Ex Libris 
 C. K. OGDEN 
 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 MEMOIKS 
 
 OF 
 
 SIE EDWARD BLOUNT
 
 .iil ^gjriit.i'A.yc. 
 
 'A/^ 
 
 (oxlf^o<t/^f^ ^^i^u/nd^. ^^ .'^o. ^^.
 
 MEMOIES 
 
 OF 
 
 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 K.C.B. &c. 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 STUART J. EEID 
 
 AUTHOK OF 'THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SYDNEY SMITH* 
 'lord JOIIX RUSSELL' ETC. 
 
 WITH 3 PHOTOGRAVURE PLATES 
 
 SECOND EDITION 
 
 LONGMANS, GKEEN, AND CO, 
 
 39 I'ATEllNOSTEli ROW, LONDON 
 NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 
 
 l!i02 
 
 All rights reserved
 
 D 
 
 HOC 
 
 PEEFACE 
 
 I FEEL I owe an apology to the reader for the 
 fragmentary nature of these reminiscences. It is 
 no easy task, however, for a man in the ninety- 
 fourth year of his age to recall the details of a 
 life that has been both long and eventful, much 
 less to give a full and consecutive account of his 
 experiences. This, I hope, will not be expected 
 of me. In responding to the urgent and re- 
 peated request of friends to place on record some 
 of the incidents with which I have been con- 
 nected, and to give my reminiscences of some 
 of the men with whom I have come into contact 
 in England and France during a particularly 
 interesting period in the relations between the 
 two countries, I have not attempted to write a 
 history of my times. All that it has been pos- 
 sible for me to do has been to set down the im- 
 pressions left upon me through the vista of years 
 of some events, and of a few men of note. 
 Unfortunately, I have never kept a diary, and 
 letters and documents which might have been of 
 
 i 
 
 ^ fV:^rH«i^ijr
 
 vi SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 interest have either been destroyed or dis- 
 appeared, with the exception of the letters which 
 I wrote to my wife from Paris during the siege, 
 which she carefully kept. I am, therefore, 
 obliged to trust almost entirely to my memory, 
 which is still tenacious, especially in reference 
 to the early part of my career. I hope that any 
 lapses which have escaped me may be forgiven 
 by the reader. My motto has been ' Nothing 
 extenuate, nor set down aught in malice,' and 
 in writing these recollections of men that are 
 gone, and of times that most who are now alive 
 know only by hearsay, I have endeavoured to 
 speak, with fairness and candour, of men as I 
 found them. 
 
 I desire to express my hearty thanks to my 
 friend and neighbour, Mr. Stuart Eeid, for the 
 trouble he has taken in putting my notes in order, 
 as well as in editing this volume and seeing it 
 through the press. Nor should I forget to mention 
 my obligations to Mr. J. G. Colclough, formerly 
 Secretary of the British Chamber of Commerce, 
 Paris, for services rendered in connection with 
 special chapters of this work. 
 
 EDWARD BLOUNT. 
 
 Imberhorne : East Grinstead. 
 May 15, 1902.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. Early Years 1 
 
 II. Attache in Rome and Paris 32 
 
 III. English Banker in Paris 44 
 
 IV. The Beginnings of French Railways . . .51 
 
 V. !My Railway Career in France 69 
 
 VI. Business Friendships 92 
 
 VII. My Experiences in the Revolution of 1848 . . 110 
 
 VIII. The Early Days of the Second Empire . . 133 
 
 IX. The Franco-German War and the Siege of Paris 166 
 
 X. Consul in Paris during Closing Days of Siege . 196 
 
 XI. The Turf, Club Life, and Social Recollections. 236 
 
 XII. Backward Glances 272 
 
 Index 290
 
 ILLUSTEATIONS 
 
 Portrait of Sir Edward Blount, K.C.B. . . Frontispiece 
 
 Portraits of Sir Edward and Lady Blount, 
 
 1834 AND 1884 to face p. 44 
 
 238 
 Imberhorne "
 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 OP 
 
 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 EAELY YEABS 
 
 I WAS born on the 16th of March, 1809, at Bell- 
 amour, near Rugeley, in the county of Stafford, 
 and I am the second son and namesake of 
 Edward Blount, afterwards M.P. for Steyning, 
 Sussex, and the grandson of Sir Walter Blount, 
 sixth baronet, of Sodington, Worcestershire. 
 
 The Blounts trace their origin to the Le 
 Blounds, Counts of Guisnes in Picardy. Count 
 Raoul de Guisne, who was head of the family 
 when William of Normandy invaded England, 
 had three sons, and all of them accompanied the 
 Conqueror. One returned to France ; but the 
 other two, Sir Robert and Sir William Le Blound, 
 
 y B
 
 2 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 settled in England, and from them the Blounts 
 in the kingdom are descended. Sir Eobert Le 
 Blound was commander of the ships of war, and 
 he was one of the Conqueror's Council. His 
 brother, Sir William, was General of the Foot. 
 Sir Eobert Le Blound appears in the Domesday 
 Book as the possessor of thirteen lordships in 
 Suffolk, and he also was rewarded by a grant of 
 land in Middlesex. He was styled, from his 
 principal possessions. Baron of Ixworth and Lord 
 of Orford. He married the youngest daughter 
 of Henry, Earl Ferrers, and his son, Gilbert Le 
 Blound, founded at Ixworth a priory of Augustine 
 monks, which flourished until the dissolution of 
 the monasteries in the reign of Henry VIH. 
 Sir William Le Blound, on the other hand, had 
 an ample inheritance in Lincolnshire bestowed 
 upon him by the Conqueror. 
 
 The Blounts of Sodington, in Worcester- 
 shire, and of Mawley, near Cleobury, in Shrop- 
 shire, are descended from William, the second 
 son of Sir Eobert Le Blound. It is one of the 
 proudest boasts of the family that, throughout 
 the vicissitudes of centuries, it has remained 
 loyal to the old faith, and that more than one of 
 its members has had to suffer for his devotion to 
 the Catholic Church.
 
 A FKIEND OF POPE 3 
 
 Knighthood was frequently bestowed upon 
 members of the family, but the first baronet, Sir 
 Walter Blount, was created by Charles I. in 1642. 
 He was an ardent Cavalier, and suffered much 
 in the Eoyal cause, being imprisoned first at 
 Oxford, and afterwards in the Tower of London. 
 His seat at Sodington was greatly damaged by 
 Cromwell's soldiers, because his servants refused 
 to make arms at a forge. His estates were ordered 
 to be confiscated in 1652, and he died in 1654. 
 One of his sons. Captain Peter Blount, who 
 shared his devotion to the House of Stuart, 
 fought at the battle of Worcester. 
 
 He was succeeded by Sir George Blount, who 
 died at Mawley in 1657 ; and a younger son of 
 the latter was Edward Blount, who succeeded to 
 his mother's estate of Blagden, in Devonshire. 
 Edward Blount was a scholar and a wit, and lives 
 in literature as the intimate friend of Alexander 
 Pope, of whose friendship he was proud. ' I have 
 a secret pleasure,' he says in one of his letters, 
 ' to have some of my descendants know that their 
 ancestor was great with Pope.' Like myself, 
 he spent much time in France, though for a 
 different reason. 
 
 The Jacobite rebellion of 1715 — with which, 
 by the way, he had nothing whatever to do — cast 
 
 I! 2
 
 4 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 suspicion on all Catholics, and rigorous measures 
 were enacted against them ; so that, to borrow 
 his words, ' Either their homes had to be left, or 
 they were made too narrow for them to turn in.' 
 He left no sons, and Blagden was sold ; but his 
 eldest daughter, Elizabeth, in 1735 married the 
 first Lord Clifford, and his second, Mary, in 
 1727 became the wife of Edward, ninth Duke of 
 Norfolk. It is said of her that she graced that 
 high station not merely by beauty, but by 
 vivacity and talent. She died in 1773. 
 
 The Blounts of Soddington and Mawley have 
 always been proud of Shakespeare's allusions in 
 * Henry the Fourth ' and ' Eichard the Third ' to 
 members of their family. Sir Walter Blount, 
 whom the Ejng describes in the former play as 
 ' a dear, a true, industrious friend,' fell at the 
 battle of Shrewsbury in 1403. Sir Eichard 
 Blount was one of the Privy Council of Edward 
 VI., and Lieutenant of the Tower, whilst Sir 
 Charles Blount was slain at Oxford in 1644, 
 in the cause of Charles I. But enough of such 
 memories. 
 
 My mother was Frances, daughter of Francis 
 Wright, of Fitzwalters, Essex. My father died 
 in March 1843, and my mother in May 1859. 
 
 Their family consisted of five sons and five
 
 MY BEOTHEES 5 
 
 daughters. My eldest brother, Walter Aston 
 Blount, was Clarencieux King of Arms, and 
 Secretary of the Order of the Bath. He went 
 on two missions from the English Court, on the 
 staff of the Special Ambassador. The first was 
 on the occasion of the investiture of the King 
 of Portugal as a Knight of the Order of the 
 Garter, when His Majesty was pleased to confer 
 upon him the insignia of a Commander of the 
 Eoyal Portuguese Order of the Conception. 
 When the Order of the Garter was conferred 
 on the Emperor Alexander II. of Kussia, he 
 again represented at St. Petersburg the College 
 of Heralds. Before his return to England, on 
 the conclusion of the mission, His Imperial 
 Majesty graciously gave him a gold casket, with 
 his portrait mounted in diamonds. Walter Aston 
 died unmarried in February 1894. 
 
 Another brother was Captain Herbert Blount, 
 of the 68th Light Infantry. He served in 
 Canada during the frontier troubles, as well as 
 in the East and West Indies, and during the war 
 in the Crimea. He was injured before Sebas- 
 topol, being severely bruised by the fall of a gun- 
 carriage. He afterwards went to Burma, and 
 finally to India, where he served during the 
 Mutiny, and rose to the rank of lieutenant of
 
 6 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 his regiment. He was created Knight of the 
 Imperial Orders of the Legion d'Honneur and of 
 the Medjidie. He died in May 1860, and, Hke 
 his eldest brother, was never married. It is a 
 curious fact that two brothers — Herbert and my- 
 self — were members of the French order of the 
 Legion d'Honneur. 
 
 I had two other brothers — George Thomas, 
 who died in 1899, and Henry, who died in 
 February 1865. 
 
 George was for many years in the Audit 
 Office, and afterwards was transferred to the 
 War Office, at a time when it was said that 
 promotion should turn on merit rather than on 
 length of service. He afterwards devoted himself 
 to works of charity, and was for many years 
 President of the Society of St. Vincent de 
 Paul. 
 
 My youngest brother, Henry, was a distin- 
 guished member of the Benedictine Order, 
 and was attached for many years to the 
 college of that Order at Downside. He 
 was subsequently appointed mission priest at 
 Cheltenham, where he was highly esteemed by 
 all religious communities, because of his large- 
 hearted labours amongst the poor. A memorial 
 window was placed in Cheltenham to his memory,
 
 MY SISTEES 7 
 
 and amongst the subscribers were many people 
 who had Httle sympathy with the CathoUc 
 Church. He was a Master of the Benedictine 
 College, and amongst his students was Cardinal 
 Vaughan, now Archbishop of Westminster. 
 
 My eldest sister, Mary, married her first- 
 cousin, Sir Edward Blount, of Mawley Hall, 
 Shropshire, and died in May 1893. 
 
 My second sister, Constantia, died unmarried 
 in August 1894. The next in age, Apollonia, 
 entered, rather late in life, the Visitation Con- 
 vent at Westbury-on- Severn, and died some years 
 ago as a member of that community of ladies. 
 
 My sister Laura, who is now upwards of 
 eighty, is still a Sister of Mercy at Handsworth, 
 near Birmingham, where is also one of my 
 nieces. She was one of the chief founders of 
 Maryvale Orphanage, an institution which is 
 housed in the old school-buildings at Oscott, 
 near Birmingham, where I was educated. I 
 built for them a large school to which Binning- 
 ham still sends from four to five hundred Catholic 
 children. An inspector once drew attention to 
 the fact that nuns were in the habit of stopping 
 the work to say the iVngelus at noon, and that 
 they also put a light on each side of a picture 
 of the Blessed Virgin, contrary to regulations.
 
 8 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 Such criticisms of Catholic observances are, in 
 my opinion, but trivial and unwarranted, and 
 many of the school inspectors now admit as 
 much. In recent years I have established 
 Catholic schools near my own residence, Imber- 
 horne, East Grinstead, which are attended by 
 about eighty children. These schools are under 
 the charge of two Sisters of Mercy, and most 
 of the scholars, though Protestants, have come 
 from other schools in the town because they 
 appreciate the teaching.- 
 
 Fanny, my youngest sister, married Mr. 
 Henry Pownall, w^ho was for many years in 
 charge of the Richmond branch of the London 
 and County Bank. She died in November 1858. 
 Her son Bernard is at the head of the Catholic 
 Mission at Shepherd's Bush, where he has a 
 very large and poor parish. He works hard, looks 
 after the prisoners in the gaol, and, I think I 
 may add, accomplishes a vast amount of good. 
 
 The long association of my family with 
 Shropshire came out rather oddly in a discussion 
 between some farmers at an audit dinner at 
 Mawley Hall a few years ago. Several tenants 
 were contesting the point as to w^hich of their 
 families could boast of having rented land for 
 the longest period on the estate, when the
 
 THE BATTLE OF WATEELOO 9 
 
 woodman, named x\llen, proved from documents, 
 to the satisfaction of all present, that his ances- 
 tors had either been in the employment of, or 
 had held the position of tenant farmers under, 
 the Blount family for a period of nearly 800 
 years. His ancestors came over from Normandy 
 mth the family at the time of the Conquest, and 
 from father to son, right up to the present time, 
 they had been retained on the estate. 
 
 One of my earliest recollections, as a child of 
 six, is the arrival in hot haste of a postboy at 
 my father's house, Bellamour, bringing the great 
 tidings of the battle of "Waterloo. The postboy, 
 I can well recall, was decorated with ribbons, 
 and so was his horse. I also saw, after the Peace 
 of 1815, numerous wounded soldiers going in 
 barges along the Grand Junction Canal close to 
 my father's house. The gallant fellows were on 
 their way to their garrisons or their homes in 
 the North. I can also recall with perfect vivid- 
 ness a triumphal progress of Lord Anglesey 
 through Lichfield. He had just returned from 
 Waterloo, and was on his w^ay to his seat. Beau- 
 desert. The carriage was drawn by men in blue 
 jackets, and all the yeomanry and gentry formed 
 his bodyguard. The scene when Lord Anglesey 
 arrived opposite the Cathedral was magnificent,
 
 10 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 and I can never forget the applause and enthu- 
 siasm of the people. I got a good view of the 
 Peninsular hero at the moment, and as a child 
 was impressed by seeing his one remaining leg 
 propped upon a cushion in the carriage, as he 
 slowly drove past amid the cheers of the crowd. 
 
 I was sent between the age of six and seven 
 to a grammar-school at Rugeley kept by the vicar 
 of the town. It was attended by a mixed set of 
 boys, composed of the sons of the gentry of the 
 county and those of the town. My elder brother 
 and I went to the school on donkeys, and the 
 road between my father's house and the academy 
 ran along the towing-path of the canal a distance 
 of two miles. 
 
 Corporal punishment in those days, even for 
 slight offences, prevailed. Frequent use of the 
 cane was made in the school at Eugeley, and the 
 dust used to fly in consequence from our jackets. 
 This was salutary discipline, and I am bound to 
 add that we often had ourselves to blame for the 
 ordeal. We had to rough it all through our 
 studies, were unaccustomed to luxuries, and 
 quickly learnt self-reliance. At the same time, 
 the range of our studies was much more restricted 
 than at present. 
 
 At Bellamour I learnt French from an Emigre
 
 FATHEK MALVOISIN 11 
 
 priest named Father Malvoisin. He was an 
 excellent but rather eccentric man, and used to 
 make us laugh by his quaint and remarkable 
 English. On one occasion my father lent Father 
 Malvoisin a horse, in order that he might ride 
 over to Lichfield, a distance of ten miles. The 
 priest was a mild man and absent-minded, so my 
 father told him that he must take care of the 
 animal, and not allow him to go too fast. On 
 his return it was plain that the horse had been 
 over-ridden ; and when he was taxed with the 
 fact, the good man replied in broken Enghsh 
 that his steed had, so to speak, taken the bit 
 into his mouth, and that as for himself, he did 
 not like to ' contrary ' him. 
 
 After Father Malvoisin left Kugeley he wrote 
 me a long letter, and, wishing to say that he 
 hoped that my dear father would live for many 
 years, he looked up in the dictionary the equiva- 
 lent for the word f reserve^ with the result that 
 what he wrote was that he hoped that my revered 
 parent would be ' pickled ' for many a long day. 
 His principal amusement was destroying thistles 
 with a long stick. After leaving us he went as 
 chaplain to the Neville family at Holt, and 
 wrote me that when he wanted to continue the 
 destruction of thistles Mr. Neville stopped him
 
 32 SIK EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 with the odd remark, ' that they kept the grass 
 warm in winter.' 
 
 In 1819, when ten years old, I was sent, with 
 my elder brother, to St. Mary's College, Oscott, 
 five miles from Birmingham, a Catholic seat of 
 learning which was founded, in 1794, under the 
 auspices and with the aid of the Duke of Norfolk, 
 Lord Petre, Lord Stourton, Sir John Throg- 
 morton. Sir Walter Blount, and other Catholic 
 noblemen and gentlemen, to provide for the 
 Catholic students who, in the previous year, had 
 to leave the English College at Douai in conse- 
 quence of the French Kevolution. This College 
 was founded in 1568, early in Elizabeth's reign, 
 by Cardinal Allen, when the penal laws made it 
 impossible for English Catholics to be educated 
 at home. 
 
 The names of Blount and Blunt occur many 
 times in the list of students at Douai. When 
 the masters and students returned to England, 
 the Seminary at Sedgley Park, at that time 
 the only Catholic educational establishment in 
 England, was unable to cope with the sudden 
 demands made upon it. Each ecclesiastical 
 district in England sought to provide for the 
 education of its own youth by the establishment 
 of a local college ; and in this way Ushaw,
 
 OSCOTT UNDER DR. WALSH 13 
 
 Stonyhurst, and other Catholic seats of learning 
 arose, which linked the old Seminaries on the 
 Continent with Catholic culture in England at 
 the present day. 
 
 Oscott was at first a very modest establish- 
 ment, comprising a refectory, schoolroom, play- 
 room, dormitory, and several private rooms for 
 masters and students. The Eev. John Bew, 
 D.D., was the first president. On his resignation 
 in 1808 he was succeeded by the Eev. Thomas 
 Potts, a veritable Dr. Busby in his love of the 
 cane. When I entered the College, on August 16, 
 1819, Oscott had been not merely enlarged but 
 remodelled, in consequence of the interest taken 
 in it by the illustrious Bishop Milner, who named 
 it St. Mary's College. 
 
 When I first went to Oscott the head- 
 master was Dr. Thomas Walsh, who remained 
 there till 1825, when he was consecrated Bishop 
 and made Vicar Apostolic of the Central District. 
 His successor was Monsignor Weedall, who held 
 the post until 1840, when he was succeeded by 
 Dr. Nicholas Wiseman, afterwards Cardinal 
 Archbishop of Westminster. Both Dr. Walsh 
 and Dr. Weedall were kind and able men, and 
 an appeal to either of them, in case of punish- 
 ment by an inferior master, was always patiently
 
 14 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 considered, though access to them with a griev- 
 ance was not always possible. Dr. Weedall did 
 not limit his work to Oscott. He took great 
 interest in the neighbouring population, and had 
 a kindly word for everybody, especially for the » 
 poor. 
 
 He used to tell some good stories. Once he 
 overtook a farmer, quietly walking across the 
 fields, and promptly turned the conversation to 
 the duty of doing good as long as life lasted. 
 ' Why, yes, sir,' was the reply, ' we must all do 
 what we can. You gentlemen mind your books 
 and stick to your learning, while we farmers 
 manure our fields and get as good crops as we 
 can. Yes, we can all do good in our way.' 
 Another adventure, which he was fond of relating, 
 took place in France. He wanted to say Mass 
 at a certain church, but the sacristain had his 
 doubts about his credentials. He therefore 
 gravely told the visitor, ' Eh bien ! dites-moi 
 done r Orate fratres,' as a test of his being 
 really a priest. Dr. Weedall duly passed the 
 ordeal, whereupon the jealous custodian of the 
 church exclaimed, ' Voila ou je les attrape ! ' 
 
 Amongst the staff of teachers at Oscott in 
 my time was the Rev. Charles Frederick 
 Husenbeth, who afterwards wrote the biography
 
 SCHOOL LIFE 15 
 
 of Monsignor Weedall. He was a remarkably 
 eloquent man, as well as a distinguished scholar. 
 As a lad, I served his Mass frequently. In 
 spite of his learning, he had at least one old 
 superstition, for he kept a frog as a weather- 
 gauge, and was fully persuaded that when it put 
 its nose out of water bad weather was approach- 
 ing. Dr. Husenbeth was for many years chaplain 
 to Lord Stafford at Cotessy, and in later life 
 Provost-Greneral of Northampton. 
 
 At Oscott there were about eighty boys, 
 about one-third of whom were students for 
 the priesthood. The nicknames for the latter 
 among the elder lads were ' demigods ' and 
 the ' divines,' and in their way they were 
 inclined to lord it over us. The school was 
 frequented by the sons of many old Catholic 
 families, and amongst them no less than six 
 Jerninghams, one of whom became Lord Stafford 
 of Cotessy. They were the brothers and cousins 
 of Gertrude Frances Jerningham, who afterwards 
 became my wife. Other boys whom I recall, 
 amongst my schoolfellows, belong to the families 
 of Stafford, Mostyn, Preston, Fitzherbert, and 
 Scully. 
 
 Our life at Oscott was rough, and in many 
 respects so hard tluit I am tempted to compare
 
 16 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 it to the realistic picture which Charles Dickens 
 gives in the pages of ' Nicholas Nickleby ' of 
 school life at Dotheboys Hall. We rose at five 
 in summer and winter, and I well remember 
 one of the masters, a priest named Duckett, 
 who used to wake us up by saying : ' Now, 
 boys, out of bed as quick as you can,' adding 
 the encouraging remark on cold mornings, 
 ' The water in your basins is frozen.' Before 
 breakfast we had Mass and ' meditation,' and 
 about an hour's study. Then breakfast of 
 bread and milk. We spent the forenoon in 
 school, and had dinner at one. After further 
 study and exercise, bread and beer were dis- 
 pensed from a window. This meal was in 
 reality the scrapings of the dinner. After that 
 we were sent back to study, and went to bed 
 at nine o'clock. 
 
 Still, we contrived to enjoy ourselves, and 
 sometimes not only in boisterous fashion, but 
 in dangerous fashion, I recall to this day the 
 sorrowful impression made on me by the death of 
 a lad with whom I was intimate, named Handford, 
 a member of an old Catholic family in Worcester- 
 shire, who was killed whilst in my company. 
 Three of us — Handford, a boy called Grafton, 
 and myself — were romping one day out of bounds
 
 BOYISH ESCAPADES 17 
 
 in a barn, when Handford by some means was 
 wounded by a pitchfork which stood end upper- 
 most amongst the hay we were tossing about. 
 Grafton and myself persisted in thinking that it 
 was a trivial accident ; and, ignorant of the extent 
 of the mischief, and fearful, moreover, of punish- 
 ment, we kept the affair a profound secret for 
 some hours. Poor Handford died twenty-four 
 hours after the occurrence. I can well recall the 
 coroner's inquest, which was held at the school, 
 and at which I appeared as a witness. A verdict 
 of accidental death was brought in, and the sad 
 event has remained with me all my life as a 
 pathetic memory, especially as I was greatly 
 attached to the poor fellow, who was a most 
 genial as well as high-spirited boy. 
 
 We had half-holidays on Tuesdays and 
 Thursdays, and on these occasions were allowed 
 to go to some w^oods at Sutton. We used to 
 amuse ourselves with ' bandy,' a game played 
 'Viath crooked sticks tipped with iron, which all 
 old students of Oscott will remember. It was 
 rather a rough pastime, and we often came back 
 with sore shins. We were also allowed to follow 
 the hounds on foot in the neighbourhood, and 
 were well received by the master of the hunt. 
 The parents of some of us were acquainted 
 
 c
 
 18 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 with the gentry of the neighbourhood, and we 
 privileged lads were frequently invited to the 
 houses of Sir Joseph Scott, of Great Barr Hall, 
 and of other local gentlemen. At a later period, 
 w^hen we rose to the upper forms in the school, 
 we had more liberty. Occasionally we broke 
 quite out of bounds and ran off to Birmingham 
 in search of excitement. 
 
 One of the most frequent and honoured 
 visitors to the school was the famous Dr. 
 Milner, Vicar Apostolic and Bishop of the Cen- 
 tral District, who had his own apartments at 
 Oscott. He was the author of the well-known 
 Catholic work entitled ' The End of Keligious 
 Controversy,' a book which was published in 
 1818, and ran through many editions, pro- 
 ducing a great impression in religious circles at 
 the time of its publication. Daniel O'Connell 
 used to tell, with a smile, of his having compli- 
 mented Bishop Milner in later years upon the 
 great value of this book, expressing his own 
 indebtedness to it, adding that the Bishop, who 
 had taken part in much subsequent theological 
 controversy, replied, ' I am getting too old, 
 otherwise I would write a supplement to it.' 
 But if Dr. Milner lacked the humour of the great 
 Irish orator, he was a man of great ability and
 
 A EISKY RECITATION 19 
 
 considerable originality, and he still holds a 
 foremost place amongst English Catholic theolo- 
 gians of the nineteenth century. Dr. Milner 
 had many peculiarities, one of which was his 
 habit of driving about in a dogcart, on the back 
 of which, instead of a crest, a fish was promi- 
 nently painted. The explanation was that the 
 Greek word ' 'I^^v?,' signifying fish, forms an 
 acrostic, the first letters of which are the initials 
 of the words, ' Jesus Christ, Son of God, Saviour.' 
 I cannot say that, when at school, I was 
 a hard-working student, but, for all that, by 
 making a fierce push towards the close of the 
 term, I contrived to carry off several prizes. I 
 also took part in the annual plays, and was some- 
 times brought forward to recite a poem. Once 
 I was entrusted with a recitation from Byron, 
 in which there were two or three risky lines, 
 which the President thought were not suitable 
 for youthful lips or ears. They had therefore 
 been carefully expunged from the copy which 
 was given to me to learn ; but when the time 
 came I took care to put them in, as I knew the 
 post-chaise was ordered and there was no time 
 to punish me. This trick of mine excited the 
 merriment of everybody assembled, and some 
 ^rave and reverend personages who were present 
 
 c 2
 
 20 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 seemed to relish, even more than the rest, my 
 boyish audacity. 
 
 I stayed at Oscott until I was a well-grown 
 youth, and, though more fond of sport than 
 of study, I left its gates at Midsummer 
 1827, at the age of eighteen, in possession of 
 some knowledge of Latin and Greek, which for 
 many years afterwards I continued to cultivate. 
 I can still recite passages from Yirgil, Horace, 
 Xenophon, and other classical writers, though 
 I find the habit of doing so is becoming obsolete. 
 I left school rich in pleasant friendships. 
 
 St. Mary's, Oscott, is still a seat of learning, 
 but the old school-buildings are now known as 
 Maryvale, and used as an infirmary for old people, 
 which is maintained by public subscription, 
 under the control of a religious community. I 
 feel an additional interest in the place, as my 
 own sister holds there the post of Lady Superior. 
 On leaving Oscott, I was placed for a short 
 time by my father in the London office of the 
 Provincial Bank of Ireland, and I lived at his 
 house in Great Cumberland Street. He was one 
 of the founders and, for many years, one of the 
 directors of this Bank, which had its head- 
 quarters in London and branches in Dublin, 
 Cork, Limerick, and other Irish cities and towns.
 
 AT THE HOME OFFICE 21 
 
 The Provincial Bank of Ireland was commonly 
 regarded as a Catholic bank, though it had in 
 reahty no association with religion or politics, 
 and as a matter of fact the late Sir Moses 
 Montefiore was on the Board with my father. 
 I remember being sent on one occasion to Cork 
 with a large amount of gold, which was required 
 to meet a run on the bank in that city— a mission 
 which I successfully accomplished. A curious 
 mishap, however, befell another clerk who was 
 sent to Ireland about the same time in charge 
 of a parcel of gold. Whilst crossing a brook 
 near Fermoy, an accident happened, and the 
 gold was thrown into the water. The incident 
 brought out the natural honesty of the Irish 
 peasantry, for, poor as they were, they helped in 
 the recovery of the money, which was picked up 
 without the loss of a single coin. 
 
 On my return from Ireland I entered the 
 public service as an attache at the Home Office, 
 during Canning's short-lived Ministry, and was 
 in the office of Mr. Spring Kice, afterwards Lord 
 Monteagle, who was the Under-Secretary of 
 State for the Home Department. 
 
 When at the Home Office I went frequently 
 from Downing Street to the House of Commons 
 with the despatch-box of Mr. Spring Rice. I
 
 22 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 used to sit under the gallery of the old House 
 of Commons, with other young clerks in attend- 
 ance on the Ministers. It was our duty to 
 be present at the beginning of the debate, and 
 .frequently we were on duty not merely through 
 the night, but until Parliament rose next morn- 
 ing. It sometimes happened that the day, as 
 Sydney Smith would have put it, was 'well- 
 aired ' before we escaped from what seemed to 
 us interminable harangues. 
 
 I heard all the principal speakers of that 
 epoch, and among them Daniel O'Connell, whose 
 eloquence was remarkable, and has scarcely, in 
 my opinion, received justice. Once, on the 
 Catholic question, he spoke for seven hours, and 
 capped every climax with Byron's words: 'Know 
 ye not, who would be free, themselves must 
 strike the blow ? ' 
 
 Freedom's battle once begun, 
 Bequeath'd by bleeding sire to son, 
 Though baffled oft, is ever won. 
 
 Macaulay, who entered Parliament in 1830, 
 was, I am inclined to think, the most impressive 
 orator I heard in my younger days. Whatever 
 the hour was, the House immediately filled to 
 overflow when he rose to address it. 
 
 Once, while Sir Charles Wetherell, a Tory,
 
 HOLLAND HOUSE 23 
 
 who afterwards obtained notoriety in the country 
 by his uncompromising, not to say truculent, 
 speeches against the Keform Bill, was talking 
 vehemently in the House, a bit of his shirt 
 appeared between his waistcoat and his trousers 
 — he did not wear braces. O'Connell, who was 
 seated opposite, saw his opportunity, and cried 
 out, pointing to his adversary : ' I am glad to 
 see that for one moment my opponent has a 
 lucid interval.' 
 
 The agitation about Catholic Emancipation 
 was then at its height, and I found myself in 
 the thick of the movement, for my father was 
 honorary secretary of the Catholic Association, 
 and employed me as his assistant. On Sundays 
 he took me to Holland House to breakfast, where 
 I met all the distinguished Liberals who were 
 friends of the cause. I remember perfectly Lord 
 Holland, as well as many of his guests, includ- 
 ing that inimitable wit Sydney Smith, Lord 
 Lansdowne, Sir James Mackintosh, and especially 
 Sir Francis Burdett, a tall, thin, energetic man, 
 eccentric in his dress, but enthusiastic, beyond 
 description, about Catholic Emancipation. It 
 was at Holland House that I first met Lord 
 Brougham. I came to know him well, and, 
 indeed, kept up an acquaintance with him to
 
 24 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 the close of his Hfe in the yecar 1868. On one 
 occasion, many years ago, I crossed with him 
 from Dover to Boulogne. On hoard the boat 
 there was a large deputation from the Peace 
 Society, di'essed as Quakers in those days, which 
 was proceeding to Paris. On our arrival at 
 the French port, Lord Brougham, always eager 
 and impulsive, was the first passenger to mount 
 the ladder from the deck to the quay. The fisher- 
 women of the town presented him with a bouquet 
 as soon as he set foot on the shore, as they 
 imagined he was the head of the Peace deputa- 
 tion. Brougham received this mark of attention 
 with great irritability, and protested in militant 
 terms, in ridiculous French, against being mis- 
 taken for a Quaker or anything of the sort. 
 
 In after-life I saw him frequently, for he was 
 often in Paris. His French was atrociously bad, 
 but he rattled on wdthout any hesitation, and 
 was listened to politely by people who scarcely 
 understood a word that he said. At Cannes, 
 where he built himself a villa, he was popular, 
 and there he mixed a good deal in society. 
 "When he found that the new railway was to run 
 between the sea and his villa, he fell foul of me 
 as a director of the Paris, Lyons, and Medi- 
 terranean line, and, though I was willing to help
 
 LOED BROUGHAM 25 
 
 Mm to the best of my power, the tracings which 
 intercepted his villa from the sea could not be 
 changed, even to please an ex-Lord Chancellor 
 of England. He was greatly annoyed, and 
 declared in energetic and picturesque language 
 that he would forthwith cut the place, and the 
 country as well — a hasty resolution, which on 
 second thoughts he had the good sense to 
 abandon. 
 
 It is not generally known that Lord 
 Brougham, in 1848, was so enamoured with the 
 French Kevolution that he wanted to be a 
 Deputy in France, and at the same time to keep 
 his position in political life in England. He was 
 told, however, in high quarters on both sides of 
 the Channel, that this was an impossibility, 
 seeing that the law does not permit a man to 
 possess a double nationality. I saw him fre- 
 quently in later life, but it was sad to witness 
 the eclipse of his wit and intellectual vigour, 
 though to the last he retained his keen interest 
 in public affairs, and, as all the world knows, 
 was ever a fighter. 
 
 Lord and Lady Holland remain indelibly 
 impressed on my memory. The former was a 
 most amiable man, a fascinating host, courteous 
 to every one, and he went out of his way to 
 
 7
 
 26 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 notice the youngest and least distinguished of 
 his guests. Lady Holland, though a clever and 
 sarcastic talker, was rather distant, and she 
 often made those about her wince by her deli- 
 cate but barbed remarks. As a youth, I felt 
 rather shy in her presence. 
 
 Even in those days I had frequent opportuni- 
 ties of meeting Lord Palmerston, who was always 
 most considerate, and always had something kind 
 to say, even to the youngest attache. Once, when 
 I was at the Foreign Office, Lord Palmerston 
 came out into the Chancellery, where a number 
 of us were at work, and exclaimed : ' What 
 a shocking bad smell there is here ! ' At first 
 no one could discover any clue to the mystery. 
 Presently Lord Palmerston had a happy thought. 
 ' Pull that bookcase away from the wall,' he 
 exclaimed. As soon as this was done, a dead 
 cat was found. Palmerston looked at it for a 
 moment, and then said, with sly humour and in 
 his usual jocular manner, 'Ah ! that, I suppose, 
 was the cat that was let out of the bag.' Lord 
 Palmerston shone both in politics and society, 
 for in truth he was as amiable as he was capable. 
 He used to ride a great deal about London, 
 and always with a flower between his teeth. It 
 was his habit to stop opposite certain club-
 
 LOED PALMEESTON 27 
 
 windows in St. James's Street and Pall Mall, in 
 order to talk across the pavement with the 
 members. Once, when somebody was begging 
 for a decoration, he exclaimed, ' Give him the 
 Thistle, for he is such an ass that he is sure to 
 eat it.' This story is sometimes placed to the 
 credit of Lord Melbourne, but my recollections 
 of the period make me certain that Lord Palmers- 
 ton is entitled to it. 
 
 Years later, a public dinner was given to 
 Admiral Sir Charles Napier at the Eeform 
 Club, at which I was present. It was rendered 
 memorable by a remarkable speech from Lord 
 Palmerston. After complimenting the Admiral 
 on his services, he wound up by saying : ' I am 
 not a Frenchman, or yet a German,' and after 
 ringing the changes on other nationalities, he 
 added, ' Civis Bjomanus sinn,' and sat down amid 
 enthusiastic applause. 
 
 When a clerk in Downing Street I copied 
 the despatches of the battle of Navarino, which 
 was fought on October 20, 1827, by Sir Edward 
 Codrington, and ended in the destruction of the 
 entire Turkish fleet. I remember the joy ex- 
 pressed by the Government of the day ; ^ but 
 
 ' The Kinp, in spite of the opinion of Iiis IMinistors, sent a 
 despatch : ' Go it, Bill 1 ' (Codrington).
 
 28 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 this joy was of short duration, for they were 
 forced to insert in the King's Speech, in defer- 
 ence to the Duke of Welhngton, mention of the 
 ' untoward event.' I clearly remember a dis- 
 cussion over that phrase at the Home Office. 
 
 I frequently saw^ O'Connell. He was flowery 
 and fat, with a ready tongue and a great power 
 of appealing to sentiment, but had the charac- 
 teristically Irish quickness of temper, which 
 more than once brought him into unnecessary 
 conflict with his supporters in Ireland, as well as 
 with his friends in England. Once I assisted at 
 a Catholic meeting at the Thatched House, at 
 the corner of St. James's Street. After dinner, 
 O'Connell had a violent discussion, not to say 
 dispute, with Mr. Stapleton, whose descendant 
 is now Lord Beaumont. They got to high 
 words, and the disturbance was so great that it 
 nearly ended in blows. I afterwards saw a good 
 deal of O'Connell in Ireland, and was present at 
 the marriage of his eldest son, Maurice, in the 
 Kerry mountains, to Miss Fitz-Simon. It was 
 a jovial occasion, and the consumption of whisky- 
 punch w^as most notable. 
 
 O'Connell quarrelled wdth the English Ca- 
 tholics, who, according to him, were too much 
 inchned to temporising, and w^ere ahvays so
 
 O'CONNELL AND SHEIL 29- 
 
 afraid of 'indisposing the Government.' He 
 once made use of the expression that he had 
 such a poor opinion of them that he was quite 
 prepared to cease all further association %Yith 
 them, or, as he tersely put it, ' to cut the painter.'' 
 He had great faults with his great qualities, but 
 he did much excellent service for Ireland, and, in 
 spite of his foibles, no one did more to bring 
 about Catholic Emancipation. 
 
 One other Irish politician and orator, whom I 
 vividly recall, was Eichard Lalor Shell. He had 
 a high-pitched voice, and was somewhat theatrical 
 in his gesture, but his speeches were vivid and 
 impassioned. He wrote them out before delivery, 
 for he was not a good extempore speaker. I 
 remember Shell once went to address a hostile 
 crowd at Blackheath on the subject of the 
 CathoUc claim. They would not hsten to him, 
 and he was forced to abandon the attempt of 
 addressing them. He had, however, taken the 
 precaution of sending his carefully prepared 
 address to the reporters before the meeting began, 
 and so, though it was never delivered, it appeared 
 the next morning in all the glory of print. 
 
 I was not personally acquainted with the 
 Duke of Wellington, but I remember him dis- 
 tinctly. I used to sec him walking up St. James's
 
 30 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 Street with Sir Henry Hardinge. At the time 
 of the CathoHc Emancipation he fought a duel 
 with the Earl of Winchilsea in connection with 
 that question. The Duke — it was his first and 
 only duel — deliberately aimed wide, and the 
 Earl fired into the air, and afterwards made an 
 apology for his reckless assertions. Caricatures 
 of this duel were in all the shop-windows of the 
 day. 
 
 I ought to have said that at Maurice O'Con- 
 nell's marriage I met The 0' Gorman Mahon, 
 whom I already knew slightly in London. He 
 was a most popular man, fine-looking, and very 
 much admired by the ladies. I remember once 
 calling upon him at his hotel in London. He 
 was in bed, and I was a little startled to find 
 that by his side was a loaded pistol, on which 
 were engraved the words : ' Dulce et decorum 
 est pro patria mori.' I afterwards saw much 
 of him in Paris, and found that he was fond of 
 a practical joke. One instance of this must 
 suffice. The Bey of Algiers was expected in 
 the French capital, and apartments for the 
 dusky potentate had been taken at the Hotel 
 Durand. The 0' Gorman Mahon, who was 
 staying at the house, was amused at the curi- 
 osity of the expectant crowd. He therefore
 
 DEATH OF CANNING 31 
 
 dressed himself up in rugs, coloured scarves, and 
 cloaks, until he looked gigantic as well as pictu- 
 resque, and sat gravely down at the window to 
 receive the homage of the crowd. He looked 
 impressive and received an ovation. Presently 
 the Bey drove up, and when the people found 
 that they had been hoaxed, there was some 
 difficulty in getting the wild Irishman off the 
 scene. 
 
 I quitted the Home Office shortly after the 
 death of Mr. Canning in the summer of 1827, at 
 a time when Lord Goodrich's short-lived Ministry 
 was in power. When the Duke of WelHngton 
 became Prime Minister in the following year. Sir 
 Eobert Peel, the new Home Secretary, offered to 
 retain me. My father, however, who managed 
 the Duke of Norfolk's boroughs, and had been 
 most active in the cause of Catholic Emancipa- 
 tion, thought it better that I should seek, at that 
 juncture, another sphere.
 
 32 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 CHAPTEK II 
 
 ATTACHE IN EOME AND PARIS 
 
 It was in the autumn of 1829 that I was 
 appointed an Attache of the British Embassy in 
 Paris. The Ambassador at that time was Lord 
 Granville, father of the late Foreign Secretary. 
 He was a friend of my father's, and when I first 
 set foot, as a young man of twenty, in Paris he 
 received me most kindly. I can recall his 
 appearance to this day. He was tall, handsome, 
 and affable. He put a few questions to me, and 
 then took me into the drawing-room in order to 
 introduce me to Lady Granville. I perfectly 
 remember what she said to me. She told me 
 that I might consider the Embassy as my home, 
 and added that on the despatch days, when the 
 Messenger went to England — Mondays and 
 Fridays — the Attaches always dined at the Em- 
 bassy. Lady Granville also told me that when- 
 ever she could she would give me a place in her 
 box at the Opera. 
 
 One day I was on the top of a 'bus in
 
 LADY GRANVILLE 33 
 
 the Champs-Elysees with an Attache of the 
 Dutch Embassy, a M. Boreel, when the Am- 
 bassadress passed in her carriage. We did not 
 think it right to take off our hats, and looked 
 the other way. Next morning Lady Granville 
 sent for me, and told me that she had seen us, 
 and added that we had not behaved well, since it 
 was a poor compHment for us to suppose that 
 she would be ashamed of recognising us any- 
 where. On another occasion she saw me at the 
 Opera, under rather compromising circumstances, 
 and was evidently annoyed. She told me after- 
 wards that I should be sent back to my father 
 in England if anything of the kind occurred 
 again. In subsequent years I received much 
 kindness from her son, Lord Granville, and her 
 daughters, Lady Eivers and Lady Georgiana 
 Fullerton, the details of whose edifying life are 
 well known. A year later I was transferred to 
 the Consulate at Eome, at the request of my 
 father. 
 
 My family was connected with Cardinal 
 Weld and Lord Shrewsbury, both of whom were 
 in Eome, and they received me with nnich kind- 
 ness, and in both of their dwellings I found a 
 home. I was with Cardinal Weld at Frascati, 
 where he spent the summer of 1830. One day 
 
 D
 
 34 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 whilst I was riding with His Eminence he fell and 
 broke his leg. I galloped across the Campagna 
 to Kome to fetch medical assistance. On my 
 arrival the horse fell down, perfectly exhausted, 
 and the veterinary surgeon, who was called, began 
 to bleed him. When he had attended to the 
 horse he wanted to bleed me too, as he consi- 
 dered I was unduly excited. This was a custom 
 in Italy in those days ; but I naturally cried off, 
 on the plea that I wished to return to Frascati 
 without delay, which I did. 
 
 When in Kome I was introduced to the 
 Duchesse de St. Leu (Queen Hortense) and her 
 youngest son, Louis Napoleon, who was destined 
 to play so great a part in the world as Emperor 
 of the French. I frequented her receptions once 
 a week, and often used to ride with the Prince 
 and Lord Shrewsbury in the Borghese Gardens. 
 One day we passed some Irish Capuchin friars, 
 when I heard the following compliment paid me : 
 ' Shure that young man is the most conceited 
 puppy in all Eome,' a remark which caused a 
 laugh at my expense. Napoleon at that time 
 was taciturn, but amiable. He was a good 
 horseman, and excelled in athletic pastimes, 
 and, though short, was active and muscular. 
 
 Queen Hortense was most kind to all
 
 QUEEN HORTENSE 35 
 
 foreigners. At that period I spoke very little 
 French, and had, indeed, a better acquaintance 
 with ItaHan, which I had acquired at the best of 
 all schools— daily contact with the people. At 
 a certain ball the ex-Queen of Holland did me 
 the honour of telling me to dance, inquiring 
 at the same time if I was skilled in that accom- 
 pUshment. I answered, by a slip of the tongue : 
 ' Madame, je sais danser un petit.' This pro- 
 duced general merriment, and henceforth the 
 Queen spoke of me as ' L' Anglais qui salt danser 
 un petit.' 
 
 At this period I made the acquaintance of 
 the future Cardinal Wiseman, who was head of 
 the English College. He was living with his 
 mother and sister, and I saw them continually. 
 Wiseman was then a young man, rapidly gaining 
 a great reputation at the Church degli Incurabili 
 on the Corso. He was a tall, slim man, of ascetic 
 appearance, and not promising to be the very 
 corpulent man he was in after years. 
 
 Whilst I was in Kome, Pope Pius VIII. died, 
 and I remember the excitement of the long con- 
 clave which followed his death, and the general 
 surprise when, after more than two months, the 
 unexpected election of Gregory XVI. was an- 
 nounced. Italy, and especially the Papal States,
 
 36 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 was then in a ferment. Events in France, 
 which led to the Eevolution of 1830 and to the 
 overthrow of the reactionary Government of 
 Charles X., had been followed with keen interest, 
 not only by the inmates of the palace of Queen 
 Hortense, but by the whole Koman people, who 
 were agitating for a representative government. 
 The election of Gregory XVI. was not popular, 
 and the agitation in Eome was so great that the 
 new Pope did not feel himself safe, and requested 
 the help of Austria to keep peace in his capital. 
 This appeal to foreign assistance highly incensed 
 not only the Komans, but also the French, and 
 the hospitable palace of Louis Napoleon's mother 
 became neither more nor less than a nest of 
 conspirators. 
 
 All this was rather exciting for one who 
 could see things from the inside, and the 
 taciturnity of the future Emperor of the French 
 did not prevent me from ascertaining the risky 
 role which he and his brother were playing in 
 attempting, with Menotti, to foster a revolution 
 which would have secured what they called a 
 liberal constitution for the Papal States. When 
 the Austrians entered Eome, Louis Napoleon 
 and his brother had to take to flight, and, if I 
 remember right, were condemned to death, and
 
 THE CAENIVAL AT ROME 37 
 
 a price put upon their heads by the Austrian 
 General in the name of the Papal Government. 
 They fled to Spoleto, and it is curious to remem- 
 ber that it was Mgr. Mastai, Archbishop of 
 Spoleto, afterwards Pope Pius IX., who concealed 
 them and had them safely conducted across the 
 frontier. It must be said that the x\ustrians 
 ruled Eome with a rod of iron, and Gregory XVI. 
 soon found that his allies were too much incHned 
 to pose as his masters. 
 
 The difficulties of the times did not prevent 
 the Komans from amusing themselves, and the 
 Carnival of 1831, in spite of revolutionary con- 
 spiracies and dark rumours, was particularly 
 brilliant and animated. The Romans felt they 
 were dancing on a volcano, and seemed to enjoy 
 the fun all the more. The streets in those days 
 were narrow and tortuous, and the one which I 
 remember best was the long, lively, picturesque 
 Corso, where the Carnival was held, and the 
 extraordinary race of loose horses, covered with 
 crackers, was run. The Carnival festivities 
 ended by what was called the * moccoletti,' a 
 scuffle in which every one sought to blow out his 
 neighbour's candle. It is impossible for me to 
 attempt to give an adequate description of the 
 lasting impression which Rome left on my mind.
 
 38 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 At Rome I met frequently Lord Clifford of 
 Chudleigh, who was the son-in-law of Cardinal 
 Weld. This relationship was not generally 
 understood ; but the explanation is simple, for the 
 Cardinal was a widower when he entered the 
 priesthood. Lord Clifford was a clever but 
 eccentric man, and he wrote me many entertain- 
 ing letters. Unfortunately, when I left Rome 
 in 1831, all the books that I had collected were 
 packed up and sent by sea to Marseilles, but the 
 vessel was wrecked. In this way I lost not merely 
 my books, but my papers, and although I scarcely 
 think the latter were of much account, yet there 
 were letters and documents among them which 
 at this distance of time would throw a curious 
 light upon a particularly interesting period. 
 
 Lord Clifford had a most extraordinary servant 
 of the name of Rock, who was quite as peculiar as 
 his master. He knew neither Italian nor French, 
 and always spoke with a strong Irish brogue. 
 One day, as Cardinal Weld w^as getting into his 
 carriage, an Italian in the street made obeisance 
 to him and kissed his hand. The Cardinal 
 turned to Rock, and asked, ' Who is this man ? ' 
 He replied instantly, ' The Traitor,' meaning the 
 traiteur. The Cardinal was startled, but it was 
 quickly explained to him that Rock only meant
 
 AN ADVENTURE ON THE EOAD TO FLORENCE 39 
 
 the owner of the restaurant from which the 
 meals of His Eminence were sent. In after-life 
 Eock followed Lord Clifford to England, and 
 settled down in a cottage on his master's estate. 
 He was a quaint-looking figure in old age, for he 
 persisted in w^earing, somewhat ostentatiously, 
 the old scarlet stockings of Cardinal Weld. 
 
 I left Eome, as I have previously re- 
 marked, in 1831, and went to Florence by 
 mail-phaeton, which carried the solitary passen- 
 ger, the driver, and an armed guard. Our 
 journey was swift and tranquil until we got to 
 Aquapendente, of which the Italians say : ' Buono 
 vino, buono pane, ma cattiva gente ' (' Good 
 wine, good bread, but wicked people '). The mail, 
 which was drawn by four horses, broke down at 
 this point, and was dragged for the night into 
 the yard of a remarkably gloomy and villainous- 
 looking inn. The aspect of the place was so 
 forbidding, and the expression of the people in 
 the house so sinister, that I refused the ' buono 
 vino ' and ' buono pane ' that were offered me, 
 and went suppcrless into a dirty bedroom to 
 spend the night. Somehow I had a presentiment 
 of evil, and therefore pushed the chest of drawers 
 against the door in case any attempt was made 
 to surprise me. After a time the door was
 
 40 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 cautiously tried, and I immediately fired a pistol 
 through the panels, and shouted out : ' Ancora 
 un altro ' (' There is yet another '). I heard no 
 more until the next morning, when I got into 
 the carriage, and the conductor of the mail 
 said significantly to me, ' II Signor a eu peur 
 hier soir.' 
 
 I made no reply, but, on arriving in Florence, 
 I laid the matter before Lord Mulgrave, the 
 British Minister, and though a complaint was 
 made, and ofiicial inquiries instituted, no ex- 
 planation was forthcoming, for the conductor 
 was the relative of a high family in Eome. 
 On reaching Paris I put up at the Hotel 
 Mirabeau, in the Kue de la Paix, a house I 
 afterwards often recommended to my English 
 friends. 
 
 I now returned to the Embassy in the 
 capacity of an unpaid Attache, but remained 
 there only a few months, for the Ambassador, 
 Lord Granville, advised me, as I had no fortune, 
 not to follow the diplomatic profession. I lived 
 in those days on a small allowance from my 
 father, supplemented by journalistic work in 
 the shape of correspondence for the first rail- 
 way paper, ' The Kailway Chronicle,' I think, 
 which was conducted by Mr. Watts Kussell.
 
 CEOSSING THE CHANNEL IN THE TWENTIES 41 
 
 Even in those days I kept up my association 
 with London, and travelled frequently between 
 the French and the English capitals. 
 
 Nobody who has not personally experienced it 
 can imagine the intolerable nuisances of the 
 Channel crossing in the thirties. It was about 
 1828 or 1829 that I first travelled from London 
 to Paris. The boat was met at Dover by a shoal 
 of Custom House officers, who waylaid the 
 wet, weary, and frequently sea-sick passengers. 
 Examination in those days was carried to the 
 length of bodily search. You were felt all over 
 to see whether you had anything concealed on 
 your person. Ladies were taken into a separate 
 room, and underwent the same investigation at 
 the hands of a female attendant. This opera- 
 tion at Dover or Calais lasted from half an hour 
 to one hour and a half, according to the number 
 of passengers. The crossing frequently lasted 
 eight hours. On landing, passports were severely 
 scrutinised, to see whether they agreed with 
 the description of the bearer, and if there was 
 the slightest error, you were not allowed to 
 proceed on the journey. 
 
 I naturally became intimate, through my 
 frequent passages, with the douaniers, and I 
 remember saying to one of these officials that
 
 42 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 I hoped to live to see his dried skin in some 
 museum as a sign of the stupidity of former days. 
 
 Things "were just as bad on the Belgian 
 frontier. On one occasion, after being searched, 
 I was deprived of six razors out of a week's 
 supply of seven, as the Custom House officers 
 declared that no man in his senses could require 
 v.'hat is called a ' semaine.' Books were also 
 examined and liable to seizure. I happened 
 at the time to be reading a work on China in 
 which it was said that China had one advantage 
 over Europe, viz., in possessing no douaiiiers. 
 This I showed with glee to the Belgian Cus- 
 toms officers. 
 
