EMC
 
 f^ 8 2 6
 
 THE 
 
 GREAT AND IMPORTANT 
 
 DISCOVERY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, 
 
 AND THE MEANS OF SETTING RIGHT THE 
 
 NATIONAL AFFAIRS, 
 
 BY A 
 
 Great Addition of numerous and ineftiinable xifeful Defigns 
 
 and Public Improvements, by which the Nation is flill 
 
 capable of being infinitely benefited ; 
 
 VTO WHICH ARE ADDED 
 
 ADDRESSES 
 
 TO THE SEVERAL DIFFERENT 
 
 CLASSES OF SOCIETY, 
 
 Pointing out the Mcafures, which they ought to purfue as theli 
 refpeftive Duties, in redreffing Public Affairs. 
 
 By GEORGE EDWARDS, Efq. M. D. 
 
 Author of the Aggrandifement of Great Britain ; of the 
 
 National Perfeftion of Finance ; and of the Royal 
 
 Regeneration of Great Britain. 
 
 I. N D N: 
 
 •RINTED FOR J. RIDGWAY, NO. Ij, YORK STREET; 
 AND J. DEBRETT, PICCAMLLY. 
 M.ncc.xci.
 
 
 E.%^ 
 
 S 
 
 I 
 
 'HP ' ■ 
 
 TO THE 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE and HONOURABLE 
 
 THE 
 
 JL O R D S, 
 
 OB 
 
 AMD THE 
 
 REPRESENTATIVES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 .COMMONS OF GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 
 en 
 
 ^ My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 
 ^/\^T a Time when Plans and Projects of Re- 
 form are propofed in erery Part of Europe, I 
 hope it will not be deemed prefumptuous in 
 an Englifliman, who has devoted the greater 
 .Portion of his Life to Political and National 
 g Improvements, to o^er the following Work to 
 § your Confideration, and to exprefs his Hope, 
 '}.i > i ^ ^f i« li that
 
 [ " ] 
 
 that the Hints and Propofals he has ftated, 
 may be rendered matters of ParHamentary 
 Attention. 
 
 I have the honour to be, 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 Your moll obedient, 
 
 And moil humble Servant, 
 
 GEORGE EDWARDS. 
 Southwark, 
 June I, 179!..
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 'T^HE fubjed, which occupies the following 
 -■" pages, is the conlideration of the ftate of 
 fociety in general ; the means of its poflible per- 
 fedion, and the mode of redrefling public affairs. 
 It is meant as a pradical work ; the objeds of it 
 to be accomplifhed by the happy exertions of in- 
 genuity, as aided by the unremitting perfeverance 
 of induftrious and fpirited a6livity. The vaft and 
 comprehenfive fyftem, which comprifes the means 
 of the public welfare, and which the Author would 
 prefent to the reader, he hopes may confill of prac- 
 tical ideas. In this light it (lands contrafled to all 
 the wild imaginations, and the unimportant fpecu- 
 lations of theory and reclufe literature. In this 
 light the author wifhes the fyftem to be vievvcd ; 
 not having the ambition to rank it among the pro- 
 pofals of men of great parts and abilities, whofc 
 genius has not been vericd and rendered execu- 
 
 B. live
 
 [ ^ ] 
 
 tive in the hardy fields of adive improvement, and 
 in frequent exploits of numerous efficient atchieve- 
 ments ; who have therefore feldom afcertained and 
 pointed out the adequate means of accomplifhing 
 their propofals, but have brought them forward as 
 problems, not calculated for the meridian of exten- 
 live national fervice. The tendency of the fyftem is 
 alfo in oppofition to the pradice and conduft of the 
 governments of the different ftates and kingdoms of 
 the world. For in their public proceedings, with 
 profeffed intentions to promote public welfare, 
 fuch governments generally, in the moft infidious 
 manner, devife public and private calamity ; or^ 
 exteriourly, fubftitute pomp and magnificence, fal- 
 lacious arts, and patriotic declarations, for the real 
 happinefs of fociety. Neither does fuch a view of 
 fociety and of its advancement and improvement 
 in all its different relations, as wc propofe to offer, 
 folely refpeft the welfare of the Britifh citizen : 
 it applies alike to human nature; it is equally im- 
 portant to all mankind, and reaching farther than 
 the horizon of an empire, interefts the whole world 
 without partiality or limitation, as the fun illu- 
 minates and invigorates every clime. 
 
