fortified house had been destroyed at the same place in 1747, and another was built soon after, and is still standing in Yernon, Yt. The Indians found the men belonging to this fort at work in a field, and shot them. Three women, with eleven children, were taken prisoners and carried to Crown Point. Another band of Indians, the year previous, had captured several persons at Number Four, and had taken them to Canada. Among these prisoners was a Mrs. Johnson, who, on the second day's journey, gave birth to a daughter, and named her Captive* In this critical situation, she had little hope of escaping the hatchet ; but, contrary to their usual conduct, the Indians treated her and her infant with tenderness, carrying them part of their route on a litter, and they took much pains in nursing the infant. After a painful captivity, this little band of sufterers was ransomed, and returned again to their friends. The colonies, considerably encouraged by the results of the campaign of 1755, determined to renew and increase their exertions. General Shirley, to whom the superintendence of all the military operations * Captive Johnson was married to Colonel George Kimball, and Tvaa still living a few years ago. At Vernon, near ■where she was born, a monument has been erected, on which is the following inscription : " This is near the spot that the Indians encamped the niglit after they took Mr. Johnson and family, Mr. Labaree and Mr. Farnsworth, August 30th, 1754, and Mrs. Johnson was delivered of her child half a mile up this brook. "When trouble is near the Lord is kind. He hears the Captive's cry ; He can subdue the savage mind, And learn it sympathy." [See Thompson's Gazeteer. OPITN'ING OF THi: CAMPAIGN OF 1756. 81 had been confided, assembled a council of war at New York, to concert a plan for the ensuing year. He proposed tliat expeditions should be carried on against Du Quesne, Niagara, and Crown Point, and that a body of troops should be sent, by the way of the rivers Kennebec and Chaudiere, to alarm the French for the safety of Quebec. This plan was unanimously adopted by the council. Shirley, on the last of January, returned to Boston to meet the as- sembly of Massachusetts, of which colony he was governor. He endeavored to persuade them to con- cur in the measures proposed ; but, disgusted with the proceedings of the last cami3aign, and especially at General Johnson for neglecting to pursue his ad- vantages, they were unwilling to engage in offensive operations, unless the command of their forces should be given to General Winslow, who had acquired popularity by his success in Nova Scotia. Their wishes were complied with, and their concurrence was then granted. In April, news arrived from Great Britain, that the conduct of General Johnson, instead of being censured, was considered highly meritorious ; that, as a reward for his success, the king had conferred upon him the title of baronet, and parliament a grant of five thousand pounds sterling; that his majesty disapproved of the conduct of Shirley, and had determined to remove him from command. This information not being official. Gen- eral Shirley continued his preparations "with his usual activity and zeal. While engaged in collecting at Albany, the troops from the different colonies. General "Webb brongiit from England, official information of 82 ETHAN ALLEN AND GUEEN-ilOtJNTAIN HEEOES. his removal. On the 25th of June, General Aher- croinbie arrived and took command of the army. It now consisted of about twelve thousand men, and was more numerous, and better prepared for the field, than any army that had ever been assembled in America. The change 'of commanders delayed the operations of the English army. The French were active ; and on the 12th of July, General Abercrombie received intelligence that they meditated an attack upon Oswego, a post of the utmost importance. General Webb was ordered to prepare to march with a regi- ment for the defense of that place. In the mean time. Lord Loudon, who had been appointed com- mander-in-chief over all the British forces in the colonies, arrived in America. Amidst the ceremo- nies which followed, the affairs of the war were for- gotten. General Webb did not begin his march until the 12th of August. Before he had proceeded far, he learned that Oswego was actually besieged by a large army of French and Indians. Alarmed for his own safety, he proceeded no further, but employed his troops in erecting fortifications for their defense. General Montcalm, the commander of the French troops in Canada, began the siege of Oswego on the 12th of August. On the lith, the English commander having been killed, terms of surrender were proposed by the garrison, and were agreed to. These terms were shamefully violated. Several of the British offi- cers and soldiers were insulted, robbed, and massa- cred by the Indians. Most of the sick were scalped in the hospitals, and the French general delivered CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1756. 83 owenty of the garrison to the savages, that being the number they had lost during the siege. Those un- happy persons were, doubtless, according to the Indian custom, tortured and burnt. In this expedition the French took fourteen hundred prisoners, and an im- mense quantity of provisions and munitions of war. General "Webb was permitted to retreat, unmolested, to Albany. Lord Loudon pretended it was now too late in the season to attempt any thing further, though the troops under General Winslow were within a few days' march of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and were sufficient in number to justify an attack upon those places. He devoted the remainder of the season to making preparations for an early and vigoro campaign the ensuing year. This spring had opened with still more brilliant prospects than the last ; and the season closed without the occurrence of a single event that was honorable to the British arms, or advantageous to the colonies. This want of success was justly attributed to the removal of the provincial officers, who were well acquainted with the theater of operations, but whom the ministry, desirous of checking the growth of talents in the colonies, were unwilling to employ. Yet the several assemblies, though they saw themselves thus slighted, and their money annually squandered, made all the prepara- tions that were required of them for the next campaign. In the campaign of 1756, two persons, who were destined to win imperishable honor in the war of the Revolution, received their first military discipline. These were Israel Putnam and John Stark. Thero were no great engagements during the year in which 8-1 El^IIAN ALLEN AKD GEEEN-MOCJSTAIN UEK0K8. they could distinguish themselves ; but in the arduous duties of scoitts or rangers, they were emineutly useful, and were soon found to be foremost among the skillful, active and daring. In January, 1757, Major Rogers, in Avhose company of rangers Stark* was a lieutenant, was ordered on a reconnoitering expedition down Lake George toward Ticonderoga. Traveling now on the * Staik was born in New Hampshire, August SSth, 1728. His early life was one of great hardship. In 1752, he was taken prisoner by the Indians, While on a hunting excursion with three other persons, far to the north of the English settlements on the Connecticut, and while sep- arated from his companions, he was seized by a party of ten Indians. On being questioned about his companions, he pointed in a directioa opposite to that which they had taken, and thus succeeded in leading tha Indians two miles out of the way. His companions, unfortunately, be- coming alarmed at his absence, and ignorant of its cause, fired several guns as a signal to him. This betrayed them to the savages. But John had the courage, as the Indians were coming up to them, to hail them and urge them to escape. While they were retreating, four Indians fired upon them, but, at the moment of the discharge, John struck the gun3 of two, and his brother William was by this means enabled to escape. John was severely beaten for this.- When the Indians returned to St. Francis, the captives were compelled to "run the gauntlet." One of them was severely beaten ; but Stark snatched a hatchet from the nearest Indian, and attacked with great fury all who attempted to strike him. This pleased the old men of the tribe, and won Stark much favor. He appears to have caught the humor of the Indians, and to have known how to approach them on the side of their prejudices. On one occasion, he was ordered by them to hoe their corn. Well aware that they regarded labor of this kind as fit only for squaws and slaves, he took care to cut up the corn and spare the weeds, in order to give them a suitable idea oi his want of skiU in unmanly labor. As this experiment upon their good nature did not answer its desired object, he threw his hoe into the river, declaring " it was the business not of warriors, but of squaws to hoe core." This spirited deportment gained him the title of "young chief," and the honor of adoption into the tribe. — See Everett's Life of IS tar k. STAKK IN BATTLE. bO ice and now on snow-shoes, they, on the third day, Crossed to Lake Champlain, and seeing some sleds approach, hastened toward and captured some of them. From the prisoners thej learned there was a large force at Ticonderoga. Knowing that those who escaped would convey intelligence which would speed- ily bring out an overwhelming company in pursuit of him, Rogers directed an immediate return to Fort William Henry. On their way back, tramping over the snow in single file, as the foremost men gained the summit of a hill, they unexpectedly found themselves close upon two hundred of the enemy, who were drawn up in a semicircle to receive them. The rangers re- coiled before the fire that blazed in their very faces, and crimsoning the snow with their blood, they reached the rear under Stark, who was fifteen rods distant on the summit of another hill. They here formed their line, and firmly stood, in snow four feet in depth, and repelled every attack of the enemy from two o'clock until nightfall. Rogers, wounded upon the head, and by a bullet through his wrist, was so disabled tiiat the entire command devolved on Stark. At sunset, some of the men suggested that they ought to make their escape before the piercing cold of the winter's 'night closed upon them ; but Stark, standing himself where the shot fell thickest, and knowing that their safety depended on maintaining their ground till after dark, threatened to shoot the first man who should attempt to fly. Evening came, and the French now abandoned the combat, and withdrew, leaving half their number scattered upon the trampled and blood-stained snow of the hill-side, sleeping that sleep that knows no 80 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. waking. Forty-eight of tlie rangers remained iin- "wounded, and the company now dragged themselves through the woods and snow the livelong night, reaching the shore of Lake George in the morning. All were now quite exhausted with their fatigues, and the wounded were wholly unable to advance further on foot. Stark hereupon generously offered to travel with two others to Fort "William Henry, at the opposite end of the lake, and obtain sleds for conveying the wounded. He accordingly departed, and reached the fort in the evening. The sleds being procured, he immediately set out with them to return to his com- rades, traveling all night and arriving at their bivouac upon the following morning. And finally he drew a loaded sleigh back to the fort, reaching there in the evening. He thus stood out three days and two nights of severe and incessant toil, engaged for nearly four hours in a hot combat, and the remainder of the time in traveling over snow and ice. Such was the future hero of Bennington. At the commencement of the year 1757, a council was held at Boston, composed of Lord Loudon and the colonial governors. At this council, his lordship proposed that New England should raise four thousand troops for the coming campaign, and that ISTew York and New Jersey should supply a proportionate number. These requisitions were complied with, and in the spring he found himself at the head of a very consid- erable army. Admiral Holborn arrived at Halifax m July, with a powerful squadron, and a reinforcement of five thousand men under the command of Lord Howe. Lord Loudon sailed from New York with six thousand CAiirAiGN OF 1757. 87 regulars to join these troops at the place of their ar- rival. Instead of the complex operations undertaken m previous campaigns, he limited his plan to a single object. Leaving the posts on Lake Champlain strongly garrisoned, he resolved to direct his whole disposable force against Louisbourg ; Halifax having been deter- mined on as the place of rendezvous for the fleet and arraj destined for the expedition. Information was soon received, however, that a French fleet had lately sailed from Brest ; that Louisbourg was garrisoned by six thousand regulars exclusive of provincials ; and that it was also defended by seventeen line-of-battle ships which were moored in the harbor. There being no hope of success against so formidable a force, the enterprise was deferred until the next year ; Loudon proceeded to ISTew York, and the colonial troops were dismissed. The Marquis de Montcalm, availing himself of the absence of the principal part of the English force, advanced with an army of nine thousand men, and laid siege to Fort William Henry. Montcalm had won a distinguished reputation on the continent of Europe, and had met with extraordinary success in America. The conquest of Oswego had raised his fame among the Indians, and given him the command of almost all their tribes and commerce. He pursued the advantages he had gained, with much discretion. The garrison at Fort "William Henry consisted of be- tween three and four tliousand regulars under the command of Colonel Monroe, and its fortifications were strong and in good order; and for the additional security of this important post, General "Webb was 88 ETHAN ALLEN AST) GEEEN-MOtTNTAlN HEIJOES. Btationed at Fort Edward with an army of four tbou- Band men. The French commander, however, urged his approaches "with such vigor, that, within six days after the investment of the fort, Colonel Monroe, the commandant, having in vain solicited succor from Gen- eral "VVebb, found it necessary to surrender by capitula- tion. The garrison was to be allowed the honors of war, and to be protected against the Indians until within the reach of Fort Edward ; but the next morn- ing, a great number of Indians, having been permitted to enter the lines, began to plunder ; and meeting with no opposition, they fell upon the sick and wounded, whom they immediately massacred. Their appetite for carnage being excited, the defenseless troops were attacked with fiend-like fury. Monroe in vain im- plored Montcalm to provide the stipulated guard, and the massacre proceeded.- All was turbulence and horror. On every side savages were butchering and scalping their wretched victims. Their hideous yells, the groans of the dying, and the frantic shrieks of others shrinking from the uplifted tomahawk, were heard by the French unmoved. The fury of the sav- ages was permitted to rage without restraint until fifteen hundred were killed, or hurried captives into the wilderness. The day after this awful tragedy. Major Putnam* was sent with his rangers to watch * Israel Putnam -was born at Salem, Massachusetts, January 7th, 1718. Courage, enterprise, activity and perseverance were his prominent char- acteristics. He was also distinguished for a faithful discharge of all the duties of his station, and for the most undeviating principles of honor, humanity and benevolence. In 1739, he removed to PomlVet, Connect- Jcut, where he npplied himself to agricultural pursuits until the opening MASSACRE AT F jRT WILLIAM HFNET. 89 the motions of the enemy. When he came to the shore of the khe, their rear was hardly beyond the reach of musket shot. The prospect was horrible in the extreme ; the fort demolished ; the barracks and buildings yet burning ; innumerable fragments of hu- man carcasses still broiling in the decaying fires ; and dead bodies, mangled with tomahawks and scalping- knives, in all the wantonness of Indian barbai*ity, were everywhere scattered around. Who can forbear exclaiming with the poet, " Man is to man the surest, sorest ill ! " Thus ended the third campaign in America ; happily forming the last of a series of disasters resulting from folly and mismanagement, rather than from want of means and military strength. The successes of the French left the colonies in a gloomy state. By the ac- quisition of Fort William Henry, they had obtained full possession of the Lakes Champlain and George ; and by the destruction of Oswego, they had acquired the dominion over those other lakes which connect the St. Lawrence with the waters of the Mississippi. The first afibrded the easiest admission from the northern colo- nies into Canada, or from Canada into those colonies; the last united Canada to Louisiana. By the continued possession of Fort Du Quesne, they preserved their ascendancy over the Indians, and held undisturbed of the -war with the French in 1755, when he was appointed to the com- mand of a company of rans;ers. His hardy and adventurous disposition always led him to the post of the greatest fatigue and danger, and he often came near falling into the hands of the enemy, or being slain in Lis frequent skirmishes with them. His services during the campaign of 1756, had been rewarded by promotion to the rank of major 90 ETHAX ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. control of the country west of the Alleghany moun- tains. The British nation was alarmed and indignant, and the king found it necessary to change his councils. At the head of the new ministry, he placed the cele- brated William Pitt, afterward earl of Chatham, who was raised by his talents from the humble post of ensign in the guards, to the control of the destinies of a mighty empire ; under his administration public con- fidence revived, and the nation seemed inspired with new life and vigor. He was equally popular in both hemispheres ; and so promptly did the governors of the northern colonies obey the requisitions of his cir^ cular letter of 1757, that by May, in the following year, Massachusetts had seven thousand, Connecticut five thousand, and Is'ew Hampshire three thousand troops, prepared to take the field. The zeal of Massachusetts was particularly ardent. The people of Boston en- dured taxes which took away two-thirds of the income on real estate ; one-half of the effective men in the province were on some sort of military duty ; and the transports for carrying the troops to Halifax were ready to sail in fourteen days from the time of their engagement. The mother countiy was not less active. While her fleets blockaded or captured the French armaments, she dispatched Admiral Boscawen to Halifax with a formidable squadron of ships, and an army of twelve thousand men. Lord Loudon was replaced by General Abercrombie, who, early in the spring of 1758, was ready to enter upon the campaign at the head of fifty thousand men, the most powerful army ever yet seen in America. Li tlie winter of 1757, when Colonel Haviland wa? PUTNAM CONQUEEING FIEE. 91 commandant at Fort Edward, the barracks adjoining the north-west bastion, took fire. They stood but twelve feet from the magazine, which contained three hundred barrels of powder. On its first discovery, the fire raged with great violence. The commandant endeavored in vain, by discharging some pieces of heavy artillery against the supporters of this range of barracks, to level tliera with the ground, Putnam arrived from an island where he was stationed, at the moment when the blaze approached that end which was contiguous to the magazine. With the promptness, energy and daring that always characterized him, Putnam at once made a vigorous attempt to extinguish the conflagra- tion. A way was opened by the postern gate to the river, and the soldiers were employed in bringing water, which he, having mounted on a ladder to the eaves of the building, received and threw upon the flame. « It continued, notwithstanding their utmost eflbrts, to gain upon them. He stood, enveloped in smoke, so near the sheet of flre, that a pair of blanket mittens was burnt entirely from his hands. He was supplied with another pair dipped in water. Colonel Haviland, fearing that he would perish in the flames, called to him to come down ; but he entreated that he might be sufiered to remain, since destruction must inevitably ensue if their exertions should be remitted. The gallant commandant, not less astonished than charmed at the boldness of his conduct, forbade any more effects to be carried out of the fort, animated the men to redoubled diligence, and exclaimed, "If we must be blown up, we will all go together." At last, when the barracks were seen to be tumbling, Putnam 92 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HKEOES. descended, placed himself at the magazine, and contin- ued, from an incessant rotation of replenished backets, to pour water upon its blazing walls. The outside planks were already consumed by -the proximity of the fire, and as only one thickness of timber intervened, the trepi- dation now became general and extreme. Putnam, still undaunted, covered with a cloud of cinders, and scorched with the intensity of the heat, maintained his position until the fire subsided, and the danger was over. He had contended for one hour and a half with that terrible element. His legs, his thighs, his arms, and his face were blistered ; and when he pulled off his second pair of mittens, the skin from his hands and fingers followed them. It was a month before he recovered. The commandant, to whom his merits had before endeared him, could not stifle the emotions of gratitude due to the man who had been instrumental in preserving the magazine, the fort, and the garrison. Three points of attack were involved in the cam- paign of 1758 : Louisbourg, Ticonderoga, and Du Quesne. General Amherst conducted the enterprise against Louisbourg with an army of fourteen thousand men. Prej^arations had been made on such an ex- tensive scale, that the commander at Louisbourg soon saw that all resistance would be in vain, and he accepted terms of capitulation. The command of the St. Lawrence was by this surrender placed in the hands of the English. The expedition against Fort Du Quesne was equally successful ; the garrison es- caping down the Ohio, the evening before the arrival of the British army. The army destined to execute the plans against STORMJKG OF TICO^"T)Er.OGA. 93 Ticonderoga, was commanded by General Abercrom- bie, and consisted of more than fifteen thousand men, attended by a formidable train of artillery. Early in July, the general embarked his troops on Lake George, and commenced operations against Ticonde- roga. After debarkation at the landing-place, in a cove on the west side of the lake, the troops were formed into four columns, the British in the center, and the provincials on the flanks. In this order they marched toward the advanced guard of the French, which, consisting of one battalion only, posted in a logged camp — destroyed what was in their power, and made a precipitate retreat. While Abercrombie was continuing his march in the woods toward Ticonde- roga, the columns were thrown into confusion, and in some degree entangled with each other. At this juncture, Lord Howe, at the head of the right cen- ter column, fell in with a part of the advanced guard of the enemy, which had been lost in the wood in retreating from Lake George, and immediately at- tacked and dispersed it, killing a considerable num- ber, and taking one hundred and forty-eight prisoners. This success was attended by the loss of the gallant nobleman, who fell in leading the attack. The English army, without further opposition, took possession of a post within two miles of Ticonderoga. Abercrom- bie, having learned from the prisoners the strength of the enemy at that fortress, and, from an engineer, the condition of their works, resolved on an imme- diate storm, and made instant disposition for an as- sault. The troops having received orders to march up briskly, rush upon the enemy's fire, and reserve 94 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES, their own till they had passed a breastwork, marched to the assault with great intrejDidity. Unlooked-for impediments, however, occurred. In front of the breastwork, to a considerable distance, trees had been felled with their branches outward, many of which were sharpened to a point, by means of which the assailants were not only retarded in their advance, but, becoming entangled among the boughs, were ex- posed to a very galling fire. Finding it impracti- cable to pass the breastwork, which was eight or nine feet high, and much stronger than had been repre- sented. General Abercrombie, after a contest of near four hours, ordered a retreat, and the next day re- sumed his former camp on the south side of Lake George. In this brave but ill-judged assault, nearly two thousand of the assailants were killed and wounded, while the loss of the enemy, who were covered during the whole action, was inconsiderable. General Abercrombie immediately recrossed Lake George, and entirely abandoned the project of cap- turing Ticonderoga. In the month of August, five hundred men were employed, under the orders of Majors Rogers and Putnam, to watch the motions of the enemy near Ticonderoga. At South Bay they separated the party into two equal divisions, and Rogers took a position on "Wood creek, twelve miles distant from Putnam. Upon being, some time afterward, discovered, they formed a reunion, and concerted measures for return- ing to Fort Edward. Their march through the woods was in three divisions, by files : the right commanded by Rogers, the left by Putnam, and the center by CAPTrSE OF PUTNAM. 95 Captain D' Ell. At the moment of moving, the famous French partisan, Molang, who had been sent with five hundred men to intercept their party, was not more than one mile and a half distant from them. Major Putnam was just emerging from the thicket, into the common forest, when the enemy rose, and, with discordant yells and whoops, commenced an attack upon the right of his division. Surprised, but undismayed, Putnam halted, returned the fii-e, and passed the word for the other divisions to ad- vance to his support. D'Ell came. The action^ though widely scattered, and principally fought be- tween man and man, soon grew general, and intensely. warm. Major Putnam, perceiviug it would be impracticable to cross the creek in his rear, determined to maintain his ground. Inspired by his example, the officers and men behaved with great bravery ; sometimes they fought collectively in open view, and sometimes in- dividually under cover : taking aim from behind the bodies of trees, and acting in a manner independent of each othei'. For himself, having discharged his fusee several times, at length it missed fire, while the muzzle was pressed against the breast of a large and well-proportioned savage. This warrior, availing himself of the indefensible attitude of his adversary, with a tremendous war-whoop, sprang forward with his lifted hatchet, and compelled him to surrender; and, having disarmed and bound him fast to a tree, returned to the battle. The intrepid Captains, D'Ell and Ilarman, who now commanded, were forced to give ground, for a Do ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. little distance ; the savages, conceiving this to be tho certain harbinger of victory, rushed impetuously on, with dreadful and redoubled cries. But the two partisans, collecting a handful of brave men, gave the j)ursuers so warra a reception, as to oblige them, in turn, to retreat a little beyond the spot at which the action had commenced. Here they made a stand. This change of ground placed the tree to which Putnam was tied, directly between the hottest fire of the two parties. Human imagination can hardly figure to itself a more deplorable situation. The balls flew incessantly ft-om either side ; many struck the tree, while some passed through the sleeves and skirts of his coat. In this state of jeopardy, unable to move his bod}'-, to stir his limbs, or even to incline his head, he remained more than an hour — so equally balanced, and so obstinate was the fight! At one moment, while the battle swerved in favor of the enemy, a young savage chose an odd way of dis- playing his humor. He found Putnam bound — he might have dispatched him at a single blow — but he loved better to excite the terrors of the prisoner, by hurling a tomahawk at his head ; or rather, it would seem, his object was to see how near he could throw it without touching hira. The weapon stuck in the tree a number of times, at a hair's breadth distance from the mark. "When the Indian had finished his amusement, a French officer, perceiving Putnam, came up to him, and, leveling a fusee within a foot of his breast, attempted to discharge it — it missed fire. In- efiectually did the intended victim solicit the treat- ment due to his situation, by repeating that he was PUTXAil IN CAPTmTT. 97 a prisoner of war. The degenerate Frenchman, dead to sensibility, violently and repeatedly pushed the muzzle of the gun against Putnam's ribs, and finally gave him a cruel blow on his jaw with the butt-end of his piece. After this dastardly deed he left him. At length, the active intrepidity of D'EU and Har- raan, seconded by the persevering valor of their fol- lowers, prevailed. They drove from the field the enemy, who left about ninety dead behind them. As they were retiring, Putnam was untied by the Indian who had made him prisoner, and whom he afterward called master. Having been conducted for some dis- tance from the place of action, he was stripped of his coat, vest, stockings, and shoes ; loaded with as many packs of the wounded as could be piled upon him ; strongly pinioned, and his wi'ists tied as closely together as they could be pulled with a cord. After he had marched through no pleasant paths, in this painful manner, for many a tedious mile, the party (who were excessively fatigued) halted to breathe. His hands were now immoderately swelled from the tightness of the ligature, and the pain had become intolerable. His feet were so much scratched that the blood dropped fast from them. Exhausted with bearing a burden above his strength, and frantic with torments exquisite beyond endurance, he en- treated the Irish interpreter to implore, as the last and only grace he desired of the savages, that they would knock him on the head at once, or loose his hands. A French officer, instantly interposing, or- dered his hands to be unbound, and some of the packs to be taken off. By this time, the Indian who 6 . 98 ETHAI^ ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUKTAIN HKEOES- captured him, and who had been absent with th© wounded, coming up, gave him a pair of moccasins, and expressed great indignation at the unworthy treat- ment his prisoner had suffered. That savage chief again returned to the care of the wounded, and the Indians, about two hundred in number, went before the rest of the party to the place where the whole were that night to encamp. They took with them Major Putnam, on whom, be- sides innumerable other outrages, they had the bar- barity to inflict a deep wound with a tomahawk in the left cheek. His sufferings were, in this place, to be consummated. A scene of horror, infinitely greater than had ever met his eyes before, was now preparing. It was determined to roast him alive. For this pur- pose they led him into a dark forest, stripped him naked, bound him to a tree, and piled dry brush, with other fuel, at a small distance in a circle around him. They accompanied their labors, as if for hia funeral dirge, with screams and sounds inimitable but by savage voices. They then set the piles on fire. A sudden shower damped the rising flame. Still they strove to kindle it, until, at last, the blaze ran fiercely round the circle. Major Putnam soon began to feel the scorching heat. His hands were so tied that he could move his body. He often shifted sides as the fire approached. This sight, at the very idea of which all but savages must shudder, afforded the highest diversion to his inhuman tormentors, who demonstrated the delirium of their joy by corresponding yells, dances, and ges ticulations. He doubted not that his final hour was PUTNAM IN CAPTIVITY. 99 iiievitably come, lie summoned all his resolution, • and composed . his mind as far as circumstances could admit, to bid an eternal farewell to all he held most dear. To quit the world would scarcely have cost him a single pang, but for the idea of home, but for the remembrance of domestic endearments, of the affectionate partner of his soul, and of their beloved offspring. His thoughts were ultimately fixed on a hapi^ier state of existence, beyond the tortures he was beginning to endure. The bitterness of death, even of that death which is accompanied with the * keenest agonies, was in a manner past — nature, with a feeble struggle, was quitting its last hold on sub- lunary things, when a French officer ruslied through the crowd, opened a way by scattering the burning brands, and unbound the victim. It was Molang himself, to whom a savage, unwilling to see another human sacrifice immolated, had run and communi- cated the tidings. That commandant spurned and severely reprimanded the barbarians whose nocturnal powwows and hellish orgies he suddenly ended. Put- nam did not want for feeling or gratitude. The French commander, fearing to trust him alone with them, remained until he could deliver him in safety into the hands of his master. The next day he was allowed his blanket and moc- casins, and permitted to march without carrying any pack, or receiving any insult. To allay his extreme hunger, a little bear's meat was given him, which he sucked through his teeth. At night the party arrived at Ticonderoga, and the prisoner was placed under the care of a French guard. The savages, who 100 ETHAN AIXEN AXD GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. had been prevented from glutting tlieir diabolical thirst for blood, took another opportunity of manifest- ing their malevolence for the disappointment, by hor- rid grimaces and angry gestures ; but they were no more suffered to offer violence or personal indignity to him. Colonel Peter Schuyler was then a prisoner among the French. No sooner had he heard of Major Putnam's arrival, than he went and found him, in a comfortless condition, without coat, waistcoat or hose ; the remnant of his clothing miserably dirty and rag- ged ; his beard long and squalid ; his legs torn by thorns and briers ; and his face gashed with wounds and swollen with bruises. Through Colonel Schuyler's intervention, Putnam was treated according to his rank, and clothed in a decent manner. The follow- ing year an opportunity was afforded for an exchange of prisoners, and Putnam was released.* * On his return from Canada, Putnam was accompanied by Mrs. Howe, known as the " fair captive," who had been taken at Bridgman's Fort in 1756. Her history was very affecting. Her first husband was William Phipps, an account of whose death, after having slain two of his Indian captors, near Fort Dummer, has already been related. Her second husband was Mr. Howe, who was also slain at the time of her captivity. On the march to Canada, she had endured extreme suffering, the poignancy of which was increased by the cruel treatment which her children received from the Indians. She was taken to Crown Point, and from thence, by the way of Monti'eal, to the village of St Francis • her master having failed to sell her. " Our provisions," she says, in he» deeply affecting narrative, " were so scanty, as well as insipid and un- savory, the weather was so cold, and the traveling so very bad, that it almost seemed as if I must have perished on the way. The lips of my poor child were sometimes so benumbed, that, when I put it to my breast, it could not, till it grew warm, imbibe the nourishment requisite for its support. While we were at Montreal, we went into the house of a certain French gentleman, whose lady, on being sent for, and coming into the THE FAIR CAPTIVE. 101 The campaign of 1758 bad been bigbly honorable to the British arms, and tlie result of it was very important. Of the three expeditions, two had com- pletely succeeded, and the leader of the third had room -where I was, to examine me, seeing I had an infant, exclaimed suddenly in this manner : ' D it, I will not buy a woman that has a child to look after.' There was a swill-pail standing near me, in which I observed several crasts and crumbs of bread swimming on the surface of the greasy liquor it contained. Sorely pinched with hunger, I skim med them of with my hands and ate them ; and this was all the refresh- ment which the house afforded me." Mrs. Howe's children, being claimed by different Indians, wei'e separated from their mother and from each other. Even her babe was snatched from her. " This," she says, in her narrative, " was a severe trial. The babe clung to my bosom with all its might; but I was obliged to pluck it thence, and deliver it, shrieking and screaming enough to penetrate a heart of stone, into the hands of those unfeeling wretches, whose tender mercies may be termed cruel." It was taken to Missisco, where, some weeks after, Mrs. Howe, was permitted to visit it. "I had preserved my milk," she says, "in hopes of seeing ray beloved child again. And hei-e I found it, it is true, but in a condition that afforded me no great satisfaction — it being greatly emaciated and almost starved. I took it in my arms, and put its face to mine, and it instantly bit me with such violence, that it seemed as if I must have parted with a piece of my cheek. I was permitted to lodge with it that and the two following nights ; but every morning that ' intervened, the Indians, I suppose on pui-pose to torment me, sent me away to another wigwam, which stood at a little distance, though not so far from the one in which my distressed infant was confined, but that I could plainly hear its incessant cries, and heart-rending lamentations." During her rambles with the Indians, she was frequently on the point of perishing with hunger, and as often subjected to hardships seemingly intolerable. On one occasion she was informed by a friendly Indian, that one of her children was in a wigwam seven miles distant, and she determined to visit him. , "While I was busy in contemplating this af- fair," she says, "the Indians obtained a little bread, of which they gave me a small share. I did not taste a morsel of it myself, but saved it all for my poor child, if I should be so lucky as to find him. At length, having obtained leave of my keepers to be absent for one day, I set ofl 102 ETHAN ALLEN AXD GKEEN-ilOUXTADI HEEOES. made an important conquest. To the commanding talents of Pitt, and the confidence which they in- si:»ired, this change of fortune must "be chiefly attrib uted ; and in no respects were these talents more strikingly displayed than in the choice of men to execute his plans. The advantages of this campaign early in the morning, and beheld, as I di'ew nigh, my little son ■without the camp. He seemed to be nearly starved. I took him in my arms, and he spoke to me these words in the Indian tongue : 'Mother, are you come ? ' I took him into the wigwam with me, and observing a number of Indian children in it, I distributed all the bread which I had reserved for my own child, among them all ; otherwise I should have given great offense. My little boy appeared to be very fond of his new mother, kept as near me as possible while I stayed, and when I told him I must go, he fell as though he had been knocked down with a club." Two of Mre. Howe's daughters were of maniagenble age, and to add to the number of her miseries, the Indians selected a couple of their young men to marry them. The fright and disgust which the intelligence of this in- tention occasioned to these poor young creatures, added infinitely to the son-ows and perplexities of their frartic mother. But she found an op- portunity of conveying to the governor a petition that her daughters might be received into a convent, for the sake of securing the salvation of their souls. Happily, this expedient succeeded. After Mrs. Howe had been a year with the Indians, she was purchased by an old Frenchman, in whose family new trials awaited her. She was still beautiful, and both her master and his son, who held a commission in the French army, became passionately fond of her, and she was greatly embaiTassed by their importunities, from which she saw no way of escape. Finally, she found an opportunity of telling the story of her woes to Colonel Peter Schuy- ler, wlio was then a prisoner at Montreal. He immediately endeavored to procure her liberty ; but the Frenchman who had purchased her from the savages, unwilling to part with so fair a purchase, demanded an im- mense ransom. Colonel Schuyler, however, obtained from the governor an order that she should be given up for the price that had been paid for her ; nor did his active goodness rest, until he had restored every one of her five sons to her. One of her daughters subsequently married a French officer, and the other returned home. Such is a brief nari-ative of tha Bufferings of one of the early Vermont matrons. CAMPAIGN OF 1759. 103 had, however, been purchased by an expensive effort, and corresponding exhaustion of provincial strength ; and when, by his persuasion, the colonies resolved upon making the most vigorous preparation for the next, they soon discovered that their resources were by no means commensurate with their zeal. ^Notwithstanding these difficulties, it was resolved to signalize the year 1759 by the complete conquest of Canada. The plan of the campaign was, that three powerful armies should enter the French possessions by three different routes, and attack all their strong- holds at nearly the same time. At the head of one division, Brigadier-general Wolfe, a young officer who had signalized himself at the siege of Louisbourg, was to ascend the St. Lawrence, and to proceed against Quebec, escoi'ted by a strong fleet to cooperate with his troops. The central and main army, composed of British and provincials, was to be conducted against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, by General Amherst, the new commander-in-chief, who, after mak- ing himself master of these places, was to proceed on Lake Champlain, and by the way of the Kichelieu river to the St. Lawrence, and, descending that river, form a junction with "Wolfe before Quebec. The third array, to be composed principally of colonial troops, reinforced by a strong body of friendly Indians, was to be commanded by General Prideaux, who was to lead this division first against Niagara, and, after the reduction of that place, to embark on Lake On- tario, and proceed down the St. Lawrence against Montreal. The second of these expeditions properly belongs to the scope of this narrative ; while the others lOi ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTALN HEEOES. can only be described sufficiently to show their in fluence upon the military operations carried on by way of Lake Champlain. Early in the year 1759, General Amherst commenced preparations for his part of the enterprise. But so many difficulties occurred to retard the operations of his army in that unsettled part of the country, that the summer was already far advanced, before he could pass Lake George with his troops and artillery. Aware of the danger of surprise, and not unmindful of the disaster that the British troops had sustained the year before, this able and judicious officer proceeded with the greatest circumspection : leaving nothing to chance, but making provision for every difficulty or opposition that could be foreseen. At length, in the latter end of July, he arrived in the vicinity of Ticonderoga, with his army of regulars and provincials in excellent order, and amjDly sui:)plied with artillery, military stores, and provisions. The enemy had watched all his motions, in the hope of finding an opportunity to gain some advantage ; but they ventured to make no opposition to his troops, either when crossing the lake, or effecting their landing. Having passed the lake and landed his stores, Amherst immediately began to make prepara- tions to reduce the fortress by a regular siege. At first the enemy appeared determined to make a stubborn defense. They soon found that they had an able officer to oppose ; that Amherst was cautious, resolute, well prepared for undertaking the siege, and not dis- posed to subject anything to unnecessary risk or hazard. Despairing of making a successful defense, and having orders to retreat from place to place toward the center TICONDEEOGA ABxV^^DOXED BY THE FEEXCH. 105 of operations at Quebec, rather than to run the risk of diminisliing the French force by surrendering prisoners of war, they set about dismantling the fortifications ; and, having done some small injuries to the works, • abandoned them and retired to Crown Point; leaving their heavy artillery, several sunken boats, and the works but little damaged, though on fire. Having succeeded in his attempts against Ticonde- roga, Amherst began to repair and enlarge the fortifi- cations ; and to prepare his bateaux and other vessels for an expedition against Crown Point. Scouting and ranging parties were constantly emj^loyed, hovering in the neighborhood of that place, and watching all the motions of the enemy. One of these parties brought intelligence that the French had also abandoned Crown Point and were gone down the lake without destroying the works. Amherst detached a body of rangers to take possession of the place ; and on the 4th of August * embarked with his army, landed the same day, and placed his troops within the enemy's works. Thus was effected the reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. No sooner was tlieir conquest completed, than Amherst undertook the erection of new works, strengthened and enlarged the old ones, and began another fort : deter- mined that the enemy should never again obtain pos- session of a post which had been so dangerous and distressing to the British provinces. The French troops retired to the Isle Aux Noix at the north end of Lake Champlain. Crown Point had been in tlie possession of the French for thirty years, and from the time of its erec- tion had afforded facilities for predatory excursions into 106 ETHA^S' ALLEN AM) GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. the English colonies ; and many were the prisoners who had there sufiered all the barbarities that savage inge- nuity could devise. Its conquest insured safety to the frontiers of Xew England from incursions by way of Lake Cham plain ; but another channel, through which * the settlements on the Connecticut had been harassed, remained still open. This was the Indian village of St. Francis, situated at the mouth of the river of that name. This place the Indians had enriched with the pillage of the JSTew-England settlements, and they had garnished it with the scalps of many hundreds of their victims. Passing up the St. Francis river to Lake Memphremagog, and from thence to the Connecticut, these Indians had been enabled to make sudden and successful incursions into the colonies of ^ew Hamp- shire and Massachusetts, and to return to their homes in safety. Amherst resolved to attempt the destruc- ' tion of this village. Major Rogers, of the ISTew-Hamp- shire rangers, was selected for this arduous duty. Two hundred of the most hardy and resolute men in the army were placed under his command. The massacre at Fort William Henry, and the numberless other atrocities which their kindred and friends had suffered from these Indians, were fresh in the minds of all ; and they exulted in the expectation that the time for retri- bution had now come. The orders which they received from Amherst were little calculated to restrain their ferocity. "Eemember," said he, "the barbarities that have been committed by the enemy's Indian scoundrels on every occasion, where they had an opportunity of showing their infamous cruelties on the king's subjects,, which they have done without mercy. Take your DESTRUCTION OF AN INDIAN VILLAGE. 