 The Military Attache at the Embassy in 
 those days was Major Caradoc, afterwards 
 Lord Howden, a handsome and agreeable man, 
 and a great favourite, in consequence, with the 
 ladies. His name constantly occurs in the 
 published letters of Harriet, Countess Granville, 
 and always in a complimentary connection, for 
 he was greatly esteemed by her, as well as by 
 the Ambassador. Major Caradoc married the 
 Princess Bagration, who made him, according to 
 Lady Granville, ' a faded and death-like bride.' 
 
 I remember on one occasion dining with the 
 Ambassador and the members of his staff at the
 
 THE OLD ETIQUETTE 43 
 
 hotel of the Princess Bagration in the Faubourg 
 St. Honore. It was a house in which much 
 ceremony was observed. When the Ambassador 
 arrived, the chasseur who announced him, clad 
 in gorgeous Hvery, gave three raps with his wand 
 on the floor. The First Secretary was greeted 
 with two raps, and the rest of the suite with 
 one. I was the youngest, and came, of course, 
 at the tail of the procession, and got none at all. 
 At that period Ambassadors had always two 
 footmen and a chasseur in green livery standing 
 at the back of their carriages. In Eome it was 
 a common custom for running footmen to clear 
 the way, and at night to carry torches on either 
 side of the carriage.
 
 44 SIK EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 ENGLISH BANKER IN PAEIS 
 
 On leaving the Embassy in 1831 I went into the 
 firm of Callaghan & Company, at that time a 
 well-known Paris banking-house. The reason 
 why I joined the concern was that Messrs. 
 Callaghan were the Paris representatives of 
 Wright, Selby, & Company, of Henrietta 
 Street, Covent Garden — an old-estabhshed firm 
 of Catholic bankers in London, in which Mr. 
 Jerningham, afterwards my brother-in-law, was 
 a partner. I had a percentage on the profits of 
 the new business which came to Messrs. Calla- 
 ghan from Messrs. Wright & Company, and from 
 other bankers in London. But finding that this 
 arrangement did not work satisfactorily, I asked 
 my father to help me, and the bank of Edward 
 Blount, P^re et Fils, was founded in the Rue 
 Lafitte, No. 7, where I resided in the early years 
 of my married life. It was on November 18, 
 1834, that I married Gertrude Frances, third 
 daughter of the late William Charles Jerningham
 
 1^34. 
 
 /A'.S-/: 
 
 ,/V/' ^ t/o'tr ri/ / J,tt/ 1/ .'^/<f/ /I I .
 
 LADY BLOUNT 45 
 
 Esq., a union which brought me unalloyed 
 happiness. Lady Blount died at Imberhorne 
 on November 9, 1897 — a loss upon which T 
 cannot trust myself to speak, except to say that 
 my grief was shared by all who knew her. 
 
 When the firm of Edward Blount, Pere et 
 
 Fils, was started in Paris, I found that my old 
 
 friends in diplomacy and society did not desert 
 
 me. Lord Henry Vane, for instance, one of the 
 
 Attaches at the Embassy, who afterwards 
 
 succeeded as fourth and last Duke of Cleveland, 
 
 came into the bank one day and paid to a current 
 
 account the sum of 11,000^., saying to me : 'I 
 
 shall not touch this deposit until you can afford 
 
 to part with it.' Another gentleman named 
 
 Motteux, a friend of my father's and a former 
 
 possessor of Sandringham, paid into the bank 
 
 7,000/. with the same assurance. Some years 
 
 afterwards I refunded the money, and neither of 
 
 them would listen to the idea that I should pay 
 
 them interest. My friendship with the Duke of 
 
 Cleveland continued to his death. He was a 
 
 most enlightened man, and of a singularly open 
 
 and inqniring mind, and made a considerable 
 
 figure in the House of Lords. The Earl of 
 
 Shrewsbury also came to my assistance. 
 
 The business proved satisfactory, and in-
 
 46 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 creased steadily ; but after a few years we dis- 
 solved the bank, because I was asked to join 
 forces with another banker, and in this way the 
 firm of Charles Laffitte, Blount, & Company, 
 Kue Basse du Kempart, was established. My 
 new premises in Paris were exactly opposite the 
 old Foreign Office, on the Boulevard de la 
 Madeleine. My partner, Charles Laffitte, was 
 nephew to Jacques Laffitte, a banker, who in 
 1813 was elected President of the Chamber of 
 Commerce, and in the following year nominated 
 Governor of the Bank of France by the Pro- 
 visional Government. Napoleon I., who knew 
 Jacques Laffitte's integrity, as well as his ability 
 as a financier, entrusted him, after the battle of 
 Waterloo, with the sum of five million francs. 
 It was Laffitte who became guarantee to Bliicher 
 for the payment of the first instalment of the 
 indemnity. He was Minister of Finance in 
 1830, and President of the Council in Louis 
 Philippe's first Ministry ; but he lost the bulk of 
 his fortune in the financial panic of 1831. 
 
 My partnership with M. Charles Laffitte lasted 
 until the Kevolution of 1848, when the banking 
 establishment we had founded was dissolved. 
 The loss caused by the Kevolution ruined me ; 
 but I have the satisfaction of being able to add
 
 THE SOCIETE GENEEALE 47 
 
 that, eventually, all the creditors of Laffitte, 
 Blount & Company, were paid in full by me. 
 After this reverse of fortune I was obliged to 
 retrench all my expenses, and, in consequence, I 
 retired to St. Germain, where I lived for several 
 years in a small villa with my wife and young 
 children. 
 
 As soon as pubHc affairs grew tranquil after 
 the establishment of the Second Empire, in the 
 autumn of 1852, some friends of mine in France 
 and in England offered me capital to establish 
 a hmited Habihty bank (en commandite), I being 
 the responsible partner wdth half the profits. 
 The chief promoters of this enterprise were Mr. 
 Brassey, the great contractor, of whom I speak 
 later, and Mr. Buddicom, the well-known engine 
 builder, who worked at that time the locomo- 
 tive power on the Paris and Rouen Railway 
 by contract. They were joined in the project by 
 a few Frenchmen of substance and recognised 
 financial ability, and in this way, for the third 
 time, my name came before France as a banker 
 in Paris under the style of Edward Blount & 
 Company, Rue de la Paix, No. 7. This bank 
 lasted until after the revolution of September 4, 
 1870, when it was wound up and the business 
 transferred to the Socicte Generale of Paris, of
 
 48 SIK EDWAKD BLOUNT 
 
 which I became President, a post which I held, 
 in spite of my advanced years, until the annual 
 meeting of June 11, 1901, when I informed the 
 board that I probably should not return to France, 
 and therefore resigned my position. Six months 
 later I received the following gratifying letter : — 
 
 Mon cher President, — J'ai relate au Conseil 
 I'entretien que vous avez bien voulu m'accorder 
 a Imberhorne et je lui ai fait connaitre, comme 
 vous m'en aviez charge, les motifs imperieux qui 
 vous commandaient de renoncer aux fonctions 
 effectives de President. 
 
 II me charge de vous exprimer le sentiment 
 de profond regret que lui inspire votre determi- 
 nation. Tout en s'inclinant devant les considera- 
 tions qui vous la dictent, le Conseil ne pent se 
 resigner a voir la Societe Generale completement 
 privee des lumieres que vous apportiez a ses 
 deliberations, de I'appui que vous donniez a son 
 action et du prestige attache a ce respect uni- 
 versel qui, depuis si longtemps, salue votre nom 
 dans le monde des affaires. 
 
 11 vous demande d'accepter le titre de Presi- 
 dent honoraire, que son vote unanime vient de 
 vous decerner, comme un hommage de sa recon- 
 naissance pour les inappreciables services que 
 vous avez rendus a la Societe Generale, depuis 
 sa fondation, autant par la sagesse lumineuse 
 de vos conseils que par votre haute influence et 
 vos relations. 
 
 Notre Personnel, a qui cette decision sera 
 notifiee par un ordre de service dont nous aurons 
 I'honneur de vous donner connaissance, sera 
 heureux de garder «ne attache avec celui dont
 
 THE UNION DISCOUNT COMPANY 49 
 
 la paternelle bienveillance lui met au coeur un 
 sentiment de si affectueuse veneration; notre 
 clientele et nos relations verront s'affirmer, au 
 grand profit du renom de la Societe Generale, 
 I'indestructible lien qui I'unit a celui de ses 
 fondateurs qui a ete pour elle, pendant si long- 
 temps et a travers tant de vicissitudes, le guide 
 le plus sur, le plus eclaire et le plus vaillant, et 
 le Conseil lui-meme, en se felicitant que votre 
 Presidence honoraire lui permette de recourir 
 encore a vos avis et a vos conseils, conserve 
 I'espoir que vous pourrez quelquefois les lui 
 apporter en personne et presider effectivement 
 quelques unes de ses seances. 
 
 M'associant personnellement aux sentiments 
 que je vous exprime en son nom, je vous prie, 
 mon cher President, d'agreer I'hommage de ma 
 reconnaissance et de mon tres affectueux devoue- 
 ment. 
 
 Louis DOEIZON. 
 
 In London I have always been connected 
 with some of the largest companies in the City. 
 On my first arrival in the Metropolis as a youth 
 I was placed, as I have already remarked, as a 
 clerk in the Provincial Bank of Ireland. When 
 the General Credit and Finance Company, Loth- 
 bury, was founded in May, 18G3, I became one 
 of the first directors, the late Mr. Samuel Laing, 
 M.P., being chairman. Among the directors was 
 also Sir Henry Drummond Wolff, the diplomatist, 
 just returned from the Embassy at Madrid. 
 
 E
 
 60 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 This company was absorbed twenty-two years 
 later by the Union Discount Company in Corn- 
 hill, of which I am still a director, and which in 
 financial circles in England, on the Continent, 
 and in America, holds a prominent position. I 
 am also a director of the London Joint- Stock 
 Bank, Limited, and have also been intimately 
 associated in the City, chiefly as the representa- 
 tive in London of the Societe Generale of Paris, 
 with the heads of the chief banking and financial 
 houses.
 
 51 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE BEGINNINGS OF FRENCH RAILWAYS 
 
 It was through my financial position as banker 
 that I was able to help the French Government 
 to make a new departure. In England, in the 
 closing years of the reign of William IV., the 
 railway movement, which has since produced a 
 social revolution, was beginning to claim the 
 attention of capitalists. But in France it 
 attracted curiously little attention. This will 
 be seen at a glance from the fact that in 1836 
 there were already nearly two thousand miles 
 of railroad in England, whilst France in that 
 year had only one short line between Strasburg 
 and Bale — then both in French territory — a 
 line, so far as I can remember, about twenty- 
 five miles in length. The first line constructed 
 on the English model was the railway from Paris 
 to St. Germain, about twelve miles and a half in 
 length, which was destined to become the germ 
 not merely of the Western of France line, but 
 of the entire railway system of Normandy and 
 
 E u
 
 62 SIB EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 Brittany, and of the whole of the sea-coast of 
 North-west France. 
 
 In 1838 the French Government brought 
 forward a Bill for the construction of seven great 
 trunk-lines under the control of the State. Un- 
 fortunately, this Bill was defeated by 196 to 69) 
 for the prejudice against railways was at that 
 time very great on the Continent. As national 
 subventions were impossible, the door was 
 thrown open to private enterprise ; and it was at 
 this juncture that I went to M. Dufaure, then 
 Minister of Public Works, a famous advocate and 
 influential statesman, who acted frequently as 
 arbitrator in the most difficult affairs. Knowing 
 him intimately, I said to him : ' Are you willing 
 that I should find in England the necessary 
 money for the making of a line from Paris to 
 Rouen ? ' M. Dufaure, who took a more san- 
 guine view of the enterprise than his friend 
 M. Thiers, promised that if I would find 
 600,000/. (15,000,000 francs) in England, and as 
 much in France, he would give a guarantee for 
 a third 600,000?. I at once went over to Eng- 
 land, proceeded first to London, then to Liver- 
 pool, and next to Manchester, and returned 
 promptly with the 600,000Z. This success gave 
 courage to French capitalists, and I had the
 
 THE EAILWAY FROM PARIS TO ROUEN 53 
 
 gratification of seeing them quickly subscribe 
 600,000Z. more. 
 
 I received much assistance in raising the 
 money, as far as London was concerned, from 
 Mr. WiUiam ChapHn, the great coach proprietor, 
 of the firm of Chaplin & Home, who afterwards 
 became the head of the English board of direc- 
 tors. The Direction was half French and half 
 English. Mr. Chaplin was then chairman of 
 the Southampton Eailway, and ' horsed ' the 
 greater portion of the English mails and stage- 
 coaches. He began life as a postboy, and rose to 
 be Sheriff of London. He was intimate in his 
 closing years with the Duke of Wellington, and 
 lived in the neighbourhood of Strathfieldsaye. 
 
 Another of the founders was Mr. Moss, the 
 well-known banker at Liverpool, and founder and 
 director of the then Grand Junction Railway, 
 which existed before the line was made from 
 London to Birmingham. Amongst the English 
 directors were Mr. Laurence, Mayor of Liver- 
 pool, and Sir John Easthope, M.P., editor and 
 proprietor of the ' Morning Chronicle.' In addi- 
 tion to these there were eight French directors, 
 amongst whom were M. Denis Benoist, Comte 
 de Kersaint, and others whose names I regret 
 my memory no longer recalls.
 
 64 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 Some of my readers may be interested in the 
 actual text of the law which authorised the 
 establishment of a railway from Paris to 
 Kouen. 
 
 At the Palace of the Tuileo'ies, July 15, 1840. 
 
 Louis PmLirPE, King of the French, to all 
 present and to come, Greeting : We have 
 proposed, the Chambers have adopted, and 
 we command the following : — 
 
 Article 1. The offer made by Messrs. 
 Charles Laffitte, Edward Blount, & Company, 
 to contract for the building, at their own expense, 
 risks, and perils, of a railroad from Paris to 
 Eouen, is accepted. In consequence, all the 
 clauses and conditions of the agreement approved 
 on the 22nd of May, 1840, by the Secretary of 
 State of Public Works, and accepted on the 23rd 
 of May by the said gentlemen, Charles Lafiitte, 
 Edward Blount, & Company, will receive their 
 full and entire execution. 
 
 Article 2. The Minister of Pubhc Works is 
 authorised to grant, in the name of the State, to 
 the Paris and Eouen Eailway Company, the loan 
 of fourteen million (14,000,000) francs. This 
 sum shall be exclusively employed for the works 
 of the railway, and for the purchase and con- 
 struction of the material necessary for the 
 working thereof. 
 
 Article 3. The said sum of fourteen mil- 
 lion francs shall not be spent until a further sum 
 of thirty-six million has been realised and appro- 
 priated by the contractors ; payments will be 
 made weekly, in proportion to the extent of the
 
 THE GOVEKNMENT SANCTION 55 
 
 execution of new works and of new expenses, 
 for sums in proportion to the work certified for. 
 
 Article 4. The rate of interest shall be 
 fixed at 3 per cent, per annum. The reimburse- 
 ment shall be effected by yearly payments, 
 but will not commence until three years 
 after the time fixed for the completion of the 
 railway. 
 
 Article 5. The Company shall appropriate to 
 the payment of interest and to reimbursement 
 the sum borrowed for the railway and its 
 dependencies, including the working material, 
 according to the progress of each period of the 
 enterprise. In case the Company delay the 
 payments stipulated, the Government, indepen- 
 dently of the right conferred upon them in the 
 preceding Article, shall have power to appro- 
 priate the revenues or other property of the 
 Company. 
 
 Article 6. In case another company should 
 ultimately offer to carry out at its own expense 
 the extension of the Paris and Kouen line of 
 railway to Havre, as in the case of an extension 
 carried out at the expense of the State, the Paris 
 and Rouen Railway Company shall agree to 
 build on the basis of common profit and expense 
 the part comprised between the junction of the 
 Paris and Rouen line and the limit of the Com- 
 mune of Rouen towards Deville, so that the two 
 lines may form one without a break of continuity. 
 In this case the Minister of Public Works shall 
 be authorised to consent, in the name of the 
 State, to a supplementary loan to the Company 
 of four million francs. This loan will take place 
 under the conditions of Articles 4 and 5 regu- 
 lating the loan of fourteen million francs.
 
 56 SIK EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 Article 7. Any subsidiary agreements be- 
 tween the State and the Company which may 
 be required for the full execution of the present 
 law shall be regulated by royal decree. The 
 present conventions are subject to the main- 
 tenance of the full rights of the State over the 
 railway, its dependencies, and the working 
 material. The registration of mortgages of the 
 railway will be made in the name of the Judiciary 
 Agent of the Treasury. 
 
 Article 8. These instruments, in virtue of 
 the present law, will be registered at the fixed 
 price of one franc. 
 
 Article 9. The grantees shall not have the 
 power to issue stock, bonds, or debentures for 
 meeting the expenses of the construction of 
 the line from Paris to Eouen before being con- 
 stituted a joint-stock company, duly authorised 
 under Article 37 of the Code of Commerce. 
 
 Article 10. By-laws, in the form of lltglevients 
 cU Administration Publique, will be issued, after 
 agreement between the Government and the 
 Company, to determine the measures and provide 
 for the arrangements necessary for the policing, 
 safety, use, and preservation of the railway and 
 of the works connected with it. The expenses 
 which the execution of these measures will 
 involve will be defrayed by the grantees. The 
 grantees will be authorised to make, with the 
 approval of the Administration, the by-laws 
 which they may consider useful for the working 
 of the railway. 
 
 Article 11. Provision for the expenditure 
 authorised by the present law shall be made from 
 the extraordinary resources forming the second
 
 A NEW DEPAETUEE 57 
 
 part of the Budget of the Minister of Public 
 Works. 
 
 Article 12. The present law, discussed and 
 adopted by the Chambers of Peers and of 
 Deputies, and sanctioned by us this day, shall 
 be executed as a law of the State. We give 
 the order to our Courts and to our Tribunals, 
 Prefects, and Administrative Bodies, that they 
 keep and maintain, cause to be kept,^ observed, 
 and maintained, these presents, and, in order to 
 give notice of them all, that they have them 
 published and registered wherever necessary ; 
 and that this may be firm and stable for ever 
 we have hereunto placed our Seal. 
 
 Given at the Palace of the Tuileries, July 15, 1840. 
 
 (Signed) Louis Philippe : 
 By the King, 
 The Secretary of State for 
 Witnessed and sealed with Pubhc Works : 
 
 the Great Seal : (Signed) Cte. Jaubert. 
 
 The Keeper of the Seals 
 of France, Secretary of 
 State for the Department 
 of Justice and Eeligion. 
 
 (Signed) Vivien, 
 
 As this was an entirely new departure in 
 France, the English directors stipulated that, as 
 they already had some experience in the con- 
 struction of railways, and as they found one- 
 third of the capital, the rest being found by the
 
 58 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 French, with the pecuniary assistance of MM. 
 Jacques Laffitte et Cie., bankers (the head of the 
 firm being Minister of Finance under Louis 
 Philippe), the appointment of an engineer should 
 rest with themselves. This suggestion met with 
 no opposition, and Mr. Joseph Locke was ap- 
 pointed to carry out the undertaking. It was 
 the intention at first to employ French con- 
 tractors, but their estimates proved so ex- 
 travagant that Mr. Locke advised the board 
 to get English contractors to tender for the 
 work. This brought, amongst others, Mr. Brassey 
 and Mr. Mackenzie, who was then associated 
 with Mr. Brassey, upon the scene, and as they 
 tendered lower they received the contract. 
 
 Shortly afterwards I laid the foundation-stone 
 of the first railway bridge over the Seine at 
 Paris. I was accompanied by four or five men — 
 Brassey's workmen — one of whom was Milroy, a 
 ganger, and a man of over six feet in height, who 
 looked a giant by the side of the Frenchmen. 
 English and French workmen were found to 
 work fairly well together, but the fact that they 
 could not understand each other sometimes led 
 to difficulties. When the bridge at Maisons, 
 near Paris, was commenced, an English work- 
 man and some Frenchmen were set to work to
 
 ATTITUDE OF GUIZOT AND THIERS 59 
 
 make the foundations; in about an hour, a 
 Frenchman came up and said that he would not 
 stay any longer down there with a man who did 
 not understand a word he spoke. On this it 
 was remarked that when the Frenchmen got 
 together at work they talked of nothing but their 
 newspapers and their poUtics. 
 
 During the construction of the Paris-Eouen 
 line, I again had recourse to my fellow-country- 
 men, and undertook on behalf of the conces- 
 sionaries to find the necessary funds for the 
 extension of the St. Germain line, and had the 
 satisfaction of raising the money. 
 
 M. De Witte states that his grandfather, 
 M. Guizot, the eminent statesman, had not 
 the same prejudices against railways which M. 
 Thiers manifested when they were first intro- 
 duced into France, in the late thirties. M. 
 Guizot, who represented Lisieux, was, in fact, for 
 some days the depositary of a sum of 400,000Z. 
 entrusted to him by the Company to pay for the 
 land in his Department— viz., the Eure— through 
 which the railway was to pass. He had the 
 confidence of the owners, and this course was 
 adopted to avoid the delays attending legal expro- 
 priation. About the same time that a concession 
 was granted for the Paris-Eouen line— viz., in
 
 60 SIB EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 July 1840 — the company for the construction of 
 the Paris-Orleans line obtained a subvention 
 from the French Government, which was begin- 
 ning to see the necessity of railways. Operations 
 were at once commenced, and from that time 
 forward they never ceased. 
 
 The beginnings of the Paris-Rouen line were 
 not easy, and we had to contend with other 
 difficulties besides those attending the opening up 
 of the country. The concession had hardly been 
 secured when, in this same month of July 1840, 
 the Syrian war broke out. Feehng ran high 
 in England and in Prance, and an incident 
 happened which might have had serious re- 
 sults. The directors of the Paris and Rouen 
 Railway had opened a credit authorising me to 
 draw largely upon Messrs. Stone, Martin, & Com- 
 pany, the bankers of the company, and I had 
 negotiated the bills in Paris. To my astonish- 
 ment, Messrs. Stone, Martin, & Company refused 
 to accept them, and they took up this attitude in 
 consequence of orders received from the English 
 board of directors of the Paris and Rouen Rail- 
 way, the outcome of panic in regard to the war. 
 In this emergency I called upon Jones Lloyd, 
 the great London bankers of that epoch, who at 
 once offered to take up the bills for me, as they
 
 THE WESTERN OF FEANCE EAILWAY 61 
 
 felt that the action of the railway authorities 
 was wrong. 
 
 Notwithstanding difficulties, the railway from 
 Paris to Kouen was opened on May 9, 1843. I 
 had a concession, together with M. Charles 
 Laffitte, in the construction in 1845 of the line 
 from Amiens to Boulogne, by way of Abbeville 
 and Neufchatel. S ubsequently, in 1852-53, 1 was 
 interested as Director- Administrator in the line 
 from Lyons to Avignon, and also in that between 
 Lyons, Macon, and Geneva. I practically financed 
 the Western of France Eailway. I was chairman 
 of the line for thirty years, and relinquished 
 my position only in 1894, in consequence of 
 the opposition shown to any Englishman hold- 
 ing an important post in a State-aided rail- 
 way at a time of political tension. The reason 
 assigned for the clamour for my retirement 
 was that the railway w^as closely associated 
 with the War Office in the mobilisation and 
 movements of the army, and it was urged 
 that the position was therefore untenable to a 
 foreigner. 
 
 The immediate cause of my retirement was 
 rather curious. In the course of one of the 
 speeches which I made at the British Chamber 
 of Commerce, in reply to the Ambassador, Lord
 
 62 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 Dufferin, who proposed my health as chairman, I 
 used the following words : 
 
 After the eloquent and magnificent speech 
 of Lord Dufferin, I have only to thank him from 
 the bottom of my heart in the name of the 
 Chamber of Commerce. This last year — I am 
 now speaking as a commercial man — has not 
 been a very happy one for us, and it is a consola- 
 tion for us to see that we have an Ambassador 
 who appreciates the work of the Chamber of 
 Commerce. I have said the past year has not 
 been a very satisfactory one, but there has been 
 at least one gratifying incident — the conduct of 
 our countrymen in Matabeleland. It has shown 
 us that British pluck still exists. Those men 
 have given us a magnificent example of devotion 
 and courage, and I pity those who say anything 
 against them. It is said of Sir Edward Blount 
 that he is an old Jingo. All I can say is that 
 if her Majesty were to found the Order of the 
 Jingo, I should ask to be a Commander of it ; 
 and I feel sure it is the sentiment of every 
 Englishman in this room that he would be also 
 a member of the Order, for the old spirit still 
 exists, and will do more than any number of 
 ships to carry us through our difficulties. 
 
 These words, uttered more in jest than with 
 any serious purpose, gave rise to a terrible storm, 
 both in the French press and in the Chamber 
 of Deputies, thanks to a garbled account which 
 ridiculously distorted the truth. In the course
 
 DEBATE IN THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES 63 
 
 of a discussion on the mobiKsation question, 
 
 during which I was represented as a standing 
 
 danger to the safety of France, o^ing to my 
 
 British nationahty, M. de Mahy spoke as 
 
 follows : — 
 
 M. DE Mahy. Dans une reunion tenue recem- 
 ment a Paris, reunion d'une certaine solennite 
 oil Monsieur Blount avait ete convie avec un 
 certain nombre de ses compatriotes de haute 
 volee et tres honorables conime lui, on a parle 
 des choses d'Angleterre et des choses de 
 France; puis on a porte un toast a cet 
 homme considerable et distingue, dans lequel 
 on lui souhaitait encore de longs jours en le 
 fehcitant du role rempH par lui en France au 
 profit de I'Angleterre. 
 
 M. Hubbard. Une pareille situation ne de- 
 vrait pas etre toleree 24 heures. 
 
 M. DE Mahy. II a repondu . . . et c'est ici 
 que je sollicite un dementi. Le gouvernement 
 est sans doute au courant de ce fait ; il me dira 
 si je me trompe. ... 
 
 M. Louis Beunet. Un temoin auriculaire 
 nous a affirme le fait. 
 
 M. de Mahy. Monsieur Blount a repondu en 
 ces termes. 
 
 'Oui, j'accepte le toast qui m'est porte. Je 
 crois, dans ma longue carri^re devouee k mon 
 pays, I'avoir merite, et vous, mes compatriotes 
 qui etes ici, quand vous retournerez dans (luelques 
 jours a Londres, vous direz a Sa Gracieuse 
 Majeste que je suis un Anglais fidele, que je suis 
 ce qu'on appelle en France un Chauvin, et en 
 Angleterre un Jingoist, et que jusqu'a mon
 
 64 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 dernier jour, je resterai un Jingoist, c'est-i-dire 
 un partisan passionn^ de la pr6pond6rance 
 anglaise.' 
 
 C'est ce partisan de la preponderance anglaise 
 qui tient une partie de notre mobilisation dans 
 ses mains. (Mouvements.) 
 
 II a continue son toast en aj out ant : ' Vous 
 direz a Sa Majeste que j'ai un fils et un petit- 
 fils et qu'ils sont ici a son service.' Je trouve 
 ce langage tres beau et tres noble. Get Anglais, 
 qui tient dans sa main une partie de notre 
 mobilisation, a bien fait de parler ainsi : il est 
 bon Anglais : il fait son metier d'Anglais. Je 
 vous demande a votre tour de faire votre metier 
 de Fran^ais. (Yifs applaudissements.) 
 
 The French press took the matter up, and 
 seems to have gone through all the dictionaries 
 to find out what the word ' Jingo ' meant. Under 
 the inspiration of patriot extremists, a campaign 
 was started against me, which led to the intro- 
 duction of a Bill for the alteration of the relations 
 between the State and the railway companies, 
 and for strengthening the control of the Govern- 
 ment over the railways. General Mercier, who 
 was then Minister for War, was strongly in favour 
 of such a measure, and was understood to have 
 practically forced the question of my expulsion 
 upon the Government. 
 
 The following extract from an article which 
 appeared in the ' Standard ' at the time, contains
 
 EE-ELECTION AS CHAIEMAN 65 
 
 an accurate report of what happened, and shows 
 the feehng which prevailed in the matter : — 
 
 ' In the course of a sitting of the Chamber of 
 Deputies, M. de Mahy, member for La Reunion, 
 and former Minister of Marine, denounced as a 
 public danger the fact that Sir E. Blount, the 
 universally respected doyen of the British com- 
 munity in Paris, was chairman of the Board of 
 Directors of the Quest Eailway Company. Sir 
 E. Blount, as the chairman of the Railway 
 Company, must, he said, perforce have access to 
 the plans of mobilisation, and as he was a loyal 
 subject of her Majesty it was not consistent 
 with the safety of the country that he should be 
 allowed to hold that position. The Govern- 
 ment, in reply, paid a deserved tribute to Sir E. 
 Blount for the services he had rendered France 
 during the sixty years he has resided in the 
 country ; and the subject dropped. 
 
 ' Subsequently the Quest Board of Directors 
 held a meeting, at which the question of Sir E. 
 Blount's nationality disqualifying him for the 
 post was raised, but his colleagues showed their 
 sense of that imputation by unanimously re- 
 electing him. About a fortnight ago, however, 
 a functionary from the War Qffice called at the 
 offices of the Quest Company, and intimated to 
 one of the high ollicials there that Sir E. Blount's 
 re-election as chairman was a source of em- 
 barrassment to the Government, and that, to 
 prevent inconvenient interpellations when the 
 Chamber met, his resignation of the post would 
 be very acceptable. The Minister of War and 
 M. Casimir-Perier were appealed to by the 
 high officials of the Railway Company, and the 
 
 F
 
 66 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 Minister of War entertained such a sense of the 
 danger of impending interpellations, that we 
 understand he stated that if Sir E. Blount did 
 not resign within four days he would bring in a 
 Bill excluding him and all foreigners from the 
 chairmanship of French Railway Companies, 
 and M. Casimir-Perier, while expressing his 
 personal regards for Sir Edward Blount, virtually 
 backed up General Mercier. 
 
 ' Sir E. Blount placed himself in the hands 
 of his brother directors, who accepted his resig- 
 nation of the chairmanship, and immediately 
 elected one of themselves, M. Delarbre, to fill 
 his place. At the same time they elected Sir 
 Edward Blount as Honorary President, but he 
 declined to accept this empty honour. He re- 
 mains a director of the company, having been 
 elected by the shareholders, who alone have 
 power to displace him, 
 
 ' This ostracism of a gentleman in his eighty- 
 fourth year, who has spent the whole of his life 
 in France, and has done her signal service, has 
 caused a most painful feeling throughout the 
 English Colony, and in French society generally. 
 Sir E. Blount has been Chairman of the Quest 
 Railway Company for over thirty years. During 
 the siege he did signal service to France, and 
 his efforts were materially conducive to the re- 
 victualling of Paris when the great city had 
 reached starvation point. In 1848, when the 
 terrible insurrection broke out, at the risk of 
 his life he rode from Paris to Amiens on an 
 engine — to secure which he had many narrow 
 escapes — to convey despatches from General 
 Cavaignac ordering troops to come up to Paris, 
 and organised the transport that brought them
 
 AN EMBAKRASSING SITUATION 67 
 
 within twenty-four hours to the gates of the 
 city. 
 
 ' We hear that Sir E. Blount's compulsory 
 resignation will not by any means settle the 
 question, or stave the dreaded interpellation. 
 The revolutionary " Lanterne " points out that Sir 
 E. Blount is a vice-chairman of the Paris, Lyons, 
 and Mediterranean Eailway Company, and argues 
 that a law be passed to hunt him out of this 
 position. If such measures are taken against a 
 man who has sacrificed his life to promote French 
 interests, it is not likely that toleration or fair 
 play will be shown to Englishmen engaged in 
 business here who have none of the claims which 
 Sir E. Blount admittedly possesses to the grati- 
 tude of France.' 
 
 I could have declined to accept this 
 summons to quit in less than a week, as 1 did 
 not hold my position from the Grovernment, but 
 from the directors, who in the thick of the crisis 
 had reiterated their expression of confidence in 
 me by unanimously re-electing me Chairman, 
 in spite of the threatening storm ; but on reading 
 the ' projet de loi,' I found there was a clause in 
 it which stated that for the future all railway 
 directors must be approved by the Government 
 upon their election, or re-election on retirement 
 by rotation. Now, many of my colleagues were 
 partisans of other rdgimes — Imperialists, Or- 
 leanists, &c. — and there was no doubt that they 
 
 V 2
 
 68 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 would have lost their positions, so I felt it my 
 duty, notwithstanding the flattering mark of 
 confidence which had just been paid me, not to 
 compromise other people in the eyes of the 
 Government. 
 
 The Minister of War (General Mercier) and 
 M. Casimir-Perier were appealed to by the high 
 officials of the railway ; but the former stated 
 that if I did not resign he would introduce a 
 Bill specifically excluding on political grounds 
 all foreigners from the chairmanship of French 
 railway companies. I therefore felt it incumbent 
 upon me to place my resignation in the hands 
 of my colleagues, w4io in recognition of my 
 services appointed me Honorary President. I 
 am now the sole survivor of the original railway 
 promoters in France, and take to this day a keen 
 interest in all that concerns the development of 
 railway enterprise in that country.
 
 69 
 
 CHAPTEE Y 
 
 MY RAILWAY CAEEEE IN FRANCE 
 
 Some of my experiences with railways in France 
 seem to me to be worth recording here. They 
 may not amount to much in themselves, but 
 may be found helpful in giving an idea of a 
 period which few people of the present day, even 
 French people, can thoroughly realise. 
 
 At the commencement of my railroad career, 
 in the reign of William IV., I considered it 
 necessary to learn the practical working and 
 management of railway traffic from start to 
 finish. Accordingly, I set myself to learn engine- 
 driving. The London and North- Western Eail- 
 way (which at that time only went from London 
 to Birmingham) kindly allowed me to mount 
 their locomotives, and for four months I acted 
 first as a supernumerary, then as a fireman, and 
 the last month as driver, with an experienced 
 stoker, or mate, as they were then called. 
 
 When the railway between Paris and liouen 
 was opened all the engine-drivers were English-
 
 70 SIK EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 men — as the Locomotive Manager, Mr. Buddicom, 
 whose name will frequently come under my pen 
 in the course of this narrative, had enlisted some 
 fifty of them from the works of the London and 
 North-Western Eailway at Liverpool for service 
 in France — and I used often to accompany them 
 on the engine, generally as driver. This gave me 
 much personal influence, not merely with the 
 engine-drivers themselves, but with other work- 
 people along the hne ; for no one can gain power, 
 it seems to me, over the industrial classes unless 
 he thoroughly understands himself the practical 
 details of the trade of the men he seeks to 
 govern. I had many accidents, and still bear 
 the marks of more than one physical mishap. 
 
 I regret to say that, when driving, I un- 
 fortunately had three or four accidents attended 
 with fatal results. One of my first victims was a 
 policeman, who had deliberately seated himself on 
 a chair in front of the advancing train, with the 
 intention, as we afterwards learnt, of committing 
 suicide because of some love disappointment. 
 It was at the station at Triel, near Paris, on a 
 Sunday night, and there were a large number of 
 passengers on the platform waiting for the train. 
 It was twilight, and neither myself nor the man 
 with me on the engine saw the man until it was
 
 A KAILWAY ACCIDENT 71 
 
 too late. We did all we could to save him, 
 reversing steam and putting on brakes ; but at 
 that time we had nothing but hand-brakes, and 
 it was impossible to pull up in time. The passen- 
 gers waiting for the train saw the man killed 
 before their eyes, and they displayed great 
 irritation against me, saying that I ought 
 to have stopped, little knowing that that was 
 impossible. 
 
 At the present moment, with the electric 
 brakes, we could have saved the man, for I have 
 myself seen a train stopped with such means in 
 fifty metres, though this causes a disagreeable 
 shock to the passengers. Not long ago, on the 
 road to Trouville for the races, an engine-driver 
 saw a child on the track, and applied his electric 
 brake instantly, with the result that some of the 
 passengers— I myself being one— were thrown 
 into the arms of those opposite. Complaints 
 were freely made at the moment; but after 
 inquiry even the grumblers were of opinion that 
 it was much better that they should be shaken 
 than that a child should be killed. 
 
 In former times, dihgences, going to places 
 in proximity to the railway, were fastened on 
 trucks in Paris, and the passengers travelling to 
 such outlying spots made the journey by rail in
 
 72 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 them, and the diligence was transferred to its 
 wheels at the station to which it was going. 
 Once, when I was on the engine, driving, we came 
 round a sharp curve at Bonni^res at a moderate 
 speed, and saw at the station a diligence mounted 
 on a truck at the turnplates. There was no possi- 
 bihty of stopping, and the diligence was upset, 
 two or three passengers being killed. Nor 
 was this all, for one poor fellow, who had been 
 thrown out of the dihgence by the shock and was 
 unhurt, ran along the line to pick up his hat, 
 and was instantly killed by a train which came 
 from the opposite direction. A third accident, 
 which I remember only too well, occurred to 
 a man who was pointing the brickwork on 
 a bridge on the Boulogne and Amiens Hne. 
 He was kneeling across the rails, absorbed in 
 his work, and, in spite of all our whistling, we 
 could not make him hear, and both his legs 
 were cut off. 
 
 A most touching and pathetic incident 
 happened when I was on an engine at Meulan. 
 We suddenly saw a small child toddling 
 leisurely across the line. The engine-driver 
 wanted, according to regulations, to whistle ; but 
 I refused to allow him, for I was convinced that 
 if he did the child would have stopped. As it
 
 A CHILD ON THE LINE 73 
 
 was, we held our breath and went forward, and, 
 though we touched her frock, the child was 
 saved. I must say that the suspense was 
 terrible in the few seconds that intervened 
 between sighting the child and passing the spot. 
 When the crisis was over, the engine-driver, 
 Tom Yates, a big, powerful fellow, who had 
 driven many years in England, fell down faint- 
 ing in the coal. When he got up he said to me : 
 ' I have in my time run over men, but I never 
 felt anything like the anxiety of the moment 
 through which we have just passed.' 
 
 I remember once, on the road between 
 Boulogne and Amiens, soon after the hne had 
 been opened and when it was in bad condition, 
 we ran off the rails at the top of the embank- 
 ment. Nobody who has not been through such 
 an experience can have any idea of what it 
 means. The locomotive was turned topsy- 
 turvy. When we had got a little over the first 
 shock, the driver, Elliott, said to me : ' Are you 
 all right, Mr. Blount ? ' I said : ' Yes, I think I 
 am.' He repHed : * I've a broken arm.' But in 
 a few minutes, on the principle that a tragedy is 
 always accompanied by a comedy, the fireman, 
 an EngHsh lad, cried out : ' I'm killed ; ' and I 
 could not help answering : ' No, you are not, or
 
 74 SIK EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 you would not be howling so loud.' The car- 
 riages, fortunately, did not leave the lines. 
 
 The narrow escapes which I have had, 
 or seen others have, in the course of my 
 railway career, have been many. Once, going 
 round a curve at Poissy, the fireman, climbing 
 round to grease his engine, fell off it. We 
 pulled up dreading the worst, and found him 
 running after the train, shouting : ' Don't leave 
 me behind.' On another occasion a railway 
 policeman, coming straight out of his box, was 
 struck by a carriage door which had carelessly 
 been left open. He was knocked head over 
 heels over a high embankment, and turned as 
 many somersaults as an acrobat. We picked 
 him up, and to our amazement he seemed little 
 the worse for his adventure. 
 
 There are very few men now living, in any 
 position of life, who can recall the early days of 
 railways in France. One of the few is Mr. 
 Henry Dove, an engine-driver, whom I have 
 known for nearly sixty years. He began life as 
 an office-boy to Kobert Stephenson, the engineer, 
 in 1837, and was in his employment whilst the 
 London and Birmingham Railway was being 
 constructed. As a youth he went into the 
 office at Tamworth of Robert Stephenson's
 
 EEMINISCENCES OF AN OLD DRIVEE 75 
 
 brother-in-law, who was a civil engineer, and 
 engaged at that time on the works of the Bir- 
 mingham and Derby Railway. The locomotive 
 fascinated young Dove, and he determined to get 
 among the engines. Accordingly, in 1839 he 
 went as a mechanic to the Romford locomotive 
 workshops, on the old Eastern Comities Rail- 
 way. The line was then open to Brentwood, 
 and the road to Colchester was under construc- 
 tion ; young Dove worked at the fitting until 
 1842, when, to his great dehght, he was pro- 
 moted to the position of fireman. In the follow- 
 ing year he was sent to France to help to run 
 one of the locomotives on the Paris and Rouen 
 line. At my request he has jotted down some 
 of his experiences, which my readers may find 
 interesting. It may be as well to allow him to 
 speak for himself. 
 
 ' After my arrival in Paris, I went to see Mr. 
 Buddicom. He at once put me with a good old 
 engineman of the name of John English, who 
 had been employed on the Saint-Germain line 
 at its opening. Mr. Blount (now Sir Edward) 
 used to ride very often with us. He was a great 
 favourite with us all. As soon as we used to 
 see him coming along the platform towards the 
 engine, we used to sweep our footboards clean 
 from dust, and wipe the sides and front of the 
 engine, so that he should not get any oil or dirt
 
 76 SIE EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 on his clothes. We did not do this for any one 
 else but Mr. Buddicom. Our engines were not 
 covered in as now ; but that did not keep Mr. 
 Blount off, as, summer or winter, he was often 
 to be seen with us. We were always glad to 
 see him. As a rule enginemen do not like to 
 have people on their engines, as they are always 
 getting in the way; but Mr. Blount and Mr. 
 Buddicom would always make room and pass 
 on one side when we had to put into the fire- 
 box a fresh supply of coke. 
 
 ' At that time (February 1845) I was sent to 
 Motteville to drive No. 12 engine, to ballast the 
 new line from Eouen to Havre. I remained 
 until early in 1846, when I was taken away to 
 make room for J. Stanley, who had had an acci- 
 dent at the Bonnieres curve and killed an aged 
 woman who was in a diligence. After his acci- 
 dent Stanley was no longer allowed to run on 
 the Paris line, so they sent him in my place, and 
 I went to Paris. Mr. George Britton was our 
 foreman then in Paris. Before the accident 
 occurred, the directors used to give us a dinner 
 every year at a restaurant in the Avenue de 
 Clichy. Mr. Blount always used to come after 
 dinner and say a few kind words to us. I was 
 driving on the Paris-Eouen Hne until September 
 1846. 
 
 ' In the month of May, 1847, the Minister of 
 Public Works and some engineers, accompanied 
 by M. Seperier, the manager, had a special train 
 to Havre to see the line and works. I was to 
 take the train back to Paris. A short time 
 before starting, M. Seperier went to Mr. Buddi- 
 com, who was in the works with the Minister 
 and others, and asked him who was to be in
 
 A TKUCK IN THE WAY 77 
 
 charge of the engine on the way to Paris. He 
 said, "Dove." M. Seperier rephed, " Not that 
 boy on the engine ? " Mr. Buddicom said, " You 
 want to arrive at Paris at 5.30, and you will 
 arrive at that time, and safely. That is all you 
 desire, I expect, and that I am sure you will 
 have." We were due in Paris in three hours 
 and twenty minutes, which was then considered 
 very good. All went well until we arrived at 
 about where now stands the Mantes depot. The 
 platelayers had got their small truck on the 
 Hue, and no signal out, as they did not expect 
 this train. I reversed my engine and stopped 
 the brakes, and pulled up about thirty yards from 
 them. Every one was pleased, especially the poor 
 men. We were detained about fifteen minutes 
 whilst they got the truck off the line. After 
 giving my passengers fifteen minutes for refresh- 
 ments at Mantes, where there was a buffet, we 
 arrived in Paris five minutes before time. As 
 the Minister and his friends passed by the engine 
 and "the boy," they said I had done very well, 
 and they would write to Mr. Buddicom. They 
 did so, and a few days afterwards sent me 100 
 francs and 50 francs for the fireman. 
 
 ' I remember in 1847 taking, in a special train 
 from Kouen to the Havre Eegatta, the Prefet 
 and some of his friends, accompanied by Mr. 
 Buddicom. In the evening, as we were leaving 
 Havre on the return journey, I had been waiting 
 about ten minutes at the head of the train, and 
 by so doing had got some condensed water in 
 my cylinders, and was just going to start. The 
 Prefet and two or three of his friends came on 
 to the engine in evening-dress, as it was very 
 warm. Mr. Buddicom did not like their coming
 
 78 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 on, as they took up all the room. I started 
 very slow, so as not to fling the condensed water 
 out, as going up the chimney makes it black. 
 Mr. Buddicom, who was standing behind me, 
 said in English, " Let them have it, Harry ; I 
 do not mind myself." When he saw me open 
 my regulation valve farther, he held down his 
 head, as the engine sent the black water all 
 over their faces and shirt-fronts. I could only 
 just keep from laughing, as they did not know 
 what to make of it. Mr. Buddicom told them 
 something in French which satisfied them, and 
 they all got off at the first station, to our dehght, 
 as we had now room to move. They thought it 
 was a natural state of affairs, as we all had 
 some marks, including Mr. Buddicom himself. 
 
 ' At the end of 1847, 1 used to ran some days 
 to Paris and some days to Havre, and early in 
 February 1848 Mr. Buddicom told the foreman 
 that, if I went into Paris, I should take an 
 opportunity of walking about to hear what folks 
 had to say about the Keform Dinner, which was 
 shortly to take place. The Ministry had refused 
 authorisation for this dinner, and the agitation 
 caused by this refusal led to the Revolution of 
 1848 and to the fall of Louis Philippe. 
 
 ' I went into a little shop opposite our Am- 
 bassador's, where the little English church was. 
 I met the clerk, a tall man ; I forget his name. 
 He said, " It will take place, sure, and perhaps 
 there will be a few broken heads. It will 
 end in that." He was wrong. I went on the 
 boulevards in the afternoon of the 23rd, and 
 saw the soldiers who were placed in the garden 
 of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, which was 
 then nearly opposite where the Grand Hotel is
 
 THE EAILWAY IN 1848 79 
 
 now. They fired on the people. I saw some 
 fall, and the demonstrators carried the victims 
 on their shoulders and called out for the head 
 of Guizot. When I got to Motteville, at 7 
 o'clock, Mr. Buddicom was waiting for news. 
 He said: "What news, Harry?" I told him. 
 He said: "You are a very foolish fellow to go 
 into the streets at such a time." I have 
 thought so since, but did not then. 
 
 ' The next morning I had to get out of my bed 
 at 2 o'clock, as Mr. Buddicom w^anted me at 
 once. They had got my engine on the main line 
 ready for me, already oiled, and the lamps lit, 
 and Mr. Buddicom was there with the Prefet, 
 and they told me to stop at Barentin and every 
 station after. They called up the station- 
 masters, and ordered the lamps to be lighted and 
 kept alight. M. Ferot was the Prefet ; he gave 
 the orders at the stations, and told me that Louis 
 Philippe had left Paris, and w^as making for 
 Havre, and he could see the stations if he wanted 
 to put up for a short time. I was sent because I 
 knew the line well, and they wanted to get there 
 as soon as possible. This we did. They were 
 not sure which road the King would take. It 
 was a precaution in case of need. I got back to 
 Rouen at about 10 o'clock, and left with the 3 
 o'clock on February 24 for Paris ; but I never 
 arrived there with it, as after leaving Maisons 
 the line was covered with people, and when we 
 passed over the bridges at Bezons they were set 
 on fire by the boatmen. 
 
 ' W^hen we got to Colombes Junction, they 
 said that a train had not long gone before us, 
 with Sir Edward Blount on the engine, and the 
 bridge at Asnieres was burning, but they went
 
 80 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 over it and arrived in Paris all right. We found 
 that we could go no further. It was a dreadful 
 night, rainy and windy, and we could see four 
 bridges on fire from where we were — Bezons, 
 Pontoise, Asnieres, and one close to Le Pecq on 
 the Saint-Germain line. We were very near 
 the centre of the four fires. Two days later we 
 found our way to Yernon on foot. To our surprise 
 we found an engine from Eouen, coming to see if 
 * the line was in order, and we gave them news of 
 the other part of the line, and we were able to get 
 home in the night. We found that nearly all 
 our enginemen, with their families, had fled to 
 England. Mr. Buddicom asked me all about 
 our trip, and then said: "Are you going to run 
 off like the others, or stop with me and take 
 your chance like myself? " I said that it was 
 no use to go now, after what I had gone through. 
 I should stop, as it could not be worse than it 
 had been. He said he was pleased that some 
 would stop with him. We had a good time for 
 a couple of months — not much to do until the 
 bridges were repaired. 
 
 ' In the summer of 1848 I ran five or six 
 trains of deported insurgents. We took them in 
 at Amiens. They were tied in threes, with two 
 gendarmes on each seat. They were heavy trains 
 to run. I always got to Barentin station up to 
 time ; and after we had taken in water and got 
 the engine in order to start, the fireman and 
 myself used to take the poor fellows water in our 
 canvas buckets, until they all had had some. 
 They were very thankful, and we were pleased to 
 do a good action. We used to see them get out 
 of the train at Havre. Most of them thanked 
 us as they passed the engine. Some looked
 
 GENEEAL aWAIGNAG 81 
 
 about sixteen years old, and some sixty. Many 
 were respectably dressed and had carpet-bags. 
 
 ' In 1848 I had 5,000 francs in Sir Edward 
 Blount's bank, then in the Kue Basse du 
 Kempart, No. 48a, close to the Madeleine. I 
 received a letter from Sir Edward kindly 
 telling me to come and take it out, or he would 
 send it for me to England. Our trains only ran 
 to Maisons, as the bridges were not repaired, and 
 there was a service of diligences to and from 
 Paris, to meet the trains, about three each day. 
 I went to get my money, and did not think of 
 taking a carpet-bag to put it in, so the clerk 
 asked me what I had to put it in, as they had no 
 bags. I therefore took off my shawl from round 
 my neck, and the money was counted into it. It 
 was all in silver, five-franc pieces. I tied it up and 
 took it on my shoulder, and took the diligence 
 back to Maisons and train to Kouen. I had to 
 carry it to Motteville, two miles, and did not 
 lose any of it, though I should not like to do the 
 same thing now, as I am afraid I should be 
 robbed. 
 
 'I was sent up to Paris in 1849 to run a 
 special train to Havre, at the time when General 
 Cavaignac was putting down a riot. I was kept 
 there three or four days waiting, as they did not 
 like leaving Paris. I was at Austin's Hotel, 
 and, with an American who was stopping there 
 also, put on a blouse and a cap and walked 
 about Paris to see what was going on. Although 
 there were barricades in the streets, ball-rooms in 
 some quarters were open and dancing going on. 
 
 ' When Mr. Buddicom gave up his position in 
 1860, I was retained by the French direction 
 and my salary raised to 1,800 francs a year. 
 
 a
 
 82 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 ' I remained at Eouen up to 1870. On 
 December 5, the Germans arrived in the town, 
 and the same morning we received orders to 
 send all the rolling-stock away to Cherbourg. 
 Everything that was on wheels had to go, and 
 all the employes of the depot and station, with 
 their families, tied at the same time. As you 
 may imagine, every one seemed to lose his head, 
 some giving orders one way and some another. 
 M. Baumal, the superintendent, gave orders, but 
 got confused by giving his orders to some one 
 who did not carry them out. As no station- 
 master could be found — he was packing up his 
 treasures, and his wife was going with them — 
 M. Marechal told M. Baumal to remain and 
 leave the matter to Dove. "He will get us every- 
 thing away;" so I filled the place of station- 
 master and chef de depot. As soon as I got a 
 train formed and the families in it and sent off, 
 I set about getting another ready. I sent fifty- 
 two trains away between 7 o'clock a.m. and 1 p.m. 
 Some of the trains consisted of coal waggons, 
 dead engines, goods waggons, and carriages. 
 
 ' I stopped in France until 1880. I never had 
 a day's illness all the time I was in the country, 
 or since, which I am very thankful for. In 
 this respect I can say more than a good many. 
 During all the time I was an engine-driver I 
 never hurt the hair of any one's head, nor was I 
 hurt in any way myself. 1 am proud of this, 
 because traveUing was rough in those days, and 
 half the men were not accustomed to railway 
 work, and had to pick it up by experience.' 
 
 A curious reminiscence of what I may call
 
 LEVEL CEOSSINGS 83 
 
 the English origin of French railways is con- 
 veyed by the fact that, contrary to the French 
 rule of the road, which is for one to take one's 
 right, trains on the railways take their left, as 
 in England. The first builders of railways in 
 France being English, and nearly all the drivers 
 and even train-men, for many years, being also 
 English, these pioneers naturally followed the 
 rules they had learned in England, and taught 
 them to their French successors. 
 
 On French railways the smaller level cross- 
 ings are kept by the mves of the platelayers, 
 and I am bound to say that, as a rule, they show 
 themselves more alive to the responsibility of 
 the work than the majority of the men. I re- 
 member quite well an instance in point. A 
 light engine was going on the wrong line on the 
 Western Eailway. A woman at a level crossing 
 at once saw the danger, but could not catch the 
 attention of the engine-driver, and, in desperation, 
 as the locomotive came opposite to her, she 
 whipped off her sabot and flung it at the driver's 
 head, which effectually stopped him, and at the 
 same time prevented an accident. The pay of 
 these women is 50 francs (2L) a month, but on 
 such an occasion as the above a reward is 
 always given of the same amount. In some 
 
 G 2
 
 84 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 stations, where the traffic is small, women keep 
 the booking-offices and are in charge. If, for any 
 reason, there should be any run on the station, 
 they call the workmen from the fields. These 
 women are called by the public ' Des altesses.' 
 This comes from a play upon words, for the 
 class of station kept by women is called 
 ' Haltes.' 
 
 I need not say that the management of the 
 workpeople was not always plain sailing ; though, 
 with rare exceptions, my experience is that 
 mechanics both in France and England are 
 quite amenable to reason, and easily managed 
 with a little tact. Once, on the Paris-Eouen 
 Eailway, there was a strike of two thousand 
 men, and the situation became critical. I went 
 to the workshops, and, after a conversation with 
 the leaders, posted up a notice to the effect that 
 if any man failed to resume work by 10.30 that 
 morning — it was then 9 o'clock — he would be 
 dismissed. The result was that, with the excep- 
 tion of one hundred, they went in at once, and 
 in the course of the day the defiant minority 
 was reduced to thirty. I called this little gang 
 of malcontents before me, and said that the 
 directors did not wish that their wives should 
 starve because of their obstinacy, and therefore
 
 CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS ON RAILWAYS 85 
 
 we proposed to give the women a hundred francs 
 each, so that they might not suffer. The thirty 
 men were then dismissed — and they were not at 
 all desirable men to keep. I know that this 
 system of dealing with disaffection would 
 scarcely be possible in England ; but it must not 
 be forgotten that the characteristics of the two 
 races differ in small matters as well as great. 
 
 I should Hke to take this opportunity to 
 mention the charitable institutions which are 
 in existence on French railways for the benefit 
 of the men employed on them, and to explain 
 briefly the benefit fund scheme of the Western 
 Kailway of France. 
 
 Broadly speaking, it is what, in English, we 
 should call a system of deferred pay, compensa- 
 tion for accidents, allowance for sickness, and 
 the like, in the interest of all classes of employes. 
 This is provided for by an elaborate system of 
 percentages, in each case on the yearly salary or 
 ^vages — two-thirds of the amount being deducted 
 from the ernjyloyds' yearly pay, and one-third 
 provided, as a sort of bonus, by the company. 
 In addition to the above benefits, which are not 
 unusual on Enghsh railways, French railway 
 emjdofjcs enjoy many minor payments in kind, 
 such as carriage of furniture, goods, and food
 
 86 SIK EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 at a reduction of 2 per cent, per ton; as well 
 as free passes for the men and half-quarter fares 
 for their wives and children, and an allowance 
 for rent in proportion to their wages. The 
 allowance for rent is proportionately greater in 
 Paris than in provincial towns, and additional 
 allowances for food, fuel, and 'hygienic beverages ' 
 are also made in times when exhibitions raise 
 prices, and in severe winters. 
 
 The sons of the company's servants have 
 the precedence of all appHcants for work. 
 Wives of workmen are provided in their own 
 homes with the Hghter upholstering for the 
 furnishing of the carriages, the making of 
 window-bhnds, &c. A creche, an infant-school, 
 an orphanage, and a commercial school in con- 
 nection with the Chamber of Commerce, are all 
 provided in Paris. Married men's full pay goes 
 on during the twenty-eight or thirty days in the 
 year when they are called off for military duties; 
 single men have part payment. Twelve days' 
 pay is allowed during yearly hohday. Widows 
 and orphans receive annuities ; the latter till 
 they reach eighteen years of age. Allowances 
 are also made by the company for medical 
 attendance and medicine in cases of illness, and 
 for funerals and graves.
 
 THE RAILWAY OVER MONT CENIS 87 
 
 In 1875 a co-operative store was opened in 
 Paris, to provide on low terms, and carriage free, 
 household necessaries for men living at a 
 distance on the line. Deliveries take place 
 twice a month, four days after receipt of the 
 order. Money is also lent without interest in 
 cases of temporary embarrassment. 
 
 Amongst other railways with w^hich I was 
 connected was the Fell Eailway, over the Mont 
 Cenis. I was one of the originators of that 
 most hazardous enterprise, which consisted in 
 ascending the mountain instead of passing 
 underneath by means of a tunnel. The idea 
 was strongly condemned at the time by many 
 authorities on railway construction, both English 
 and continental ; but although the railway carries 
 some 30,000 to 40,000 passengers a year, no 
 accident ever occurred. The system is well 
 known. It is, in a few words, a double rail, as 
 other railways, with an extra wheel, turning 
 horizontally by a rotatory motion and clipping 
 a centre rail, thus ensuring its safety round any 
 curve, however sharp. I was continually going 
 from Mont St. Michel, at the foot of the Alps, 
 on the French side, to Modane, on the Italian 
 frontier, and thence to Susa, where it joined 
 the main Italian lines.
 
 88 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 I once spent a week at the village of Mont 
 Cenis, almost the highest point of the Cottian 
 Alps, between Savoy and Piedmont. Once 
 there was twenty-four feet of snow, but this 
 railroad had been kept open by incessant 
 labour. I had for companions an engine-driver, 
 named Morton, and his wife. For food, amongst 
 other things, we got excellent fish from the lake. 
 When on the road once, I met a PoHsh prince 
 whom I knew at the Cercle de TUnion, Paris. 
 He was astonished to see me, and said : ' Tant de 
 perseverance merite du succes,' and he pro- 
 ceeded in his carriage on the road to St. Michel. 
 
 On my return to Paris I was bantered a good 
 deal about my enterprise, and was told that an 
 Englishman, with a taste for sensational acci- 
 dents, had been at the Mont St. Michel the 
 whole time of the trials, on the look-out for a 
 catastrophe. He must have been a relation of 
 the legendary Englishman, who is alleged not 
 to have missed a single performance of Blondin's 
 at the Crystal Palace, and to have followed him 
 all over the world, in order to be present when 
 he fell and broke his neck. I have come 
 across a good many British eccentrics of this 
 kind, whose performances have not a little con- 
 tributed to give foreigners a queer idea of the
 
 AN UNEXPECTED ENCOUNTEE 89 
 
 character and habits of the aborigines of the 
 British Isles. I remember once, at Eheims, 
 seeing an Enghsh baronet, whose name I cannot 
 recall, who, much to the surprise of the natives, 
 was travelling about France in a four-wheeled 
 van, the inside and outside of which were papered 
 with copies of the ' Times.' 
 
 I was once at Berne on business, connected 
 with the junction of the French and the Swiss 
 railways. Accompanied by one of my col- 
 leagues, I called on M. Staempfli, President of 
 the Swiss Confederation. My companion, M. 
 Denys Benoist d'Azy, former Minister of Finance, 
 father-in-law of M. Cochin, was a great friend 
 and supporter of the Jesuits. To reach the 
 President of the Swiss Confederation we had to 
 go up a very small and very narrow staircase 
 and ring a bell at a very small door. This was 
 opened by a person whom we mistook for a 
 servant. When we asked to see the President, 
 he answered : ' I am the President.' 
 
 After we had concluded our business, M. 
 Staempfli turned to me and said : ' Comme 
 Anglais vous devriez etre tr^s content de me 
 voir, parce que c'est moi qui ai mis les J^suites 
 k la porte.' We made no reply to this remark, 
 but my colleague, who, like myself, came of a
 
 90 SIE EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 staunch Catholic stock, looked visibly shocked. 
 He did not, however, retort, ' I am a Jesuit.' 
 This visit to the President of the Swiss Con- 
 federation reminds me of an incident which 
 happened years ago when driving in Normandy 
 with Bertin aine, the founder of the ' Journal 
 des Debats,' and one of the most able and 
 liberal-minded men in France. On the road we 
 passed a country cure, a harmless enough man. 
 Bertin, who, hke many other French people, 
 could not abide the look of a priest, got up from 
 his seat, brandished his stick at the retreating 
 figure of the cure, and called out : ' Je voudrais 
 noyer tout ce monde-la.' 
 
 Coming back to railway experiences, one 
 satisfaction which comes to a man who holds 
 a position of official responsibility consists in 
 the unexpected opportunity it sometimes gives 
 him of doing the public a good turn. Once, 
 at Vienna, I was received in audience, in my 
 capacity as a director of the Austrian Eailway, 
 by the Emperor Francis Joseph. I was accom- 
 panied by two EngHsh colleagues, who cherished 
 great expectations from the interview. His 
 Majesty pointedly asked what he could do for 
 me. I did not wish for a personal decoration, and 
 therefore said that, in the personal sense, I sought
 
 ABOLITION OF PASSPOETS IN AUSTEIA 91 
 
 nothing, but, if His Majesty would allow me, I 
 should hke to explain a pubhc grievance which 
 had probably escaped the notice of the Austrian 
 Government. The Emperor graciously gave 
 me permission, and I then mentioned that 
 international trains from other parts of Europe 
 were continually stopped, often in the dead of 
 night, on the frontiers of the Austrian Empire, 
 in order that soldiers might demand passports. 
 This sometimes occasioned alarm, and always 
 delay and inconvenience to passengers, and 
 interfered with international communications. 
 The Emperor turned to the officer in waiting 
 and said, ' Make a note of that,' and within a 
 fortnight passports were abolished throughout 
 the Austrian Empire. This was better than 
 getting a bit of tinsel for myself, though my 
 colleagues were ruffled.
 
 92 SIE EDWAKD BLOUNT 
 
 CHAPTEE VI 
 
 BUSINESS FRIENDSHIPS 
 
 Life would be a poor affair but for its friendships ; 
 therefore I desire to speak about one of the most 
 agreeable and helpful associations of the kind 
 which I have ever known. It was in the open- 
 ing year of the Queen's reign I first became 
 acquainted with the late Mr. Thomas Brassey, 
 one of the best and most sagacious men it has 
 ever been my privilege to meet. Mr. Brassey 
 was in 1836 a man of thirty-three, and had 
 already made his mark as a contractor. He 
 served his articles as a land surveyor to Mr. 
 Laughton, of Chester, who was so satisfied with 
 his ability that he took him into partnership and 
 placed him at the head of a branch business at 
 Birkenhead. When the Manchester and Liver- 
 pool Kailway was in course of construction, Mr. 
 Brassey attracted the notice of George Stephen- 
 son, who advised him to tender for some of the 
 work that was in progress. He took the hint, and 
 at the age of twenty-nine received his first rail-
 
 GEOWTH OP EAILWAY ENTEEPEISE 93 
 
 way contract for the Penkridge Viaduct, between 
 Stafford and Wolverhampton, on the Hne which 
 now forms part of the London and North- 
 western system. 
 
 Stephenson was at that time engineer-in- 
 chief; but shortly afterwards he resigned his 
 appointment, and his pupil and assistant, Mr. 
 Joseph Locke, took control of a line between 
 Birmingham and Liverpool, which at that time 
 was called the Grand Junction Railway. When 
 the work was finished, Mr. Locke's services were 
 sought in the construction of the London and 
 Southampton Railway, and Mr. Brassey received 
 the contract for the important works on that 
 line between Basingstoke and Winchester. 
 
 The rapid growth of railway enterprise in 
 England attracted attention on the other side 
 of the Channel, and when the proposal took 
 definite shape it was determined that the 
 pioneer railway ought to be one which linked 
 Paris with London, a determination which led 
 in due course to the creation of the Paris and 
 Rouen Railway, with which I have dealt in a 
 previous chapter. 
 
 In my opinion, Sir Arthur Helps's biography 
 of Mr. Brassey scarcely does justice to the great 
 qualities of the man. It reduces him simply to
 
 94 SIR EDWABD BLOUNT 
 
 a railway contractor, excavating, and making 
 railway and public w^orks in all parts of the world. 
 I knew him well and saw him continually, and 
 never met a more excellent man. There were 
 times, in his life, when Mr. Brassey and his 
 partners found employment for 80,000 men, and, 
 apart from such works as the Victoria Docks, the 
 northern sewer in the main drainage of London, 
 and the Thames Embankment, Mr. Brassey con- 
 structed 8,000 miles of railway. Unlike many 
 great employers of labour — and it is this which I 
 wish to lay stress upon — Mr. Brassey took a 
 genuine interest in the men he employed. As 1 
 was acquainted with the two languages, I was 
 continually on the works of the Paris and Eouen 
 Railway. One of Brassey's great objects was to 
 improve the relations between the engineers and 
 the contractors. He was a just man, and 
 wanted, above all, honest work. He put down 
 with a stern hand the bribing of inspectors by 
 contractors in order to pass ' scamped ' work. 
 
 Brassey and his partner, Mackenzie, em- 
 ployed almost exclusively English and Irish 
 navvies. In the rough work the Irish excel, 
 but, unluckily for themselves, they do not always 
 act with caution. Mr. Brassey and myself one 
 day had an instance of this when the line to
 
 ENGLISH AND FRENCH WORKMEN 95 
 
 Eouen was in progress. We saw an Irish navvy 
 pulling some nails out of a plank which hung 
 over the pit of a tunnel. He was positively 
 standing on the plank he was dislodging. We 
 saw his danger, and ran forward to stop him, but 
 arrived too late, and he was killed before our 
 eyes. 
 
 Mr. Brassey once told me he considered that 
 the French were the best workmen in railway 
 construction in districts where a light soil 
 existed ; the Piedmontese were the best in ex- 
 cavating tunnels ; but for rough, hard, muddy 
 work, the English navvy was not to be beaten. 
 In Spain the embankments were made by women, 
 who, with dogged patience, carried the earth in 
 baskets on their backs, and were paid at the 
 rate of ten sous a day. Mr. Brassey declared that 
 the cost in the end proved to be about the same 
 as if English navvies had been employed at thirty 
 shillings a week. 
 
 I do not think I ever met a man of more 
 benevolence than Mr. Brassey. His hand went 
 instinctively to his pocket when cases of distress 
 were brought before him. When the Victoria 
 Docks were in course of construction, I told 
 him that there were some Catholic schools for 
 poor children in the neighbourhood, where a great
 
 96 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 many of the children of his Irish workpeople 
 were educated. I did so because I had previously 
 asked the priest in charge whether he had ever 
 sought help from the contractors. He said he 
 had not, for he recognised it would be useless to 
 ask for a subscription in that quarter, because 
 they were Protestants. When I mentioned the 
 matter to Mr. Brassey, he instantly exclaimed, 
 ' Give them whatever you think proper, and debit 
 my account, and do not hesitate on any further 
 occasion to do the same, wherever it may be.' 
 
 Staunch Protestant though he was, he main- 
 tained one EngHsh-speaking Cathohc priest at 
 Poissy, and another at Kouen, for the Catholic 
 workpeople, and also one or more Enghsh 
 doctors to attend to them whilst working in 
 France. He followed this system all over Europe- 
 wherever he contracted, for, in doing good, he 
 recognised no barriers of nationality or creed. 
 
 In 1866, at the time of the great financial 
 panic caused by the failure of Overend, Gurney, 
 & Company, Mr. Brassey, like everybody else 
 at the moment, was in need of money. On the 
 day which was called 'Black Friday,' I went 
 down to Lombard Street with him, and called 
 on his bankers, Messrs. Glyn & Company. I 
 asked them, as his bankers, to advance him a
 
 ME. BRASSEY AT GLYN'S BANK 97 
 
 certain sum. After much consultation they 
 gave him 30,000?., but old Mr. Glyn (the head 
 of the house) said he must have ' some stuff ' 
 in exchange, meaning securities. We returned 
 to Mr. Brassey's office in Great George Street, 
 Westminster, and filled a large box with securi- 
 ties, which I took back to Mr. Glyn. He would 
 not even open it, but said to a clerk, ' Put it in 
 the safe.' Mr. Glyn wanted Mr. Brassey to 
 promise that he would not give all his money 
 away to his friends. To this proposed stipu- 
 lation Mr. Brassey demurred, and on leaving 
 Mr. Glyn's office asked me whether I wanted 
 any money. I told him I did not, but on the 
 steps of the bank we met a gentleman whom 
 we knew well who was in a less happy condition, 
 and in spite of my protest Mr. Brassey presented 
 him with 10,000Z. 
 
 At a bazaar held at the French Embassy at 
 Albert Gate, Hyde Park, Mr. Brassey told me to 
 spend whatever I liked on his account. When I 
 had parted with all my money, and his too, I 
 drove to his office, and asked him w^hat I was to 
 do, as I was getting reckless. He answered : ' I 
 am so much indebted to the French for their 
 kindness towards mc that you can go on spend- 
 ing much further,' which I did. Perhaps it 
 
 H
 
 98 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 might be supposed that I took something away 
 in exchange ; but all the ladies, except Lady 
 Emily Stonor, daughter of Sir Kobert Peel, calmly 
 kept what I bought to sell to other purchasers, 
 except what I mischievously tried to hide. 
 
 Mr. Brassey was to a large extent a self- 
 educated man, for he had been put to work at 
 sixteen. He wrote a beautiful hand, and always 
 made his meaning perfectly clear. He worked 
 incessantly ; and I have often been with him in 
 very out-of-the-way places, where the accom- 
 modation was so poor that we had to sleep in 
 the same room. He would often sit up far 
 into the night, writing to his numerous agents, 
 long after I had gone to bed. His railway work 
 in France was always well done, but not as 
 good in quality as at present, for machinery was 
 less perfect and railway engineering less under- 
 stood ; whilst capital was small, for public con- 
 fidence had only been partially won in those 
 days on behalf of such enterprises. When the 
 Paris and Rouen Railway was constructed, the 
 formahties for obtaining a concession were 
 simple and expeditious ; in fact, the land was 
 bought and the road to Rouen made before the 
 formal authorisation to commence work was 
 given under the decree authorising the construe-
 
 ME. BEASSEY'S POWEE OF WOEK 99 
 
 tion of the railway. At the present moment the 
 preliminary negotiations require at least two 
 years. Traffic was small at first, and many 
 people in France, as well as in England, looked 
 askance at the new method of locomotion and 
 continued to travel in their carriages. Even 
 when they entrusted themselves to the trains, 
 the long tunnels continued to be a bugbear. I 
 have seen at the entrance to one of the principal 
 tunnels on the Rouen Railway a number of 
 people getting out of the train to go to Evreux 
 and other places, rather than take the direct road 
 underground. 
 
 I really believe that no other man ever 
 equalled Mr. Brassey in the amount of work 
 which he did. His integrity, no less than his 
 ability, accounts for the esteem in which he was 
 held throughout Europe, and led to his success 
 as a contractor for public works not merely all 
 over Europe, but in India, Canada, and South 
 America. He told me one day that the net profit 
 which he had made, after deducting losses, was 
 about 3 per cent, upon all he had done. No 
 enterprise was too great for him, and when 
 once he had embarked upon it, he stuck at no- 
 thing. His power of organisation was remarkable, 
 and he was swift and clever in calculation. He 
 
 H 2
 
 100 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 knew how to select the right sort of subordinates, 
 and when he gave them his confidence, it was 
 without stint. 
 
 On one occasion he undertook large works in 
 Austria — the building of the Lemberg line — pay- 
 able in paper, guaranteed by the Austrian Govern- 
 ment, at a time when the credit of the country 
 was at its lowest ebb. He held at one moment 
 depreciated bonds to the amount of 1,000,000Z., 
 taken at par ; but his boldness was rewarded, for, 
 when Austrian finances improved, he was paid 
 at par. His reputation for honesty and straight- 
 forwardness was so great that he could always 
 raise money on securities which, when he 
 offered them, were sometimes not even looked at. 
 Always a busy man, Mr. Brassey, shy though 
 he was, was a favourite in society. He possessed 
 much natural refinement, and was as courteous in 
 manner as he was shrewd in judgment. He 
 was always perfectly at his ease, though he 
 never put himself unduly forward. 
 
 I introduced him to Mr. Gladstone, and after 
 a long talk between them, Mr. Gladstone told 
 me that he was astonished at Mr. Brassey's 
 ability and conversation, and the width and 
 accuracy of his knowledge on almost every sub- 
 ject. When Mr. Brassey was named Chevalier
 
 A HOMELY BUT TEUE VERDICT 101 
 
 of the Legion d'Honneur, his friends had great 
 difficulty in getting him to wear the deco- 
 ration. It was not that he did not value such 
 a distinction, but he hated all parade. He 
 was not a strong man, for later in life he was 
 subject to fearful attacks of asthma ; but this 
 did not prevent him from working as usual 
 to the end. Like myself, he could not, after a 
 career of so much activity, drop work. He used 
 to say that it required a special education to be 
 idle, and that he did not know how he could 
 possibly employ himself in a rational way if he 
 retired from business ; so he stuck to his work to 
 the last, and died in harness, at the com- 
 paratively early age of sixty-five, on December 
 8, 1870. 
 
 Perhaps by no class was Thomas Brassey 
 more appreciated than by working men. One 
 of his humble admirers summed up the general 
 verdict in homely but expressive words when 
 he said : ' If Mr. Brassey had been a parson 
 he would have been a bishop, and if he had 
 been a prize-fighter he would have won the 
 belt.' 
 
 With the Rothschilds I was naturally 
 brought, as a banker, into close relations. I had 
 a great respect for Baron James Kothschild,
 
 102 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 who was Chairman of the Madrid and Saragossa 
 Kailway from its origin, and was also, Hke 
 myself, a member of the board of the South 
 Austrian Eailway. Baron James was not 
 merely a great financier but a most kind- 
 hearted man. His charities extended to all 
 classes and creeds, and in this his example 
 has been followed by the present members of his 
 family. The amount of money which he spent 
 during the war to relieve distress was beyond 
 calculation; a regular office was kept by the 
 family, to which all appeals were sent. They 
 were examined, and if found worthy were never 
 neglected. 
 
 Amongst my early friends was Sir Moses 
 Montefiore. He was associated with my father 
 in establishing the Provincial Bank of Ireland, 
 of which I have already spoken. Like one 
 of the Eothschilds, he was open-handed and 
 generous to all denominations. When Sir 
 Moses made his pilgrimage to the Holy Land, 
 at a period when the journey was difficult and 
 fatiguing, Jew though he was, he did not forget 
 his friends of other creeds. I say this because 
 he brought back from Jerusalem a number of 
 Catholic relics, some of which are still in the 
 possession of my family.
 
 M. MAEIN 103 
 
 I have already spoken of my lifelong con- 
 nection with the development of railways, but 
 I have said but little about my colleagues. 
 The truth is that, wdthin the last few years. 
 I have had the misfortune to see die around 
 me a large number of those who were more 
 closely connected with my work. Many of them 
 were well-known engineers, distinguished eUves 
 de la Polij technique^ an institution which to- 
 day, as in the past, is doing much in many 
 directions for the welfare of France, and is 
 known favourably all over the world. 
 
 Happily, I have still around me many able 
 men who were trained in that institution, and 
 amongst the rest M. Marin and M. Larminat of 
 the Western Eailway, and M. Noblemaire and M. 
 Geoffrey of the Lyons Railway. M. Marin has 
 had a most distinguished career. During many 
 years, as chairman of the Western Railway in 
 France, he was Directeur General, a position 
 which he filled with uncommon ability. M. 
 Marin, in consequence of a partial failure of 
 health, is now compelled to take a less active 
 part in public affairs ; but he is still Consulting 
 Director, and his advice is always received with 
 the attention which his high talents and great 
 experience merit. During M. Marin's tenure of
 
 104 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 office some of the first engineering works of the 
 Western Eailway were constructed. 
 
 I never met with a man better equipped in 
 all practical subjects than M. Noblemaire. His 
 knowledge is wellnigh encyclopaedic, and his 
 capacity as a linguist is extraordinary. Two 
 instances of this may be cited. He knew on 
 one occasion that he would be called upon to 
 make a speech at a railway banquet in Eussia, 
 and he contrived in the space of a few days to 
 acquire enough of the language to make himself 
 clear. M. Noblemaire picked up with equal 
 rapidity enough English to speak with success 
 at a railway banquet given in Edinburgh on the 
 occasion of the opening of the Forth Bridge; 
 and in other countries on similar occasions, he 
 has never been nonplussed. As a friend I can- 
 not say too much of him. He always speaks, 
 w^hen before the board, in a clear, weighty 
 manner, and explains any difficult point with 
 infiniment cVesj^rit. He listens to all objections 
 with patience, and frequently surrenders his own 
 opinion without the slightest ill-humour. 
 
 Amongst other well-known men in finance 
 with whom I was intimate was Mr. Bertram 
 Currie, of Messrs. Glyn, Mills, Currie, & Co. He 
 was a close friend of mine, and I shared his
 
 LORD OYEESTONE 105 
 
 opinions on most monetary questions. This is 
 especially the case in regard to bimetahsm, of 
 which I have been, and still am, an uncom- 
 promising opponent. He used to say whenever 
 the subject was broached that he could not see 
 why England, being the gold market of the world, 
 should assist other nations to get rid of their 
 superfluous silver. He frequently remarked that 
 the day when a person went to the bank with 
 a five-pound note to ask for five pounds in gold, 
 and was obUged to take a large portion in silver, 
 the bank-note would be depreciated. 
 
 Another well-known man with whom I was 
 intimate in the City was Mr. Samuel Jones 
 Lloyd, afterwards Lord Overstone, to whom I 
 have before referred as having taken up bills for 
 me at a critical moment during the construction 
 of the Paris-Rouen Hne. He was a handsome 
 man, popular in society, and in business he had 
 the art of readily grasping complicated problems. 
 He was one of the most distinguished monetary 
 authorities of that period, and it is an open 
 secret that he might have hold high political 
 office. As it was, he stuck to the work of the 
 banking-house of Jones Lloyd & Company, a 
 firm which was afterwards merged in the London 
 and Westminster Bank. At the same time,
 
 106 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 more than one Chancellor of the Exchequer 
 was indebted to him for shrewd advice. When I 
 was a banker in Paris, I had constant, and, I 
 may add, satisfactory dealings with Jones Lloyd 
 & Company. 
 
 Amongst the engineers with whom I was 
 acquainted was the famous Isambard Brunei. 
 He was of French descent, and, although born 
 at Portsmouth, spoke English with a certain 
 accent, owing to having passed the earlier years 
 of his life in Paris, where he was educated at 
 the Lycee Henri IV. He helped his father. Sir 
 Isambard Brunei, in the construction of the 
 Thames Tunnel, and at the early age of twenty- 
 seven, in 1833, was appointed engineer to the 
 projected Great Western Railway, the construc- 
 tion of which he planned and superintended. 
 The task was an arduous one, and difficulties 
 with landowners and opposition from so-called 
 experts called into play not only his powers as a 
 professional engineer, but his ability as a negotia- 
 tor. For solidity of construction and for skill 
 and beauty of design, the Great Western Rail- 
 way, although one of the first English railways 
 built, holds a very high place. 
 
 TheHanwell Viaduct, the Maidenhead Bridge, 
 the great bridges at Chepstow and Saltash, and
 
 ISAMBAED BEUNEL 107 
 
 the Box Tunnel, at the time and for long after- 
 wards the longest tunnel in the world, are monu- 
 ments of the thoroughness of Isambard Brunei's 
 work. It was he, by the way, who introduced 
 the 'broad gauge' on the Great Western, and thus 
 initiated the famous battle of the gauges which 
 lasted up to a few years ago. Brunei was 
 the first to suggest the possibility of a regular 
 line of steamers between England and the United 
 States, and I remember the outburst of laughter 
 in England when he seriously proposed the con- 
 struction of a steamer, to be called the ' Great 
 Western,' to go from Bristol to New York. The 
 steamer was built, in spite of the jeers of the 
 public ; and, notwithstanding Dr. Lardner's 
 mathematical proof of the impossibility of a 
 steamer making the journey, the ' Great Western ' 
 did go to New York, and come back. Brunei 
 was so pleased at the success of his venture that 
 he started the construction of the famous ' Great 
 Eastern,' which he saw launched, but which he 
 did not live to see go on her first journey. 
 
 In addition to his other undertakings, Brunei 
 examined the question of the Channel Tunnel, 
 and, as far as I remember, considered it a per- 
 fectly feasible scheme ; but the military authori- 
 ties were then, as I believe they are still, hostile
 
 108 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 to the proposal. Mr. Brassey favoured the 
 idea, as did many other experts. According 
 to a time-honoured Enghsh custom, a great 
 many dinners were given to advance the project, 
 and one gentleman, a man of wit, said he 
 thought that it would be easy to make the 
 tunnel by softening the chalk with the cham- 
 pagne consumed at those dinners. I myself 
 still hold a few shares in the Channel Tunnel 
 Company, but they are probably valueless. 
 People continually say that if the tunnel were 
 made they would not venture to travel through 
 it, owing to the danger of the sea breaking 
 through. All practical engineers, however, 
 ridicule that idea, for at the proposed depth — a 
 hundred and fifty feet — there could be no danger 
 from the sea. As for the bridge which has some- 
 times been advocated, my knowledge of the 
 Channel convinces me that such an undertaking 
 is quite out of the question. Whatever the span 
 of the piers might be, it would be impossible to 
 make it. 
 
 For some years I was a member of the com- 
 mittee for the Euphrates Valley Railway, and in 
 that capacity frequently met Sir John Fowler. 
 He gave us the greatest assistance. Perhaps 
 the chief reason why Disraeli took Cyprus was
 
 THE EUPHRATES VALLEY RAILWAY 109 
 
 that that island lay opposite the approach to 
 the Euphrates Valley from the Mediterranean. 
 That railway would have provided swift com- 
 munication with the East, and would have 
 carried our troops to India in much less time 
 than is now required. Sir John Fowler esti- 
 mated the expense at first at ten thousand pounds 
 a mile ; but owing to the cheapness of labour, he 
 found afterwards that it was possible to construct 
 a railway, in spite of the hilly nature of the 
 country, for six thousand pounds a mile. One 
 reason urged against the project was that the 
 Arabs would destroy the line, and our Govern- 
 ment in the end refused, as usual, a guarantee. 
 I do not suppose for a moment that the Arabs 
 would have meddled with the railway, for they 
 have not interfered with the telegraph wires 
 which have since been left to their mercy, and, 
 moreover, the opposition of natives has ceased 
 to be an insuperable objection to the construction 
 of railways, and experience has proved that they 
 soon get accustomed to them.
 
 110 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 MY EXPERIENCES IN THE EEVOLUTION OF 1848 
 
 I REMEMBER perfectly not merely the Revo- 
 lution of 1848, but the events which led up 
 to it. Just before it occurred I was at a dinner- 
 party in London. Amongst the company was 
 Sir Robert Peel, and in the course of general 
 conversation he turned to me and asked 
 abruptly, ' What are you doing here ? Why are 
 you not in Paris ? I see signs of an immediate 
 revolution there. Louis Phihppe has just re- 
 fused to allow Odilon Barrot and his party to 
 hold a political banquet.' Barrot was then at 
 the height of his power, and I recognised what 
 might follow such a rebuff. I returned imme- 
 diately to Paris, called upon M. Guizot, who 
 was then Premier, and repeated to him Peel's 
 remarks. The reply I received was, ' La Garde 
 Nationale est bonne et il n'y a aucun danger.' 
 I mentioned the matter to M. Duchatel, the 
 Minister of the Interior, and his reply was to the 
 same effect.
 
 LOUIS PHILIPPE 111 
 
 No throne in Europe was, to all outward 
 appearances, more secure in 1847 than that of 
 Louis Philippe. There had been no intestine 
 troubles in France since 1839, and the Dynasty 
 of July persuaded itself that it had gathered 
 round it many of the supporters of the Imperial 
 regime. Flattered by the homage of the Court, 
 the veterans of the former Civil Government, 
 and the illustrious survivors of the great army 
 of the Empire helped to strengthen and to lend 
 distinction to the throne of Louis Philippe. 
 The Legitimists were led by Berryer, the elo- 
 quent defender of Marshal Ney, and long 
 afterwards of Montalembert. Berryer was a 
 politician of the first rank, and admittedly 
 the first advocate in France, and therefore a 
 host in himself. The Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs, M. Guizot, preserved peace, but never 
 sacrificed anything that touched the interests or 
 imperilled the dignity of his country. But, 
 nevertheless, the PiepubHcan party in the 
 Chamber was still strong, and counted in its 
 ranks men of the calibre of Emmanuel Arago, 
 Garnier-Pages, Dupont de I'Eure, Ledru-EoUin, 
 Louis Blanc, and Lamartine. 
 
 There were signs of great uneasiness, al- 
 though perhaps not such as to cause serious
 
 112 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 misgivings as to the very existence of a consti- 
 tutional government. Once, in the Chamber of 
 Deputies, M. de MontaHvet, the great friend 
 and at one time the Minister and confidential 
 adviser of Louis Philippe, made use, when 
 speaking of the people, of the word sujet, and 
 this caused a violent uproar. The old Ke- 
 publican and Frondeur spirit never missed an 
 opportunity of asserting itself. The hereditary 
 peerage remained as a last guarantee of stability, 
 but the people regarded it with antipathy, and 
 ominously determined to get rid of it as a 
 branch of government. 
 
 The case of M. Teste, Ministre des Travaux 
 Publics, was also a cause not merely of em- 
 barrassment but of weakness to the Govern- 
 ment. He was accused of having received a 
 bribe of 100,000 francs for a concession for some 
 Government works, and was in consequence 
 dismissed from the public service. Teste was 
 a poor man, the money was small; but such 
 things up to that period had seldom been 
 known in France. He was an ignorant man 
 to have reached such a position of authority. 
 He began life as a woollen manufacturer in 
 Normandy, and he once told me, with a rather 
 bitter smile, that he thought he was a much
 
 THE FIRST MUTTERINGS OF THE STORM 113 
 
 better maker of ' bonnets de nuit ' than of 
 politics. 
 
 To all these sources of uneasiness must be 
 added the incitements of the press, of pam- 
 phleteers, and of popular novelists. Lamennais' 
 still powerful pen united with Louis Blanc's 
 socialism and Eugene Sue's popular roman- 
 feuilleton, in order to sow dissatisfaction among 
 the people, and even Sue's now almost forgotten 
 * Mysteres du Peuple ' had the honour of prose- 
 cution as a pernicious book and of condemnation 
 by the courts of the realm. 
 
 Louis PhiHppe, in spite of the menacing 
 signs of the times and the ill-concealed alarm 
 of his own Court, was not to be persuaded that 
 there was any real danger. He insisted upon 
 keeping M. Guizot in office in defiance of the 
 universal demand for his dismissal, and per- 
 sisted in his view until the Kevolution com- 
 menced on February 24, 1848. In the midst 
 of the outburst M. Guizot resigned office, but 
 his retirement came too late to save the throne 
 of Louis PhiHppe. 
 
 The first mutterings of the storm began in a 
 distant quarter of the town ; but it gradually 
 came nearer, until the Chaussee d'Antin was 
 filled with the clamour of the crowd. I was 
 
 I
 
 114 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 at my offices in the Rue Basse du Rempart, 
 and right opposite my windows stood the old 
 Foreign Office. Presently a soldier fired a 
 shot at the insurgents, and one of them was 
 killed. The mob instantly lifted the body, and 
 carried it in procession about the boulevards, 
 and the spectacle rendered the rapidly increas- 
 ing crowd more and more furious. In an 
 incredibly short space of time, barricades were 
 erected in every direction in that part of the 
 town. An enormous one was throw^n up under 
 the windows of the house then tenanted by the 
 Princesse de Lieven, the property now occupied 
 by Baron Alphonse de Rothschild. 
 
 Next morning, the historic February 25, I 
 went, at some risk, with my cousin, Colonel 
 Charles Dillon, an officer in the French army, to 
 the Tuileries. As we were going up the grand 
 staircase we met the Due de Nemours descend- 
 ing, with a document in his hand. We stopped 
 him for a moment, and asked him what were its 
 
 contents. He repHed, L' Abdication du Boi 
 
 Colonel Dillon exclaimed, ' It is an act of folly,' 
 but the Due de Nemours insisted that there was 
 no alternative. He gave the note of abdication 
 to an aide-de-camp, who carried it across the 
 Tuileries Gardens. Colonel Dillon and myself
 
 THE FLIGHT OP THE KING 115 
 
 followed him, and at the Place de la Concorde 
 we found General Bedau stationed, at the head 
 of his staff. Colonel Dillon said to him, 
 Monsieur le General, que faites-vous ? The 
 General replied, Je n'ai j)as cVorclres. Bedau 
 was at that moment in command of a large 
 number of troops lining the Seine, and, no orders 
 being given, the infantry disbanded, and the 
 soldiers, thinking they had a fine opportunity to 
 get back to their native place, divested them- 
 selves of their accoutrements and ran off, some 
 even throwing their arms into the river. 
 
 The next incident which I recall was a 
 glimpse of the departure of Louis Philippe and 
 his personal attendants from the Tuileries in 
 three hackney coaches, which had come by way 
 of the Eue de Kivoli. He was accompanied by 
 the Queen and his friend Comte Montalivet, one 
 of those who, by the way, were chiefly responsi- 
 ble for the creation of the Versailles Museum. 
 His Majesty drove to Versailles, and thence by 
 road to Trouville, where he arrived on Febru- 
 ary 27. He embarked at Havre on March 2, 
 and reached Newhaven the following day. 
 
 At the time of the Revolution, two of the 
 Royal Princes were in Algiers — the Due de 
 Montpensier and the Due d'Aumale. Their 
 
 I 2
 
 116 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 families were, I think, at the Koyal Chateau at 
 Neuilly. The Due de Nemours escaped, with 
 my assistance, from Paris to Boulogne, where he 
 kept in hiding. By some means the Princesse 
 de Joinville reached Abbeville, where I found 
 her a few days later, and took her to Boulogne, 
 where she embarked on an English boat. 
 
 Meanwhile the Duchesse d' Orleans remained 
 at the Tuileries with her two children, the Comte 
 de Paris, in whose favour Louis Philippe had 
 abdicated, and the Due de Chartres. On 
 February 25, hearing that the Duchesse was 
 going to the Chamber of Deputies, with her 
 children, to press the claims of the grandson, in 
 whose favour Louis Philippe had resigned the 
 crown, and to ask that she herself might be ap- 
 pointed Eegent, I went there with M. Ybry, one 
 of my railway colleagues. At the door we saw a 
 woman, smeared with blood, mounted on the 
 horse of a Garde Municipal. She was dressed 
 in a soldier's coat and was brandishing a loaded 
 horse-pistol. I went up to her, took the pistol 
 out of her hand, and uncocked it, and was 
 cheered by the mob. 
 
 When we got into the Chamber the tumult 
 was indescribable. One revolutionist after 
 another mounted the tribune. The place was
 
 APPEAL OF THE DUCHESSE D'OELISaNS 117 
 
 a perfect Babel. The great niajority of the 
 Deputies were favourable to the Duchess's claira ; 
 but a great many strangers had obtained admis- 
 sion to the x^ssembly, and urged the abolition of 
 royalty and the establishment of a Provisional 
 Grovernment. M. de Lamartine was considered 
 to express the general opinion when he ex- 
 claimed : ' It is one of the most touching spec- 
 tacles in human annals to see this august Prin- 
 cess defending the rights of her innocent son, 
 and leaving her empty palace in order to appeal 
 to the representatives of the nation.' 
 
 The Duchesse d' Orleans confronted the 
 Assembly from a prominent position, and sur- 
 veyed the scene with the greatest courage. She 
 twice attempted to address some words to the 
 Deputies, but the uproar was so great that she 
 could not be heard. Afraid lest some personal 
 insult should be offered to her, I elbowed my 
 way, with M. Ybry, as near as I could to her, 
 and we helped Colonel Montguyon and M. Lipp- 
 mann to find her children, who had got separated 
 from her in the crush. The crowd gave way, 
 and the Duchesse escaped. She sought refuge 
 at the house of her friend the Comtesse Anatole 
 de Montesquieu at Bligny, but, when it became 
 obvious that all hope of restoration was gone, she
 
 118 SIK EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 decided to follow the rest of the royal family 
 into exile. 
 
 Meanwhile, as soon as the Duchesse had 
 safely quitted the Assembly, I ran to the 
 British Embassy, and on arriving there was so 
 excited that I was unable to speak for some 
 moments. Then I told Lord Normanby what had 
 occurred ; and I had scarcely done so before one 
 of the Attaches — if I remember rightly, it was 
 Sir William Stuart, afterwards Minister-Pleni- 
 potentiary at Athens, who died not long ago 
 — hurried into the room and corroborated my 
 statement. A few days later, I busied myself 
 in getting members of the royal family and the 
 ex-Ministers of Louis Philippe — MM. Guizot, 
 Thiers, Delessert (Prefet de Police), and Dumont 
 — to England. I asked for passports for them 
 to be given in English names ; but it was hinted 
 to me that it would be better to put them in the 
 names of inhabitants of Guernsey or Jersey, as 
 they spoke French and there was less chance of 
 detection. I accompanied the Ministers to 
 Boulogne, and thus saw them follow the King 
 and the Royal Princes and Princesses into 
 exile. 
 
 The first act of the Revolutionary Govern- 
 ment was to get rid of the Chambre des Pairs.
 
 CAERYIXG CAVAIGNAC'S OEDEES TO AMIENS 119 
 
 Neither the authority of M. Eoyer-CoUard nor 
 the eloquence of M. Thiers could save it, though 
 responsible statesmen, like the Due de Broglie, 
 did not disguise their fears when the Act which 
 abolished the Chambre des Pairs was passed. 
 'Avec les Pairs, la Koyaute s'en va,' said the 
 Due de Broglie when the final vote was given, 
 which deprived the Monarchy of July of its 
 soundest support. 
 
 The early days of the Republic of 1848 were 
 rather troubled, and the Phrygian cap had not 
 long ago replaced the royal arms of France, 
 when the moderates found themselves at war 
 -^ivdth the extremists and an attempt was made, 
 as later in 1871, to establish a commune in 
 Paris. 
 
 When the fight between General Cavaignac 
 and the Red Republicans began in the spring of 
 1848, 1 was one day at the Chamber of Deputies, 
 when a remarkable incident occurred. General 
 Cavaignac was not merely Minister of War, but 
 virtual dictator. On the occasion in question, in 
 the midst of a crowd of deputies, military' men, 
 and officials, in one of the lobbies, he held up a 
 paper and said, ' Is there anybody here who 
 will take a despatch to Amiens ? ' At first 
 nobody came forward; but after a pause a gentle-
 
 120 SIE EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 man present offered his services, and then passed 
 the difficult mission on to me, whom, as a rail- 
 way man, he considered the right man for it ; 
 and I, acting on the impulse of the moment, 
 undertook to make the journey. It was a case 
 of the utmost urgency — the bringing of troops, 
 in fact, to Paris, to quell the insurgents. I did 
 not go home, but started immediately as I was. 
 I hastened first of all to the manager's office 
 of the North of France Eailway, to ask him to 
 allow me to have a locomotive on which to 
 make the journey. He said, ' You are mad to 
 think of it ; ' but he gave me an order to get 
 an engine, if I could make my way by hook or 
 by crook to the railway workshops, which were 
 at La Chapelle. 
 
 I was accompanied by M. Chevalier, brother 
 of Michel Chevalier, the eminent political econo- 
 mist and free-trader, subsequently private secre- 
 tary of Napoleon III., and went immediately to 
 the Gare du Nord, where I was told that I could 
 go no further, as the terminus was already in the 
 hands of the insurgents. I then told an untruth, 
 and said that I was carrying despatches to the 
 English Government ; and through this assump- 
 tion of diplomatic personality I contrived to get 
 past those who would otherwise have opposed
 
 A NAEEOW ESCAPE 121 
 
 me, and proceeded alone to La Chapelle, keeping 
 all the time by the side of the line. I crept 
 along the ditch by the side of the permanent 
 way, and as I went under the first bridge a shot 
 was fired at me, which whizzed past in un- 
 pleasant proximity to my ear. 
 
 When I got to the workshops at La Chapelle, 
 I found a lot of enginemen and stokers hard at 
 work, and when I asked them what they were 
 doing, they replied, ' Making gun-cotton.' While 
 I was there an engine-driver pulled me by the 
 coat and said, ' Je voiis connais.'' For the moment 
 I felt taken aback and rather alarmed ; but he 
 whispered, ' Go down the line, and I will come 
 and fetch you.' I did so, and waited at a 
 distance of about half a mile beyond the fortifica- 
 tions. Here I was attacked by a cantonnier^ but 
 I quickly got rid of him by sending him flying 
 down the embankment. 
 
 The engine-driver came up with a loco- 
 motive, and I got safely to Pontoise. There 
 were only the two of us on the engine, and when 
 we arrived at that place the insurgents tried to 
 stop us ; but the sub-prefect put three or four 
 men of the Garde Nationale on to the engine, 
 and the attempt to wreck it was thus prevented. 
 We then proceeded, and got to Amiens in about
 
 122 SIE EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 seven hours. As soon as I arrived in that city, 
 I went to the Prefecture, and had an interview 
 with the Prefet, who was well acquainted with 
 me, as we had met many times in previous years 
 in connection with the construction of the rail- 
 way. He was utterly astounded at seeing me, 
 and declared that he could not understand how 
 ever I had contrived to get through from Paris. 
 I told him that I had brought him a despatch 
 from General Cavaignac, which was concealed in 
 my shoe, and when challenged on the road I had 
 professed that my mission was a diplomatic one 
 to the English Government. 
 
 He immediately sent for the general in 
 command of the district, and told him that he 
 must despatch as large a force as possible to 
 Paris without any delay. No time was lost ; the 
 troops, fully equipped, were quickly on the rail, 
 and as the crisis was great, not only the whole 
 of the garrison of Amiens but all the military 
 division as well were sent. 
 
 The number of men forwarded must have 
 been between thirty and forty thousand. I went 
 myself by the first train, and we got through to 
 St. Denis without any difficulty. On our arrival 
 there, however, we were told that the rest of the 
 road to Paris, which ran all the way through a
 
 EAILWAY MENACED BY THE INSUEGENTS 123 
 
 cutting, was in the hands of the insurgents. It 
 was decided to stop the train at St. Denis and 
 to keep the trains there until the arrival of orders 
 from Paris. The general in command accepted 
 my oJB[er to take despatches into Paris, and I 
 made my way on foot to the railway works at 
 La Chapelle, where I met M. Ybry, mj^ colleague 
 at the railway, who also happened to be the 
 ma3'or of my arrondissement, and who accom- 
 panied me through the dangerous quarter between 
 La Chapelle and the Chamber of Deputies. We 
 had hardly started when we were challenged by 
 an insurgent, who had mounted guard on the 
 top of one of the bridges of Montmartre. We 
 got into the ditch, but a shot from his rifle 
 whistled uncomfortably near my ears. 
 
 On reaching the Chamber, I hastened to 
 give General Cavaignac an account of my 
 mission, and to inform him that the first train- 
 load of troops, who were to be followed by others 
 in quick succession, were awaiting orders at St. 
 Denis. He gave me an order to the colonel of 
 Dragoons to send immediately one of his soldiers 
 to the place where the troops which had come 
 from Amiens were waiting, with instructions to 
 the general commanding to enter Paris without 
 delay. The colonel of Dragoons simply told me
 
 124 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 that he would not carry out such instructions, 
 and handed me back General Cavaignac's letter. 
 
 Things were obviously getting worse and 
 worse, and Cavaignac could not even count upon 
 the relatively small number of soldiers who were 
 inside Paris. As to the Garde Nationale, it was 
 an open secret that they were in sympathy with 
 the insurgents. I naturally felt much fatigued 
 after my journey, and could not go back to St. 
 Denis with Cavaignac's orders. I therefore went 
 home, and sent my coachman to the general 
 in command of the troops whom I had left in 
 the railway-cutting. He fulfilled the mission, 
 and the troops from Amiens began to enter Paris 
 the same night. 
 
 Next morning I went as usual to the Western 
 Eailway, where I spent the day. On returning 
 home in the evening I was stopped at the entrance 
 of the Faubourg St. Honore, Paris being en 
 etat cle sidge, and was challenged by a sentry. I 
 had unfortunately forgotten the password. The 
 officer on guard said he could not let me pass, 
 or send an escort to take me home. However, 
 other people came up, and I listened attentively 
 to what they said, and at last, after an hour or 
 so, I heard some one say ' Caesar ' — a strangely 
 ominous password, by the way, when one re-
 
 THE MOT D'OEDEE 125 
 
 members that the revolution of 1848 led to the 
 coup d'etat of December 2 and to the Ceesarian 
 regime of Napoleon III. I at once went forward, 
 and told the officer in command that I had just 
 remembered the mot cVordre^ and so got home 
 at last. 
 
 The state of siege was most stringent. 
 Everybody who had windows looking on the 
 street was compelled to keep his shutters closed. 
 No carriages were allowed in the streets, except 
 official ones, which were provided with a special 
 permit. I ventured out once, with Lord Pem- 
 broke and my wife, to go to the British embassy 
 in order to inform Lord Normanby of my adven- 
 ture in getting to Amiens and back. We were 
 going by the Place Beauvau, and when close to 
 the Elysee were stopped by a drummer-boy, 
 who made his Lordship take off his hat, felt him 
 all over, and also examined my wife, who was 
 indignant at such treatment. I naturally passed 
 through the same ordeal. I now considered 
 my mission for the French Government at an 
 end, and I went regularly to my oflice and 
 attended to my own business. 
 
 The immediate cause of this tremendous 
 rising — which has become known to history as 
 ' les Journees de Juin,' and was only put down
 
 126 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 after the bloodiest and most severe fighting the 
 streets of Paris have ever seen — was the madcap 
 institution of tlie AteHers Nationaux. In con- 
 sequence of the economic crisis caused by the 
 revolution, the exile of Louis Philippe, and the 
 uncertainty as to what was going to happen, 
 employers of labour naturally stopped all the 
 works they could stop, thus throwing into the 
 streets thousands of hungry and penniless men, 
 who were a source of danger to the Government 
 and to public safety. Under the inspiration of 
 dogmatic visionnaires like Louis Blanc and 
 Emile Thomas, the Provisional Government 
 created the Ateliers Nationaux, at the head of 
 which the two above-named gentlemen were 
 placed, and in which crowds were set to useless 
 and unproductive tasks, for which they were 
 paid out of the Treasury. Thousands, for in- 
 stance, were employed in the shifting of sand, 
 mounds of which surrounded the Champ de 
 Mars, from one place to another, under the 
 supervision of Louis Blanc, who had secured 
 a place in the Provisional Government. I went 
 out of curiosity to see this odd form of organised 
 labour, and upon asking a workman what they 
 would do next, he dryly remarked : ' Probable- 
 ment mettre la Seine en bouteilles.'
 
 LOUIS PHILIPPE IN EXILE 127 
 
 The cost of these works was enormous. It 
 was calculated that at one time more than 
 120,000 men were thus employed. The finances 
 of the country were being ruined by the main- 
 tenance of such numbers in practical idleness at 
 the expense of the State. The National Assem- 
 bly, which followed the Provisional Government, 
 afraid at the vast increase of taxation, decided to 
 abolish the Ateliers Nationaux. This decision 
 highly incensed the crowds who had found easily 
 earned wages under the aegis of Louis Blanc. 
 Frequent collisions took place between the 
 ' national labourers ' and the military, which 
 culminated in a regular rebellion. 
 
 My sympathies were always with the House 
 of Orleans, and I had the honour of paying my 
 respects to Louis Philippe in exile. I remember 
 one day, at dinner at Claremont, that the King 
 said : ' If it were not for the generosity of the 
 Queen of England, I should not have either this 
 house to cover my head, or the plate, or any- 
 thing which is on the table.' It was commonly 
 supposed that the King was very rich ; but that 
 at least was not the case in his exile, for all his 
 property in France had been forfeited and 
 sequestrated. There appeared in ' Punch,' at 
 the time of Louis Philippe's arrival in England,
 
 123 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 a cartoon which caused some sensation, and 
 which depicted representative Englishmen doing 
 homage to Louis Phihppe when they thought 
 he was rich, and on the other side turning 
 their backs upon him when they found he was 
 poor. One accusation brought against Louis 
 Phihppe was that he intrigued to gain the 
 throne of France from the elder branch of the 
 royal family. I have some doubts whether 
 this was the case. Indeed, I know that he 
 resisted, as long as ever he possibly could, the 
 idea of taking the crown. 
 
 Louis Philippe once said to me that royalties 
 ought not to show themselves too much in 
 public. He thought that they ought to speak, 
 like ancient oracles, from behind a curtain, 
 since without the old trappings of royalty they 
 were apt to seem commonplace to the multitude . 
 The people, Louis Philippe thought, were 
 inclined to grow careless about kings when they 
 saw them at close quarters, just like other men. 
 A curious remark this, from the lips of the 
 ' bourgeois ' king, who has ever had the reputa- 
 tion of doing more than any sovereign to demo- 
 cratise royalty, so to speak. But the words were 
 uttered in his exile. 
 