107 eveiige, but forget not that tboiigli these villains have dastardly and promiscuously murdered the women and children of all ages, it is my orders that no women or children are killed or hurt." The only practical route to the Indian village was by way of Missisco bay, near where the French were encamped. The utmost circum- spection being necessary to avoid a discovery of the enemy, Rogers was seven days in reaching the bay. Concealing his boats he pushed forward through the woods, to the village of St. Francis. On the 2d of October, after having forded many streams and passed through many swamps, wi*;h incredible labor, Rogers reached the St. Francis river, and succeeded in fording it, although it was five feet in deptb with a strong cur- rent, October 4th, in the evening, they came in sight of the Indian village. Disguised as Indians, Rogers, with two other officers, went forward to reconnoitre the place. They discovered that the Indians were wholly unsuspicious of danger, engaged in a dancing frolic. Their revelry was continued till four o'clock in the morning, when they retired to their huts, and all became still. The troops, relieved of their packs, had refreshed themselves, and were now led up ; and, half an hour before sunrise, in three divisons, made a sim- ultaneous attack on three sides of the village. So completely were tbe savages surj^rised and confounded, that th{^ made but little resistance, and an indiscrimi- nate massacre in true Indian style now took place. The cabins were forcibly entered, and their inmates knocked down, or shot dead in their attempts to fly, few escaping. In the obscure light, and confusion of the onset, it was impossible to distinguish age or sex. As the sun arose, 108 KTHAN ALLEX A1 against the unjustifiable conduct of that gorernnieix: , with an humble petition to be taken out of go opj)ressive a jurisdiction, and either annexed to some otner government, or erected and incorporated into a new one, as may appear best to the said inhab- itants, to the royal wisdom and clemency, and till such time as his Majesty shall settle this controversy." Fot Murder his blood for Veng.ince cries King Georg the third his Tory crew tha with a bawl his head Shot threw For Liberty and his Couiitrys Good he Lost his Life his Deaiest bioo cheaper than they could sell it in England. This was done with the hope of inducing the colonists to return 202 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E8. to the use of the article. In this submission to the tax upon tea, it was exjiected that the principle, that parliament had a right to tax the colonists, would be adopted ; and the way would be open for indiscrimi- nate and oppressive taxation. Large shipments of tea were accordingly made ; but the Americans refused to pay the slight duty upon it. The cargoes sent to New York and Philadelphia, were not suffered to be landed ; in Charleston, it was not allowed to be sold ; and, at Boston, it was thrown into the harboi', by a party of men disguised as Indians. These proceedings excited the fierce displeasure of the British govern- ment, especially against Boston ; and in March, 1774, " the Boston port bill," so called, was passed, prohibit- ing all commercial intercourse with that city. Another bill subverted the charter-government of Massachu- setts, vesting the appointment of the council and judges in the crown ; and a third, shortly after, em- powered the governor to send persons indicted for capital offenses, to another colony, or to Great Britain, for trial. These violent proceedings awakened the greatest indignation throughout the colonies. All made common cause with Massachusetts. In the fall of 1774, a general congress met at Philadelphia, and adopted a declaration of rights and grievances, and agreed to an entire suspension of all commercial inter- course with Great Britain, until the repeal of the acts of which they complained. They likewise voted an address to the king ; another to the people of Great Britain, and a thiiKl to the inhabitants of Canada. These peaceful measures for redress proving in- effectual, the feeling of the necer sity of resisting by BLOODSHED AT LEXINGTON. 203 force became quite general in the colonies. Prepara- tions began to be made ; warlike stores were collected, and the people began to arm. In Massachusetts, Governor Gage had convoked the legislative assembly, but afterward judged it expedient to countermand the meeting. Notwithstanding this, the assembly con- vened, and, the governor not appearing, organized themselves, and adopted a plan for the defense of the province. They resolved to raise a force of twelve thousand men, and to request the other ISTew-England states to increase the number to twenty thousand. Early the next year, (1775) parliament, in spite of the conciliatory counsels of the Earl of Chatham, pro- ceeded to pass a bill restraining still further the trade of 'New England. Soon after, restrictions were im- posed upon the middle and southern colonies, except New York, Delaware, and jSTorth Carolina. These exceptions were made with a view to produce dissen- sions among the colonies ; but it failed of its object. This brings us to the commencement of actual hos- tilities. General Gage, the royal governor of Massa- chusetts, sent a detachment of eight hundred soldiers to destroy some military stores which were dej)Osited at Concord. On their way, they arrived at Lexington, on the morning of the 19th of April, 1775, where they found a company of provincial militia assembled on parade. This company, not instantly obeying an or- der to tln-ow down their arms and disperse, were fired upon, and eight of their number killed. The detachment proceeded to Concord, and destroyed the Btores, though not without opposition and bloodshed. But the spirit of the people was up ; and on their 20i ETHAN ALLEN AXD GUEEN-ilOU^-TAiN iiEKOES. return to Boston, tLe Britis}i were harassed the whole way, and continually fired upon from behind walls, buildings and fences. The Bi-itish loss, in killed, wounded and missing, amounted to nearly three hundred ; the American, to less than one-third of that number. The vigilant patriots of Massachusetts, tlien the very hot-bed of rebellion, early perceived the neces- sity of securing Ticonderoga the moment hostilities should commence. Early in March, 1775, Samuel Adams and Joseph "Warren, members of the com- mittee of correspondence of Boston, sent a secret agent into Canada, to ascertain the opinions and temper of the j^eople of that province, concerning the great questions at issue, and the momentous events then pending. After a diligent but cautious per- formance of this delicate task, the agent sent word to them from Montreal, that the people were, at best, lukewarm; and advised that, the moment hostilities commenced, Ticonderoga and its garrison should be seized. This advice was coupled with the positive assertion, that the people of the JSTew-Hampshire Grants were ready to undertake the bold enterprise. Within three weeks after this information was received by Adams and "Warren, the battle of Lexington occurred. This event aroused the whole country, and the patriots flocked fmm all quarters to Boston. The provincial assembly of Connecticut was then in session, and a plan was thei-e concerted for surprising Ticonderoga, and seizing tlie cannon in that fortress for the use of the army then gathering in the vicinity of Boston. The whole plan and proceedings were EXPEDITION AGAINST TICONDEKOGA. 205 of a private character, without the public sanction of the assembly, but with its full knowledge and tacit approbation. A committee was appointed, with instructions to proceed to the frontier towns, inquire into the state of the garrison, and, should they deem it expedient, raise men and take possession of it. Eighteen hundred dollars were supplied by the pro- vincial territory, to purchase arms and ammunition, and defray the other expenses of the exj^edition. On their way to Bennington, to lay their plans before Ethan Allen and secui-e his cooperation, they en listed between forty and fifty volunteers, among whom was Colonel James Easton, of Pittsfield, Massachusetts. On arriving at Bennington, they found that Ethan Allen was already preparing to accomplish the pro- posed object. He was chosen the commander of the expedition ; Colonel Easton was appointed second in command, and Seth Warren^ the third. Colonel Allen's Green-Mountain Boys, to the number of two hundred and thirty, were speedily in readiness, and on the 7th of May the little army reached Castleton. It was there decided that Colonel Allen and the principal ofiicers, with the main body of their forces, consisting of about one hundred and forty men, should march directly to Shoreham, opposite to Ticonderoga ; that Captain Herrick, with thirty men, should keep on to Skenesborough, (now Whitehall,) at the head of Lake Cliamplain, seize the establish- ment of Major Skene, and hasten with the boats and stores tliey miglit capture, to join Allen at Shoreham ; and that Captain Drylas should proceed to Panton, and secure every boat or bateau that should fall in 206 KT'HAN ALLEN AXD GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. Lis way. They were joined at Castleton by Colonel Benedict Arnold, who, in the French wars, had greatly distinguished himself, at the battles in the vicinity of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Possess- ing great genius, a restless character, and an intre- pidity, bordering upon madness, he seems to have conceived the same plan. To this end, he had con- ferred with the committee of safety of Massachusetts, who appointed him colonel, with authority to enlist volunteers for the attempt to capture Ticonderoga. In pursuance of this arrangement he proceeded to Castleton, and his surprise was extreme at finding himself anticipated. But, as nothing could delight him moi-e than to engage in this hazardous service he consented, after being assured that the Green Mountain Boys would serve only under their favorite leader, to put himself under the command of Colonel Allen. It was deemed essential to the success of the enterprise, that it should be conducted with pro- found secrecy, and sentinels were posted upon all the roads, to prevent any rumor of their approach from reaching the menaced point. Allen, with his little army, reached Shoreham, opposite Ticonderoga, or. the night of May 9th, 1775. It was important to have a guide who was acquainted with the grc^unds around the fortress, and the places of access. Allen made inquiries as to those points, of Mr. Beman, a farmer residing on the shore of the lake. He replied that he seldom crossed to Ticonderoga, and had no special knowledge in regard to the internal arrange- ment of the fortress ; but that his son Nathan, a young lad, passed much of his time there in company with ATTACK 0:S TICOXDEKOGA. 20? the boys of the garrison. Katlian was called, and ap peared by his answers to be familiar with every part of the fort, and every passage by which it conld be approached. In the opinion of Ethan Allen, he was the very person to guide him in the enterprise; and by the consent of his father, and a little persuasion, Na- than Eeman was engaged for that purpose. But a serious difficulty now occurred. They had but a few boats, and none had been sent from Skenesborough or Panton. The day began to dawn, and only the officers and eighty-three men had crossed the lake. Delay was hazardous, for the garrison, if aroused, would make stout resistance. Allen, therefore, resolved not to wait for the rear division to cross, but to attack the fort at once. He drew up his men in three ranks upon the shore, and in low but distinct tones, briefly ha- rangued them; and then, placing himself at their head, with Arnold by his side, they marched quickly but stealthily up the height to the sally-port. The sentinel snapped his fusee at the commandei', but it missed jSre, and he retreated within the fort under a covered way. The Americans followed close ujjon his heels, and were thus guided by the alarmed fugitive directly to the parade within the barracks. There another sentinel made a thrust at Colonel Easton, but a blow upon the head from Allen's sword made him beg for quarter, and the patriots met with no further resist- ance. As they rushed into the parade, they gave a tremendous shout, and filing off into two divisions, formed a line of forty men along each of the two ranges of barracks. The aroused garrison leaped from their pallets, seized their arms and rushed for the parade, 208 ETHAN ALLEN AKD GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. but only to be made prisoners by the intrepid New- England ers. Allen demanded to be shown to the aj)artment of Captain Delaplace, the commandant of the garrison. It was pointed out, and Colonel Allen, with l^athan Beman at his elbow, who knew the way, hastily ascended the stairs, which were attached to the outside of the barracks, and called out with a voice of thunder at the door, ordering the astonished captain instantly to appear, or the whole garrison should be sacrificed ! Startled at so strange and unexpected a summons, he sprung from his bed and opened the door, when the first salutation of his boisterous and unsea- sonable visitor was an order immediately to surrender the fort. Rubbing his eyes and trying to collect his scattered senses, the captain asked by what authority he presumed to make such a demand. "In the name of the Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress !" replied Allen.* The commandant began to remon- strate, but Colonel Allen cut short the thread of his discourse by lifting his sword over his head, and reit- erating the demand for an immediate surrender. Hav- ing neither permission to argue nor power to resist. Captain Delaplace submitted, ordering his men to pa- rade without arms, and the garrison was given up to * This is the langiiajje of Allen as given by himself in his narrative. But it was asserted by those who stood near him, that his demand was enforced by an emphatic oath. Lossing [see "Field-Book of the Revo- lution,"] was told by the surviving brother of a man named Rice, who Btood at Allen's side, that he exclaimed, " In the name of the Great Je- Iiovah and the Continental Congress, hy ." " Delaplace," says Lossing, " had about as much respect for the 'Continental Congrnss ' as Allen had for 'Jehovah,' and they respectively relied upon a' I feared powder and ball more than either." OAPTUKE OF CKOWN POINT. 209 tlie victors. It is a singular feet that the " Continental Congress," instead of authorising Allen to take Ticon- deroga, were entirely ignorant of the enterprise, and did not meet for organization until six hours after the surrender of the fortress. This achievement, besides being the first on the part of the patriots, was of the utmost importance. Ticonderoga and Crown Point commanded the great avenue between Canada, and the other colonies, and its possession gave the Ameri- cans facilities for the subsequent brilliant campaign in Canada, and the military spoils taken by Allen were of incalculable benefit to the army near Boston. These spoils consisted of one hundred and twenty pieces of iron cannon, fifty swivels, ten tons of musket- balls, three cart-loads of flints, thirty new carriages, a considerable quantity of shells, a warehouse full of material for boat-building, and a large quantity of other stores. Warner crossed the lake with the rear division, and marched up to the fort just after the surrender was made. He was immediately dispatched against Crown Point, but a strong head-wind drove his boats back, and he returned to Ticonderoga. He renewed the attempt on the 12th of May, and succeeded in obtain- ing possession of the fortress without bloodshed. Thus another strong position was secured, and a great addi- tion was made to the munitions of war acquired at Ti- conderoga. Previous to this aft'air. Colonel Allen had sent a messenger to Captain Remember Baker, who was at Winooski River, requesting him to join the army at Ticonderoga with as large a number of men as be could assemble. Baker obeyed the summons ; and 210 ETHAN ALLEN ANT) GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. wlien be was coming up the lake with liis party, he met two small boats, which had been dispatched from Crown Point to carry intelligence of the reduction of Ticonderoga to St. John's and Montreal, and solicit re- inforcements. The boats were seized by Baker, and he arrived at Crown Point just in time to unite with Warner in taking possession of that post. Thus the main object of the expedition was attained ; but the troubles of the leaders were not at an end. No sooner had the fort surrendered, than Arnold assumed the command, affirming that he was the only officer in- vested with legal authority, liis pretensions were not heeded, and although he was vehement and positive, yet it was in vain to issue orders which nobody would obey; and finally he consented to a sort of divided control between Colonel Allen and himself, he acting as a subordinate, but not wholly without official con- sideration. But the plan of the captors of Ticonderoga would not have been complete had they not secured to them- selves the exclusive control of the lake, to accomplish which it was necessary to take a corvette the Eng- lish kept stationed near St. John's at the north end of Lake Chamjolain. They resolved, therefore, to arm a schooner, (taken at Skenesborough) for the purpose, the command of which was given to Arnold, while Allen was to follow him in flat-boats with a reinforce- ment. The wind blowing fresh from the south, the vessel of Arnold left the flat-boats far in the rear. He approached the corvette unexpectedly, the captain of which was far from apprehending the danger that menaced him, and took possession of it without PREPAKATIOKS FOR THE WAR. 211 resistance ; and, as if Heaven was pleased to distin- guish with evident tokens of its favor these first achievements of the Americans, the wind suddenly changed from south to north, so that, in a few hours, Colonel Arnold returned safely to Ticonderoga. Colonel Allen exhibited great discretion in his new position. An account of his expedition was sent to tlie Massachusetts, Connecticut and New- York com- mittees of safety, with an urgent solicitation for a re- inforcement of his brave little army, and a supply of provisions. These were accordingly sent, and meas- ures were taken to organize an army at the north for the defense of Lake Champlain. In the accomplish- ment of this object, and in the hope of having an ex- pedition sent against Montreal and Quebec, Allen vis- ited the provincial Congress at Kew York, as well as tl)e general Congress at Philadelphia. Some opposition was made to his appearance before the former of these bodies, on account of the troubles existing between New York and the New-Hampshire Grants, and the prominent part taken by Allen in the hostilities result- ing from them. But the majority felt the importance of forgetting local controversies in the impending con- test with the mother country, and Ethan Allen was treated with the cordiality due to one engaged with them in a great cause, and with the distinction merited by one whose services had been of the most important character. Allen's representation had immense influ- ence, not only in favor of his projects for the conquest of the British army in Canada, but in fixing the de- termination of Congress and the country to resist, by force of arms, the tyrannical measures of the British 212 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. government. While on his way to lay his schemes before the Continental Congress, he visited Bennington, where the Kev. Mr. Dewey preached, before him and other officers, a sermon on the capture of Ticonderoga. In his prayer, Mr. Dewey, with much fervor, poured forth his thanks to the Lord for having given the pos- session of this important fortress into the hands of a people struggling for the defense of their dearest rights. Allen was displeased, and as the preacher continued in this strain of thanksgiving, the bluff old hero cried out, "Parson Dewey!" The revereud gen- tleman gave no heed to the interrtiption. Allen ex- claimed still louder, "Parson Dewey!" But as the minister pursued his prayer, Allen sprung to his feet and roared out in a voice of thunder, " Parson Dewey ! " The clergyman opened his eyes and gazed with aston- ishment at Allen. The latter then said with great energy, " Parson Dewey, please make mention of my being there ! '■ - But Ethan Allen, who has the imperishable honor of achieving the first momentous enterprise in the his- tory of the American lievolution, had the misfortune. Boon afterward, to fall into the hands of the British, and to be carried a prisoner to England. The narra- tive of this captivity, written by Allen after his return to Yermont, will form the remainder of the present chapter, in order that the subsequent history of the part taken by the Green-Mountain Heroes in the Revolution, may be given without interruption. The * This anecdote is given on the authority of Aaron Robinson, Esq., Bon of Moses Robinson, the second governor of Yermont, and is un» doubtedly authentic NARRATIVE OF ALLEN 's CArTIVlTY. 213 *' Narrative " was first published* in 1779. " The critic," he says in the original Preface, " will be pleased to ex- cuse any inaccuracies in the performance itself, as the author has unfortunately missed of a liberal edu- cation." The IS'arrative, the faults of which the author 60 happily excuses, is here republished, without alter- ation, from the original edition : NARRATIVE. Ever since I arrived at the state of manhood, and acquainted myself with the general history of mankind, I have felt a sincere passion fo]j liberty. The history of nations, doomed to perpetual slavery, in consequence of yielding up to tyrants their natural-born liberties, I read with a sort of phibsophical horror; so that the first systematical and bloody attempt, at Lexington, to enslave Ameri«a, thoroughly electrified my mind, and fully determined me to take part with my country. And, while I was wishing for an opportunity to signal- ize myself in its behalf, directions were privately sent to me from the then colony, (now state) of Connecti- cut, to raise the Green-Mountain Boys, and, if possible, with them to surprise and take the foi'tress of Ticonde- roga. This enterprise I cheerfully undertook ; and, after first guarding all the several passes that led thither, to cut ofi" all intelligence between the garrison and the country, made a forced march from Benning- ton, and arrived at the lake opposite to Ticonderoga, on the evening of the ninth clay of May, 1775, with two hundred anc^ thirty valiant Green-Mountain Boys ; and it was with the utmost difiiculty that I procured boats to cross the lake. However, I landed eighty- three men near the garrison, and sent the boats back for the rear guard, commanded by Col. Seth Warner, but the day began to dawn, and I found myself under the necessity to attack the fort, before the rear could cross the lake; and, as it was viewed hazardous, I harangued the officers and soldiers in the maoner following : — 21-i ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. "Friends and fellow soldiers, You have, for a niun- ber of years j^ast been a scoui-ge and terror to arbitrary power. YoTir valor Las been famed abroad, and ac- knowledged, as appears by the advice and orders to me, from the General Assembly of Connecticnt, to surprise and take the garrison now before us.- I now l^ropose to advance before you, and, in person, conduct you through the wicket-gate ; for we must this morning eitlier quit our j^retensions to valor, or possess ourselves of this fortress in a few minutes ; and, inasmuch as it is a desperate attempt, which none but the bravest of men dare undertake^ I do not urge it on any contrary to his will. You that will undertake voluntarily, poise your firelocks." The men being, at this time, drawn up in three ranks, each poised his firelock. 1 ordered them to lace to the right, and at the head of the centre-file, marched them immediately to the wicket-gate aforesaid, where I found a sentry posted, who instantly snapped his fusee at me ; I ran immediately towards him, and he retreated through the covered way into the parade w'ithiu the garrison, gave a halloo, and ran under a bomb-proof My party, who followed me into the fort, I formed on the parade in such a manner as to face the two bar- racks which taced each other. The garrison being asleep, except the sentrieg, we gave three huzzas which greatly surprised them. One of the sentries made a pass at one of my ofiicers with a charged bayonet, and slightly wounded him : My first thought was to kill him with my sword ; but, in an instant, I altered the design and fury of the blow to a slight cut on the side of the head, upon which he dropped his gun, and asked quarter, which I readily granted him, and demanded of him the place where the commanding oflicer kept; he shewed me a pair of stairs in the trout of a barrack, on the west part of he garrison, which led up to a second story in said uarrack, to which I immediately repaired, and ordered he commander, Capt. De la Place, to come forth in- stantly, or I would sacrifice the whole garrison ; at iviiich the Capt. came immediately to the door, with NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITT. 215 his breeches in his hand ; when I ordered him to deliver me the fort instantly ; he asked me by what authority I demanded it: I answered him, "/^ ^At? name of the great Jehovah^ and the Continental Congress^ The authority of the Congress being very litle known at that time, he began to speak again ; but I interrupted him, and with my drawn sword over his head, again demanded an immediate surrender of the garrison ; with which he then com^Dlied, and ordered his men to be forthwith paraded without arms, as he' had given up the garrison. In the mean time some of my officers had given orders, and in consequence thereof, sundr}'' of the barrack doors were beat down, and about one third of the garrison imprisoned, which consisted of the said commander, a Lieut. Feltham, a conductor of artillery, a gunner, two Serjeants, and forty-four rank and file ; about one hundred pieces of cannon, one thirteen inch mortar, and a number of swivels. This surprise was carried into execution in the grey of the morning of the tenth of May, K 775. The sun seemed to rise that morning with a superior lustre ; and Ticonderoga and its dependencies smiled to its conquerors, who tossed about the flowing bowl, and wished success to Congress, and the liberty and freedom of America. Happy it was for me, at that time, that the then future pages of the book of fate, which after- wards unfolded a miserable scene of two years and eight months imprisonment were hid from my view. But to return to my narrative : Col. Warnei", with the rear guard, crossed the lake, and joined me early in the morning, whom I sent off", without loss of time, wit) I about one hundred men, to take possession of Crown Point, which was garrisoned with a Serjeant and twelve men ; which he took possession of the same day, as also of upwards of one hundred pieces of can- non. But one thing now remained to bo done, to make ourselves complete masters of lake Champlain ; this was to possess ourselves of a sloop of war, which was then lying at St. Johns ; to effect which, it was agreed in a council of war, to arm and man out a certain schooner, which lay at South Bay, and that Capt. (now 10 216 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOEiS. general) Arnold should command her, and that I should command the batteaux. The necessary preparations being made, we set sail from Ticonderoga, in quest of the sloop, which was much larger, and carried more guns and heavier metal than the schooner. General Arnold, with the schooner, sailing faster than the bat- teaux, arrived at St. Johns ; and by surprise, possessed himself of the sloop, before I could arrive with the batteaux : He also made prisoners of a serjeant and twelve men, who were garrisoned at that place. It is worthy of remark that as soon as General Arnold had secured the prisoners on board, and had made prepara- tion for sailing, the wind, which but a few hours before was fresh in the south, and well served to carry us to St. Johns, now shifted, and came fresh from the north ; and in about one hour's time, General Arnold sailed with the prize and schooner for Ticonderoga. "VVheu I met him with my party, within a few miles of St. Johns, he saluted me with a discharge of cannon, which I returned with a volley of small arms. This being repeated three times, I went on board the sloop with my party, where several loyal Congress healths were drank. We were now masters of lake Champlain, and the garrison depending thereon. This success I viewed of consequence in the scale of American politics ; for, if a settlement between the then colonies and Great Britain, had soon taken place, it would have been easy to have restored these acquisitions ; but viewing the tlien future consequences of a cruel war, as it has really proved to be, and the command of that lake, garrisons, artillery, &c., it must be viewed to be of signal import- ance to the American cause, and it is marvellous to me that we ever lost the command of it. Nothing but taking a Burgoyne with a whole British army, could, in my opinion, atone for it ; and notwithstanding such an extraordinary victory, we must be obliged to regain the command of that lake again, be the cost what it will ; by doing this Canada will easily be brought into union and confederacy with the United States of America. Such an event would put it out of the NAEEATIYE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 217 power of the western tribes of Indians to carrj on a war with us, and be a solid and durable bar 'against any further inhuman barbarities committed on our frontier inhabitants, by cruel and blood-thirsty sav- ages ; for it is impossible to carry on a war, except they are supported by the trade and commerce of some civilized nation ; which to them would be impracticable, did Canada compose a part of the American empire. Early in the fall of the year, the little army under the command of the Generals Schuyler and Montgom- ery, were ordered to advance into Canada. I was at Ticonderoga, when this order arrived ; and the Gen- erals, with most of the field officers, requested me to attend them in the expedition ; and, though at that time I had no commission from Congress, yet they engaged me, that I should be considered as an ofiicer, the same as though I had a commission ; and should, as occasion might require, command certain detach- ments of the army. This I considered as an honorable ofler, and did not hesitate to comply with it, and advanced with the army to the Isle-aux-oS'oix ; from whence I was ordered by the General, to go in company with Major Brown, and certain interpreters, through the woods into Canada, with letters to the Canadians, and to let them know that the design of the army was only against the English garrisons, and not the country, their liberties, or religion ; and having, through much danger, negotiated this business, I returned to the Isle- aux-]Sioix in the fore part of September, when General Schuyler returned to Albany ; and in consequence the command devolved upon General Montgomery, whom I assisted in laying a line of circumvallation round the fortress of St. Johns. After which I was ordered, by the General, to make a second tour into Canada, upon nearly the same design as before ; and withal to observe the disposition, designs and movements of the inhabitants of the country. This reconnditer I under- took reluctantly, choosing rather to assist at the seige of St. Johns, which was then closely invested ; but ray esteem for the general's person, and opinion of him as a politician and brave officer, induced me to proceed. 218 KTHAN ALLEN AXD GKEEX-M0T7NTAIN HEK0E9. I passed through all the parishes on the river Sorel, to a paHsh at the mouth of the same, which is called by the same name, preaching politics ; and went from thence across the Sorel to the river St. Lawrence, and up the river through the parishes to Longueuil, and so far met with o;ood success as an itinerant. In this round my guard were Canadians, my interpreter, and some few attendants excepted. On the morning of the Slth day of September, I set out with my guard of about eighty men, from Longueuil, to go to Laprairie ; from whence I determined to go to General Montgom- ery's camp ; but had not advanced two miles before I met with Major Brown, who has since been advanced to the rank of a Colonel, who desired me to halt, saying that he had something of importance to communicate to me and my confidants ; upon which I halted the party, and went into a house, and took a private room with him and several of my associates, where Col. Brown proposed that, "provided I would return to Longueuil, and procure some canoes, so as to cross the the river St. Lawrence a little north of Montreal, he would cross it a little to the south of the town, with near two hundred men, as he had boats sufficient ; and that we could make ourselves masters of Montreal." This plan was readily approved by me and those in council ; and in consequence of which I returned to Longueuil, collected a few canoes, and added about thii'ty English-Americans to my party, and crossed the river in the night of the 24th, agreeably to the before proposed plan. My whole party at this time, consisted of about one hundred and ten men, near eighty of whom were Canadians. We were most of the night crossing the river, as we had so few canoes that they had to pass and repass three times, to cary my party across. Soon after day-break, I set a guard tetween me and the town, with special orders to let no person pass or repass them, another guard on the other end of the road, with like directions ; in the mean time, I reconnoitered the best ground to make a defence, expecting Col. Brown's party was landed on the other side of the town, he NAEEATIVE OF ALLKn's CAPTIVITY. 219 having, the day before, agreed to give three huzzas ■with his men early in the morning, which signal I was to return, that we might each know that both jjarties were landed ; but the sun, by this time, being yearly two hours high, and the sign failing, I began to con- clude myself to be in a premunire, and would have crossed the river back again, but I knew the enemy would have discovered such an attempt ; and as there could not more than one third part of my troops cross at a time, the other two-thirds would of course fall into their hands. This I could not reconcile to my own feelings as a man, much less as an officer : I therefore concluded to maintain the ground, if possible, and all to fare alike. In consequence of this resolution, I des- patched two messengers, one to Laprairie, to Col. Brown, and the other to I'Assomption, a French settlement, to Mr. Walker, who was in our interest, requesting their speedy assistance, giving them, at the same time to understand my critical situation. In the mean time sundry persons came to my guards, pretending to be friends, but were by them taken prisoners and brought to me. These I ordered to confinement, until their friendship could be further confirmed ; for I was jealous they were spies, as they proved to be afterwards. One of the principal of them making his escape, exposed the weakness of my party, which was the final cause of my misfortune ; for I have been since informed that Mr. Walk^, agreeably to my desire, exerted himself, and had raised a considerable number of men for my assistance, which brought him into difficulty afterwards, but upon hearing of my misfortune, he disbanded them again. Tlje town of Montreal was in a great tumult. General Carleton and the royal party, made every j3reparation to go on board their vessels of force, as 1 was after- wards informed, but the spy escaped from my guard to the town, occasioned an alteration in their policy, and emboldened Gen. Carleton to send the force which he had there collected, out against me. I had previously chosen my ground, but when I saw the number of the enemy as they sallieid out of the town, I perceived it 220 ETHAN' ALLEX AND GREEN -MOUNTAIN HEEOES. would be a day of trouble, if not of rebuke ; but I had no chance to flee, as Montreal was situated on an island, and the St. Lawrence cut off my communication to General Montgomery's camp. I encouraged my sol- diery to bravely defend themselves, that we should soon have help, and that we should be able to keep the ground, if no more. This, and much more, I afiirmed with the greatest seeming assurance, and which in reality I thought to be in some degree probable. The enemy consisted of not more than forty regular troops, together with a mixed multitude, chiefly Cana- dians, with a number of English who lived in town, and some Indians ; in all to the number of five hundred. The reader will notice that most of ray party were Canadians ; indeed it was a motely parcel of soldiery which composed both parties. However, the enemy began to attack from wood-piles, ditches, buildings, and such like places,, at a considerable distance, and I returned the fire from a situation more than equally advantageous. The attack began between two and three o'clock in the afternoon, just before which I ordered a volunteer by the name of Richard Young, with a de- tachment oi' nine men as a flank guard, which, under the cover of the bank of the river, could not only annoy the enemy, but at the same time, serve as a flank guard to the left of the main body. The fire continued for sometime on both sides ; and I was confident that such a remote method of attack could not carry the ground, provided it should be con- tinued till night: but near half the body of the enemy began to flank round to my right ; upon which 1 ordered a volunteer by the name of John Dugan, who had lived many years in Canada, and understood the French language, to detach about fifty Canadians, and post himself at an advantageous ditch, which was on my right, to prevent my being surrounded : He advanced with the detachment, but instead of occupying the post, made his escape, as did likewise Mr. Young upon the left, with their detachments. I soon perceived that the enemy wa? in possession of the ground, which Dugan should have occupied. At this time I had but about NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 221 forty five men with me ; some of whom were wounded ; the enemy kept closing round me, nor was it in my power to*prevent it ; by which means, my situation, which was advantageous in the first jiart of the attack, ceased to be so in the last; and being entirely sur- rounded with such vast, unequal numbers, I ordered a retreat, but found that those of the enemy, who were of the country, and their Indians, could run as fast as my men, though the regulars could not. Thus I retreated near a mile, and some of the enemy, with the ravages, kept flanking me, and others crowded hard in the rear. In fine, I expected, in a very short time, to try the world of spirits ; for I was apprehensive that no quarter would be given to me, and therefore had dttermined to sell my life as dear as I could. One of the enemy's officers, boldly pressing in the rear, discharged his fusee at me ; the ball whistled near me, as did man} others that day. I returned the salute, and missed him, as running had put us both out of breath ; for I conclude we were not frightened : I then saluted him with my tongue in a harsh manner, and told liim that, inasmuch as his numbers were so far superior to mine, I would surrender provided I could be treated with honor, and be assured of good quarter for myself and the men who were with me ; and he answered I should ; another officer, coming up directly after, confirmed the treaty ; upon which 1 agreed to surrender with my party, which then consisted of thirty-one effective men, and seven wounded. I ordered them to ground their arms, which they did. The officer I capitulated with, then directed me and my party to advance towards him, which was done ; I handed him my sword, and in half a minute after, a savage, part of whose head was shaved, being almost naked and painted, with feathers intermixed with the hair of the other side of his head, came running to me with an incredible swiftness ; ho seemed to advance with more than mortal speed ; as he approached near me, his liellish visage was beyond all description ; finake's eyes appear innocent in comparison to his ; his features extorted ; malice, death, murder, and the wrath 222 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES'. of devils and damned spirits are the emblems of his countenance ; and in less than twelve feet of me, pre- sented his firelock ; at the instant of his present, I twitched the otiicer, to whom I gave m j sword, between me and the savage ; but he flew round with great furj, trvino; to sinsrle me out to shoot me without killing the officer ; but by this time I was nearly as nimble as he, keeping the officer in such a position that his danger w^as my defence ; but, in less than half a minute, I was attacked by just such another imp of hell : Then I made the officer fly around with incredible velocity, for a few seconds of time, when I perceived a Canadian, who had lost one eye, as appeared afterwards, taking my part against the savages ; and in an instant an Irishman came to my assistance with a fixed bayonet, and drove away the fiends, swearing by he would kill them. This tragic scene composed my mind. The escaping from so awful a death, made even imprison- ment happy ; the more so as my conquerors on the field treated me with great civility and politeness. The regular officers said that they were very happy to see Colonel Allen : I answered them, that I should rather choose to have seen them at General Montgom- ery's camj). The gentlemen rejilied, that they gave full credit to what I said, and as I walked to the town, which was, as I should guess, more than two miles, a British officer walking at my right hand, and one of the French noblesse at my left ; the latter of which, in 'the action, had his eyebrow carried away by a glancing shot, but was nevertheless very merry and facetious, and no abuse was ofiered me till I came to the barrack yard at Montreal, where I met general Prescott, M'ho asked me my name, which I told him : lie then asked me whether I was that Col. Allen, who took Ticonde- roga. I told him that I was the very man : Then he shook his cane over my head, calling many hard names, among which he frequently used the word rebel, and put himself in a great rage. I told him he would do well not to cane me, for I was not accustomed to it, and shook my fist at him, telling him that was the beetle of mortality for him if he ofiered to strike; NAEEATITE OF ALLEI^'s CAPTITITT. 223 Upon which Capt. M'Cloud of the British, pulled him by the sldrt, and whispered to him, as he afterwards told me, to this import ; that it was inconsistent with his honor to strike a prisoner. He then ordered a Serjeant's command with fixed bayonets, to come for- ward, and kill thirteen Canadians who were included in the treaty aforesaid. It cut me to the heart to see the Canadians in so hard a case, in consequence of their having been true to me ; they were wringing their hands, saying their prayers, as I concluded, and expected immediate death. I therefore stepped between the executioners and the Canadians, opened my clothes, and told Gen. Prescott to thrust his bayonet into my breast, for I was the sole cause of the Canadians taking up arms. The guard, in the mean time, rolling their eyeballs from the General to me, as though impatiently waiting his dread command to sheath their bayonets in my heart ; I could, however, plainly discern, that he was in a suspense and quandary about the matter : This gave me additional hopes of succeeding ; for my de- sign was not to die, but to save the Canadians by a finesse. The general stood a minute, when he made me the following reply ; " I will not execute you now ; but you shall grace a halter at Tyburn, you." I remember I disdained his mentioning such a place; I was, notwithstanding, a little pleased with the ex- pression, as it significantly conveyed to me the idea of postponing the present appearance of death ; besides his sentence was by no means final, as to " gracing a halter," although 1 had anxiety about it, after I landed in England, as the reader will find in the course of this history. Gen. Prescott then ordered one of his ofiicers to take me on board the Gaspee schooner of war, and confine me, hands and feet, in irons, which was done tlie same afternoon I was taken. The action continued an hour and three quarters, by the watch, and I know not to tliis day how many of my men were killed, though I am certain there were tut few. If I remember right, 7 were wounded ; one 10* 221 ETHAX ALLEN A2sD GF.E::i>-iIOUJ,*TAII^ KELOES. of tliem, "Wm. Stewart, bj name, was wounded by a Bavage with a tomahawk, after he was taken prisoner and disarmed, but was rescued by some of the gener- ous enemy ; and so far recovered of his wounds, that he afterwards went with the other prisoners to England. Of the enemy, were killed a major Garden, who had been wounded in eleven different battles, and an enct- inent merchant, Patterson, of Montreal, and some others, but I never knew their whole loss, as their ac- counts were different. I am apprehensive that it is rare, that so much ammunition was expended, and so little execution done by it ; though such of my party as stood the ground, behaved with great fortitude, much exceeding that of the enemy, but were not the best of marksmen, and, I am apprehensive, were all killed or taken ; the wounded were all put into the hospital at Montreal, and those that were not, were put on board of different vessels in the river, and shackled together by pairs, viz. two men fastened to- gether by one hand-cuff, being closely fixed to one wrist of each of them, and treated with the greatest severity, nay as criminals. I now come to the description of the irons, which were put on me : The hand-cuff" was of common size and form, but my leg irons, I should imagine would weigh thirty pounds ; the bar was eight feet long, and very substantial ; the shackles, which encompassed my ancles, were very tight. I was told by the officer, who put them on, that it was the king's plate, and I heard other of their officers say, that it would weigh forty weight. The irons were so close upon my ancles, that I could not lay down in any other manner than on my back. I was put into the lowest and most wretched part of the vessel, where I got the favor of a chest to sit on ; the same ansM-ered for my bed at night ; and liaving procured some little blocks of the guard, who day and night, with fixed bayonets, watched over me, to lie under each end of the large bar of m}' leg irons, to preserve my ancles from galling, M'hile I sat on the chest, or lay back on the same, though most of the time, night and day, I sat on it ; but at length, having a NAKEATIVE OF ALLKn's CAITIVITY. 225 desire to lie down on my side, which the closeness of my irons forbid, I desired the captain to -loosen them for that purpose ; but was denied the favor. The cap- tain's name was Royal, who did not seem to be an ill- natured man ; but oftentimes said, that his express orders were to treat me with such severity, which was disagreeable to his own feelings ; nor did he ever in- pult me, though many others, who came on board did. One of the officers, by the name of Bradley, was very generous to me ; he would often send me victuals from his own table ; nor did a day fail, but he sent me a good drink of grog. The reader is now invited back to the time I was put into irons. I requested the privilege to write to General Prescott, \vhich was granted. I reminded him of the kind and generous manner of my treatment of the prisoners I took at Ticonderoga ; the injustice and ungentleman-like usage I had met with from him, and demanded better usage, but received no answer from Lim. I soon after wrote to Gen. Carlton, which met the same success. In the mean while, many of those who were permitted to see me, w'ere very insulting. I was confined in the manner I have related, on board the Gaspee schooner, about six weeks ; during which time I was obliged to throw out plenty of ex- travagant language, which answered certain purposes, at that time, better than to grace a history. To give an instance ; upon being insulted, in a fit of anger, I twisted off a nail with my teeth, which I took to be a ten-penny nail ; it went through the mor- tise of the bar of my hand-cuff, and at the same time I swaggered over those who abused me ; particularly a Doctor Dace, who told me that 1 was outlawed by New- York, and deserved death for several years past ; was at last fully ri]iened for the halter, and in a fair way to obtain it. When I challenged him, he excused himself, in consequence, as he said, of my being a criminal ; but I flnng such a flood of language at him that it shocked him and the spectators, for my anger was very great. I heard one say, him, can he eat iron? " After that, a small padlock was fixed to the 226 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-ilOUNTAIN UEK0E8. hand-cnif, instead of the nail ; and as they were mean- spirited in their treatment to me, so it appeared to me, that thev were equally timorous and cowardly. I was after sent, with the prisoners taken with me, to an armed vessel in the river, which lay off against Quebec, under the command of Capt. M'Cloud, of the British, who treated me in a very generous and obliging manner, and according to my rank ; in about twenty- four hours I bid him farewell with regret ; but my good fortune still continued. The name of the Cap- tain of the vessel I was put on board, was Littlc'john ; who, with his officers, behaved in a polite, generous, and friendly manner. I lived with them in the cabin, and fared on the best, my irons being taken off, con- trary to the order he had received from the command- ing officer ; but Capt. Littlejohn swore, that a brave man should not be used as a rascal, on board his ship. That I found myself in possession of happiness once more, and the evils I had lately suffered, gave me an uncommon relish for it. Capt. Littlejohn used to go to Quebec almost every day, in order to pay his respects to certain gentlemen and ladies ; being there on a certain day, he happened to meet with some disagreeable treatment, as he im- agined, from a Lieutenant of a man of war, and one word brought on another, until the Lieutenant chal- lenged him to a duel on the plains of Abraham. Capt. Littlejohn was a gentleman, who entertained a high sense of honor, and could do no less than accept the challenge. At nine o'clock the next morning they were to fight. The Captain returned in the evening, and acquainted his Lieutenant and me with the affair. His Lieutenant was a high blooded Scotchman, as well as himself, who replied to his Captain that he should not want for a second. With this I interrupted him and gave the Captain to understand, that since an opportunity had presented, I would be glad to testify my gratitude to him, by acting the part of a faithful second ; on which he gave me his hand, and said that lie wanted no bet- ter man. Says he, I am a King's officer, and you a NAEEATIYE OF AJLLEn's CAPTIVITY. 