 The year 1848 was memorable in England as
 
 THE CHAETIST EIOTS 129 
 
 well as in France, though happily nothing more 
 serious happened in London than political 
 tumult. I was on this side of the Channel in 
 that eventful month of April, and caught at 
 least a passing glimpse of the Chartist agitation, 
 when Feargus O'Connor was a nine-days' w^onder. 
 The success of the revolution in France had led 
 the more fiery spirits among the advocates of the 
 ' People's Charter ' to believe that a decisive 
 attempt on the part of the London mob would 
 result in the capitulation of Parliament, and in 
 the passing of the ' Six Articles,' whilst not a few 
 of the leaders of the movement already pictured 
 themselves getting as easily into the seats of 
 Lord John Kussell and of Lord Palmerston as 
 Louis Blanc and Emile Thomas had got into the 
 seats of Guizot and of his colleagues, 
 
 A monster meeting of half a million people 
 had been announced for the 10th of April on 
 Kennington Common, from which place they 
 were to march on the House of Commons, to 
 present a petition, alleged to have been signed by 
 six uiillion people, praying Parliament to grant 
 the ' Six Articles.' It was an open secret that 
 the intention of the leaders was to invade the 
 precincts of the House, and to get forcible 
 possession of the seat of government. Great 
 
 K
 
 130 SIK EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 alarm prevailed in London. The meeting on 
 Kennington Common was prohibited, the mili- 
 tary were called out, and an appeal was made 
 to all willing citizens to come forward and enrol 
 themselves as special constables, whilst measures 
 were taken for the defence of buildings which 
 were supposed to run special risk. I remember 
 taking some of my French friends, who happened 
 to be in England at the time, to visit a few of 
 the chief banks of the City. They were greatly 
 surprised on being shown in each establishment 
 a sort of emergency arsenal, filled with con- 
 stables' staves, for the use of the clerks in case 
 of a riot. Later in the same day I took them 
 to the Keform Club, where these weapons of 
 defence were again stocked for the use of the 
 members. 
 
 One of the special constables, whom we 
 met on that occasion, was the late Charles 
 Pelham Villiers, M.P., with whom I was for 
 years on terms of intimacy, and whom I never 
 failed to visit when in London, as long as he 
 was able to receive callers. We also came across 
 Frederick Byng, and a large number of the stal- 
 warts of the Liberal party, who were acting as 
 emergency policemen. 
 
 There was a reign of terror in London on
 
 A DISTINGUISHED SPECIAL CONSTABLE 131 
 
 the night before April 10. Many mansions 
 were barricaded, and the streets of the West End 
 were deserted, except for the vahant special 
 constables, foremost amongst whom was Prince 
 Louis Napoleon, the future Emperor of the 
 French, who mounted guard in the neighbour- 
 hood of Grosvenor Square, with Lord Ashley 
 (who afterwards, as the Earl of Shaftesbury, 
 became famous as a philanthropist) for a com- 
 panion. 
 
 I can remember the masked battery which 
 the Duke of Wellington erected at the end of 
 Westminster Bridge, in order to protect the 
 Houses of Parliament and the Government 
 offices from the threatened vengeance of the 
 Kennington Common mob. On the fateful day, 
 barely forty or fifty thousand people, instead of 
 the promised half -million, assembled on the Com- 
 mon, and at the last moment the march to the 
 Houses of Parliament was abandoned, and the 
 rain — that queller of dmeutes, as I have seen 
 frequently in Paris — contributed largely to dis- 
 perse the crowd. The power of Chartism did 
 not survive this gigantic failure, and the showing 
 up of the famous Petition, which the crowd was 
 to take to Parliament, three-fourths of the 
 signatures of which turned out to be forgeries or 
 
 K 2
 
 132 SIE EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 names of non-existent persons, put a speedy end 
 to the agitation. 
 
 When, however, the excitement was still at 
 its height, and Feargus O'Connor still in his 
 glory, I met in the Strand, by the entrance to 
 Somerset House, a group of French sympathisers 
 with the Chartists, who had come to London to 
 help their cause. Their leader was M. Olinde 
 Kodrigues, w^hom I knew as an old adherent of 
 Saint-Simonism. As I passed he was getting up 
 on a chair and beginning to harangue the crowd. 
 A policeman told him to hold his tongue and get 
 down ; he refused to do either, whereupon there 
 was a scuffle. The officer pulled him down and 
 struck him with his truncheon, but I have no 
 knowledge whether he posed next in the police 
 court as a martyr of liberty. 
 
 But let us return to France.
 
 133 
 
 CHAPTEE VIII 
 
 THE EARLY DAYS OF THE SECOND EMPIRE 
 
 The Eevolution of 1848 paved the way for 
 the reahsation of Prince Louis Napoleon's 
 dreams. Eight years previously, he had made 
 his historic descent on the coast of France, at 
 Boulogne, where he landed with a couple of 
 dozen companions, and a tame eagle, which was 
 supposed to represent the Napoleonic legend, and 
 which, as he grandiloquently stated in his pro- 
 clamation to the people, was destined to fly from 
 tower to tower until it reached the pinnacles of 
 Notre-Dame. The enterprise ended ignomini- 
 ously, by the death of the tame eagle and the 
 arrest and imprisonment of the pretender. He 
 remained in the Castle of Ham for six years, 
 and then escaped, disguised as a workman 
 carrying a plank upon his shoulder. 
 
 At that epoch there was a large issue made of 
 false Exchequer bonds, in which some London 
 financial houses were implicated. It was sup- 
 posed that the money was raised in order to pay
 
 134 SIE EDWAKD BLOUNT 
 
 the expenses of Prince Louis Napoleon's expedi- 
 tion to France, and he was accused, though quite 
 unjustly, of knowing something of the affair. 
 
 After the Kevolution of 1848 he offered his 
 services to the Provisional Government ; but their 
 only reply was the introduction of a measure 
 specially directed against him, and perpetually 
 exiling him from France. Ominously enough, 
 the Chambers refused to vote such a measure, 
 and he was returned to the National Assembly 
 by five departments. After the June riots he 
 came forward as the candidate of law and order 
 for the Presidency of the Ptepublic, and was 
 elected by the votes of five and a half milhons of 
 electors over the heads of General Cavaignac, the 
 queller of the riots, who got hardly over a milHon 
 votes, and of Lamartine the poet, chief of the 
 Provisional Government, who got only a few 
 thousands. He was not the man, however, ' to 
 rest and be thankful,' and before long there was 
 a dramatic turn of events. 
 
 Once, when I was alone with the President 
 of the Eepublic at the Elysee, looking out of 
 the window into the garden, I saw, chalked 
 upon a sentry-box, the broad hint of a soldier 
 to Napoleon : ' Finissez-en ! faites-vous Em- 
 pereur ! '
 
 THE COUP D'ETAT 135 
 
 I frequently saw the President at the Elysee, 
 and on one occasion went with a deputation from 
 Boulogne to ask that the postal service between 
 England and France should be sent from Dover 
 to Boulogne, instead of to Calais. M. Adam, 
 Mayor of Boulogne, was the head of the deputa- 
 tion, and it so happened that he was the very 
 man who had arrested Napoleon when he made 
 his descent with the tame eagle on the French 
 coast. Napoleon recognised him, and said, as he 
 shook hands : ' I hope you are not coming on 
 the same mission as before.' M. Adam, I ought 
 perhaps to say, was associated with myself and 
 other Englishmen in connection with the Bou- 
 logne and Amiens Railway, opened before the 
 railway which now links the latter city with 
 Paris. 
 
 .When the Coup cVEtat took place, the 
 members of the Provisional Government were 
 naturally in a hurry to leave France, and 
 particularly M. Ledru-Kollin and M. Caussidi6re. 
 Most of them went to London, whereas political 
 exiles they watched the progress of events. 
 Ledru-Rollin had in former years taken the most 
 gloomy views of the future of England in a book 
 entitled ' La Decadence de I'Angleterre.' I 
 met him in London, shortly after the Cou})
 
 136 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 d'Etat, and asked him whether he was still of 
 the same opinion. He repHed, 'Not in the 
 least so. My views are completely changed by 
 what I have seen in your comitry. The system 
 of government is magnificent, and I am particu- 
 larly impressed by the efficiency of your poor- 
 laws.' The EngHsh system for the rehef of 
 distress thus appealed powerfully to a colleague of 
 M. Louis Blanc and a member of a Government 
 of brilhant men, who had found nothing better 
 for the relief of distress than the Ateliers 
 Nationaux, and the shifting of sand mounds on 
 the Champ de Mars. 
 
 Ledru-EoUin studied thoroughly the institu- 
 tions of this country, both in their political and 
 economic aspects, and became a great admirer 
 of England. M. Caussidiere, when in London, 
 lodged in Leicester Square, and made a modest 
 livelihood as a wine merchant. He called on 
 Lord Brougham to solicit custom, and the latter 
 jocosely exclaimed : ' You said in the Chamber 
 of Deputies, M. Caussidiere, that you made order 
 out of chaos. Pray, what do you make your 
 wine out of ? ' 
 
 Although a friend of Louis Napoleon in his 
 youth at Eome, whilst in exile in London, and 
 when President of the EepubHc, I did not
 
 CLAEEMONT 137 
 
 frequent his Court when he became Emperor bj^ 
 the Coiq:) cVEtat of December 2, 1851. I felt 
 I owed a debt of gratitude to Louis PhiHppe, 
 under whose government some of my most 
 important work in France had been done, and 
 from whom I had ever received signal marks of 
 appreciation. It was my habit, whenever I 
 went to England, to go to Claremont to pay my 
 respects to the exiled King, and to see M. Paton, 
 his secretary, a man of infinite wit, who was 
 most faithful to the Orleans family, and whose 
 companionship helped to brighten the heavy 
 monotony of exile for the old Sovereign. My 
 relations with the official w^orld, especially in 
 the early years of the Empire, were only such as 
 I could not help having, and my reminiscences 
 of those days are not, therefore, so full as some 
 of my readers might expect. 
 
 Napoleon III. believed in a spirited foreign 
 policy. He' knew that if his dynasty was to 
 endure he must heighten the prestige of France 
 abroad. ' L'Empire c'est la Paix,' the cry 
 by which the peaceful populations of France, 
 tired of useless revolutions and apprehensive 
 of the fitful outbursts of Paris, had been won 
 over to the acceptance of the Coup cVEtaty 
 soon turned (uit but a delusion and a snare.
 
 138 SIE EDWAKD BLOUNT 
 
 Napoleon III. had hardly been sitting on the 
 throne for two years when the Crimean war 
 broke out. The attitude of the Czar Nicholas, 
 in the matter of the secular difficulties between 
 Greeks and Latins in Jerusalem, and his claim 
 to be recognised as the official protector of the 
 Greek Christians in the Holy Land, gave Napo- 
 leon an opportunity of reasserting the old claims 
 of France to the protectorate of Christian 
 missions and settlements in the Levant, and in 
 the East. By the advice of the Emperor of 
 the French the Sultan refused to acknowledge 
 Nicholas's pretensions. 
 
 England, which had no particular desire to 
 see Eussia at Constantinople, and, moreover, was 
 getting rather uneasy at the increase of the 
 Eussian fleet, joined hands with Napoleon. 
 When Nicholas, refusing to submit his claim to 
 the Vienna Conference, to which it had been 
 referred by the Governments guaranteeing the 
 integrity of Turkey, marched his troops into 
 Turkish territory, war was declared. With the 
 death of Nicholas and the fall of Sebastopol, the 
 unsatisfactory peace of Paris brought hostilities 
 to a close ; but nobody was satisfied. Indeed, the 
 relations between England and France became 
 so cold, owing to Napoleon having compelled
 
 THE BATTLE OF SOLFERINO 139 
 
 the British to make peace before they had 
 attained the object for which they supported 
 him in the Crimea, viz. the destruction of the 
 Eussian fleet, that it looked at one time as 
 though the allies of Inkermann were going to 
 turn on each other. The attempt of Orsini, and 
 the refusal of England to expel political agitators 
 and even anarchists, or to legislate against 
 them, nearly brought matters to a crisis ; but 
 events in Italy were moving so fast that they 
 soon engrossed the attention of the French, to 
 the exclusion of everything else. The secret 
 understanding between Napoleon and Victor 
 Emmanuel, under which Nice and Savoy were 
 to be handed to France in exchange for her 
 support in freeing Italy from the Austrian 
 dominion, soon leaked out, and when, early in 
 1859, Austria forced the situation by ordering 
 Victor Emmanuel to reduce his army and 
 dismiss his volunteers. Napoleon was enabled to 
 announce, in words that have become historic, 
 his intention of ' freeing Italy from the Alps to 
 the Adriatic' 
 
 I was in Verona on June 24, 1859, when 
 the battle of Solferino was in progress, and 
 can vividly recall the terrible suspense, in that 
 city, whilst the fortunes of the day were still
 
 140 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 undecided. As an Englishman, I was allowed to 
 cross the frontier from France to Italy. I was 
 the only person connected with the South 
 Austrian Kail way who was in Verona at that 
 crisis. On my journey I passed Magenta, where 
 the Austrians and the French, the latter under 
 Marshal MacMahon, fought almost a drawn 
 battle on June 4. Though the result was in- 
 decisive, the Austrians lost nearly 10,000 men 
 and the French between 4,000 and 5,000. I 
 saw in the cuttings, along the railway, the 
 bodies of hundreds of men who had been killed 
 in the battle lying half-buried. In Verona itself, 
 I was an eyewitness of much pitiful confusion 
 in the Austrian arrangements; for instance, 
 a train loaded with provisions was emptied 
 by the orders of a colonel, who filled the trucks 
 with his own regiment — and at that period, in 
 Austria, the regiments were almost the property 
 of the colonel ; but it was deplorable to witness 
 such short-sighted neglect of the needs of the 
 army at the front. 
 
 On July 1, just a week after Solferino, 
 I visited the battle-field, and shall never forget 
 the sight. The carnage had been frightful. 
 The Austrians lost in killed and wounded 13,000 
 men, and the French 10,000. Even at a distance
 
 VICTOE EMMANUEL AND CAVOUE 141 
 
 of seven miles, the stench was horrible, and 
 imagination at its best, or worst, could scarcely 
 exaggerate the horror of the scene. A few days 
 later the French marched into Milan, and never 
 did an army look in such admirable condition. 
 I had arrived in the city shortly before 
 the entry of the French troops, and in the 
 evening of their arrival went to the opera at the 
 Scala, where in the same box with me were 
 some French officers. I was not long in dis- 
 covering from their conversation that they were 
 on the very worst terms with their comrades 
 in arms, the Italians. 
 
 Meanwhile Milan was freed and Lombardy 
 won, and Cavour, more than any one else, was 
 the hero of the hour. Victor Emmanuel fully 
 recognised this fact, and laughingly declared 
 that, when driving with Cavour through the 
 streets, he felt like the tenor at the opera when 
 called upon to lead the prima donna to the front 
 to receive the homage of the audience. 
 
 After the battle of Solferino, Napoleon was 
 master of the situation, and when he found that 
 the public rejoicings over the victory were 
 linked with aspirations after national unity in 
 Italy, he determined to cut short the war. His 
 idea had never been to have a united Italy. All
 
 142 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 he wanted south of the Alps was a number of 
 small independent states, united by the thin 
 bond of a confederacy, but divided by petty 
 jealousies and rivalries, and powerless for good 
 or evil. A confederacy of this nature existed 
 in Germany, another in Switzerland, and a 
 third in Italy would have completed a pro- 
 tective belt round the homogeneous, powerful, 
 and solid French Empire, in whose sphere of 
 influence it would have moved, and under whose 
 control it would practically have been. The 
 two Emperors met on July 11 at Villafranca, 
 and, to the intense mortification of Cavour, the 
 preHminaries of peace were drawn up, without 
 even the presence of Victor Emmanuel. Lom- 
 bardy was ceded to Sardinia, but Austria 
 retained Venetia and the fortresses of Mantua, 
 whilst France took Nice and Savoy, and the 
 Grand Duke of Tuscany and the Duke of 
 Modena were restored to power. It was officially 
 announced, moreover, that the Emperor of 
 Austria and the Emperor of the French would 
 ' favour the creation of an Italian Confederation 
 under the Holy Father.' 
 
 Two or three days after the armistice of 
 Villafranca, the Emperor Napoleon, who was 
 accompanied by his secretary, the Duke de
 
 THE CONFEKENCE AT VERONA 143 
 
 Gramont, and by M. Pietri, had an interview at 
 Verona with Victor Emmanuel and Cavour. I 
 happened to be in Verona, at the time the 
 conference was held, with M. Talabot, the 
 eminent French engineer, and we were waiting 
 to have an audience of the Emperor in connec- 
 tion with the Austro-Italian railways at the 
 very moment when the King of Piedmont and 
 his minister were engaged with Napoleon. At 
 one point in the discussion Victor Emmanuel and 
 Cavour left the room for the purpose of a private 
 consultation, and I saw Victor Emmanuel, as 
 the door was closed behind him, turn round 
 and shake his fist against the room where the 
 Emperor of the French and his secretary were 
 sitting, making use of some violent expletives, 
 as was his wont, against Napoleon. 
 
 On the conclusion of this peace, which ignored 
 the aspirations of the Italian people, their indig- 
 nation knew no bounds, and they determined 
 to work out their own redemption, and did so, 
 as all the world knows, in the autumn of 1860, 
 when Victor Emmanuel was proclaimed King of 
 Italy. 
 
 I knew Cavour long before this, for he fre- 
 quently called at my office in Paris when I was 
 in partnership, in the forties, with M. Charles
 
 144 SIK EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 Laffitte, who was one of his old acquaintances. 
 I always regarded him as a shrewd, astute man. 
 He was of homely manners and plain appearance; 
 his conversation, which was vigorous and intelli- 
 gent, was enlivened by caustic wit. I met him 
 frequently at dinner at the house of his brother, 
 who was the Itahan Senator. The latter was a 
 most devout Cathohc, and his outlook on life 
 was altogether different. 
 
 After the conclusion of peace, I had frequent 
 opportunities of meeting Cavour at Turin, at 
 the house of Sir James Hudson, the Enghsh 
 Minister. He was far from working smoothly 
 with the Itahan agitators of the period, and 
 especially with Garibaldi, who never forgave 
 him the cession of Nice and Savoy to France. 
 He was essentially a statesman, and as such 
 understood the necessities of a pohcy of give and 
 take in international relations. After Garibaldi's 
 expedition to Naples and Sicily, Cavour found 
 himself obliged to send an army into the Papal 
 States, for, if he had not done so, Garibaldi, 
 Dictator of the two Sicilies, would have 
 invaded the domains of the Church, and created 
 a situation which might mean European in- 
 tervention, and endanger the possibility of 
 uniting Italy. Napoleon III. forbade the taking
 
 GAEIBALDI IN LONDON 145 
 
 of Rome, but I gathered from Cavour's con- 
 versation that he would not in any case have 
 taken Home, for he always said : ' You must 
 leave a people something to cry for.' Moreover, 
 his motto w^as ' La Chiesa libera nello Stato 
 libero,' and he knew enough of his countrymen 
 to understand that, in the prevailing temper 
 of Italy, neither the Church nor the State would 
 have the liberty, which is a necessity of their 
 existence, if Rome was wrested by force from 
 the Pope. 
 
 Two or three years later— to be exact, in the 
 spring of 1864 — T was in London, and witnessed, 
 from the windows of the Reform Club, the 
 progress of Garibaldi through the streets, and 
 the enthusiasm of the people. Mr. Doulton, of 
 Lambeth, the head of the great pottery esta- 
 blishment, led the procession on horseback, and 
 was followed by the Duchess of Sutherland in a 
 landau, with Garibaldi seated by her side. I 
 had seen him at Turin in 1859, and had been 
 introduced to him, somewhat against my wish, 
 by Baron Ricasoli, the Italian Premier. 
 
 Garibaldi was, as everybody knows, a con- 
 dottiere, dressed always in uniform, scarlet and 
 blue. As the procession passed the Reform 
 Club, the band which accompanied Garibaldi 
 
 L
 
 146 SIE EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 was playing * La Marseillaise.' John Bright, 
 who was also at the window, asked : ' What 
 tune is that ? ' I mischievously answered ' The 
 Eogue's March.' Bright looked round sharply, 
 and exclaimed : ' Who said that ? ' I repHed : 
 ' I did ; ' but Mr. Bright said no more, and the 
 matter dropped. 
 
 After the Austro-Italian war of 1859, and 
 the annexation of the Papal States to the king- 
 dom of Italy, I was charged, as banker to the 
 Papal Government, to arrange the transfer of 
 the financial Habilities of the Papal States to 
 the new Italian Government and the conversion 
 of the Papal debt. The negotiations took place 
 in Paris, and for this purpose I was in com- 
 munication with the Papal Nuncio, Cardinal 
 Chigi, and with Count Nigra, the Itahan Am- 
 bassador in Paris, who was not only a dis- 
 tinguished diplomatist, but also a UtUrateur, 
 highly appreciated for his works on Italian 
 poetry. The task was a most delicate one, and 
 all the more difficult as the two plenipotentiaries 
 would not meet face to face, and I had to go 
 from the one to the other to act as an inter- 
 mediary. 
 
 The Italian Government took over the Papal 
 debt, and after long and most tedious negotiations
 
 THE PAPAL DEBT 147 
 
 the terms were agreed upon ; but when the 
 draft agreement was submitted to the pleni- 
 potentiaries it was found to commence with the 
 words ' Between the Roman Government under 
 Pius IX., and the Itahan States, represented 
 by Victor Emmanuel, King of Italy.' When 
 Cardinal Chigi saw this, he protested in most 
 vehement terms, refused positively to sign the 
 document, and broke off all negotiations, saying 
 he would never recognise the claims of Victor 
 Emmanuel to be called King of Italy. It then 
 came to my recollection that, in order to 
 get out of a similar difficulty with Austria, 
 after the Peace of Verona, Cavour proposed 
 that the Austrian States which were to be 
 ceded to the new Italian kingdom should be 
 transferred to France and by France to Italy. 
 I followed this precedent, and so terminated 
 the deadlock. 
 
 My banking house was charged with the 
 execution of all the details of the conversion of 
 the debt. It was a very laborious affair, worse 
 perhaps than any conversion of Public Debt 
 which has since taken place, as religious feeling 
 and sentimentality were mixed with finance. 
 Nearly all the holders of the Papal stock accepted 
 the arrangement, but some refused to do so and 
 
 L 2
 
 148 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 destroyed their bonds, preferring to lose their 
 property rather than to take the Itahan paper. 
 This was a great error, even from their point 
 of view, because in doing so they benefited the 
 Itahan Government. But their outraged feehngs 
 prevented them from seeing this, and there was 
 no reasoning with them. 
 
 The question then arose whether the Itahan 
 Bonds which my bank held to exchange for 
 Papal Bonds, and were not so exchanged 
 owing to this scruple of some holders of Papal 
 Bonds, should go back to the Itahan Govern- 
 ment or be handed over to the Vatican. I 
 claimed the latter, but Count Nigra objected, 
 and the point was submitted for arbitration to 
 the French tribunals, who decided against my 
 contention. The Papal Court paid me a com- 
 mission for the work done, and this I also 
 considered advisable to settle by arbitration. 
 
 My relations with Cardinal Chigi dated from 
 a very early period. I first knew him when I 
 was attached to the consulate in Eome in 1829. 
 He was a member of an old and noble Eoman 
 family, and used in those days to attend balls 
 and other social functions, and was very popular 
 in Eoman society. I afterwards knew him in 
 Paris at various periods, after he had taken holy
 
 CAEDINAL CHIGI AND M. DAEU 149 
 
 orders and had become a priest. He was, for a 
 time, attached to the Papal Nunciature in the 
 French capital, and finally became Nuncio him- 
 self. He had an hotel in the Eue St. Dominique, 
 where he frequently received, and was a great 
 favourite with the aristocratic and Legitimist 
 society of the Faubourg St. Grermain. 
 
 One night, at a numerously attended official 
 reception, when diplomatic discussions were in 
 progress, I was asked to take a message from the 
 Nuncio to M. Thouvenel, the French Minister for 
 Foreign Affairs, who was at the moment in the 
 same room. It was about the evacuation of 
 Eome by the French troops, which was then 
 under consideration by the French Government. 
 The Nuncio remarked that Daru was an im- 
 becile, and Thouvenel retorted that the Nuncio 
 was an ass. Thus my efforts came to an un- 
 timely end, at least for the moment. 
 
 The relations between Paris and Rome were 
 rather strained, owing particularly to the attitude 
 adopted by General Goyon, who was in com- 
 mand of the French troops garrisoning Rome, 
 and missed no opportunity of making Pius 
 IX. feel that he was of no account in his own 
 capital. I remember, on the occasion of a grand 
 celebration at St. Peter's, the service being
 
 150 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 delayed and an immense crowd kept waiting a 
 long time for no reason in particular except that 
 it pleased the French commander to show at 
 this moment that he w^as master of the situa- 
 tion. 
 
 The Italian war was hardly over when 
 Napoleon III., who, by this time, had long for- 
 gotten his promise that the Imperial regime 
 meant peace, embarked in the Mexican cam- 
 paign. Just before the outbreak of the war, two 
 Mexican bishops called upon me, on the intro- 
 duction of a friend of the Empress Eugenie. 
 They told me that they approached me because 
 I had raised very large loans in former years for 
 the Papal Government. They wanted to know 
 whether it w^ould be possible to obtain from my 
 clients who had subscribed to such loans, sub- 
 scriptions to a Mexican loan, to aid an invasion 
 of Mexico by the French in order to put Maxi- 
 milian, the younger brother of Francis Joseph, 
 Emperor of Austria, on the throne. This 
 scheme, which was governed by the idea that, 
 if Mexico was conquered, French interests, and 
 therefore Catholic power, would be predominant, 
 had the strong support of the Empress Eugenie. 
 I was convinced that no satisfactory reply 
 would be got from the subscribers to the Papal
 
 THE MEXICAN CAMPAIGN 151 
 
 Loans, and therefore declined the invitation to 
 finance the expedition. 
 
 At the commencement of the war a contract 
 was advertised for the deHvery of rails, coals, 
 provisions, &c. I tendered, and my tender was 
 accepted, although at the outset I had some 
 difficulty, because objections were raised to my 
 nationality. This was over-ruled in the end, 
 because my tender was far below that of any 
 other contractor, though it left me a large profit. 
 Payments, however, were made at long intervals 
 and with much difficulty, as money was not at 
 that time plentiful with the French Government. 
 One of my colleagues in the Cherbourg Eailway, 
 M. de Chasseloup-Laubat, who was Minister of 
 Marine, signed the orders to pay me. 
 
 The French army fought admirably, but the 
 war being a guerilla one, their task was difficult, 
 and could not be carried out without resorting 
 to measures of extreme severity. General de 
 Gallifffet, who has so often distinguished himself, 
 served at that time under Marshal Bazaine, 
 with great distinction. Whilst I am writing 
 these Memoirs, his name has come prominently 
 before the public. I have been General de 
 Galliffet's intimate friend from his boyhood up 
 to the present moment. A more gallant soldier
 
 152 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 never existed. His father, the old Marquis, 
 objected to his son entering the army, and 
 therefore GaUiffet, when young, was not allowed 
 to enter St. Cyr. No other career had any 
 attractions for him, and as his father's attitude 
 made it impossible for him to be trained at that 
 mihtary college, he cut the knot by enhsting 
 as a common soldier. 
 
 On the principle of promotion by merit in 
 days when fighting was rife, Galliffet quickly 
 got his lieutenant's commission, and, once an 
 officer, his fine military qualities made it plain 
 that success in his self-chosen calhng was 
 assured. He was decorated on the battle-field 
 in the Crimea, and when the Mexican war 
 broke out, he fought with conspicuous skill 
 as well as valour. He was desperately wounded 
 at the battle of La Puebla. He was struck 
 by a spent shell in the abdomen, and the 
 wound he received was so terrible that, but 
 for his presence of mind in binding himself 
 at once with a blanket, he must have bled to 
 death in a few moments. Surgical aid only 
 reached him in the nick of time, and ever since 
 he has worn a silver plaque as a grim memorial 
 of his narrow escape. 
 
 General de Galliffet had nothing to do with the
 
 DEATH OF MAXIMILIAN 153 
 
 abandonment of the Emperor Maximilian. The 
 truth is, the Emperor would not consent to leave, 
 in spite of strong expostulations and entreaties, 
 and, at last, almost the use of stronger measures 
 on the part of his French military advisers. 
 It had been alleged that the ambition of his 
 wife, the unfortunate Empress Charlotte, had 
 something to do with this determination. How- 
 ever that may be, the delay proved fatal, and 
 the dream of a Mexican Empire sank with 
 Maximilian's lifeless body in the ditch of 
 Queretaro. 
 
 Many have attempted to make the Due de 
 Morny responsible for the unfortunate Mexican 
 campaign. It has even been said that, when 
 the Mexican Government repudiated the arrange- 
 ment by which President Miramon, in want of 
 money, gave the banker Jecker over fourteen 
 millions of francs in Treasury Bonds in order to 
 obtain an advance of less than four million 
 francs, and replaced the Internal Mexican Debt 
 Bonds by bonds issued by Jecker and amount- 
 ing to something like eighty miUion francs, 
 Morny agreed to use his influence to get the 
 French Government to back up the banker's 
 claim against an undertaking that he would 
 receive thirty per cent, of the money recovered.
 
 154 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 Such a tiling is extremely improbable. The 
 intervention of France was due to the intrigues 
 of the Mexican clerical party, to the desire 
 of France to create in North America a Latin 
 Empire which could check and counterbalance 
 the growing influence of the United States, and 
 perhaps to some secret ambition on the part of 
 Napoleon III. to be, like Napoleon I., a maker 
 of empires and a giver of thrones. 
 
 I was intimately acquainted at the Union Club 
 and elsewhere with the Due de Morny, who, with 
 Persigny, was the real creator of the Empire. 
 When Louis Napoleon, still President of the 
 Kepublic, visited the provinces, he organised 
 the journey and started the cry of ' Vive 
 I'Empereur.' This was the case at Lyons, 
 where Marechal Castellane was Governor. Cas- 
 tellane, by the way, was a valiant soldier, but 
 very original. He used to give audiences when 
 in his bath, with his hdtoii de marechal lying 
 across him. 
 
 Morny was a man who was very much liked 
 by some and disliked by others. He was a man 
 of pleasure, a grand seigneur^ and a business 
 man in his way. He was one of the first public 
 men in France to take an interest in the sugar 
 industry, and engaged extensively in beet-grow-
 
 DUG DE MOKNY 155 
 
 ing. He was also the founder of the watering 
 place of Deauville, near Trouville. He used to 
 play a good deal at the Bourse, but rather 
 affected ignorance of Stock Exchange transac- 
 tions, and I remember sitting next to him on 
 the occasion of a meeting of financiers, when 
 he turned to me and asked me to explain to 
 him the difference between the marche a terme 
 and the marche au comi^tant. I looked at him 
 and smiled, and evaded the question. When 
 the Due de Morny went as Special Envoy to 
 Kussia for the coronation of the Emperor Alex- 
 ander in 1857, he displayed great magnificence 
 and pomp. One of his ideas was to procure as 
 many good-looking coachmen, grooms, postil- 
 lions, &c., as possible to take with him for 
 the ceremony. He came to my place and took 
 away two of my stable-boys by the offer of 
 twenty louis apiece. A member of my family 
 expressed displeasure at this behaviour, but the 
 Due, with his usual good humour, allayed all 
 irritation. 
 
 He was a most pleasing, brilliant, and charm- 
 ing man, and liked by most of those who came 
 into personal contact with him, except when 
 political feeling ran high. He was one of the 
 luunders of the Railway Clul), at which he
 
 156 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 presided as chairman. The voting power for the 
 election of members was completely, and is still, 
 confined to the committee, and one black ball is 
 sufficient to exclude. On one occasion, he pro- 
 posed a gentleman bearing the name of an excel- 
 lent Cornish family. When he asked me for 
 information concerning him, I gave a satisfactory 
 account, but it subsequently came across my 
 mind that he had certain equivocal relations in 
 high places, and I advised Morny before the 
 meeting. When the ballot box was opened all 
 the balls, with the exception of one, were white. 
 Thereupon Morny said, ' C'est moi qui ai donne 
 la boule noire, croyant que tout le monde avait 
 donne des blanches a cause de moi.' 
 
 Count Walewski, whose name has come 
 often under my pen in these Memoirs, was a 
 man of the world in every respect, and, like 
 M. de Morny, one of the founders of the Empire. 
 Politics smiled upon him more than literature, 
 for his early attempts in the latter field were not 
 crowned with success. I remember the excite- 
 ment caused in the early forties by the produc- 
 tion of a play of his at the Theatre-Fran9ais, 
 ' L'Ecole du Monde,' which had been praised 
 beforehand, but was a signal failure. It is 
 seldom that a wealthy society-man shines in
 
 COUNT WALEWSKI 157 
 
 literature. He came down to the Union after 
 the performance, and expected to be congratulated 
 by Montrout, the wit of the club ; but his fellow 
 clubmen were quite as severe as the public. 
 ' Etiez-vous done oblige d'ecrire une comedie ? ' 
 asked Montrout. ' Pourquoi n'avez-vous pas 
 mis plus d'esprit dans le quatrieme acte?' asked 
 another, whilst somebody who was not a poet 
 tried to console poor Walewski by assuring him 
 that it was not given to every gentleman to be a 
 poet when he wanted, and that, should necessity 
 arise, a poet had even better chances of becom- 
 ing a gentleman. 
 
 Walewski had met Napoleon in exile in 
 
 England, and was, moreover, a great friend of 
 
 Palmerston's. At the election of the son of 
 
 Queen Hortense, he was received with open 
 
 arms at the Elysee, and then sent as Ambassador 
 
 to England. He was in Napoleon's secret, and 
 
 his mission to England was to facilitate the 
 
 success of the proposed coiq^ cVdtat by securing 
 
 the immediate recognition of the new regime by 
 
 the English Government, and thus, so to speak, 
 
 forcing the hand of the other Powers who might 
 
 be inclined to reserve their adhesion to a 
 
 government so irregularly csta))lishod. Walew- 
 
 ski's intimate friendship with l^ilmerston, then
 
 158 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 Foreign Minister, was calculated to obtain this 
 end ; and indeed, as soon as Palinerston was 
 advised of the coup (Vdtat, he hastened to recog- 
 nise officially, in the name of England, the new 
 rdgime in France, without even consulting his 
 colleagues of the Cabinet. This caused a Cabinet 
 crisis, in consequence of which the Queen dis- 
 missed Palmerston from his office. 
 
 Walewski, a few years afterwards, was made 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs by Napoleon, and, 
 to a large extent, the friendly relations between 
 England and France during the palmy days of 
 the Empire may be traced to his influence. He 
 was of a conciliatory disposition, and always 
 endeavoured to smooth over difficulties. By 
 birth a Pole, he was naturalised French, and in 
 his youth had taken part in a Polish insurrection 
 against Eussia. He died before the Franco- 
 Prussian war broke out. 
 
 I was an intimate friend of M. Eouher, the 
 famous Minister of Napoleon III. I do not 
 think I ever met a more astute politician than 
 the Minister of Commerce, Agriculture, and 
 Public Works, who negotiated the Free Trade 
 treaty with Cobden in 1860. Rouher was frank, 
 and even communicative, and we frequently 
 travelled together on the journey between his
 
 EUGIiNE EOUHEE 159 
 
 country-house, near Brunoy, and Paris. On 
 these occasions he was very agreeable, and 
 talked freely of the questions which were 
 then engaging our attention. I had ample 
 opportunities of testing his business capacity, 
 for, as a banker and a railway director, I was 
 brought into intimate association with him over 
 financial problems, and also in regard to railway 
 development in France, which he did much to 
 foster. He was strongly in favour of the policy 
 of Free Trade, and, like Cobden, he regarded the 
 treaty of 1860 as merely a step towards bringing 
 France and England to an exchange of produce 
 unfettered by Customs duties. 
 
 While he was at the Ministry of Public 
 Works, I saw him almost daily, and he was so 
 persuasive that it was impossible to resist what 
 he wished. For instance, he persuaded me on 
 two occasions to put in order two unfortunate 
 affairs, called, one the Compagnie Chauxfourniere 
 de rOuest, and the other Compagnie des Polders 
 de rOuest, which constituted at that time a 
 heavy loss to me and others who joined me, but 
 have both turned out fairly successful by perse- 
 verance. The latter has been visited by many 
 noted agriculturists from England; amongst 
 others by Mr. Jesse Collings, who was struck
 
 160 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 with admiration at the success of the under- 
 taking. 
 
 A large expanse of land, formerly covered by 
 the sea, is now under magnificent cultivation 
 and producing a large revenue. The method 
 adopted was practically the same as that followed 
 in Holland for the reclamation of land from the 
 sea. When the company undertook this work, 
 I wrote to my English friends to ask them to 
 take an interest in it. The replies received 
 were not very encouraging. Among others. Sir 
 William Tite, the architect of the Koyal Ex- 
 change, London, assured me that he could not 
 understand how I could undertake to carry to a 
 successful issue a project which Julius Caesar 
 had tried in vain to accomplish. These works 
 are on the Normandy coast, near Pontorson. 
 
 Kouher's ability as a speaker was remark- 
 able, but of this one instance must suffice. Just 
 before the declaration of war in 1870, he received 
 instructions from the Tuileries to make a speech 
 in the Senate, of which he was then President, 
 in favour of the maintenance of peace. Imme- 
 diately before the Senate met, the Emperor told 
 him that he must, at a moment's notice, alter 
 his tactics and make a warlike oration, and, with 
 his usual ability, Rouher rose to the occasion.
 
 PIEEEE MAGNE 161 
 
 It must always be remembered that he was a 
 barrister, and therefore brought up to plead 
 either for or against, as the case might be. 
 
 Kouher was always very slovenly dressed 
 when busy in his office; indeed, I do not think 
 I ever saw any man of his position more careless 
 in that respect. He used to sit in his room at 
 the Ministry of Public Works and receive visitors 
 scarcely more than half dressed, and was always 
 in his slippers. Under the table was a big dog, 
 which was accustomed to play with his feet. 
 His treatment by the public after the fall of 
 the Empire was infamous. He was surrounded 
 by a hostile mob at Boulogne-sur-Mer, and it 
 was with difficulty that his life was saved. 
 
 M. Pierre Magne, Minister of Finances 
 during the Empire and during the early period 
 of the Republic, was a man of the highest ability, 
 courageous and tenacious under the most trying 
 circumstances. Owing to the, not always wise, 
 way in which public money was spent during 
 the Empire, his position as Minister of Finances 
 was a most difficult one, and he had often to 
 take measures of which, as the genuine and 
 enlightened financier he was, he could not but 
 disapprove. As Minister of Finances, M. Pierre 
 Maguc v,as, with M. Rouher, chielly responsible 
 
 M
 
 162 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 for the policy followed by the Second Empire in 
 the matter of railway construction, and in the 
 authorisation of the amalgamation of small 
 separate companies into the big companies 
 now in existence. 
 
 He strove hard, however, to keep a happy 
 medium between those who, like M. de Morny, 
 were inchned to advocate a kind of Eailway Trust, 
 and those who thought that a system of small 
 independent and competing companies would be 
 an advantage to the public. ' We must not for- 
 get that railways are made for the benefit of the 
 public,' he used to repeat, ' and not the public for 
 the benefit of railways.' He was chiefly responsi- 
 ble for preventing the absorption of the lines form- 
 ing the Orleans Railway by the Paris-Lyon-Medi- 
 terranee Company, in which I was interested. 
 On one occasion I had a slight difference with 
 him, and rather avoided getting into the same 
 carriage on the Lyons Railway. He called to 
 me and said : ' Ne boudez pas, mais quand vous 
 voudrez faire de I'esprit vous pourrez peut-etre 
 trouver une autre victime que moi. Rouher 
 m'a dit que vous avez dit, parlant de moi, 
 a propos de I'hdtel que I'Empereur m'a donne, que 
 je savais faire toutes especes de sacrifices pour 
 I'autel de la patrie.'
 
 EEOKGANISATION OF NATIONAL FINANCE 163 
 
 Masfne said this to me in the best of 
 humours, for he was the most amiable of men, and 
 never found fault without begging your pardon. 
 His reputation was so high that, after the fall 
 of the Empire, the Eepublican Government did 
 not hesitate to keep him as Minister of Finances, 
 and he was entrusted with the reorganisation of 
 the French Exchequer after the cataclysm 
 caused by the war and the payment of the 
 indemnity to Germany. His indomitable energy 
 stood him in good stead in these difficult times. 
 The leading financiers saw him when everything 
 seemed financially irretrievable, and he urged us 
 not to despair of the recuperative powers of 
 finance. ' Luttez, luttez, Messieurs, et on 
 viendra k bout de tout,' he used to repeat. But 
 he did not limit himself to empty words of 
 encouragement, and the practical advice he gave 
 was of the greatest value. 
 
 M. de Persigny, who was Minister of the 
 Interior, is famous as the organiser of the 
 ' Pr^fets k poigne,' whose duty it was to look 
 after the interests of the Government in the 
 provinces, to prevent the election to Parliament, 
 or to public offices, of candidates opposed to the 
 Imperial regime, and generally to prevent the 
 Kepublicans from raising their head. He drew
 
 164 SIK EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 up, or, at all events, directly inspired, the strin- 
 gent press laws which were then enforced. 
 
 There was no freedom of the press in France 
 under the Empire. M. de Persigny once sent 
 for the heads of the principal newspapers in 
 Paris, and told them that the Emperor forbade 
 any attacks against foreign Powers. Thereupon 
 John Lemoinne, the famous foreign editor of 
 the ' Debats,' who, by the way, was born and 
 educated in England, got up and said, ' Then 
 what are we to write about ? ' The Minister 
 thought for a moment, and then replied : ' Mais, 
 mes amis, il vous reste I'Angleterre ! Vous 
 pouvez dire ce que vous voudrez des Anglais, 
 parce qu'ils s'en moquent.' 
 
 Perhaps a better idea of the extent to which 
 the Government interfered with the press, even 
 in the smallest details, will be gathered from 
 what happened once to the ' Figaro.' M. de 
 Yillemessant's paper, having published a para- 
 graph calling attention to the fact that, on a 
 certain occasion, the lamp-lighters were rather 
 late in lighting up the lamps on the Boulevard 
 du Prince Eugene, immediately received a stiff 
 rebuff from the Ministry of the Interior in the 
 shape of a coimniiniqud stating that ' one could 
 only explain the error in which the writer of the
 
 THE PEESS UNDER THE EMPIRE 165 
 
 article had fallen by assuming that he passed on 
 the Boulevard du Prince Eugene before the 
 regular hour for lighting the lamps, but that he 
 was not entitled to deduce from this fact that 
 the lamps would not be lighted at the proper 
 
 time. 
 
 French Governments seem never to have 
 been able to strike a happy medium in their 
 dealings with the press. Newspapers were sub- 
 mitted to the most vexatious interference under 
 one regime and entirely unbridled under another. 
 In the exercise of their newly acquired liberty, 
 they frequently overstepped all bounds, with 
 results often disastrous to the country. I am of 
 opinion that the war of 1870 was largely, if not 
 mainly, due to the irresponsible, ignorant, and 
 passionate utterances and incitements of too large 
 a section of the press, who did their best to work 
 up public opinion to a frenzy.
 
 166 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 CHAPTEK IX 
 
 THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR AND THE SIEGE OF PARIS 
 
 Immediately before the outbreak of the Franco- 
 German war, M. Ollivier, chief of the French 
 Cabinet, had pubhcly declared that ' at no time 
 was the peace of Europe so assured as at present.' 
 This statement was made on the 30th of June, 
 1870, and on the 19th of July the French 
 declaration of war against Germany was delivered 
 in Berlin. A pretext was looked for by the 
 Emperor Napoleon for such a step, and this was 
 found in an account of what took place between 
 the old King of Prussia and Count Benedetti, 
 the French Ambassador in Berlin, when they 
 met at Ems early in July. It was said that the 
 King, meeting Benedetti at the Kursaal, refused 
 to take any notice of him. This was quite 
 untrue, as I heard afterwards from Benedetti 
 himself ; but owing to the attitude adopted by 
 France in the question of the Spanish succession 
 in compelling the withdrawal of the Hohen-
 
 BISMARCK'S DESIEE FOE WAE 167 
 
 zollern candidate to the throne of Spain, the 
 relations between the two countries were so 
 strained that both the French and the Prus- 
 sians were eager for a pretext to commence 
 hostihties. 
 
 Bismarck was especially anxious to provide 
 such a pretext at that moment, for he knew 
 better than the French themselves the state 
 of disorganisation of their army, and saw 
 his opportunity of humiliating France and of 
 consolidating the German Empire, which had 
 been his dream. The old King and Queen, and 
 the future Emperor Frederick, were in favour of 
 peace, but by a skilful manipulation of despatches, 
 which is now admitted, Bismarck goaded the 
 French into declaring war, and set at naught the 
 influences which were at work in Berlin in 
 favour of peace. 
 
 I remember well the state of feeling in 
 Paris at the time negotiations w^ere pending 
 at Ems. One night the Due de Gramont, 
 then Foreign Minister, came hurriedly to the 
 Cercle de 1' Union on the Boulevard de la 
 Madeleine, where a great number of public men 
 were assembled, and announced that war had been 
 declared, news which, though not unexpected, 
 was received with great emotion. Tidings of
 
 168 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 battle came swiftly : Mars-la-Tour, and two days 
 later Gravelotte, at which the loss of life on both 
 sides was terrible, and finally the crowning 
 disaster of Sedan. The war was actually over 
 in a month, for it was on August 2 that the 
 King of Prussia placed himself at the head of 
 his army at Mayence, and exactly a month later 
 Napoleon surrendered his sword. The station- 
 master at Combes-la-Yillette told me, before 
 tidings reached Paris, that the French were in 
 retreat. 
 
 When my family arrived from Tigery, 
 where they had been since the beginning of 
 hostilities, they brought with them not merely 
 two horses, but two cows, and the latter proved, 
 as will be seen when my narrative reaches 
 another stage, of great service during the siege. 
 My son Aston was present at Sedan as a Eed 
 Cross Knight, and after the battle he exchanged 
 a few words with the Emperor. He described 
 to me the broken and dejected appearance of 
 Napoleon III. on the morrow of that decisive 
 battle. Napoleon looked downcast, and when 
 my son volunteered to do anything that he 
 wished in Paris he smiled bitterly, and ex- 
 claimed : ' Tout est fini pour moi. Le Ptoi de 
 Prusse se charge de moi.' These words were
 
 SEDAN 169 
 
 afterwards most unjustly criticised by the op- 
 ponents of the Emperor. 
 
 Whilst this conversation was in progress, my 
 son was suspiciously scanned by two Prussian 
 officers, and, on his riding away, the tw^o officers 
 put spurs to their horses and pursued him as far 
 as the Belgian frontier. On reaching it, all three 
 found that they had met before in Paris. ' We 
 know you well,' they said to my son, ' and con- 
 gratulate you on your mount.' The horse, which 
 was General Galliffet's, was there entrusted to 
 a trainer's man from Chantilly, an Englishman, 
 w^hom my son requested to take the horse 
 back to Paris w^hen he could. We thought we 
 should never see the horse again, but, after the 
 proclamation of peace, one morning when we were 
 at lunch in my house in Paris, General Gallitlet, 
 by chance, being with us, we saw the man ride 
 the horse, with all its military accoutrements, 
 into the yard. 
 
 It was on Friday, September 2, 1870, that 
 Napoleon III., with an army of eighty-six thou- 
 sand men, surrendered at Sedan to the German 
 invaders of France. Tidings of this crowning 
 disaster reached Paris at midnight on Saturday. 
 The populace, if not the ministry, was taken 
 utterly by surprise ; and the rage, excitement, and
 
 170 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 indignation were indescribable. The downfall 
 of the Empire came in twenty-four hours, and 
 without the shedding in the streets of Paris 
 of a drop of blood, and before that memo- 
 rable Sunday closed, Gambetta proclaimed the 
 Eepublic from one of the windows of the Hotel 
 de Ville, and the Government of the National 
 Defence sprang into existence. 
 
 The Prussians at once marched on Paris, for 
 Bismarck was determined to lay siege to the 
 capital. ' The French,' he exclaimed, ' will hate 
 us with undying hate, and we must take care to 
 render this hate powerless.' He made no secret 
 that Prussia was determined to have Metz and 
 Strasburg. The bayonets of Germany were to 
 make an iron ring-fence round Paris, and the 
 people, whom one heard shouting frantically only 
 a few weeks before, ' A Berlin en huit jours,' 
 were to find themselves reduced to impotence, 
 and left, as Bismarck contemptuously put it, 
 ' to stew in their own juice.' 
 
 The outlook was so disquieting that I deter- 
 mined to get my wife and family out of Paris 
 without further delay. They accordingly left 
 within a week of the fall of Sedan, and got 
 safely to Villandry, near Tours. My first letter 
 after they left was written on September 8,
 
 A DISQUIETING OUTLOOK 171 
 
 and in it I said that the American Minister 
 was anxious for peace, especially as his 
 Government had promptly recognised the Ee- 
 pubhc. Even at that date, the mob of Belleville 
 was beginning to take up a menacing attitude 
 against General Trochu. Two days later I 
 reported that the iVmbassadors were doing all they 
 could to bring about the conclusion of peace, 
 but that the news from the provinces was bad. 
 'The "red flag" floats at Lyons,' I said, 'and 
 there are disturbances at Havre and Bordeaux. 
 Here everybody is triste, and one hears few people 
 singing the "Marseillaise." The Tuileries and 
 Champs-Elysees are full of troops.' 
 
 Three days later I wrote again, and, though 
 it was only on September 13, we were already 
 beginning to speculate where the first cannon- 
 ball would fall, for the Prussians were very 
 near Paris, though the forts were not yet taken. 
 I added : 
 
 There has been a great review to-day, and 
 the Mobiles look much better than the troops 
 that we saw leave a month ago. At any rate 
 they do not get drunk and straggle out of the 
 ranks. The gates are to be shut on Thursday 
 except for persons provided with ' permis.' Lord 
 Lyons does not go to Tours, but stays here. 
 Great efforts are being made for peace. They 
 may succeed if the King of Prussia is moderate.
 
 172 SIK EDWx\KD BLOUNT 
 
 It Wcas at this juncture that I wrote to a 
 personal friend in an official position in London 
 the following account of the existing situation : — 
 
 Paris, September 13th, 1870. 
 
 I have not written to you before ; the reason 
 has been that I feel it totally impossible to convey 
 to anybody the state we are in here. The past 
 seems like a frightful dream ; the present is im- 
 possible to describe. To-day we had a grand 
 review^ of at least a hundred and fifty thousand men, 
 if not two hundred thousand — the greatest portion 
 the Garde Nationale of Paris and Garde Mobile 
 of the provinces. The former are well clothed, 
 well armed, and look in famous order and spirits. 
 The latter are admirable. Exercised in ten days, 
 they have learnt their trade and are far superior 
 in appearance to the regular troops that left to 
 meet the Prussians. They are well behaved, 
 quiet, no drunkenness. The churches are full 
 of them on Sunday ; I have had twelve of them 
 in my house for the last eight days, and I never 
 saw a more respectable corps. They are now all 
 armed and disciplined. They have the spirit of 
 obedience which the army lacked completely. 
 Can they defend Paris ? I believe they can for 
 some time to come, and that the Prussians will 
 find them tougher to deal with than any they 
 have met with as yet. Negotiations are going 
 on for peace, but remember what I say, the 
 French will not accept dishonourable conditions — 
 I mean by this, surrender of territory or ships. 
 They w^ould rather fight to the end, and, when 
 Paris is lost, retreat to the last fortress left in 
 France. They would pay money, as public opinion
 
 'WHAT IS LOED GEANVILLE DOING?' 173 
 
 acknowledges that the last Government began 
 an unjust war. But more than this, neither the 
 Government now constituted, nor any other, 
 could make people accept. Indeed, no peace 
 would be lasting if France cedes territory, for no 
 time would make either the present generation 
 or the future accept the cession. It would be 
 perpetual danger of war. The ' Times ' writes 
 the contrary, but I have been forty years in this 
 country', and know the people better. 
 
 Now what is doing about the peace ? 
 
 I believe that the foreign Ambassadors are 
 doing all they can. Our Ambassador, Lord Lyons, 
 knowing as I do the qualities w^hich adorn his 
 character, must be using every effort to stop 
 more bloodshed, ruin, and devastation, but what 
 is our Government doing ? What is Lord Gran- 
 ville doing ? Does he think that the majority of 
 the English nation will ever pardon a Govern- 
 ment which shows culpable apathy at such a 
 moment ? 
 
 You may be sure that a continuation of this 
 w^ar is fraught with danger to every constituted 
 Government in Europe, and to none more than 
 to our own. Has France for the last twenty 
 years ever been false to England, and will she 
 ever pardon those who abandon her in her direst 
 moments ? Let Mr. Gladstone ponder over this. 
 Starring in the provinces is necessary for singers 
 and actors, but is it worthy of a Prime Minister 
 at such a moment ? Pray pardon me if I pour 
 out my indignation upon you. I owe something 
 to this generous and valiant nation, and if a 
 forty years' residence in this country can give any 
 weight to my words, it will bo but a poor return. 
 Most truly yours, Edwaud Blount.
 
 171 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 My wife was naturally anxious that I should 
 leave Paris before it was too late, but I felt it was 
 my duty to stay, and in the following letter 
 justified my decision. 
 
 Paris, 14th September, 1870. 
 
 It is totally impossible for me to leave Paris. 
 If I leave the Bank, all the others will lose courage. 
 At the Society Generale there remain five of us, 
 and if I leave, you maybe perfectly sure that every- 
 body will lose courage. At the Lyons and Western 
 Eailway I cannot do much, but my presence 
 encourages others. I can assure you that I do most 
 sincerely wish that I was out of Paris, but I should 
 feel that I was deserting my post if I went. Others 
 may think proper to do so — many of them cannot 
 exercise the authority that I can ; in fine, if I 
 went, I feel that it would be wrong, and would do 
 a deal of mischief. I wrote to the ' Times ' 
 yesterday to the above effect, as they had inti- 
 mated that all the influential bankers were gone 
 to Boulogne. 
 