227 prisoner under my care ; yon must, therefore, go with me, to the place appointed in disguise, and added fur- ther ; ' you must engage me, upon the honor of a gen- tleman, that whether 1 die or live, or whatever happens, provided you li-ve, that you will return to ray Lieuten- ant on board this ship.' All this I solemnly engaged him. The combatants were to discharge each a pocket pistol, and then to fall on with their iron-hilted muckle whangers ; and one of that sort was allotted for me ; but some British otficers, who interposed earl}' in the morning, settled the controversy without fighting. ISTow having enjoyed eight or nine days' happiness, from the polite and generous treatment of Captain Littlejohn and his ofiicers, I was obliged to bid them farewell, parting with them in as friendly a manner as we had lived together, which, to the best of my mem- ory, was the eleventh of November : when a detach ment of General Arnold's little army appeared on Point Levi, opposite Quebec, who had performed an extraordinary march through a wilderness country, with design to have surprised the capital of Canada ; I was then taken on board a vessel called the Ada- mant, together with the prisoners taken with me, and put under the power of an English Merchant from London, whose name was Brook Watson : a man of malicious and cruel disposition, and who was probably excited, in the exercise of his malevolence, by a junto of tories, who sailed with him to England ; among whom were Col. Guy Johnson, Col. Closs, and their attendants and associates, to the number of about 30. All the ship's crew. Col, Closs, in his personal be- havior excepted, behaved towards the prisoners with that spirit of bitterness, which is the peculiar charac- teristic of tories, when they have the friends of Amer- ica in their power, measuring their loyalty to the English Kino; bv the barbarity, fraud and deceit which they exercise towards the wings. A small place in the vessel, enclosed with white oak planTc, was assigned for the prisoners, and for me among the rest. I should imagine that it was not more than twenty feet one way, and twenty-tw© the other. 228 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MODNTAIN HEEOES. Into this place we were all, to the number of thirty-fonr, thrust and hand-cuffed, two prisoners more being added to our number, and were provided with two excremeJit tubs ; in this circumference we were obliged to eat and perform the offices of evacuation, during the voyage to England ; and were insulted by every black-guard sailor and tory on board, in the cruelest manner ; but what is the most surprising thing is, that not one of us died in the passage. When I was first ordered to go into the filthy inclosure, through a small sort of door, I positively refused, and endeavored to reason the before named Brook Watson out of a conduct so de- rogatory to every sentiment of honor and humanity, but all to no purpose, my men being forced in the den already ; and the rascal who had the charge of the prisoners commanded me to go immediately in among the rest. He further added that the place was good enough for a rebel ; that it was impertinent for a capi- tal offender to talk of honor or humanity ; that any thing short of a halter was too good for me ; and that that would be my portion soon after I landed in Eng- land ; for which purpose only I was sent thither. About the same time a lieutenant among the tories, insulted me in a grievous manner, saying I ought to have been executed for my rebellion against jSTew-York, and spit in my face; upon which, though I was hand-cuffed, 1 sprang at him with both hands, and knocked him partly down, but he scrambled along into the cabin, and I after him ; there he got under the protection of some men with fixed bayonets, who were ordered to make ready to drive me into the place aforementioned. I challenged him to fight, notwithstanding the impedi- ments that were on my hands, and had the exalted pleasure to see the rascal tremble for fear ; his name I have forgot, but Watson ordered his guard to get me into the place with the other prisoners, dead or alive ; and I had almost as lieve die as to do it, standing it out till they environed me round with bayonets ; and brutish, prejudiced, abandoned wretches they were, from whom I could expect nothing but death or wounds ; however, I told them, that they were good honest KAKEATIVE OF ALLE.n^S CAPTIVITY. 229 fellows ; that I could not blame them ; that I was only in dispute with a calico merchant, who knew not how to behave towards a gentleman of the military estab- lishment. This was spoken rather to appease them for my own preservation, as well as to treat "Watson •with contempt ; but still I found they were determined to force me into the wretched circumstances, which their prejudiced and depraved minds had prepared for me ; therefore, rather than die, I submitted to their indignities, being drove with bayonets into the Ulthy dungeon with the other prisoners, where we were de- nied fresh water, except a small allowance, which was very inadequate to our wants : and in consequence of the stench of the place, each of us was soon followed with a diarrhoea and fever, which occasioned intolera- ble thirst. When we asked for water, we were, most commonly, instead of obtaining it, insulted and de- rided ; and to add to all the horrors of the j^lace, it was so dark that we could not see each other, and were overspread with body lice. "We had, notwithstanding these severities, full allowance of salt provisions, and a gill of rum per day ; the latter of which was of the •utmost service to us, and, probably, was the means of saving several of our lives. About forty days we ex- isted in this manner, when the land's end of England was discovered from the mast head ; soon after which, the prisoners were taken from their gloomy abode, being permitted to see the light of the sun, and breathe fresh air, which to us was very refreshing. The day following we landed at Falmouth. A few days before I was taken prisoner, I shifted my clothes, by which I happened to be taken in a Canadian dress, viz : a short fawn-skin jacket, double- breasted, an undervest and breeches of sagathy, worsted 6tockings, a decent pair of shoes, two plain shirts, and a red worsted cap ; this was all the clothing I had, in which I made my aj^pearance in England. When tl^e prisoners were landed, multitudes of the citizens of Falmouth, excited by curiosity, crowded to see us, which w'as equally gratifying to us. 1 saw num- bers on the tops of houses, and the rising adjacent 230 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOtTNTATN SEUOm. grouiids were covered with them, of both sexes. The throng was so great, that the king's officers were obliged to draw their swords, and force a passage to Pendennis castle, which was near a mile from the town, where we were closely confined, in consequence of orders from General Carleton, who then commanded in Canada. The rascally Brook Watson then set out for London in great haste, expecting the reward of his zeal ; but the ministry received him, as I have been since informed, rather coolly ; for the minority in parliament took ad- vantage, arguing that the ojjposition of America to Great Britain, was not a rebellion : If it is, say they, why do you not execute Col. Allen according to law? But the majority argued that I ought to be executed, and that the opposition was really a rebellion, but that policy obliged them not to do it, inasmuch as the Con- gress had then most prisoners in their power ; so that my being sent to England, for the purpose of being executed, and necessity restraining them, was rather a foil on their laws and authority, and they consequently disapproved of my being sent thither. But I had never heard the least hint of those debates, in parlia- ment, or of the working of their policy, until sometime after I left England. Consequently the reader will readily conceive I was anxious about my preservation, knowing that I was in the power of a haughty and cruel nation, considered as such. Therefore, the first proposition which I deter- mined in my own mind was, that humanity and moral suasion would not be consulted in the determining of my fate ; and those that daily came in great numbers out of curiosity to see me, both gentle and simple, united in this, that I would be hanged. A gentleman from America, by the name of Temple, and who was friendly to me, just whispered me in the ear, and told me that bets were laid in London, that I would be ex- ecuted ; he likewise privately gave me a guinea, but durst say but little to me. However, agreeably to my first negative proposition, that moral virtue would not influence my destiny, I NAERATIVE OF ALLEi^'s CAPTIVITY. 231 had recourse to stratagem, which I was in hopes would move in the circle of their policy. I requested of the commander of the castle, the privilege of writing to Congress, who, after consulting with an officer that lived in town, of a superior rank, permitted me to write. I wrote, in the fore part of the letter, a short narrative of my ill-treatment ; but withal let them know that, though I was treated as a criminal in England, and continued in irons, together with those taken with me, 3'et_it was in consequence of the orders which the commander of the castle received from Gen. Carleton, and therefore desired Congress to desist from matters of retaliation, until they should know the result of the government in England, respecting their treatment towards me, and the prisoners Math me, and govern themselves accordingly, with a particular request, that if retaliation should be found necessary, it might be exercised not according to the smallness of my charac- ter in America, but in proportion to the importance of the cause for which I suffered. This is, according to my present recollection, the substance of the letter inscribed, — " To the illustrious Continental Congress?"^ This letter was written with the view that it should be sent to the ministry at London, rather than to Congress, with a design to intimidate the haughty English gov- ernment, and screen my neck from the halter. The next day the officer, from whom I obtained license to write, came to see me, and frowned on me on account of the impudence of the letter, as he phrased it, and further added, 'Do you think that we are fools in England, and would send your letter to Congress, with instructions to retaliate on our own people? I have sent your letter to Lord North.' This gave me inward satisfaction, though I carefully concealed it with a pretended resentment, for I found that I had come Yankee over liim, and that the letter had gone to the identical person 1 designed it for. Nor do I know to this day, but that it had the desired effect, though I have not heard any thing of the letter since. My personal treatment by Lieutenant Hamilton, who commanded the castle, w^as very generous. He sent 232 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUATAIN HEROES. me every day a fine breakfast and dinner from his own table, and a bottle of good wine. Another aged gen- tleman, whose name I cannot recollect, sent me a good suppei". But there was no distinction between me and the privates ; we all lodged on a sort of Dutch bunks, in one common apartment, and were allowed straw. The privates were well supplied with provisions, and with me, took effectual measures to rid ourselves of lice. I could not but feel, inwardly, extremely anxious for my fate. This, I however, concealed from the pris- oners, as well as from the enemy, who were perpetually shaking the halter at me. I nevertheless treated them M'ith scorn and contempt ; and having sent my letter to the ministry, could conceive of nothing more in my power but to keep up my spirits, behave in a daring, soldier-like manner, that I might exhibit a good sample of American fortitude. Such a conduct, I judged would have a more probable tendency to my preserva- tion than concession and timidity. This therefore, was my deportment ; and I had lastly determined in my mind, that if a cruel death must inevitably be my por- tion, I would face it undaunted ; and, though I greatly rejoice that I returned to my country and friends, and to see the power and pride of Great Britain humbled ; yet I am confident I could then have died without the least appearance of dismay. I now clearly I'ecollect that my mind was so re- solved, that I would not have trembled or shewn the least fear, as I was sensible that it could not alter my fate, nor do more than reproach my memory, make my last act despicable to my enemies, and eclipse the other actions of my life. For I reasoned thus, that nothing was more common than for men to die with their friends around them, weeping and lamenting over them, but not able to help them, which was in re- ality not different in the consequence of it from such a death as I was apprehensive of; and, as death was the natural consequence of animal life to which the laws of nature subject mankind, to be timorous and uneasy as to the event and manner of it, was inconsis- tent with the character of a philosopher and soldier. NAERATITE OF ALLEn''8 CAPTIVITY. 233 The cause I was engaged in, I ever viewed worthy hazarding my life for, nor was I, in the most critical moments of trouble, sorry that I engaged in it ; and, as to the world of spirits, though I knew nothing of the mode or manner of it, I expected nevertheless, when I should arrive at such a world, that I should be as well treated as other gentlemen of my merit. Among the great numbers of people, who came to the castle to see the prisoners, some gentlemen told me that they had come fifty miles on purpose to see me, and desired to ask me a number of questions, and to make free with me in conversation. 1 gave for an- swer that 1 chose freedom in every sense of the word. Then one of them asked me what my occupation in life had been ? I answered him, that in my younger days I had studied divinity, but was a conjuror by profession. He replied that I conjured wrong at the time I was taken ; and 1 was obliged to own, that I mistook a figure at that time, but that I had conjured them out of Ticonderoga. This was a ji'lace of great notoriety in England, so that the joke seemed to go in my favor. It was a common thing for me to be taken out of close confinement, into a spacious green in the castle, or rather parade, where numbers of gentlemen and ladies were ready to see and hear me. I often enter- tained such audiences with harangues on the impracti- cability of Great Britain's conquering the then colo- nies of America. At one of these times I asked a gentleman for a bowl of punch, and he ordered his servant to bring it, which he did, and ofl'ered it to me, but I refused to take it from the hand of his servant ; he then gave it to me with his own hand, refusing to drink with me in consequence of my being a state criminal : However, I took the punch and drank it all down at one draught, and handed the gentleman the bowl ; this made the spectators as well as myself merry. I expatiated on American freedom. This gained the resentment of a young beardless gentleman of the company, who gave himself very great airs, and re- plied that hp. ' knew the Americans very well, and was 234 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MoUNTAIN HEKOES. certain they could not bear the smell of powder.' I replied, that I accepted it as a challenge, and was ready to convince him on the spot, that an American could bear the smell of powder ; at which he answered that he should not put himself on a par with me. 1 then demanded him to treat the character of the Americans with due resj^ect. He answered that I was an Irish- man ; but I assured liira that I was a full blooded Yankee, and in fine bantered him so much, that he left me in possession of the ground, and the laugh went against him. Two clergymen came to see me, and, inasmuch as they behaved with civility, I returned them the same. We discoursed on several parts of moral philosophy and Christianity ; and they seemed to be surprised that I should be acquainted w^ith such topics, or that I should understand a syllogism, or reg- ular mode of argumentation. I am apprehensive my Canadian dress contributed not a little to the surprise, and excitement of curiosity: to see a gentleman in England regularly dressed and well behaved would be no sight at all ; but such a rebel as they were pleased to call me, it is probable, was never before seen in England. The prisoners were landed at Falmouth a few days before Christmas, and ordered on board of the Solebay frigate, Capt. Symonds, on the eighth day of January, 1776, when our hand irons were taken off. This remove was in consequence, as I have been since informed, of a writ of habeas corpus, which had been procured by some gentlemen in England, in order to obtain me my liberty. The Solebay, with sundry other men-of-war, and about forty transports, rendezvoused at the cove of Cork, in Ireland, to take in provisions and water. When w^e were first brought on board, captain Symonds ordered all the prisoners, and most of the hands on board to go on the deck, and caused to be read in their hearing, a certain code of laws or rules, for the regulation and ordering of their behavior ; and then in a sovereign manner, ordered the prisoners, me , in particular, ofi;" the deck, and never to .come on it NAEEATIVE OF ALLEK's CAPTIVITT. 235 again: for, said he, this is a place for gentlemen lo walk. So I went off, an officer following me, who told me he would shew me the place allotted to me, and took me down to the cable tier, saying to me this is your place. Prior to this I had taken cold, by which I was in an ill state of health, and did not say much to the officer ; but stayed there that night, consulted my policy, and I found I was in an evil case ; that a captain of a man-of-war was more arbitrary than a king, as he could view his territory with a look of his eye, and a movement of his finger commanded obedience. I felt myself more desponding than I had done at any time before, ; for I concluded it to be a government scheme, to do that clandestinely which policy forbid to be done under sanction of any public justice and law. However, two days after, I shaved and cleansed myself as well as- I could, and went on deck. The captain spoke to me in a great rage, and said : 'did I not order you not to come on deck ?' I answered him, that at the same time he said, 'that it was the place for gentlemen to walk ; tliat I was Colonel Allen, but had not been properly introduced to him.' He replied, you, sir, be careful not to walk the same side of the deck l^hat I do. This gave me encourage- ment, and ever after that I walked in the manner he had directed, except when he, at certain times after- wards, had ordered me off in a passion, and I then would directly afterwards go on again, telling him to command his slaves ; that I was a gentleman and had a right to walk the deck ; yet when he expressly ordered me off,- 1 obeyed, not out of obedience to him, but to fett an example to the ship's crew, who ought to obey him. To walk to the windward side of the deck is, ac- cording to custom, the prerogative of the captain of a man-of-war, though he, sometimes, nay commonly, walks with his lieutenants, wiien no strangers are by. When a captain from some other man-of-war comes on board, the captains walk to the windward side, and the other gentlemen to the leeward. 236 ETUAX ALLEN AND G KEEN-MO UJTTAIN HEKOES. It was but a few nights I lodged in the cable tier, before I gained an acquaintance with the master of arms, his name was Giliegan, an Irishman, who was a generous and well disposed man, and in a friendly manner made me an olfer of living with him in a little birth, which was allotted him between decks, and en- closed in canvass ; his preferment on board was about equal to that of a sergeant in a regiment. I was com- paratively happy in the acceptance of his clemency, and lived with him in friendship till the frigate an- chored in the harbor of Cape Fear, Korth Carolina, in America. Nothing of material consequence happened till the fleet rendezvoused at the cove of Cork, except a vio- lent storm which brought old hardy sailors to their prayers. It was soon rumored in Cork that I was on board the Solebay, with a number of prisoners from America ; upon which Messrs. Clark & Hays, mer- chants in company, and a number of other benevo- lently disposed gentlemen, contributed largely to the relief and support of the prisoners, who were thirty- four in number, and in very needy circumstances. A suit of clothes from head to foot, including an overcoat or surtout, and two shirts were bestowed upon each of them. My suit I received in superfine broadcloths, sufficient for two jackets and two pair of breeches, overplus of a suit throughout, eight fine Holland shirts and socks ready made, with a number of pairs of silk and woi'sted hose, two pair of shoes, two beaver hats, one of which was sent me richly laced with gold, by James Bon well. The Irish gentlemen furthermore made a large gratuity of wines of the best sort, spirits, gin, loaf and brown sugar, tea and chocolate, with a large round of pickled beef, and a number of fat tur- kies, with many other articles, for my sea stores, too tedious to mention here. To the privates they bestowed on each man two pounds of tea, and six pounds of brown sugar. These articles were received on board at a time when the captain and first lieuteuant ^era gone on shore, by the permission of the second lieu- tenant, a handsome young gentleman, who was thea NAEEATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTI"V1TT. 237 Qnder twenty-one years of age ; his name was Douglass, son of admiral Douglass, as I was informed. As this munificence was so imexpected and plentiful, I may add needful, it impressed on my mind the high- est sense of gratitude towards my benefactors ; for 1 was not only supplied with the necessaries and conven- iences of life, but with the grandeurs and superfluities of it. ATr. Hays, one of the donators before-mentioned, came on board, and behaved in the most obliging man- ner, telling me that he hoped my troubles were past ; for that the gentlemen of Cork determined to make my sea stores equal to that of the captain of the Soleba}' ; ho made an offer of live stock and wherewith to sup- port tliem ; but I knew this would be denied. And to crown all, did send me by anotlier person, fifty guineas, out I could not reconcile receiving the whole to my own feelings, as it might have the appearance of ava- rice ; and therefore received but seven guineas only, and am confident, not only from the exercise of the present well-timed generosity, but from a large ac- f[uaintance with gentlemen of this nation, that as a people they excel in liberality and bravery. Two days after the receipt of the aforesaid donations, captain Symonds came on board full of envy towards the prisoners, and swore by all that is good, that the damned American rebels should not be feasted at this rate, by the damned rebels of Ireland ; he therefore took away all my liquors before-mentioned, except gome of the wine which was secreted, and a two gallon jug of old spirits which was i-escrved for mo per favor of lieutenant Douglass. The taking of my liquors was abominaljie in his sight; he therefore spoke in my behalf, till the captain was angry with him ; and in consequence, jjroceeded and took away all the tea and sugar, which had been given to the prisoners, and confiscated it to the use of the ship's crew. Our clothing was not taken away, but the privates were forced to do duty on board. Soon after this there came a boat to the side of the ship, and captain Symonds asked a gentleman in it, in my hearing, what his busi- ness was i who answered that he was sent to deliver 238 ETHAN ALLEX AXD GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEIiOES. some sea stores to Col. Allen, wliich if I remember right, lie said were sent from Dublin ; but the captain damned him heartily, ordering him away from the ship, and wonld not suffer him to deliver the stores. I M-as furthermore informed that the gentlemen in Cork, requested of captain Symonds, that I might be allowed to come into the city, and that they would be responsi- ble I should return to the frigate at a given time, which was denied them. We sailed from England on the 8tli day of January, and from the cove of Cork on the 12th day of February, Just before we sailed, the prisoners with me were di- vided, and put on board three different ships of war. This gave me some uneasiness, for they were to a man zealous in the cause of liberty, and behaved with a becoming fortitude in the various scenes of their cajDtivity ; but those, who were distributed on board other ships of war were much better used than those who tarried with me, as appeared afterwards. When the fleet, consisting of about forty-five sail, including five men of war, sailed from the cove with a fresh breeze, the appearance was beautiful, abstracted from the unjust and bloody designs they had in view. We had not sailed many days, before a mighty stoi'm arose, which lasted near twenty-four hours without intermis- sion. The wind blew with relentless fury, and no man could remain on deck, except he was lashed fast, for the waves rolled over the deck by turns, with a forcible rapidity, and every soul on board was anxious for the preservation of the ship, alias, their lives. In this storm the Thunder-bomb man of war sprang a leak, and was afterwards floated to some j^art to the coast of England, and the crew saved. We were then said to be in the Bay of Biscay. After the storm abated, I could plainly discern the prisoners were better used for some consid- erable time. Nothing of consequence happened after this, till we sailed to the island of Madeira, except a certain favor 1 had received of captain Symonds, in consequence of an application I made to him for the privilege of his tailor to make me a suit of clothes of the cloth KAEEATIVE OF ALLKn's CAPTIVITY. 239 bestowed on me in Ireland, which lie generously granted. I could then walk the deck M'ith a seeming better grace. AVhen we had reached Madeira, and anchored, sundry gentlemen with the captain went on shore, who I conclude, gave the rumor that I was in the frigate ; upon which I soon found that Irish gener- osit}' was again excited ; for a gentleman of that nation sent his clerk on board, to know of me if I would ac- cept a sea store from him, particularly wine. This mat- ter I made known to the generous lieutenant Douglass, who readily granted me the iavor, provided the articles could be brought on board, during the time of his connnand ; adding that it would be a pleasure to him to serve me, notwithstanding the opposition he met with before. So I directed the gentleman's clerk to inform him that I was greatly in need of so signal a charity, and desired the young gentleman to make the utmost desi^atch, which he did ; but in the meantime, captain Symonds and his officers came on board, and immediately made ready for sailing; the wind at the same time being fair, set sail when the young gentle- man was in fair sight M'ith the aforesaid store. The reader will doubtless recollect the seven guineas I received at the cove of Cork. These enabled me to purchase of the purser what 1 wanted, had not the captain strictly forbidden it, though I made sundry applications to him for that purpose ; but his answer to me, when I was sick, was, that it was no matter how soon I was dead, and that he was no ways anxious to preserve the lives of rebels, but wushed them all dead ; and indeed that was the language of most of the ship's crew. I expostulated not only with the captain, but with other gentlemen on board, on the unreasonableness of such usage ; inferring that, inasmuch as the gov- ernment in England did not proceed against me as a capital ofi'ender, tiiey should not; for tliat they were by no means empowered by any authority', either civil or military, to do so ; for tlic Englisli government had acquitted me by sending me back a prisoner of war to America, and that they should treat me as such, I fur- ther drew an inference of impolicy on them, provided 240 ETHA^f ALLEN AND GEEEX-MOUNTAIN HBEOES. they should by hard usage destroy my life ; inasmuch as I might, if living, redeem one of their officers ; but the captain replied, that he needed no directions of mine how to treat a rebel ; that the British would con- quer the American rebels, hang the Congress, and such as promoted the rebellion, me in particular, and retake their own prisoners ; so that my life was of no consequence in the scale of their policy. I gave him for answer that if they stayed till they conquered America, before they hanged me, I should die of old age^ and desired that till such an event took place, he would at least allow me to purchase of the purser, for my- own money, such articles as I greatly needed ; but he would not permit it, and when I reminded him of the generous and civil usage that their prisoners in captivity in America met with, he said that it was not owing to their goodness, but to their timidity ; for, said he, they exjDCct to be conquered, and therefore dare not misuse our prisoners ; and in fact this was the language of the British officers, till Burgoyne was taken; happy event! and not only of the officers but the whole British army. I appeal to all my brother prisoners, who have been with the British in the south- ern department, for a confirmation of what I have advanced on this subject. The surgeon of the Solebay, whose name was Xorth, was a very humane, obliging man, and took the best care of the prisoners who were sick. The third day of May we cast anchor in the harbor of Cape Fear, in !North Carolina, as did Sir Peter Parker's ship, of 50 guns, a little back of the bar; for there was not depth of water for him to come into the harbor. These two men of war, and fourteen sail of ti-ansports and others, came after, so that most of tho fleet rendezvoused at Cape Fear, for three weeks. The soldiers on board the transports were sickly, in conse- quence of so long a passage; add to tliis the small- pox carried off many of them. They landed on the/ main, and formed a camp ; but tlie riflemen annoyed them, and caused them to move to an island in the harbor ; but such cursing of riflemen I never heard. NAEPvATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTITITT. 241 A. detachment of regulars was sent np Brunswick river; as they landed tliey were fired on by those marksmen, and they came back next day damning the rebels for their unmanly way of fighting, and swearing they would give no quarter, for they took sight at them, and were behind timber skulking about. One of the detachments said they lost one man ; but a negro man who was with them, and heard what was said, soon after told me that he helped to bury thirty -one of them ; this did me some good to find my countrymen giving tbem battle ; for I never heard such swaggering as among Gen. Clinton's little army who commanded at that time ; and I am apt to think there were four thou- sand men, though not two thirds of them fit for duty. I heard numbei's of them say, that the trees in America should hang well with fruit that campaign for they would give no quarter. This was in the mouths of most who I heard speak on the subject, ofiicer as well as soldier. I wished at that time my countrymen knew, as well as I did, what a murdering and cruel enemy they had to deal with ; but experience has since taught this country what they are to expect at the hands of Britons when in thek' power. The prisoners, who had been sent on board different men of war at the cove of Cork, were collected together, and the whole of them put on board the Mercury frig- ate, capt. James Montague, except one of the Cana- dians, who died on the passage from Ireland, and Peter Noble, who made his escape from the Sphynx man-of- war in this harbour, and, by extraordinary swimming, got safe home to ISTew-England, and gave intelligence of the usage of his brother prisoners. The Mercury set sail from this port for Halifax, about the 20th of May, and Sir Peter Parker was about to sail with the land forces, under the command of Gen. Clinton, for the reduction of Charleston, the capitol of South-Carolina, and when I heard of his defeat in Halifax, it gave me inexpressible satisfaction. 1 now found myself under a worse captain than Symonds ; for Montague was loaded with prejudices against every body and every thing that was not 242 ETSAN^ ALLEx A.:xD G ri:e:;miouxtain heeoes. stamped with royalty ; and being by nature nnder- "witted, his wrath was heavier than the others, or at least his mind was in no instance liable to be diverted by good sense, hnmour or bravery, of which Symonds was by turns susceptible. A Capt. Francis Proctor was added to our number of prisoners when we were first put on board this ship. This gentleman had formerly belonged to the English service. The captain, and in fine, all the gentlemen of the ship were very much incensed against him, and put him in irons without the least provocation, and he was continued in this miserable situation about three months. In this pas- sage the prisoners were infected with the scurvy, some more and some less, but most of them severely. The ship's crew was to a great degree troubled with it, and I concluded it was catching. Several of the crew died with it on their passage. I was weak and feeble in consequence of so long and cruel a captivity, yet had but little of the scurvy. The purser was again expressly forbid by the cap- tain to let me have any thing out of his store ; upon which I went upon deck, and in the handsomest man- ner requested the favor of purchasing a few necessaries of the purser, which was denied me ; he further told me, that I should be hanged as soon as I arrived at Halifax. I tried to reason the matter with him, but found him proof against reason ; I also held up his honor to view, and his behavior to me and the prison- ers in general, as being derogatory to it, but found his honor impenetrable. I then endeavored to touch his humanity, but found he had none ; for his preposses- *Bion of bigotry to his own party, had confirmed him 'in an opinion, that no humanity was due to unroyal- ists, but seemed to think that heaven and earth were made merely to gratify the King and his creatures ; he uttered considerable unintelligible and grovelling ideas, a little tinctured with monarchy, but stood •svell to his text of hanging'me. He afterwards forbade his surgeon to administer any help to the sick prisoners. I was every night- shut down in the cable tier, with the rest of the prisoners, and we all lived miserably while NAEKATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 24:3 under his power. Bat I received some generosity fiom several of tlic midsliipmen, who in degree alle- A'iated my misery ; one of their names was Pntrass, the names of the others I do not reccUect; but they were obliged to be private in the bestowment of their fiivor, which was sometimes good wine bitters, and at others a generous drink of grog. Sometime in the first week of June, we came to anchor at the Hook off l^ew York, where we remained but three days ; in which time Governor Tryon, Mr. Kemp, the old attorney general of ISTew York, and several other perfidious and over grown tories and land-jobbers, came on board. Tryon viewed me with a stern countenance, as I was walking on the lee- ward side of the deck with the midshipmen; and he and his companions were walking with the captain and lieutenant, on the windward side of the same, but never spoke to.me, though it is altogether probable that he thought of the old quarrel between him, the old gov- ernment of -Xew York, and the Green-Mountain Boys. Then they went with tlie captain into the cabin, and the same afternoon returned on board a vessel, where at that time they took sanctuary from the resentment of their injured country. AVhat passed between the officers of the ship and these visitors I know not ; but this I know that my treatment from the officers was more severe afterwards. We arrived at Halifax not far from the middle of June, where the ship's crew, which was infested with the scurvy, were taken on shore and shallow trenches duiX, into which they were put, and partly covered .with earth. Indeed every proper measure was taken for their relief The prisoners were not permitted any sort of medicine, but were put on board a sloop which lay in the harbor, near the town of Halifax, surrounded by several men-of-war and their tenders, and a guard constantly set over them, night and day. The sloop we had wholly to ourselves except the guard who oc- cupied the forecastle : here we were cruelly pinched with hunger ; it seemed to me that we had not more than one tiiird of the common allowance. We were 244: ETHAN AI.LEN AND GKEEN-MOCNTAIN HEE0E9. all seized with violent hunger and faintness ; we diA'i- ded our scanty allowance as exact as possible. I shared the same fate with the rest, and though they oft'ered me more than an even share, I refused to accept it, as it was a time of substantial distress, which in my opinion I ought to partake equally with the rest, and set an example of virtue and fortitude to our little commonwealth. I sent letter after letter to captain Montague, who still had the care of us, and also to h:'s lieutenant, whose name I cannot call to mind, but coula obtain no answer, much less a redress of grievances ; and to add to the calamity, nearly a dozen of the prisoners were dangerously ill of the scurvy. I wrote private letters to the doctors, to procure, if possible, some remedy for the sick, but in vain. The chief physician came by in a boat, so close that the oars touched the sloop that we were in, and I uttered my complaint in the genteelest manner to liira, but he never so much as turned his head, or made me any answer, though I continued speaking till he got out of hearing. Our cause then became deplorable. Still I kept writing to the cap- tain, till he ordered the guards, as they told me, not to bring any more letters from me to him. In the mean time an event happened worth relating. One of the men almost dead with the scurvy, lay by the side of the sloop, and a canoe of Indians coming by, he purchased two quarts of strawberries, and ate them at once, and it almost cured him. The money he gave for them, was all the money he had in the world. After that we tried every way to procure more of that fruit, reasoning from analogy that they might have the same effect on others infested with the same disease, but could obtain none. Meanwhile the doctors mate of the Mercury came privately on board the prison sloop and presented me with a large vial of smart drops, which proved to be good for the scurvy, though vegetables and some other ingredients were requisite for a cure ; but the drops gave at least a check to the disease. This wa^i a well- timed exertion of humanity, but the doctor's name hat NAPvRATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTITITT. 245 slipped my mind, and in my opinion, it was the means of saving the lives of several men. The guard, which was set over us, was by this time touched v.ith feelings of compassion ; and I finally trusted one of them with a letter of complaint to gov- ernor Arbuthnot, of Halifax, which he found means to communicate, and which had the desired effect ; for the governor sent an ofhcer and surgeon on board the prison sloop, to know the truth of the comi^laint. The officer's name was Russell, who held the rank of lieu- tenant, and treated me in a friendly and polite manner, and was really angry at the cruel and unmanly usage the prisoners met with ; and with the surgeon made a true report of matters to governor Arbuthnot, who, either by his order or influence, took us next day from the prison sloop to Halifax jail, M-here I first became acquainted with the now Hon. James Lovel, one of the members of Congress for the state of Massachusetts. The sick were taken to the hospital, and the Can- adians, who M'ere eflfective, w^ere employed in the King's works ; and when their countrymen were re- covered from the scurvy and joined them, they all deserted the king's employ, and were not heard of at Halifax, as long as the remainder of the prisoners con- . tinned there, which was till near tlie middle of October. AYe were on board the pi'ison sloop about six weeks, and were landed at Halifax near the middle of August. Several of our English-American prisoners, who were cured of the scurvy at the hospital, made their escape from thence, and after a long time reached their old habitations. I had now but thirteen with me, of those who were taken in Canada, and remained in jail with me at Hal- ifax, M'ho, in addition to those that were imprisoned before, made our number about thirty-four, who were all locked up in one common large room, without re- gard to rank, education or any other accomplishment, "where we continued from the setting to the rising sun : and, as sundry of them were infected with the jail and other distempers, the furniture of this spacious room consisted principally of excrement tubs. Wo 246 ETHAN AIXEi^" AND GEE I<:N-M0UNT AIN HEEOES. petitioned for d removal of tbe sick into the hospitals, but were denied. We remonstrated against the un- gcnerons nsuge of being confined with the privates, as being contrary to the laws and customs of nations, and particularly ungrateful in them in consequence of tlie gentleman-like usage which the British imprisoned officers met with in America ; and thus we wearied ourselves, petitioning and remonstrating, but to no pur- pose at all ; for general Massey, who commanded at Halifax, was as inflexible as the devil himself, a fine preparative this for Mr. Lovel, member of the Con- tinental Congress. Lieutenant Russell, whom I have mentioned before, came to visit me in prison, and assured me that he had done his utmost to procure my parole for enlargement ; at which a British captain, who was then town-major, expressed compassion for the gentlemen confined in the filthy place, and assured me that he had used his influence to procure their enlargement ; his name was near like Bamsey. Among the prisoners there were five in number, who had a legal claim to a parole, a Mr. Ilowland, master of a continental armed vessel, a Mr, Taylor, his mate, and myself. As to the article of provision, we were well served, much better than in any part of my captivity ; and since it was Mr. Lovel's misfortunes and mine to be prisoners, aqd in so wretched circumstances, I was hajipy that we were together as a mutual support to each other, and to the unfortunate prisoners with us. Our first attention was the preservation of ourselves and injured little republic ; the rest of our time we devoted intercliangeably to politics and philosophy, as patience was a needful exercise in so evil a situation, but contentment mean and impracticable. I had not been in this jail many days, before a worthy and charitable woman, by the name of l^frs. Blacden, supplied me "unth a good dinner of fresh meats every day, with garden fruit, and sometimes with a bottle of wine : notwithstanding which I had not been more than three weeks in this place before I lost my a]->petite to the most delicious food, by the jail kai;eative of alle.n's cAPTivnr. 247 clistemj)er, as also did sundry of the prisoners, partic- ularly a sergeant Moore, a man of courage and fidelity I have several times seen him hold the boatswain of the Solebay frigate, when he attempted to strike him, and laughed him out of conceit of using him as a slave. A doctor visited the sick, and did the best, as I sup- pose, he could for them, to no apparent purpose. I grew weaker and weaker, as did the rest. Several of them could not help themselves. At last I reasoned in my own mind, that raw onion would be good. I made use of it, and found immediate relief by it, as did the sick in general, particularly sergeant Moore, whom it I'ecovered almost from the shades ; though I had met with a little revival, still I found the malig- nant hand of Britain had greatlj^ reduced my constitu- tion with stroke upon stroke. Esquire Lovel and myself used every argument and entreaty that could be well conceived of in order to obtain gentleman-like usage, to no purpose. I then wrote Gen. Massey as severe a letter as I possibly could with my friend Lovel's assistance. The contents of it was to give the British, as a nation, and him as an individual, their true eliaracter. This roused the rascal, for he could not bear to see his and the nation's deformity in that transparent letter, which I sent him ; he therefore put himself in a great rage about it, and showed the letter to a number of British officers, particularly to captain Smith of the Laik frigate, wlio, instead of joining with him in disapprobation, commended the spirit of it ] upon wliich general Mas.sey said to him do you take the part of a rebel against me? Captain Smith answered that he rather spoke his sentiments and, tliere was a dissention in opinion between them. Some otticers took the part of the general, and others of the captain. This I was informed of by a gentleman who had it from ca]>tain Smith. In a few days after this, the prisoners were ordered to go on board of a man-of-war, which was bound for New York; but two of them were not able to go on board, and wfci*e left at Halifax ; one died ; and the 11* 248 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-ilOUXTAIN HEEOES. other recovered. This was ahoiit the 12th of October, and soon after we had got on board, the captain sent for me in particular to come on the quarter deck. I went, not knowing that it was captain Smith, or his ship, at that time, and expected to meet the same rig- orous usage I had commonly met with, and prepared my mind accordingly ; but when I came on deck, the captain met me M'ith his hand, welcomed me to hie ship, invited me to dine with him that day, and as- sured me that I should be treated as a gentleman, and that he had given orders, that I should be treated with respect by the ship's crew. This was so unexpected and sudden a transition, that it drew tears from my eyes, which all the ill usage I had before met with, was not able to produce, nor could I at first hardly speak, but soon recovered myself and expressed my gratitude for so unexpected a favor ; and let him know that I felt anxiety of mind in reflecting that his sit- uation and mine was such, that it was not probable that it would ever be in my power to return the favor. Captain Smith replied, that he had no reward in view, but only ti-eated me as a gentleman ought to be treated ; he said this is a mutable world, and one gen- tleman never knows but it may be in his power to help another. Soon after I found this to be the same cap- tain Smith who took my part against general Massey ; out he never mentioned any thing of it to me, and I thought it impolite in me to interrogate him, as to any disputes which might have arisen between him and the general on my account, as I was a prisoner, and that it was at his option to make free with me on that subject, if he pleased ; and if he did not, I might take it for granted that it would be unpleasing for me to query about it, though I had a strong j^i'opensity to converse with him on tiiat subject. I dined M'ith the captain agreeable to his invitation, and oftentimes with the lieutenant, in the gun-room, but in general ate and drank with ray friend Lovel and the other gentlemen who were prisoners M'ith me, where I also slept. We had a little birth enclosed M-ith canvas, between KAKEATIVE e.F xVLLLa's CAPTIVITT. 249 decks, where we enjoyed ourselves very well, in hopes of an exchange ; besides, onr friends at Halifax had a little notice of our departure, and supplied us with spirituous liquor, and many articles of provisions for the cost. Captain Burk, having been taken prisoner, was added to our company, (he had commanded an American armed vessel,) and was generously treated by the captain and all the officers of the ship, as well as myself. We now had in all near thirty prisoners on board, and as we were sailing along the coast, if I re- collect right, off Rhode-Island, captain Burk, with an under officer of the ship, whose name I do not recol- lect, came to our little berth, proposed to kill captain Smith and the principal officers of the frigate and take it ; adding tb.at there were thirty-five thousand pounds sterling in the same. Captain Burk likewise averred that a strong party out of the ship's crew was in the conspiracy, and urged me, and the gentleman that was with me, to use our influence 'vi'ith the private prison- ers, to execute the design, and take the ship with the cash into one of our own ports. Upon which I replied, that we had been too w«ll used on board to murder the officers ; that I could by no means reconcile it to my conscience, and that, in fact, it should not be done ; and while I was yet speak- ing, m}^ friend Lovel confirmed what I had said, and farther pointed out the ungratefulness of such an act ; that it did not fall short of murder, and in fine all the j^entlemcn in the berth opposed captain Burk and his colleague. But they strenuously urged that the con- spiracy would be found out, and that it would cost them their lives, provided they did not execute their design. I then interposed spiritedly, and put an end to further argument on the subject, and told them that they might depend upon it, upon my honor, that I would faithfully guard captain Smith's life. If they should attemi)t the assault, I would assist him, for they desired me to remain neuter, and that the same honor that guarded captain Smith's life, would also guard theirs ; and it was agreed by those present not to reveal the conspiracy, to the intent that no man 250 ETUA^r ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOCNTAIN HEROES. should be pat to death, in consequence of what had been projected ; and captain Eurk and his colleague went to stifle the matter among their associates. I could not help calling to mind what captain Smith said to me, when I first came on board : "This is a mutable world, and one gentleman never knows but that it may be in his power to help another." Captain Smith and his officers still behaved with their usual courtesy, and I never heard any more of the conspirac}'. We arrived before i!s^ew-Tork, and cast anchor the latter part of October, where we remained several days, and where captain Smith informed me, that he had recommended me to admiral Howe and general Sir Wm. Howe, as a gentleman of honor and veracity, and desired that I might be treated as such. Captain Burk was then ordered on board a prison-ship in the harbor. I took my leave of captain Smith, and with the other prisoners, was sent on board a transport ship, which lay in the harbor, commanded by captain Craige, who took me into the cabin with him and his lieutenant. I fared as they did, and was in every respect well treated, in consequence of directions from captain Smith. In a few weeks after this I had the happiness to part with my friend Lovel, for his sake, whom the enemy affected to treat as a private ; he was a gentleman of merit, and liberally educated, but had no commission ; they maligned him on account of hia unshaken attachment to the cause of his country. He was exchanged for a governor Philip Skene of the British. I was continued in this ship till the latter part of November, where I contracted an acquaintance with the captain of the British ; his name has slipped my memory. He was M^hat we may call a genteel, hearty fellow. I remember an ex])ression of his over a bottle of wine, to tljis import: -That there is a greatness of soul for personal friendship to subsist between you and me, as we are upon opposite sides, and may at another day be obliged to face each other in the field." I am confident tliat he was as faithful as any officer in the British army. At another sitting he offered to bet a dozen of wine, that fort Washington would be in the NAKEATIYE OF ALLEk's CAPTIVITY. 251 hands of the British in three days. I stood the bet, and would, liad I known that that would have been the case ; and the third day afterwards we heard a heavy cannonade, and that day the fort was taken sure enough. Some months after, when I was on parole, he called upon ra? with his usual humor, and mentioned the bet. I acknowledged I had lost it, but he said he did not mean to take it then, as I was a prisoner ; that he would another day call on me, when their army came to Ben- nington. I replied that he was quite too generous, as I had fairly lost it ; besides, the Green-Mountain-Boys would not suffer them to come to Bennington. This was all in good humor. I should have been glad to have seen him after the defeat at Bennington, but did not. It was customary for a guard to attend the pris- oners, which was often changed. One was composed of tories from Connecticut, in the vicinity of Fairfield and Green Farms. The sergeant's name was Hoit. They were very full of their invectives against the country, swaggered of their loyalty to their king, and exclaimed bitterly against the "cowardly yankees," as they were pleased to term them, but finally contented tiiemselves with saying, that when the country was overcome, they should be well rewarded for their loy- alty out of the estates of the whigs, which would be confiscated. This 1 found to be' the general language of the tories, after I arrived from England on the American coast. I heard sundry of them relate, that the British generals had engaged them an ample reward for their losses, disappointments and expenditures, out of the forfeited rebels' estates. This language early tanght me what to do with tories' estates, as far as my influence can go. For it is really a game of hazard between wliig and tory. The whigs must inevitably • have lost all, in consequence of the abilities of the tories, and their good friends the British ; and it is no more than right the tories should run the same risk, in consequence of the abilities of the whigs. But of this more will be observed in the sequel of this narrative. S )me of the last days of Kovember, the prisoners 252 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MUUNTAIN HEBOES. were landed at Xew-York, and I was admitted to parola with the other officers, viz: Proctor, Howhind, and Taylor. The privates were put into filthy chuiches in Kew-York, with the distressed prisoners that were taken at Fort A7ashino;ton ; and the second night, sergeant Eoger Moore, Avho was bold and enterprising, found means to make his escape with every of the remaining " prisoners that were taken with me, except three, who were soon after exchanged. So that out of thirty-one prisoners, who went with me the round exhibited in these sheets, two only died with the enemy, and three only were exchanged ; one of whom died after he came within our lines ; all the rest, at different times, made their escape from the enemy. I now found myself on parole, and restricted to the limits of the city of I^ew-York, where I soon projected means to live in some measure agreeably to my rank, though I was destitute of cash. My constitution was almost worn out by such a long and barbarous captivity. The enemy gave out that I was crazy, and wholly un- manned, but my vitals held sound, nor was I delirious any more than I had been from youth up ; but my extreme circumstances, at certain times, rendered it politic to act in some measure the madman ; and in consequence of a regular diet and exercise, ray blood recruited, and my nerves in a great measure recovered their former tone, strength and usefulness, in the course of six months. I next invite the reader to a retrospective sight and consideration of the doleful scene of inhumanity ex- ercised by general Sir AVilliam Howe, and the army under his command, towards the prisoners taken on Long-Island, on the 27th of August, 177G ; sundry of whom were, in an inhuman and barbarous manner, murdered after they had surrendered their arms ; par- ' ticularly a general Od(;l, or Woodhull, of the militia, who was hacked to pieces with cutlasses, when alive, by the light horsemen, and a captain Fellows, of tho continental arnay, who was thrust through with a bay- onet, of which wound he died instantly. Sundry others were hanged up by the neck till they were dead ; five KAKEATITE OF ALLE^•'s CAPTIVITY. 253 on tlie limb of a white oak tree, and without any rea- son assigned, except that they were fighting in defence of the only blessing worth preserving. And indeed those who had the misfortune to fall into their hands at Fort Washington, in the month of November fol lowing, met with very little better usage, except that they were reserved from hiimediate death to famish and die with hunger ; in fine, the word i-ebel, applied to any vanquished persons, without regard to rank, who were in the continental service, on the 27th of August aforesaid, was thought, by the enemy, sufiicient to sanctifj^ whatever cruelties they were pleased to inflict, death itself not excepted ; but to pass over particulars which would swell my narrative far beyond my design. The private soldiers, who were brought to ISTew York, were crowded into churches, and environed with slavish Hessian guards, a people of a strange language, who were sent to America for no other design but cruelty and desolation ; and at others, by merci- less Britons whose m.ode of communicating ideas being intelligible in this country, served only to tantalize and insult the helpless and perishing ; but above all, the hellish delight and triumph of the tories over them, as the^^ were dying by hundreds. This was too much for me to bear as a spectator ; for I saw the tories exulting over the dead bodies of their murdered countrymen. 1 have gone into the churches, and seen sundry of the prisoners in the agonies of death, in consequence of very hunger, and others speechless, and very near death, biting pieces of chips ; otliers pleading for God's sake, for something to eat, and at the same time, shivering with the cold. Hollow groans saluted my ears, and despair seemed to be imprinted on every of their countenances. Tlie filth, in these churches, in consequence of the fluxes, was almost beyond description. The floors were covered witii excrements. I liave carefully sought to direct my steps so as to avoid it, but could not. They would beg for God's sake for one copper, or morsel of bread. 1 have seen in one of these churches seven 254 ETHAN ALT,EX AND GEEEX-MOUNTAIN HEEOEg. dead, at the same time, lying among the escrements of their bodies. It was a common practice with the enemy, to con- vey the dead from these filthy places, in carts, to be slightly buried, and I have seen whole gangs of tories making derision, and exulting over the dead, saying, there goes another load of damned rebels. I have observed the British soldiers to be full of their black- guard jokes, and vaunting on those occasions, but they appeared to me less malignant than tories. The provision dealt out to the prisoners was by no means sufficient for the support of life. It was defi- cient in quantity, and much more so in quality. The prisoners often presented me with a sample of their bread, which I certify was damaged to that degree, that it was loathsome and unfit to be eaten, and I am bold to aver it, as my opinion, that it had been con- demned, and was of the very worst sort. I have seen and been fed upon damaged bread, in the course of my captivity, and observed the quality of such bread as has been condemned by the enemy, amoi.i; which was very little so eftectually spoiled as wliat was dealt out to these prisoners. Their allowance of meat (as they told me) was quite trifling, and of the basest sort. I never saw any of it, but was informed, that bad as it was, it was swallowed almost as quick as they got hold of it. I saw some of them sucking bones after they were speechless ; others, who could yet speak, and had tlie use of their reason, urged me in the strongest and most pathetic manner, to use my interest in their behalf; for you plainly see, said they, that we are devoted to death and destruction ; and after I had examined more particularly into their truly deplorable condition, and had become more fully apprized of the essential facts, I was persuaded that it was a premeditated and systematical plan of the British council, to destroy the youths of our land, with a view thereby to deter the country, and make it submit to their despotism ; but that I could not do them an}' material service, and that, by any public attempt for that purjiose, I might endanger myself by NARRATIVE OF ALLE^-'s CAPTIVITY. 255 frequenting places the most nauseous and contagious that could be conceived of. I refrained going into churches, but frequently conversed with such of the prisoners as were admitted to come out into the yard, and found that the systematical usage still continued. The guard would often drive me away with their fixed bayonets. A Hessian one day followed me five or six rods, but by making use of my legs, I got rid of the lubber. Sometimes I could obtain a little conversa- tion, notwithstandino; their severities. I was in one of the church yards, and it was rumored among those in the church, and sundry of the prisoners came with their usual complaints to me, and among the rest a large boned, tall young man, as he told rae, from Pennsylvania, who was reduced to a mere skeleton ; he said he was glad to see me before he died, which he expected to have done last night, but was a little revived ; he furthermore informed me, that he and his brother had been urged to enlist into the British Army, but both. had resolved to die first ; that his brother had died last night, in conse- quence of that resolution, and that he expected shortly to follow him ; but I made the other prisoners stand a little off, and told him with a low voice to enlist; he then asked, whether it was riglit in the sight of God ! I assured him that it was, and that duty to him- self obliged him to deceive the British by enlisting and deserting the first opportunity; upon which he answered with transport that he would enlist. I charged him not to mention my name 'as his adviser, lest it should get air, and I should be closely confined, in consequence of it. The integrity of these sulferiug prisoners is hardly credible. Man}' hundreds, I am confident, submitted to death, ratlier than to enlist in the British service, which, I am informed, they most generally were pressed to do. I was astonished at the resolution of the two brotliers particularly; it seeraa that they could not be stimulated to such exertions of heroism from ambition, as they were but obscure sol- diers ; strong indeed must the internal principle of virtue be, which supported them to bra^'e death, and 256 ETIIA^^ ALLEN AKD GEEEX-MOU^iTAIN HEEOES. one of them went tlirough the operation, as did many hundred others. I readily grant that instances of public virtue are no excitement to the sordid and vicious, nor, on the other 'hand, will all the barbarity of Britain and Heshland awaken them to a sense of their duty to the public; but these things will have their proper effect on the generous and brave. The officers on parole were most of them zealous, if possi- ble, to afford the miserable soldiery relief, and often consulted with one another on the subject, but to no efi'ect, being destitute of the means of subsistence, which they needed ; nor could the officers project any measure, which they thought would alter their fate, or so much as be a means of getting them out of those filtliy places to the privilege of fresh air. Some pro- jected that all the officers should go in procession to General Howe, and plead the cause of the perishing soldiers; but this proposal was negatived for the fol- lowing reasons, viz : because that general Howe must needs be well acquainted, and have a thorough know- ledge of the state and condition of the prisoners in every of tijeir wretched apartments, and that much more particular and exact than any officer on parole could be supposed to have, as the general had a return of the circumstances of the prisoners, by his own officers, every morning, of the number which were alive, as also the number which died every twenty- four hours ; and consequently the bill of mortality, as collected from the daily returns, lay before him with all the material situations and circumstances of the prisoners ; and provided the officers should go in pro- cession to general Howe, according to the projection, it would give him the greatest affVont, and that he would either retort upon them, that it was no part of their parole to instruct him in his conduct to jirison- ers ; that they were mutining against his authority, and by affronting him, had forfeited their parole ; or that, more probably, instead of saying one word to them, would order them all into as wretched confine- ment as the soldiers whom they sought to relieve; for, at that time, the British, from the general to the NAERATIVE OF ALLEis'S CAPTIVITY. 257 private sentinel, were in full confidence, nor did they so much as hesitate, but that they should conquer the country. Thus the consultation of the oificers was confounded and broken to pieces, in consequence of the dread, which at that time lay on their minds, of offending- Gen. Howe ; for they conceived so murder- ous a tyrant would not be too good to destroy even the officers.^ on the least pretence of an affront, as they wei*e equally in his power with the soldiers ; and, as Gen. Howe perfectly understood the condi- tion of the private soldiers, it was argued that it was exactly such as he and his council had devised, and as he meant to destroy them, it would be to no pur- pose for them to try to dissuade him from it, as they were helpless and liable to the same fate, on giving the least affront ; indeed anxious apprehensions dis- turbed them in their then circumstances. Mean time mortality raged to such an intolerable degree among the prisoners, that the very school boys in the streets knew the mental design of it in some measure ; at least, thej' knew that they were starved to death. Some poor women contributed to their necessity, till their children were almost starved, and all persons of common understanding knew that they were devoted to the crudest and worst of deaths. It was also proposed by some to make a wi'itten repre- sentation of the condition of tlie soldiery, and the officers to sign it, and that it should be couched in such terms, as though they were apprehensive that the General was imposed npon by his ofKcers, in their daily returns to him of the state and condition of the prisoners ; and that therefore the ofHcers, moved with compassion, were constrained to communicate to him the facts relative to them, notliing doubting but that they would meet with a speedy redi-ess; but this pro- posal was most generally negatived also, and for much the same reason offei-ed in the other case; for it was conjectured that Gen. Howe's indignation would be moved against such officers as should attemj^t to whip him over his officers' backs ; that he would discern that himself was really struck at, and not the officers 258 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAEJ HEKOES. who made the daily returns ; and therefore self-preser vation deterred the officers from either petitioning or remonstrating to Gen. Howe, either verbally or in ■writing; as also the consideration that no valuable purpose to the distressed would be obtained. I made several rough drafts on the subject, one of which I exhibited to the colonels Magaw, Miles and Atlee, and they said that the-°- would consider the matter ; soon after I called on tnem, and some of the gentlemen informed me that they had written to the general on the subject, and I concluded that the gen- tlemen thought it i3est that they should write without me, as there was snch spirited aversion subsisting between the British and me. In the mean time a colonel Hussecker, of the conti- nental army, as he then reported, was taken prisoner, and brought to New- York, who gave out that the country was almost universally submitting to the English king's authority, and that there would be little or no more opposition to Great-Britain. This at first gave the officers a little shock, but in a few days they recovered themselves ; fur this colonel Hussecker, being a German, was feasting with general De Heister, his countryman, and from his conduct they were apprehensive that he was a knave ; at least he was esteemed so by most of the officers ; it was neverthe- less a day of trouble. The enemy blasphemed. Our little army was retreating in Xew-Jersey, and our young men murdered by hundreds in K^ew-York. Tlie army of Britain and Heshland prevailed for a little season, as though it was ordered by Heaven to shew, to the latest posterity, what the British would have done if they could, and what the general calamity must have been, in consequence of their conquering the country, and to excite every honest man to stand forth in the defence of liberty, and to establish the independency of the United States of America for- ever. But this scene of adverse fortune did not dis- courage a Washington. The illustrious American hero remained immoveable. In liberty's cause he took up his sword. This reflection was his support and NAEKATIVE OF ALLEk's CAPTiriTT, 2- 5 9 .consolation in the day of his humiliation, when he retreated before the enemy, through New-Jersey into Pennsylvania. Their triumph only roused his indig- nation ; and the important cause of his country, which lay near his heart, moved him to cross the Delaware again, and take ample satisfaction on his pursuers. No sooner had he circumvallated his haughty foes, and appeared in terrible array, but the host of Ileshland fell. This taught America the intrinsic worth of per- severance, and the generous sons of freedom flew to the standard of their common safeguard and defence ; from which time the arm of American liberty hath prevailed. This surprise and capture of the Hessians enraged the enemy, who were still vastly more numerous than the continental troops. They therefore collected, and marched from Princetown to attack general Washine;- ton, who was tlien at Trenton, having previously left a detachment from their main body at Princeton, for the support of that place. This was a trying time, for our worthy general, though in possession of a late most astonishing victory, was by no means able to withstand the collective forces of the enemy ; but his sagacity soon suggested a stratagem to effect that which, by force, to him was at that time impracticable. He therefore amused the enemy with a number of fires, and in the night made a forced march, undiscovered by them, and next morning fell in with their rear-guard at Princetown, and killed and took mostof them prison- ers. The main body too late perceived their rear was attacked, hurried back with all speed, but to their mor- tification, found that they were out-generalled and baf- fled by general Washington, who was retired witli his little army towards Morristown, and was out of tlieir power. Tiiese repeated successes, one on the back of the other, chagrined the enemy prodigiously, and had an amazing operation in the scale of American pol- itics, and undoubtedly was one of the cornerstones, on which their fair structure of Independency has been fabricated, for the country at no other time has ever been so much dispirited as just before the morning of 260 ETHA2T ALLEN AND GJREEN-MOUNTATN HEEOES. this glorious success, which in part dispelled tho gloomy clouds of oppression and slavery, which lay pending over America, big with the ruin of this and future generations, and enlightened and spirited her sons to redouble their blows on a merciless, and haughty, and I may add perfidious enemy. Farthermore, this success had a mighty effect on general Howe and his council, and roused them to a sense of their own weakness, and convinced them that they were neither omniscient nor omnipotent. Their obduracy and death-designing malevolence, in some measure, abated, or was suspended. The prisoners, who were condemned to the most wretched and cru- elest of deaths, and- who survived to this period, though most of them died before, were immediately ordered to be sent within general Washington's lines for an exchange, and, in consequence of it, were taken out of their filthy and poisonous places of confinement, and sent from New-York to their friends in haste ; several of them fell dead in the streets of New- York, as they attempted to walk to the vessels in the harbor, for their intended embarkation. What numbers lived to reach the lines I cannot ascertain, but, from concurrent rep- resentations which I have since received from numbers of people who lived in and adjacent to such parts of the country, where they were received from the enemy, I apprehend that most of them died in consequence of the vile usage of the enemy. Some who were eye witnesses of that scene of mortality, more especially in that part which continued after the exchange took place, are of opinion, that it was partly in consequence of a slow poison ; but this I refer to the doctors wlio attended them, who are certainly the best judges. Upon the best calculation 1 have been able to make from personal knowledge, and the many evidences I have collected in support of the facts,. I learn that, of ^ the prisoners taken on Long-Island, Fort Vrashington, and some few others, at different times and places, about two thousand perished with hunger, cold and sickness, occasioned by the^ filth of their prisons, at New- York, and a number more on t!jeir passage to the NAEEATIYE 01 ALLE^l's CAPTITITY. 201 continental lines. Most ">f the residue, who reached their friends, having receiv-ed their death wound, could not be restored by tiie assistance of physicians and friends ; but like their bp^ther prisoners, fell a sacrifice to the relentless and scie'p.tific barbarity of Britain. I took as much pains as T>?y circumstances would admit of, to inform myself v^t only of matters of fact, but likewise of the very (ie-^'gn and aims of general Howe and his council. The '".tter of which I predicated on the former, and snbniit it to the candid public. And lastly, the afo'v>said success of the American arms had a happy effect on the continental officers, Mho were on parole ftt Xew-Tork. A number of us assembled, but not m a public manner, and with full bowls and glasses, drank general Washington's health, and were not unninidful of Congress and our worthy friends on the continent, and almost forgot that we were prisoners. A few days afier this recreation, a British officer of rank and iasportfmce in their army, whose name I shall not mention in this narrative, for certain reasons, though I havenientioned it to some of my close friends and confidants, hent for me to his lodgings, and told rae "That faithfulness, though in a wrong cause, had nev- ertheless recommended me to general Sir William Jlowe, \i?ho was minded to make me a colonel of a reg- iment uf new levies, alias tories, in the British service ; and jiroposed that I should go with him, and some other officer?, to England, who would embark for that purpose in a few dajs, and there be introduced to Lord G. Germaine, and probably to the King ; and that previously I should be clothed equal to such an intro- duction, and, instead of paper rags, be paid in hard guinea.s ; after this, should embark with general Bur- goyne. and assist in the reduction of the country, which infallibly M'ould be connuered, and, when that should be done, I should have a large tract of land, either in the New-Hampshire grants, or in Connecticut, it would make no odds, as the country would be forfeited to the croAvn." I then replied, "That, if by faithfulness 1 had recommended myself to general Howe, I should 2G2 ETHAN ALLEN AND JEEEN-MOCNTAIN HEROES. be loth, by unfaithfulness, to lose the general's goqd opinion ; besides, that I viewed the offer of land to be similar to that which the devil offered Jesus Christ, 'To give him all the kingdoms of the world, if he would fall down and worship him ; when at the same time, the damned soul, had not one foot of land upon earth.' " This closed the conversation, and the gentle- man turned from me with an air of dislike, saying, that I was a bigot ; upon which I retired to my lodgings." • An anecdote of a different character is told of AUen's sojourn in New York. Rivington, the " king's printer," a forcible and renomoug ■writer, had incuiTed Allen's enmity by his caustic allusions to him, and the hero of Ticonderoga swore " he would lick Rivington the very fiist opportunity he had !" How the printer escaped the threatened castiga- tion shall be naiTated in his own words : I was sitting, [says Riving- ton,] afler a good dinner, alone, with my bottle of Madeira before me, when I heard an unusual noise in the street, and a huzza fiom the boys. I was in the second story, and, stepping to the window, saw a tall figure in tarnished regimentals, with a large cocked hat and an enormous long sword, followed by a crowd of boys, who occasionally cheered him with huzzas, of which he seemed insensible. He came up to my door and stopped. I could see no more. My heart told me it was Ethan Allen. I shut my window and retired behind my table and my bottle. I was certain the hour of reckoning had come. There was no retreat Mr. Staples, my clerk, came in paler than ever, and, clasping his hands, said, " Master, he has come 1 " "I know it." " He entered the store and asked ' if James Rivington lived there ? ' I answered, ' Yes, sir.' ' Is he at home ? ' 'I will go and see, sir,' I said ; and now, master, what is to be done ? There he is in the store, and the boys peeping at him from the street." I had made up my mind. I looked at the Madeira — possibly took a glass. " Show him up," said I ; " and if such Madeira can not mollify him, he must be harder than adamant" There was a fearful moment of suspense. I heard him on the staira, his long sword clanking at every step. In he stalked. " Is your name James Riving- ton ? " " It is, sir, and no man could be more happy than I am to see Colonel Ethan Allen." "Sir, I have come " " Not another word, my dear colonel, until you have taken a seat and a- glass of old Ma- deira." " But sir, I do n't think it proper " " Not another word, colonel. Taste this wine. I have had it in glass for ten years. Old NAEKATIVE OF ALLEn's CAJ"nVITT. 263 Near the last of November, I was admitted to pa- role in New-York, with many other American officers, and on the 22d day of January, 1777, was with them directed by the British commissary of prisoners to bo quartered on the westerly part of Long-Island, and our parole continued. During my imprisonment there, no occurrence worth observation happened. I obtained the means of living as well as 1 desired, which in ft freat measure repaired my constitution, which had een greatly injured by the severities of an inhuman captivity. I now began to feel myself composed, ex- pecting either an exchange, or continuance in good and- honorable treatment ; but alas ! my visionary expec- tations soon vanished. The news of the conquest of Ticonderoga by general Biirgoyne, and the advance of his army into the country, made the haughty Britons again feel tlieir importance, and with that, their insa- tiable thirst for cruelty. The private prisoners at New- York, and some of the officers on parole, felt the severity of it. Burgoyne was to them a demi-god. To him they paid adoration ; in him the tories placed their confidence, " and forgot tlie Lord their God," and served Howe, Burgoyne and Knyphausen, " and became vile in their own imagina- tion, and their foolish hearts were darkened," profess- ing to be great politicians, and relying on foreign and merciless invaders, and with them seeking the ruin, bloodshed and destruction of their country ; " became fools," expecting with them to share a dividend in the confiscated estates of their neighbors and countrymen who fought for the whole country, and the religion and liberty thereof "Therefore, God gave them over to strong delusion, to believe a lie, that they all might be damned." wine, you know, unless it is oiiginal'iy sound, never improves by age." He took the'glass, swallowed the wine, smacked his lips, and shook his oead approvingly. "Sir, I come " " Not another word until you have taken another glass, and then, my dear colonel, wc will talk of old affairs, aud I have some queer events to detail." In short, we finished two bottles of Madeira, and parted as good friends as if we had never bad cause to be otherwise. 12 264: ETHAK ALLEX AND GKEEX-MOUXTAIN HEEOES. The 25th day of August, I was apprehended, and under pretext of artful, mean and pitiful pretences, that I had infringed on mj parole, taken from a tavern, where there %Yere more than a dozen officers present, and, in the very place where those officers and myself were directed to be quartered, put under a strong guard and taken to Xew-York, where I expected to make my defence before the commanding officer ; but, contrary to my expectations, and without the least solid pretence of justice or trial, was again encircled with a strong guard with fixed bayonets, and conducted to the provost-gaol in a lonely apartment, next above the dungeon, and was denied all manner of subsistence either by jiurchase or allowance. The second day I oflered a guinea for a meal of victuals, but was denied it, and the third day I oflered eight Spanish milled dollars for a like fiivor, but was denied, and all I could get out of the sergeant's mouth, was that by he would obey his orders. I now perceived myself to be again in substantial trouble. In this condition I formed an oblique acquaintance with a Capt. Travis, of Vir- ginia, who was in the dungeon below me, through a little hole which was cut with a pen-knife, through the floor of my apartment which commuTiicated with the dungeon ; it was a small crevice, through which I could discern but a very small part of his face at once, when he applied it to the hole ; but from the discovery of him in the situation which we were both then in, I could not have known him, which I found to be true by an after acquaintance. I could nevertheless hold a conversation with him, and soon perceived him to be a gentleman of high spirits, who had a high sense of honor, and felt as big, as though he had been in a pal- ace, and had treasures of wrath in store against the British. In fine I was charmed with the spirit of the man ; he had been near or quite four months in that dungeon, Vvath murderers, thieves, and every species of criminals, and all for the sole crime of unshaken fidelity to his country ; but his spirits were above defection, iiud his mind unconquerable. I engaged to do him every service in my ])ower, and in a few weeks after- NAEEATIYE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITT. 2G5 wards, with the united petitions of the officers in the provost, procured his dismission from tlie dark mansion of liends to the apartments of his petitioners. And it came to pass on the 3d day, at the going down of the smi, that I was presented with a piece of boiled pork, and some biscuit, which the sergeant gave me to understand, was my allowance, and I fed sweetly on the same ; but I indulged my appetite by degrees, and in a few days was taken from that apartment, and conducted to the next loft or story, where there were above twenty continental, and some militia officers, who had been taken, and imprisoned there, besides some private gentlemen, who had been dragged from their own homes to that filthy place by tories. Several of every denomination mentioned, died there, some before, and others after I was put there. The history of the proceedings relative to the provost only, were 1 particular, would swell a volume larger than this whole narrative. 1 shall therefore only notice such of the occurrences which are mostly extraordinary. Capt. Vandyke bore, with an uncommon fortitude, near twenty months' confinement in this place, and in the mean time was very serviceable to others who were confined M-ith him. The allegation against him, as the cause of bis confinement, was very extraordinary. He was accused of setting fire to the city of New- York, at the time the west part of it was consumed, when it was a known fact, that he had been in the provost a week before the fire broke out ; and in like manner, frivolous were the ostensible accusations against most of those who were there confined ; the case of two militia officers excepted, who were taken in their attempting to escape from their parole ; and probably there may be some other instances which might justify such a confinement. Mr. William Miller, a committee man, from West Chester county, and state of New-York, was taken from his bed in the dead of the night by his tory neighbors, and was starved for three days and nights in an apart- ment of the same gaol ; add to this the denial of fire, and that in a cold season of the year, in which time he walked day and night, to defend himself against tho 266 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES frost, and when lie complained of such a reprehensible conduct, the word rebel or committee man was deemed by the enemy a sufficient atonement for any inhumanity that they could invent or inflict. He was a man of good natural understanding, a close and sincere friend to the liberties of America, and endured fourteen months' cruel imprisonment with that magnanimity of soul, which reflects honor on himself and country. Major Levi Wells, and Capt. Ozias Bissel were ap- prehended and taken under guard from their parole on Long-Island, to the provost, on as fallacious pretences as the former, and were there continued till their ex- change took place which was near five months. Their fidelity and zealous attachment to their country's cause, which was more than commonly conspicuous was undoubtedly the real cause of their confinement. Major Erinton Payne, Capt. Flahaven, and Capt. Randolph, who had at diflerent times distinguished themselves by their bravery, especially at the several actions, in which they were taken, were all the provo- cation they gave, for which they sufiered about a year's confinement, each in the same filthy gaol. A few-weeks after my confinement, on the like fal- lacious and wicked pretences, was brought to the same place, from his parole on J.ong-Island, Major Otho Holland Williams now a full Col. in the continental army. In his character are united the gentleman, offi- cer, soldier, and friend ; he walked through the prison with an air of great disdain ; said he, "Is this the treatment which gentlemen of the continental army are to expect from the rascally British, when in their power? Heavens forbid it!" He was continued there about five months, and then exchanged for a British Major. John Fell, Esq. now a member of Congress for the state of [N^ew-Jersey, was taken from his own house by a gang of infamous tories, and by order of a British General, was sent to the provost, where he was con- tinued near one year. The stench of the gaol, which was very loathsome and unhealthy, occasioned a hoarseness of the lungs, which proved fatal to many NAKBATIVE OF ALLEN'S CAPTIVITY. 267 who were there confined, and reduced this gentleman near to the point of death ; he was indeed given over by his friends who were about hira, and himself con- cluded that he must die. I could not endure the thought that so worthy a friend to America should have his life stolen from him in such a mean, base, and scandalous manner, and that his family and friends should be bereaved of so great and desirable a blessing, as his further care, usefulness and example, might prove to them. I therefore wrote a letter to George Robertson, who commanded in town, and being touched with the most sensible feelings of humanity, which dictated my pen to paint dying distress in such lively colors that it wrought conviction even on the obduracy of a British General, and produced his order to remove the now honorable John Fell, Esq. out of a gaol, to j)rivate lodgings in town ; in consequence of which he slowly recovered his health. There is so extraordinary a cir- cumstance which intervened concerning this letter, that it is worth noticing. Previous to sending it, I exhibited the same to the gentleman in whose behalf it was written, for his ap- probation, and he forbid me to send it in the most positive and explicit terms ; his reason was, "That the enemy knew, by eveiy morning's report, the condition of all the prisoners, mine in particular, as I have been gradually coming to my end for a considerable time, and they very well knew it, and likewise determined it should be accomplished, as they had served many others ; that, to ask a favor, would give the merciless enemy occasion to triumph over me in my last moments, and therefore I will ask no favors from them, but resign myself to my supposed fate." But the letter I sent without his knowledge, and I confess I had but little expectations from it, yet could not be easy till I had sent it. It may be worth a remark, that this gentleman was an Englishman born, and from the beginning of the revolution has invariably asserted and maintained the cause of liberty. Tlie British have made so extensive an improvement of the provost during the present revolution till of late, 26S ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MODNTAIN HEEOES. that- a very short defiuition will be sufficient for the dullest apprehensions. It may be with propriety called the British inquisition, and calculated to support their oppressive measures and designs, by suppressing the spirit of liberty ; as also a place to conhue the crim- inals, and most infamous wretches of their own army, where many gentlemen of the American army, and citizens thereof, were promiscuously confined, with every sj)ecies of criminals ; but they divided into dif ferent apartments, and kept at as great a remove as circumstances permitted ; but it was nevertheless at the option of a villainous sergeant, who had the charge of the provost, to fe.ke any gentleman from their room, and put them into the dungeon, which was often the case. At two different times I was taken down stairs for that purpose, by a file of soldiers with fixed bay- onets, and the sergeant brandishing his sword at the same time, and having been brought to the door of the dungeon, I there flattered the vanity of the sergeant, whose name was Keef, by which means I procured the surprizing favor to return to my companions ; but some of the high mettled young gentlemen could not bear his insolence, and determined to keep at a distance, and neither please nor displease the villain, but none could keep clear of his abuse ; however, mild measures were the best ; he did not hesitate to call us damned rebels, and use us with the coarsest language. The Capts. Flahaven, Randolph and Mercer, wei*e the ob- jects of his most flagrant and repeated abuses, who were many times taken to the dungeon, and there continued at his pleasure. Capt. Flahaven took cold in the dungeon, and was in a declining state of health, but an exchange delivei-ed him, and in all probability saved his life. It was very mortifj^ing to bear with the insolence of such a vicious and ill-bred, imperious ras- cal. Remonstrances were preferred to the commander of the town, but no relief could be obtained, for his superiors were undoubtedly well pleased with his ab'usive conduct to the gentlemen, under the severities of his power ; and i-emonstrating against his infernal conduct, only served to confirm him in authority ; and NAEEATIVE OF ALLEk's CAPTIVITY. 