 There are real efforts for peace. The only 
 question is, can the King of Prussia make peace 
 on reasonable terms, or can the Government 
 accept what may seem to us reasonable terms ? 
 The town is quiet. It is very difficult to give 
 an opinion of the defence of Paris. I believe 
 the forts can hold out for some time, and 
 the town for some time longer. I have 
 heard of very few outrages here. An attack was 
 attempted upon the Jesuits at Vaugirard, but 
 the ' G-arde Nationale,' with my friend Martignac 
 the Admiral at their head, drove the scamps 
 away.
 
 HOPING AGAINST HOPE 175 
 
 The next day the railways out of Paris to 
 the north, east, and south were stopped. The 
 bridges of Corbeil and Melun were blown up, and 
 the Garde Mobile retreating in hot haste towards 
 Paris. It was now the middle of September, 
 and I wrote : — 
 
 It is said that the King of Prussia's head 
 quarters will be at Ferrieres, the large and mag- 
 nificent property belonging to Baron Eothschild, 
 where the first negotiations between Jules Favre 
 and Bismarck, which concluded nothing, took 
 place ; and then at St. Germain or Yersailles. 
 
 I still have some hopes that we shall not be 
 besieged. Mr. Malet ^ is gone to the King of 
 Prussia to ask him his conditions. If he asks 
 moderate ones they will be accepted, but the 
 French will not sacrifice territory. In my 
 opinion Paris will make a good defence. You 
 can have no idea of the aspect of the town — all 
 soldiers. The Garde Mobile from the distant 
 provinces is good. The men are steady, active, 
 and obedient. The Parisians are middling, and 
 those from the environs of Paris, many of them 
 pillagers and nothing else. 
 
 I find my life wearisome, but my spirits are 
 generally pretty good, and I have plenty of 
 energy and courage. I do not suppose that I 
 run much danger from Prussian projectiles. 
 Our dangers are the Reds, and they are very 
 boisterous. I fear there is no chance of peace. 
 Mr. Malet is gone with despatches from French, 
 English, and Russian Governments to the King 
 
 ' First Secretary of the British Embassy,
 
 176 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 of Prussia, but he will reply that he cannot treat 
 with the present French Government without 
 guarantees for the execution of the terms of 
 the treaty. In this he is right, but the French 
 Government will not give guarantees. Besides, 
 the Government here does not dare make any con- 
 cessions. The sensible and upper classes would, 
 but the people will not, and therefore we must 
 fight it out. 
 
 Lord Lyons left Paris for Tours on Septem- 
 ber 17, and by that time the Eouen line was 
 cut, and on the following day, if I remember 
 rightly, the last train left Paris. I had taken up 
 my abode at the Hotel Meurice. 
 
 Paris, 20th September, 1870. 
 
 We are very quiet here and there is no fight- 
 ing. Paris is quite prepared, and I suppose the 
 cannonade will begin in a day or two. I hope that 
 France is rising to come to our rescue. Eeally 
 the conduct of the people is admirable, and they 
 will defend themselves heroically. The King of 
 Prussia has gone too far, and is tempting Provi- 
 dence. It is terrible not having any news of any 
 of you ; I fear I shall be very short of fodder for 
 the cows and horses soon. We are pretty well off 
 for provisions, but butter and milk are getting 
 scarce. This is to go, I hope, by balloon. 
 
 The next letter bears date Sunday, Septem- 
 ber 25, and was written by my son Aston, who 
 was with me, to his mother at Arcachon. 
 
 This letter will, I hope, reach you by the
 
 PAEIS DUEING THE SIEGE 177 
 
 balloon. We expect every day an attack from 
 the Prussians. I do not know how long we will 
 be able to stand out, but things look much better, 
 and I think they will be long before getting 
 in. Papa is all right, and in good spirits. 
 Very few people left here, and everybody who 
 remains is in the Garde Nationale doing duty on 
 the ramparts. I think it will be very warm work. 
 It is a wonderful sight now. Lots of people are 
 about in the streets. The evenings are awfully 
 dreary. The cafes and shops are all shut at 
 night. 
 
 I wrote myself the next day : — 
 
 Paris is quiet and full of hope. We are short 
 of provisions, but milk and butter are getting 
 scarce. Do not be too uneasy about me. I saw 
 Abbe Miquel yesterday. I see Wodehouse, 
 Claremont, and Hore ' every day. I wrote a 
 letter to the ' Standard,' which has been trans- 
 lated into all the French papers, and has had 
 great effect. I was right, and my friends who 
 went away were wrong. Love to Ahce, and tell 
 the children to say a prayer for me every night. 
 
 I was now quite uncertain as to the fate of my 
 letters, for one could never be sure that they would 
 not fall into the enemy's hands, and therefore 
 it did not do to say too much. The uncertainty 
 made me write constantly, for I felt that some at 
 least of my letters would reach my wife's hands 
 and allay her suspense. 
 
 ^ Attaches of the British Embassy. 
 
 N 
 
 o
 
 173 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 Taris, 27th September, 1870, 
 
 Do not be too much alarmed about us. The 
 town is quite quiet. There is great enthusiasm, 
 and much hope. We are naturally cut off from all 
 communication, the Prussians surrounding us on 
 all sides, and we can receive no news, but balloons 
 go daily. I am glad I stayed here — it was my 
 duty to do so, and I have been able to keep up 
 the courage of all my subordinates. Eeally the 
 effort this country is making is astounding. All 
 of every class, nobles, priests, and people are 
 doing their duty nobly. May Providence aid 
 us, and we shall get through our troubles. I 
 really think that the King of Prussia is pushing 
 his rights too far as a conqueror, but I must say 
 no more on this head, as it would not be 
 prudent. 
 
 Nothing happened during the next few days. 
 The populace began to recognise that the 
 provinces were doing nothing, and discourage- 
 ment prevailed. Paris might resist bombs, but 
 not starvation, and already prices were ominously 
 high. The Government by this time had issued 
 a decree, compelling all dealers in flour to sell it 
 to the authorities at a stipulated price. General 
 Trochu was doing his best to bring the troops to 
 discipline, and the Mobile Breton peasants, for the 
 most part, though rough enough material, were 
 beginning to set an example of military order to 
 the National Guards. Meanwhile barricades
 
 GAMBETTA'S PEOCLAMATION 179 
 
 were rising all round the city, little or no work 
 was in progress, and officials were beginning to 
 count not only the sheep and oxen, but also the 
 horses. 
 
 3, Rue de la Pais, 4th October, 1870. 
 
 This is to go by an English courier to Tours. 
 I hope some of my letters have arrived safely. I 
 know nothing about any of you, as I have not 
 received a single letter since Paris was invested. 
 I can only hope that you are all well ; I and 
 Aston are completely so. We get enough to eat, 
 but no variety. There is great difficulty in get- 
 ting all one wants for the Rue de Courcelles, but 
 I have now butter brought to me from our cows. 
 It is dreadfully dull here, and we have anxious 
 times. I am to be elected a temporary mem- 
 ber of the Jockey Club. At the Union there is 
 scarcely any one, and if the diplomatists all go, 
 there will be nobody. It is impossible to say 
 how longf all this will last. Paris can and will 
 
 '(^ 
 
 hold out for a long time. 
 
 We knew by this time that Toul and Stras- 
 bourg had fallen, and this heightened the pre- 
 vailing depression. In view of this disaster, 
 Gambetta issued a proclamation, in which he 
 said that in falling, Toul and Strasbourg ' cast 
 a glance towards Paris and leave us, as a legacy, 
 the duty to deliver them, the honour to avenge 
 them.' 
 
 The following note from my son Aston 
 explains itself : — 
 
 N 2
 
 380 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 Sunday, 8th October, 1870. 
 
 My dearest mother, — I have not written to you, 
 because I never believed letters arrived, but now 
 I know it I drop a few lines. We are in an awful 
 mess — God knows how it will end. Truce is the 
 only thing, but obstinate people and selfish 
 Government put a stop to it. I go about a great 
 deal, and have seen as much. Fighting is now 
 on, the troops will have it. The country is going 
 to complete ruin, and useless loss of life. My 
 father is quite well, and I see him at the Club 
 when at dinner a great deal, and he is much 
 liked and appreciated. Everybody much pleased 
 with his staying here. I hope to see you for 
 Christmas. 
 
 Your affectionate son, 
 
 Aston. 
 
 I accompanied, in these anxious weeks of 
 October, a good number of persons, who desired 
 to leave Paris, to what we called the ' frontiers,' 
 or, in other words, the outposts of the contending 
 armies. Amongst them w^as the Papal Nuncio 
 Mgr. Chigi. I went, early in the morning, to 
 his hotel in the Faubourg St. Germain to 
 fetch him, and found him in full canonicals, 
 attended by his Secretary of Legation and two 
 other members of his suite. I followed their 
 carriage in the phaeton, and after us came a 
 few English people for whom I had obtained 
 permission to leave Paris. The morning was
 
 THE PAPAL NUNCIO AND THE TEOOPS 181 
 
 bitterly cold, and a very hard frost was on the 
 ground. When we arrived at the outposts, it 
 was necessary to get the Nuncio's carriage 
 through, which was managed by the Breton 
 Mobiles. On reaching the Prussian lines the 
 Nuncio rose and gave a pontifical blessing to the 
 French Guard, who remained standing, and then 
 repeated the same benediction to the Prussians, 
 who all went down on their knees. 
 
 Whilst I was on the German side, I had 
 some talk with the officers, and observed an 
 ofiicer who evidently showed that he had some 
 desire to attract my attention. Approaching 
 me, he put into my hands, which I held behind 
 my back, a packet of letters for people in Paris. 
 Had this been noticed by any higher official, he 
 would have been put under arrest, and perhaps 
 shot, by virtue of martial law. There were 
 letters for many of my friends, but alas ! there 
 was not one for me. They were distributed by 
 my care the same night to the persons to whom 
 they were addressed. 
 
 Paris, 19th October, 1870. 
 
 I dine at the Jockey Club, and once a week 
 with Madame de Vatry and once with M. Herpin, 
 Directeur de la Societ6 Gonerale. I have to 
 subscribe so much a day for the poor, for there 
 is great misery. Everything is quiet here, and
 
 1S2 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 there is no danger of disturbance as long as the 
 Prussians besiege us. We hear a great deal of 
 cannon. They cannot take Paris, and there are 
 provisions of one sort or another for at least two 
 months. Should the provinces rise, the Prussians 
 will be beaten. I think they must begin to have 
 enough of it. You may imagine that it is very 
 dull, and it is dreadful having no news of any one 
 for five weeks. I saw the ' Times ' of the 8th, 
 and correspondence therein from Lyons, Orleans, 
 and Tours, which was not good. Here the naval 
 attache could not get through the lines, and 
 returned. As far as I am concerned I will stay 
 it out, and am resigned for six weeks at least. 
 
 A day or two later I wrote : — 
 
 We have had anxious times here. Last 
 night there was a tremendous demonstration at 
 the Hotel de Yille. The Government was be- 
 sieged for many hours, and only released at two 
 in the morning. Flourens, who afterwards was 
 killed in one of the first engagements of the 
 Commune, was master, and, after all, Trochu and 
 Jules Favre were obliged to treat with him. 
 The majority of the Garde Nationale behaved 
 well. I was at the Etat Major until half-past 
 two, and the noise in the Eue de la Paix when 
 Trochu passed at three was awful. To-day 
 everything is relatively quiet, but on Thursday 
 there is to be a vote for preservation or abandon- 
 ment of the Government. Since the capitula- 
 tion of Metz everybody looks upon the case as 
 desperate, and we hope that the armistice will 
 be accepted.
 
 THIEES AT VEESAILLES 183 
 
 The terms of a proposed armistice were now 
 under discussion, and it was said that Bismarck 
 had offered to cry halt for twenty-five days, in 
 order that a constituent assembly might be 
 convoked, but, as everybody knows, the negotia- 
 tions came to nothing. 
 
 I then wrote : — 
 
 As usual there has been a large majority for 
 the Government, and to-day there is a vote for 
 the election of the Maires of the City of Paris, 
 which will finish in the same manner. 
 
 Mons. Thiers returned to Versailles two days 
 ago, and will, I suppose, be back here to-night to 
 inform us whether the terms of an armistice 
 can be agreed upon. We all wish for it here, as 
 we have no doubt that it would lead to peace. 
 Indeed, the war could not be begun again by 
 either party. Should the King of Prussia insist 
 upon entering Paris, or refuse to allow iVlsace 
 and Lorraine to vote, there will be no armistice, 
 and we shall have at the same time more of this 
 horrible state of affairs. These absurd and 
 wicked pretensions of Prussia will turn against 
 her sooner or later, and should France be obhged 
 to yield territory, the peace will not be lasting. 
 
 I am very well, and so is Aston ; as I have 
 killed one cow we have all now enough to eat. 
 I am comfortable in the Euo de la Paix, and 
 Madame Baptiste takes great care of me. I 
 dine at the Club, where there are generally a 
 good many people. 
 
 Three days later I wrote to my son Henry,
 
 184 SIE EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 telling him that a letter just received was the 
 first news I had had about any of my family for 
 more than six weeks. I added : — 
 
 At times I am very low, but in general keep 
 up my spirits. I have the satisfaction of know- 
 ing that I am doing my duty, and that my 
 presence here has been of use to all the affairs 
 in which I am concerned. I lived for six weeks 
 at the Hotel Meurice, but am now residing in 
 the Rue de la Paix, and Madame Baptiste takes 
 great care of me. I have plenty to eat, and 
 particularly at present, as I have just killed one of 
 my cows. I dine at the Jockey Club, of which I 
 am a temporary member ; there are about forty at 
 dinner there every day. Charles and Edward 
 de Fitz-James, two Biencourts, two de Ganays, 
 Breteuil, Sagan, Vigier, Daru, Dillon, Plaisance, 
 Duperre, Saint Priest, Guy de Bonneval, Pillet- 
 Will, two Hottinguers, ' Due Charles,' two 
 Lauristons, Rothschilds, and others. 
 
 I found the Union too dull, and now, as the 
 rest of the diplomats are gone to-day, it will be 
 worse than ever. A crowd of foreigners have 
 left this morning. I mean to stay as long as I 
 can be of any use, and I suppose that this will 
 be the end of the siege. Everything is relatively 
 quiet here now, but we have had alarming days 
 and nights. I spent one at the Etat Major in 
 the Place Vendome, and it was far from pleasant. 
 There has been very little fighting for the last 
 few days. I still hope for peace, but our miseries 
 will not be then over, for this war will leave 
 frightful distress behind it, and we shall all have 
 to suffer for past follies.
 
 MAEEIAGE OF MY GEANDSON 185 
 
 It was at this time I first met the Marquis, 
 now third Due de Bassano, the grandson of the 
 celebrated statesman of the First Empire, who 
 made the title historic. At the outbreak of the 
 Franco-German war, the present Due was a 
 young diplomatist, and held the post of Secre- 
 tary of the French Embassy at Constantinople. 
 When war was declared he returned, with patrio- 
 tic ardour, to Paris, and distinguished himself 
 in military operations for the defence of the 
 capital. The marriage of my grandson Edward 
 to his daughter Clara, which took place in 1897, 
 was to me a great satisfaction, and her residence 
 under my roof at Imberhorne is a continual 
 solace. After the proclamation of the Eepublic 
 his father, the late Due de Bassano, followed the 
 Imperial family into exile, and won the respect 
 of all by chivalrous devotion to Napoleon III., 
 and afterwards to the Empress Eugenie. He it 
 was who broke the heavy tidings to the Empress 
 of the death of the Prince Imperial — June 1st, 
 1879 — with the British Army in Zululand, and 
 the present Due shortly afterwards accompanied 
 her on her sad pilgrimage to the scene of her 
 son's untimely death. 
 
 But to return. The next letter I wrote to 
 my wife was on November 8 : —
 
 186 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 You will have heard about two dreadful 
 battles vfe had at the beginning of the month. 
 I think the Prussians were severely punished, 
 but the French losses were heavy, and I can 
 assure j^ou that it is very distressing to see this 
 bloodshed and misery. It is all useless, for if 
 the Prussians take Paris they will be no further 
 advanced. We know of no details of what took 
 place at Orleans. Moltke writes to Trochu that 
 the French were defeated. It may be so, but 
 that will not make Paris surrender one moment 
 sooner. We are expecting another battle every 
 day, and it will be awful, for the troops here wall 
 now fight w^ell. The Garde Nationale seems deter- 
 mined. The new battalions are very fine young 
 men, well armed and equipped. Food is still 
 sufficient, but no fresh meat. My salted cow is a 
 God-send. 
 
 By the beginning of November some of the 
 newspapers were beginning to talk of the necessity 
 of putting all the provisions into a common 
 stock, and placing each citizen on strict rations. 
 Everybody by this time had had about enough 
 of it, no one more than myself. All sorts of 
 rumours were flying about, concerning an armi- 
 stice, but meanwhile the blockade was more 
 strict than ever, and the shoe was beginning to 
 pinch. 
 
 17th November, 1870. 
 
 I have seen the ' Times ' newspaper up to 
 the 3rd of November, from which I gather that 
 there is abominable confusion all over France.
 
 THE TEOUBLES OF A BESIEGED EESIDENT 187 
 
 Paris can stand out for two months more. There 
 are still dealt out portions of meat, and will be for 
 a few days longer. Then we still have salt meat, 
 etc. I still have fresh meat of the cow I killed, 
 for breakfast, and milk and butter from the one 
 still living. I have still food for her, and besides, 
 Pauhne, or Clementine, lets her feed in the 
 garden on the little grass there is left. We dine 
 well at the Jockey Club. In fine, we get enough, 
 and people do not complain. 
 
 What is most painful is the absence of all 
 intelligence from without, both private and 
 pubhc. W^e are left to conjecture. The town 
 is now quite quiet, but dull in the extreme. 
 Nearly all the shops are shut. There are no 
 carriages about, and little light at night. The 
 cannonading is continuous, all on the side of the 
 French, for the Prussians do not even reply. 
 The Francs-Tireurs continue to shoot at random, 
 and the ' Maraudeurs ' have destroyed everything 
 round Paris. The army is now ' prete ' here, 
 and cannon delivered every day. I suppose 
 that a battle must be fought soon. Everybody 
 here is disgusted with the Tours Government, 
 Gambetta, and Cr^mieux. Their last exploit 
 concerning Bazaine is infamous. They seem 
 determined to sacrifice France, and try to save 
 their Republic, which is already discredited. 
 
 Four days later I had to say that the streets 
 were full of beggars, and that there was 
 dreadful misery in the poor quarters of the 
 town. We heard nothing now of peace, and were 
 led to expect that a great battle was imminent.
 
 188 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 Meanwhile Paris was dull to the point of distrac- 
 tion—no carriages moving about, sho^Ds shut, and 
 at night total darkness. I wrote at the 
 time : ' I really think the Prussians are carrying 
 on the war to no purpose. If they take Paris 
 they will not get better terms ; and soon France 
 will have no money to give them.' 
 
 In a letter to my daughter, dated November 
 22, I expressed my fear that my correspondence 
 was falling into the hands of the Prussians, since 
 I had not heard for weeks from any of my family. 
 I added : — 
 
 Many telegrams have been received here by 
 pigeon from Tours, but not one for me. 
 
 We still get enough food, but no variety. 
 There is a small quantity of fresh meat, beef and 
 mutton, enough for fifteen days more ; then horse, 
 mule, donkey, and finally salt meat. I believe 
 that Paris can resist for two months, but, as the 
 provinces do not come, there is no use in it. 
 There are no riots now, but all day and night we 
 hear drums and cannon. There is only one 
 subject of conversation, the war, varied some- 
 times by the question of food, which engrosses 
 some of our friends' attention. 
 
 December opened darkly indeed — every day 
 that passed seemed to heighten the gloom. 
 
 Paris, Ist December, 1870. 
 
 We have had dreadful anxieties here, war 
 and bloodshed. I hope we shall escape famine —
 
 HAKD FIGHTING 189 
 
 we have enough food for six weeks, but the misery 
 is frightful. I myself get enough to eat. I killed 
 a cow, and am living upon her (salted). I have 
 another, but am threatened every day to have her 
 seized. I have two horses here, and I fear they 
 will be taken for food. My health is good, and so 
 is Aston's. My spirits sometimes depressed, but 
 I won't ' let my pecker go down.' I am glad I 
 stayed, as it has kept up the courage of my people. 
 "We have become quite accustomed to cannon- 
 roaring ; indeed the dead and wounded do not now 
 make the effect upon me they did. There was 
 a tremendous fight yesterday. The din shook 
 the whole town. The French troops fought well, 
 and gained a position. The entry of the wounded 
 all night was awful. All is relatively quiet to- 
 day, but we hear that there is to be a battle to- 
 night.' 
 
 No fresh meat was now to be had, except 
 horse-flesh. There was great distress, and chil- 
 dren began to die for want of proper nourishment. 
 
 Paris, Srd December, 1870. 
 
 The effort to break the blockade from without 
 has been immense since the beginning of the 
 week, and with some success. There was a 
 battle at Champigny which lasted from four in 
 the morning until seven at night on Wednes- 
 day, and another yesterday from eight until half- 
 past five. The French fought well, and on 
 Wednesday increased the circle which surrounds 
 us. Yesterday, at first the Prussians had the 
 best of it, but in the afternoon they were driven 
 back, and the French gained ground again. The 
 loss on this side has been considerable, estimated
 
 190 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 at G,000 killed and wounded. I believe the 
 Prussians lost quite as many. It is very sad 
 to see all this. In the morning we hear the roar 
 of cannon, in the evening we see the ambu- 
 lance waggons bringing in the wounded. There 
 is always great anxiety in the clubs, for most 
 of the members have relatives, and all, friends 
 engaged. Poor Nevertee fell on Wednesday, 
 and yesterday, Mons. de Grancey was killed 
 at the head of his regiment. This is all very 
 awful, and the King of Prussia is accountable for 
 these murders; for, although the French were 
 wrong at the beginning, he is now continuing 
 the war wickedly and uselessly. I suppose 
 kings are not made like other people, or he can- 
 not sleep quietly. I need not say that I am 
 heartily disgusted with ' the conquerors ' and their 
 ambition. Time hangs heavy, but there is an 
 end to all. We have now been shut in eleven 
 weeks, and can stand a few more. 
 
 Letters were few and far between, and though 
 I despatched notes to my wife constantly by 
 balloon, many of them fell into the hands of the 
 enemy. The suspense was at times terrible, and 
 the Enghshman's right to grumble was duly 
 exercised. 
 
 Paris, 10th December, 1870. 
 
 I wTote to you on the 24th and 27th of 
 November, and the 1st and 8th of December, by 
 balloon ; I told you in those letters that I had 
 received letters from Fanny from Lisbon, dated 
 7th of November, and from Clementine, dated 
 London, 13th of November. I have not received
 
 IN CHAEGE OF THE BEITISH EMBASSY 191 
 
 any news of any of you of a later date, except 
 from Marguerite, dated 18th of November, and 
 some old letters by Eouen from you and her, 
 dated 17th of October. I have no doubt you 
 have tried all ways of sending me letters. It 
 appears to me that the difficulty increases daily, 
 for we have had no ' Times ' since the 18th of 
 November. I am very well, and so is Aston. I 
 cannot give you any news of what is going on 
 here, as my letters must be read. I suppose 
 that neither Prussians nor French can object 
 to my saying that I pray Heaven that this 
 wicked war may be soon over. Claremont and 
 Hore take this letter. I am sorry they are 
 going. I might have done so also, but I should, 
 I feel, be sacrificing my duty if I did. We may 
 have some anxious days to pass, and my presence 
 here may be more useful than ever. 
 
 On the day the above letter was written 
 I received an official letter from Colonel Clare- 
 mont placing me in charge of the British 
 Embassy. It ran as follows : — 
 
 Ambassadc cVAngleterre. 
 Paris, le 10 Docembre, 1870. 
 
 Je declare par la presente quo Monsieur 
 Edward Blount, sujet Anglais, est charge, en 
 rabscnce des lieprusentants officiels du Gou- 
 vernement de Sa Majeste Britanni(iue, de veiller 
 officieusement a la conservation des proprietes 
 de I'ambassade, aux objets ct archives qui y 
 sont renfermes, ct de requerir an l)esoin la 
 protection des nutorites Frangaises. 
 
 Monsieur Blount veut bien en meme temps
 
 192 SIK EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 rendre a ses nationaux, en tant qu'il le pourra, 
 les services qu'ils seront dans le cas de reclamer. 
 (Signed) W. Claremont (Colonel), 
 
 Attach^ Militaire. 
 
 The authorities now began to look sharply- 
 after all the live-stock in the city. My horses 
 were requisitioned, and I failed to get an exemp- 
 tion except for one of them. Envious eyes were 
 also cast at the remaining cow. 
 
 Paris, 22nd December, 1870. 
 
 You know that all the Embassy is now gone, 
 and I have all the English miseries on my back. 
 There has been an order to send our horses to 
 the abattoirs — two of the three I have. I refused, 
 and have written to Jules Favre and the Minister 
 of Commerce. The latter says that I must obey, 
 but I will not. They are also teasing me about 
 my cow, and I have all the English applying to 
 me on the same matter, also. In some quarters 
 the Garde Nationale have seized apartments, 
 etc., etc. In fine, I am surrounded by miseries 
 of every sort. I am quite well, and Aston 
 neither better nor worse. His dysentery teases 
 him, and the doctor says that he wants change 
 of air and diet. Both are impossible. In the 
 meantime he does his duty on the fields of 
 battle, and was out from six yesterday morning 
 until four in the evening. He is gone again 
 to-day. I saw the affair yesterday from a 
 distance. From what I can hear there is no 
 progress made by the French, but there is fight- 
 ing again to-day. We know nothing of what is 
 going on in the provinces. With regard to 
 provisions, the information v/ e get is still very
 
 A LONELY CHRrSTMAS 193 
 
 vague. Some say that there is sufficient still 
 for eight weeks, others for six : I beheve the 
 latter to be right. I am heartily sick of it. 
 This total want of news of any one is unbear- 
 able, and the constant anxiety and the one only 
 thought and conversation is wearying in the 
 extreme. 
 
 The cold was intense during the next few 
 days ; hunger and misery did their cruel work. 
 Horses were rapidly disappearing from the 
 streets ; a few poultry remained, but the prices 
 demanded for them were fabulous, and upwards 
 of four hundred thousand persons were in re- 
 ceipt of relief. 
 
 Christmas day broke gloomily. It was said 
 at the time that cold, hunger, agony, grief, and 
 despair sat enthroned in Paris. Christmas day 
 proved the coldest that had yet been experienced, 
 and, to make matters worse, all the fire-wood 
 was that morning requisitioned by the authorities. 
 Here is the letter I wrote to my wife on that 
 most dreary anniversary of the great festival. 
 I will give it exactly as it was written : — 
 
 Paris, 25th of December, 1870. 
 
 My dearest Gertrude, — The last letters I 
 wrote to you were on the Hth, 10th, Kith, ll)th, 
 and 22nd of December. I wish you, Marie, and 
 all your circle a happy Christinas. I cannot say 
 much for my Christmas, for 1 feel very lonely 
 
 o
 
 194 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 and at times discouraged, but I do not allow 
 myself to despond. We had no midnight 
 mass, as there is no more gas lit after twelve. 
 I thought of 3'ou all, and am sure you all prayed 
 for me. I saw Abbe Miquel to-day. You know 
 he is first Vicaire of St. Philippe. 
 
 The weather is dreadfully cold, and the 
 suffering in consequence indescribable. No coal 
 is to be had, and scarcely any wood. There is 
 luckily a stock of both in the Rue de Courcelles, 
 and I shall be able to let Madame de Vatry have 
 some if I cannot get it anywhere else for her. I 
 have great trouble about my horses. Jules Favre 
 says I have no privilege, but adds that he has no 
 doubt that the Minister of Commerce will do 
 something for me. All I want is to save Mouse, 
 and still hope to do so. I have not much more 
 food for the horses or cow, and must get rid of 
 the latter if I can find none immediately. I 
 have bottled some milk for my tea, but I shall 
 have no more butter. Do not be alarmed about 
 me, for I have still salt meat, two hams, biscuit, 
 and confiture. We also get well fed at the 
 club at dinner, but prices are exorbitant. I have 
 no complaints in the Rue de Courcelles, and 
 therefore suppose they have enough. I heard 
 from W. Mostyn on the 23rd, letter dated 2nd 
 of December. He says that you are all well, 
 but his account of Daisy is middling. I have 
 received no telegrams, although many thousands 
 have arrived. There has not been much fight- 
 ing since my letter on the 22nd, but the suffer- 
 ings of the troops from cold are awful. I 
 suppose we shall have another awful carnage in 
 a few days. All the news we know is gathered 
 from papers found on Prussian dead or prisoners.
 
 COEONATION OF THE GEKMAN EMPEEOE 195 
 
 It appears to me that the French have 
 inflicted severe checks so far on the Prussians, 
 but that we cannot hope to be reheved by a 
 French army. I fear we cannot force in this 
 hnk of the chain that surrounds us. Paris can, 
 I think, find provisions for another month at 
 least. We hear that the King of Prussia is 
 crowned Emperor of Germany. His crown is at 
 any rate steeped in blood, and such crowns do 
 not fit comfortably. Charles Dillon is well. I 
 never heard of Hortense Thayer, but will go and 
 see her in a day or two. Aston says he is better — 
 at any rate he is always about and on horseback. 
 Perhaps all the horses have been requisitioned. 
 Good bye, best love to all. 
 
 Most affectionately yours, 
 
 E. Blount. 
 
 2
 
 196 
 
 CHAPTEE X 
 
 CONSUL IN PARIS DURING THE CLOSING DAYS OF 
 
 THE SIEGE 
 
 Just after Christmas the pigeon post began to 
 fail, and for more than a fortnight Paris was 
 without news of the outer world. I wrote to my 
 wife on January 1st, 1871, to wish her a happy 
 New Year, and two or three sentences from the 
 letter may be cited : — 
 
 My cow is killed, and poor Pauline broken- 
 hearted. I still get salt cow for breakfast, bread 
 and confiture, and I have some bottled milk. 
 I have given Aston some cow, for he can no 
 longer find food at the restaurants, and prices 
 are frightful. A ham costs 250 francs, a rabbit 
 35 to 40 francs, camel 14 francs and elephant 
 25 francs a pound. Nevertheless people can 
 live three or four weeks more. We do not get 
 as much as we want at dinner, which is now 50 
 francs per head (relatively cheap), but I think a 
 little starvation does no harm. Aston seems 
 now better. I have had the ' grippe,' but am 
 much better to-day. I still have my big horse 
 and Mouse, but I defend them from day to day. 
 There has been no fighting for the last few days
 
 THE ABSENCE OP NEWS 197 
 
 on this side, but the Prussians night and day 
 bombard the forts. The absence of news causes 
 all sorts of reports — change of Ministry in Eng- 
 land. I do not believe a word of it — also that 
 Chanzy has beaten Frederick Charles. I hope 
 that this is true. I have much to do with the 
 English, since all the Embassy have gone. 
 
 It was now more than a month since I had 
 had any news of my family, and as one of my 
 daughters was very ill my anxiety was naturally 
 great. I wrote on January 5, telling of the 
 despatch of my previous letter, and giving 
 further particulars about the state of affairs in 
 the beleaguered city. 
 
 It is now more than a month since I heard 
 about you all — it makes me anxious, and particu- 
 larly about poor Daisy. Letters have arrived 
 here from Brussels, dated December 23, but 
 they give no news about you ; also many people 
 have had copies sent to them of advertisements 
 in the ' Times,' but I have had none. I suspect 
 that this system will be no longer of any use, as 
 the Prussians probably know of it and will stop 
 it for the future. I am, as you may iuiagine, 
 heartily sick of the life I lead, always alone, and 
 I have had an attack of ' grippe,' which has 
 not added to the pleasures of existence. As far 
 as I am concerned I get enough to eat. Thank 
 Heaven I am not ' difficile,' and do not require 
 much, but the small portions served out at the 
 club at 10 francs a head make some of our 
 friends rather less ' Chauvin ' than they were —
 
 198 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 even the Colonel asks for more. Prices of pro- 
 visions are enormous, a ham 250 francs, a rabbit 
 35 francs, a goose 100 francs, a chicken 40 
 francs, potatoes 3 sous, elephant 14 francs per 
 pound, and camel the same price. No coal is to 
 be had at any price. I gave 250 kilos to Abb6 
 Miquel, and 500 kilos to Madame de Vatry, and 
 exchanged 1,200 kilos for 30 bundles of hay. 
 I have been able to save my mare Mouse up to 
 the present moment, but sadly fear that she will 
 be seized. My last cow is gone, and poor 
 Pauline and Clementine look very sad indeed. 
 No one can form an opinion of how long Paris 
 can hold out. I believe that there are provisions 
 for a month, and perhaps as many days more as 
 would be required to bring them in. There has 
 been a frightful cannonading all day to-day, and 
 some projectiles have fallen in the Cemetery of 
 Mont Parnasse. I do not as yet know what 
 damage they have done, but I suspect very 
 little. I am going, if I can, to send my clerk, 
 Mons. Carnaud, by balloon to London. If he 
 goes he will write to Henri to join him in 
 London. 
 
 M. Carnaud duly got away. His mission 
 was to buy provisions and be ready to bring 
 them into Paris the moment the siege was 
 raised. I wrote telling my wife of his departure 
 and giving her his address in London, which 
 was the Cannon Street Hotel. 
 
 I added, under date of January 12, 1871 : — 
 
 I have had no further news of you since
 
 PAEIS UNDEK BOMBARDMENT 199 
 
 W. Mostyn's letter of 2nd December. 15,000 
 telegraphic despatches have arrived from Bor- 
 deaux, 5,000 have been distributed, and not 
 one for me. Send a short one to me. There 
 are all sorts of reports about the time for 
 which there is food. T have a difficulty in be- 
 lieving that there is more than for three weeks 
 or a month, but some members of the Govern- 
 ment declare that we can hold out all February. 
 If so, I think the Prussians will have enough of 
 it, for the armies of the provinces seem to be 
 giving them much trouble. They have ' shotted ' 
 us frightfully for some days. Many fell in Paris, 
 and one in the Eue du Bac, also in the Duchesse 
 de GaUiera's garden. The ' serres ' of the 
 Jardin des Plantes are destroyed, St. Sulpice 
 damaged, and the Pitie Hospital devastated. 
 The Pantheon also has received a good many 
 shells. Auteuil, Passy, and Grenelle have suf- 
 fered considerably. A good many deaths have 
 been the consequence, and five little girls in one 
 school were killed with one shot. There is 
 now an emigration towards the middle of Paris. 
 I fear the Kue de Courcelles runs some risk, 
 but Madame Gomot, etc., live in the ' sous-sol.' 
 The notice of the bombardment arrived live 
 days after it began, that is only the day 
 before yesterday, and I suppose we shall 
 have an awful shower of iron to-night. The 
 noise is awful, a loud report, then a whistle 
 and a crash. It has had no effect on the people, 
 except to make them more determined than 
 ever. Odo liussell has sent me, by order of 
 Lord Granville, instructions to pay to the British 
 Charitable Fund 1,500/. for the Enghsh poor in 
 Paris.
 
 200 SIE EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 Five days later I wrote : — 
 
 I have nothing new to say, as the position is 
 the same as it was, except that we are drawnig 
 nearer to the end of our provisions. It is im- 
 possible to know the truth on this matter — indeed, 
 I believe that nobody does know the reality. 
 We are now allowed 400 grammes of heavy black 
 bread per head, composed of a small quantity of 
 wheat flour, and the rest oatmeal and rice. As 
 all the horses are disappearing, being eaten, oats 
 are to be had. Indeed, there are so many con- 
 trivances to eke out existence, that I think we 
 may find sufficient to keep body and soul together 
 for three wrecks more — indeed, if there is a chance 
 of an army coming to our succour, the hope 
 might make us stand our miseries longer. Per- 
 sonally, I am pretty well off. I still have one 
 horse and some cow, biscuits, and confiture, but 
 the misery around me is frightful. I have no 
 ofiicial capacity, and am often placed in a false 
 position. All the other Powers have signed a 
 protest against the bombardment, and the absence 
 of England has produced a painful effect. The 
 ' Electeur Libre ' says that I did not protest 
 because I had done so previously by separate 
 communication to Lord Granville. This is 
 naturally untrue, but I dare not rectify it. I 
 fear that my position may become ridiculous, 
 and really this is too bad. We are still shelled 
 awfully. The noise is tremendous, and even in 
 the Eue de la Paix I cannot sleep. Nothing 
 has fallen nearer to it than the Invalides. At 
 first I did not believe that the Prussians picked 
 out particular buildings, churches, hospitals, etc., 
 but as they have thrown their missiles into the
 
 THE HOTEL DE VILLE ATTACKED 201 
 
 Salpetriere, it appears to me that they must 
 have meant it. A great many women and 
 children have been killed, and all this barbarity 
 is useless, as Paris will not yield a day sooner 
 for it. I think the German papers show as much 
 irritation, but they must be alarmed. In line, it 
 is an unmitigated horror, and I see no solution. 
 I still have my horses, but expect every day to 
 have to give them up. I have sold all the wood 
 we had, beyond what was necessary, as I feared 
 a seizure.' 
 
 My next letter was written on the hundred 
 and twenty-seventh day of the siege, the nine- 
 teenth of the bombardment, Monday, January 
 23rd, 1871. 
 
 On the previous Saturday night the mob 
 attacked the Prison of Mazas, and succeeded in 
 liberating Flourens, Pyat, and other Eevolu- 
 tionists. The following morning they seized the 
 Mairie of the Twentieth AiTondissement, but were 
 repulsed by the National Guard. A fierce crowd 
 gathered round the Hotel de Ville in the after- 
 noon, exclaiming : ' Donnez-nous du pain.' They 
 looted the neighbouring houses and finally at- 
 tacked the Hotel de Ville itself, but the Garde 
 Mobile came to the rescue and fired on the mob, 
 killing five and wounding eighteen, and then 
 the people melted away like snow. 
 
 Next day, Jannaiy 22nd, General Truclm
 
 202 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 resigned his military coiiiinand in consequence of 
 the clamour against what the mob regarded as a 
 too cautious defence of Paris, and the post was 
 abolished. I called upon him on the evening of 
 the same day at the Etat Major in the Place 
 Vendome, where I had often seen him sur- 
 rounded by a brilliant staff. Now, alas ! I 
 found him abandoned — in fact left to face the 
 crisis, with Madame Trochu and one faithful 
 member of his staff, M. de Montebello. The 
 General was calm, and frankly recognised the 
 situation. He asked me whether I had ever 
 thought it possible, with the kind of army left in 
 Paris, demoralised, half-starved, and with nothing 
 in abundance, except drink, to make an effectual 
 stand against the splendid and highly disciplined 
 troops of the invaders. I was compelled to 
 admit the truth of such a view ; for though the 
 French soldiers, even when driven to bay, showed 
 no lack of valour, their condition in Paris at 
 that time was, in other respects, deplorable. 
 
 I wrote next day as follows : — 
 
 We had a bad riot here yesterday. The 
 Belleville mob attacked the Hotel de Ville, but 
 were repulsed, though a good many lives were 
 lost. It is very dreadful, and I pray Heaven 
 that it may be soon over, and I think it will. 
 All is quiet to day. We are only allowed a small
 
 THE PEUSSIAN SHELLS 203 
 
 quantity of bread, and it is hard, heavy, and 
 black. I still have m^^ horses, but have had a 
 hard fight to preserve them. The bombardment 
 continues day and night. The Prussians send 
 us a great many murderous shells. St. Denis is 
 completely destroyed, and the loss of life on the 
 ' rive gauche ' is considerable. It is a useless 
 piece of barbarity, for Paris will not yield a day 
 sooner for it. We have provisions for fifteen 
 days more. You know I always said there was 
 food until the middle of January. The last 
 battle under the walls of Paris has caused great 
 desolation. We must trust in Providence and 
 hope for the best. 
 
 We can last until the 5th of February, but 
 there will be nothing left, and the railways cannot 
 be opened for from five to eight days. We may 
 have therefore a frightful epoch to pass. I have 
 written strongly to Lord Lyons on the subject, 
 and addressed my letter to the Foreign Ofiice, as 
 I do not know where he is. I am terribly tor- 
 mented by the English. They are frightened out 
 of their wits, have no money, and are watched as 
 spies. My whole day is occupied with them. 
 'J'he ^Ministers treat me as if I had official 
 powers, but I have none. Odo Russell writes to 
 me from Versailles. I suppose you cannot write 
 to that place ? His address is 6, Place Hoche. 
 I wrote to Lord Granville to ask him to give me 
 news of you, and so perhaps you will hear from 
 him. I do all I can to replace the Embassy. 
 It will soon l)e all over now, for we are dis- 
 heartened at the news from the provinces. 
 
 I have reached a point in my narrative when 
 it becomes necessary to explain the circnni-
 
 204 SIK EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 stances which led to my appointment, hy des- 
 patch, dated January 24, 1871, as Her Majesty's 
 Consul in Paris during the siege. Lord Lyons, 
 with several other Ambassadors, on November 17 
 quitted Paris, shortly after the siege began, but 
 the American Minister, and all the other mem- 
 bers of the Diplomatic Corps, to the number of 
 seventeen, stuck to their posts in the beleaguered 
 city. The British Government sanctioned the 
 departure of the Ambassador, though the manner 
 of Lord Lyons 's withdi'awal did not escape criti- 
 cism in the House of Commons. Sir Eobert 
 Peel denounced the Ambassador's departure as 
 an ' ungenerous and unmanly flight.' He pointed 
 out the position in which nearly two thousand 
 English subjects were placed by what he regarded 
 as a dereliction of duty, and he added 1ihat he 
 could not help looking upon his conduct as ' most 
 unbecoming.' Lord Malmesbury, speaking in 
 the House of Lords on the same subject, said : 
 ' Thank God the English were not wholly de- 
 serted — they were taken care of by three men 
 whose names will be considered noble as long as 
 the history of the siege is recorded, Mr. Wallace, 
 Dr. Herbert (Lord Carnarvon's brother), and 
 Mr. Blount — and by their means hundreds w^ere 
 saved from misery and death.'
 
 BRITISH SUBJECTS IN PAEIS 205 
 
 I must add that Mr. Gladstone in the 
 Commons, and Lord Granville in the Lords, 
 deprecated such attacks, and defended Lord 
 Lyons's departure. Part of Mr. Gladstone's 
 speech in the House of Commons, February 17, 
 may be quoted : — 
 
 If the flight of Lord Lyons is to be cen- 
 sured, it was not ' ungenerous or unmanly,' for 
 he acted under the direct injunctions of the 
 Government at home, and Lord Lyons can in 
 no sense be held responsible for it. I wish to 
 know what w^ould have been our wisdom and 
 prudence if at that time, when the iron circle was 
 about to close round Paris, we had instructed 
 Lord Lyons to remain there, and had made 
 ourselves dependent for our communications 
 with our principal and most trusted agent in 
 France upon the chances of passing through the 
 Prussian lines, and of the replies also passing 
 through those lines, so that three, five, ten, or 
 more days would have been occupied in the 
 passage of communications. My right hon. 
 friend, Sir Kobert Peel, seems to think that the 
 primary duty of an Ambassador in Paris is to 
 take care of the British subjects in Paris ; but 
 there cannot be a greater mistake — his primary 
 duty is to take care of the interests of his country ; 
 it is a collateral duty to do all that he can for 
 those English people who may have occasion to 
 reside in Paris, but there was no occasion for 
 any to reside in Paris who could get out of it. 
 
 Lord Granville in the House of Lords, on
 
 206 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 February 21, spoke to the same effect, but added 
 that the Government had ascertained, after 
 Colonel Claremont had left Paris, that a great 
 many English men and women were shut up in 
 the French capital, and were suffering terrible 
 privations in consequence of the siege. He 
 added that the British G-overnment had acknow- 
 ledged the aid which was given at such a crisis 
 by Messrs. Wallace, Herbert, and Blount to 
 their distressed fellow-countrymen, and that 
 about 42,000?. had been expended in this 
 direction. 
 
 At the same time, the fact remains that, 
 through the failure of the British Government 
 to provide for the presence of an authorised 
 representative in Paris, the British residents 
 were placed during the siege in a most 
 perilous position. Lord Lyons admitted that it 
 was by his instructions that Mr. Wodehouse, 
 whom he had left in temporary charge of the 
 Embassy, left the city the moment it was 
 threatened with bombardment, or, in other 
 words, exactly when the presence of some one in 
 authority was most needed. Lord Lyons left on 
 September 16 for Tours, where a section of the 
 Provisional Government was sitting. England, 
 acting in concert with other Powers, had already
 
 DEPAETUEE OF LOED LYONS 207 
 
 recognised it as the de facto Government of 
 France. Lord Lyons declared that he regarded 
 it as his duty at the moment to act with his 
 principal colleagues. He was anxious, moreover, 
 to be in a position to confer immediately with 
 the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, Jules 
 Favre, as well as to be able to communicate at 
 once, without the risk of his despatches being 
 intercepted, with his own Government. When 
 the Provisional Government left Tours and 
 made Bordeaux its headquarters. Lord Lyons 
 went also, as did his colleagues. 
 
 Meanwhile, as the enemy had invested Paris, 
 other decisions were taken by the Foreign Office, 
 with the result that, at about the middle of the 
 siege, the whole of the staff followed their chief. 
 This diplomatic retreat, to make matters worse, 
 was accompanied by the hurried departure of 
 Her Majesty's Consul and the whole of his 
 staff, so that the English in Paris were left at 
 a supreme crisis without any official represen- 
 tative, either in politics or commerce, of Her 
 Majesty's Government. The departure of the 
 staff of the Embassy, and particularly that of 
 Colonel Clareniont, Military Attache, was much 
 criticised, but I can only mention the fact, and 
 it is not my province to comment on the matter.
 
 208 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 But, as the situation became more critical, it 
 became necessary that some one should act de- 
 cisively in the interests of Her Majesty's sub- 
 jects in Paris, and the task of looking after our 
 distressed fellow-countrymen devolved upon me. 
 Colonel Claremont, before quitting Paris, 
 requested, on his own responsibility. General 
 Trochu to accept me for this post of difficulty, 
 and for several weeks before a balloon despatch 
 arrived in Paris, addi-essed to M. Jules Favre, in 
 which I was formally appointed British Consul, 
 I had virtually undertaken the duties of that 
 position. The first formal intimation I received 
 of an official appointment was contained in the 
 following note from Lord Lyons, sent by pigeon 
 on January 26 : — 
 
 M. Edward Blount, 3 Kue de la Paix. 
 
 ' Vous etes autorise des a present a entrer en 
 fonctions et a sauvegarder les interets de nos 
 nationaux. La Delegation a Bordeaux annonce 
 votre nomination au Gouvernement a Paris.' 
 
 Lyons. 
 
 A day or two later the confirmation of this 
 appointment reached me in a despatch from 
 Lord Granville : 
 
 Foreign Office, January 24, 1871. 
 
 ' Sir, — I have to thank you on behalf of Her 
 Majesty's Government for the kind attention
 
 MY APPOINTMENT AS BRITISH CONSUL 209 
 
 which you are showing to the interests of British 
 subjects shut up in Paris, and I have thought it 
 might aid you in doing so if you were provided 
 with some official authority. 
 
 I accordingly enclose to you a Commission 
 under Her Majesty's Sign Manual appointing you 
 to be her Consul in Paris. I had desired Mr. Odo 
 Russell to ascertain from you whether it would 
 be agreeable to you to receive such authority ; 
 but as the communications between England 
 and Versailles are slow, and as the opportunities 
 which Mr. Russell may have of communicating 
 with you are probably few and uncertain, I have 
 thought it best at once to send this letter and 
 the enclosed Commission to him, to be sent to 
 you as soon as possible, anticipating -thus the 
 expression of your willingness to receive and act 
 under it. 
 
 I should be much obliged to you if you 
 would express to Mr. Herbert, Mr. Wallace, and 
 the Rev. Clarke Smyth the thanks of Her 
 Majesty's Government for their kindness towards 
 British subjects, explaining that I do not write 
 to them myself on account of the difficulty of 
 passing letters into Paris. 
 
 I am. Sir, 
 Your most obedient and humble servant, 
 
 GllANVILLE. 
 
 The following official communication, issued 
 according to the usual form on such occasions, 
 from the Government of National Defence, 
 speaks for itself : — 
 
 Le Gouvernement de la Defense Nationale, 
 
 p
 
 210 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 ayant vii et examine la Commission en date du 
 23 Janvier 1871, par laquelle Sa Majeste 
 britannique a nomme Edward Blount, Esquire, 
 Consul du Royaume Uni h, Paris, et voulant 
 traiter favorablement M. Ed. Blount, lui a accorde 
 I'autorisation d'exercer les fonctions qui lui sont 
 conferees dans I'interet des gens de mer et 
 marchands britanniques et de jouir de tons les 
 privileges, franchises et preeminences attaches 
 a son emploi, ordonne a toutes les autorites 
 administratives et judiciaires de le reconnaitre en 
 la qualite de Consul, afin qu'il puisse remplir 
 librement lesdites fonctions consulaires, sous la 
 reserve toutefois, que s'il se livrait a des actes 
 pour lesquelles il entrat personnellement dans 
 des engagements, il pourrait etre poursuivi, ainsi 
 qu'il est d'usage, sans etre admis a opposer aucun 
 privilege. Enjoint auxdites autorites de tenir 
 la main a I'execution de la presente autorisation, 
 qu'elles feront enregistrer partout ou besoin 
 sera. 
 
 Fait a Paris, fevrier 1871. 
 
 (Signe) General Teochu, Ernest 
 PicARD, Jules Ferry, Emm. Arago, 
 Jules Favre, Gtarnier Pages, 
 Eugene Pelletan. 
 
 Meanwhile Lord Lyons contrived to send 
 me another letter from Bordeaux, in which satis- 
 faction was expressed at my appointment : — 
 
 Bordeaux, January 26, 1871. 
 
 My dear Mr. Blount, — I cannot tell you what a 
 relief it is to me that you should have official au- 
 thority to take care of our countrymen in Paris in
 
 THE DISTEIBUTION OF BELIEF 211 
 
 these terrible times. I am sure you will not grudge 
 the labour which it will add to your many good 
 works. I send you in an official shape a list of 
 applications. You will see at a glance what, if 
 anything, can be done now in the several cases. 
 I have included amongst the names my niece, 
 Lady Minna Howard, at the Carmelite Convent, 
 No. 25, Eue d'Enfer, though I am sure it is not 
 necessary for me to recommend her and her 
 sister nuns to your care. 
 
 Yours very sincerely, 
 
 Lyons. 
 
 Mr. Wallace, Dr. Herbert, and myself distri- 
 buted from first to last some forty thousand 
 pounds in relief. Both these gentlemen were 
 indefatigable all through the siege in their efforts 
 to relieve distress. I myself spent a large sum 
 out of my own purse, for it was impossible to 
 witness such suffering without taking instant 
 steps to alleviate it. I do not wish to magnify 
 my own services, for I only tried to do my duty, 
 but I am glad to think that in the presence of 
 starvation I never counted the cost. It is 
 scarcely necessary to add that I refused to receive 
 any payment for my services, but the Govern- 
 ment repaid me 1,000Z. which I had advanced 
 by their orders. 
 
 Tidings of the Convention of the 28th of Ja- 
 nuary, providing for the armistice, were suddenly 
 
 F 2
 
 212 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 received, and as Mr. Washbourne put it : 
 ' Those who had fought least made the greatest 
 noise and were more furious than any one else to 
 continue the war a outrance' Gambetta, who 
 was at Tours on the last day of January, issued 
 a defiant proclamation which did much to com- 
 plicate the situation. Khetoric notwithstanding, 
 Paris was vanquished, and more by hunger than 
 by the sword. 
 
 In a letter which I find I wrote to my wife 
 at the moment, and dated January 31, 1871, 
 occur these words : — 
 
 You will have heard of all that has taken 
 place here. We have what is called armistice, 
 but what is in reality a capitulation. The 
 misery is appalling. We hope for provisions at 
 the end of the week, but the railways are in an 
 awful state. There is no way of getting to 
 Boulogne or Calais. I am overloaded with work. 
 Her Majesty has named me her Consul, and 
 the Ministers have written me flattering letters. 
 I had to break open the offices at the Embassy 
 to get the papers to give passports. Thank 
 Heaven the bombardment is over, and all this 
 carnage. I bought some beef to-day at six francs a 
 pound. I bought horse-flesh, which I distributed 
 amongst my own clerks and others to save 
 them from starvation. Peace must be made, for 
 we cannot believe that all these horrors are to 
 begin again.
 
 VANQUISHED BY HUNGEE 213 
 
 Meanwhile the King of Prussia had been 
 solemnly proclaimed Emperor of Germany in 
 the Galerie des Glaces, at Versailles, on January 
 18, 1871, the anniversary of the day on which 
 Frederick, first King of Prussia, had crow^ned 
 himself at Konigsberg in 1701. Six days later 
 Paris was driven to bay, not merely by bombard- 
 ment but by lack of bread. On January 24, the 
 Crown Prince wrote that the greatest excitement 
 prevailed in Versailles, and added : — 
 
 At the conference in His Majesty's quarters, 
 attended by Moltke, Eoon, and myself, Bismarck 
 announced that Favre was prepared to conclude 
 an armistice, surrender the forts, and lay down his 
 weapons. He confesses that there is famine in 
 Paris, and that 'une sedition a eclate.' He was 
 afraid to return, and at supper with Bismarck 
 displayed the appetite of a wolf. 
 