2<59 for this reason I never made any remonstrances on the subject, but only stroked bim, for I knew that he was but a cat's paw in the hands of the British officers, and that, if he should use us well, he would immediately be put out of that trust, and a worse man appointed to succeed hira ; but there was no need of making any new appointment ; for Cunningham, their provost mar- shall, and Keef, his deputy, were as great rascals as their army could boast of, except one Joshua Loring, an infamous tory, M'ho was commissary of prisoners ; nor can any of these be supposed to be equally criminal with Gen. Sir William Howe and his associates, who prescribed and directed the murders and cruelties, which were by them perpetrated. This Loring is a monster! — There is not his like in human shape. He exhibits a smiling countenance, seems to wear a phiz of humanity, but has been instruraentally capable of the most consumate acts of wickedness, which were first projected by an abandoned British council clothed with the authority of a Howe, murdering premeditatedly, in cold blood, near or quite two thousand helj^less pris- oners and that in the most clandestine, mean and shameful manner, at ]Siew-York. He is the most mean spirited, cowardly, deceitful, and destructive animal in God's creation below, and legions of infernal devils, with all their tremendous horrors, are impatiently ready to receive Howe and him, with all their detestable accomplices, into the most exquisite agonies of the hottest region of hell fire. The Gth day of July, 1777, Gen. St. Clair, and the army under his command, evacuated Ticonderoga, and retreated with the main body through Hubbarton into Castleton, which was but six miles distant, when his rear guard, commanded by Col. Seth Warner, was at- tacked at Hubbarton by a body of ihe enemy of about two thousand, commanded by General Fraser. War- ner's command consisted of his own and other two regiments, viz. Francis's and Hale's, and some scatter- ing and enfeebled soldiers. His whole number, accord- ing to information, was near or quite one thousand ; part of which were Green Mountain Boys, about seven 270 ETHAN AT.T. KN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. hundred of the whole he brought into action. The enemy advanced boldly, and the two bodies formed within about sixty yards of each other. Col. Warner having formed his own regiment, and that of Col. Francis's did not wait for the enemy, but gave tbem a heavy fire from his whole line, and they retnrnea it with great bravery. It was by this time, dangerous for those of both parties, who were not prepared for the world to come ; but Colonel Hale being apprised of the danger, never brought his regiment to the charge, but left Warner and Francis to stand the blowing of it, and fled, but luckily fell in with an inconsiderable number of the enemy, and to his eternal shame, sur- rendered himself a prisoner. The conflict was very bloody. Col. Francis fell in the same, but Col. Warner, and the officers under his command, as also the soldiery, behaved with great resolution. The enemy broke, and gave way on the right and left, but formed again, and renewed the at- tack"; in the mean time the Eritish granadiers, in the center of the enemy's line maintained the ground, and finally carried it with the point of the bayonet, and Warner retreated with reluctance. Our loss was about thirty men killed, arA that of the enemy amounting to three hundred killed, including a Major Grant. .The enemy's loss I learnt from the confession of their own ofiicers, when a prisoner with them. I heard them likewise complain, that the Green Mountain Boys took sight. The next movement of the enemy, of any ma- terial consequence, was their investing Bennington, with a design to demolish it, and subject its Mountain- eers, to which they had a great aversion, with one hundred and fifty chosen men, including tories, with the highest expectation of success, and having chosen an eminence of strong ground, fortified it with slight breast works, and two pieces of cannon ; but the gov- ernment of the young state of Vermont, being previ- ously jealous of such an attempt of the enemy, and in due time had procured a number of brave militia from the government of the state of Xew-Hampshire, who, together with the militia of the north part of Berkshire NAEEATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITT. 271 county, and state of Massachusetts, and tlio Green Mountain B03-S, constituted a body of desperadoes, under the command of the intrepid general Stark, who in number were about equal to the enemy. Colonel Herrick, who commanded the Green Mountain Eangers, and who was second in command, being thoroughly ac- quainted with the ground where the enemy had forti- fied, proposed to attack them in their works upon all parts, at the same time. This plan being adopted by the general and his council of war, the little militia brigade of undisciplined heroes, with their long brown firelocks, the best security of a free people, without either cannon or bayonets, was, on the 16th day of August, led on to the attack by their bold commanders, in the face of the enemy's dreadful fii-e, and to the astonishment of the world, and burlesque of discipline, carried every part of their lines in less than one quar- ter of an hour after the attack became general, took their cannon, killed and captivated more than two- thirds of their number, which immortalized general Stark, and made Bennington famous to posterity. Among the enemy's slain was found colonel Baum, their commander, a colonel Pfester, who headed an infamous gang of tories, and a large part of his com- mand ; and among the prisoners was major Meibome, their second in command, a number of British and Hessian officers, surgeons, (fee, and more than one hundred of the aforementioned Pfester's command. The prisoners being collected together, were sent to the meeting-house in the town, by a strong guard, and Gen. Stark not imagining any present danger, the mil- itia scattered from him to rest and refresh themselves ; in this situation lie was on a sudden attacked by a reintbrcement of one thousand and one hundred of the enemy, commanded by a governor Skene, with two field pieces. They advanced in regular order, and kept up an incessant fire, especially from their field pieces, and the remaining militia retreating slowly before tliem, disputed the'ground inch by inch. The enemy were iieard to halloo to tliem, saying, stop Yankees! In the meantime. Col. "Warner, with about one hundred 12* 272 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E3. and thirty men of his regiment, ^who were not in the first action, arrived and attacked the enemy with great fury, being determined to have ample revenge on account of tlie cparrel at Hubbardton, which brought them to a stand, aud soon after general Stark and colonel Herri ck, brought on more of the scattered militia, and the action became general ; in a few min- utes the enemy were forced from their cannon, gave way on all parts and fled, and the shouts of victory ■were a second time proclaimed in favor of the militia. The enemy's loss in killed and prisoners, in these two actions, amounted to more than one thousand and two liundred men, and our loss did not exceed fifty men. This was a bitter stroke to the enemy, but their pride would not permit them to hesitate but that they could vanquish the country, and as a specimen of their arro- gancy, I shall insert general Burgoyne's proclamation : " By John Burgojme, Esq., Lieutenant-General of his Majesty's armies in America, Colonel of the Queen's regiment of light dragoons, Governor of Fort William in North-Britain, one of the Re]>resentatives of the Commons of Great Britain, in Par- liament, and commanding an army and fleet employed on an expedition from Canada, &c. &c. &c. " The forces entrusted to my command are designed to act in concert and upon a common principle, with the numerous armies and fleets which already display in every quarter of Americji, the power, the justice, and, when properly sought, the mercy of the King. " The cause, in which the British arms are thus exerted, applies to the most atfecting interests of the human heart; aud the military servants of the crown, at first called forth for tho sole purpose of restoring the rights of the constitution, now combine with love of their country, and duty to their sovereign, the other extensive excitements which spring from a due sense of the general privileges of mankind. To the eyes and ears of the temperate part of the public, and to the breasts of suffering thousands in the provinces, be the melancholy appeal, whether the present unnatural rebellion has not been made a foundation for the completest system of tyranny that ever God, in his dis pleasure, sutiered for a time to be exercised over a froward and stubborn generation. " Ai-bitrary impi'isonment, confiscation of property, persecution NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 273 and torture, unprecedeKted in tlie inquisitions of the Romish Cliurch, are among the palpable enormities that verify the affirm- ative. These are inflicted by assemblies and committees, who dare to profess themselves friends to hberty, upon the most quiet subjects, without distinction of age or sex, for the sole ciime, often for the sole suspicion, of having adhered in principle to tlu! government under which they were born, and to which, by eveiy tie, divine and human, they owe allegiance. To consum- mate these shocking proceedings, the profanation of religion is added to the mast proHigate prostitution of common reason; the consciences of men are set at nought; and multitudes are compelled not only to bear arms, but also to swear subjection to an usurpation they abhor, " Animated by these considerations, at the head of troops in the full powei-s of health, disci|)line and valor ; determined to strike where necessary, and anxious to spare where possible, I by these presents invite and exhort all peisons, in all places where the progress of this army may point; and hj the blessing of God I will extend it far to maintain such a conduct as may justify me in protecting their lands, habitations and families. The intention of this address is to hold forth security, not depre- dation to the country. To those whom spirit and principle may induce to partake of the glorious task of redeeming their coun- tiymen from dungeons, and re-establishing the blessings of legal government, I offer encouragement and employment; and upon the fii"st intelligence of their associations, I will find means to assist their undertakings. The domestic, the industrious, the infirm, and even the timid inhabitants I am desirous to protect, provided they remain quietly at their houses; that they do not suffer their cattle to be removed, nor their corn or forage to be secreted or destroyed ; that they do not break up their bridges or roads: nor by any other act, directly or indirectly, endeavour to obstruct the operations of the king's troops, or supply or assist those of the enemy. Every species of provision brought to my camp, will be paid for at an equitable rate, and in solid coin. " Jn consciousness of Christianity, my royal master's clemancy, and the honor of soldiership, I have dwelt upon this invitation, and wished for more persuasive terms to give it impression. And let not people be led to disregard it by considering their distance from the immediate situation of my camp. I have but to give stretch to the Indian forces under my direction, and they amount to thousands, to overtake the hardened enemies of Great Britain and America: I consider them the same wherever they may lurk. 274: ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E8. "If, notwithstanding -these endeavours, and sincere inclinations to effect them, the phrensy of hostility should remain, I trust I shall stand acquitted in the eyes of God and man, in denouncing and executing the vengeance of the state against the wilful out- casts. The messengers of justice and of wratli await them in the field; and devastation, famine, and every concomitant horror that a reluctant but indispensible prosecuiion of military duty must occasion, will bear the way to ilieir retuin. J. BURGOYNE. " By order of his Excellency the Lieut. General, Robert Kingston, Sec. "Camp near Ticonderoga, 4th July, 1777." Gen. Bnrgoyne was still t'le toast, and the severities towards the prisoners were in great measure increased or diminished, in proportion to the expectation of con- quest. His very ostentations Proclamation was in the hand and mouth of most of the soldiery, especially the tories, and from it, their faith was raised to assur- rance. I wish my countrymen in general could have an idea of the assuming tyranny, and haughty, malev- olent, and insolent behavior of the enemy at that time ; and from thence discern the intolerable calamities which this country have extricated themselves from by their public spiritedness and bravery. The down- fall of Gen. Bnrgoyne, and surrender of his whole army, dashed the aspiring hopes and expectations of the enemy, and brought low the imperious spirit of an opulent, puissant and haughty nation, and made the tories bite the ground with anguish, exalting the valor of the free-born sons of America, and raised their fame and that of their brave commanders to the clouds, and immortalized Gen. Gates with laurels of eternal duration.* No sooner had the knowledge of this inter- * The defeat of Burgoyne gave Elhan Allen a -welcome opportunity to return the ridicule with which the British officers had been accustomed to speak of the continental troops, and he was not the man to shut his teeth against the many biting sarcasms which pressed to bis mouth for utterance. Nor was he the man to speak depreciatingly of bis own merits ; and on one occasion, while boasting of the success of the revo- lutionary army, he spoke of himself and his brothers, and said there was KAKEATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 275 esting and mighty event reached His most Christian Majesty, who "in Europe shines with a superior lustre in goodness, policy and arras, hut the illustrious potentate, auspiciously influenced by Heaven to pro- mote the reciprocal interest and happiness of the ancient kingdom of France, and the new and rising states of America, passed the great and decisive decree that the United States of America, should be free and independent. Yaunt no more. Old England ! con- sider you are but an island ! and that your power has been continued longer than the exercise of your hu- manity. Order your broken vanquished battalions to retire from America, the scene of your cruelties. Go home and repent in dust and sackcloth for your aggravated crimes. The cries of bereaved parents, widows and orphans, reach the heavens, and you are abominated by every friend to America. Take your friends the tories with you, and be gone, and drink deep of the cup of humiliation. Make peace with the princes of the house of Bourbon, for you are in no condition to wage war with them. Your veteran sol- diers are fallen in America, and your glory is departed. B6 quiet and pa}' your debts, especially for the hire of the Hessians. There is no other way for you to get into credit again, but by reformation and plain honesty, which you have despised ; for your power is by no means suflicient to support your vanity. I have had opportunity to see a great deal of it, and felt its severe effects, and learned lessons of wisdom and policy, when I wore your heavy irons, and bore your bitter revilings and reproaches. I have something of a smattering of philosophy, and understand human nature in all its stages tolerably well ; am thoroughly acquainted with your national crimes, and assure you that they not only cry aloud for Heaven's vengeance, but excite mankind to rise up against jon. Yirtue, wisdom and policy are in a national sense, always never a woman who had seven sons that could equal those of his mother. A British oflicjer tartly insisted that Allen ought to except Mary Magda- len, who also wa^ delivered of seven derila 276 ETHAN AJXEN AND GKEEN-MOUKTAIN HEROES. connected with power, or in othjer words, power is their oflspriug, and such power as is not directed by virtue, wisdom and policy never fails finally to destroy itself as yours has done. It is so in the nature of things, and unfit that it would be otherwise ; for if it was not so, vanity, injustice, and oppression, might reigu triumphant forever. I know you have individuals, w4io still retain tlieir virtue, and consequently their honor and humanity. Those I really pity, as they must more or less suffer in the calamity, in which the na- tion is plunged headlong ; but as a nation I hate and despise you. My affections are Frenchified. I glory in Louis the sixteenth, the generous and powerful ally of these states ; am fond of a connection with so enterprising, learned, polite, courteous and commercial a nation, and am sure that I express the sentiments and feelings of all the friends to the present revolution. I begin to learn the French tongue, and recommend it to my countrymen, before Hebrew, Greek or Latin, (provided that one of them only are to be attended to) for the' trade and commerce of these states in future must in- evitably shift its channel from England to France, Spain and Portugal ; and therefore the statesman, pol- itician and merchant, need be acquainted with their several languages, particularly the French, which is much in vogue in most parts of Europe. jS^othing could have served so effectually to illuminate, polish and enrich these states as the present revolution, as well as preserve their liberty. Mankind are naturally too national, even to a degree of bigotry, and commei- cial intercourse with foreign nations, has a great and necessary tendency to improve naankind, and erase the superstition of the mind by acquainting them that human nature, policy and instinct, are the same in all nations, and at the same time they are bartering com- modities for the conveniences and happiness of each nation, they may reciprocally exchange such part of their customs and manners as may be beneficial, and learn to extend charity and good will to the whole world of mankind. I was confined in the provost-gaol NAREATm; OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 277 at New-York, the 26th day of August, and continued there to the 3d day of May, 1778, when I was taken out under guard, and conducted to a sloop in the har- bor of New- York, in which I was guarded to Staien- Island, to general Campbell's quarters, where I was permitted to eat and drink with the general and sev- eral other of the British field ofiicers, and treated for two days in a polite manner. As I was drinking wine with them one evening, I made an observation on my transition from the provost criminals to the company of gentlemen, adding that I was the same man still, and should give the British ci-edit, by him (speaking to the general) for two days good usage. The next day colonel Archibald Campbell, who was exchanged for me, came to this place, conducted by Mr. Boudinot, the then American commissary of pris- oners, and saluted me in a handsome manner, saying that he never was more glad to see a gentleman in his life, and I gave him to understand that I was equally glad to see him, and was apprehensive that it was from the same motive. The gentlemen present laughed at the fancy, and conjectured that sweet liberty was the foundation of our gladness : so we took a glass of wine together, and then I was accompanied by general Campbell, colonel Campbell, Mr. Boudinot, and a number of British officers, to the boat which was ready to sail to Elizabethtown-point. Meanwhile I enter- tained them with a rehearsal of the cruelties exercised towards our prisoners ; and assured them that I should use my influence, that their prisoners should be treated, in future, in the same manner, as they should hi future treat ours ; that I thought it was right in such extreme cases, that their example should be applied to their own prisoners ; then exchanged the decent ceremonies of compliment, and parted. I sailed to the point aforesaid, and, in a transport of joy, landed on liberty ground, and as I advanced into the country, received the acclamations of a grateful people. I soon fell into company with colonel Sheldon, of the light horse, who in a polite and obliging manner ac- companied me to head quarters, Yalley Forge, where I 278 ETHAK ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. was courteously received bj Gen. "Washington, with peculiar marks of his approbation and esteem, and was introduced to most of the generals, and many of the principal officers of the army, who treated me with respect, and after having offered Gen. Washing- ton my further services in liehalf of mj country, as soon as my health, which was very much impaired, would admit, and obtain his license to return home, I took my leave of his excellency, and set out from Yalley Forge with general Gates and his suit for Fishkill, where we arrived the latter end of May. In this tour the general was pleased to treat me with the familiarity of -a companion, and generosity of a lord, and to him I made known some striking circumstances which occurred in the course of my captivity. I then bid farewell to my noble general and the gentlemen of his retinue, and set out for Bennington, the capital of the Green Mountain Boys, where 1 arrived the evening of the last day of May, to their great surprise; for 1 was thought to be dead, and now both their joy and mine was complete. Three cannon were fired that evening, and next morning colonel Herrick gave orders and fourteen more were dischai'ged, welcoming me to Bennington, my usual place of abode ; thirteen for the United States, and one for Young Vermont. After this ceremony was ended we moved the flow- ing bowl, and rural felicity, sweetened with friendship, glowed in each countenance, and with loyal healths to the rising States of America, concluded that evening, and, with the same loyal spirit, I now conclude my narrative. CHAPTER lY. TEE GREEK-MOUIS'TAIN" HEROES. " Oh, few and weak their numbers were, A handful of brave men ; But to their God they gave their prayer. And rushed to battle then. They left the plowshare in the mold. Their flocks and herds without a fold. The sickle in the unshorn grain, The corn half-garnered on the plain. And mustered in their simple dress. For wrongs to seek a stern redress — To right those wrongs, come weal, come woe. To perish or o'ercome their foe." M'Lellan. In communities established after the manner of the United States, history does not begin with obscure or fabulous legends. The origin of the nation, and the rise and j^^gress of all its institutions, may be dis- tinctly known. The people may obtain accurate and familiar acquaintance with the character of their ear- liest national ancestors, and of every succeeding gen- eration through which the inheritance of the national name and fortune has devolved upon themselves. When this interesting knowledge is blended with the infor- mation that their existence as a people originated in the noblest efforts of wisdom, fortitude, and magna- nimity, and that every successive acquisition by which their liberty and happiness have been extended and 280 ETHAN ALLEN AJ^iD GEEEN-MOtTNTAlN HEROES. secured, has arisen from the exercise of the same qual- ities, and evinced their faithful preservation and unim- paired efficacy,^ respect for former times becomes the motive and pledge of virtue ; the whole nation feels itself ennobled bj ancestors whose renown will con- tinue till the end of time the honor or reproach of their successors ; and the love of virtue is so interwoven with patriotism and national glorj, as to prevent the one from becoming a selfish principle, and the othei a splendid or mischievous illusion. If an inspired apostle might with complacency proclaim himself a citizen of no mean city, an American may feel grateful exultation in avowing himself the native of no ignoble land, — but of a land that has yielded as great an in crease of glory to God and of happiness to man, as any other portion of the world, since "the first syllable of recorded time," has ever had the honor of producing. A nobler model of human character could hardly be proposed to the inhabitants of New England, Pennsyl- vania, and others of the United States, than that which their own history supplies. It is at once their interest and their glory to preserve with sacred care a model so rich.y fraught with the instructions of wisdom and the incitements of duty. The memory of those whom they claim as their natural or national ancestors, will bless all those who account it blessed ; and the ashes of their fathei-s will give forth a nobler influence than the bones of the prophet of Israel, in reviving piety and invig- orating virtue. So much, at the same time, of human weakness and imperfection is discernible in the con- duct, or is attested by the avowals of these eminent men, and so. steady and explicit was their reference to CHAEACTER OF OUR ANCESTORS. 281 Leavenly aid, of all the good they were capable to perform or attain, that the admiration they so strongly deserve, enforces the scriptural testimony to the riches of divine grace, and the reflected luster of human virtue. The history of man never exhibited an effort of more vigorous and enterprising virtue, than the orig- inal migration of the colonists of this then distant and desolate region ; and the annals of colonization do not supply a single instance of the foundation of a" com- monwealth, and its advancement through a period of weakness and danger to sti-ength and security, in which the principal actors have left behind them a reputation at once so illustrious and unsullied, with fewer memo- rials calculated to pervert the moral sense, or awaken the regret ot mankind. The relation of their achieve- ments has a powei'ful tendency to excite hope, and animate perseverance — to impart courage to the good, and to fortify the virtues of the brave. The Puritans could not, indeed, boast, like the founders of Pennsylvania, that by a resolute profession of non-re- sistance of injuries, and as faithful adherence to that profession, they had so realized the divine protection by an exclusive reliance on it, as to disarm the ferocity of savages, and conduct the establishment of their com- monwealth without violence and bloodshed. But if they were involved in numerous wars, it was the sin- gular and honorable characteristic of them all, thai they were invariably the offspring of self defense against the unprovoked malignity of their adversaries, and that not one of them was undertaken from motives of conquest or plunder. Though they considered those 282 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. wars as necessary and justifiable, they deeply deplored them ; and, more than once, the most distressing doubts were expressed, at the close of their hostilities, if it were lawful for Christians to carry even the rights of self-defense to such fatal extremity. They behaved to the Indian tribes with as much good-faith and justice as they could have shown to a powerful and civilized people," and were incited by their inferiority to no other acts than a series of the most magnanimous and laudable endeavors to instruct their ignorance, and elevate their condition.f If they fell short of the col- onists of Pennsylvania in the exhibition of Christian meekness, they" unquestionably excelled them in the extent and activity of Christian labor. If the Quakers succeeded in disarming the Indians, the Puritans labored to convert them. * Wot only were all the lands occupied by the colonists fairly pur- chased from their Indian owners, but in some parts of the country, the lands were subject to quit-rents to the Indians, " which," says Belknaji, in 1784, " are annually paid to their posterity." From the many deeds and other documents still in existence, especially in the New-England states and JTew York, it is certain that regular purchases were invaria- bly made of the Indians. The consideration given was usually small ; but there is no reason to suppose that it was not all the lands were worth at the time. A curious example of the opinions prevalent in early times, and the change which has since occurred, is afforded by the man- ner in which their payments were made, a portion of the consideration usually being spirituous liquors. Two townships in the western part of Massachusetts, for instance, were purchased, according to a deed which is still preserved, for " £460 , three barrels of cider, and thirty quarts of rum." t The accounts of the first conversations which the missionaries had with these heathen, abound with curious questions and observations that proceeded from the Indians in relation to the tidings that were brought to their eai-s. The account which Elliott, the " Apostle of the Indians,** ORIGm OF THE REPUBLIC. 2S8 The history of the colonization of this continent, clearly indicates the destiny for which it was ultimately designed. This great republic is but the natural de- veloj^ment of the little community that first landed on Plymouth rock. The American Revolution was no sudden outburst of popular fury. It had its origin in the first landing of the pilgrims. Tyranny had become so strong in the eastern world, that there seemed no possibility that the people would ever succeed in the attainment of their just rights. The fires of freedom were quenched by the blood of the scaflbld, or, if a tyrant was overthrown by an indignant people, anarchy in its most appalling form succeeded, from which there was no escape, but submission to the yoke of another oppressor. But Columbus, ignorant of the boon he was gave of one interview with the savages, will illustrate this. One Indiaa asked, Whether Englishmen were ever as ignorant of Jesus Christ as the Indians ? A second. Whether Jesus Christ could understand prayers in the Indian language ? A third, How there could be an iaiage of God, since it was forbidden in the second commandment ? On another occasion, an old Indian, with tears in his eyes, asked. Whether it was not too late for such an old man as he, who was near death, to repent and seek after ©od ? A second asked, How the English came to diflei so much from the Indian in their knowledge of Jesus Christ, since they had all at first but one father ? Sevei'al inquired, How Judas coula deserve blame for facilitating the end which it was the purpose of God to effect ? One woman asked. Whether she was entitled to consider her- self as having prayed, when she merely joined in her mind with her husband, who prayed by her side ? Another, If her husband's prayer signified any thing while he continned to heat his wife ? Many of tho converts continued to believe that the gods whom they had formerly served, had in reality great power, but were spirits subordinate to the true and only God. One sachem ser.t for an Indian convert, and de- sired to know how many Gods the English had ? When he heard they had but one, he replied scornfully : " Is that all ? 1 ha^e thirty-seven t Do tbey suppose I would exchange so many for one ? '• 284 etsan allex aistd green-mountain heeoes. conferring on mankind, discovered a new world. The seeds of freedom, which were not permitted to germi- nate in the old world, were brought in the Mayflower to the new. Wise and good men, disheartened by their warfare against wrong, fled to it for an asylum. Neg- lected by the government under whose control they nominally remained, they were compelled to govern themselves — to make and administer their own laws. They were a small community — all mutually known, — all mutually loved,— all intelligent, conscientious, and animated by an ardent piety. It was not ditiicult for them to do justice to each other, and in doing this, they were unconsciousl}' evolving the great principles upon which all just govei*nment must be founded. Had they known the importance of the work in which they w^ere engaged, it is doubtful whether they would have done it so well. They gradually grew in strength. Other colonies were at intervals established along the Atlantic coast. All were greatlj^ influenced by the example of New England and Pennsylvania. For a century they increased in power, their condition being but little known and little cared for in Europe, and their future greatness in no degree anticipated by themselves. In their wars with the Indians and the French colony of Canada, they were thrown almost entirely upon their own resources, for the parent coun- try gave them but a feeble and reluctant support. They were compelled to unite for their common de- fense, and in 1754, delegates from the several colonies met at Albany, and with the illustrious Franklin at their head, devised a "plan of union," which, although it was not adopted then, aided powerfully in ci'eating CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. 285 Q unity of feeling among the colonies, and prepared txiem for combined resistance to the tyranny of the British king, and for a las.ting confederation. And thus a spirit of freedom had been nurtured on this continent ; republican institutions had become firmly rooted, and when the English government was at last conscious of the importance of the colonies, the day had passed in which it had the power to tyrannize over them. A series of oppressive measures was rapidly prepared by the minions of George III., but they were resisted promptly, perseveringly, and, after a bloody struggle of seven years, effectually. The war had already commenced, when the congress which ultimately announced the final separation of the colonies from the parent country, assembled at Phila- delphia. The most eminent men of the various colo- nies had met together. The meeting was awfully solemn. The object which ha '. brought them there was of incalculable magnitude The liberties of no less than three millions of peo] e, with that of all their posterity, were staked on the *v^isdom and energy of their councils. No wonder, tl-m, at the long and deep silence which is said to have followed upon their or- ganization ; at the anxiety w th which the members looked round upon each other ; and the reluctance which every individual felt to open a business so fear- fully momentous. The embarrassing silence was bro- ken by the eloquent Patrick Henry, in a speech of wonderful power. An ardent ?ove of liberty per vaded every breast, and this speed produced a unanim- ity as advantageous to the cause they had determined to maintain, as it was appalling to their adversaries. 2S6 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAn^ HEROES. The proceedings of this celebrated congress, the tone and temper of their various resolutions, the style of their addresses, the composition of the several papers that were drawn up by thera, were in every particular calculated to excite the admiration of the world. That an assembly of fifty-two men, nearly all educated in the wilds of a new world, unpracticed in the arts of polity and diplomacy, most of them inexperienced in the arduous duties of legislation, coming from distant and distinct governments, differing in religion, manners, customs, and habits, as they did in their views with regard to the nature of their connection with Great Britain — that such an assembly, so constituted, should display so much wisdom, sagacity, foresight and know- ledge of the world, such skill in argument, such force of reasoning, such firmness and soundness of judgment, BO profound an acquaintance with the rights of man, such elevation of sentiment, such genuine patriotism, and, above all, such unexampled unity of opinion upon the measures brought before them, was indeed a political phenomenon, to which history has yet fur- nished no parallel, Nor is it less wonderful, that the whole people of the colonies represented, should have regarded the simple recommendations of this congress with the reverence and obedience due to the stronsrest ties of law. Even in those colonies where law and au- thority had been set at defiance, the injunctions of the congress were scrupulously obeyed. The whole country was in that awful calm of expectation, which precedes the bursting storm. They were yet willing to be re- conciled with the British government, but ready to enforce their rights at the risk of life. CHARACTER OF THE CONGRESS. 287 Who can consider, without deep and affecting sym- pathy, that little body of men, who, in the name of a young and unskilled people, then set at defiance the power of a mighty empire — not rashly and igno- rantly, but advisedly and calmly, — having weighed their own weakness, as well as their adversaries' strength, — feeling the heavy responsibility that rested on their decision, — calculating the consequences of attempt and failure, and then, with a full conviction of all the mighty odds against them, "having counted the cost of the contest, and finding nothing so dread- ful as voluntary slavery," solemnly " appealing to the supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of their intentions," and pledging to each other their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor ; ranging them- eelves and their infant nation under the banners of liberty, denouncing their oppressors " enemies in war, in peace, friends." There is not, in the whole page of human history, any thing more truly grand and morally sublime than the conduct of the American congress throughout the unequaled contest that fol- lowed, upon which hung not the liberties of our peo- ple only, but those of mankind. How admirable was the moderation which marked their earlier deliberation; the calmness with which they met ministerial haugh- tiness; the firmness which they opposed to parliament- ary obstinacy, tempering vigor with prudence, and inflexible principle with forbearance! How majestic their dignity when called upon finally to decide between unconditional submission and resistance by force! With what undaunted courage they made the noble choice, and, having made it, with what unshrinking 13 288 ETHAN ALLEN AlO) GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. fortitude they met all the vicissitudes of fortune ; the ebb and flow of the tide of war ; the discontent of the factious ; the fears of the timid ; the despondency of the high-minded; — never cast down by repeated misfortunes, nor too much elated by momentary suc- cess. When the houseless people were scattered before their invaders ; when the army, unpaid, unclothed, vainly sought assistance from the commander, and he vainly sought it in the exhausted treasury; when the sword fell from their fainting hands, and the blank ot despair seemed falling on their hearts ; still did these jjatriots struggle on — still did they- find confidence in their just cause, and, with their eyes upon the pole- star of liberty, did they steady the helm of the reeling vessel of the infant state, ride out triumphantly the storm of war and revolution, and gain the glorious haven from which their thoughts had never swerved. The annals of every nation can supply us with some brilliant characters, who stand superior to the sordid passions which sway the minds of ordinary men and but too often dictate the feelings of national commu- nities. But rarely, if ever, has there been an entire assembly of men, uniting all the qualities of sages and heroes, — cautious in their deliberations, firm and united in their measures, pure in their motives, and beyond suspicion in their conduct. To the unbending spirit and perfect rectitude of the continental con- gress was mainly owing the preservation of the Amer- ican people, not only from foreign conquest, but from intestine broils. To their little senate-room, amid all the changes of war, did the eyes of the people ever turn in ho^Je and confidence. Were their little armies PURITY OF THE CONGRESS. 289 defeated; were their heroic generals fighting in retreat; were their cities taken ; were their houses in flames ; was their commerce destroyed ; were their fields devastated ; were their gold and their credit gone ; they still looked to that high-minded assembly, whose counsels, they were satisfied, were ever patriotic and wise, and whose energies were ever employed to relieve the sufierings they could not prevent. It is interest- ing to imagine what must have been the earnest thoughts of this noble body of men throughout that trying contest; what their anxieties; and, finally, what the flood of joy that must have poured on their hearts when the tidings reached them that the last great victory was achieved. The old door-keeper of the congress, when the news suddenly reached him of the surrender of Cornwallis, dropped instantly dead ! The feelings of the veteran, too intense for his feeble age, seem to image well those of the members of that assembly upon which he had been so faithful an attendant. In the history of the American Revolution, the integ- rity of the congress and the confidence of the people in their integrity equally challenge admiration. The first was so pure, that throughout that distracted period, which might so well have furnished temptation to the selfish or the ambitious,* we do not find one member " " Tell the king of England," said one of them, when a heavy bribe was offered him to desert the cause of his country, " I am not worth buying ; but that such as I am, he is not rich enough to do it ! " And another, while a prisoner in England, was threatened with death unless he would persuade his son to abandon the cause of freedom. " My son is of age," said the heroic father of a heroic son, " and has a will of his own. I know him to be a man of honor. He loves me deai'ly, and 1290 ETHAN ALT.EN AKD GEEEN-MOU^TAIN HEK0E8. of that magnanimous body even suspected of pecula- tion, or of a desire for personal aggrandizement ; and the latter was so entire, that, during the worst days of that stormy period, the public suffering was never charged to any willful mismanagement on the part of the government — not even when its faith was vio- lated, by the gradual depreciation and final extinction of a paper currency, which had been issued without funds, and which ceased to circulate, with scarce the shadow of a prospect being held out for its future redemption. The people saw the necessity of the measure, and being well convinced that the good of their country had been promoted, quietly submitted to measures which, under other circumstances, would scarcely have been expiated by the lives and fortunes of their authors. That a government framed in all the distraction of revolution — with a powerful enemy in the very heart of the country, the Indians on one side as their allies, and the ocean on the other, possessed by their fleets, — that, at such a time, a government so hastily organ- ized, with armies untrained, unfed, unclothed, and without a treasury to meet the demands that assailed them on every side, should have preserved the public confidence, argues a degree of moderation on the part of congress, and of good sense and devoted feeling on that of the people, which, perhaps, in the history of ancient or modern times was never equaled, and cer- tainly has never been surpassed. would lay down his life to save mine, but I am sure that he would not sacrifice his honor to save my life, and I applaud him." This prisoner, not long afterward, had the gratification of assisting in negotiating a peace between Great Britain and the free Repubhcof the United Statca PATEIOTISM OF THE PEOPLE. 291 In the history of the dispute which involved the liberty of the colonies, the congress was equally distin- guished for its prudence, and its intrepidity. Like a cautious general, they advanced slowly, but never yielding an inch of the ground they had once assumed. At first called together by the voice of their fellow-cit- izens, without the consent, or rather in very despite of existing authorities, the legality of whose title re- mained unquestioned, they calmly took in review the co- lonial grievances, and petitioned for redress upon those constitutional grounds, acknowledged by the distant monarchy which claimed their allegiance. Without- assuming the power to enact laws, they passed resolu tions, to the sacred observance of which, until the re dress of their enumerated grievances should be ob- tained, they bound themselves by the ties of honor, and of patriotism. That these simple ties should have proved sufficient to hold together the people of distant provinces, who had heretofore often been di- vided by jealousies and clashing interests, and to give an eifect to the recommendations of private individu- als, as absolute as could have followed upon the fiat of an established despot, affords a beautiful evidence of the readiness with which national obedience is yielded, when the hearts of the people are with their rulers. These recommendations were sufficient at once to su- persede the authority of existing law, and to triumph over the strongest passions of humanity. From what- ever cause it proceeded, it is certain that a disposition to do, to suffer, and to accommodate, spread from breast to breast, and from colony to colony, beyond the expectations of human opinions. It seemed as though £92 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. one mind inspired the whole. The merchants put far behind them the gains of trade, and cheerfully submit- ted to a total suspension of business, in obedience to the recommendations of men claiming no legislative authority. The cultivators of the soil, with unanimity assented to the determination that the hard-earned pro- duce of their farms should remain unshipped, although, in case of a free exportation, many would have been eager to purchase it from them at advanced prices. The sons and daughters of ease renounced imported conveniences, and voluntarily engaged to eat, drink, and wear only such articles as their country produced. These sacrifices were made, not from the pressure of present distress, but on the generous principle of sym- pathy with an invaded sister colony : and the prudent policy of guarding against a precedent which might, on a future day, oi>erate against their liberties. This season of universal distress exhibited a striking proof how practicable it is for mankind to sacrifice ease, pleasure, and interest, when the mind is strongly excited by its" passions. In the midst of their sufi:er- ings, cheerfulness appeared in the face of the people. They counted every thing cheap in comparison with liberty, and readily gave up whatever tended to en- danger it. A noble strain of generosity and mutual support was generally excited. The animation of the times raised the actors in these scenes above them- selves, and incited them to deeds of self-denial, which the interested prudence of calm reason can scarcely credit. But, though empowered hj their fellow citizens to think and act for thera, at a time, too, when the public DECLAEATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 293 feeling -was wrought to the highest pitch of enthusi- asm, the delegates in congress never exceeded the ne- cessity of the occasion. They kept in view the interest and honor of the community, but held their passions in check. So long as the most distant prospect re- mained to them of obtaining the acknowledgment of their countiy's rights, they preserved the language and character of British subjects. "When all ho]3e of re- conciliation had expired, the Declaration of Independ- ence followed. The wishes of the peo^^le had preceded the act of their representatives, and the style of that act yet affixed a new seal of confirmation to their wishes. The simple exposition of moral and political truths with which it opens, elevated still higher the already sublime character of the public sentiment ; the energetic enumeration of the national wrongs, op- posed as in contrast to these great laws of nature, kin- dled anew the national indignation ; the solemn appeal to the Creator, and the sacred pledge of life, fortune and honor, with which it closes, roused all the devotion of human hearts and manly minds — and, assuredly, never was it aroused in a better or nobler cause. It was not the cause of the Americans only ; it was the cause of the very people whose injustice they opposed ; it was the cause of every people on earth. Well might that high-minded patriot and statesman, the Earl of Chatham, exclaim in the British parliament, in the face of the British minister, "I rejoice that America has resisted!" Well might he observe, that "three millions of fellow-creatures, so lost to every sense of virtue as tamely to give up their liberties, would be fit instruments to make slaves of the rest." Had America 2^4: El'IIAN AULEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E8. basely submitted to the encroachments of ministerial parliaments, soon wodld that same parliament have tried encroachments upon the liberties of England ; or had the infant America been overwhelmed by the ar- mies poured upon her shores, with the buried liberties of the people, her victors would have buried forever their own natuonal virtue, and honor, and character. Then, indeed, upon England's faded brow would have been stamped the moral, that " Nations, like men, -who others' rights invade, Shall doubly I'ue the havoc thoy have made ; And, in a brother's liberty o'erthrown. Shall weep to find that they have wrecked their own." Hostilities had been continued between the parent coimtry and the colonies for upward of a year before the Declaration of Independence was promulgated. The affair of Lexington had, of course, been the signal for war, throughout the colonies. The forts, magazines, and arsenals were everywhere seized. Troops were raised, and money for their support ; and it was not many weeks before an army of thirty thousand men appeared in the environs of Boston, under the com- mand of General Putnam, a veteran of the French war, in whom the people had great confidence. Allen had succeeded in the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. The next act in the grand drama then unfolding was the battle of Bunker Hill. Toward the close of May, 1775, reinforcements of British troops had arrived at Boston, with Generals Howe, Burgoyne and Clinton, all of whom were ofiicers of reputation. The provin- cial congress of Massachusetts had, early in that month, renounced General Gage, as governor of the colony, BATTLE OF BUNKER HIIX. 295 declared him an enemj of the country, and forbidden obedience to his orders. On the other hand, Gage had issued his proclamation, promising a gracious pardon to all who would lay down their arms and return to the duties of peaceable subjects, excepting only Samuel Adams and John Hancock, whose offenses were de- clared of " too flagitious a nature to admit of any other consideration than that of condign punishment." By the same instrument, Massachusetts was declared to be under martial law. General Gage was also prepar- ing, in other respects, for more energetic action ; but every measure he took, and every moment that passed, served only to unite and embolden the patriots, and increase the audacity with which they now, by their conduct as well as by their words, contemned the royal authority. The provincial troops had assembled in force around Boston, and were throwing up defenses, when the battle of Bunker Plill at once and forever severed the tie that bound the colonies to Great Britain. The fighting on this occasion was of such a determined character, as to show the enemy that it was no pastime upon which they had entered. One of the British officers, in writing home to a friend, declared that " the rebels fought more like devils than men." The loss of the British in killed and wounded was uj^ward of a thousand, while tliat of the provincials fell short of half that number. The great calamity of the day was the fall of the brave and accomplished Warren, who was shot through the head early in the action. The inhabitants of the New-Hampshire Grants, with but few exceptions, partook largely of the feelings which ^»ervaded the country during the progress of the events 13* 296 ETHAN AI.LEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E8. which led to the Revolution. Having been successfully engaged in subduing a forest, and in laying a foundation for the happiness of themselves and fam- ilies, and in defending their homes against the en- croachments of a neighboring government, they had acquired a high sense of their personal rights, and a fixed determination to maintain them. They had be- come inured to privation and hardship, and were familiar with enterprise and adventure. Although their isolated position had shielded them from the ac- tual efi^ects of the oppressive measures of the British ministry, and they were engaged in the protection of their property from determined aggression, they sym- pathized cordially with the sufferings of their brethren along the Atlantic coast, and at once concurred in the earliest measures for securing a redress of their griev- ances. The first bloodshed at Lexington, was the signal for them to act, and under their heroic leaders they achieved the first important conquest of the Revo- lution. The battle of Lexington was a defensive one on the part of the colonies — the taking of Ticonde- roga was a carefully planned, aggressive measure. It was truly the commencement of the war on the part of the colonies. And the military stores there acquired were taken to Boston by the Green-Mountain Boys, many of whom participated in the battle of Bunker Hill. The capture of Ticonderoga prepared the way for the invasion of Canada, which closed the first campaign. This measure had been earnestly recommended to congress by Ethan Allen and Seth "Warner. The British ministry had sent, as governor of this province, SIE GUY CAELETON. 297 Sir Guy Caiieton, a man of resolute character, vast genius, and a brilliant reputation for military achieve- ments. He was invested with extraordinary powers. It was known that he exerted all his efforts to arouse the Canadians and Indians, and stimulate them to arms against the colonies. Though, at the commence- ment, he had found great repugnance among the former, it was to be feared that, by employing address and au- thority, he might succeed, at length, in drawing them to his standard. The character of the people of Can- ada was not unknown : they were ever French at heart, and were considered fickle. It was known, also, that they cherished a sullen discontent on account of the " Quebec act," which, though favorable to their religion, was unsatisfactory in its provisions regarding their civil rights. It was therefore essential to take advantage of their discontent, before Carleton should win their favor. It was hoped that when the Amer- icans should have penetrated into Canada, the inhab- itants would not hesitate to espouse their cause, excited on the one hand by their hatred to their rulers, and reassured on the other by the rapderation which the colonists had generally manifested in matters touching religion. The province of Canada was unsupplied with troops of the regular army, these having been called to Boston. In addition to these considerations, congress had been informed that in the following spring, the government was to make a grand effort in Canada ; that numerous forces, arms, and munitions would be poured into it, in order to attack the colo- nies by way of Lake Champlain, an operation which, if not seasonably prevented, might lead to fatal 298 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. consequences. The colonists, assailed at the same time in front and rear, could not have expected to resist. Lake Champlain was in possession of the Ameri- cans, which opened to them the most eligible route to Canada. A more propitious occasion could never oc- cur. The British troops, shut up in Boston, and occu- pied with their own defense, were not in a condition to cany succors into a part so remote from the position they then occupied. But it was to be feared that longer delays would afford time for the British ministry to make the necessary preparations to overpower the colonies by a single effort, and reduce them to their former dependence. Prudent men, however, could not shut their eyes upon the numerous difficulties it pre- sented. But a resolution having been carried in favor of the expedition, congress was not tardy in taking all the measures proper to secure its success. Three thou- sand soldiers, partly of ISTew England, and partly of New York, were selected for the enterprise. One regiment, under the command of Seth Warner, who had been elected their colonel, was composed of Green-Mountain Boys. It was determined to in- vade Canada by two routes — one portion of the army being destined to proceed by the way of Lake Cham- plain, against Forts Chambly and St. John, near the mouth of the lake, and then, after reducing Montreal, to march against Quebec : the other branch of the army was to be detached from the environs of Bofeton, and, going by the way of the Kennebec river, move directly toward Quebec, with design of reaching that fortress cotemporaneously with the other. Major-gen- eral Schuyler was appointed commander-in-chief of the GENERAL MONTGOMERY. 299 expedition, while Brigadier-general Montgomery * was assigned to the command of the first division of the army, and Colonel Benedict Arnold to the other. * Richard Montgomery was bom in the north of Ireland, December 2d, 1736. Little is known of his early life. When quite young, he was placed in Dublin college, where he obtained a, good education. At the age of twenty he joined the army. He was sent with the army against Louisbourg, afterward sei-ved under Amherst, at Ticonderoga, and was with Wolfe at the siege of Quebec. He thus became specially qualified, in the semee of the King of England, to lead the continental troops against that monarch. At the close of the French war, Montgomery was permitted to return to Euiope, where he remained until 1772. Toward the close of that year, he resigned the service, sailed for America, and arrived in New York in the following Jauuaiy. He purchased a farm in the neighborhood of that city, but soon afterward removed to Dutchess county, where for a long time he devoted himself to the pursuit of agri- culture. While at the former place, he married the eldest daughter of R. R. Livingston, one of the judges of the supreme court of the province, and subsequently member of the continental congress. As the dispute between England and her colonies had now become serious, it was im- possible for an individual circumstanced like Montgomery to remain neu- tral. Accordingly, he took a decided part for the cause of freedom, and in April, 1775, h*' was elected to represent Dutchess county in the dele- gation to the first New-York provincial convention. The labors of the convention seem to have been rather tedious and unsatisfactory, and finally resulted in little good to the cause to espouse which they had con- vened. Soon after the meeting of this body, Montgomery received a more highly important office than any that had hitherto fallen to his lot, and one, too, of which he had little expectation. In June, the conti- nental congress appointed four major, and eight brigadier generals, naming, among the latter, Montgomery. His surprise at the news of this flattering distinction was equaled by his modest though heartfelt ac- knowledgment of it ; and, with the acceptance of that commission, com- menced his brief but glorious career in the cause of freedom. In a letter to a friend he says : " The Congress having done me the honor of electing me a brigadier-general in their service, is an event which must put an end for a while, perhaps forever, to the quiet scheme of life I ^lad prescribed for myself; for, though entirely unexpected and undeaired 300 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E9. General Montgomery, repaired to Ticonderoga on the 17th of August. He here learned that Sir Guy Carleton, the military governor of Canada, was pre- paring a naval force destined to the defense of Lake Champlain. As immediate action was now of vital importance, Montgomery determined to take posses- sion of the Isle Aux Noix ' in the lake, and wrote to General Schuyler, signifying his intention to that effect, and entreating his immediate presence. Without awaiting the arrival of this commander, he selected about one thousand men, and two pieces of cannon, and embarked on the lake, August 26th. The weather was so boisterous that he was not able to reach the island before the 5th of September, on which day he was joined by Major-general Schuyler, who determined upon a nearer approach to the enemy, both with a view of reconnoitering their position, and of enlisting the esteem and confidence of the population. This maneuver was signally successful, the army landing within about a mile and a half of St. John's without encountering opposition. The troops were soon formed and marched toward the fort. In this movement, while fording a creek, they met with a party of In- dians, who fired upon their left, and threw it into dis- ■ order. But Montgomery hastened forward with the by me, the will of an oppressed people, compelled to choose between liberty and slavery, must be obeyed." Under these noble and self sac- rificing views and feelings, Montgomery accepted the commission ten- dered to him ; and from that hour to the moment of his death, the whole force of his mind and body was devoted to the honor and interest of hi» adopted country. The glory and fate of Wolfe, his former commander, wore present to his thoughts ; and to his young wife his parting words wore, "You shall never blush for your Montgonieiy." CAPTAIN REMEMBER BAKEE. 301 uther troops, and speedily repulsed the assailants with some loss. In this enterprise, Captain Remember Baker lost his life. He had been sent forward by Montgomery to reconnoiter the enemy's position. "When within a few miles of St. John's, he secreted his boat, with the inten- tion of marching through the woods. He had scarcely left the boat when a party of Indians took possession of it. He called to them to return it, and on their refusal to do so, attempted to fire at them, but as he drew up his gun, he received a shot through the head. His companions then fled, and made their way back to the army with the sad intelligence. Captain Baker fell at the early age of thirty-five. His life had been one of peculiar usefulness. At the age of eighteen he had served in an expedition against Canada. He be- came a resident of the JSTew- Hampshire Grants in 1764, where he at once became one of the most influential and useful of the leaders of the Green-Mountain Boys. As an officer and soldier he was cool and temperate in council, but resolute and determined in the execution of his plans. As a neighbor he was distinguished for his kindness, and his memory was held dear by many families whose distresses he had generously relieved. At Isle Aux ISToix Schuyler's increasing ill health ren- dered, him unfit for service, and he retired to Ticon- deroga, leaving the command of the expedition with General Montgomery. In his report to congress ne speaks thus of the latter officer : " I cannot estimate the obligations I lie under to General Montgomery for the many important services he has done and daily does, and in which he has had little assistance from 302 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOXmTAlN HEEOES. me, as I have not enjoyed a moment's health since I left Fort George, and am now so low as not to be able to hold the pen. Should we not be able to do any thing decisively in Canada, I shall judge it best to move from this place, which is a very wet and unhealthy part of the country ; unless I receive your orders to the contrary. " Colonel Allen, the hero of Ticonderoga, had a com- mand under Montgomery. Having been dispatched, with Major Brown, into the interior of Canada, he was, on his return, persuaded by the latter to undertake the rash project of attacking Montreal. He divided his detachment, consisting of less than three hundred men, into two parties, intending to assail the city at opposite points. Major Brown was prevented from executing his part of the enterprise. Colonel Allen and his small party, opposed by the whole force of the enemy under Governor Carleton, fought with desperate valor. Many were killed ; the survivors, overpowered by numbers, were compelled to surrender. The governor, viewing Allen, not as the intrepid soldier, but as a fac- tious rebel, loaded him with irons and sent him to England for trial. Carleton afterward admitted that if Brown had not failed to join Allen, Montreal would have fallen into their hands. Montgomery remained at Isle Aux Noix only long enough to receive a reinforcement of men and a few pieces of artillery. He then re-embarked, again landed at St. John's, and commenced operations for its invest- ment. On the 18th of September, he marched with a party of five hundred men to the north of the fort, where he met a considerable portion of the garrison DISSATISFACTION AMONG THE TROOPS. 803 returning from the repulse of the party under Ethan Allen. A skirmish ensued, which in a few minutes terminated in the repulse of the enemy, who fled in disorder. But for a timidity among the Americans, the whole party might have been captured. In speak- ing of his men. General Montgomery says, "As soon as we saw the enemy, the old story of treachery spread among the men ; and the cry was, we are trepanned and drawn under the guns of the fort. The woodsmen were less expert in forming than I had expected, and too many of them hung back. Had we kept more silence, we should have taken a field -piece or two. " Montgomery now determined to push the siege of St. John's with all possible vigor. In order to cut off sup- plies, he established a camp at the junction of the two roads leading to Chambly and Montreal, and defended it with a ditch, and a garrison of three hundred men. But he was surrounded with difficulties. His artil- lery was so light as to make little impression upon the walls, and the artillerists were raw and unskillful. Besides, his ammunition was almost exhausted, and the engineer was as ignorant of duty as were the artil- lerists. To all these was added another difficulty far greater than the rest, — his men, through constant ex- posure to a damp soil and unhealthy climate, and un- used to the rules of war, had become insubordinate, and even mutinous ; and the circumstances in which the commander was placed, eftectually prevented him from enforcing discipline. This feeling was openly exhibited in an attempt of the general to remove the seat of his active operations to the north side of the town; and so palpible were its demonstrations, that he 804: ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. was forced to compromise with professional dignity, and submit his opinion to that of a board of officers. Thej refused to accede to his plan, and it was for a time abandoned. Subsequently, however, their consent was obtained, and a position taken to the north-west of the fort. Meanwhile an event took place, as fortunate as it ■was unexpected, tlie success of which, decided the fate of the garrison. A gentleman from l^ew York named James Livingston, had resided for a considerable time in Canada, and by a proper course of conduct had won the esteem of a larg-e number of the inhabitants As he was known to be favorable to the cause of liberty, Montgomery determined to employ his popularity in service to himself Accordingly, at the instigation of the general, he organized a number of the inhabitants into an armed corps, promising the protection of con- gress to all their movements. In company with Major Brown, he speedily made himself master of Fort Chambly, including all the garrison, one hundred and twenty-six barrels of gunpowder, and a large amount of military and other stores. Colonel Seth "Warner and his regiment were with Montgomery at the siege of St. John's, although it is evident that both Warren and the officers of his reg- iment were without commissions, for we find by Mont- gomery's orderly book, that on the 16th of September he issued an order appointing Seth AYarner colonel of a regiment of Green-Mountain Rangers, requiring that he should be obeyed as such. Probably the provincial congress of Kew York withheld the commissions on the same grounds on which, in the following year, tiv y COLONEL waener's eegiment. 305 urged Ihe continental congress to recall the commissions which they had given to Warner, and the officers of his regiment. But the regiment fought as bravely, and performed as important services, as any other regiment during the campaign, as will appear by the following brief account of it. Montgomery, having obtained a supply of ammunition and military stores, by the cap- ture of Chambly, made his advances upon the fort at St. John's, with increased vigor. The garrison consisted of six or seven hundred men, who, in hopes of being soon relieved by General Carleton, made a resolute defense. Carleton exerted himself for this purpose, but such was the disaffection of the Canadians to the British cause, that he could not muster more than one thousand men, including the regulars, militia of Mon- treal, Canadians and Indians. With this force he projDOsed to cross the St. Lawrence, and join Colonel McLean, who had collected a few hundred Scotch em- igrants, and taken post at the mouth of the Richelieu, hoping, with their united forces, to be able to raise the siege of St. John's, and relieve the garrison. In pur- suance of this design, Carleton embarked his troops at Montreal, with the view of crossing the St. Lawrence, and landing at Longueil. Their embarkation was dis- covered by Colonel Warner from the opposite shore, who, with about three hundred Green-Mountain Boys, watched their motions, and prepared for their approach. Just before they reached the south shore, Warner opened upon them a well-directed fire of musketry and grape-shot, from a four-pounder, by which unexpected assault, the enemy were thrown into the utmost confu- sion, and retreated with precipitation and disorder. 806 ETHAN ALLEN AND QEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. When the news of Carleton's defeat reached McLean, he abandoned his position at the mouth of the Riche- lieu, and hastened to Quebec. Bj these events, the garrison at St. John's was left without the hope of relief, and Major Preston, the commander, was consequently obliged to surrender. The garrison laid down their arms on the 3d of November, and became prisoners of war, tQ the number of five hundred regulars, and more than one hundred Canadian volunteers. In the fort were found a number of cannon and a large quantity of military stores. Colonel Warner having repulsed General Oerleton, and caused McLean to retire to Quebec, the Americans proceeded to erect a battery at the mouth of the Richelieu, to command the passage of the St. Lawrence, and blockade General Carleton in Montreal. In this situation of things, Montgomery ar- rived from St. John's, and took possession of Montreal without opposition, General Carleton having abandoned it to its fate, and escaped down the river in the night, in a small canoe with muffled oars. A large number of armed vessels, loaded with provisions and military stores, and General Prescott, with one hundred officers and privates, also attempted to pass down the river, but they were all captured at the mouth of the Riche- lieu, without the loss of a man. Warner's regiment having served as volunteers, and the men being too miserably clothed to endure a winter campaign in that severe climate, on the 20th of November Montgomery discharged them, with peculiar marks of respect, and his thanks for their meritorious services. While Montgomery was engaged in the reduction of Chambly, St. John's, and Montreal, the army ARNOLD BEFORE QUEBEC. SO 7 d,stined to meet him before Quebec was passing through the dreary wilderness lying between the province of Maine and the the St. Lawrence. This extraordinary and most arduous enterprise had been committed to Colonel Arnold, who, with one thousand one hundred men, consisting of New-England infantry, some vol unteers, a company of artillery, and three companies of riflemen, commenced his march on the 13th Sep tember. It is almost impossible to conceive the labor, hardships, and difficulties which this detachment had to encounter in their progress up the rapid stream of the Kennebec, frequently interrupted by falls, where they were obliged to land and carry the boats upon their shoulders, until they surmounted them, through a country wholly uninhabited, with a scanty supply of provisions, the season cold and rainy, and the men daily dropping down with fatigue, sickness and hunger. Arnold was indefatigable in his endeavors to alleviate the distress of his men, but to procure provisions for them was out of his power. They were at one time reduced to so great an extremity of hunger, that the dogs belonging to the army were killed and eaten, and many of the soldiers devoured their leather cartouch- boxes ! Arnold and his party at length arrived at Point Levi, opposite the town of Quebec ; but in con- sequence of information the British had received, by the treachery of the Indian to whom Arnold intrusted a letter to General Schuyler, the boats which he ex pected to find there to transport his troops across the river had been removed, and the enemy were no longer in a state to be surprised. Arnold, however, was not to be deterred from attempting something against the 808 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. town — he calculated strongly upon the defection of the inhabitants ; and having supplied himself with canoes, he crossed the river in the night, and gained possession of the heights of Abraham. Here, though he had no artillery, and scarcely half the number of men that composed the garrison of the town, he made a bold experiment to try the loyalty of the enemy's troops, by sending a flag to summon them to surren- der. But no message would be admitted, and Arnold found himself compelled to retij'e to more comfortable quarters, where he awaited the arrival of General Montgomery. General Carleton, who, it has already been stated, ar- rived at Quebec, had taken the best measures for its defense, and was prepared to receive him. In a few days, the American general opened a six-gun battery within about seven hundred yards of the walls ; but his artillery was too light to make a breach, and he could do nothing more than to amuse the enemy, and conceal his real purpose. After continuing the siege nearly a month, he resolved on a desperate attempt to carry the place by escalade. To distract the garrison, two feigned attacks were made on the upper town by two divisions of the army under Majors Brown and Livingston, while two real attacks on opposite sides of the lower town were made by two other divisions under Montgomery and Arnold. Early in the morning of the last day in the year, the signal was given, and the several divisions moved to the assault in the midst of a heavy fall of snow, which covered the assailants from the sight of the enemy. Montgomery, at the head of the ISTew-York t-i*oops, advanced along the St. DEATH OF MONTGOMERY. 309 Lawrence, by Annce de Mere, under Cape Diamond. The first barrier to be surmounted on that side was de- fended by a battery, in which were mounted a few pieces of artillery, in front of which were a block-house and picket. The guard at the block-house, after giving a random fire, threw away their arms and fled to the barrier, and for a time the battery itself was deserted. Enormous piles of ice impeded the progress of the Americans, who, pressing forward in a narrow defile, reached at length the block-house and picket. Mont- gomery, who was in front, assisted in cutting down or pnlling up the pickets, and advanced boldly and rap- idly at the head of about two hundred men, to force the barrier. At this time one or two persons had ven- tured to return to the battery, and, seizing a slow match, discharged one of the guns. Casual as this fire appeared, it was fatal to General Montgomery and to two valuable young officers near his person, who, to- gether with his orderly sergeant and a private, were killed on the spot. Colonel Campbell, on whom the command devolved, precipitately retired with the re- mainder of the division. Thus fell one of the bravest and most accomplished generals that ever led an army to the field. But he was not more illustrious for his skill and courage as an ofiicer, than he was estimable for his private virtues. All enmity to him, on the pait of the British, ceased with his life, and respect for his private character prevailed over all other considera- tions. When the corpse of Montgomery was shown to Carleton, the heart of that noble officer melted. They had served in the same regiment under Wolfe, and the most friendly relation existed between them, throughout 310 ETHAK ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOCNTAIN HEEOES. the whole French war. The Lieutenant-governor of Quebec, Mr. Cramche, ordered him a coffin, and friends and enemies united in expressions of sorrow, as his remains were conducted to their final resting-place. At his death, General Montgomery was in the first month of his thirty-ninth year. He was a man of great military talents, whose measures were taken with judgment and executed with vigor. He shared all the hardships of his troops, and though they had been unused to discipline, and many of them were jealous of their commander, he prevented their com- plaints by timely measures, and inspired them with his own enthusiasm. His industry could not be wea- ried, his vigilance imposed upon, nor his courage intim- idated. Above the pride of opinion, when a measure was adopted by the majority, he gave it his full sup- port, even though contrary to his own judgment. Few men have ever fallen in battle so much regret- ted on both sides as General Montgomery. His many amiable qualities had procured him an uncommon share of private affection, and his great abilities an equal proportion of public esteem. Being a sincere lover of liberty, he had engaged in the American cause from principle, and quitted the enjoyment of an easy fortune, and the highest domestic felicity, to take an active share in the fatigues and dangers of a war in- stituted for the defense of the community of which he was an adopted member. His well-known character was almost equally esteemed by the friends and foes of the side which he had espoused. In America he was celebrated as a martyr to the liberties of mankind ; in Great Britain, as a misguided man, sacrificing himself CHARACTER OF MONTGOMERY. 311 to what he supposed to be the rights of his country. His name was mentioned in parliament with singular respect. Some of the most jDOwerful speakers in that assembly displayed their eloquence in sounding his praise and lamenting his fate. Those in particular who had been his fellow-soldiers in the previous war, expatiated on his many virtues. The minister himself acknowledged his worth, while he reprobated the cause for which he fell. He concluded an involuntary pan- egyric by saying, " Curse on his virtues, they have un- done his country." "In this brief story of a short and useful life," says Mr. Armstrong, in his memoir of Montgomery, "we find all the- elements which enter into the composition of a great man, and distinguished soldier ; 'a happy physical organization, combining strength and activity, and enabling its possessor to encounter laborious days and sleepless nights, hunger and thirst, all changes of weather, and every variation of climate.' To these corporeal advantages was added a mind, cool, discrim- inating, energetic and fearless ; thoroughly acquainted with mankind, not uninstructed in the literature and sciences of the day, and habitually directed by a high and unchano'eable moral sense. That a man so consti- tuted should have won 'the golden opinions' of friends and foes, is not extraordinary.* The most eloquent men of the British senate became his panegyrists ; and the * As soon as the news of Montgonier\"'s death readied congress, they adopted resohitions of condolence with his family for their bereavement, and directed a monument to be erected to his memory, with an inscription expressive of their veneration for his character, and of their deep sense of his " many signal and important services ; and to transmit to future 14 312 ETHAiT ALT-EN AND GKEEN-ilOUNTAIN HEEOES. American congress hastened to testify for him ' theiiP grateful remembrance, profound respect, and high veneration.' " On the fall of Montgomery, Colonel Campbell, the second in command, ordered a retreat, although, if he had pushed bravely forward, the city would have in- evitably fallen into his hands. In the mean time, ages, as an example ■worthy of imitation, bis patriotism, conduct, bold- ness of entei-piise, insuperable perseverance, and contempt of danger and death." A monument of white marble, with appropriate emblematic devices, was accordingly erected to his memory, in front of St Paul's chm-ch in New York, with the following inscription : THIS monument is erected by order of Congress 25th January, 1776, to transmit to posterity a grateful remera- ■ brance of the patriotic conduct, ent«jrprise and perseverance of Maj 07- -general Richard ]^Iontgomery, i who, after a scries of success amid the most discour- aging difficulties. Fell in the attack on Quebec, 31st December, 1775, aged 37 years. The widow of Montgomery survived him more than half a century, maintaining the dignified position of a wife who canies with her to the tomb a name illustrious and venerated by an entire nation. Left a widow when still young, she wore for upward of forty years her mourn- ing for her soldier, — (it was thus she always named him) — and threw ofif that attire of gloom only on the eve of the day on which, from the same abode from which she had last beheld him at his parting from her, full of life and hope, she saw passing before her on the Hudson, a steamer which bore on its deck, overehadowed by twenty star-spangled banners, the mortal remains of her husband. In 1818, De Witt Clinton, then governor of New York, believed that the moment had anived to accom- plish a great act of national gratitude. The British government sympa- thized generously with the noble idea. The remains of the glorious Montgomeiy, found undisturbed in the tomb where they had been laid forty-two years before by the English soldiers, were delivered over by the governor of Canada to the American veterans commissioned to re- ceive them. Transported with a religious pomp to New York, they were deposited in the cenotaph that had been erected in St Paul's chureh-yard to the warrior's memory. FINAL EEPtTLSE AT QUEBEC. 313 i bl-onel Arnold, at the head of about three hundred and fifty men, made a desperate attack on the oppo- site side. Advancing with the utmost intrepidity through a narrow path, exposed to an incessant fire of grape-shot and musketry, as he approached the first barrier, he received a musket-ball in the leg, which shattered the bone, and he was carried ofi' to the camp. Captain Morgan, who commanded a company of Vir- ginia riflemen, rushed forward to the batteries at their head, and received a discharge of grape-shot, which killed one man only. A few rifles were immediately fired into the embrasures, and the barricade was mounted ; the battery was instantly deserted, but the captain of the guard, with the greater part of his men, fell into the hands of the Americans. Morgan formed his men, but from the darkness of the night and total ignorance of the situation of the town, it was judged unadvisable to proceed. He was soon joined by Lieu- tenant-colonel Green and Majors Bigelow and Meigs, with several fragments of companies, amounting col- lectively to about two hundred men. At daylight this gallant party was again formed, and a most bloody and dangerous engagement ensued. Many of the «nemy were killed, but more Americans, who were ex- posed to a destructive fire of musketry from the win- dows of the houses. Some of the most daring mounted the wall, but, seeing, on the other side, two ranks of soldiers, with their muskets on the ground, presenting hedges of bayonets to receive them should they leap forward, they recoiled and descended. Weary with exertion, and benumbed with cold; exposed to a deadly fire from every quarter ; their arms rendered useless 314 ETHAN ATXEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. by the snow which continued to fall, the soldiers sought refuge in the houses. Perceiving that all further at- tempts would be vain, Morgan gave the signal to re- treat. Some of the men fled, but most were unwilling to encounter another tempest of shot. They refused, however, to yield, until assured of the fate of Mont- gomery; when, losing all hope of success and escape, they surrendered themselves prisoners of war. Some of the Americans, on their escape from Que- bec, retreated precipitately to Montreal. Arnold, with diSlculty, detained four hundred, who, breaking up their camp, retired three miles from the city. Here this heroic band, though much inferior in number to the garrison, kept it in continual awe, and, by preventing all communication with the country, reduced it to great distress for the want of provisions. Congress, on re- ceiving information of the disaster of the 31st of De- cember, directed reinforcements to be sent to Canada ; and after the beginning of March, Arnold's party was almost daily augmented by the arrival of small bodies of troops. But its strength did not increase with its numbers. The small-pox still continued its ravages ; fatigue, without hope, depressed the spirits of the soldiers ; the difficulty of obtaining provisions became every day greater; and the harsh measures adopted by Arnold to pi;ocure them, exasperated the inhabitants around him. On the first of May, General Thomas, who had been appointed to succeed Montgomery, arrived from the camp at Roxbury. On reviewing his army, he found it to consist of less than two tho^-sand men, of whom half were not fit for duty. A council of war was held. COLONEL SETH WARNER. 315 who resolved that it was expedient to take a more de- fensible position higher up the St. Lawrence. To this decision they were led by the knowledge that the ice was leaving the river, and by the expectation that reinforcements from England would immediately come up. The next morning, in fact, while the Americans were engaged in removing the sick, several ships ap- peared in sight, and entered the harbor. A multitude of troops were immediately poured into the city. At one o'clock, Carleton made a sortie at the head of a thousand men. Against these General Thomas, at that moment, could oppose but three hundred. All the stores, and many of the sick, fell into the power of the enemy. The latter were treated, by the governor, with great tenderness ; and when restored to health, were assisted to return to their homes. The Americans retreated to the mouth of the Sorel, where they were joined by several regiments, and where their worthy commander died of the small-pox, which yet prevailed in the camp. After the capture of Montreal, Colonel Seth Warner had returned with his regiment to the Kew-Hampshire Grants; but instead of enjoying a respite from the fatigues and hardships of a campaign during the winter, he was called on to return to Canada. Al- though he was not in commission, and had no troops under his command, yet, General Wooster, who knew him well, did not scruple to write, requesting him to raise a body of men. and march into Canada, in the middle of winter. The letter is dated at Montreal, January Otli, 1776. After giving a general account of the defeat at Quebec, General Wooster says : "I hare 316 ETHAl^ ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. sent an express to General Schuyler, to Washington, and to congress, but you know how very long it will be before we can have relief from them. Tou, sir, and your valiant Green-Mountain Boys, are in our neigh- borhood ; you all have arms, and I am confident ever stand ready to lend a helping hand to your brethren in distress; therefore, let me beg of you to raise as many men as you can, and have them in Canada, with the least possible delay, to remain till we can have relief from the Colonies. You will see that proper officers are appointed under you, and the officers and privates will have the same pay as the continental troops. It will be for your men to start as soon as they can be collected. No matter whether they all march together, but let them come on by tens, twenties, thirties, for- ties, or fifties, as fast as they can be prepared to march. It will have a good effect upon the minds of the Cana- dians, to see succor coming in. You will be good enough to send copies of this letter, or such parts of it as you shall judge proper, to the people below you. I can but hope the people will make a push to get into this country, and I am confident I shall see you here, with your men, in a very short time." And Gen- eral Wooster was not disappointed. He did see War- ner in Canada, with his men, in a very-short time. Probably no revolutionary patriot, during the war, performed a service evincing more energy, resolution, and perseverance, or a more noble patriotism, than the raising of a regiment in eleven days, and inarching to Quebec in the face of a Canadian winter. Warner had advantages in the performance of this service which no other man possessed. The Green- COLONEL SETH WARNER. 317 Mountain Boys bad long been armed in their own defense against tbe government of Xew York, and be had been tbeir cbosen leader. Tboy had become habit- uated to turn out at liis call, ar. How his lead. And as they iiad been successful in every enterprise, they had the most unlimited confidence in his judgment, his vigilance, his prudence and his unflinching courage. Besides, they loved him for his moral and social quali- ties. He sympathized with all classes, which rendered him affable and familiar with them, and as this did not arise from any mean or selfish motive, but from the interest which he felt in the welfare of his fellow-men, he ever maintained a self-respect and a dignified de- portment. Add to this, that the Green-Mountain Boys were zealous and active whigs, and it is no longer incredible that they turned out with such alacrity at the call of Warner, in defense of their country. This winter campaign in Canada proved extremely distress- ing. The troops were in want of comfortable clothing, barracks, and provisions. The American army, in their distressed situation, were compelled to make a hasty retreat. Warner took a position exposed to the greatest danger, and requiring the utmost care and vigilance. He was always in the rear, picking up the wounded and diseased, assisting and encouraging those least able to take care of themselves, and generally kept but a few miles in advance of the British, who closely pursued the Americans from post to post. By calmly and steadily pursuing this course, with his habitual vigilance and care. Warner brought off most of the invalids, and with this corps of the diseased and infirm, arrived at Ticonderoga a few days after the 818 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. iriain army had reached that fortress.* Thus termi- nated the expedition against Canada. In its concep- tion it was singularly bold and romantic. In its progress were displayed fortitude and bravery seldom equaled in military annals. Its failure was a painful disappointment to the patriots of the day. It is now consoling to reflect, that successes would probably have proved injurious to the cause of independence. To protect the province, the military force of the confed- eracy must have been too much extended, and colonies more important have been left defenseless. In June, 1776, General Gatesf was appointed to the command of the army at Crown Point. He entered upon the service M'ith great energy. In addition to the labor and expense of putting Ticonderoga into a proper situation for defense, another object of great importance engaged their attention at the same time : it was equally necessary to preserve the command of * See Life of Warner, by Hqd. Daniel Chipman. t Horatio Gates was born in England, in 1728. He earl v embraced the career of arms, and rose to the rank of major by the force of merit alone. He was an oflRcer under the unfortunate Braddock, in the expe- dition against Fort Du Quesne, in the year 1755, and was, with the illustrious Washington, among the few officers who escaped with life on the memorable occasion. In consequence of a severe wound which he received in the battle, he was for some time debarred from actual seiTice ; and at the conclusion of the peace, he retired to his native country. He soon, however, returned, and purchased an estate in Virginia, on which he resided until the commencement of the revolutionary war, when he was appointed adjutant-general, by congress, with the rank of brigadier. In July 1775, he accompanied Washington to Massachusetts, where he continued until he received the chief command of the arm which had just returned from Canada. NAVAL PREPARATIONS. 819 Lake Champlain, by the construction of a considerable naval force. In the prosecution of this business, the Americans labored with uncommon diligence and per- severance, but under complicated and immense diffi- culties. Their timber was to be cut down in the woods, and dragged by men to the lake ; much of their ar- tillery, their ammunition, stores, and most of their materials for a naval equipment, were to be brought from great distances, and then must be transported by land-carriage, over roads almost impassable. Carpen- ters and ship-builders were fully employed in the sea- ports, in fitting out privateers. The distance and diffi- culty of the communication rendered the transportation of bulky articles very expensive and tedious ; and sev- eral of the articles which were wanted were not to be procured, and the supply of others was greatly deficient in quantity and quality. But amidst all their difficulties, such was the resolution, industry and perseverance of the men, that by the middle of August, they had equipped a very considerable naval force. This arma- ment was manned with three hundred and ninety-five men, and was completely fitted for action. Consider- ing the state of the country at that time, the difficulties and disadvantages nnder which this naval force had been constructed, it is surprising how so much conld have been efifected. Such, however, was the importance to the designs Df the English of obtaining an absolute control of the lakes, that General Carleton set himself with all dili- gence to the equipment of a fleet. His plan was, ac- cording to the instructions of the ministry, to penetrate by way of the lake to the Hudson river, and thus to 14* S20 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOITirrAIN HEROES. eifect a junction with the army of New York, at Al- bany. By the execution of this plan, the provinces of New England would have found themselves separated from the others by a powerful and victorious army, and the cause of freedom would have been exposed to the most imminent perils. Long deliberated upon in the councils of the British ministers, it was their favorite scheme. And, in effect, the very nature of the places between Canada and New York, appeared to favor this enterprise. With the exception of the heights which are found between the upper extremity of Lake George and the left bank of the Hudson, and which only occupy a space of sixteen miles, the entire passage from one of these provinces to the other, could easily be made by water, first by ascending from the St. Law- rence into the Sorel, and then traversing the Lakes Champlain and George, or "Wood creek, to the lands which separate it from the Hudson. The English hav- ing an immense superiority at sea, Canada being en- tirely in their power, and as the principal seat of resist- ance was foimd in the provinces of New England, while the coasts of New York were peculiarly acces- sible to maritime attacks, it cannot be denied that this plan of the campaign presented great advantages. But the diflScuIty of the enterprise was equal to its impor- tance. It was requisite to construct, or at least to equip a fleet of thirty vessels of different dimensions, and to arm them with artillery ; the want of matei'ials rendered either of these objects difficult to accomplish. The transportation afterward in certain places by land and drawing up the rapids of Chambly, of thirty large long-boats, a number of flat-bottomed boats of BRITISH NAVAL FOKCE. 321 considerable burthen, with above four hundred bateaux, was an operation which ofFei'ed not only great obstacles, but even an appearance of impossibility. But the English seamen, from their skill and patience, were not intimidated by it. The soldiers seconded them, and the Canadians, taken from their rustic labors, were compelled to share the toil. The generals urged for- ward tliis laborious undertaking on account of the lateness of the season. They felt all the importance of the enterprise, and persuaded themselves that if they could reach Albany before winter, their ultimate success would be secured. They labored, therefore, with incredible activity ; but notwithstanding all their efforts, the preparations could not be comjjleted, nor the armament equipped, till the middle of the month of October. The fleet would have made no contempti- ble figure even upon the European seas. The admiral's ship carried eighteen twelve pounders, and was followed by two stout schooners, the one mounting fourteen, the other, twelve six-pounders, with a large flat-bottomed boat having six twenty-four and six twelve-pounders. Twenty vessels of less size carried each a brass piece of ordnance, from nine to twenty -four pounders, or howit- zers. Several long-boats were equipped in the same man- ner. Besides these, there was a great number of boats and tenders of various sizes, to serve as transports for the troops, baggage, warlike stores, provisions, and arms of every sort. The whole fleet was commanded by Captain Pringle, a sea-officer of great experience ; it was manned by a select body of seamen, animated with an extreme de- sire of victory. The land-troops, encamped in the S22 ETHAN AT.LKN AKD GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. environs, prepared, as soon as the navigation of the lake should be secured, to fall upon the enemy. Three thousand men occupied Isle Aux Noix, and as many- were stationed at St. John's : the remainder were dis" tributed either in the vessels or in the neighborine: garrisons. The Americans united all their forces to resist such formidable preparations. General Gates was at their head, and Arnold showed himself everywhere, inspir inoj the soldiers with that ardent courao-e for which he was himself distinguished. As the event of the cam- paign "upon this frontier depended wholly upon naval operations, the Americans had exerted themselves to the utmost of their power to arm and equip a fleet capable of opposing that of the enemy. But, notwith- standing the activity and perseverance of the American generals, their squadron amounted to no more than fif- teen vessels of different sizes, two brigs, one corvette, one sloop, three galleys, and eight flat-boats. Their largest vessel mounted only twelve six and four-pounders. But that this armament might not want a chief whose in- trepidity equaled the danger of the enterprise, the command of it was given to General Arnold. It was expected of him to maintain, upon this new element, the reputation he had acquired on land. The American army, notwithstanding all the obstacles it had encoun- tered, and the ravages of the small-pox, still amounted to eight or nine thousand men. All the dispositions being made on both sides, General Carleton, impatient to conquer, ordered all his naval forces to advance toward Crown Point, intending to attack Arnold there. He had already reached the aenold's naval engagement. 323 middle of the lake without having been able to discover him, and was proceeding without any distrust, when all at once the English perceived the American squad- ron, which was di-awn up with great skill, behind the island of Valcour, and occupied the passage between the island and the western shore of the lake. This unexpected interview caused a violent agitation on both sides. A fierce engagement immediately ensued. But the wind being unfavorable to the English, they could not display their whole line ; the Inflexible, and their other vessels of the largest class, took no part in the action. The brig Carleton, accompanied by several gun-boats, assailed Arnold's fleet with singular courage and ability. The Americans supported the combat with equal bravery ; it lasted above four hours. The wind continuing to be contrary for the English, Captain Pringle perceived that he could not hope to obtain ad- vantages with a part of his forces against all those of the enemy, and accordingly gave the signal for retreat ; ordering the fleet to be anchored in a line, in presence of the American squadron. The Americans had lost in the action their largest brig, which took fire and wa-s consumed, as also a flat- boat which went to the bottom. They considered it extremely dangerous to await a second engagement in the anchorage they occupied, and consequently de- termined to retire under the walls of Crown Point, hoping that the artillery of the fortress would counter- balance the superiority of the enemy's force. Fortune seemed inclined to favor this design of General Arnold ; and already his vessels, having lost sight of those of the English, sailed rapidly toward their new station ; 324 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. when suddenly the wind became favorable to the enemy, who pursued and came up with them before their arrival at Crown Point. The battle was immedi- ately renewed with greater fury than at first ; it con- tinued upward of two hours. Those vessels, in the mean while, which were most ahead, crowded sail, and, passing Crown Point, ran for Ticonderoga. Only two galleys and five flat-boats, remained with General Arnold. With these he made a desperate defense ; but his second in command, Brigadier-general Waterburgh, being taken with his vessel, and the others making but a faint resistance, he determined, in order to prevent his people and shipping from falling into the power of the enemy, to run these on shore and set them on fire. He executed his intention with great address. He remained on board the vessel he commanded, and kept her colors flying, till she was on fire. Though he had been unsuccessful on this occasion, the disparity of strength duly considered, he lost no reputation, but rose, on the contrary, in the estimation of his country- men. He had, in their opinion, acquitted himself with no less ability in this naval encounter, than he had before done on land. The Americans, having destroyed whatever could not be carried oft', evacuated Crown Point and withdrew to Ticonderoga. General Carleton occupied the former immediately, and the rest of the army came soon after to join him there. Completely masters of Lake Champlain, the English had no other obstacle to surmount besides the fortress of Ticonderoga, in order to penetrate into Lake George. If Carleton, rapidly availing himself of his advantage, had pushed forward against the Americans thrown into GENERAL CAKLETOW. 325 confusion by defeat, perhaps he might have seized this important place. But he ^Yas prevented from doing it by a south wind, which prevailed for several days. The Americans made the best use of this time in pre- paring and increasing their means of defense. They mounted their cannon, constructed new works, and repaired the old, surrounding them with moats and palisades. The garrison was reinforced with extreme expedition ; and conformably to the orders of "Wash- ington, the oxen and horses were removed into distant places, that the English might not seize them for pro- vision or draugbt. Meanwhile, General Carleton had not neglected to detach sco^iting parties upon the two banks of the lake ; and, when the wind permitted, some light vessels were also sent toward Ticonderoga, to re connoiter the force of the enemy and the state of tho fortress. All the reports agreed that the fortifications were formidable, and the garrison full of ardor. He reflected, therefore, that the siege must be long, difficult, and sanguinary, and concluded, accordingly, that the possession of this fortress would not indemnify him for all it might cost. The winter approached ; the want of provisions, the difficulty of direct communication with Canada, and the little hope of success from an expedition in the cold and desert regions which sepa- rate the Hudson river from Lake George, rendered the wintering upon this lake extremely perilous. In con- eequer.'