 Two days later MM. Thiers, Favre, and 
 Picard were forced to agree to the cession of 
 Alsace, including Strasburg, part of Lorraine 
 with Metz, and a war indemnity of five milliards 
 of francs (200,000,000/.) It was on such terms 
 that the preliminaries of peace were signed at 
 Versailles on Sunday, February 26. 
 
 As soon as Bismarck and Jules Favre signed 
 the armistice, the practical question that came 
 up, in Paris at least, was the bringing in of pro-
 
 214 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 visions for the starving populace with the smallest 
 possible delay. Kailway communications were 
 broken, and the Seine was impassable because of 
 the destruction of all the bridges, and the craft 
 that had been sunk in it during the siege. 
 February opened dismally. The soldiers were 
 lounging about the streets, famished, unarmed, 
 and disheartened, and, as if to make matters worse, 
 it was discovered that a blunder had been made 
 in the official statistics respecting the stock of 
 provisions still on hand, which had already 
 come perilously near to the vanishing point. 
 
 The elections for the new National Assembly 
 were to take place on February 8, and the 
 Deputies were to meet at Bordeaux in the 
 following week, so as to be able to speak for 
 France decisively before the armistice expired. 
 
 The want of fuel was now quite as great as 
 the lack of food. Meanwhile everything was in 
 suspense pending the result of the elections, and 
 my position, I need scarcely say, was sufficiently 
 arduous, as the following letter to my wife, dated 
 February 6, 1871, reveals : — 
 
 I will send Aston to see you as soon as the 
 road to Nantes is open. I believe that it is 
 possible to get a train through, but the authority 
 to do so has not yet arrived. As for myself, I 
 must stay here. I have now more than I can
 
 BEIGHTENING PBOSPECTS 215 
 
 get through. The Queen has named me her 
 Consul here, and I am, during the absence of the 
 Embassy, to attend to all the diplomatic busi- 
 ness and see Jules Favre frequently and the 
 other Ministers. I have to issue and sign all 
 the passports, give advice and assistance to all 
 my countrymen, and besides this, to attend to 
 my own business. I have no attache or any one to 
 help me, and as I must write to Lord Granville 
 or Odo Eussell at Versailles every day, I am up 
 till three in the morning. Aston goes on horse- 
 back for me to Versailles two or three times a 
 week, and will take this letter. I was there last 
 week, and saw Odo Eussell. The great difficulty 
 I have is to get answers to anything from the 
 Ministers here. They are inexperienced and 
 overloaded in their business. I can assure you 
 that I should like to see you, if only for twenty- 
 four hours, but it is impossible. I cannot leave, 
 and you must not come here. All the doctors 
 say that it is bad to come into Paris ; the air is 
 dangerous to those who have not got accustomed 
 to it. Our food is better, we get some Hour- 
 bread, and Aston has brought us all fresh meat 
 from Versailles. The goods trains are arriving fast, 
 and I have no doubt that we shall have enough. 
 The English have sent lots of money and pro- 
 visions. I saved Mouse and my other horse by 
 one subterfuge or the other, and for the last 
 few days could claim privilege. The Commission 
 of Consul was sent mo before I accepted, it was 
 80 urgent to have some one here. I replied that I 
 would h(jld during ' Her Majesty's pleasure.' It 
 is impossible I can do the work long, and when 
 Lord Lyons comes back I shall l)e relieved of 
 the labour.
 
 216 SIE EDWAKD BLOUNT 
 
 The air was filled with rumours, and nobody 
 within Paris knew what would happen from 
 hour to hour. The German troops were now in 
 possession of the forts, and, with the exception 
 of tw^elve thousand men, who were left under 
 arms to preserve order, the regulars and mobiles 
 ahke, who had defended Paris, were prisoners of 
 war. The armistice had been signed on January 
 28, and was to expire on February 19, so that 
 there were only five days for the Assembly, 
 which was to meet at Bordeaux on the 12th, to 
 arrive at a decision. In a letter written to my 
 wife on February 9, I find that I said : — 
 
 As for myself, I am tired and sick of Paris, 
 but there is not the slightest chance of my 
 getting away until I am relieved by some of the 
 Embassy, for I have all on my back, passports, 
 certificates, marriages, advice, etc. In fine, it 
 must be done, therefore there is no use grumbling. 
 I have had a very kind letter from Lord Lyons. 
 You know how good he is, and it was his kind- 
 ness of heart which allowed him to let all the 
 Embassy leave. Let us all hope that we shall 
 meet before long. As for myself, I hope to get 
 away in ten days, but I have now to organise 
 the distribution of one thousand four hundred 
 tons of provisions sent by the English Govern- 
 ment, and I hope the Caisse d'Epargne may add 
 to it. 
 
 Mr. Odo Eussell, afterwards Lord Ampthill,
 
 ENGLAND TO THE EESCUE 217 
 
 had been despatched by the English Government 
 on a special mission to the headquarters of the 
 German army at Versailles, and, during those 
 anxious days of the armistice, I was often in 
 communication with him. 
 
 Almost the first person to enter Paris was 
 Mr. Lawrence Oliphant, who came with a brief 
 note from Odo Russell to the following effect : 
 ' Let me introduce Mr. Oliphant to you. His 
 name is too well known to require a biography.' 
 I was in constant communication with Odo 
 Russell about the question of relief of distress, 
 and that he acted energetically in the matter 
 the following notes will show : — 
 
 Versailles, February 1st, 1871. 
 
 Lord Granville telegraphs to-day : ' Inform 
 Mr. Blount that a gentleman named Moore is 
 proceeding to-night to Dieppe, on his way to 
 Paris, on behalf of the Lord Mayor, in charge of 
 provisions, and request him to take any steps in 
 his power to prevent any obstacles being thrown 
 in the way of his safe passage into Paris. I will 
 inform the German authorities in like manner, 
 but as far as I know this matter does not 
 concern them, but the French.' 
 
 Odo Russell. 
 
 6, Place Hoche, Versailles, February 2nd, 1871. 
 
 Lord Granville telegraphs to-day : ' Inform 
 M. Jules Favre and headquarters at Versailles 
 that on their joint request by telegraph or other-
 
 218 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 wise our stores and people are at their service 
 if we can be of any use, subject to no condition 
 except that whatever we do must be done with 
 the cognisance and approval of a French and a 
 German agent. — Gkanville.' Will you give pub- 
 licity to this and communicate it to M. Favre 
 in Paris, in the name of H.M. Government, 
 while I do the same here at Versailles ? 
 
 Odo Eussell. 
 
 As soon as the armistice was proclaimed, the 
 London Belief Committee, which had been nobly 
 working all through the siege, and was only wait- 
 ing its opportunity, despatched its first consign- 
 ment of food and fuel to Paris by way of Folkestone 
 and Dieppe, as a gift. In the early days of Fe- 
 bruary nearly ten thousand tons of flour, four hun- 
 dred and fifty tons of rice, nine hundred tons of 
 biscuits, three hundred and sixty tons of fish, 
 and nearly four thousand tons of fuel, with about 
 seven thousand head of live stock, were brought 
 to the relief of Paris. 
 
 When Mr. Moore, who was sent by the Lord 
 Mayor in charge of the stores, informed me that 
 they had arrived, I hastened to present him to 
 the proper authorities. The goods were received 
 with thanks, but when a certain quantity of 
 pheasants and other luxuries were seen by the 
 Delegates of the Provisional Government, they
 
 EENEWAL OF POSTAL COMMUNICATIONS 219 
 
 exclaimed: 'Ces choses-la sont pour I'aristocratie 
 et non pour le peuple. II ne serait pas prudent 
 de les distribuer,' and, if I remember right, 
 the pheasants and luxuries were sent back to 
 England. 
 
 It was some time before postal communica- 
 tions were re-opened between Paris and London, 
 The accompanying letters enable the reader 
 to realise something of the nature of the 
 difficulties which prevailed in the transmission 
 of correspondence at the close of the siege. 
 M. Desenne, Chef de Bureau for the Section of 
 Correspondence, wrote to me on February 2, 
 1871 :— 
 
 Sir, — You took the trouble to go to the Post 
 Office (Administration des Postes) to inquire 
 whether the General Post Office in London had 
 been informed of the arrangements said to have 
 been made relative to letters from Great Britain 
 for Paris, and of the postage which should be 
 charged for these letters. I regret to be unable 
 to supply you with any indication on this sub- 
 ject. As soon as the arrangements in question 
 shall have been completed with the agents of 
 the North German Confederation postal service, 
 I shall be happy to comply with your request 
 and to make known to you the conditions to be 
 fulfilled for the interchange of correspondence 
 between Paris and London during the duration 
 of the armistice.
 
 220 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 Further, the same writer, under date of 
 February 4, 1871, addressed the following letter 
 to the Acting British Consul in Paris : — 
 
 Sir, — In compliance with the request which 
 you expressed to me to make known as soon as 
 possible the arrangements come to with regard 
 to letters from England to the destination of 
 Paris during the armistice, I hasten to inform 
 you that the German authorities have not con- 
 sented to let the Paris Office continue to 
 correspond with the offices of foreign countries. 
 Letters from Paris for Great Britain and vice 
 versa shall be exchanged between the General 
 Post Office in London and the Postal Offices 
 of the North German Confederation, according 
 to the rules laid down for letters despatched 
 from the United Kingdom to Germany and vice 
 versa. Thus, a letter from Paris for London 
 will require to be franked as far as Versailles, 
 but could not be stamped for London except by 
 an intermediary residing at Versailles. In the 
 contrary direction, a letter from London for 
 Paris could only be posted as far as Versailles. 
 A letter weighing ten grammes franked from 
 Paris for London will be subjected to the pay- 
 ment by the sender of a tax of twenty centimes, 
 and by the recipient of a tax of sixpence (article 
 six of the Convention of April 25, 1870, between 
 England and North Germany) viz., sender 
 twenty centimes, receiver sixty-two and a half 
 centimes, total eighty-two and a half centimes. 
 A letter of the same weight, prepaid from London 
 to Paris, would cost the sender for the Anglo- 
 German postage, threepence, or thirty-one and
 
 THIERS IN POWEE 221 
 
 a quarter centimes, and to the receiver twenty 
 centimes, total fifty one and a quarter centimes. 
 Legally the tax incumbent on the receiver ought 
 to be thirty centimes, but bearing in mind the 
 impossibility of the British Post Office franking 
 letters for Paris beyond Versailles, the French 
 Post Office has decided not to charge for letters 
 prepaid to Versailles more than the cost of 
 postage from Versailles to Paris. In these 
 conditions it does not appear incumbent on the 
 French administration to write to the General 
 Post Office, according to the request of Mr. Odo 
 Bussell. It is for the German administration, 
 as medium between Paris and foreign parts, to 
 notify to the neutrals interested therein the 
 conditions of transmission by its intermediary 
 of letters which are exchanged in Paris. You 
 will no doubt deem it proper to inform Mr. Odo 
 Eussell of the preceding explanations, which I 
 beg of you to consider confidential. 
 
 Desenne. 
 
 On February 12, the Assembly met at 
 Bordeaux, and M. Thiers was appointed Chief of 
 the Executive Power and President of the Coun- 
 cil of Ministers. M. Thiers gave M. Dufaure 
 the portfolio of the Ministry of Justice, confirmed 
 Jules Favre as Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
 selected Ernest Picard as Minister of the Interior, 
 Jules Simon as Minister of Public Instruction, 
 and Admiral Pothuau as Minister of Marine. 
 Fifteen Commissioners were elected to assist 
 M. Thiers's Government in the peace negotia-
 
 222 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 tions at Versailles, and then the Assembly 
 adjourned until progress could be reported. 
 
 It was difficult for me to keep pace with the 
 demands of one kind or another, and especially 
 for assistance, advice, and safe conduct, which 
 now poured in upon me from all quarters. 
 
 In a letter written to my wife I say : — 
 
 Paris, 18th February. 
 
 A messenger is going at eleven with des- 
 patches for Lord Granville from me, and I have 
 just one moment to write to you. I am over- 
 whelmed with business. The letters which now 
 arrive are most numerous, but as Wodehouse 
 has come back, and as West is coming to- 
 morrow, I shall be relieved of some part of what 
 I have to do. We do not know whether any of 
 the letters we write are received. We have now 
 to organise the distribution of fourteen hundred 
 tons of provisions sent by the English Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 My next letter, written immediately after- 
 wards, shows that order was gradually being 
 evolved out of chaos : — 
 
 I am getting a little clear of the confusion 
 attendant upon the opening of Paris, and as 
 West and Wodehouse are here, I shall be able 
 to get away soon. I cannot find out as yet how 
 to get to Amiens. The Western Railway goes 
 to Le Mans ; to-morrow I will find out whether 
 it is possible to go to Amiens by Redon. The 
 English Cabinet messenger who came from
 
 THE EXODUS FEOM PAEIS 223 
 
 Bordeaux to-day was three days on the road. I 
 do not know what day I can start, but certainly 
 not before Wednesday. I must be in London as 
 soon as possible, therefore I will stay two days 
 with you, and then go to London the nearest 
 way possible. I must stay in England six days, 
 of which two must be spent in seeing my property 
 in Worcestershire, of which I know nothing. 
 Everything is quiet here. I suppose peace will 
 soon be concluded. 
 
 The exodus from Paris of English people 
 was great and constant during the armistice, 
 and, apart from the work of relief, my hands were 
 full with the task of preparing passports, as the 
 following letter from Lord Enfield will show : — 
 
 Foreign Office, February 18th, 1871. 
 
 Sir, — I am directed by Earl Granville to 
 acknowledge the receipt of a letter from you on 
 the 6th inst., containing information in regard 
 to the opening of railway communication with 
 Paris, and I am to express to you His Lordship's 
 thanks for the information contained in it ; and 
 also his approval of the steps taken by you in 
 supplying British subjects with passports to 
 enable them to leave Paris. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 Your most obedient and humble servant, 
 
 Enfield. 
 
 I was naturally anxious, now that the crisis 
 was over, to attend to my own business, as well 
 as to do what lay in my power to restore rail-
 
 224 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 way communications, and therefore it was a great 
 relief to me when another letter from the British 
 Government gave me the opportunity for the 
 honourable surrender of my position of Consul. 
 
 Foreign Office, February 20th, 1871. 
 
 gir^ — With reference to your letter of the 16th 
 inst., I am directed by Earl Granville to authorise 
 you, upon the receipt of this despatch, to transfer 
 the charge of Her Majesty's Consulate in Paris 
 to Mr. Willoughby. I am at the same time 
 to renew to you Lord Granville's thanks for 
 the able and zealous manner in which you 
 have performed the duties appertaining to Her 
 Majesty's Consul under trying and extraor- 
 dinary circumstances. 
 
 I am. Sir, 
 Your most obedient and humble servant, 
 
 Enfield. 
 
 The work of relief was now in full swing, and 
 help had not come before it was needed. I 
 wrote again on the 21st : — 
 
 I have made up my mind to stay here until 
 more settled times. It is a great annoyance to 
 me, but it would be foolish to give up so near the 
 end. West and Wodehouse are here. The for- 
 mer is energetic, both do whatever is needed. I 
 have written to Lord Granville to say that I will 
 stay here until we have either peace or war. I 
 believe the former is inevitable, but the Prussians 
 will come into Paris — at least, so they say — and 
 we shall have a ' mauvais quart d'heure,' and I 
 must not be absent. If peace is declared, you
 
 C'EST UNE SPOLIATION VEEITABLE 225 
 
 can come here as soon as the journey is possible 
 for Marie. [I had not then heard of the death 
 of my poor grandchild, who, I thought, was still 
 living at Madeira. The anxiety about her was 
 my keenest addition to the misery of the siege.] 
 It is not so now, for the trains from Nantes by 
 Eedon are frequently two days and nights on 
 the way, and so they will be as long as the 
 Prussians have the roads. 
 
 The National Assembly, when it met at 
 Bordeaux, confirmed the armistice, and ap- 
 pointed Thiers Chief of the Executive, and sent 
 him with Jules Favre, who was still Foreign 
 Minister, to negotiate the terms of peace at the 
 German headquarters at Versailles. The negotia- 
 tions were protracted and difficult, for the terms 
 offered were humiliating to France, and the 
 amount of the war indemnity was so great that 
 Thiers exclaimed, ' Ah ! c'est une spoHation 
 veritable ; c'est une indignite.' 
 
 Jules Favre made the mistake of asking that 
 
 the National Guard might be allowed to retain 
 
 their arms, little thinking that they would be 
 
 quickly turned against law and order in Paris. 
 
 He declared that Bismarck was evidently moved 
 
 by the deep emotion of Thiers, when at last the 
 
 preliminaries of peace were signed on the night 
 
 of February 25, for the German Chancellor 
 
 seized him by the hand and exclaimed, ' You 
 
 Q
 
 226 SIE EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 are the last man upon whom France should 
 have laid this painful task.' The treaty was 
 confirmed a few days later by the Government 
 of Bordeaux, and on March 1 the German army 
 marched into Paris. 
 
 The mortality in the capital had grown to 
 alarming proportions in the later stages of the 
 siege. In one week no less than four thousand 
 persons died. 
 
 One of the stipulations of the armistice was 
 that the German troops should not occupy Paris, 
 but when France craved an extension of time, 
 the Germans granted it on condition that this 
 stipulation should be annulled. The result was 
 that, on the 1st of March, 30,000 picked troops 
 — the Bavarians, who had borne the brunt 
 of the fighting, leading the way — entered the 
 capital. The road lay through the Champs- 
 Elysees to the Tuileries, but long before the 
 massed regiments marched up to the Arc de 
 Triomphe, as early in fact as nine o'clock in 
 the morning, three Blue Hussars from Versailles 
 rode along the splendid avenue with cool but 
 martial bearing— the brave forerunners of the 
 army of invasion. 
 
 The morning opened grey and desolate ; the 
 people, like the weather, were dull and — small
 
 THE PEUSSIANS IN PAEIS 227 
 
 wonder — morose. The ends of the Eue de Bivoli, 
 the Rue Royale, and the Rue St. Honore were 
 firmly barricaded. The gates of the Tuileries 
 were closed, but the £lysee was put at the dis- 
 posal of General Kamocke, who was in command 
 of the invading host. The allegorical statue of 
 Strasbourg, which adorns the Place de la Con- 
 corde, was draped with crape because Alsace was 
 to be ceded. 
 
 Here is an account which I wrote on the 
 morrow of that eventful day : — 
 
 Paris, 2nd of March, 1871. 
 
 Everything is as quiet as possible, but as long 
 as the Prussians are here we are on a barrel of 
 powder which the smallest spark may set fire to. 
 I saw them come in yesterday, and they were 
 splendid in appearance and conduct. The mob 
 surrounded them and called them all sorts of 
 names, but they took it all quietly and with 
 disdain. They are lodged on the inhabitants, 
 but I have heard no complaints of their conduct. 
 They are not allowed to leave the Champs- 
 X^lysees or the Place de la Concorde. There 
 was a panic this morning because some ofiicers 
 by permission visited the Louvre, and showed 
 themselves from the windows, which the mob 
 said they had not a right to do. T am astonished 
 at the Prussians' bravery. A lieutenant of 
 Uhlans and two men came in an hour and a 
 half before the others, and rode through the Arc 
 de Triomphe, down the Champs-Klysecs, amidst 
 a mob, without the shghtest fear ; and :3,00()
 
 '223 SIK EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 were for four hours in the Champs-Elysees before 
 the bulk of the army came in. The shops are all 
 shut, the people all idle, and talking dreadful 
 words : ' Nous ne sommes pas vaincus, mais 
 vendus.' ' Paris n'est pas pris.' 'Les Prussiens 
 ont peur,' and the hke. I suppose the Prussians 
 will move off on Saturday, although they are in a 
 position to do as they like. As you may imagine, 
 I am very anxious to get away, and hope to do so 
 soon, but I cannot find out when Lord Lyons 
 returns, and I must see him. My idea is to go 
 to you for two days, and then return here and 
 be off to London. It is necessary for my own 
 interests that I should see Lord Granville. West, 
 Wodehouse, Lascelles, and Claremont are here. 
 The first is an energetic man, but he wants me to 
 stay. This I will not do for many days more. I 
 am well, but worn and tired, and anxious day and 
 night. I sadly fear that the working classes 
 here will have to be coerced into work. 
 
 Two days later I wrote : — 
 
 We are in a sad state here. The Prussians 
 came here on W^ednesday. They are to occupy 
 the Champs-I^lysees and the Faubourg Saint- 
 Honore. I saw Thiers last night, and he told 
 me the terms of peace are two hundred million 
 pounds, of which twenty million is to be paid 
 before the Prussians begin to move. All Alsace 
 and a part of Lorraine is to be ceded, also 
 Metz, but not Nancy or Belfort. Nothing could 
 be worse, for it is ruin. Now as for my move- 
 ments, the Prussians came in on Wednesday, 
 and will stay at least two days. If, then, every- 
 thing is quiet, I will run down and see you for a 
 day if it is possible.
 
 DUG DE FITZJAMES 229 
 
 As soon as peace was declared, I went by 
 special train to Versailles, at the request of the 
 Due de FitzJames and the Marquis de Ludre, to 
 join Mr. Odo Eussell, being accompanied by 
 the Due, the Marquis, and M. Marin, the pre- 
 sent manager of the Western of France Eailway. 
 Arrived at the bridge of Asnieres the Prussian 
 guard asked for our passports. Mine was given 
 by myself as H.B.M.'s Consul, and the three 
 Frenchmen were made to figure as my secre- 
 taries. No objections were made. Arrived at 
 Versailles, at the Chantiers station, we walked 
 to the Hotel des Eeservoirs. On the road, all 
 of a sudden, I saw the Prince de Lienhart, a 
 Prussian officer and a fellow-member of the 
 Jockey Club, in full uniform, in front of us. 
 Immediately he saw us he walked up a by-street, 
 in order not to meet us, thus relieving us of a 
 most awkward meeting. 
 
 When we got to the Hotel des Eeservoirs we 
 went into the restaurant. A Prussian general 
 left his table and asked me whether one of the 
 gentlemen with me was the Due de FitzJames. 
 I answered in the affirmative, whereupon he 
 said he should like to have a little conversation 
 with him. I saw the danger of the position, 
 and asked the general what might be the nature
 
 230 SIK EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 of the inquiry. He replied that it was upon the 
 subject of a letter which the Due had written, 
 accusing him of great crueltj^ to French prisoners, 
 and he desired to explain to the Due that he 
 had been misinformed. I mentioned the matter 
 to FitzJames, who took it most violently, and 
 I was obliged to request him to go into another 
 room. The general was severely punished by 
 his superiors for addressing the Due. This 
 incident, which was reported at the time, nearly 
 gave rise to a duel, as the Due de FitzJames 
 wanted to send a challenge to the German com- 
 mander for alleged cruelties to foreign prisoners 
 at Bazeilles, the suburb of Sedan, which was 
 burned by the Bavarian troops during the battle 
 of Sedan. 
 
 I had made the acquaintance of Bismarck 
 at Frankfort early in 1851, at the time when he 
 was in charge of the Legation in that city. The 
 English Minister in Frankfort was at that time, 
 I think. Sir Henry George Elliot, afterwards 
 Ambassador to Austria, and one of my oldest 
 friends in diplomacy. Bismarck was very in- 
 teresting in his conversation, especially when 
 our talk turned on the political outlook. He 
 foresaw, even then, most of the complications 
 which afterwards arose, and he had already
 
 BISMAECK AT VERSAILLES 231 
 
 made up his mind how to act in certain emer- 
 gencies. He had formed his own programme, 
 and I saw how rigidly he carried it out. 
 
 I now met him at Yersailles, where he was 
 with King WilHam. He took up his quarters in 
 a house in the Eue de Provence, and I have a 
 vivid recollection of one day dining with him, 
 Odo Kussell, the English Minister at Berlin, 
 and M. Marin, director of the Western Eailway 
 of France, of which I was then acting as chair- 
 man. At this dinner I was impressed by an 
 observation of Bismarck's ; he said, ' Although 
 I believe in the immortality of the soul, I have 
 probably sent more men to eternity, without any 
 religious assistance, than any man existing in 
 the world.' There is an allusion in Dr. Moritz 
 Busch's ' Bismarck — some Secret Pages of his 
 History,' to this dinner. He mentions that a 
 gentleman connected with railways was present, 
 and draws a portrait of which it would be idle to 
 deny that I am the original. Bismarck, accord- 
 ing to Dr. Busch, declared the railway director 
 was the most intelligent and practical man of 
 the company — far superior, in fact, to the Prefet 
 de Police, who was never able to give an answer 
 to a single question, but on the contrary was 
 appealing, at every moment, for help out of his
 
 232 SIK EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 own difficulties. Bismarck declared, on the 
 same occasion, that he found Jules Favre so un- 
 equal to his position, that he regretted, as a 
 diplomatist, he could not change places with his 
 opponent, if only to show him what a much 
 better defence for France it was possible to 
 make. 
 
 The room was well furnished, but certain 
 incongruities struck me. Wax candles, for 
 instance, were stuck into black wine-bottles ; in 
 one corner was a hard-looking camp-bed, and 
 altogether the place was a curious mixture. 
 The dinner was fairly good, and there was 
 abundance of wine. During its progress a tele- 
 gram arrived from Queen Victoria, on which 
 Bismarck remarked : ' I know what that is. We 
 always listen to what she says.' The allusion 
 was uttered in a sarcastic tone. 
 
 I may add that, during the siege, Bismarck 
 would not allow any letters or any description of 
 what was happening outside the beleaguered city 
 to be sent into Paris, even to the Embassies. 
 When the investment of Paris took place, a 
 certain banker wrote to the English papers stating 
 that he had quitted the city in order to attend 
 to the interests of his clients in London. I 
 wrote to the ' Times ' stating that I considered
 
 THANKS TO HER MAJESTY'S GOVEENMENT 233 
 
 it my duty to remain in Paris, in order that I 
 might protect the interests of my clients, as 
 well as to do what I could for the English 
 community in the besieged city. This, I need 
 scarcely say, was long before I was named 
 Consul, an appointment which came to me by 
 balloon, as the previous narrative has shown. 
 Bismarck reminded me of what I had written, 
 and added that he did his best to prevent my 
 getting any intelligence of my family. He said 
 this in the sarcastic manner which was habitual 
 to him. 
 
 I wrote to the Foreign Office on March 3, 
 stating that I had transferred the charge of the 
 Consulate to Mr. Willoughby, as, now that the 
 siege was over, the need of my services in such a 
 capacity no longer existed. Lord Granville wrote 
 to me on March 11 a flattering letter, in which 
 he took occasion to express the ' thanks of Her 
 Majesty's Government ' for what I had been 
 able to do on behalf of British subjects in Paris 
 during the siege. He added that the Govern- 
 ment entirely approved of the action I had taken, 
 and informed me that it was proposed to confer 
 upon me the Companionship of the Bath in 
 order to mark the sense which the Queen and 
 the Government entertained of what I had done
 
 234 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 at a critical moment. Two days later the follow- 
 ing letter was received : — 
 
 March 13th, 1871. 
 
 ' Sir, — I have much pleasure in informing you 
 that in order to manifest Her Majesty's gracious 
 approval of your generous and zealous exertions 
 under circumstances of no ordinary difficulty, in 
 behalf of British subjects who were shut up in 
 Paris during the late investment of that city by 
 the German armies, the Queen has been pleased 
 to confer upon you the honour of a Companion- 
 ship of the Order of the Bath. 
 
 I am. Sir, 
 Your most obedient and humble servant, 
 
 Geanville. 
 
 Towards the end of March I left France, and 
 on my arrival in London, Mr. Gladstone, always 
 eager for news, asked me to Carlton House 
 Terrace to breakfast. Lord Granville, the Duke 
 of Argyll, and other Cabinet Ministers were 
 present, and I was asked many questions about 
 my experiences and impressions. ' What,' said 
 one of them, ' was the moment when you felt 
 your position in Paris most acutely ? ' I replied 
 that I had felt humiliated as an Englishman 
 when the Prussians sank seven British coal-ships 
 at the mouth of the Seine, and Lord Granville 
 stood up in his place in the House of Lords, and 
 attempted to gloss the affair over by stating that 
 the Government had received 7,000^. by way of
 
 A NOTE FEOM SIR EGBERT PEEL 235 
 
 indemnity. Gladstone, at once, with great 
 warmth, said that he perfectly coincided with 
 my views ; and he added that he felt the national 
 insult so keenly, that, if he could have done it, he 
 would have made reprisals by an appeal to force. 
 Unfortunately, as I never anticipated that 
 I would ever find time to write my Memoirs, I 
 destroyed, as already intimated, nearly every 
 letter I received — a circumstance which has 
 proved an embarrassment to me in the prepara- 
 tion of these jottings. Amongst the few notes 
 which I have kept is one which gratified me not 
 a little at the time it was written, and which I 
 venture to think is not unworthy of a place in 
 these papers : — 
 
 Whitehall, March 25th, 1871. 
 
 Sir, — I am very sorry not to have been at home 
 yesterday when you did me the favour of calling, 
 as I would have been glad personally to convey 
 to you the expression, shared in by thousands in 
 this country, of my sense of the spirited service 
 rendered by you to British subjects in Paris 
 during a season of great trial and difficulty, when 
 others, whose duty it was to be at their post, 
 slunk away with ignominy and disgrace. 
 
 You, and Mr. Wallace and Mr. Smyth, and a 
 few others, have deserved well of the country, and 
 I am glad to express to you my humble apprecia- 
 tion of your public conduct. 
 
 I am yours faithfully, 
 
 lioBEKT Peel.
 
 236 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE TURF, CLUB LIFE, AND SOCIAL EECOLLECTIONS 
 
 Perhaps I ought now to say something about 
 my association with the Turf, my club life, and 
 some of the friendships they brought me. 
 
 All my life the Turf has had a great attraction 
 for me, and during many years I was largely 
 interested in the stable of M. le Comte de 
 Lagrange — a racing establishment which was so 
 well known, both in France and in England, 
 that there is no necessity for me to say much 
 about it, and I shall not be accused of 
 exaggeration in stating that it bred the best 
 horses and had the largest number of them of 
 any stable in France. During my connection 
 with the Lagrange establishment, almost every 
 great race in France and England was won by 
 it, and the following list of our chief winners 
 will give an idea of the importance of our 
 stables : — 
 
 French Berhy. — Consul (1869), Insulaire 
 (1878), Zut (1879), Albion (1881), Dandin (dead-
 
 THE LAGEANGE WINNEES 237 
 
 heat with Mr. Maurice Ephrussi's St. James, 
 1882). 
 
 Frix de Diane (or French Oaks). — Fille de 
 I'Air (1864), Jenny (1868), Yersigny (1880). 
 
 The Grand Prix de Paris. — Gladiateur 
 (1865), St. Christophe (1877). 
 
 Tzoo Tlioiisand Guineas. — Gladiateur (1865), 
 Chamant (1877). 
 
 The Der6?/.— Gladiateur (1865). 
 
 The Ord-s.— Fille de I'Air (1864), CameHa 
 (1876) second. 
 
 The St. Le^/er.— Gladiateur (1865), Kayon 
 d'Or (1879). 
 
 One of our trainers was Tom Jennings, 
 certainly one of the most skilful and, to my 
 mind, one of the most straight of trainers I ever 
 came across. When the Lagrange stable was 
 wound up, in 1883, on the death of the Comte 
 de Lagrange, I continued to keep a few racers 
 for myself in France. My trainer was Dodge, 
 who is still training and riding. I had always 
 confidence in him, though he was accused of 
 riding foul. This charge, however, in my 
 opinion, really sprang out of the jealousy of 
 some of the principal jockeys from England. 
 
 Dodge, when riding for me, once had a 
 frightful fall, and his nose was broken. I 
 hurried to him, and found hi id surrounded by a 
 suspicious-looking gang, who hud already taken
 
 238 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 possessiou of his whip, &c. He was carried 
 under my directions to the stand, and taken into 
 the room set apart for casualties. The usual 
 physician was soon on the spot, but, as the case 
 appeared serious, I hastened to Paris and 
 brought back with me M. Labbe, the celebrated 
 surgeon and s^ator. After examining the piece 
 of bone which had been abstracted from the 
 nose, and which for greater safety I had put in 
 my pocket, he decided that he must make him a 
 new nose, and, for this purpose, cut a little of the 
 flesh from above the bridge. Naturally Dodge 
 was laid up for a fairly long time, but when he 
 did reappear I asked his wife how she found 
 him looking. ' Better than ever. Sir,' was her 
 reply, ' for the new nose is an improvement on 
 the old one.' 
 
 The principal persons interested in racing at 
 that time were the Marquis d'Harcourt, Baron 
 de Niviere, Marquis de Biron, Vicomte de 
 Vauvineux, Baron Hottinguer, Vicomte Hallez- 
 Claparede, Vicomte Daru, Comte Foy, Vi- 
 comte d'Haussonville, Comte Dillon, and MM. 
 Lupin, Lefevre, Casimir Delamarre, Fould, 
 Reiset, Calenge, Ernest Le Roy, and, among the 
 younger generation, the Due de la Force, the 
 Comte de Berteux, one of the men most willingly
 
 ^ 
 
 ^
 
 EACING AS A RELAXATION 239 
 
 listened to in the councils of the English 
 Jockey Club, and the Prince d'Arenberg, now 
 President of the Suez Canal Company, whom I 
 knew well in his early days, and who was a great 
 sportsman. He went with my son Aston to 
 Mexico during the French occupation. 
 
 I regret having given up racing, for it was a 
 great relaxation from business. I am still breed- 
 ing, however, at Imberhorne, much-admired 
 horses from Normandy mares and English sires. 
 
 I was very early in life the driver of a team, 
 and had the reputation of being a good whip. 
 That reminds me that, many years ago, I was 
 one of a party of French and English gentlemen 
 who were driven by Mr. Chaplin, in pre-railway 
 days, to Epsom races. As the horses cantered 
 along the road, a postboy came galloping along- 
 side of us, and, looking up at the box-seat, recog- 
 nised the famous whip. ' How do, Mr. Chaplin ? ' 
 he called out. ' You've got on a bit better than 
 I have. Do you recollect when you used to ride 
 the wheelers, and I the leaders ? ' Chaplin 
 twisted up a five-pound note and gave it to him, 
 and carried on a busy conversation with him for 
 some minutes. 
 
 Chaplin was a most genial man, and had the 
 happy knack of doing the right thing in the
 
 240 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 right place. At a dinner given years after the 
 above incident by the French directors of the 
 Paris and Eouen Kailway to their EngHsh 
 colleagues, at a noted restaurant in the Palais 
 Eoyal, Chaplin's health was drunk. He could 
 not put three words together in French, and most 
 men under such circumstances would have been 
 quite nonplussed. He got up, however, and, 
 putting his hand dramatically on his heart, 
 exclaimed fervently, 'Beaucoup, beaucoup, beau- 
 coup,' and bowing right and left sat down amidst 
 rapturous applause. 
 
 I became a member of the Jockey Club in 
 the Kue Scribe in January 1871, during the siege, 
 and was proposed by Comte Dillon and Vicomte 
 Daru. The Jockey Club, as its name implies, is 
 essentially a racing club. It was founded in 
 1833, at the beginning of the reign of Louis 
 Philippe, ' pour 1' amelioration des races de 
 chevaux en France,' on the initiative of Lord 
 Henry Seymour, who rightly considered that 
 something similar to the English Jockey Club 
 was necessary in France, if horse-breeding and 
 racing were not to be allowed to fall into hope- 
 less discredit. Two of the King's sons, the 
 Due d' Orleans and the Due de Nemours, were 
 among the original members of the Club, who
 
 THE JOCKEY CLUB 241 
 
 were fourteen in number, the others being the 
 Prince de la Moskowa, Comte Demidoff, Comte 
 de Cambis, ChevaHer de Machado, and Messrs. 
 Caccia, Delamarre, Fasquel, Charles Laffitte 
 (my partner in the banking house of Lafl&tte, 
 Blount & Cie.), Ernest Le Eoy, de Normandie, 
 and Eieussac. 
 
 Its first President was Lord Henry Seymour, 
 and one of its first vice-presidents was the Prince 
 de la Moskowa, the eldest of the three sons of 
 Marshal Ney. Lord Henry Seymour, who was 
 one of the best-known figures of Paris during 
 the reign of Louis Philippe, left a reputation of 
 eccentricity which long survived him. He was 
 the type of the ' joyeux viveur,' but he was 
 not always distingue in his frolics, and was 
 popularly known by a witty sobriquet. During 
 the Carnival one of his favourite occupations 
 v/as to throw red-hot louis to the crowd from a 
 window. He was always most extravagantly 
 dressed. M. Ernest Le Eoy, who died in 1880, 
 was the last survi\or of the founders of the Club. 
 
 I owe a debt of gratitude, as a patron of the 
 Turf, to the Jockey Club, and its members have 
 always been most kind to me. The two Eoth- 
 schilds, Barons Alphonse and Gustave, were 
 prominent supporters of the Club. They both 
 
 B
 
 242 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 had large racing studs, and gained many 
 victories both in France and England. Baron 
 Alphonse, Eegent de la Banque de France^ 
 joined the club in 1852, and Baron Gustave a 
 year later. One of the ' characters ' of the Club 
 was old M. Lupin. He was a genuine sports- 
 man, but he used to keep his secrets to himself, 
 and it was impossible to obtain an opinion from 
 him as to the probable result of a race or the 
 merits of a horse. Whenever approached on 
 the subject. Lupin, in his quiet odd way, would 
 most carefully scan the programme submitted to 
 him and looking up at his interlocutor would 
 say with the greatest seriousness : ' lis sont tons 
 si mauvais que je n'en vois pas un seul capable 
 de gagner.' 
 
 Other members who were largely interested 
 in racing were M. Henri Delamarre, who had 
 some distinguished partners, Baron de Brimont, 
 Comte de Castries, Comte Foy, and Baron de 
 la Kochette. Baron de la Kochette was a 
 man of great energy and ability, who, in addi- 
 tion to being one of the greatest racing authori- 
 ties of his time in France— he acted for many 
 years as official starter and judge of the Jockey 
 Club — was one of the industrial forces of the 
 country. He was the head of the well-known
 
 THE CERCLE DE L'UNION 243 
 
 iron and steel works of Fourchambault, one of 
 the most important establishments of its kind 
 in France. Our families subsequently became 
 aUied by the marriage of his daughter with my 
 son Henry. 
 
 The Cercle de 1' Union, on the Boulevard 
 de la Madeleine, was founded in 1828 by the 
 Duo de Valenyay, and, although always exclusive 
 and diplomatic, had an international character, 
 and was not limited to French members. The 
 furniture is simple to the point almost of severity, 
 and represents the style w^hich prevailed in 
 London in the Georgian era. There are no oil 
 portraits on the walls, but only photographs of 
 distinguished members, like the Due d'Aumale. 
 When the Cercle de 1' Union was started, nearly 
 one half of the original members were EngHsh- 
 men. 
 
 M. Montrond, the friend of Talleyrand, be- 
 longed to the Union in its early days. He was 
 a man of infinite wit, who was much appreciated 
 for his social qualities at the Court of Louis 
 Philippe. When T joined the Cercle, I spoke 
 very indifferent French, and he used to amuse 
 himself by trying to improve my accent. He 
 taught mc to ' rouler les r' and ' mouiller les 
 double ll's ' as in the words Neuilly, veuillez. 
 
 R 2
 
 244 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 &c., which is always a difficulty for foreigners. 
 Montrond was feared for his sharp tongue as 
 much as he was sought after for his amusing 
 conversation. He died afterwards at Versailles 
 in a state of poverty, having lived for a time on 
 the charity of those w^ho had known him in 
 better days. 
 
 Two men whom, as a young man, I knew 
 slightly — they moved in strangely different 
 spheres — were Prince Talleyrand and that rough 
 diamond George Stephenson. Talleyrand died 
 when I was in my thirtieth year, and yet he had 
 attained his majority when Voltaire made, in old 
 age, his memorable visit to Paris. He met 
 Voltaire, and there are people who say that the 
 latter bequeathed to him his spirit. Talleyrand 
 was lame and very ugly, and when I saw him, 
 in the latter years of his life, he wore his white 
 hair very long. His versatility and wit were 
 extraordinary, and age did not seem in any way 
 to have impaired his intellectual powers. 
 
 Though no man knew better than he how to 
 keep his own counsel, he had the faculty of 
 appearing perfectly open. One of his hons mots 
 lingers with me still. Once, at a great reception, 
 a certain Scottish duchess, renowned for her 
 beauty, was present. The lady had well-turned
 
 A GLIMPSE OF GEORGE STEPHENSON 245 
 
 ankles and a good figure, and she wore a di'ess 
 cut uncommonly low, which ended abruptly a 
 few inches from the floor. Talleyrand turned 
 and said : ' Pray, of what does the dress of 
 
 her Grace remind you ? ' I, as well as the 
 
 rest, was bafiled. Whereupon the old diplomatist 
 remarked: ' It reminds me of a winter's day. It 
 begins too late and it ends too early.' 
 
 As regards George Stephenson, he looked like 
 a broken-down old parson — at least, that was the 
 impression he gave me. When the idea of 
 railways was first mooted on the Continent, he 
 went to Spain on behalf of a company, in which 
 I was interested, to inquire into the conditions 
 of the country, and to see whether railway 
 development in the Peninsula w^as likely to 
 prove remunerative. He travelled up and down 
 the land, and when he came back — although 
 paid 100/. for his report — contented himself with 
 saying : ' I have been a month in the country, 
 but have not seen during the whole of that time 
 enough people of the right sort to fill a single 
 train.' This is all we could obtain from him. 
 And, after all, perhaps he was right, for very few 
 Spanish railways have turned out to be gold 
 mines. 
 
 Among other personages with whom circum-
 
 246 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 stances brought me into close connection in 
 those daj-s was Prosper Enfantin, commonly 
 known as Pere Enfantin, perhaps the most 
 important disciple of Saint-Simon, to whom he 
 had been introduced by that talented firebrand, 
 Olinde Rodrigues, for many years identified with 
 the vagaries of that particularly obnoxious form 
 of communism known as Saint- Simonism. 
 
 Enfantin, who was the son of a banker, and 
 was himself connected with banking, held most 
 advanced views not only on the subject of 
 community of property and community of life, 
 but also as regards community of wives, and his 
 proceedings often gave rise to a good deal of 
 public scandal. I remember, during the winter 
 of 1832, his proclaiming himself Messiah of the 
 Saint- Simonian sect, and his spending immense 
 sums of money in banquets and festivals, which 
 all Paris was invited to attend, the avowed 
 object of these festivities being ' the discovery of 
 a female Messiah to complete the male Messiah.' 
 The quest for the female Messiah was, however, 
 unsuccessful, and Enfantin and his disciples- 
 soon afterwards withdrew to the heights of 
 Menilmontant, where he founded a community 
 after his own heart, which the French Govern- 
 ment was not long in closing.
 
 P£EE ENFANTIN 247 
 
 It is not generally known that, after the sup- 
 pression of his sect, Enf antin left, with a few of his 
 disciples, for Egypt, their intention being to carry 
 out the barring of the Nile at Assouan, for irriga- 
 tion purposes, w^hich is now being accomplished 
 by Enghsh engineers. He failed, however, and 
 returned to France, where some of his former 
 disciples, who had risen to pubhc positions, 
 secured for him a post as Director of the Paris- 
 Lyon-Mediterranee Kailway, on the board of 
 which he thus became my colleague, as well as 
 on the board of the Compagnie des Eaux, of 
 which I am still chairman, an undertaking 
 which has extensive ramifications all over 
 Europe. Pere Enfantin was tall and handsome, 
 a clever and entertaining talker, and a most 
 capable business man; in fact, a combination, 
 which it would be difficult to find outside of 
 France, of the mad visionnaire, the sharp and 
 practical man of business, and the polished man 
 of society. 
 
 Once when I was living at St. Germain, 
 Pere Enfantin, then in his old age, and resid- 
 ing in the neighbourhood, expressed a wish to 
 make the acquaintance of my wife. I asked 
 him to come and dine with us, but with- 
 out telling my wife who my guest was. She
 
 248 SIK EDWAKD BLOUNT 
 
 expressed her pleasure at meeting so entertaining 
 a man, but when, after his departure, I disclosed 
 my guest's identity, she was astonished, though, 
 with characteristic kindliness, she made no 
 invidious remark. 
 
 I attended his funeral in 1864 as a delegate 
 of the railway and water companies. He was 
 buried as a poor man, and at the cemetery I 
 heard some curious conversations. One person 
 said to another, ' Etait-il honnete ? ' The other 
 replied, ' C'est douteux parce qu'il a laisse de la 
 fortune.' They evidently regarded that fact as 
 a slur on Socialism. Another exclaimed, ' He 
 died too soon, for if he had lived a short time 
 longer, he would have seen the end of the 
 institution of matrimony and of belief in God 
 Almighty.' At this point I left the cortege and 
 returned home, having heard quite enough at 
 P6re-Lachaise. 
 
 Jules Simon, the philosopher, statesman. 
 Minister of Education under the Government 
 of the National Defence, and Prime Minister 
 for a short while during the Presidency of 
 Marshal MacMahon, always impressed me as 
 an honest man of great ability, who gave his 
 assistance to all governments, and acted during 
 violent times as a moderating force. He was
 
 JULES SIMON'S MOTTO 249 
 
 strongly in favour of Free Trade, and an open 
 admirer of the English constitution. It is 
 not generally known that Jules Simon's real 
 name was ' Suisse.' It was by the advice of 
 Cousin, whose assistant lecturer in philosophy 
 he was at the Sorbonne, that he di^opped the 
 name of Suisse and called himself Simon. ' Pray 
 drop that name of Suisse,' Cousin used to say to 
 him. ' Is Suisse a name for any one who wants 
 to be anybody or to do anything ? ' He was a 
 great scholar, and one of the hardest workers I 
 ever met. The translation of Plato's works, 
 which was published under the name of Cousin, 
 was really the work of Jules Simon. 
 
 He lived for a long term of years in the most 
 frugal way in a small flat in the Place de la 
 Madeleine. His motto was ' Faire le bien, 
 recolter la calomnie, et se confier a Dieu ! ' 
 
 Barthelemy Saint-Hilaire was for many years 
 my intimate friend. He was an even-minded, 
 amiable man, of studious habits and philosophic 
 temper, who withdrew from public life after 
 the coup (Vctat and the establishment of the 
 Imperial regime, to which he was opposed. He 
 remained in Paris during the siege, and at 
 that time i frequently met hmi at the house of 
 Madame de Vatry, who was a connection of mine
 
 250 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 by marriage. We dined there frequently together^ 
 and although Saint-Hilaire deeply deplored the 
 excesses of the mob, he never uttered a bitter or 
 contemptuous word. He was a man of lofty 
 intelligence and inflexible principle. 
 
 Although Secretary to the Provisional Go- 
 vernment after the Eevolution of 1848, Secre- 
 tary to the President of the Council under the 
 Provisional Government of 1871, and under M. 
 Thiers's Government, and Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs under Jules Ferry's Ministry in 1880-81, 
 yet his political work is very little remembered, 
 and it is especially as a savant^ a philosopher, 
 and an Orientalist that he will live. His 
 monumental translation of Aristotle's works has 
 made his name familiar to all scholars. It must 
 not be thought, however, that his political work 
 was inconsiderable. He was an intimate friend 
 of M. Thiers, and it was his direct influence 
 which secured M. Thiers's conversion to the 
 Republican idea when the Provisional Govern- 
 ment at Versailles was wavering between the 
 various forms of government, each claiming to 
 be the only possible one for France. Whilst 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs, he successfully 
 exerted all his influence to prevent European 
 intervention in the difficulty between Turkey
 
 TALLEYRAND'S ADVICE TO THIEES 251 
 
 and Greece, and France is indebted to him for 
 the possession of Tunis, which he annexed 
 in 1881 in spite of the protests of the British 
 Government. 
 
 My association with Thiers began with a 
 chance encomiter at the Cafe Tortoni in 1831. 
 Tortoni, which stood at the corner of the 
 Boulevard des Itahens and the Kue Taitbout, 
 was in those days the favourite cafe of the 
 world of politics and sport, and was at the 
 height of its fame as a fashionable resort. 
 Talleyrand and Montrond were among the 
 habitues, and were especially interested in the 
 performances of a famous billiard-player, whose 
 name escapes me, but who was said to be 
 unequalled. Talleyrand used to arrange en- 
 counters between him and his country friends, 
 who had a high opinion oi themselves at 
 billiards, and used to back him for very large 
 sums against his guests. In one instance the 
 diplomatist made some 50,000 francs in this way. 
 Thiers was also a frequenter of Tortoni's, and 
 Talleyrand is reported to have given him the 
 advice, ' You wish to rise — make enemies.' 
 
 The occasion upon which I made Thiers's 
 acquaintance was that of a political banquet at 
 the cafe, and the speech he then delivered was,
 
 252 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 in all conscience, sarcastic enough to accomplish 
 that end. Thiers was at that moment a 
 powerful force in politics. He had been one of 
 the most active opponents of the policy of 
 Charles X., and after the flight of that monarch 
 had been deputed to offer the crown to Louis 
 Phihppe. He had pubhshed his ' Histoire de la 
 Eevolution Fran9aise,' and was the editor of 
 the ' National,' a newspaper of great influence 
 in those days. He was an abundant, vivacious, 
 versatile, and witty talker, though hardly what 
 one would call an orator, and he had a great 
 reputation as a financial expert. 
 
 As ' Government Commissioner ' he had to 
 report on the Budget, and his speeches on those 
 occasions were always most interesting. I re- 
 member he once had to make his Budget speech 
 at twenty-four hours' notice. He ascended the 
 tribune w^ith only a few notes and figures on 
 slips of paper, excused himself for not having 
 had the time to prepare a written report — it was 
 the custom to write the Budget reports and 
 read them from the tribune — and for more than 
 four hours kept the audience spell-bound by the 
 magic of his tongue. The only other statesman 
 to whom it is possible to compare him for this 
 gift of deahng with abstruse financial problems
 
 THIEES AS FINANCIEK 253 
 
 and dry Budget questions, in a way interesting 
 to the general public, is Mr. Gladstone. This 
 must not be taken to mean, of course, that Thiers 
 was Gladstone's equal as a financier. In some 
 respects Thiers was very short-sighted, and his 
 opposition to the introduction of railways, to 
 which I have previously alluded, and of the 
 uselessness of which I was unable to convince 
 him, is an instance in point. 
 
 Being an opponent of the Imperial regime, 
 Thiers practically withdrew from public life 
 during the first half of the Empire, and devoted 
 himself to his ' Histoire du Consulat et de 
 I'Empire ; ' but I continued my relations with 
 him. 
 
 He became a deputy again a few years be- 
 fore the war, which he most strongly opposed, 
 and of his career as ' Liberateur du Territoire,' 
 as the founder of the Third Republic, as the 
 organiser of the country after the disasters of 
 1870-71, and as first President of the new 
 Republic, it is not necessary for me to speak. 
 Bismarck had for him a regard which he had not 
 for Thiers's collaborator, Jules Favre, acd when 
 Thiers undertook his journey to the various 
 European capitals in order to secure intervention 
 to bring the war to an end, and to prevent the
 
 254 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 siege of Paris, Bismarck was not without certain 
 misgivings. 
 
 On Thiers's return to Paris after the faihire 
 of his negotiations, I saw him, and accom- 
 panied him back to the ' frontier ' as he was 
 returning to Versailles to acquaint Bismarck 
 with the views of the Provisional Govern- 
 ment, then in charge of the capital, on the 
 situation. When we passed by the batteries in 
 the Pare de St. Cloud, he was highly interested 
 in the scene, and he stopped and watched the 
 firing from the Prussian lines with the keenness 
 of a military expert. 
 
 There were also present three or four English 
 people who had followed us to the spot, and were 
 looking at the scene. They scarcely recognised 
 the danger, but having seen a good deal of 
 that sort of work, I told them that shells were 
 treacherous missiles, and that they had better 
 keep behind the trees. A few minutes later a 
 shell burst almost at our feet, as if to emphasise 
 the warning. 
 
 After the siege, when the Provisional Govern- 
 ment and the Assemblee Nationale had their 
 headquarters in the Theatre at Versailles, some- 
 body suddenly introduced me to Thiers, as we 
 met in a corridor, when he made the following
 
 THE EEFOEM CLUB 255 
 
 remark : ' Je fais mieux que de le connaitre,' an 
 expression which I had never heard before. 
 
 During my business visits to London one of 
 my places of resort was the Keform Club, 
 Amongst the people I used to meet there in 
 former years were leading political men of the 
 day, the portraits of some of whom adorn the 
 handsome hall of that club. I was intimate 
 \\dth Lord Clarendon, Charles Pelham Villiers, 
 Richard Cobden, Milner-Gibson, Sir William 
 Hutt, whose ability in commercial matters was 
 so well known ; Edward Ellice, the so-called 
 ' maker of ministers,' commonly known as ' Bear 
 Ellice,' from his connection with the Hudson's 
 Bay Company ; and Bernal Osborne, a man of 
 infinite wit and a staunch friend. 
 
 Villiers was a man who always believed in 
 the necessity of marching with the times. He 
 was a consistent, and I might add a persistent, 
 advocate of Free Trade, and his name will 
 always rank in that connection with those of 
 Kichard Cobden and John Bright. In earlier 
 days he was associated with men of the stamp 
 of Molesworth, Hume, James I\Iill, and George 
 Grote, in advocating municipal and parliamen- 
 tary reform, the adoption of the ballot, and a 
 system of national education. He was a man
 
 256 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 of much quiet courage, and from youth to age 
 was true to the old watchword of peace, re- 
 trenchment, and reform. 
 