*^ of these considerations, the English general deemed the reduction of Ticonderoga of little utility in his present circumstances, whereas the command of the lakes secured him a clear passage to return in the Bpring to the attack of this fortress, without exposing 326 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. his troops to the hardships of a siege, undertaken in the midst of the rigors of the winter. After having taken the advice of a council of war, he renounced the project of an attack, and early in November conducted his army back toward Montreal, leaving his advanced posts in Isle Aux Noix. But prior to his retreat, with the singular courtesy and humanity of his character, he sent to their homes the American officers who had fallen into his power, administering generously to all their wants. He exercised the same liberality toward the common soldiers. The greater part were almost naked ; he caused them to be completely clothed, and set them at liberty, after having taken their oath that they would not serve against the armies of the king. General Carleton was blamed for having taken winter- quarters ; this resolution was considered as a mark of weakness, and as highly prejudicial to the success of ulterior operations ; since, if he had immediately made himself master of Ticonderoga, his troops, after having passed the winter in its vicinity, would have been able to enter the field early the following spring. It is probable, in eifect, that the war would, in that case, have had a very different result from what it actually had. But the conquest of a place so strong by nature and by art as Ticonderoga, depended on the resistance the Americans would have made ; and certainly their number, the valor they had displayed in the naval ac- tions, and the extreme confidence they had in their chiefs, all announced that their defense would have been long and obstinate. Nor should the considerations be omitted of the difliculty of subsistence, and of the communications with Canada. Be this as it may, the THE GEEEN-MOUNTAIN BOTS. 327 retreat of the English general, and his inaction during the winter, had the most happy results for the Americans, The services of the regiment of Green-Mountain Boys, and the aid furnislied to the army at Ticonde- roga by the inhabitants of the iS[ew-IIampshire Grants, have not been sufficiently commemorated by historians. Warner, with his brave regiment, was at Ticonderoga daring the whole campaign of 1776, and by his ac- tivity and energy, did much toward protecting that important post. The patriotic heroes of the Green Mountains were ever ready at the call of freedom and their country. Few in number, and without recog- nition as a separate province, they were without representatives in the con-gress, but they had ever been zealous champions of liberty. Six months before the commencement of the Revolution, when the rumor reached Bennington that the British had slain six men in Boston and seized a depot of powder, it was at once resolved that two thousand armed Green-Mountain Boys should march to the aid of the Bostonians when- evei' hostilities should commence. And four weeks before the battle of Lexington, they sent assurances to New Hampshire and Massachusetts that they would " always be ready for aid and assistance to those states, if, by the dispensations of Providence, they should be called thereto." But the Massachusetts committee of safety anticipated a long and arduous siruo-sle, and one week after the massacre at Lexing- ton, they thus wrote to the leading men at Benning- ton : "For heaven's sake, pay the closest attention to sowing and planting ; do as much of it as is possible, not for your own families merely. Do not think of 828 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E8. coming down country to fight." That committee little anticipated how soon a small band of Green-Mountain Jjoys, armed only with muskets, and without a single bayonet among them, would attack the fortress of Ti- conderoga. On the 22d of May, 1775, at a public meeting of the inhabitants of Marlborough, (near old Fort Dummer,) the following pledges were unanimouslj'' made : " We will, each of us, at the expense of our lives and fortunes, to the last extremitj', unite and oppose the late cruel, unjust and arbitrary acts of the British parliament. We will be contented and subject to the honorable continental congress in all things which they shall resolve for the peace, safety and wel- fare of the American colonies." In 1776, while Carleton, with superior forces, was attempting to drive the Americans from Lake Cham- plain, the inhabitants of the New-Hampshire Grants gave the most important assistance to the array at Ti- conderoga. "While the troops in that fortress were ex- pecting to be immediately blockaded, they had pro- visions for only sixteen days, and there was no hope of receiving timely succors from Albany. A call was made upon the committee at Bennington for assist- ance, and within an hour they purchased a thou- sand bushels of wheat, and returned word that they would send on the flour as fast as it could be manufac- tured. The committee, in their reply to General Gates, also said : " It is difficult to transport what we have al- ready on hand; for our mil'tia, even before we received your letter, asking assistance, left us, almost to a man, niarched, and have doubtless joined you before this." And thus the Green-Mountain Bovs hurried to the EVACUATION OF BOSTON. 329 defense of their country. Scattered through a moun- tainous country, it might have been thought difficult to collect the scanty population ; but the cry of invasion echoed from hill to hill, from village to village, and, leaving their herds and their fields, and hastily ex- changing a parting blessing with their wives and their mothers, the hardy mountaineers rushed to the battle. " From the gray sire, wJiose trembling hand Could hardly buckle on his brand, To the raw boy, whose shaft and bow Were yet scarce tenor to the crow. Each valley, each sequestered glen, Mustered its little horde of men, That met, as torrents from the height, In highland dale their streams unite ; Still gathering, as they pour along, A voice more loud, a tide more strong." A hasty glance at the ti'ansactions in other parts of the country will appropriately close the history of the campaign of 17T6. In March, General Washington executed a plan for driving the British from Boston, by seizing and fortifying Dorchester Heights, and thus getting command of the harbor and British shipping. On the 17th, the British forces evacuated the town and sailed for Halifax. In June, General Clinton and Sir Peter Parker made an attack on Fort Moultrie, near Charleston, South Carolina ; but were rej^ulsed with considerable loss. Congress, meanwhile, contin- ued in session, and on the 4th of July, adopted the memorable Declaration of Independence. It was receiv- ed with demonstrations of joyous enthusiasm through- out the colonies. The royal authority had been every- where entirely subverted the year before : the Revolu- tion was now in a political sense completed ; but the war for its establishment was yet to be waged. 330 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. Shortly after the evacuation of Boston by the Brit ish, General Washington removed to jS^ew York, mak- ing that city his head-qnarters. The American forces in and around the city were about seventeen thousand, a part of whom were on Long Island, under command of Sullivan. In June following, General Howe, with the forces from Halifax, arrived near l!sew York, and was shortly after joined by his brother, Admiral Lord Howe, with a reinforcement of troops, a strong nav^ force, and abundant military stores. The army under Howe now amounted to twenty-four thousand. He attacked and defeated the American army on Long Island, General "Washington witnessed the defeat of his best troops with indescribable anguish. With- drawing from Xew York, he gradually retreated before the British, adopting the policy of wearing out the enemy hv keeping them in perpetual pursuit. Avoid- ing any general engagement, small parties were in- volved in skirmishes whenever it could be done with decided advantage. Pursued by the enemy, Wash- ington retreated slowly through jSTew Jersey and across the Delaware into Pennsylvania. So hot was the pur- suit, that the rear of the American army was often in sight of the van of the enemy. Washington's forces were reduced to three thousand men, and they wero destitute of tents, blankets, and even utensils for cook- ing their provisions. This retreat through i^«"ew Jersey was the darkest hour of the revolutionary struggle. On the same day that Washington was driven across the Delaware, the British took possession of Ehode Isl- and. They already held Xew York and Xew Jersey. The army of Washington was continually diminishing i CAPTUEE OF THE HESSIANS. 331 by the discharge of the militia, whose term of service bad expired. A general gloom and despondency hnng over the whole country. But nothing could shake the constancy of Washington. Feeling the absolute ne- cessity of doing something to rouse the army and the country from the depression that was weighing down all minds, Washington recrossed the Delaware with a detachment of his army, surprised and took prisoners one thousand Hessians, with the loss of but nine men among his own troops. Soon after, evading by night the British, who were encamped at Trenton in the con- fident expectation of forcing him into a general en- gagement the next day, he marched upon Princeton, where a part of the British force had been left, routed and put to flight two regiments which he met on his way, and captui-ed nearly tbe whole of another. These brilliant actions turned the tide. The British immedi- ately evacuated Trenton, and retreated to New Bruns- wick ; the inhabitants, eager to revenge tbe brutalities they had suffered, took courage, and the enemy were driven from every post in Xew Jersey, except Amboj and New Brunswick ; and Washington went into se- cure winter quarters at Morristown. During the darkest period of this campaign, the American congress showed no sign of dismay. Thej adopted articles of confederation for a perpetual union of the states ; took measures for raising a new army, with a longer term of enlistment ; and solemnly pro- claimed that they would listen to no terms of peace short of independence. They sent commissioners to France to treat for their acknowledgment of their in- dependence, and for aid in their struggle. The cause 332 ETHAN AT.T. TT.TJ AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E8. of America was popular at the French court ; counte- nance and assistance was at once, in various ways, secretly given. Many French officers became desirous of enlisting in the struggle, among whom was the young Marquis de Lafayette, who arrived in season to take part in the next campaign. The principal object of the British, in the campaign of 1777, was to open a free communication between Canada and Xew York. The British ministry were sanguine in their hopes, that, the ]^ew-England states, which they considered as the soul of the confederacy, might be severed from the neighboring states, and compelled to submission. In prosecution of this design, an army of British and German troops, amounting to upward of seven thousand men, exclusive of artillery, was put under command of Lieutenant-general Bur- goyne,* an enterprising and able officer. The plan of operations consisted of two parts. General Burgoyne with the main body, was to advance by way of Lake Champlain, and force his way to Albany, or, at least, so far as to eifect a junction with the royal army from JSTew York ; and Lieutenant-colonel St. Leger, with about two hundred British, a regiment of New- York loyalists, raised and commanded by Sir John Johnson, *John Burgoyne was an illegitimate son of Lord Bingley. He en- tered the army at an eaiiy age, and his early education, and the influence of his father, placed him in the line of promotion. He first served in Por- tugal and Spain. After his return to England, he became a pri.vy coun- selor, and was elected to parliament. He came over to America in 1775, and was at Boston at the battle of Bunker Hill. He was sent to Can- ada the same year, but early in 1776 returned to England, and through the partiality of the king, was appointed to the command of the British army in Canada. GEJS'EEAL BUEGOYNE. 333 Ai i a large body of Indians, was to ascend the St. Lawrence to Lake Ontario, and from that qnarter to penetrate toward Albany, by the way of the Mohawk river. The main army, under General Burgoyne, embarked at St. John's, and proceeded up Lake Champlain without any interruption ; and soon arrived and en- camped at the river Boquet, on the west side of the lake, and a little to the northward of Crown Point, at the place now called Wills borough. There the Lidians had also assembled, and General Burgoyne, in conformity to their customs, gave them a war-feast. He made a speech, addressed to their chiefs and war- riors, designed to excite their savage ardor in tlie British cause, and to give a direction to their cruelty and barbarity. lie urged them to impetuosity in bat- tle, but enjoined tliem not to kill any but those who were opposed to them in arms ; that old men, women, children and prisoners, should be spared from the knife and hatchet, even in the midst of action ; and they should only scalp those who were killed by their fire in fair opposition ; but that, under no pretense whatever, should they scalp the wounded, or even dy- ing, and much less kill any in that condition. A hand- some compensation was promised, for all prisoners they should bring in ; but if, instead of this, they brought in their scalps, they were to be called to ac- count. The British general could not be so unac- quainted with the established customs and habits of the Indians, as to expect that an elegant speech would have any considerable effect upon them ; still, it might be useful to the British, as it bore the appearance of 331 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. humanity, and might tend to abate the reproaches with which their conduct was loaded in every part of Europe, for calling forth the savage barbarities at all into the contest. The command of the Americans in the northern de- partment, had been assigned to Major-general Schuy- ler.* It was foreseen that the contest would be carried on in the northern and western parts of the state of New York ; and it was supposed that he was the only man who would have influence enough to keep the inhabitants, in those parts of the state, united against the enemy. Four days before Burgoyne made his speech to the Indians, Schuyler arrived at Ticonde- roga, but did not find either the garrison or the works in so respectable a condition as he expected. Most of the recruits which had been ordered to the place, had not arrived ; but little had been done to repair or strengthen the fortifications ; and General St. Clair,f who had commanded, had not, and did not dare to * Philip Schuyler was born at Albauj, in 173L He seiTed as an offi- cer in the French war. When quite young, he became a member of the Kew-Tork legislature, and was eminent for his intelligence and influ- ence. To him and to Governor Clinton it was chiefly owing that the province made an early and decided resistance to those measures which terminated in the independence of the colonies. In 1775 he was ap- pointed a major-general, and was directed to proceed immediately from New York to Ticouderoga, to secure the lakes and to make preparations for entering Canada. Being taken sick, the command devolved on Mont- gomery. On his recovery, he devoted himself zealously to the manage- ment of the afiairs of the northern department. * Arthur St Clair was a soldier from his youth. At an early age, while the independent states were j'et British colonies, he entered the royal American army, and was commissioned as an ensign. He was actively engaged, during the French war, in the army of general Wolfe, and was bubgotne's pkoclamation. 335 call in large numbers of the militia, for fear his pro- visions should fail before the arrival of a supply. Having inspected the works, Schuyler left the command with St. Clair, and returned to Fort Edward, as a more central situation. On the 4th of July, Burgoyne issued a proclamation, designed to spread terror among the Americans, and affright those who were active in the support of their cause. The number, power, and cruelty of the Indi- ans, was represented as extremely formidable and threatening ; and their eagerness to be let loose on their prey, was described with uncommon energy. The accumulation of British power, which was now displayed by land and by sea, was declared to be ready to embrace or to crush every part of America. The rebellion in the colonies, and the conduct of their present rulers, were painted in the most dis- gusting and awful colors ; and their leaders were charged with repeated acts of the most unparalleled carrying a pair of colore, in the battle in which that celebrated com- -mander was slain, on the Plains of Abraham. Ke was highly esteemed by the distinguished commanders under whom he served, as a young officer of merit, capable of obtaining a high grade of military reputation. After the peace of '63, he sold out and entered into trade, for which the generosity of his nature utterly disqualified him ; he, of course, soon became d'isgusted with a profitless pursuit, and having married, after sev- eral vicissitudes of fortune, he located himself in Ligonier valley, west of the Alleghany mountains, and near the old route from Philadel- phia In this situation the American Revolution found him, surrounded by a rising family-, in the enjoyment of ease and independence, with the fairest prospects of affluent fortune, the foundation of which had bean already established by his intelligence, industry and enterprise. From this peaceful abode, these sweet domestic enjoyments, and the flattering prospects which accompanied them, he was drawn by the claims of • troubled oauntry. 15 5r AXD GREE^"-iIOUXXAIN 7LER0ES. violence upon the subject of these outrages — charging him "with encouraging the murder of prisoners, and the massacre of women and children, by paying the In- dians a stipulated price for scalps. Burgoyne indig- nantly denied the charge of encouraging the Indians, although he could not but admit the horrible extent of their barbarities among unarmed and inoffensive in- habitants. " I would not," he said in reply to General Gates, "be conscious of the acts you presume to im- pute to me, for the whole continent of America, though the wealth of worlds was in its bowels, and a paradise upon its surface." The retreat of the American army from Ticonderoga, on the approach of Burgoync, while it filled the public mind with dismay, as the surrender of a position on which the safety of the north depended, was regarded with gloomy apprehension, as the prelude to further reverses. The mind of Washington, however, by a happy forecast, perceived a gleam of hope, even in this hour of despondency ; and with a sort of prophetic skill, seems to have foretold, with extraordinary pre- cision, the auspicious change of afiairs which was in store. In reply to a letter of General Schuyler, of the 17th of July, communicating the unfavorable state and prospects of the army, he says : " Though our affairs have, for some days past, worn a gloomy aspect, yet I look forward to a happy change. I trust General vras sad and taciturn. He never mairied, and stiinned society as much as business -would permit Toward the close of July in every year, when the anniversary of the tragedy approached, he would shut himself in his room, and refuse to speak with any one. His friends avoided any reference to the Revolution in his p esenoe. [See page •i28] EUP.GOY>i^''s ABMY. 347 Burgoyne's army will meet, sooner or later, an effectual check ; and, as I suggested before, that the success he has had will precipitate his ruin. From your accounts, he appears to be j^ursuing that line of conduct, which, Df all others, is most favorable to us, I mean acting in detachment. This conduct will certainly give room for enterprise on our part, and expose his parties to great hazard. Could we be so happy as to cut one of them off, though it should not exceed four, five, or six hund- red men, it would inspire the people and do away much of their present anxiety. In such an event they would lose sight of past misfortune, and, urged at the same time by a regard for their own security, they would fly to arms and afford every aid in their power." It must be confessed that it required no ordinary share of fortitude to find topics of consolation in the present state of aflairs. The British were advancing with a well-appointed array into the heart of the coun- try, under the Conduct, as it was supposed, of the most skillful ofiicers, confident of success, and selected to finish the war. The army consisted in part of German troops, veterans of the Seven Years' War, under the command of a general of experience, conduct, and valor. Nothing could have been more ample than the military supplies, the artillery, munitions, and stores, with which the army was provided. A considerable force of Canadians and American loyalists furnished the requisite spies, scouts, and rangers ; and a numer- ous force of savages in their war-dresses, with their peculiar weapons and native ferocity, increased the te^-rors of its approach. On the evacuation of Ticonderoga, and tlie furthei 3iS y-TTTATJ ALLEN AND GEEEX-M.0U2fTAIN HEEOES. advance of such an army, the New-England states, and particularly Kew Hampshire and Massachusetts, were filled with alarm. It was felt that their frontier was uncovered, and that strenuous and extraordinary efibrts for the protection of the country were required. The committee of safety of what was then called the l!s^ew- Ilampshire Grants, (the present state of Yermont,) wrote in the most pressing terms to the New-Hamp- shire committee of safety at Exeter, apprising them, that, if assistance should not be sent to them, they should be forced to abandon the country, and take ref- uge east of the Connecticut river. "When these tidings reached Exeter, the assembly had finished their spring session and had gone home. A summons from the committee brought them together again, and in three days they took the most efiectual and decisive steps for the defense of the country. Among the patriotic mem- bers of the assembly, who signalized themselves on this occasion, none was more conspicuous than John Laugdon. The members of that body were greatly inclined to despond ; the public credit was exhausted ; and there were no means of supporting troops, if they could be raised. Meantime the defenses of the frontier had fallen, and the enemy, with overwhelming forces, was penetrating into the country. At this gloomy juncture, John Langdon, a merchant of Portsmouth, and speaker of the assembly, thus addressed its mem- bers : — "I have three thousand dollars in hard money ; I will pledge my plate for three thousand more ; I have seventy hogsheads of Tobago rum, which shall be sold for the most it will bring. These are at tie service of the state. If wc succeed in defending our fire-sides GKNEKAL STARK. 349 and homes, I may be remunerated ; if we do not, the property will be of no value to me. Our old friend Stark, who so nobly maintained the honor of our state at Bunker Hill, may be safely intrusted with the con- duct of the enterprise, and we will check the progress of Burgoyne." This proposal infused life into the measures of the assembly. They formed the wliole militia of the state into two brigades. Of the first they gave the command to William "Whipple, of the second to Jolm Stark.* * The exploits of Stark in the vicinity of Lake Champlain, in the last French war, have already been mentioned in these pages. At the close of the peace of 1763, he had returned to his farm in Wew Hampshire, where he resided until the opening of the Revolution. When the report of the battle of Lexington reached him, he was engaged at work in his saw-mill : fired with indignation and a martial spirit, he immediately seized his musket, and with a band of heroes proceeded to Cambridge. The morning after his arrival, he received a colonel's commission, and availing himself of his own popularity and the enthusiasm of the day, in two hours he enlisted eight hundred men. On the memorable 17th of June, at Breed's hill. Colonel Stark, at the head of his backwoodsmen of New Hampshire, poured on the enemy that deadly fire from a sure aim, which effected such remarkable destruction in their ranks, and com- pelled them twice to retreat. During the whole of this dreadful conflict. Colonel Stark evinced that consummate bravery and intrepid zeal, which entitle his name to pei^petual remembrance. After the British evacuated Boston, Stark joined our northern army while retreating from Canada, and in 1776, he had command of the troops employed in fortifying the hill on the east side of Lake Cliamplain, opposite Ticonderoga. On the 8th of July, the Declaration of Independence was received and proclaimed to the ai my, who hailed it with shouts of applause. The hill upon which the regiment of Stark was stationed, was named Mount Independence in honor of the event which had just been proclaimed. Soon after. Stark ioine"! General Washington, and was with him during that dark period when he flfd before a haughty army through New Jersey. In the spring of 1777, be returned to New Hampshire on a recruiting expeditioa 350 LTIiAX AJ.I.EX AND GLEKK-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. Tliey ordered one fourth part of Stark's brigade and ona fourth of three regiments of Whipple's to march imme- diately under the command of Stark, "to stop the progress of the enemy on our western frontiers." Agreeably to his orders, Stark proceeded to Charles- ton ; his men very readily followed ; and as fast as they arrived, he sent them forward to join the troops under Colonel Warner, at Manchester. At that place he joined Warner with about eight hundred men. Schuyler repeatedly urged Stark to join the troops under his command ; but he declined complying. He was led to this conduct not only by the reasons which have been mentioned, but by a diiference of opinion as to the best method of opposing Burgoyne. Schuyler wished to collect all the American troops in the front, to prevent Burgoyne from marching on to Albany. Stark was of opinion that the surest way to check Burgoyne was to have a body of men on his rear, ready to fall upon him in that quarter, whenever a favorable opportunit}' should be presented. The Kew- England militia had not formed a high opinion of Having filled his regiment, and wlule waiting orders, he learned that several junior officers had been promoted by congress, while he was left out of the list Feeling greatly aggrieved, he resigned his commission and left the army, not, however, to desert his country iu the hour of peril, for, like General Schuyler, he was active for good while diverted of mil- itary authority. He was very popular, and the assembly of New Hamp^ shire regarded him as a pillar of strength iu upholding the confidence and courage of the militia of the state. When that body offered him the command of the new recruits, laying aside his private griefs, he once inere hastened to the field, stipulating, however, tbat he should not be obliged to join the main army, but hang upon the wing of the enemy, strike when opportunity should offer, according to his own discretion, and be accountable to no one but the assembly of New Hampshire. ADVANCE OF BUKJOYNE. 851 Schuyler as a general ; and Stark meant to keep him- self in a situation in which he might embrace any- favorable opportunity for action, either in conjunction with him, or otherwise ; Stark assured Schuyler that he would yield to any measure necessary to promote the public good, but wished to avoid a course that was not consistent with -his own honor; and if it was thought necessary, he would march to his camp. He wrote particularly, that he would lay aside all private resentment, when it appeared in opj)Osition to the public good. But in the midst of these protestations, he was watching for an opportunity to evince his courage and patriotism, by tailing upon some part of Burgoyne's army. While the American army was thus assuming a more respectable appearance. General Bargoyne was making very slow advances toward Albany. From the 28th of July, to the loth of August, the British army was continually employed in bringing forward bateaux, provisions, and ammunition from Fort George to the nearest navigable part of Hudson river ; a distance of not more than eighteen miles. The labor was excessive; the Europeans were but little acquainted with the methods of performing it to advantage, and the effect was in no degree equivalent to the expense of labor and time. "With all the efforts that Burgoyne could make, encumbered with his artillery and baggage, his labors were inadequate to the purpose of supplying the army with provisions for its daily consumption, and the es tablishment of the necessary magazines. And after his utmost exertions for fifteen days, there were not above four days' provisions in store, nor above ten 852 ETHAN ALLEN AND GiJEEN-MOU^n-AIN HEROES. bateaux in the Iludson river. More effective measTires to replenish his stores seemed necessary. Informed that the Americans had a large quantity of these, and of cattle and horses at Bennington and in the vicinity, lie resolved to send a detachment of his army thither to capture them. Both Philips and Beidesel, the most experienced of his generals, were opposed to the meas- ure ; but Burgoyne, actuated by an overweening con- fidence in his strength, and deceived as to the extent of the royalist party in the colonies, dispatched Lieutenant-colonel Baum thither with five hundred Hessians, Canadians and tories, and one hundred Indians. Burgoyne's instructions to the commander of the expedition, dated August 9th, 1777, declared the objects to be to try the affections of the country, to disconcert the councils of the enemy, to m.our.t Eeidesel's dragoons, to complete Peters' cor],s [of loy- alists,] and to obtain large supplies of cattle, horses and carriages. Baum was directed " to scour the country from Bockingham to Otter creek," to go down Con- necticut river as far as Brattleborough, and to return by the great road to Albany, there to meet General Burgoyne, and to endeavor to make the country believe his corps was the advanced body of the general's army, who was to cross Connecticut river, and proceed to Boston. lie ordered " that all ofiicers, civil and mili- tary, acting under the congress, should be made pris- oners." Baum was also instructed "to tax the towns where they halted with such articles as they wanted, and take hostages for the performance, &c. ; to bring all horses fit to mount the dragoons to serve as battalion horses for the troops, with as many saddles and bridles SKiE2iisnixG. 353 as could be found." Bui-goyne stipulated the number o-f liorses to be brought at thirteen hundred at least, and more if they could be obtained, and directed them to be "tied in strings of ten each, in order that one man might lead ten horses." On the 13th of August, information reached General Stark, that a party of Indians attached to Baum's force had been perceived at Cambridge, about twelve miles north-west from Bennington. He immediately de- tached Lieutenant-colonel Gregg with two hundred men, to stop their march. In the course of the night, he was advised by exj)ress, that a large body of the enemy, with a train of artillery, was in the rear of the Indians, in full march for Bennington. He immedi- ately rallied his brigade, with all the militia which had collected at Bennington. Orders were at the same time dispatched to the officer in command of Colonel Warner's i-egiment at Manchester, to march that body of men down to Bennington, and an animated call was made upon all the neighboring militia. Tliese various dispositions were carried promptly into effect. On the morning of the 14:th, Stark moved forward to the support of Colonel Gregg with the entire force under his command. At the distance of four or five miles, he met the colonel in full retreat, and the enemy within a mile of him. Stark instantly halted, and drew up his men in order of battle. The enemy, per- ceiving that he had taken a stand, immediately came to a halt on very advantageous ground, and there in- trenched themselves. Unable to draw them from their position, he fell back for a mile, leaving only a small party to skirraisVi with the enemy. This was done 554 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOU^TAIN HEROES. with considerable effect. Thirty of tlieir force, with two Indian chiefs, were killed or wounded, without any loss on the American side. The following day, the 15th, was rainy, and nothing was attempted beyond skirmishing with the enemy. This was done with sj)irit, and the Indians began to desert the army of Colonel Baum, " because," as they said, " the woods were filled with Yankees." This res- pite enabled the enemy to complete their breastworks, to apprise General Burgoyne of their situation, and to ask for reinforcements. Colonel Breyman, with an additional body of German troops, was immediately detached to the assistance of Baura. During the night. Colonel Symonds, with a body o Berkshire militia, arrived. Among them was the Eev. Mr. Allen, of Pittsfield, whose bellicose ardor was of the most glowing kind. Before daylight, and while the rain was yet falling, the impatient shei^herd, wlio had many of his flock with him, went to Stark, and said, "General, the people of Berkshire have often been summoned to the field without being allowed to fight, and, if you do not now give them a chance, they have resolved never to come out again." " Well," said Stark, " do you wish, to march now, while it is dark and raining?" "ISTo, not just this moment," replied the minister of peace. "Then," said the general, "if the Lord shall once more give us sunshine, and I do not give you fighting enough, I'll never ask you to come out again." Sunshine did indeed come with the morrow, for at the opening of the dawn, the clouds broke away, and soon all nature lay smiling in the sunlight of a clear August morning; and "fighting THE WARLIKE PAESOX. 335 enough" was also given fco the parson and his men, for it was a day of fierce conflict. Mr. Allen was not the man to shrink from that bloody aftray. He had ar- dently espoused the cause of freedom, and when, in anticipation of a battle at Bennington, the neighboring country was roused to arms, he used his influence to increase the band of patriots, and urged his congrega- tion to hasten to the service of their country. But the company which was raised in his parish were, from some cause, retarded in their progress. Hearing of the delay, he proceeded immediately to join them, and accompanied them to Bennington. On the morning of the battle, his men would not j)repare for the en- gagement until he had prayed to the God of armies " to teach their hands to war 'and their fingers to fight." When the opposing forces were about advancing toward each other, Mr. Allen, insensible to fear, pro- ceeded so near to the ^British troops, that he could be distinctly seen and heard, and then called upon the enemy to prevent the eflusion of blood by laying down their arms ! He was answered by a discharge of mus- ketry, and the log upon which he stood was pierced with bullets. Turning calmly to a ffiend who had fol- lowed him under cover of the breastwork formed by the log, he said, "ISTow give me a gun ! " and he delib- erately fired the first gun from the American ranks on that memorable occasion. On the morning of the lOth, Stark made prepara- tions for an attack. Tfie German mercenaries, with their battery, were advantageonsly posted upon a rising ground at a bend in the Walloomscoick (a branch of the Eloosac) on its north bank. Tl>o ground fell uff to the 356 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. north and west, a circuinstance of which Stark skillfully took advantage. Peters' corps of tories were in^ trenched on the other side of the stream, in lower *^roimd, and nearly in front of the German battery. The little river that meanders through the scene of the action, is fordable in all places. Stark was encamped upon the same side of it as the Germans, but, owing to its serpentine course, it crossed his line of march twice on his way to their position. Their post was carefully reconnoitered at a mile's distance,* and the plan of attack was arranged in the following manner ; Colonel Nichols, with two hundred men, was detached to attack the rear of the enemy's left, and Colonel Iler- rick, with three hundred men, to fall upon the rear of their right, with orders to form a junction before they made the assault. Colonels Hubbard and Stickney were also ordered to advance with two hundred men on their right and one hundred in front, to divert their attention from the real point of attack. The action commenced at three o'clock in the afternoon on the rear of the enemy's left, when Colonel Nichols, with great precision, carried into effect the dispositions of the commander. His example was followed by every other portion of the little army. Genei'al Stark himself moved forward slowly in front, till he heard the sound of the guns from Colonel Nichols' party, when he * Before the com men cement of the battle, Stark rode forward ■n-ith Warner, to rcconnoiter the enemy, and was fired at by a cannon. Stark exclaimed : "Those rascals know I am an officer; don't you see they honor me with a big gnn as a salute ?" His well known speech to his men was characteristic : " Boys, those are your enemies, the red-coats and to- nes ! We must conquer them, or to-night Molly Stark will be a widow!" BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. S57 rushed upon tlie tories, and in a few moments tlie action became general. " It lasted," says Stark, in his official report, " two hours, and was the hottest I ever saw. It was like one continued clap of thunder."* • A soldier who -was in the battle gave the following interesting account of it to the Rev. James Davie Butler : " We were marched round and round a circular hill till we were tired. Stark said it was to amuse the Germans. All the while a cannonade was kept up upon us from their breastwork. It hurt nobody, and it lessened our fear of the great guns. After a while I was sent, with twelve others, to lie in ambush on a knoll a little north, and watch for tories on their way to join Baum. Presently we saw six coming toward us, who, mistaking us for tories, came too near us to escape. We disarmed them and sent them, under a guard of three, to Stark. While I sat on the hillock, I espied one Indian whom I thought I could kill, and more than once cocked my gun, but the orders were not to fire. He was cooking his dinner, and now and then Bhot at some of our people. " Between two and three o'clock the battle began. The Germans fired by platoons, and were soon hidden by smoke. Our men fii-ed each on his own hook, aiming wherever they saw a flash. Few on our side had either bayonets or cartridges. At last I stole away from my post, and ran down to the battle. The first time I fired I put three balls into my gun. Before I had time to fire many rounds, our men rushed over the I'reastwork, but I and many others chased straggling Hessians in the Tvoods. We pursued till we met Breyman with eight hundred fresh tiuops and larger cannon, which opened a fire of grape-shot. Some of the grape-shot riddled a Virginia fence near me : one struck asmall white oak tree behind which I stood. Though it hit higher than my head, I fled from the tree, thinking it might be aimed at again. We skirmishers ran back till we met a large body of Stark's men, then faced about. I Boon started for a brook I saw a few rods behind, for I liad drank nothing all day, and should have died with thirst had I not chewed a bullet all the time. I had not gone a rod when I was stopped by an officer, sword in hand, and ready to cut rae down as a runaway. On my complaining of thirst, he handed me his canteen, which was full of rum. I drank and forgot my thirst. " But the enemy outflanked us, and I said to a cotiiradc : ' We must run or Ihey will have us.' He said: 'I willliavc one more fire first.' At 358 ETHAN AJXEN A]S*D GEEEK-MOUNTAlN HEROES. The Indians, alarmed at the prospect of being inclosed between the parties of Xichols and Herrick, fled at the commencement of the action, their main principle of battle array being to contrive or to escape an am- that moment a major on a black horse rode along behind us, shouting : 'Fight on, boys ; reinforcements close by.' While he was yet speaking, a grape-shot went through his horse's head and knocked out two teeth. It bled a good deal, but the major kept his seat and spurred on to en- courage others. In five minutes we saw Warner's men hurrying to help us. They opened right and left of us, and half of them attacked each flank of the enemy, aud beat back those who were just closing around us. Stark's men now took heart and stood their grpund. My guu-barrel was by this time too hot to hold, so I seized the musket of a dead Hessian, in which my bullets went down easier than in my own. Right in front were the cannon, and seeing an officer on horseback waving his sword to the artillerymen, I fired at him twice. His hoi"se felL He cut the traces of an artillery horse, mounted him and rode off I afterward heard that that officer was Major Skene. " Soon the Germans ran and we followed. Many of them threw down their guns on the ground, or offered them to us, or kneeled, some in pud- dles of water. One said to me: wir sind ein, bruder ! I pushed bin: behind me and rushed on. All those near me did so. The enemy beal a parley, minded to give up, but our men did not understand it I came to one wounded man, flat on the ground, crying water or quarter. I snatched his sword out of his scabbard, and, while I ran on and fired, carried it in my mouth, thinking I might need it The Germans fled by the road and in a wood each side of it Many of their scabbards caught in the brush and held the fugitives till we seized them. We chased them tiU dark. Colonel Johnston, of Haverhill, wanted to chase them all night Had we done so, we might have mas;tered them all, for they stopped within three miles of the battle-field. But Stark, saying ha would run no risk of spoiling a good day's work, ordered a halt and return to quarters. "I was coming back, when ordered by Stark himself, who knew me, as I had been one of his body-guard in Canada, to help draw off a field-piece. I told hira I was worn out His answer was: ' Do n't seem to disobey; take hold, and if you can't hold out, slip away in the dark.' Before we had dragged the gun far. Warner rode near us. Some one, BATTLE OF BElfNTNGTON. 359 bush or an attack in the rear. The tories were soon driven over the river, and were thus thrown in con- fusion on the Germans, who were forced frona their breastwork. Baum made a bold and resolute defense. The German dragoons, with the discipline of veterans, preserved their ranks unbroken, and, after their am- munition was expended, were led to the charge by their colonel with the sword ; but they were overpowered and obliged to give way, leaving their artillery and baggage on the field. They were well inclosed in two breastworks, which, owing to the rain on the 15th, they had constructed at leisure. But, notwithstanding this protection, with the advantage of two pieces of cannon, arms and ammu- pointing to a dead man by the ■wayside, said to him : ' Tour brother is killed.' ' Is it Jesse ? ' asked Warner ; and when the answer was, yes, he jumped off his horse, stooped and gazed in the dead man's face, and then rode away without saying a word. On my way back I got the belt of the Hessian, whose sword I had taken in the pursuit. I also found a barber's pack, but was obliged to give up all my findings till the booty was divided. To the best of my remembrance, my share was four dol- lars and some odd cents. One tory with his left eye shot out, was led by me mounted on a horse who had also lost his left eye. It seems cruel now — it did not then. " My company lay down and slept in a cornfield near where wo had fought ; each man having a hill of corn for a pillow. When I waked next morning I was so beaten out that I could not get up till I had rolled about a good while. After breakfast I went to see them bury the dead. I saw thirteen tories, mostly shot through the head, buried in one hole. Kot more than a rod from where I fought, we found Captain McClary dead, and stripped naked. Wc scraped a hole with sticks and just covered him with earth. We saw many of the wounded who had lain out all night Afterward we went to Bennington and saw the prisonere pa- raded. Tbcy were drawn up in one long line, the British foremosty thea the Germans, next the Indians, and hindmost the tories." 16 360 ETHA^ ALLEN AND GKEEIs MOUNTAIN DEEOES. nition in perfect order, and an auxiliary force of In- dians, they were driven from their intrenchments by a band of militia just brought to the field, poorly armed, with few bayonets, without field-pieces, and with little discipline. The superiority of numbers, on the part of the Americans, will, when these things are consid- ered, hardly be thought to abate any thing from the praise due to the conduct of the commander, or the spirit and courage of his men. The enemy being driven from the field, the militia dispersed to collect the plunder. Scarcely had they done so, before intelligence was brought, that a large reinforcement from the British army was on the march, and within two miles' distance. This was the corps of Colonel Breyman, already mentioned, which had been dispatched by General Burgoyne, on receiving from Baum intelligence of his position. The rain of the preceding day and the badness of the roads had de- layed his arrival ; a circumstance which exercised an important influence on the fate of the battle. On the approach of Brey man's reinforcements, the flying party of Baum made a rally, and the fortune of the day was for a moment in suspense. Stark made an eflFort to rally the militia ; but happily at this juncture Colonel Warner's regiment came up fresh and not yet engaged, and fell with vigor upon the enemy. This regiment, since the battle fought at Hubbard- ton, had been stationed at Manchester. It had been reduced, by the loss sustained in that action, to less than two hundi-ed men. "Warner, their colonel, as we have seen, was at Bennington, and was with General Stark on the 14th. The remment at Manchester was waenek's kegiment. 