 Bernal Osborne was a brilliant, amusing man, 
 who in his talk carried courage to the point of 
 audacity. He was a man of quick resource, as 
 is apparent from an anecdote which comes to 
 my mind. Once, at an election in Ireland, 
 when he was a member for Waterford, he made 
 a strong poHtical speech, I think at Tralee, with 
 the result that he was hounded about the streets 
 by an angry mob. At length, when their atten- 
 tions became too pressing, he adopted the poHcy 
 of the ' open door,' and dashed into a house, the 
 door of which happened to be ajar. His political 
 opponents were not to be baffled, so they came 
 helter-skelter up the stairs in hot pursuit. 
 Bernal Osborne ran to the top of the house, 
 and, driven to bay, got into a cistern and 
 discreetly bobbed his head down under the 
 water. His excited pursuers looked wildly about, 
 and, failing to discover his place of hiding, ran 
 downstairs under the belief that they had 
 mistaken the house. 
 
 I knew Disraeli for many years. The first 
 time I met him was during the general election 
 of 1841, when Sir Eobert Peel was carried
 
 DISRAELI IN 1841 257 
 
 triumphantly to power, ^vith a majority pledged 
 to Protection. Disraeli, who had formerly sat 
 for Maidstone, was on this occasion returned 
 for Shrewsbury in the Tory interest. Mawley 
 Hall in Shropshire, which has been in my 
 family since the Conquest, and still is, gave 
 us naturally a large interest in that county. 
 
 The contest had been a particularly warm 
 one, and, in order to celebrate our triumph 
 we had a pubhc dinner, with Disraeli in the 
 chair. The usual patriotic toasts had been duly 
 honoured, and w^ere followed by that to which 
 Disraeli — who was expected to make the speech 
 of the evening — w^as to reply, ' The Members for 
 the County.' As soon as the new member was 
 called upon to speak, a man in the company rose, 
 and, as was the custom sometimes in those 
 days, got on to the table. He spoke violently, 
 and in a loud discordant voice, and, pointing to 
 the table of honour, at which it happened 
 thirteen were sitting, exclaimed with great heat, 
 ' Wherever thirteen men sit down to dinner, 
 there is a traitor amongst them,' and then, with 
 a sudden gesture of contempt, he turned to the 
 guest of the evening and added: 'There sits 
 the man ! ' 
 
 It is impossible for me to describe the com- 
 
 s
 
 258 SIK EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 motion which ensued. The man was instantly 
 pulled down and expelled ignominiously from 
 the room. Disraeli rose to speak, but was 
 powerless to quell the tumult. The turmoil grew 
 into an open fight, and the proceedings ended 
 abruptly in the utmost confusion.^ In after 
 life I met Disraeli frequently, and came to 
 know him intimately. My office in the Eue 
 de la Paix was one of his haunts in Paris. 
 He used to lounge into my bureau there, and 
 would sit and read the English newspapers. 
 Sometimes he was in one of his reserved moods, 
 and said nothing. At other times he would 
 enter freely into conversation on the topics of 
 the hour. I remember once, when lying ill at 
 Spa in Belgium, Disraeli, who was staying at 
 that health resort, used to call on me every 
 day, and so did Bulwer Lytton, afterwards first 
 Lord Lytton, who was also there. One day, 
 when they were both sitting in my room at the 
 hotel, Lytton began to explain to Disraeli his 
 
 ' The accuracy of this story has been challenged, but though I 
 cannot remember the precise occasion, it certainly happened during 
 the Shrewsbury election, and I was an eye-witness. Mr. Kobert 
 Watkins, of the Shrewsbury Chronicle, tells me that he perfectly 
 remembers hearing of the incident at the time. The sting of the 
 interrupter's remark was due to the fact that Disraeli had previously 
 coquetted with the advanced section of the AVhigs led by Lord 
 Durham.
 
 ' STICK TO YOUE PAETY ' 259 
 
 difficulty about some approaching motion in the 
 House of Commons. 
 
 ' Keally, DisraeH,' he at length exclaimed, ' I 
 cannot vote for the Bill ; it is against my 
 principles.' 
 
 ' D n your principles ! ' was Dizzy's reply. 
 
 '■ Stick to your party.' 
 
 Mrs. Disraeli, to quote the name she bore in 
 mid-career, though I knew her, of course, both as 
 Mrs. Wyndham Lewis and as Lady Beacons- 
 field, had naturally the greatest admiration for 
 her brilliant husband. She was a most devoted 
 wife, and never lost a chance of advancing 
 Disraeli's interests. She used to encourage him 
 to put himself forward. One instance of this 
 occurs to me at the moment. I was driving along 
 the boulevards in Paris, with Disraeli and his 
 wife, at a time when he was well known in the 
 French capital. The streets were crowded, and 
 Disraeli, lost in thought, was sitting back quietly 
 in the carriage. Evidently his adoring spouse 
 thought the occasion ought not to be lost, so she 
 roused her absent-minded lord, with the words, 
 * Now do put yourself forward, Dizzy, and show 
 yourself.' 
 
 I was acquainted for many years with Mr. 
 Gladstone, Disraeli's great rival. In all matters 
 
 8 2
 
 260 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 of finance and trade he was unrivalled. His 
 manners were affable, and he was ever ready 
 to enter into conversation with any one in a 
 position to give him information. One of 
 Mr. Gladstone's great achievements, as Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer, was the scheme for 
 giving annuities for Consols. The practical 
 working of this plan was not well understood 
 at the time, and I confess I did not grasp it 
 until Mr. Gladstone personally explained it to 
 me. The scheme has worked out exactly in the 
 manner he foresaw. The annuities, which were 
 granted in exchange for Consols, have been paid 
 off, and, at present, we hold, if I am not mistaken, 
 a large sum in Consols (the outcome of annuities 
 which have ceased), as the property of the nation. 
 Naturally, to induce the holders of Consols to 
 convert them into annuities, they received a 
 larger amount of interest until the annuities were 
 paid off. 
 
 England owes to Gladstone, more than any 
 other man, her present magnificent financial 
 position. He had amazing force of character, 
 and was very sanguine as to the success of any- 
 thing he undertook. I often heard him in the 
 House, and he spoke with great ease and clear- 
 ness, and this was the more remarkable as he
 
 GLADSTONE'S FINANCIAL GENIUS 261 
 
 sometimes failed to receive from his own party 
 the support to which he was entitled. After 
 his first Premiership, his return to power was 
 natural. If I may fall back on my own experi- 
 ence as a business man, it is most difficult, 
 I will not say impossible, for a man who has 
 held a responsible position in public life to re- 
 tire, as long as he finds support around him and 
 thinks himself capable of being useful. In fact, 
 the majority of his friends are not inclined under 
 such circumstances to let him go. Gladstone's 
 mastery of political economy was everywhere 
 admitted, and amongst his friends in France 
 were men of the stamp of MM. Michel Chevalier 
 and Leon Say. 
 
 With these politicians and statesmen, I may 
 well recall another man, who, although a Church- 
 man, was yet, in his way, both a statesman and 
 a politician — Cardinal Wiseman, to w^hom we 
 Catholics owe the organisation of the Catholic 
 Church in England, and the re-establishment of 
 the hierarchy. 
 
 I knew^ Cardinal Wiseman intimately for more 
 than thirty years — indeed, our friendship, which 
 began in Eome in the early thirties, as I have 
 already mentioned, lasted until his death in 1866. 
 
 I need not recall the effect which Cardinal
 
 262 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 Wiseman's great achievement of the re-establish- 
 ment of the CathoHc hierarchy had in the 
 United Kingdom. When passing through Paris 
 in 1850, the Cardinal showed me the encyclical 
 letter of Pius IX. organising the Catholic 
 hierarchy in England. The letter, which was 
 written in Latin, was in the usual form of such 
 documents. I plainly foresaw that the project 
 would not be understood in England, especially 
 as the Pope's letter contained some expressions 
 upon which English people, unacquainted with 
 the procedure of the Catholic Church, were 
 almost sure to place a wrong interpretation, and 
 I told the Cardinal that I felt sure that it would 
 cause a great outcry. He replied that Lord 
 John Russell, who was then Prime Minister, 
 had seen a copy of the document, and had raised 
 no objection ; and yet, shortly afterwards. Lord 
 John himself was the first, by his famous 
 Durham letter, to raise a protest against the 
 encyclical, and to fan religious passions over 
 this harmless assumption of ecclesiastical titles 
 by the Catholic hierarchy. But Cardinal Wise- 
 man's tact and his conciliatory attitude won the 
 day, and in view of subsequent events Lord John 
 Russell must have regretted later his Durham 
 outburst.
 
 CARDINAL WISEMAN'S VEESATILITY 263 
 
 I remember accompanying Cardinal Wiseman 
 to the Exhibition of 1851, at the time when 
 anti-Cathohc feehng was at its height over the 
 CathoHc hierarchy question. We met there 
 Kobert Stephenson, Sir Charles Fox, Mr. 
 Brassey, Sir Morton Peto, Sir Joseph Paxton, 
 George Bidder, John Fowler, and other dis- 
 tinguished engineers, and I introduced His 
 Eminence to them. Naturally they received him 
 most courteously, and showed him everything of 
 interest in the mechanical section of the Exhibi- 
 tion ; and they expressed to me afterwards their 
 high appreciation of his powers of observation 
 and of his great facility of comprehension. 
 
 Years later I had a remarkable proof of 
 Cardinal Wiseman's versatility. I was passing 
 before the Exhibition buildings of 1862, which 
 used to be called the ' Brompton boilers,' when, 
 on my noticing a crowd entering, I asked an 
 official what was going on. He repHed, 'The 
 Roman Catholic bishop is giving a lecture on 
 architecture.' I went in, and Hstened to a most 
 interesting conference on the subject. In his 
 jovial manner, the Cardinal pointed out the 
 peculiarities of modern English architecture. 
 These, he said, made him think that, as regards 
 domestic architecture, architects employed a
 
 264 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 large wooden model within which they built up 
 their houses ; when this was filled they had it 
 removed further on, so that a perfectly similar 
 house might be built in it. His Eminence traced 
 the history of the English cathedral and Windsor 
 Castle. The following day, I met Father Searle, 
 Wiseman's principal assistant, who told me that 
 the Cardinal knew nothing about architecture, 
 but such was his great facility of acquisition, 
 that he had been able to master the subject in 
 a very few days. 
 
 The mention of such names reminds me of 
 another Englishman, of whom I saw a great 
 deal. I was for many years an intimate friend 
 of the fourth Marquis of Hertford, the famous art 
 collector, whose name was so well known in 
 Paris, and who brought together most of the 
 pictures which form the Wallace collection. He 
 was a man of great ability, and what the French 
 call ' un homme d'esprit.' 
 
 Lord Hertford, who was at one time attache 
 at the British Embassy in Paris, continued after 
 his accession to the title to live almost ex- 
 clusively in the French capital, where he had 
 purchased the lovely Chateau de Bagatelle, in 
 the Bois de Boulogne, and found plenty of op- 
 portunities to satisfy his passion for the col-
 
 'UN HOMME D'ESPEIT' 265 
 
 lection of works of art. When made a Knight 
 of the Garter, although he always used to 
 despise ' these baubles of vanity,' as he called 
 decorations, he appeared with his insignia at 
 a ball at the British Embassy, and was much 
 chaffed, in consequence, by his friends, but he 
 took it very good-humouredly. He was some- 
 what close in money matters, and I remember 
 him being very angry with one of the largest 
 banks in Paris for having invested some of his 
 money in Austrian securities, which for some 
 time were rather low, but which afterwards 
 recovered. 
 
 General Claremont, Military Attache at the 
 British Embassy, was also a great friend of the 
 Marquis, and used to accompany him and the 
 then Mr. Richard Wallace in their expeditions 
 to the heights of Montmartre, or the Latin 
 Quarter, in search of artistic treasures. It was 
 possible in those days, during the latter years of 
 the Empire, when collecting was not done so 
 systematically as at present, and art dealers 
 generally were not so well educated as to the 
 merits and value of p;iinters and sculptors 
 as those of to-day, to pick up, in the most 
 unlooked-for quarters, works of the greatest 
 value for a mere nothing. The three friends
 
 266 SIK EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 were men of taste and connoisseurs, but Wallace 
 was undoubtedly the best and safest of them, 
 and his opinion invariably used to prevail. In 
 fact, the Marquis would never buy a picture 
 without taking Wallace to see it and asking his 
 opinion. The art auctions at the Eue Drouot 
 Public Sale-rooms were also regularly attended 
 by them, and not a few of the gems of the 
 Wallace collection were purchased there. But 
 Lord Hertford did not trust only to chance to 
 put together his collection. He used to visit 
 regularly the dealers of the Eue Taitbout and 
 the Rue Laffitte, and when he came across 
 something which he considered worth having, 
 he did not mind paying a good price for it. 
 
 Lord Hertford, who loved the French, but 
 knew their weaknesses better than they did 
 themselves, was very much upset at the declara- 
 tion of war in 1870, and apprehensive of the 
 result, but he decided to stay in Paris. One 
 day, early in the morning, towards the end of 
 August, General Claremont called to inform me 
 that Lord Hertford was dying at Bagatelle, in 
 the Bois de Boulogne, and requested me to 
 go with him to see his Lordship. I did so, 
 taking the General with me in my phaeton. We 
 drove at considerable risk through the Bois,
 
 DEATH OF LOED HEETFOED 267 
 
 which was full of cattle of every description^ 
 nearly starved, and maddened by hunger. Owing 
 to the excitement and disorganisation caused by 
 the war, the Park animals had been left to take 
 care of themselves. They had devoured every 
 species of green stuff, the leaves of the trees, 
 and even the ivy, as far as they could reach 
 down on the walls of the fortifications (indeed, 
 a large number had fallen into the ditch), and 
 even thus early in the campaign had become a 
 public danger. 
 
 On reaching Bagatelle, we found Mr. 
 Richard Wallace, who said that his Lordship 
 was despaired of. I went directly to the room 
 where Lord Hertford was lying, and took his 
 hand. The only persons present were a 
 physician and an elderly lady. He did not 
 know me, and died without uttering a word, 
 while I was holding his hand. The heir to the 
 title, who was a cousin of the deceased Marquis, 
 living in London, was immediately telegraphed 
 for, and on his arrival the funeral took place. 
 I attended the service, which was solemnised 
 at the English church in the Eue d'Aguessa 
 by the Rev. Dr. Forbes. As all the upper class 
 of the English colony had left Paris, I in- 
 structed my coachman. Smith, to get together as
 
 268 SIK EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 nicany English people as possible to attend the 
 funeral, but, nevertheless, there was only a small 
 assembly. After the ceremony, the new Lord 
 Hertford, Mr. Wallace, General Claremont, the 
 clergyman, and myself, accompanied the re- 
 mains to the cemetery of Pere-Lachaise, where 
 they lie buried. 
 
 In the course of a later conversation with 
 Mr. Wallace, he told me he had absolutely no 
 knowledge of the provisions of Lord Hertford's 
 will, and was not even aware of the existence of 
 a will, or of the name of the Marquis's solicitor. 
 I gave him the address of Lord Hertford's legal 
 representative in London. 
 
 The provisions of Lord Hertford's will are 
 now well known. He left to Mr. Wallace all 
 his property in France, his collection of paintings, 
 and such parts of his other property as he was 
 free to dispose of by will. He had often told me 
 he meant to make another, which he never did, 
 but he had made certain promises of legacies 
 which he intended to leave. It would not be 
 right for me to say to whom these promises were 
 made, but in conversation with Sir Kichard 
 Wallace, at a later period, I mentioned this 
 matter to him, and Sir Eichard asked me for 
 particulars of those promises and for the names
 
 SIE EICHAED WALLACE 269 
 
 of the persons to whom they had been made. 
 I told him of two, one of 60,000Z, to a gentleman 
 who had married a lady to whom Lord Hertford 
 had been left guardian by one of his best friends. 
 On receiving this information Wallace imme- 
 diately wrote cheques for the amounts I told 
 him had been promised. 
 
 Wallace remained in Paris throughout the 
 siege, devoting himself to the relief of distress, 
 not only among his own countrymen, but among 
 the French as well. He was chairman of the 
 British Charitable Fund during the siege, and 
 the work which he and his colleagues. Sir John 
 Eose Cormack, Dr. The Hon. Allan Herbert, 
 Dr. Charles Shrimpton, and the Eev. Clarke 
 Smyth, had to perform, was truly of a Herculean 
 character. Wallace gave large sums out of his 
 own pocket, and never refused any appeal made 
 to him. In the difficult position I occupied at 
 the time, as Her Majesty's Consul in Paris, his 
 assistance was of the greatest value to me, and 
 I had perhaps more opportunities than any 
 others to see the extent of his work. He was 
 indeed my best friend, and I never knew a finer 
 or more generous nature. 
 
 The French Government gave him the 
 Legion of Honour, and his name was bestowed
 
 270 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 upon one of the finest boulevards running along 
 the Bois de Boulogne, the Boulevard Eichard 
 Wallace, which goes from the Boulevard Maillot 
 to the Porte de Madrid, whilst Her Majesty's 
 Government gave him a knighthood. After the 
 war Sir Eichard Wallace presented the city of 
 Paris, where public drinking accommodation was 
 of the most miserable and inadequate nature, 
 with one thousand public drinking fountains of 
 an artistic design, which stand in the chief 
 thoroughfares. The municipal authorities have 
 since added a considerable number of exactly the 
 same design, and the fountains are generally 
 spoken of by the people as ' les Wallace.' 
 
 Sir Eichard Wallace was one of the few 
 people whose marriage I performed during my 
 brief tenure of office as British Consul in Paris, 
 for, in spite of the siege and of starvation, 
 British people were getting married, though 
 not in large numbers, and I was called upon 
 iio perform three marriages. A curious story 
 attaches to these marriages, as the question 
 afterwards arose whether the marriages were 
 legally valid under the Foreign Marriages Act 
 then in force. I had been appointed Consul, 
 but held no certificate to perform marriages. 
 If I had been Vice-Consul to, or Acting-Consul
 
 THE WALLACE COLLECTION 271 
 
 in the room of, the gentleman who occupied the 
 post when the war broke out, the marriages 
 would have been valid, as I should have been 
 acting as his deputy and he held the necessary 
 certificates. But my appointment was as Consul, 
 independent of my predecessor's position or office, 
 and this made all the difference. Sir Eichard's 
 marriage was re-performed as soon as this came 
 out, and advertisements were put in the papers 
 requesting the other couples, who could no longer 
 be traced, to do the same, but no one ever 
 presented himself at the Consulate for the 
 purpose. 
 
 Lady Wallace, who was the daughter of a 
 French officer, survived her husband, and at her 
 death presented Hertford House and its magnifi- 
 cent pictures and other art treasures to the 
 British nation, and also bequeathed princely 
 sums to charities both in Paris and in London.
 
 272 SIE EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 BACKWAED GLANCES 
 
 During my career, I have known eight English 
 ambassadors to France, Lord Granville, Lord 
 Normanby, two Lords Cowley, Lord Lyons, 
 Lord Lytton, Lord Dufferin, and Sir Edmund 
 Monson. During the same period, there were 
 upwards of forty French ambassadors to Eng- 
 land. 
 
 Lord Granville and Lord Normanby have 
 already been mentioned in these pages, when I 
 spoke of my first experiences in Paris, and of 
 the Catholic Emancipation question. Before 
 coming into contact with Lord Normanby as 
 Ambassador to France during the eventful reign 
 of Louis Philippe and the Republic of 1848, I 
 had known him as an active advocate of Catholic 
 Emancipation. In fact he was appointed Lord- 
 Lieutenant of Ireland to inaugurate the new 
 regime^ and his period of office was one of the 
 most peaceful in the history of the country. The
 
 LORD COWLEY'S INCREDULITY 273 
 
 liberal-mindedness and tact which he displayed 
 in home politics he carried abroad, and he was 
 of the utmost service to British interests in 
 France at a time when British capital and 
 enterprise were so extensively engaged in rail- 
 way building and in engineering works in that 
 country. 
 
 With the first Lord Cowley, who succeeded 
 Lord Normanby, when Napoleon III. proclaimed 
 himself Emperor, I had but very few opportunities 
 of coming into contact. The second Lord Cowley 
 was a strong partisan of Napoleon III., and as 
 my feelings, owing to my connection with the 
 Orleans family, lay in quite another direction, 
 I saw very little of him. Just before the out- 
 break of the Franco-German war, I asked Colonel 
 Claremont, the military attache, to inform him 
 that the French Government were placing pro- 
 visions, hay, and military stores and ammunition 
 on all our railway stations, were having trains 
 loaded, and making feverish preparations for 
 a campaign. My efforts to impress Lord 
 Cowley with the gravity of the situation were 
 unavailing. The Ambassador merely replied 
 that there was no occasion for alarm, that they 
 had got the Emperor in a corner, and there 
 would be no war, but a congress would be 
 
 T
 
 27i SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 held which would settle all difficulties without 
 bloodshed. A few days later war was declared. 
 
 Lord Lyons was what M. Waddington once 
 described him, ' a diplomatist imbued with a 
 high sense of public duty.' He had a strong 
 and sincere desire to see England and France 
 acting together to their common advantage, and 
 during his twenty years of office as ambassador 
 in Paris, had the goodwill of French states- 
 men, whether Monarchical, Imperialist, or Ee- 
 publican. He was an indifferent speaker, and, 
 being of a shy and retiring disposition, he led too 
 secluded a life to be popular in French society. 
 He was, in truth, in spite of his sagacity and 
 judgment, out of touch with the French people. 
 
 M. Dufaure, Thiers's Minister of Justice, once 
 asked him, ' My Lord, how many households in 
 Paris are you acquainted with, who live in 
 apartments on the fourth floor ? ' The Am- 
 bassador was forced to admit that he knew none. 
 ' Then you do not know the Parisian,' was the 
 blunt rejoinder. When calling upon him once 
 at the Embassy, I found that a certain well- 
 known journalist had preceded me. The visitor 
 was laying down the law in loud tones, and 
 when, after his departure, the Ambassador 
 received me, I took occasion to point out to
 
 SILENCE IS GOLDEN 275 
 
 him that it was scarcely advisable — if I might 
 be allowed to say so — to discuss State matters 
 in such loud tones, adding, ' I heard every word 
 that was said, my Lord, as I sat in the ante- 
 room.' ' Ah ! ' exclaimed Lord Lyons, ' but even 
 then you could not hear what I said, for I said 
 nothing.' He always had the art of keeping his 
 own counsel. 
 
 During the Exhibition of 1878, when the 
 Prince and Princess of Wales were in Paris, a 
 grand ball was given in honour of their Koyal 
 Highnesses. But the Queen's representative 
 did not look as if he enjoyed it. A lady was 
 overheard remarking : * Just see Lord Lyons, 
 how wretched he looks ! ' And His Excellency's 
 ^embarrassment was amusing to witness, when the 
 Princess of Wales tried in vain to induce him to 
 take a turn in the cotillon with Her Eoyal 
 Highness. 
 
 I was intimate with Lord Lytton, and knew 
 him from the days when he was an attache in 
 Paris. TTo frequented my house, and was always 
 lively and amusing, and a great dancer at the balls 
 we gave. He was a general favourite in society, 
 very clever, well read, and highly educated. 
 Afterwards I saw him at Vienna, where he 
 was first secretary under Lord Loftus, when I 
 
 T 2
 
 276 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 was in the cit}^ with Baron James Kothschild 
 and Samuel Laing, late chairman of the London 
 and Brighton Eailway. When Lytton was 
 second secretary in Paris, I seldom saw him, 
 because at that time I went very little into 
 society, owing to a sad family bereavement. 
 When, however, he came to Paris as ambassador 
 in 1888, he was highly popular not only with the 
 French, but also wath the British colony in 
 Paris, a body very hard to please, and among 
 whom very few British ambassadors have 
 been popular. Lord Lytton was frank and open, 
 without pretension, said what he thought, took an 
 intelligent interest in commercial matters, and 
 in the questions affecting the positions of British 
 subjects in France, and never feared to broach 
 any matter with the British Chamber of Com- 
 merce, of which I was president. He always 
 received us courteously, and gave every assist- 
 ance in his power. He always used to attend 
 our banquet and our annual ball at the Chamber, 
 and not only opened the ball, but did his best 
 to make it as lively as possible. 
 
 One morning. Lady Lytton sent for me to come 
 at once and see him. He thought himself very ill, 
 and I sat with him for some time, and did my best 
 to reassure him ; but, to my astonishment and
 
 LOED LYTTON 277 
 
 grief, he was in a much worse state than either 
 the physicians or myself imagined, and his death 
 was deeply regretted. At the public funeral, 
 which I attended, I was one of the pall- 
 bearers, holding the cordon next to Marshal 
 Canrobert. The whole way from the Embassy 
 to the Western Railway Station w^as lined with 
 troops. After the performance of the religious 
 service, the remains were placed in a railway 
 waggon, arranged for the purpose, and let down 
 to the passenger station underneath by electric 
 signal, and sent on to Dieppe by special train. 
 The coffin was covered with the Union Jack 
 which remained on it till its arrival at Knebworth, 
 Lord Lytton had a successor worthy of him 
 in the person of my old friend Lord Dufferin, 
 whom I have had the grief to lose as these 
 Memoirs are passing through the press. Lord 
 DufEerin was, if possible, even more popular in 
 Paris than he had been as Governor-General 
 of Canada and as Viceroy of India, and, con- 
 sidering the difficult times he had to go through; 
 this is no empty compliment to pay to him. 
 His popularity was shared by Lady Dulferin, 
 whose qualities as a hostess endeared her to the 
 French aristocracy, whilst her deep interest in 
 the welfare of the British residents, her charm
 
 278 SIE EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 of manners, her kindness, and her charity made 
 her the idol of the British colony. She was at 
 the head of no less than four charities, and 
 every year placed the Embassy at the dis- 
 posal of those charities for their meetings, 
 and herself took the chair and made a 
 speech, giving an account of the year's work. 
 Although naturally shy, she used on these- 
 occasions to acquit herself to perfection, and I 
 remember once Lord Dufferin, rising after her, 
 laughingly remarked that he had made up his 
 mind never to speak again, and would leave 
 that to his wife. 
 
 The social functions at the Embassy were 
 perhaps never more perfectly fulfilled, at least 
 since the brilliant days of Lord Granville, 
 and it was during Lord Dufferin's period of 
 office that the annual banquets of the British 
 Chamber of Commerce assumed an interna- 
 tional importance. The ' British Ambassador's 
 Guildhall speech,' as it came to be called,, 
 began to be looked forward to annually as an 
 event of the greatest moment. More than 
 once, indeed. Lord Dufferin's eloquence had the 
 power of smoothing troubled waters, and of this 
 an instance is worth recording, which will do 
 more than any words of mine to give an idea of
 
 LOED DUFFEEIN 279 
 
 his ability in this direction.. It was in 1893, a 
 short time after Lord Dufferin's appointment to 
 Paris, and a section of the Paris press were carry- 
 ing on a violent campaign against him, charging 
 him with having come to Paris with the fell 
 design of breaking up the new Franco-Eussian 
 alliance, and accusing him of organising a 
 campaign of corruption, and of secretly distribut- 
 ing millions to purchase the press and pubUc 
 men. Lord Dufferin was the chief guest at the 
 banquet of the British Chamber, and I cannot 
 resist the temptation of quoting his speech in 
 
 full. 
 
 In proposing his health, I had said : 
 
 You have passed through what is now fre- 
 quently called ' un temps difficile,' and you have 
 mastered the position, and you have held our 
 flag as high as ever it was. I remember now 
 you told us this (after explaining to us the large 
 armies you had seen in India), that as long as 
 you were ambassador here, if there was war 
 between the country you represent and this 
 country you would ask that a gibbet should 
 be raised on the frontier, and that you should 
 be executed. I am sure that as long as you 
 hold the position of ambassador between 
 France and England your life will be perfectly 
 safe. My Lord, I am now about to touch upon 
 a serious and very delicate matter. I hesitate 
 to say, but for some time past it has been 
 thought proper to attack our diplomatic court in
 
 280 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 generiil in this country, and they have dared to 
 say something against you. Allow me to tell 
 you that not only here, hut all over the world, 
 these attacks have been received with the great- 
 est indignation. I have known the English di- 
 plomatic service for many years, and I say there 
 never can be an attack against it. I do not 
 know what takes place with other countries, but 
 with ours it has always been honest, it has 
 always been honourable, and I trust it always 
 will be. 
 
 Lord Dufferin spoke as follows : — 
 
 Sir Edward Blount, ladies and gentlemen, I 
 am sure it will be a great rehef to many of those 
 present to know that a recent attack of influenza 
 has rendered me perfectly harmless as an after- 
 dinner speaker, and instead of embarking upon a 
 laborious investigation of the commercial rela- 
 tions between England and France — which, by 
 the by, at this moment would prove by no means 
 a cheerful topic of discussion at a convivial 
 meeting— I shall be forced by the dilapidated 
 condition of my mental powers to confine myself 
 to simply thanking you, ladies and gentlemen, as 
 I do most sincerely, for the kind way in which you 
 have received the mention of my name, and you. 
 Sir Edward Blount, for the indulgent and com- 
 phmentary terms in which you have proposed 
 my health. It is always a pleasure to me to find 
 myself surrounded by my own countrymen, and 
 to be able to show my sympathy and interest in 
 all their undertakings. And with these few 
 words I should certainly have concluded, had it 
 not been for the allusion which Sir Edward 
 Blount made to some recent attacks in the
 
 AN AFTEE-DINNEE SPEECH 281 
 
 Prench newspapers of which I and the other am- 
 bassadors have been the object. Sh* Edward, 
 indeed, said, with some appearance of truth, 
 that, thanks to the peaceful aspect of Europe, 
 there has been no occasion to hang our diploma- 
 tists upon any of the adjohiing frontiers. But, 
 though I and my colleagues have escaped this 
 untoward fate for the present, we have been 
 rather mercilessly gibbeted in some of the Paris 
 newspapers. 
 
 Now, I don't wish to refer to w-hat is 
 past in an ill-tempered or acrimonious spirit, 
 for I am willing to believe that these attacks 
 have emanated rather from the ignorance and 
 naivete than the malice of their authors ; but it 
 is certainly new^ to my experience that an am- 
 bassador, the personal representative of his 
 sovereign, should be caught up by the ' engre- 
 nage ' of the domestic polemics of the country to 
 whose government he is accredited. Hitherto 
 it has been considered that his great office, and 
 the majesty of the sovereign and country he re- 
 presents, as well as the courtesy and hospitahty 
 of the nation amongst which he resides, were 
 sufficient to secure him in the enjoyment of that 
 semi-conventual obscurity which is his proper 
 element. But, unfortunately, these safeguards 
 have not proved sufficient, and I have seen myself 
 repeatedly accused in widely circulated papers, 
 whose statements undoubtedly have carried 
 conviction with them to vast numbers of people, 
 of the most disgraceful and abominable conduct 
 — of acts which, if proved, would justify my being 
 summoned to a bar of a criminal ccnu't. It may, 
 of course, be said that these assaults are beneath 
 my notice. Well, they are so far beneath my
 
 282 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 notice that I have not thought it worth while to 
 make them the subject of any official complaint, 
 but to-night w^e are for the moment in England ; 
 those I see around me are as much concerned, 
 I am sure, with my good name as I myself could 
 be ; and it has always been my practice, when- 
 ever I meet a lie, to nail it at once to the 
 counter. Moreover, as the monstrous fabrica- 
 tions to which Sir Edward has referred would 
 militate against my usefulness as an ambassa- 
 dor, if even partially credited, I do not hesitate 
 to take this opportunity to say that the whole 
 series of assertions, which have been so indus- 
 triously propagated — including the absurd state- 
 ment that I arrived in France furnished with an 
 enormous sum of money (3,000,000 francs, I 
 think, was the sum named) to be applied to the 
 corruption of the French press and of French 
 politicians, with the view of breaking up the 
 Franco-Russian alliance — is not only untrue in 
 the widest acceptation of that term, but that 
 there is not and there never has been a shade or 
 a shadow of substance in any of the various 
 allegations which, from time to time, have been 
 issued, wdth the view of building up this incon- 
 ceivable mystification. 
 
 Ladies and gentlemen, the exponents of 
 public opinion in France w'ho write for the 
 press comprise some of the most delightful, 
 clever, and gifted publicists that are to be found 
 in any country in the world. Many of them 
 are honoured members of the Senate or of the 
 Chamber, and the whole press of France is 
 remarkable for its literary excellence and its. 
 intelligent handling of political topics. But I 
 regret to say that, with the exception of a casual
 
 THE AMBASSADOE AND THE FEENCH PEESS 283 
 
 exchange of courtesies with one or two distin- 
 guished individuals whom I have met at some 
 social gathering, I have hitherto had no rela- 
 tions, whether directly or indirectly — and when 
 I say indirectly I mean through the medium of 
 any third person — with any gentlemen connected 
 with the press of France. As for the enter- 
 prising and persevering interviewer, I keep 
 studiously clear of all contact with him, warned 
 by the bones and empty skulls of so many of my 
 colleagues and predecessors that whiten the 
 entrance to his den. As for the three millions 
 of francs, if I had dealt with them as is so uni- 
 versally asserted, the somng of such golden seed 
 ought certainly to have produced a more abund- 
 ant harvest; but those who, like myself, are 
 attentive and respectful students of the leading 
 articles of the French newspapers, will have failed 
 to see in their columns any of those enthusiastic 
 encomiums of England and of Enghsh policy 
 which, under the suggested circumstances, I 
 should have had the right to expect. The money 
 must evidently have gone the way of Balak's pre- 
 sents to Balaam the son of Beor, and produced, 
 instead of the anticipated blessings, I will not say 
 curses, but a good deal of incisive and unremit- 
 ting criticism. 
 
 The fact is that since I arrived in Paris I 
 have not spent a sixpence that has not gone 
 into the pocket of my butcher or baker, or of 
 that harmful but necessary lady— the avenger 
 of the sins of Adam — whose bills every house- 
 holder who values his domestic peace pays with 
 alacrity and without examination: I mean the 
 family ' couturiere.' As for the friendly feehngs 
 which animate the Russian and the French
 
 284 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 people towards each other, I can only say that 
 they have never formed the subject of any con- 
 versation that I have ever held with any one in 
 this country ; nor have I ever been charged with 
 such a mission as that attributed to me. On 
 the contrary, I can safely say this, on behalf of 
 the British nation and on behalf of whatever 
 administration may be in power in England 
 — that they will never view with disfavour, or 
 indeed with anything but sympathy and benevo- 
 lence, whatever friendly understandings or com- 
 binations may take place amongst the nations 
 of Europe which have the maintenance of peace 
 and the general harmony of the world for their 
 aim and object. 
 
 Ladies and gentlemen, I am sorry to have 
 troubled you at this length upon a personal 
 matter, but Sir Edward Blount's allusions 
 scarcely left me any other alternative, and I am 
 convinced, after what I have now said, that 
 there will be no individual in this country — 
 which is the very home of chivalry — that there 
 will be no one who knows what honour means, 
 who values truth, or comprehends the force of 
 the word of a gentleman, who will not accept 
 the assurances I have now given, in the same 
 ample, full, complete, and explicit sense in which 
 they have been made, as to the utter and abso- 
 lute groundlessness of the whole phantasmagoria 
 of calumny and suspicion which has been so in- 
 comprehensibly evoked. My own desire, ladies 
 and gentlemen, is to strain every nerve in pro- 
 moting friendly relations and the most amicable 
 understanding between France and England. 
 As you all know, I am personally a most enthusi- 
 astic admirer of French genius, of French litera-
 
 A GEACEFUL FAEEWELL 285 
 
 ture, and of the French character ; and I can 
 sincerely say that next to the welfare of my own 
 country, there is nothing I have more at heart 
 than the happiness and prosperity of this great 
 people, who have rendered such services to the 
 Art, Literature, Science, and Civilisation of 
 Europe, and in the midst of whom it is my 
 proudest boast to be passing the last years of my 
 official life. 
 
 The witty irony and, at the same time, the 
 good-natured tone of this speech had an almost 
 miraculous effect. Lord Dufferin had dexte- 
 rously put ' les rieurs de son cote,' with the 
 result that there were no more attacks upon 
 him, and in bidding us farewell, in 189G, he 
 could say : 
 
 This being my last speech and dying con- 
 fession, I cannot refrain from taking this 
 opportunity of expressing my grateful thanks 
 to the various public men in this country with 
 whom it has been my good fortune to be brought 
 into contact. By one and all of them I have 
 been treated with the greatest indulgence, 
 courtesy, and consideration ; nor for a single in- 
 stant, no matter what controversies may have 
 arisen between us, have our personal relations 
 ceased to be of the pleasantest and most con- 
 genial character. Nor, if I dare to take such a 
 liberty, would I willingly refrain from a kindly 
 reference to the press of Paris. It is true, when 
 I was first subject to its acute and patriotic ob- 
 servation, it was disposed to exhibit toward me 
 an attitude — I hardly know what word to use —
 
 286 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 well, I will say an attitude of ' coyness ; ' but 
 there were artificial circumstances existing at 
 the time, which sufficiently accounted for what 
 happened ; and, knowing in my heart how 
 anxious I was to discharge the duties of my 
 office in a spirit of loyalty and conciliation, con- 
 vinced that no outsider could have come to 
 France with a higher appreciation of the quali- 
 ties of its inhabitants, or who could have already 
 worked more harmoniously with its representa- 
 tives abroad — I had little doubt that your dis- 
 criminating journalists would eventually recog- 
 nise in me the genuine well-wisher of their 
 country. Nor have my anticipations been 
 disappointed, for, even on those occasions when 
 the newspaper polemics between the two capitals 
 assumed a character of considerable vehemence, 
 not to say of violence, the war of words, which 
 hurtled to and fro, left the Embassy a Land of 
 Goshen in the storm, unscathed and unassailed 
 by the least injurious suggestion. 
 
 It would not be possible for me to close these 
 Memoirs without saying something more of an 
 institution with which I have long been con- 
 nected, and of which T have kept the most 
 pleasant memories — I mean the British Chamber 
 of Commerce of Paris. This Chamber — which, 
 by the way, was the pioneer and model of 
 Chambers of Commerce abroad — was founded 
 after the war by a number of British merchants 
 in Paris who felt the need of such an organisation 
 for the defence of their interests. Its usefulness
 
 THE BEITISH CHAMBEE OF COMMEECE 287 
 
 was soon recognised, and the most prominent 
 personalities of the British commercial world 
 in Paris soon joined it. Amongst its members 
 in my days were the late Mr. Thomas Filter, 
 the late Mr. Eugene Laurier, the late Mr. 
 Sydney Arnold, the late Mr. Priestly, Mr. T. C. 
 Hounsfield, Mr. J. L. Pollock, Mr. John Pilter, 
 Mr. A. Coleman, Mr. K. G. Johnston, Mr. W. 
 Ablett, Mr. Thomas Longhurst, Mr. W. Kobert- 
 son, men who have left their mark in the annals 
 of Anglo-French trade. 
 
 I was president of the Chamber for many 
 years. Our work, especially in the beginning, 
 was of a very uphill character. The French 
 authorities were not at all inclined to look 
 favourably upon us, and the English authorities 
 at first gave us the cold shoulder, as they 
 were afraid the Chamber might be a source of 
 trouble. The French Minister of Commerce, 
 M. L6on Say, even went so far as to take 
 advantage of a deputation from the Chamber 
 waiting upon him, on the question of the im- 
 provement of the train and boat service between 
 Paris and London, to read them a lecture on 
 their audacity in calling themselves a Chamber 
 of Commerce, and to threaten them with forcible 
 dissolution if they did not drop the title.
 
 288 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 Chambers of Commerce being in France official 
 bodies regulated by law, he argued that a private 
 association had no more right to call itself a 
 Chamber of Commerce than it had to call it- 
 self the Chamber of Deputies or the Municipal 
 Council. 
 
 The British merchants in Paris were not at all 
 incHned to fall in with the views of M. Leon Say, 
 so they did what most Englishmen in trouble 
 do : they went to their solicitor, and the solicitor's 
 opinion was that they should stick to their title. 
 They transmitted this opinion to M. Leon Say, 
 with an intimation that the utmost they could do 
 to meet him was to cease calling themselves 'the 
 Paris British Chamber of Commerce,' and to call 
 themselves in future ' the British Chamber of 
 Commerce in Paris.' M. Leon Say meanwhile 
 had gone the way of French Ministers, the 
 matter dropped, and the Chamber of Commerce 
 remained the Chamber of Commerce. 
 
 But the French Government were not 
 slow in perceiving the use of such institu- 
 tions. The activity of the British Chamber 
 and its influence in commercial matters opened 
 their eyes, and they started a scheme of French 
 Chambers abroad which is the most flattering 
 compliment to the British idea. But, whilst
 
 K.C.B. 289 
 
 our British Chambers abroad are self-supporting, 
 and have the greatest trouble in keeping them- 
 selves alive, the French Chambers receive subsi- 
 dies from the Government, which materially help 
 them in their work. The Belgian, Austro-Hun- 
 garian, Italian, and Spanish Governments imi- 
 tated the French, and now in almost every 
 capital of importance there is a complete set of 
 Foreign Chambers of Commerce. But, too often, 
 the only one missing is the British Chamber, for 
 the local British colony is not rich enough to 
 keep up such an institution, and the home 
 merchants will not subscribe, whilst the Home 
 Government has not yet seen what has for many 
 years been obvious to even the poorest foreign 
 Governments, that Chambers of Commerce 
 abroad are the best commercial information 
 agencies that could exist. 
 
 At the banquet given in honour of the Queen's 
 birthday, at the British Embassy, by Lord 
 Lytton, on June 2, 1888, he announced, in 
 proposing the health of Her Majesty, that I — 
 whom he described as the ' doyen of the English 
 colony in Paris ' — had that afternoon been pro- 
 moted to the rank of K.C.B. I was gratified to 
 find that, on both sides of the Channel, the 
 announcement was received with many flattering 
 
 u
 
 290 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 expressions of good will. The first letter of con- 
 gratulation which reached me came from the 
 British Chamber of Commerce, of which I was 
 then president, and ran as follows : — 
 
 To Sir Edward Blount, K.C.B. 
 
 We, the undersigned Directors of the Cham- 
 ber of Commerce in Paris, beg leave, on behalf 
 of its members, to offer you our hearty congratu- 
 lations on the occasion of the well-deserved 
 honour conferred upon you by Her Most Gracious 
 Majesty the Queen in naming you Knight Com- 
 mander of the Bath. 
 
 By your perseverance and ability, you have 
 achieved a position which few Englishmen have 
 ever attained in France, and by your urbanity 
 and readiness to oblige you have gained the 
 esteem, sympathy, and good will of both your 
 countrymen and the French people. 
 
 The beneficial results of your great influence 
 were at once felt by our Board, and we, your 
 colleagues, sincerely hope that you will be long 
 with us to promote the welfare and interests of 
 the British Chamber of Commerce in Paris. 
 
 By order of the Board. 
 (Signed) Eug. Laurier, ^/ ice-President. 
 T. LoNGHURST, Hon. Secretary. 
 
 June 1888. 
 
 As soon as I returned to England I was made 
 the recipient, from my friends and neighbours 
 at East Grinstead, of an illuminated address 
 of congratulation. I will not quote the com-
 
 CONGEATULATIONS AT EAST GEINSTEAD 291 
 
 plimentary words which were spoken on that 
 occasion, though I feel deeply grateful for such a 
 mark of confidence from the people around my 
 own home. The address, which was signed by the 
 chief inhabitants of the town of East Grinstead, 
 ran as follows : — 
 
 To Sir Edward Charles Blount, K.C.B. &c. 
 
 We the undersigned, representing the trades 
 and inhabitants generally of East Grinstead, beg 
 to offer you our sincere and hearty congratulations 
 on the distinguished honour recently conferred 
 upon you by Her Majesty the Queen. 
 
 We are all aware of the priceless services you 
 have rendered our fellow-countr^^men in a foreign 
 land, particularly at a critical and historical mo- 
 ment, and we also highly appreciate the interest 
 you and your family have always taken in the 
 welfare of this town and neighbourhood. We 
 feel proud to think that you are an Englishman 
 and a townsman, and we sincerely hope that you 
 and your beloved wife. Lady Blount, may live 
 many years to enjoy the honour so deservedly 
 bestowed, but which, we venture to think, ought 
 to have been even greater. 
 
 My reply was as follows : — 
 
 I feel excessively obliged to you, and I can 
 assure you, as probably you are aware, that it is 
 rather difficult on these occasions to give ex- 
 pression to what one feels. I always find in 
 such a case as the present that language is but 
 a very feeble interpreter of one's feelings. It is 
 very pleasing indeed to us to know that we 
 have given you such general satisfaction. The 
 
 u 2
 
 292 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 honour which I received I am very thankful for 
 to Her Majesty, but what has touched me more 
 than anything else is the sentiment which has 
 been expressed all over England and in all foreign 
 parts in the congratulations which I have received 
 from nearly every country in Europe. 
 
 Naturally, having had to work hard for fifty 
 years, and being the younger son of a younger 
 son, that is very satisfactory ; but to feel that 
 I have given satisfaction to you, gentlemen, 
 and to my own countrymen here at home and 
 scattered abroad in all parts of the world, is a 
 still greater source of gratification. 
 
 Since I have been in this country I have 
 done all I could to live well with everybody. 
 Having lived out of my own country so many 
 years, I have not interfered with politics at all ; 
 but this I know and feel, that wherever an Eng- 
 lishman may be, whether at home or abroad, he 
 is always loyal. 
 
 It frequently occurs to me to have to preside 
 at meetings of my fellow countrymen in France, 
 and on such an occasion recently I had the Eng- 
 lish Ambassador (Lord Lytton) on one side and 
 a French Minister on the other. When I pro- 
 posed the health of the Queen, it was received 
 with that same cordial enthusiasm which always 
 greets it at home ; and in no man's heart is the 
 love of his own native land more deeply im- 
 pressed than in the heart of him whose life is 
 spent away from it. 
 
 It is said in the address that I rendered some 
 services to my countrymen during the siege of 
 Paris. Circumstances forced me into a position 
 I do not regret having occupied. For diplomatic 
 reasons the En/o-jish Ambassador left the country.
 
 EEMINISCENCES OF THE SIEGE 293 
 
 the last Attache went away, the Consul went 
 away, and I, being well known to the French 
 people and to all parties, was called on to represent 
 the Enghsh Government. 
 
 A very short time afterwards I received, by 
 pigeon, I think, that being our only means of 
 communication, a nomination as Consul, and I 
 remained Consul during the siege. I got all my 
 family away. By some secret strategy I got 
 my wife and family away by the last train w^hich 
 left Paris, and I remained alone. At that time 
 I had 2,200 Enghsh poor on my hands, and I 
 did what I could for them. I was very ably 
 assisted by one whose name you will all probably 
 know. Sir Eichard Wallace, who gave me valu- 
 able aid. Those were very hard times. We ate 
 a great deal of horse-liesh, and a young horse is 
 not at all bad eating. I and my friends also ate 
 donkeys. An old donkey is a very disagreeable 
 animal, as obstinate and tough after his death 
 as in his lifetime, but I never ate better food 
 than a cut from the ribs of a young donkey. 
 
 We had the hump of a camel once at a 
 dinner at the Jockey Club. I cannot say we 
 had high indulgences, but we were very happy 
 to mix bad bread with indifferent wine. I had a 
 piece of luck. I had been living in the country, 
 and had two cows, one of which I slaughtered. 
 My coachman had been a butcher, and he salted 
 my cow, and so long as I live I shall never 
 forget the gratitude I feel for the memory of 
 that cow. The Jockey Club asked me for some 
 cow, and they got it. 
 
 I assisted at many battles. You have seen 
 pictures of battles, but they in no way represent 
 the reality. It is the greatest horror a man can
 
 294 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 possibly see. We read of dashing charges of 
 cavahy — they charge but once, and the rest is a 
 miserable carnage, and I don't think any man 
 can say in general, until he has reflected, which 
 side has gained a victory. 
 
 I thank Heaven that we are here surrounded 
 by what is called the ' Silver Streak.' That 
 has been rather painful to me at times, rather 
 difficult to cross ; but I bless Providence we 
 have it here. These are of course all minor 
 matters, and I won't go on longer. The other 
 day I was presiding at a dinner, and I had 
 Lord Lytton at my side. He made reference 
 to a remark which occurs in one of the novels 
 written by his uncle Bulwer Lytton — that he 
 could never understand, as life was so short, 
 why speeches were so long. I feel the same, 
 so I will close by thanking you from the bottom 
 of my heart for your kind expressions. I hope I 
 may be long spared to live in such a charming 
 country as this. It is a deep satisfaction to 
 Lady Blount and myself to see how we are 
 received here, and our gratification is doubled 
 when we know we have your good will. 
 
 I am well acquainted with M. Loubet, the 
 present President of the Kepublic. Many years 
 ago, when surveys were being made for the con- 
 struction of the Paris-Lyon-Mediterranee line, 
 I accompanied the engineers and surveyors 
 of the projected railway in a journey on the 
 banks of the Khone, and performed the voyage 
 from Lyons to Avignon by the river. Eeaders 
 of Macaulay's Letters will remember his enthu-
 
 M. LOUBET 295 
 
 siastic description of the beauties of this route, 
 which was then the highway for travellers to 
 the south. The question before us, at the time 
 of this journey, was whether the railway should 
 be made by Yiviers, on the right bank of the 
 Khone, or by Montelimar on the left. There was 
 great rivalry between the two places. We went 
 first to Viviers and saw the Bishop, w^ho at that 
 period was the most influential authority there. 
 After leaving Monseigneur, we crossed the 
 river and went to Montelimar. We paid a 
 visit to M. Loubet, the father of the President 
 of the Eepublic, who was one of the most 
 influential personages of the town, and who, if 
 my memory serves me right, was then mayor. 
 I saw for the first time, on this occasion, the 
 present President, who at that time was quite 
 a child. I had good reasons to remember the 
 little citizen of Montelimar, for subsequently, 
 when M. Loubet was Minister of Public Works, 
 circumstances brought me much in contact with 
 him in my capacity of Chairman of the Western 
 of France Railway. I never had to negotiate with 
 a more able Minister — he was straightforward, 
 took the trouble to inquire into the merits of 
 the questions before him, expressed his opinion 
 frankly, and did his best to facilitate our task.
 
 296 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 I was present at the Gare Saint-Lazare to 
 receive the new President of the Kepublic on 
 his return from Versailles on the day of his 
 election, February 18, 1899, when he expressed 
 the great pleasure he felt to see me there ; and 
 I witnessed his departure for the Elysee, when 
 the President was assailed by an organised mob 
 with cries of ' Panama.' Nothing was more 
 unjust and uncalled for than this disgraceful 
 exhibition. M. Loubet's share in the Panama 
 affair was simply an endeavour to stop further 
 unnecessary scandal by people who had an 
 interest in keeping up the agitation. He was 
 never accused by respectable people of want of 
 pecuniary probity. In my opinion, he performed 
 a service to his country in this matter, and I 
 rejoice to see that the French people have 
 at last realised that the character of their 
 President is above attack. M. Loubet is to- 
 day one of the most popular men in France, and 
 deservedly so, and the professional agitators, who 
 tried to precipitate a crisis by forcing him to re- 
 sign, would not to-day dare to attempt to get up a 
 demonstration against him in the streets of Paris. 
 
 Since I began these Memoirs, not only the 
 British Empire, but the whole world, has been 
 called to mourn the death of Queen Victoria,
 
 THE ACCESSION OF EDWAED VII. 297 
 
 the greatest and best of sovereigns, and I cannot 
 lay down my pen without adding a personal 
 tribute of admiration and respect to her memory. 
 Her invariable kindness and gracious manner to 
 me, on all occasions, are amongst the most 
 treasured and honoured of my recollections. 
 From His Majesty also, I have always received 
 the greatest sympathy and kindness, and it is 
 with feelings of respect and admiration that I 
 renew the expression of my loyalty to King 
 Edward VII. Born in the reign of George III., 
 I witnessed, as a lad of eleven, the coronation 
 of George IV. in company with my father, who 
 was manager of the Duke of Norfolk's boroughs. 
 I was also present at the coronation of William 
 IV. and that of Queen Victoria. On the eve of 
 the coronation of the fifth English sovereign to 
 whom I have owed allegiance, I can only pray 
 God to extend His blessing upon him, and to 
 grant him a long and prosperous reign. 
 
 It is time now to draw these reminiscences 
 to a close, though I have left much unsaid of 
 more or less public interest. My own life has 
 been full, many-sided, and rich in friendships, 
 and it is a satisfaction to me to think that, in 
 some measure at least, I have been able to be of 
 service both to England and to France.
 