361 under the command of Major Samuel Safford. In con- sequence of the absence of a large number of the men on a scouting party, and other causes, it was not pos- sible to put the regiment in motion on the 14th ; on the 15th they marched for Bennington. Owing to the heavy rain of that day, it was near midnight when the troops arrived within a mile of Bennington. Fatigued with the march of the preceding day, their arms and equipments injured by the rain, and their ammunition scanty, a considerable portion of the ensuing day was exhausted, before the men could prepare themselves for battle. The first assault had been made in the manner described, and the enemy driven from the field, before this regiment came into action. At the most critical moment of the day, when the arrival of Breyman's reinforcement threatened a reverse of its good fortune, Warner's troops aj)peared in the field. Stark, with what men he had been able to rally, pushed forward to his assistance, and the battle was contested with great obstinacy on both sides till sunset, when the enemy were obliged to give way. General Stark pur- sued their flying forces till dark, and was obliged to draw off his men, to prevent them from firing upon each other under cover of night. ""With one hour more of daylight," as he observes in his official report, " he would have captured the whole body." The fruits of the victory were four pieces of brass cannon, sev- eral hundred stand of arms, eight brass drums, a quan- tity of German broad-swords, and about seven hundred prisoners. Two hundred and seven were killed upon the spot ; the number of the wounded was not ascer tained. Colonel Baum was wounded and made a o(j2 ETIUX ALLEN AND GEEEN-ilOUNTAIN liKl'OKS. prisoner, but shortly after died of bis wounds. The loss of the Americans was thirty killed and forty wounded. The general's horse was^ killed in the action. Too much praise cannot be bestowed on the conduct of those who gained the battle of Bennington, officers and men. It is perhaps the most conspicuous example of the performance by militia of all that is expected of regular, veteran troops. The fortitude and resolu- tion with which the lines at Bunker Hill were main- tained, by recent recruits, against the as?ault of a powerful army of experienced soldiers, have always been regarded with admiration. But at Bennington, the hardy yeomen of ISTew Hampshire, Vermont and Massachusetts, many of them fresh from the plough and unused to the camp, " advanced," as General Stark expressed it in his offi.cial letter, " through fire and smoke, and mounted breastworks that were well fortified, and defended with cannon." Fortunately for the success of the battle. Stark wag ably seconded by the officers under him ; every pre- vious disposition of his little force was most faithfully executed. He expresses his particular obligation to Colonels Warner and Herrick, "whose superior skill was of great service to him." Indeed, the battle was planned and fought with a degree of military talent and science which would have done no discredit to any service in Europe. A higher degree of discii^line might have enabled the general to check the eagerness of his men to possess themselves of the spoils of victory ; but his ability, even in that moment of dispersion, and un- der the flush of success, to meet and conquer a hostile GENEEAL STA.KK. ' 368 reinforcement, evinces a judgment and resource not often equaled in partisan warfare. In fact, it would be tlie height of injustice not to recognize, in this battle, the marks of the master mind of the leader, which makes good officers and good sol- diers out of any materials, and infuses its own spirit into all that surround it. This brilliant exploit was the work of Stark, from its inception to its achievement. Ilis popular name called the militia together. His resolute will obtained him a separate commission, — at the expense, it is true, of a wise political principle, — but on the present occasion, with the happiest effect. Ilis firmness prevented him from being overruled by the influence of General ■■ Lincoln, which would have ]ed him, with his troops, across the Hudson. How few are the men who, in such a crisis, would not merely not have sought, but actually have repudiated, a junction with the main army ! How few, who would not only liave desired, but actually insisted on taking the respon- Bibility of separate action! Having chosen the burden of acting alone, he acquitted himself in the discharge of his duty, with the spirit and vigor of a man con- BciouB of ability proportioned to the crisis. He ad- vanced against the enemy with promptitude ; sent forward a small force to reconnoiter and measure his Btrength ; chose his ground deliberately and with skill ; planned and fought the battle with gallantry and suc- cess. The consequences of this battle were of great import- ance. It not only cost tlie army of Burgoyne more than one thousand of his best troops, but it wholly dei-anged the plan of liis campaign, and materially 36-i ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MODNTAIN HEROES. contributed to the loss of his army. By advancing be- yond Ticonderoga, his communication with the country in his rear was interrupted. He relied on these lateral excursions to keep the population in alarm, and to prevent their flocking to Gates. He also depended on procuring his supplies by such inroads into the coun- try. The catastrophe of Baum's expedition, by which he hoped to furnish himself with an ample store of pro- visions collected at Bennington, disappointed that ex- pectation, and compelled him to halt till he could procure them in detail from other quarters, and thus retarded his advance toward Albany for a month, during all which time the militia poured to the stand- ard of General Gates, and placed him in a condition to compel the surrender of the British army.* Five days after the battle of Bennington, congress being still ignorant of the transaction, a resolution was introduced to censure Stark for not submitting to the regulations of the continental army, and refusing obe- dience to its commander. Thereupon, a member from 'New Hampshire rose and expressed the belief that the first battle they should hear of at the north would be fought by Stark and the troo23S under his command, and that he was not afraid to stake his life or his honor on a wager that Stark's men would do as much as any equal number of troops in defense of their country. In a letter home, that gentleman said : "Judge of my feelings when the very next day I had a confirmation of all I had asserted, by an express from Schuyler, detailing the defeat of Baum and Breyman." The resolution of censure was immediately changed to one * See Life of Stark by Edward Everett BURGOY^•E's DEFEAT. oG5 of thanks, accompanied with the appointment of Stark to be a brigadier-general in the army of the United States. If Burgoyne was astonished when an antagonist he had never heard of thus unexpectedly defeated a body of his best troops, what would he have thought had he known that antagonist's history? — for, twenty-five years before. Stark had been a captive in Canada, and was ransomed for an Indian pony worth one hundred dollars! "The repulse on the banks of the "Walloom- sCoik," says an eloquent Yermonter,* " plucked out the crowning keystone from that well-nigh finished arch, so that the whole structure cracked, crumbled by piecemeal, tottered and fell, a wreck of ruin, never to rise again." The result of the action M'as in exact ac- cordance with the prophetic wish expressed by Wash- ington in his letter to Schuyler, written only a few days previous. Washington, on hearing the joyful tidings of Stark's victory, said, " one more such stroke, and we shall have no great cause for anxiety as to the future designs of Britain." The revolution wrought by this event, in Burgoyne'a feelings, is betrayed by the contrast between his letters just before and just after the expedition. In the former lie writes to the leader of the corps sent against Ver- mont : " Mount your dragoons, send me thirteen hund- red horses, seize Bennington, cross the mountains to Rockingham and Brattleborough, try the affections of tlie country, take liostages, and meet me a fortnight hence in Albany." Four days after the battle he * Jatnes Davio Biiller, from whose Address on the Battle of Beniiing- t<^>n 111.1113' of I'll' facts in this narrative are derived. IG- 366 ETHAI;? ALLEN AKD GliLEX-ilOUKTAIJJ HEK0E8. writes to England : " The Hampshire Grants in j^artie- ular, a country unpeopled and almost unknown in the last war, now ahoimds in the most active and rebel- lious race on the continent, and hangs like a gathering storm upon my left." * Burgojne was far Irom over- rating the influence of Stark's success. "Within three days thereafter, Schuyler wrote to Stark: ''The signal victory you have gained, and the severe loss the enemy have received, cannot fail of producing the most salu- tary result." "Within a week, a hand-bill was issued at Boston, containing an exaggerated account of Stark'a triumph ; the news was there proclaimed by criers, and rung out from all the bells. Clinton wrote: "Since the affair at Bennington, not an Indian has been heard of ; the scalping has ceased ; indeed, I do not appre- hend any great danger from the future operations of Mr. Burgoyne." "Washington, writing to Putnam, was high in hope that Xew England, following the great sti'oke struck by Stark, would entirely crush Burgoyne ; and a rumor that Burgoyne was crushed, raised the siege of Fort Stanwix, and broke his right wing. All this was within one week after Baum and Breyman * An officer in Burgoyne's aimj'', in allusion to the event, in a series ^ of letters -writlen to hia fiiends in England, and aftei"ward published, said : " The courage and obstinacy with which the Americans fought, weie the astonishment of every one, and we now became fully con- vinced, they are not that contemptible enemy we had hitherto imagined them, incapable of standing a regular engagement, and that they would only fight behind strong and powerful works. If the other provinces enter as heartily into the cause of rebellion, I am afraid we shall find it a very difficult task to subdue them ; for, esclusive of all the various modes of furnishing men and supplies, it is in these provinces, in some measure, become a religious cause, iu which the people being enthusi- asts, their clergy artfully increase a warlike spirit among their flocks" SPOILS AT BENNIXGTOi^. 367 were discomfited. In one day more a rumor was rife in New Hampshire that Burgoyne had been taken at Stillwater : ' As ihesun, Ere he be risen, sometimes paints his image In the atmosphere, the shadows of great events Precede the eveuts,aud in to-daj aheady walks to-morrow." The spoils taken by Stark, after his victory at Ben- nington, were equally distributed among his soldiers, and the prize-money given to each soldier was five dollars. Before thus dividing the spoils, Stark selected certain articles to be presented as trophies to the states of Vermont, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, namely:, for eacli state, one Hessian gun and bayonet, one broad-sword, one brass-barreled drum, and one grenadier's cap. These presents called forth from each of the states, a letter of thanks. The gift to Massa- chusetts is still susjDcnded in the senate-chamber at Boston. Only a portion of Stark's present to his own state is preserved, while that given to Yermont, to commemorate his victory, has been lost. The cap of Colonel Baura was for many years worn to the legisla- ture by the representative from Pownal, and his sword still hangs in the bar-room of a Bennington tavern. Baum's maps were long used by Stark as curtains in his log-cabin. The whole expense of Stark's brigade, in the achievement of a victory which secured the de- struction of Burgoyne'a army, was sixty-six thousand dollars; but, owing to the depreciation of continental money, only two thousand dollars were actually paid by congress. The four pieces of cannon taken by Stark at Ben- nington were of Dutch manufacture. They were 368 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEJIOES. alternately in the hands of the British and Americans during the battle. Their history is somewhat singular. After the war, the following inscription was placed upon them : " Taken from the Germans at Benning- ton, August 16th, 1777." Thirty -five years afterward they were in the park of artillery which Hull surren dered w^ith his army to the British at Detroit. The British fired their evening salute with them, and it was determined, and prepai'ations were made, to have their history continued, by engraving upon them the inscrip- tion, "Betaken from the Americans, August 16th, 1812." But before this plan was executed, the cannon were again taken from the British at the capture of Fort George, and afterward removed to the arsenal at Washington, where they remained many years un- claimed and foi-gotten by the Yermonters, to whom they belonged. They were finally discovered by the Hon. Henry Stevens, the indefatigable Yermont an- tiquary, while at Washington in pursuit of docu- ments connected with the early history of his native state, and upon his recommendation were claimed by Yermont, and cheerfully restored by congress. They now grace the principal hall of the Yermont state- house, at Montpelier — a memento of the heroic pa- triotism of the Green-Mountain Boys of '76. The German and British prisoners were conducted to Bennington, after the battle, and shut up in the meeting-house. As soon as the necessary arrange- ments could be made, they were removed to a place of greater security in Massachusetts. The tories being held in special abhorrence, were treated with consider- able severity. They were bound two and two, like A LOKD IJS LliJJJO. 3G9 slaves in a coffle, and led by persons on horseback. The women of Bennington very cheerfully furnished all their bed-ropes to tie the prisoners with. The people gathered in crowds to see them as they passed. One of the British officers roughly addressed a very "^Id lady, who was looking at them, " So, you old fool, you must come to see the lions." "Lions! lions!" replied the old lady, good-humoredly, " I declare, now, I think you look more like lambs." The prisoners taken at Bennington were soon after joined by the whole of Burgoyne's army, who had tallen into the hands of Gates. They were taken to Cambridge, near Boston. A British officer, who was among the prisoners, tells the following anecdote of their journey thither. The spiteful manner in which he alludes to the Xew-England people, may be excused in consideration of his unfortunate position among them. " The lower class of the jN^ew-Englanders," says he, " are impertinently curious and inquisitive ; at a house where Lord K^apier was quartered, with other officers, a number of the inhabitants flocked to see a lord, imagining he must be something more than man; they were continually looking in at the window, and peeping at the room door, saying, ' I wonder which is the lord ! ' At last four women, intimate friends of the landlord, got into the room, when one of them, with a twang, peculiar to the New-Englanders, said : ' I liear you have got a lord among you; pray, now, which may he be ? ' His lordship, who, by the by, was all over mire, and scarcely dry from the heavy rain that had fallen during the day's march, whispered, to an officer named Kemmis, whose turn for wit and 370 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEX-ilOUNTAIN KEltOES. jocularity was well known to the armj. Keramis accor dinglygot U]3, and pointing to bis lordship, in a voice and manner as if he was herald-at-arms, informed them that ' that was the Eight Honorable Francis Lord Xa- pier, &c., &c., &c.,' going through all his lordship's titles, with a whole catalogue of additions ; after he had finished, the women looked very attentively at his lordship, and while he and the other officers were laughing at the adroitness of Kemmis, the women got up, and one of them lifting up her hands and eyes to heaven, with great astonishment, exclaimed, ' "Well, for my part, if that be a lord, I never desire to see any other lord but the Lord Jehovah,' and instantly left the room." The same officer also relates the following affecting circumstance : " A few days since, walking out with some officers, we stopped at a house to purchase vege- tables ; .while the other officers were bargaining with the woman of the house, I observed an elderly woman sitting by the fire, who was continually eyeing us, and every now and then shedding a teai'. Just as we were leaving the house she got up, and bursting into tears, said, ' Gentlemen, will you let a poor, distracted wo- man speak a word to you before you go ? ' We, as you might naturally imagine, were all astonished, and upon inquiring what she wanted, with the most poignant grief and sobbing, as if her heart was on the point of breaking, asked if any of us knew her son. Colonel Francis, who was killed at the battle of Hubbard ton ? Several of us informed her, that we had seen him after he was dead. She then inquired about his pocket-book, and if any ot his papers were safe, as some related to THE SOLDIERS MOTIIEE. 371 his estates, and if any of the soldiers had got Lis watcli; if she could but obtain that in remembrance of her dear, dear son, she should be happy. Captain Fergu- son, of our regiment, who was of the party, told her as to the colonel's papers and pocket-book, he was fearful they were either lost or destroyed ; but, pulling a watch from his fob, said, '• There, good woman, if that can make you happy, take it, and God bless you." We were all much suti'prised, not knowing that he had made a purchase of it from a drum-boy. On- see- ing it, it is impossible to describe the joy and grief that was depicted in her countenance ; I never, in all my life, beheld snch a strength of passion ;' she kissed it, looked unutterable gratitude at Captain Ferguson, then kissed it again ; her feelings were inexj^ressible ; she knew not how to express or shew them ; she would re- pay his kindness by kindness, but could only sob her thanks ; our feelings were lifted up to an inexpressible height ; we promised to search after the papers, and I believe, at that moment, could have hazarded life itself to have procured them." The severe measures of General Burgoyne had roused the resentment and indignation of the New- England states; the prospect of success after the battle of Bennington, had increased their courage and anima- tion ; and the peoj^le were everywhere in motion. Finding that reinforcements were, and probably would be constantly arriving, General Lincoln determined to make a diversion in the rear of the enemy. He marched lumself with the militia that had joined him, from Manchester to Pawlet. From thence, on September the thirteenth, he sent off Colonel Brown with five 372 ETHAIf ALLEN AKD GEEEN-MOUKTAIN HEE0E8. hundred men to the landing at Lake George, to destroy the British stores, and to release the American prison- ers that had been collected at that place. Colonel Johnson was dispatched with the same number of men to Mount Independence. Johnson was to amuse and alarm the enemy at the north end of Lake George, while Brown was executing the business at the south end. If circumstances and opportunity favored, they were to join their troops, and the one was to attack Ticonderoga, and the other Mount Independence; but they were not to risk the loss of many men in these attem2)ts. The same number of men were also sent on under Colonel Woodbridge, to Skenesborough ; thence to Fort Anne, and so on to Fort Edward. The design was to alarm and divide the British forces and atten- tion, by assaulting all their outposts and stations at the same time. With so much secrecy and address were these operations conducted, that by September the eighteenth, Brown had effectually surprised all the outposts between the landing-place at the north end of Lake George, and the body of the fortress a-t Ticon- deroga. Mount Defiance, Mount Hope, the " French lines," and a block-house, with two hundred bateaux, an armed sloop, and several gun-boats, were almost in- stantly taken. Four companies of foot, with nearly an equal number of Canadians, and many of the officers and crews of tlie vessels, amounting in the whole to two hundred and ninety -three, were made prisoners ; and at the same time they set at liberty o'le hundred Americans, who had been made prisoners, and were confined in some of those works. Enojuraged hy this success, they summoned General Powel, the British MOVEMENTS OF BURGOTNE. 373 commander at Ticonderoga, to surrender that fortress ; but after maneuvering four days, they found tbej were wholly unable to attempt the works either at Ticonde- roga or Mount Independence ; abandoning the design, they returned in safety to Lincoln's camp. By this well-conducted enterprise, the Amerioans had alarmed the enemy on the lakes, captured a considerable num- ber of their men and vessels,'recovered the continental standard which they had left when they abandoned Ticonderoga, and returned to their camp with scarcely any loss to themselves. Meanwhile, General Burgoyne, having collected about thirty days' provisions, and thrown a bridge of boats over the Hudson, crossed that river on the 13th and 14th of September, and encamped on the heights and plains of Saratoga. General Gates, who had re- centl}^ taken the chief command of the northern de- partment of the American army, advanced toward the British, and encamped three miles above Stillwater. On the night of the ITth, Burgoyne encamped Avithin four miles of the American army ; and about noon on the 19th advanced in full force against it. The right wing was commanded by General Burgoyne, and cov- ered by Genei-al Fraser and Colonel Breyman with tlie grenadiers and light infantry, who were posted along Bome high grounds on the right. The front and flanks were covered by Indians, provincials, and Canadians. The left wing and artillery were commanded by Major- generals Phillips and Reidesel, who proceeded along the great road. Colonel Morgan, who was detached to observe their motions, and to harass them as they advanced, soon fell in witli their pickets in front of 374 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. their right wing, attacked them sharply, and drove them in. A strong coi'ps was brought up to support them, and, after a severe encounter, Morgan was com- pelled to give way; but a regiment was ordered to as- sist him, and the action became more general. The commanders on both sides supported and reinforced their respective parties; and about four o'clock, Arnold, with nine continental regiments and Morgan's corps, was completely engaged with the whole right wing of the British army. The. engagement began at three o'clock in the afternoon, and continued till after sun- set, when the Americans thought proper to retire, and leave the British masters of the field of battle. The loss on each side was nearly equal, six hundred being killed and wounded on the part of the British, and the same number on the side of the Americans. No ad- vantages resulted to the British troops from this en- counter ; while the conduct of the Americans fully convinced every one that they were able to sustain an attack in open plains with the intrepidity, the spirit, and the coolness of veterans. For four hours they maintained a contest hand to hand ; and when they retired, it was not because they were conquered, but because the approach of night made a retreat to their camp absolutely necessary.* Both armies lay some * In a history of Bnrjroyne's campaign, written by an officer of Lis army, tlie following examples of the heroism and devoted patriotism of the Americans are given. A soldier who had been badly wounded was .taken prisoner by the Indians, and carried before General Fraser, who made inquiries of him in regard to the condition of the.American army. "But he would give no answer to any question," says the British officer, "and behaved in the most undaunted manner. The general, imagining that by shewing him attention he might gain some iuformatiou from THE spmrr of '76. 875 time in sight of each other, each foi'tifying its camp in the strongest manner possible. Meanwhile, the difii- culties of the British general were daily increasing ; his auxiliary Indians deserted him soon after the battle of Stillwater ; and his army, reduced to little more than five thousand men, was limited to half the usual allowance of provisions ; the stock of forage was also entirely exhausted, and his horses were perishing in hira, ordered him some refreshment, and when the surgeon had examined his wound, told him he must immediately undergo an amputation, which being performed, he was requested to keep himself still and quiet, or a lock -jaw would inevitably ensue ; to this he replied with great firmness, ' then I shall have the pleasure of dying in a good cause, that of gaining independence to the American colonies.' I mention this circumstance, to show how cheerfully some of them will sacrifice their lives in pursuit of this favorite idol. Such was the man's restless disposition, that he actually died the next morning." Another prisoner was intenogated by General Fraser. The soldier would give no other answer than that the American array was com- manded by General Gates. Fraser, exceedingly provoked because he could gain no intelligence, told him if he did not immediately inform him as to the exact situation of Uie American army, he would hang him up directly; the soldier, with the most undaunted firmness, replied, " Then you rau.st hang me, for I will not betray my country." Fraser's threat was not executed. While the British Qamp was on the north side of the Fish Creek, a number of the officers' horses were let loose in the meadows to feed. An expert swimmer among the Americans who swarmed upon the hills east of the Hudson, obtained permission to go across and capture one of th« horses. He swam the river, seized and mounted a fine bay gelding, and in a few moments was recrossing the stream unharmed, amid a volley of bullets from a party of British soldiers. Shouts greeted him as he re- turned ; and, when rested, he asked permission to go for another, telling the captain that he ought to have a horse to ride as well as a private. Again the adventurous soldier was among the herd, and, unscathed, re- turned with an exceedingly good match for the first, and presented it to bis commander. 376 ETHAN ALLEN -AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. great numbers ; the American army had become so augmented as to render him diffident of making good his retreat ; and, to aggravate his distress, no intelli- gence had yet been received of the approach of Gen- eral Clinton, or of any diversion in his favor from New York. In this exigency. General Burgoyne re- solved to examine the possibility of dislodging the Americans from their posts on the left, by which means he would be enabled to retrea-t to the lakes. For this purpose he drew out fifteen hundred men, whom he headed himself, attended by Generals Phillips, Keide- sel and Fraser. This detachment had scarcely formed, within less, than half a mile of the American intrench- ments, when they made a furious attack, which, though bravely resisted, was decidedly to the advantage of the assailants. General Eurgoyne now became convinced that it was impossible to conduct any further offensive operations, and endeavored to make good his retreat to Fort George. Artificers were accordingly dis- patched, under a strong escort, to repair the bridges, and open the roads, but they were compelled to make a precipitate retreat. The situation of his army be- coming every hour more hazardous, he resolved to attempt a retreat by night to Fort Edward ; but even this retrograde movement was rendered imprac- ticable. "While the army was preparing to march, in- telligence was received that the Americans had already possessed themselves of the fort, and that they were well provided with artillery. !N"o avenue to escape now appeared. Incessant toil and continual engage- ments had worn down the British array; its provisions were nearly exhausted, and there were no means of SURRENDER OF BUEGOTNE. 377 procuring a supply; while the American army, which was daily increasing, was already much greater than the British in point of numbers, and almost encircled them. In this extremity, the British general called a council of war; and it was unanimously resolved to enter into a convention with General Gates. Prelimi- naries were soen settled, and the royal army, to the number of five thousand seven hundred and fifty, sur- rendered prisoners of war. The capture of an entire army was justly viewed as an event that must essentially afiect the contest be- tween Great Britain and America ; and while it ex- cited the highest joy among the Americans, it could not but have a most auspicious influence on their afiairs In the cabinet and in the field. The thanks of congress were voted to General Gates and his army; and a medal of gold, in commemoration of this splendid achievement, was ordered to be struck, to be presented to him by the president, in the name of the United States. After the surrender of Burgoyne, the garrison left by him at Ticonderoga retreated into Canada. They were pursued by fifty Green-Mountain Rangers, who captured forty-nine of their number, together with horses, cattle, and boats in great numbers. Previous to the retreat of the British from Ticonderoga, a Ver- raonter, named Richard "Wallace, swam across the lake, through a hostile fleet, for the purpose of learning the strength of the forces tliere, as an attack was contem- plated by "Warner and Herrick. This act of daring was equal to a story of another Green-Mountain hero one Johnson, who, at the battle of Bennington, met a til© oTS ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAnir HEROES. of German soldiers in the woods, and, having no other weapon than a club, wrenched the file-leader's sword from his grasp, and compelled the whole party to sur- render themselves prisoners of war. A grandson* of that hero still keeps the Hessian blade thus bravely won. The brave and hardy inhabitants of the Green Moun- tains, who thus nobly stood forth in defense of their country, had other dilBiculties than those inseparable from the war with the mother country to encounter. "Not having been recognized as an independent state, they were deprived of a regular government, under which they could act with system and effect. They had, at first, 130 rallying point, and no bond of union, save a Common interest to resist the claims of New York, as they had subsequently no other tie than that of a common determination to resist the invasion of the British forces. However, the necessity which drove them to resistance, gave the effect of law to the recom- mendations of their conventions and committees ; while a few bold and daring spirits, as if formed for the oc- casion, gave energy and system to their movements. But a better organization was obviously needed, to sustain a protracted conflict. The change produced by the Declaration of Independence in the relations be- tween Great Britain and her colonies, rendered the importance of this course still more imperative. The people had, as we have seen, originally purchased their lands under royal grants from the governor of New Hampshire. But "N"ew York claimed the jurisdiction and right of soil, and insisted that the occupants of the lands should repurchase them, and at exorbitant rates. * Rev. Charles Johuson, of Locke, Cayuga county, New York. IKDEPENDE^CE OF YEI.iiONT. G79 The settlers had petitioned the crown for redress, and M'hile thej were encouraged with indications favorable to their rights, -the connection between the crown and contending parties was suddenly dissolved. There no longer remained, therefore, any earthl}^ power, recog- nized by the parties as a !efore he can be- come a true Convert. This Evening Mr. Allen ob- served the bustles among the ])Owers of Europe WDuld, within six Months change the face of American Affairs but did not know nor care, whether for the better or worse.' I replied he must have a predom- 418 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. inant wish as Neutrality was, in jDrinciple, in mj opin- ion inadmissable. He said he should not deny but principle inclined him and Yermont in general for the success of America but interest and self-preservation if Congress continued to oppress them, more strongly inclined them to wish for the success of Great Britain, and fight like Devils against their oppressors, be they who they might. * * w * * -X- * * * "15th. Colonel Allen seems exceedingly anxious to return and often says his presence will be very neces- sary at the next Assembly, as they will not know how to proceed until they hear what he has to report from General Haldimand. "18th. I endeavoured to persuade Colonel Allen to make some overtures to General Haldimand but he still says he is not authorised and cannot do any thing of the kind. He thinks the General will be convinced "oy the reason he has given in writing that the leaders in Yermont are doing all that is possible to effect an Union or Neutrality, and that General Allen was obliged for his own safety, to send Colonel Robinson's Letters to Congress, as it was previously known in public that such Letters had been sent to him.* * * "23rd. Colonel Allen expatiates on the dangers and difficulties attendino- the brining: about a Re-union as a number of the Council, and the major part of the Legislature have not as yet the least idea of anything farther than neutrality, and many of them are ignorant of that. He expresses fears that it will not be accom- plished . though he sincerely wishes it may. He still thinks the principles on which America first took arms were just, but he sees, with regret, that Congress has ^earned to play the Tyrant, and is convinced that it is for the interest and safety of Yermont to accept of General Haldimand 's terms. I told him he talked well, but I wished he had said as much when he first arrived, for however convinced I may be of his candour the change gave some room for suspicion that he now acts from design. He replied tliat General Haldimand's candour demands the same from him, and that he has INTERVIEW ■U^T^ ENGLISH AGENT. 419 not altered his sentiments, but only throws them out more freely than he at first intended till he had farther instructions from his Employers, but the candid open man-ner in which the General had written forbid his acting with an}' disguise. "2'ith. Colonel Allen much the same in conversa- tion as yesterday, but observes that he knows the Gen- eral will very soon hear what reports he makes, and how he conducts himself after he gets home, he wishes me clearly to inform the General with the method he must take to comply with his demand of undeceiving the other States respecting the Truce, &c. He says he must, as far as he dares possess the minds of the peo- ple with the idea of a re-union. He shall therefore tell their own Officers Commanding at Castletown that he cannot tell what may take place, but they must keep themselves in readiness for all events. But to the other States he shall positively declare that no Truce nor probability of one subsists between General Haldi- mand and Vermont, and this he should have done for their own safety. But in compliance with the Gen- eral's desire he shall be very particular in this declara- tion. '25th. I communicated C't. Matthews' letter to Col- onel Allen respecting ISTews. He says the News gives him no further anxiety than to excite in him a desire to know how tliis war will terminate for under the pre- sent uncertainty of Vermont, he does not know whether this News is favorable or otherwise. But he well knows that He and his Family have large Fortunes which tiiey do not intend to lose, if there is a possibility of saving them. At all risks he is determined that Congress shall not have the parcelling of his Lnnds to their avaricious Minions. I then shewed him C't. Mat- thews' Letter of the General's sentiments. He appeared very much pleased with it, and engaged his honor that the General should hear from their Assembly by the 20th of next July and as much sooner as possible, but did not think he should be able to send any certain ac- count of the result until that time, as they are not to assemble till about the middle of June and must sit 420 ETHAN ALLEN AND QREEN-ilOUNTAiN HEROES. eometime before the Business could be fairlj opened to the whole House, after which it would necessarily Oc- casion long and warm Debates let it turn out as it might in the end. Mr. Allen and myself have agreed on a signal fur his Messenger, which we put in writing and both signed. Should General Haldiraand find it abso- lutely necessary to send a private Express to Vermont, Colonel Allen desires it may be by a man of trust who may. be directed to make himself known, either to Governor Chittenden Colonel Allen or General Allen or one of the following Gentlemen Colonel Brownson Dr. Fay Judge Faut oV C't, Lyon. The Contents of the message should be a secret to the Messenger written on a small piece of paper, which he should be directed to swallow, or otherwise destroy if in danger of being taken by a scout from !New York and he should be very careful to shun the Vermont Scouts. On these condi- tions Col. Allen engaged that the Messenger shall be immediately sent back. Colonel Allen after express- ing much satisfaction with the polite treatment he had received embarked about 12 o'clock. These negotiations were maintained until the close of the war; Ira Allen,* the principal agent in the affair, always finding a plausible reason for postponing final and decisive action. But while he, and a few others, were thus successful in preventing any hostile movement against the northern frontier of the United * Ira Allen -was born in 1752. He went to Vermont at a very early age. After the establish ment of the government, he was the first secre- tary of state. Subsequently he was treasurer, member of the council and Burveyor-generaL He rose to tlie rank of major-general of militia, and in 1795 went to Europe to purchase arms for the supply of his state. Returning- with several thousand muskets, and some cannon, he was cap- tured by an English vessel and can-led to England, where he was accused of supplying the Irish, then in open rebellion, with arms. A litigatiou of eight years, in the court of admiralty, was the consequence; but a final decision was made in his favor. He died at Philadelphia, January 7, 1814, aged 62 years. lEA ALLEN. 421 States, the people at large were in entire ignorance concerning the negotiations which were carried on, al- though agents were, during the whole progress of the affair, passing and repassing the borders. Yermont, after completing its eastern and western armies, sent delegates to congress to again undertake to have the state admitted into the union. In 1781 congress appointed a committee to confer with them, but adopted a resolution, declaring that the negotia- tion of the independence of Vermont could not take place, unless the state should recede to its former limits, and relinquish its claim to the territory which it had acquired from Xew Hampshire on the east, and IS'ew York on the west. Yermont at first refused to do so, but at this juncture. General "Washington opened a corresjjondence with Governor Chittenden on the sub- ject, and the candor, good sense, and conciliatory style of the Father of his Country, effected what congress could not have done, and Yermont finally consented to comply with the requirement in regard to its bounda- ries. But after this had been done, congress found occasion to defer its final action in regard to the admis- sion of Yermont into the union. Notwithstanding the unsettled and embarrassing state of her relations to congress and the neighboring states, the internal tranquillity of Yermont had been, for some time, but little disturbed. Her jjolitical insti- tutions had been gradually maturing, and the organi- zation of her government had assumed a regularity and efiiciency which commanded the obedience and respect of the great body of the citizens. New York had not relinpuished her claim to jurisdiction over the territory, 4:22 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAXN HEEOES. but she had not, of late, made any serious efibrt to exercise it ; and had contented herself with opposing the admission of Yermont into the union, and by en- deavoring, in the manner we have just related, to bring over the people to her own interest. But while a vast majority of the people of Yermont yielded a willing obedience to her authority, and were ready to make almost any sacrifice to sustain her independence and government, there were some among her citizens whose submission was reluctant, and who were ready to embrace any favorable opportunity to renounce their allegiance and support the claims of Kew York. This opposition was principally confined to the town of Guilford — at that period the most populous village in the state. The two parties in this town, (the friends of Yermont and those of New York,) had each an organization of their town ; and, in some cases, there were two sets of town-officers. Between these, skirm- ishes often occurred, which not unfrequently ended in bloodshed. The enmity of these parties was carried to an alarming extent during the years 1783 and 1784. Social order was entirely at an end ; and even physi- cians were not allowed to pursue their avocations, with- out procuring a pass from the several committees. In this unpleasant state of affairs. General Ethan Allen was directed to call out the militia, for the purpose of enforcing the laws, and of suppressing the symptoms of civil war exhibited among the people of Windham county. In accordance with these directions, he marched from Bennington with a force of about one hundred Green-Mountain Boys ; and, upon his arrival at Guilford, he issued the following unique proclamation ■ ETHAN ALLEN AN ATJTHOE. 423 "1, Ethan Allen, declare, that unless the people of Guilford peaceably submit to the authority of Yer- mont, I will make the town as desolate as were the cities of Sodom and Gomorrah!" After some resist- ance, from the adherents of New York, Allen was enabled to enforce their subjection to the laws of Yermont. Aft'airs continued in this condition until 1789, when liberal councils prevailed in ISTew York, and the legis- lature consented to the independence of Yermont There was no further obstacle to the admission of Yer- mont into the union, and on the 4th of March, 1791, the auspicious end to all the difficulties which had attended the organization of the new state, was formally announced. Previous to the admission of Yermont into the un- ion, Ethan Allen was actively engaged in the main- tenance of the rights of the people he loved so well, and of the state which his exertions had been so greatly instrumental in founding. After that event, he retired to private life, and in the intervals of relaxa- tion from business, wrote a work entitled, "Keason the only Oracle of Man," the aim of which, we regret to Bay, was to controvert the truths of revealed religion. He gave great attention to its composition, and was very proud of it. He had been for many years in the habit of making memoranda of iiis thoughts on the subject, and evidently believed his work would subvert Christianity. Its style was the same which characterized his political pamphlets — bold, artful, egotistical and unpolished, but evincing remarkably strong mental powers. Only one edition was ever 424: ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOtlNTAIN HEEOES. published , and the greater portion of that was destroyed by the burning of the office in which it was printed. It is now rarely to be met with, and the existence of the work upon which Ethan Allen confidently relied for enduring fame, is scarcely known to one in a thousand of those who remember with patriotic pride, the sturdy Hero of Ticonderoga. * A very aflecting story has long been current in con- nection with Ethan Allen's peculiar views concerning religion. It is that one of his daughters who had been instructed in the principles of Christianity by a pious mother, when about to die, expressed a desire to see her father. When he appeared at her bedside, she said to him, "I am about to die — shall I go to my grave with the principles you have taught me, or shall I believe what my mother has taught me ? " His re- ■plj, it is said, was, "Believe what your mother has taught you!" The anecdote, although often quoted, as a striking illustration of the inefficiency of infidelity on the death-bed, and. the consolation that is afibrded by a strong religious faith at such a time, has not, it is asserted by Allen's family, any foundation in truth. Notwithstanding his views on religion, Allen was a thoroughly honest man, and detested any thing like falsehood or meanness. On one occasion, an individ- ual to whom he was indebted had commenced a suit against him. Allen being unable to pay the debt, employed a lawyer to have the execution of legal process against him postponed for a short period. As an easy measure to efiect this, and throw the case over to the next session of the court, the lawyer denied the genuineness of the signature ; Allen, who was present, ALLEN S SECOND COUETSHIP. 425 Stepped angi-ilj forward, and exclaimed to his aston ished counsel, "Sir, I did not employ you to come here and lie ; I wish you to tell the truth. The note is a good one — the signature is mine ; all I want is for the court to grant me sufficient time to make the payment!" It is almost- needless to add that the plaintifl* acceded to his wish. General Allen, who had at various times resided at Bennington, Arlington and Tinmouth, at last took up his residence on the Winooski. His first wife had never removed from Connecticut, but died there dur- ing the war. His courtship of his second wife was characteristic. During a session of the court at "West- minster, Allen appeared with a magnificent pair of horses and a black driver. Chief Justice Eobinson and Stephen R. Bradley, au eminent lawyer, were there, and as their breakfast was on the table, they asked Allen to join than. He replied that he had breakfasted, and while they were at the table, he would go in and see Mrs. Buchanan, a handsome widow who was at the house. He entered the sitting-room, and at once said to Mrs. Buchanan, " Well, Fanny, if we are to be married, let us be about it." "Very well," she promptly replied, "give rac time to fix up." In a few minutes she was ready, and Judge Robinson was at once called upon by them to perform the customary cer- emony. Said Allen, " Judge, Mrs. Buchanan and T have concluded to be married ; I don't care much about the ceremony, and as near as I can find out, Fanny cares as little for it as I do ; but as a decent respect for the customs of society require it of us, we are willing to have the ceremony performed." The gentlemen 426 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTATN HEE0E3. present vrere much surprised, and Judge Eobinson re- plied, "General Allen, this is an important matter; have you thought seriously of it ? " " Yes, yes," ex- claimed Allen, looking at Mrs. Buchanan, "but it don't require much thought." Judge Eobinson then rose from his seat and said, "Join your hands together. Ethan Allen, you take this woman to be your lawful and wedded wife : you promise to love and protect her according to the law of God and " "Stop, stop, Judge. The law of God," said Allen, looking forth upon the fields, "all nature is full of it. Yes, go on. My team is at the door." As soon as the cere- mony was ended. General Allen and his bride entered his carriage and drove off.* Allen conversed much on the subject of religion, and expressed his skeptical views on all convenient occa- sions. At one time, while he was in Westminster, Judge Sessions and Stephen R. Bradley, who were zealous Christians, were discussing the affairs of the church. Allen, who entered the room at the time, interrupted them by an argument against the divine origin of the Bible. Judge Sessions, not liking to hear his reasons, said, " Mr. Bradley, I think we had better retire, and not hear this man talk." Allen exclaimed, "Deacon Sessions, you belong to the church militant — I belong to the church military ; and without that," he continued with an oath, "you can never belong to the church triumphant ! " General Allen's kindness of heart was proverbial, • This anecdote is given on the authoiity of Hon. William C. Bradley (son of Stephen R. Bradley,) formerly a member of congress from Vermont, who was present with his father on the occasion. ALLEN S KENDXESS AND rATKIOTISM. 427 And he was always ready to afford relief to the suffer- ing. At one time, two little girls, daughters of one of the pioneers of Vermont, wandered into the woods The - distressed parents, with a few neighbors, com- menced a search, which was continued through the night without success. The next day a large number of persons from the "neighboring towns joined them, and the search was continued till the afternoon of the third day, when it was relinquished, and the people who had been out were about to return to their homes Among them, however, was one who thought the search should not be abandoned ; and this was Ethan Allen. He mounted a stump, and soon all eyes were fixed upon him. In his laconic manner, he pointed to the father and mother of the lost children — now petrified with grief and despair — bade each individual present, and especially those who were parents, make the case of these parents liis own, and then say whether they could go contentedly to their homes without one further effort to save those dear little ones, who were, probably, now alive, but perishing with hunger, and spending their last strength in crying to father and mother to give them something to eat. As he sjDoke, his giant frame was agitated — the tears rolled down his cheeks, and in the assembly of several hundred men, but few eyes were dry. "I'll go! I'll go!" — was at length heard from every part of the crowd. They betook themselves to the woods, and before night the lost children were restored in safety to the arms of the distracted parents. In all the trying scenes of Allen's life — in all the vicissitudes of a protracted and cruel captivity — ho was never forgetful of the rights of his fellow-men, or 4:28 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTALN HEEOES. of the cause of his country's liberty. He nobly spurned, as unworthy of the principles which governed him, the honors which were offered him to join the royal stand- ard. He stood firmly by his country, even while it frowned upon the course of his adopted state — and his memory will ever be cherished by a free and grateful people. He died at Burlington, Yt., Feb. 12th, 1789; of apoplexy, while yet in the full vigor and maturity of manhood, and his remains rest in a beautiful valley near the Winooskie, whei-e his grave is surrounded by those of many of his kindred. A plain marble tablet marks the spot, upon which is the following inscription : The Corporeal Part of Gen. Ethan Allen, rests beneath this stone he died the 12th day of February, 1789, awed 50 years. His spirit tried the mercies of his God, In whom he believed and strongly trusted. (Note Referred to on Page 346.) When Sparks was writing his biographies, he visited the spot, and found in the vicinity an old soldier, who was an eye-witness to the tragedy, and says: "Miss M'Crea was shot, tomahawked, and scalped by an Indian." Gen. Morgan Lewis, who was at the investi- gation of the affair, had, at the time, and who was also consulted by Mr. Sparks, fully confirmed the old soldier's story. The best evi- (Ipncc, therefore, is in favor of the old version of this tragic event. UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY AA 000 911 233 5