 INDEX 
 
 Ablett, Mr. W., 287 
 
 Accidents on French railways, 
 70-74, 76 
 
 Adam, M., mayor of Boulogne, 
 135 
 
 .\lsace and Lorraine, cession to 
 Germany of, 213, 228 
 
 Amiens, a risky journey to 
 summon troops from, 120- 
 123 
 
 Amiens and Boulogne Kailway, 
 61, 73 
 
 Anglesey, Lord, Peninsular hero, 
 9, 10 
 
 Aquapendente, incident at, 39 
 
 Arago, Emmanuel, 111 
 
 Arenberg, Prince d', 239 
 
 Arnold, Mr. Sydney, 287 
 
 Ateliers Nationaux. the, 126, 
 127, 136 
 
 Aumale, Due d', 115, 243 
 
 Austria, its rule in Rome, 37 ; 
 abolition of passports, 91 ; 
 Mr. Brassey's railway con- 
 tracts in, 100 ; war with 
 France and Italy, 139-143 
 
 Azy, M. Denys, Benoist d', 89 
 
 Bagration, Princess, 42, 43 
 
 Bassano, (third) Due do, mar- 
 riage of his daughter, Clara, 
 to Mr. Edward Blount, 185 
 
 Beaconsfiehl, J-ady, 259 
 
 Beaconsfjcld, Lord, 108; and the 
 general elootion of 1841,256, 
 257 ; attack upon him at an 
 election dinner in Shropshire, 
 
 257, 258 ; one of his boiis mots, 
 258, 259 
 
 Bedau, General, 115 
 
 Bellamour (near Eugeley), 1, 9 
 
 Benedetti, Count, his meeting 
 with the King of Prussia at 
 Ems, 166 
 
 Berryer, M,, 111 
 
 Berteux, Comte de, 238 
 
 Bertin, M., aine, foimder of the 
 ' Journal des Debats,' 90 
 
 Bew, Rev. Dr., first president of 
 Oscott College, 13 
 
 Bidder, Mr. George, 263 
 
 Bimetallism, 105 
 
 Biron, Marqiiis de, 238 
 
 Bismarck, Prince, his scheming 
 to provoke a declaration of 
 war from France, 167 ; on the 
 besieged Parisians, 170 ; at 
 the peace conference at Ver- 
 sailles, 213 ; his remark to 
 Thiers on the signing of the 
 treaty of peace, 225, 226 ; the 
 author's impressions of him in 
 1851, 230; account of a dinner 
 party given by him at Ver- 
 sailles, 231 233 ; his impres- 
 sions of Jules Favre, 232, 253 
 
 Blagdcn, 3, 4 
 
 Blanc, Louis, 111,113, 126, 129, 
 136 
 
 Blount family, the, origin and 
 history, 1 n(j(j. 
 
 Blount, Apolionia, 7 
 
 Blount, Mr. Aston, 168, 109, 
 176, 179, 192, 239 
 
 Blount, Rev. I'ernard, 8
 
 300 
 
 SIE EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 Bloiint, Sir Charles, 4 
 
 Blount, Constantia, 7 
 
 Blount, Edward, friend of Alex- 
 ander Pope, 3, 4 
 
 Blount, Mr. Edward, his mar- 
 riage to the daughter of the 
 tliird Due de Bassano, 185 
 
 Blount, Edward, M.P., 1 
 
 Blount, Lady, marriage and 
 death of, 44 * 
 
 Blount, Edward, & Co., banking 
 house of, 47 
 
 Blount, Edward, Pere et Fils, 
 banking house of, 44, 45, 147 
 
 Blount, Elizabeth, afterwards 
 Countess Clifford, 4 
 
 Blouni, Fanny, afterwards Mrs. 
 Henry Pownall, 8 
 
 Blount, Sir George, 3 
 
 Blount, George Thomas, 6 
 
 Blount, Henry (1), 6 
 
 lilount, Henry (2), 243 
 
 Blount, Captain Herbert, 5, 6 
 
 Blount, Laura, Sister of Mercy 
 at Handsworth, 7 
 
 Blount, Mary, afterwards Du- 
 chess of Norfolk, 4 
 
 Blount, Mary, afterwards wife 
 of Sir Edward Blount of 
 Mawley Hall, 7 
 
 Blount, Captain Peter, 3 
 
 Blount, Sir Eichard, 4 
 
 Blount, Sir Walter (first baro- 
 net), 3 
 
 Blount, Sir Walter (sixth baro- 
 net), 1 
 
 Blount, Walter Aston, 5 
 
 Bordeaux : meeting of the 
 Assembly, and appointment 
 of a Government (Feb. 12, 
 1871), 221, 225 ; confirmation 
 of the ti-eaty of peace, 226 
 
 Brassey, Thomas, one of the con- 
 tractors of the Paris and 
 Rouen Hallway, 58 ; his first 
 contracts, 93, 94 ; as an em- 
 ployer of labour, 94, 101 ; his 
 benevolence and generosity, 
 95, 98 ; industry and thorough- 
 ness, 98, 99 ; his profits on 
 
 contracts, 99 ; reputation for 
 honesty and straightforward- 
 ness, 100 ; Mr. Gladstone's 
 impressions of him, 100 ; 
 favours the Channel Tunnel 
 scheme, 108 ; 263 
 
 Bright, John, and the ' Marseil- 
 laise,' 146 ; 255 
 
 Brimont, Baron de, 242 
 
 British Chamber of Commerce 
 in Paris, 61, 276 ; its found- 
 ing, 286 ; some of its mem- 
 bers, 287 ; early difficulties, 
 287 ; Leon Say's objections 
 to it, 287, 288; becomes the 
 model of other Chambers of 
 Commerce, 289; congratulates 
 Sir Edward Blount on his 
 promotion to the rank of 
 K.C.B., 290 
 
 Broglie, Due de, 119 
 
 Brougham, Lord, at Holland 
 House, 23 ; mistaken for a 
 Quaker, 24 ; his villa at Can- 
 nes, 24 ; desires to become a 
 Deputy in France, 25; and 
 the French wine-merchant, 
 136 
 
 Brunei, Isambavd, the engineer- 
 ing work of, 106, 107 
 
 Buddicom, Mr., engine builder, 
 47, 70, 75 sqq 
 
 Burdett, Sir Francis, at Holland 
 ! House, 23 
 
 Busch, Dr. Moritz, allusion to 
 his book on Bismarck, 231, 
 232 
 
 Byng, Frederick, 130 
 
 Calenge, M., 238 
 Callaghan & Co., 44 
 Cambis, Comte de, 241 
 Canning, Mr., 31 
 Canrobert, Marshal, 277 
 Caradoc, Major, afterwards Lord 
 
 Howden, 42 
 Carnaud, M., 198 
 Castellane, Marechal, 154 
 Castries, Comte de, 242
 
 INDEX 
 
 301 
 
 Catholic Association, 23 
 Catholic Emancipation : meet- 
 ings of supporters at Holland 
 House, 23 
 Caussidiere, M., 135, 136 
 Cavaignac, General, 119, 123, 
 
 124, 134 
 Cavour, Count, 141, 142, 148; 
 relations with Garibaldi, 144 ; 
 on keeping Rome for the 
 Pope, 145 
 Cercle de I'Union, 243 
 Channel Bridge scheme, im- 
 practicability of, 108 
 Channel Tunnel, 107, 108 
 ChapUn, Mr. W., 53, 239, 240 
 Charlotte, Empress of Mexico, 
 
 153 
 Chartist agitation in London, 
 
 129-132 
 Chartres, Due de, 116 
 Chasseloup-Laubat, M. de, 151 
 Chevalier, :\r., 120 
 Chevalier, M. Michel, 261 
 Chigi, Cardinal, 146, 147, 148, 
 
 180 
 Claremont, General, 191, 192, 
 206, 207, 208, 228, 265, 266, 
 273 
 Clarendon, Lord, 255 
 Clifford of Clmdleigh, Lord, 38, 
 
 39 
 Cobden, Richard, 255 
 Codrington, Sir Edward, and 
 
 the battle of Navarino, 27 
 Coleman, Mr. A., 287 
 Collings, Mr. Jesse, 159 
 Compagnie Chauxfournifero de 
 
 I'Onest, 159 
 Compagnie des Polders de 
 
 I'Ouest, 159, 160 
 Connack, Sir John Hose, 269 
 Cowley, (first) Lord, 272, 273 
 Cowley, (second) Lord, 272, 
 
 273 
 Crimean war, 138, 139 
 Currie, Mr. Bertram, 104 
 Custom House surveillance, at 
 Dover, 41 ; on the Belgian 
 frontier, 42 
 
 Cyprus, probable reason for its 
 acquisition, 109 
 
 Daru, Vicomte, 238, 240 
 
 Delamarre, M., 238, 241, 242 
 
 Delessert, M., 118 
 
 Demidoff, Comte, 241 
 
 Desenne, M., 219 
 
 Diligences carried on railway- 
 tracks, 71, 72 
 
 Dillon, Colonel Charles, 114 
 115, 195 
 
 Dillon, Comte, 238, 240 
 
 Disraeli, Benjamin, see Beacons- 
 field, Lord 
 
 Dodge, trainer and jockey, 237, 
 238 
 
 Douai College, 12 
 
 Doulton, Mr., and the reception 
 to Garibaldi in London, 145 
 
 Dove, ^Ir. Henry, his experi- 
 ences as an engine-driver in 
 France, 75-82 
 
 Duchatel, M., 110 
 
 Dufaure, M., 221, 274 
 
 Dufferin, Lady, and Paris 
 charities, 278 
 
 Dufferin, Lord, at the British 
 Chamber of Commerce in 
 Paris, 62 ; his popularity in 
 Paris, 277 ; and the false ac- 
 cusations of the French press, 
 278 sqcj. ; his farewell speech 
 in Paris, 285 
 
 Dumont, M., 118 
 
 Dupont del'Eure, M., Ill 
 
 East Grinstead, Catholic 
 schools at, 8 ; congratulations 
 from the inhabitants to Sir 
 Edward Blount on his promo- 
 tion to the rank of K.C.B., 
 290-294 
 
 Eccentrics, British, 88, 89 
 
 Edward VIL, 297 
 
 Ellicc, Edward, 255 
 
 Elliot, Sir Henry George, 230
 
 302 
 
 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 Enfantin, P^re, and his com- 
 munity at Meniliuontant, 
 246 ; becomes a railway direc- 
 tor, 247 ; his funeral, 248 
 Enfield, Lord, 223, 224 
 Eugenie, Empress, 150, 185 
 Euphrates Valley Railway, 108, 
 109 
 
 Favre, M. Jules, 182, 192, 194, 
 207, 213, 221, 225 ; Bismarck's 
 impressions of him as a diplo- 
 matist, 232 
 
 Fell Railway, the, 87 
 
 FitzJames, Due de, 229, 230 
 
 Fould, M., 238 
 
 Fowler, Sir John, and the 
 Euphrates Valley Railway 
 scheme, 108, 109 ; 263 
 
 Fox, Sir Charles, 263 
 
 Foy, Comte, 238 
 
 France, railway movement in, 
 51 sqq. ; ' Jingo ' alarm in the 
 Government and the press on 
 the question of British influ- 
 ence in railway management, 
 62-68; Revolution of 1848, 
 110 sqq. ; riot of February 24, 
 113, 114 ; abdication and 
 flight of Louis Philippe, 114, 
 115 ; abolition of the Chambre 
 des Pairs, 119 ; election of 
 Louis Napoleon to the Presi- 
 dency of^ the Republic, 134 ; 
 Coup d'Etat of December 2, 
 1851, 137; war with Austria, 
 139-143 ; war with Germany, 
 166 sqq. ; its condition after 
 the disaster at Sedan, 170 ; 
 proclamation of the King of 
 Prussia as Emperor of Ger- 
 many at Versailles, 213 ; ces- 
 sion of Alsace and Lorraine 
 to Germany, 213 ; the war 
 indemnity, 213, 225 ; meeting 
 of the Assembly at Bordeaux, 
 221, 225 ; signing of the treaty 
 of peace at Versailles, 225 
 
 Francis Joseph, Emperor, his 
 
 abolition of passports in Aus- 
 tria, 91 
 
 Franco-German war, 166 sqq. 
 
 Fullerton, Lady Georgina, 33 
 
 Galliffet, General de, 151 ; his 
 fine qualities, 152 ; 169 
 
 Gambetta, M., proclaims the 
 Republic, 170, 179 ; his pro- 
 clamation of January 31, 
 1871, 212 
 
 Garibaldi, 144 ; his reception in 
 London, 145 
 
 Garnier-Pages, M., Ill 
 
 General Credit and Finance 
 Company, 49 
 
 Geoflfroy, M., of the Lyons Rail- 
 way, 103 
 
 George IV., coronation of, 297 
 
 Gladstone, Mr., his impressions 
 of Thomas Brassey, 100 ; 173 ; 
 his defence of the departure 
 of Lord Lyons from Paris 
 during the siege, 205 ; on the 
 sinkmg of British coal-ships 
 by the Prussians, 235 ; com- 
 pared with Thiers as a finan- 
 cier, 253 ; his scheme for 
 giving annuities for Consols, 
 260 ; mastery of poUtical 
 economy, 261 
 
 Goyon, General, 149 
 
 Gramont, Due de, 143, 167 
 
 Granville, (first) Earl, ambassa- 
 dor to France, 32, 40 
 
 Granville, (second) Earl, 33, 
 199, 205, 208, 217, 223, 224, 
 233, 234, 272 
 
 Granville, Lady, 32, 33 
 
 Gregory XVI., election of, 35 ; 
 his appeal to Austria, 36 
 
 Guizot, M., 59, 110, 111; his 
 resignation of office, 113, 118 
 
 Hallez-Claparede, Vicomte, 
 
 238 
 Ham, Castle of, 133 
 Harcourt, Marquis d', 238
 
 INDEX 
 
 303 
 
 Hardinge, Sir Henry, 30 
 Haussonville, Vicomte d', 238 
 Herbert, Dr., 204, 206. 209, 211, 
 
 269 
 Hertford, Marquis of, his cha- 
 teau in Paris, and his collection 
 of works of art, 264-266 ; his 
 death. 267 
 Holland, Lord and Lady, 25, 26 
 Holland House, meetings of 
 supporters of Catholic Eman- 
 cipation at, 23 
 Hortense, Queen, 34 
 Hottingiier, Baron, 238 
 Hounsfield, Mr. T. C, 287 
 House of Commons : eloquence 
 of O'Connell and Macaulay, 
 22 
 Hudson, Sir James, 144 
 Husenbeth, Rev. Dr., of Oscott 
 
 College, 14, 15 
 Hutt, Sir WiUiam, 255 
 
 Italy, war of liberation, 139- 
 143 ; Victor Emmanuel pro- 
 claimed king, 143 
 
 Ixworth Priory, 2 
 
 Jennings, Tom, trainer, 237 
 Jerningham family, the, 15 
 Jerningham, Mr., of Wright, 
 
 Selby, & Co., 44 
 ' Jingo ' alarm in the Govern- 
 ment and press of IVance, 62- 
 68 
 Jockey Club, Paris, 240-243, 
 
 29h" 
 Johnston, Mr. R. G., 287 
 Joinville, Princesse de, 116 
 
 Kamockk, General, commander 
 of the German army of occu- 
 pation in Paris, 227 
 
 LabbJ^;, M., surgeon and senator, 
 
 238 
 Laflfitte, M. Charles, 46, 61, 144, 
 
 241 
 
 Laffitte, Charles, Blount & Co. 
 
 banking house of, 45, 46 
 Laffitte, Jacques, 46, 58 
 La Force, Due de, 238 
 Lagrange, M. le Comte de, 
 
 racing establishment of, 236, 
 
 237 
 Laing, Samuel, M.P., 49, 276 
 Lamartine, M. de, 111, 117, 
 
 134 
 La Mennais, abbe de, 113 
 Lansdowne, Lord, at Holland 
 
 House, 23 
 Larminat, M., of the Western 
 
 Railway of France, 103 
 Laurier, Mr. Eugene, 287, 290 
 Ledru-Rollin, 111, 135, 136 
 Lefevre, M., 238 
 Lemoinne, John, 164 
 Le Roy, M. Ernest, 238, 241 
 Lienhart, Prince de, 229 
 Lieven, Princesse de, 114 
 Lippmann, M., 117 
 Lloyd, Mr. Samuel Jones (after- 
 wards Lord Overstone), 60, 
 
 105, 100 
 Locke, Mr. Joseph, engineer of 
 
 the Paris and Rouen Railway, 
 
 58, 93 
 Loftus, Lord, 275 
 London Joint Stock Bank, 50 
 Longhurst, Mr. Thomas, 287, 
 
 290 
 Loubet, President, 294-296 
 Louis Napoleon, tee Napoleon 
 
 in. 
 
 Louis Philippe, 79, 110 ; his 
 disregard of the signs of a 
 coming revolution, 113 ; abdi- 
 cation and flight, 114, 115 ; at 
 Claremont, 127, 137; his senti- 
 monts on royal publicity, 
 128 
 
 Ludre, ^Marquis do, 229 
 
 Lupin, M., 2:5H, 242 
 
 Lyons, Lord, 173. 170; his do- 
 ])artnro from Paris on the 
 opening of the siege, 204, 205, 
 206 ; appointH IVfr. lilount 
 British Cotisul in Paris, 208 ;
 
 30i 
 
 SIR EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 210; described by M. Wad- 
 
 diiiijton, 274 ; some of his 
 
 characteristics, 274, 275 
 
 Lyons and Avignon Railway, Gl 
 
 Lytton, Lord, 258, 259, 275 277, 
 
 "289 
 
 Macaulay, Lord, as a Parlia- 
 mentary orator, 22 
 
 Machado, Chevalier de, 241 
 
 Mackenzie, Mr., one of the con- 
 tractors of the Paris and Kouen 
 Railway, 58, 94 
 
 Mackintosh, Sir James, at Hol- 
 land House, 23 
 
 MacMahon, Marshal, 140 
 
 Magenta, battle of, 140 
 
 Magne, M. Pierre, Minister of 
 Finances, 161-163 
 
 Mahon, the O'Gorman, eccen- 
 tricities of, 30, 31 
 
 Malet, Mr., first secretary of 
 the British Embassy, Paris, 
 175 
 
 Malmesbury, Lord, on the de- 
 parture of Lord Lyons from 
 Paris on the opening of the 
 siege, 204 
 
 Malvoisin, Father, emigre priest, 
 11,12 
 
 Marin, M., of the Western 
 Railway of France, 103, 104, 
 229 
 
 ' Marseillaise,' the, 146 
 
 Maryvale Orphanage, 7, 20 
 
 Mastai, Archbishop (afterwards 
 Pius IX.), helps Louis Napo- 
 leon to escape from Rome, 
 37 
 
 Mawley Hall, 2, 8 
 
 Maximilian, Emperor, 150, 153 
 
 Melbourne, Lord, 27 
 
 Mereier, General, and the con- 
 trol of French railways, 64, 
 68 
 
 Metz, cession to Germany, 228 
 
 Mexican campaign, 150 sqq. 
 
 Milan, entry of the French, 
 141 
 
 Milner, Dr., Vicar Apostolic 
 and Bishop of the Central 
 District, 13 ; author of ' The 
 End of Religious Controversy, 
 18 ; his crest, 19 
 Milner-Gibson, Thomas, 255 
 Miramon, President, 153 
 Mont Cenis, visit to the village 
 
 of, 88 
 Montalivet, M, de, 112, 115 
 Montefiore, Sir Moses, generosity 
 
 of, 21, 102 
 Montesquieu, Anatole de, Com- 
 
 tesse, 117 
 Montguyon, Colonel, 117 
 Montpensier, Due de, 115 
 Montrond, M., 243, 244, 251 
 Moore, Mr., representative ot 
 the London Relief Committee 
 in Paris, 217, 218 
 Morny, Due de, 153, 154 ; some 
 of his characteristics, 155, 156; 
 162 
 Moskowa, Prince de la, 241 
 Moss, Mr., one of the founders 
 of the Paris and Rouen Rail- 
 way, 53 
 Motteux, M., former owner 
 
 of Sandringham, 45 
 Mulgrave, Lord, 40 
 
 Napier, Sir Charles, dinner in 
 his honour at the Reform 
 Club, 27 
 
 Napoleon I., his confidence in 
 Jacques Laffitte, the banker, 
 46 
 
 Napoleon III. in Rome, 34 ; 
 flight from Rome, 36 ; as 
 special constable in London, 
 131 ; descent on Boulogne. 
 133 ; his escape from the 
 Castle of Ham, 133 ; elected 
 to the Presidency of the 
 Republic, 134; made Emperor, 
 137 ; foreign policy, 137, 138 ; 
 secret understanding with 
 Victor Emmanuel, and his 
 conflict with Austria, 139
 
 INDEX 
 
 305 
 
 sqq. ; at Villafranca, 142 ; the 
 probable objects of his inter- 
 vention in Mexican affairs, 
 154 ; his pretext for declaring 
 war against Germany, 166; 
 surrenders to the King of 
 Prussia, 168, 169 
 
 Navarino, battle of, 27 
 
 Navvies of different nations 
 compared, 95 
 
 Nemours, Due de, 114, 116, 240 
 
 Ney, Marshal, 241 
 
 Nicholas, Emperor, and the 
 Crimean War, 188 
 
 Nigra, Count, 146, 148 
 
 Niviere, Baron de, 238 
 
 Noblemaire, M., of the Lvons 
 Railway, 103, 104 
 
 Normanby, Lord, 118, 125, 272, 
 273 
 
 Normandie, M. de, 241 
 
 O'CoNNELL, Daniel, 18, 21 ; his 
 eloquence in the House of 
 Commons, 22 ; instance of his 
 wit, 23 ; his dispute with Mr. 
 Stapleton at the Thatched 
 House, 28 ; his quarrel with 
 EngUsh CathoHcs, 28, 29; 
 marriage of his son Maurice, 
 28 
 
 O'Connor, Feargus, Chartist 
 agitation of, 129-132 
 
 Oliphant, Mr. La'svrence, 217 
 
 OUivicr, M., and his peace de- 
 claration on the ove of the 
 Franco-Gcriiian War, 166 
 
 Orleans, Due d', 240 
 
 Orleans, Duchcssc d', 110 ; her 
 appeal to the Chamber of 
 Deputies, 117 
 
 Orsini conspiracy, 139 
 
 Osborne, liernal, 255 ; his 
 escape from a mob at Tralee, 
 256 
 
 Oscott College, 7; its origin, 12; 
 headmasters, 13 ; nicknames 
 of students for the priesthood, 
 16 ; discipline, 15, 16 ; inci- 
 
 dents of college hfe, 16, 17 ; 
 recreations, 17 ; incident at a 
 prize-distribution, 19, 20 
 
 Palmerston, Lord, anecdotes 
 of, 26, 27 ; his speech at a 
 dinner to Sir Charles Napier 
 at the Reform Club, 27 ; dis- 
 missal from office, 158 
 
 Papal States, transfer of financial 
 liabilities to the Italian 
 Government, 146, 147 
 
 Paris, British Embassy under 
 Lord Granville, 32, 40, 43; 
 first railway bridge over the 
 Seine, 58 ; riot of Februai-y 24, 
 1848, 113, 114; arrival of 
 troops from ^Vmiens, 124 ; 
 state of siege, 125 ; ' les 
 Journees de Juin,' 125 ; the 
 Ateliers Nationaux, 126 ; 
 Gambetta proclaims the Re- 
 public, 170 ; condition during 
 the siege, 175 sqq., 293, 294 ; 
 gift of provisions by the Lon- 
 don Relief Committee, 217, 
 218 ; entry of the German 
 troops, 226-228; mortality 
 during the siege, 226 ; Jockey 
 Club, 240 243 ; British Cham- 
 ber of Commerce, 61, 276, 
 286 290 
 
 Paris, Comte de, 116 
 
 Paris-Lyon-Mediterrande Rail- 
 way, 294, 295 
 
 Paris- Orleans Railway, 60 
 
 Paris and Rouen Railway, 47 
 its founding and first director- 
 ate, 52, 53 ; law autliorising 
 it, 54 57 ; engineer and con- 
 tractors, 58 ; difficulties be- 
 tween English and French 
 workmen, 58, 59; extension 
 to St. Germain, 59 ; its ojion- 
 ing, 61 ; strike of 2,000 men, 
 84, 85 ; ease in obtaining con- 
 cessions, 98; objections to the 
 tunnels, 99 
 
 Passports in Austria, 91
 
 306 
 
 SIR EDWAED BLOUNT 
 
 Paton, M., 137 
 
 Paxton, Sir Joseph, 263 
 
 Peel, Sir Robert (1), 31, 110 
 
 Peel, Sir Robert (2), 204 ; letter 
 to the author from, 235 
 
 Pembroke, Lord, 125 
 
 Perier, IM. Casimir, and English 
 influence on French railway's, 
 65, G8 
 
 Persigny, M. de, 154 ; organiser 
 of the ' prefets a poign^e,' 163, 
 164 
 
 Peto, Su' Morton, 263 
 
 Picard, M., 213, 221 
 
 Pietri, M., 143 
 
 Filter. Mr. John. 287 
 
 Filter, Mr. Thomas, 287 
 
 Pius VIII., death of, 35 
 
 Pius IX., 149, 262 
 
 PoUock, Mr. J. L., 287 
 
 Pope, Alexander, 3 
 
 Pothuau, Admiral, 221 
 
 Potts, Rev. Thomas, president 
 of Oscott College, 13 
 
 Press in France, its influence in 
 bringing about the Revolu- 
 tion of 1848, 113 ; imder the 
 Empire, 164 ; its campaign 
 against Lord DufTerin, 279 sqq. 
 
 Priestley, Mr., of the British 
 Chamber of Commerce of 
 Paris, 287 
 
 Provincial Bank of Ireland, 20, 
 21 
 
 ' Punch,' cartoon on the homage 
 paid to Louis Philippe, 127, 128 
 
 Racing : races won by French 
 horses, 236, 237 ; French pa- 
 trons, 237 ; breeding establish- 
 ment at Imberhorne, 239 ; 
 French Jockey Club, 240-243 
 
 ' Railway Chronicle,' first rail- 
 way paper, 40 
 
 Railways in France : beginning 
 of the movement, 51 sqq. ; 
 hostility to British influence 
 in the management of rail- 
 ways, 63-68 ; the writer's ex- 
 
 periences as an enguie-drivcr, 
 70 sqq. ; accidents, 70-74, 76 ; 
 experiences of Mr. H. Dove 
 as engine-driver, 75-82 ; rule 
 of the road, 83 ; female 
 keepers of level crossing.s, 83 ; 
 women as booking-oftice 
 clerks, 84 ; strike on the 
 Paris-Rouen Railway, 84, 85 ; 
 benefit-funds for emjtloyes, 85, 
 86 ; co-operative store for 
 emjyloyes, 87 
 
 Reform Club, 145, 255 
 
 Reiset, M., 238 
 
 Revolution of 1848, 110 sqq. 
 
 Rice, Mr. Spring (afterwards 
 Lord Monteagle), 21 
 
 Rivers, Lady, 33 
 
 Robertson, Mr. W., 287 
 
 Rochette, Baron de la, 242, 243 
 
 Rodrigues, M. Olinde, 132 
 
 Rome, British Consulate at, 33 ; 
 entry of Austrians, 36 ; Car- 
 nival of 1831, 37 
 
 Rothschild, Baron Alphonse de, 
 114, 241, 242 
 
 Rothschild, Baron Gustave, 241, 
 242 
 
 Rothschild, Baron James, chari- 
 ties of, 102 ; 276 
 
 Rouher, M., as a politician, 158; 
 business qualities, 159 ; as a 
 public speaker, 160 ; eccen- 
 tricities, 161 
 
 Royer-Collard, M., 119 
 
 Rugeley Grammar School, 10 
 
 Russell, Lord John, and the 
 re-establishment of the Catho- 
 lic hierarchy in England, 262 
 
 Russell, Mr. Odo (afterwards 
 Lord Ampthill), 199, 203, 209, 
 216, 217, 229 
 
 Russell, Mr. Watts, 40 
 
 Saint-Hilaike, Barthelemy, his 
 character and habits, 249, 250; 
 his political and literary work, 
 250; influence upon M. Thiers, 
 250
 
 INDEX 
 
 307 
 
 Saj-, M. Leon, 261 ; his objec- 
 tions to the British Chamber 
 of Commerce in Paris, 287, 
 288 
 Sedan, battle of, 108, 169, 230 
 Sedgley Park Seminarv, 12 
 Searle, Father, 264 
 Seymour, Lord Henrv, and the 
 French Jockey Club, 240, 
 241 
 Shaftesbury, Earl of, 131 
 Shakespeare, his allusions to 
 members of the Bloimt family, 
 4 
 Sheil, Richard Lalor, character- 
 istics as a speaker, '29 
 Shrewsbury, Lord, 33, 45 
 Shrimpton, Dr. Charles, 269 
 Simon, M. Jules, 221 ; the 
 author's impressions of him, 
 248 ; his original name and 
 his connection with Cousin, 
 249 ; frugal habits and motto, 
 249 
 Smith, Sydney, at Holland 
 
 House, 23 
 Smvthe, Rev. Clark, 209, 235, 
 
 269 
 Societe Gen^rale of Paris, 47-49, 
 
 50, 174 
 Society of St. Vincent de Paul, 6 
 Sodington, 1, 2, 3 
 Solferino, battle of, 130, 140 
 Staempfli, M., President of the 
 Swiss Confederation, account 
 of a visit to, 89, 90 
 Stapleton, Mr., his dispute with 
 
 0' Con noil, 28 
 Stephenson, George, 92, 93, 244, 
 
 245 
 Stephenson, Robert, 263 
 Stewart, Sir William, 118 
 Stonyhurst Coljoge, its origin, 13 
 Strasburg, full of, 179 
 Strike on the Paris-Rouen Rail- 
 way, 84, 85 
 Sue, Eugone, 113 
 Sutherland, Duchess of, and the 
 reception given to Garibaldi 
 in London, 145 
 
 Talavaux, M., 143 
 
 Talleyrand, Prince, and the 
 influence of Voltaire upon 
 him, 244 ; one of his bons mots, 
 244, 245 ; at Tortoni's, 251 
 
 Teste, M., charged with receiv- 
 ing a bribe, 112 
 
 Thiers, IM., and the Paris and 
 Rouen Railway, 52 ; his preju- 
 dices against railways, 59 ; de- 
 parture for England at the 
 Revolution of 1848, 118 ; 183, 
 213 ; appointed Chief of the 
 Executive Power and Presi- 
 dent of the Council of Mini- 
 sters, 221 ; signs the preUmi- 
 naries of peace at Versailles, 
 225 ; influence of Saint-Hilah-e 
 upon him, 250 ; at Tortoni's, 
 251 ; opposition to Charles X., 
 252 ; as ' Government Com- 
 missioner ' and financier, 252, 
 253 ; his literary work, 253 ; 
 later political work, 253, 254 ; 
 Bismarck's regard for him, 
 253 
 
 Thomas, Emile, 126, 129 
 
 Thouvenel, M., 149 
 
 Tite, Sir William, 160 
 
 Toul, fall of, 179 
 
 Trochu, General, 171, 178, 182 ; 
 resigns his command in Paris, 
 201 
 
 Tunis, French acquisition of, 251 
 
 Union Discount Company, 49 
 Ushaw College, its origin, 12, 13 
 
 Valen^av, Due do, 243 
 
 Vane, Lord Henry (afterwards 
 
 Duke ofClcveland), 45 
 Vatry, Madame de, 249 
 Vaughan, Cardinal, 7 
 Vauvineux, Vicomtc do, 238 
 Verona, conference of Napoleon 
 
 and Victor Emmanuel at, 143 
 Versailles, negotiations for 
 
 peace at, 225
 
 308 
 
 SIE EDWARD BLOUNT 
 
 Versailles Museum, 115 
 
 Victor Emmanuel and the 
 cession of Nice and Savoy, 
 139 ; his entry into Milan 
 with Cavoiir, 141 ; his indig- 
 nation with Napoleon, 143 ; 
 proclaimed King of Italy, 
 143 
 
 Victoria, Queen, 232 ; confers a 
 C.B. upon the author, 234; 
 promotes him to K.C.B., 289 ; 
 tribute to her memory, 297 ; 
 coronation of, 297 
 
 Villafranca, Peace of, 142 
 
 Villemessant, M. de, and the 
 ' Figaro,' 164 
 
 Vilhers, Charles Pelham. M.P., 
 130, 255 
 
 Voltaire and his influence upon 
 Talleyrand, 244 
 
 Waddington, M., 274 
 
 Wales, Princess of, at a ball in 
 Paris, 275 
 
 Walewski, Count, his early at- 
 tempts in literature, 156; 
 mission to England, 157 ; as 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs, 
 158 
 
 Wallace, Sir Richard, 204, 206, 
 209, 211, 235 ; as an art con- 
 noisseur, 265, 266 ; Lord 
 Hertford's bequest to him, 
 268 ; his services in Paris 
 during the siege, 269 ; presents 
 drinking fountains to Paris, 
 270 ; his marriage in Paris, 
 270, 271 
 
 Walsh, Dr. Thomas, headmaster 
 of Oscott College, 13 
 
 Washbourne, Mr., 212 
 
 Waterloo, battle of, 9 
 
 Weedall, Dr., headmaster of 
 Oscott College, 13, 14 ' 
 
 Weld, Cardinal, 33, 38 
 
 Wellington, Duke of, and the 
 battle of Navarino, 28 ; his 
 duel with the Earl of Win- 
 chilsea, 30; becomes Prime 
 Minister, 31 ; and the Chartist 
 agitation, 131 
 
 Western of France Eailway, 61 ; 
 the question of chairmanship, 
 63-68 
 
 Wetherell, Sir Charles, in the 
 House of Commons, 22, 23 
 
 William IV., coronation of, 297 
 
 Willoughby, Mr. of the British 
 Consulate in Paris, 224, 233 
 
 Winchilsea, Earl of, his duel 
 with the Duke of Wellington, 
 30 
 
 Wiseman, Cardinal, at Oscott 
 College, 13 ; in Rome, 35 ; his 
 re-establishment of the Catho- 
 lic hierarchy in England, 261, 
 262; at the exhibition of 1851, 
 262, 263 ; on English architec- 
 ture, 263, 264 
 
 Witte, M. de, 59 
 
 Wodehouse, Mr., 206, 222, 224, 
 228 
 
 Wolff, Sir Henry Drummond, 49 
 
 Wright, Frances, 4 
 
 Wright, Selby, & Co., 44 
 
 Ybry, M., 116, 117, 123 
 
 PRINTED BY 
 
 SPOmSWOODE AND CO. LTD., NEW-STREET SQUARE 
 
 LONDON
 
 H Classifieb Catalooue 
 
 OF WORKS IN 
 
 GENERAL LITERATURE 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 
 
 39 PATERNOSTER ROW. LONDON, E.G. 
 
 91 AND 93 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, and 32 HORNBY ROAD, BOMBAY 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 BADMINTON LIBRARY (THE)- - 
 BIOGRAPHY, PERSONAL ME- 
 MOIRS, &c. 
 
 CHILDREN'S BOOKS 
 
 CLASSICAL LITERATURE, TRANS- 
 LATIONS, ETC. . - . . 
 
 COOKERY, DOMESTIC MANAGE- 
 MENT, &c. 
 
 EVOLUTION, ANTHROPOLOGY, 
 &c. 
 
 FICTION, HUMOUR, &c. - 
 
 FUR, FEATHER AND FIN SERIES 
 
 FINE ARTS (THE) AND MUSIC - 
 
 HISTORY, POLITICS, POLITY, 
 POLITICAL MEMOIRS, &c. - 
 
 LANGUAGE, HISTORY AND 
 SCIENCE OF 
 
 LOGIC, RHETORIC, PSYCHOLOGY, 
 &c. 
 
 PAGE 
 12 
 
 9 
 32 
 
 22 
 36 
 
 21 
 25 
 
 15 
 36 
 
 MENTAL, MORAL, AND POLITICAL 
 PHILOSOPHY 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS AND CRITICAL 
 WORKS 
 
 POETRY AND THE DRAMA - 
 
 PAGB 
 
 38 
 23 
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECO- 
 NOMICS 20 
 
 POPULAR SCIENCE - - - . 
 j RELIGION, THE SCIENCE OF 
 ^ SILVER LIBRARY (THE) 
 
 SPORT AND PASTIME - 
 
 PHILOSOPHICAL 
 
 STONYHURST 
 SERIES - 
 
 20 
 
 TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE, THE 
 COLONIES, &c. - - - ■ 
 
 17 WORKS OF REFERENCE - 
 
 30 
 21 
 
 33 
 
 12 
 
 19 
 
 II 
 
 U 
 
 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Abbott (Evelyn) - 3,2^ 
 
 ■ (J. H. M.) - 3 
 
 (T. K.) - - 17,18 
 
 (E. A.) - - 17 
 
 Acland (A. H. D.) - 3 
 
 Acion (Eliza) - - 56 
 
 Adeane (J. H.)- - 9 
 
 Adelborg (O.) - 52 
 
 itschylus - - 22 
 
 Ainger (A. C.) - 14 
 
 Albemarle (Earl of) - 13 
 
 Alcock (C. W.) - 15 
 
 Allen (Grant) - - 30 
 
 Allgood (G.) - - 3 
 
 Alverstone (Lord) - 15 
 
 Angwin (M. C.) - j6 
 
 Anstey (F.) - - aj 
 
 Aristophanes - 22 
 
 Aristotle - - - 17 
 
 Armstrong (W.) - 13 
 
 Arnold (Sir Edwin)- 11,23 
 
 (Ur. T.) - - 3 
 
 Ashbourne (Lord) - 3 
 
 Aahby (H ) - - 361 
 
 Ashley (W.J.)- -3.20 
 
 Avebury (Lord) - 31 
 
 Ayre (Kcv. J.) - 31 
 
 Bacon 
 
 Bagehot (W.) - 
 Bagwell (K.) - 
 Bailey (H. C.) - 
 Baillie (A. F.) - 
 Bain (Alexander) 
 Baker (J. H.) - 
 
 (Sir S. W.) 
 
 Balfour (A. I.) 
 
 (Lady Be 
 
 Ball (John) 
 
 letty) 
 
 - 9.'- 
 '), 20. 38 
 
 3 
 25 
 
 3 
 17 
 
 - 38 
 II 
 
 21 
 
 6 
 
 1 1 
 
 - '3 
 
 Banks (M. M.) - 
 Baring-Gould (Rev 
 
 S.)- - - 
 Barnctt(S. A.andH 
 Baynes (T. S.) - 
 Beaconsfield (Earl o 
 Beaufort (Duke oO 
 Becker (W. A.) 
 Beesly (A. H.) - 
 Bell (Mrs. Hugh) 
 Bent (J. Theodore) 
 Bes.int (Sir Walter) 
 Bickerdykc (J.) 
 Bird (G.) - 
 Blackburne (1. H.) 
 Bland (Mrs. Hubert) 
 Blount (Sir F:.) 
 Boase(Rev. C. W.) 
 Boeddcr (Rev. B.) 
 BrasBey (Lady) 
 
 (Lord) 
 
 Bray (C.) - 
 Bright (Rev. J. F.) 
 Broadfoot (Major W 
 Mronks (H J.) - 
 Brown (A. 1-.) - 
 
 (J. Moray) 
 
 Bruce (R. L) 
 Brycc ().)- 
 Muck (H. A.) 
 Buckland (las.) 
 Buckle (H.T)- 
 Bull (T.) - 
 Burke (U. K ) 
 Burns (C. L ) 
 Burrows (Montagu) 
 Butler (E. A.) - 
 
 Cameron of LochicI 
 
 '3 
 
 I'tige 
 2| 
 
 21,38 
 20 
 38 
 25 
 M 
 72 
 
 9 
 
 33 
 
 II 
 3 
 
 >3 
 ai 
 15 
 »4 
 9 
 6 
 
 «9 
 II 
 u 
 «7 
 3 
 13 
 «7 
 
 'I 
 
 3 
 
 M 
 
 14 
 
 \2 
 
 3 
 
 36 
 3 
 
 36 
 6 
 
 3" 
 
 .) 
 
 Fane 
 Campbell(Rev.Lewi8)2i,2j 
 Camperdown (F-arl of) 9 
 Chasscloup - Laubat 
 
 (Marquis de)- - 13 
 Chtsncy (Sir G.) • 3 
 
 Childe-Pemberton(W.S.) 9 
 Cholinondelcy-Fennell 
 
 (H.) - - - n 
 Christie (R. C.) • 38 
 ChurchilKW. Spencer) i, 21 
 Cicero - - - 22 
 Clarke (Rev. R. F.) • 1 , 
 Climcnson []■'.. J.) - 
 Clodd (l'.(lward) 
 Cliiticrl>Mck(W. J.)- 
 Colenno (K. |.l 
 Coninglon (John) • 
 Conway (Sir W. M ) 
 Conylicarr(Rev.W. J.) 
 
 ft llovv'n.n (Dean) 
 Coolidi;c(W. A. I».) 
 Corbcll (lulian S.) 
 C()uti»(\V.) . 
 Coventry (A.) - 
 Cox (Harding) 
 Crake (Rev. A. D.) 
 Craven (W. O.) 
 Crawford (J. H ) 
 — (R.) - 
 
 Crerd (S.) 
 Creii'hirjn (Bishop) 
 Crozier(J. B.) - 
 CuBtancr (Col. H.) 
 CuttR (Rev. F.. L.) 
 
 Dabnev (J. P.) - 
 Dale(L t - 
 
 (T. F.) - 
 
 Dallinger {F. W.) 
 
 21, {'■ 
 
 12 
 
 \(< 
 
 *3J 
 »4 ' 
 
 >4 
 
 4. «>. 9 
 
 9. >7 
 
 •5 
 
 f> 
 
 Dauglish (M. G.) 
 Davidson (A. M. C ) 
 
 (W. L.) - .7, 
 
 D»vie»(J. F.) - 
 Dent (C. T.) - 
 Dc S.iliH (Mm.) 
 Dc Totqucvillc (A.) 
 Devaa (C. S.) - 
 Dickinson (G L ) 
 --- (W. II I 
 DnuKnII (L.) 
 ■' 11 (F.) 
 Sir A. Cnnan) 
 : . : . 1'. (W. F. n.). 
 Dullerin( Marquis of) 
 Dunbar (Mary F ) 
 Dyaon (F..) 
 
 rfon (Vis. ouni) 
 H) 
 t. ) 
 
 Sir John) 
 
 *.3 
 4 
 
 14 
 5 
 
 FalWn^ (C. L.) 
 
 ! ■ ' .n) . . an, 
 
 M ) 
 .n I Lord B.) 
 \ (»LC.| 
 II)- 
 
 (W j ) 
 
 Fountain »!' 
 
 Fr. 
 
 Fi 
 
 Fr. 
 F 
 
 Frr: l.F.) 
 
 FresnheldtD W. 
 Frost <G ) 
 
 lard A 
 
 .) 
 
 l'ag€ 
 
 9 
 
 n 
 
 ao,ti 
 
 n 
 
 li 
 
 4 
 
 19, 30 
 
 4 
 
 J8 
 
 as 
 
 40 
 
 »5 
 ) 
 
 14 
 »J 
 
 2fl 
 
 IJ 
 •J 
 
 >7 
 3? 
 
 , 90 
 4 
 4 
 
 «J 
 16 
 16 
 II 
 16 
 16 
 26 
 6 
 16 
 '4 
 38
 
 INDEX OF 
 
 Pane 
 Vroiide (lames A.) 4,9,11,2(1 
 IniUer (1-. \V.) - 
 Furncaux (\V.) 
 
 Gardiner (Samuel R.) 
 Gathorne-Hardy (Hon. 
 A. K.) - - 15 
 Geikie (Rev. Cunning- 
 
 haral 
 Gibbons (J. S.) 
 Gibson (C. H.)- 
 Gleig (Rev. G. R.) - 
 Goethe 
 
 Gore-Booth (Sir H 
 Graham (A.) - 
 
 (P. A.) - 
 
 (G. F.) - 
 
 Granby (Marquess of) 
 Grant (Sir A.) - 
 Graves (R. P.) - 
 Green (T. Hill) 
 Greene (E. B.)- 
 Greville (C. C. F.) - 
 Grose (T. H.) - 
 Gross (C.) 
 Grove (F. C.) - 
 
 (Ladv) 
 
 (Mrs'. Lilly) 
 
 Gurdon (Lady Camilla) 
 Gurnhill (J.) - 
 Gwilt(J.)- 
 
 .S8 
 15 
 17 
 10 
 23 
 W.)i4 
 
 5 
 
 15, 16 
 
 20 
 
 15 
 
 >7 
 
 t) 
 18 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 18 
 
 5 
 13 
 
 13 
 26 
 18 
 31 
 
 17. 
 
 Haggard (H. Rider) 
 
 II, 26, 27, 38 
 
 Hake (O.) - - - 14 
 
 Halliwell-PhiUipps(J.) 10 
 
 Hamilton (Col. H. B.) 5 
 
 Hamlin (A. D. F.) - 36 
 
 Harding (S. B.) - 5 
 Harmsworth (A. C.) 13, 14 
 
 Harte (Bret) - - 27 
 
 Harting(J.E.)- - 15 
 
 Hartwig (G.) - - 30 
 
 HassalKA.) - - 8 
 Haweis (H. R.) - 9. 36 
 
 Head (Mrs.) - - 37 
 
 Heath (D. D.) - - 17 
 
 Heathcote (J. M.) - 14 
 
 (C. G.) - - 14 
 
 (N.) - - - II 
 
 Helmholtz (Hermann 
 
 von) - - - 30 
 Henderson (Lieut- 
 Col. G. F. R.) - 9 
 Henry (W.) - - 14 
 Henty (G. A.) - - 32 
 Herbert (Col. Kenney) 15 
 Hiley (R. W.) - - 9 
 Hill (Mabel) - - 5 
 Hillier (G. Lacy) - 13 
 Hime(H. W. L.) - 22 
 Hodgson (Shadworth)i8, 38 
 Hoenig(F.) - - 38 
 Hogan(J.F.) - - 9 
 Holmes (R. R.) - 10 
 Holroyd (M.J.) - 9 
 Homer - - - 22 
 Hope (Anthony) - 27 
 Horace - - - 22 
 Houston (D. F.) - 5 
 Howard (Lady Mabel) 27 
 HowitKW.) - - II 
 Hudson (W. H.) - 30 
 Huish (M. B.) - - 37 
 Hullahd.) - 37 
 Hume (David) - - 18 
 
 (M. A. S.) - 3 
 
 Hunt (Rev. W.) - 6 
 
 Hunter (Sir W.) - 6 
 Hutchinson (Horace G.) 
 
 13. 16. 27, 38 
 
 Ingelow (lean) 
 Ingram (T. D.) 
 
 Jackson (A. W.) 
 James (W.) 
 Jameson (Mrs. Anna) 
 lefferies (Richard) - 
 Jekyll (Gertrude) - 
 Jerome (lerome K.) - 
 Johnson (J. & J. H.) 
 Jones (H. Bence) 
 Joyce (P. W.) - 6, 27, 
 Justinian - - - 
 
 AUTHORS 
 
 fdpc 
 
 Kant (I.) - - - 18 
 
 Kaye(Sir ). W.) - 6 
 
 Koary (C. 'F.) - - 23 
 
 Keller (A. G.) - - 22 
 
 Kelly (K.)- - - 18 
 
 Kent (C. B. R.) - f> 
 
 Kerr (Rev. J.) - - 14 
 
 KilUck (Rev. A. H.) - 18 
 
 Kitchiii (Dr. G. W.) 6 
 
 Knight (E. F.) - - 11, 14 
 
 K6stlin(J.) - - 10 
 
 Kristeller (P.) - - 37 
 
 Ladd (G. T.) - - 18 
 Lang (Andrew) 6, 14, 16, 21, 
 23, 27. 32, 39 
 Lapsley (G. T.) - 5 
 Lascelles (Hon. G.) 13, 15 
 Laurie (S. S.) - - 6 
 
 Lawley (Hon. F.) - 14 
 Lawrence (F. W.) - 20 
 Lear (H.L. Sidney)- 36 
 Lecky (W. E. H.) 6, 18, 23 
 Lees (I. A.) - - 12 
 Lcighton (J. A.) - 18 
 Leslie (T. E. Cliffe) - 20 
 Lieven (Princess) - 8 
 
 Lillie(A.)- - - 16 
 Lindlevd.) - - 31 
 Locock (C. D.) - 16 
 
 Lodge (H. C.) - - 6 
 
 Loftie (Rev. W. J.) - 6 
 
 I Longman (C. J.) - 12, 16 
 (F. W.) - - 16 
 
 ! (G. H.) - -12,15 
 
 I (Mrs. C. J.) - 37 
 
 Lowell (A. L.) - - 6 
 
 Lubbock (Sir John) - 21 
 Lucan - - - 22 
 Lucian - - - 22 
 Lutoslawski (W.) - 18 
 Lyall (Edna) - - 27 
 Lynch (G.) - - 6 
 
 (H. F. B.)- - 12 I 
 
 Lyttelton (Hon. R. H.) 13 
 
 (Hon. A.) - - 14 i 
 
 Lytton (Earl of) - 6. 24 j 
 
 AND EDI TO H S—continwr^ . 
 
 Page 
 
 24 
 
 17 
 
 28 
 
 9 
 
 Nesbit (E.) 
 Nettleship (R. L.) - 
 Newman (Cardinal) - 
 Nichols (F. M.) 
 
 Ogilvic(R.) - - 23 
 
 Oldlield (Hon. Mrs.) 9 
 
 Onslow (Earl of) - 14 
 
 Osbourne (L.) - - 28 
 
 Packard (A. S.) - 21 
 
 Paget (Sir J.) - - 10 
 Park(\V.) - - 16 
 
 Parker (B.) - - 4° 
 Payne-Gallwey (Sir 
 
 R.) - - - 14. 16 
 Pearson (C. H.) - 10 
 Peek (Hedley) - - 14 
 Pemberton (W. S. 
 
 Childe-) - - 9 
 
 Pembroke (Earl of) - 14 
 Pennant (C. D.) - 15 
 Phill;pps-Wollev(C.) 12,28 
 Pierce (A. H.) - - 19 
 Pitman (C. M.) - 14 
 
 Pleydell-Bouverie (E. O.) 14 
 Pole (W.) - 
 
 Pollock (W. H.) - 13 
 Poole (W.H. and Mrs.) 
 Poore (G. V.) - 
 Pope (W. H.) - 
 Powell (E.) 
 Powys (Mrs. P. L.) - 
 Praeger (S. Rosamond) 
 Prevost (C.) 
 Pritchett (R. T.) 
 Proctor (R. A.) 
 
 J'liHc 
 23 
 
 - 9 
 
 Macaulay (Lord) 6,7,10,24 
 
 Macdonald (Dr. G.) - 24 
 
 Macfarren(SirG. A.) 37 
 MackaiKJ. W.) -10,23 
 
 Mackenzie (C. G.) - 16 
 
 Mackinnon (J.) - 7 
 
 Macleod (H. D.) - 20 
 Macpherson (Rev. 
 
 H. A.) - - 15 
 
 Madden (D. H.) - 16 
 
 Magnusson (E.) - 28 
 
 Maher (Rev. M.) - 19 
 
 Malleson(Col. G.B.) 6 
 
 Marchment (A. W.) 27 
 
 Marshman (J. C.) - 9 
 
 Maryon (M.) - - 39 
 
 Mason (A. E. W.) - 27 
 
 Maskelyne (J. N.) - 16 
 
 Matthews (B.) - 39 
 
 Maunder (S.) - - 31 
 Max Miiller (F.) 
 
 10, 18, 20, 21, 22, 27, 39 I 
 
 Mav (Sir T. Erskine) 7 \ 
 
 McFerran (J.) - - 14 
 
 Meade (L. T.) - - 32 
 
 Mecredy (R. J.) - 13 
 
 Melville (G. J. Whyte) 27 
 
 Merivale (Dean) - 7 
 
 Merrimin 'H. S.) - 27 
 Mill (John Stuart) - 18. 20 
 Millias (J. G.) - - 16, 30 
 
 Milner (G.) - - 40 
 
 MitchelKE.B.) 13 
 
 Monck(W. H. S.) - 19 
 
 Montague (F. C.) - 7 
 
 Moon (G. W.) - - 24 
 
 .Moore (T.) - - 31 
 
 (Rev. Edward) - 17 
 
 Morgan (C. Lloyd) - 21 
 
 Morris (Mowbray) - 13 
 
 (W.) - - 22, 23, 24, 
 
 27, 28, 37, 40 
 
 Mulhall (M. G.) - 20 
 
 Murray (Hilda) - 33 
 
 Nansen (F.) - - 12 
 
 Nash (V.) - - - 7 
 
 17 
 40 
 36 
 40 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 33 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 17.30 
 
 6 
 
 24 
 
 7 
 
 8,25 
 
 3,8 
 
 28 
 
 9 
 
 23 
 
 12 
 
 23 
 
 15 
 19 
 19 
 19 
 22 
 28 
 24 
 33 
 31 
 13 
 
 40 
 40 
 20 
 
 17 
 12 
 
 ?.' 
 
 28 
 
 13 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 40 
 
 25.28,33 
 
 17 
 
 15 
 
 8 
 
 - 13' 
 
 Raine (Rev. James 
 Ramal (W.) - 
 Randolph (C. F.) 
 Rankin (R.) - 
 Ransome (Cyril) 
 Ravmond (W.) 
 Reid(S. J.) 
 Rhoades(J.) - 
 Rice (S. P.) - 
 Rich (A.) - 
 Richardson (C.) 
 Richmond (Ennis) 
 Rickaby (Rev. John) 
 
 (Rev. Joseph) - 
 
 Ridley (Sir E.)- 
 
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 28 MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. 
 
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 i" 
 
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 31 
 
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 33 
 
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 32 
 
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 33 
 
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 34 
 
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