 What we firft obferye is, that fociety, as the 
 flate in which man lives, is not immediately in- 
 ilituted and formed by Providence. The Deity 
 only ordained in the origin of all fublunary things, 
 that fuch a condition (hould be neceffary for maa, 
 
 he
 
 t 3 ] 
 
 he being created with difpofitions requiring it. 
 Thus Providence impofed on him as a law, that, 
 by his own laborious efforts, he fhould provide 
 himfelf with a flate of fociety, the moft proper and 
 congenial to his nature, and the moft conducive 
 and efficient to his happinefs. Many proofs of 
 this, as being the Divine intention, may readily, 
 but would fuperfluoully be adduced ; for all parts 
 of the wide world atteft, that man univerfally 
 lives in fociety, that by his own exertions he makes 
 it what it is, and at his own will and pleafure con- 
 ftitutes it good or bad, happy or miferable. 
 
 It is no lefs manifeft, for it is every where ob- 
 fervable, that the terreftrial part of the univerfe 
 has been created to receive, to promote, to pro- 
 duce, perfeft, and embellifh the grand defign of 
 human civilization ; otherwife the attempts of 
 man, fo far as they go, would not accomplifh 
 their purpofes with fuch facility. In truth, it is 
 the beneficent Creator, that has bowed the favage 
 bull, who tills the earth, to the human yoke. 
 Without the Divine interpofition, the generous 
 fteed would dafh the rider from his back by the 
 rapidity of his courfe ; hurl him headlong down 
 the precipice, or rufh upon him proftrate, and in. 
 the triumph of nature trample him to death.. 
 Creation^ as it were, prefeated the fleece to in- 
 duftry : creation, filled the pail of man with falu- 
 brioys food, the moft innocent repaft of nature ! 
 
 B 2i Proofs
 
 C 4 ] 
 
 Proofs need not be offered, for it follows as a 
 certain confequence of the Divine benevolence, 
 that fuch a ftate of fociety, as God ordained, was 
 deftined to be adequate to the welfare and hap- 
 pinefs of maa, as a being perfedly formed and 
 highly finiflied both in body and mind ; was 
 deflined to fupply man with all things, which his 
 neceflities and comfort require ; and was deftined 
 to become perfed and complete through its whole 
 extent, like Creation itfelf, fo far as the flate of ■ 
 fociety can be rendered fuch by the natural capacity 
 or by the improved and elevated fublimity of 
 human abilities. For it cannot, with the proper 
 refpedt for human reafon, be for a moment fup- 
 pofed : nay, it feems the railinefs of impiety, to 
 imagine the intention of the Almighty Creator 
 originally was, that fociety, as the univerfal ftate and 
 condition of man, fhould prove a weak, crude, in- 
 adequate, and imperfedt inftitution ; that he fliould 
 be tormented with numerous defircs, which were 
 never intended to be fatisfied ; that he (hould labour 
 under infinite and complicated miferies, which 
 were never to be alleviated ; that he fhould be for 
 ever expofed to fatal dangers, and never find a 
 fyftematic fafeguard againft them; that fociety 
 fhould be oppreffed at pleafure by a few, in whom 
 pride and ignorance, accompanied with fortune or 
 title, might engender an uncontroulable defire to. 
 exercife unbounded infolence and lawlefs oppreflion; 
 
 that
 
 C i 1 
 
 that fbclety (hould, in its different proceedings, ad- 
 vance with a hobbling lamenefs, and not with the 
 moft graceful motions of a well-adjuiled adivity ; 
 that public welfare ihould turn and rock upon narrow 
 unftable and infufficient foundations, and not be 
 made a perfect fabric with ftrength and conftancy 
 of principle; that whole nations (hould be fub- 
 jeded, after fliort intervals, to the regular returns 
 of th« bloody ferocity and devaftations of ambi- 
 tious power, facrificing many millions of citizens, 
 in one general flate of contention precipitated into 
 headlong ruin, and overwhelming them in univer- 
 fal deilrudion. However, fuch a dreadful, enor- 
 mous, and monflrous ftate of fociety is the prefenc 
 condition of the poliflied nations of Europe ! Such 
 is the much vaunted predicament of Great Britain 
 itfelf, and of its extenfive empire ! The ftate of 
 fociety in this country, as we ihall hereafter fhow, 
 however fpecious it may appear, is not only very 
 inconfiftent with the Divine intention to promote 
 human welfare, and its advancement, perfedlon, 
 and happinefs, but is fatal to thefe purpofes in in- 
 finite and innumerable refpeds. The majefty and 
 fplendour of the profperity of Great Britain and its 
 empire, when properly viewed, and truly under- 
 ftood, appears to the eye of political judgement not 
 very different from the appearance of the fatal 
 henbane, graceful in figure and flower, yet in all 
 its pride, the penetrating Botanift may perceive it 
 
 B 3 full
 
 C 6 3 
 
 full of malignity, and containing a hidden, dark,^ 
 and gloomy poifon. ' ' <': 
 
 Oh ! how different ! Oh ! how far diftant in the 
 wideft extreme, is the flate and condition of that 
 fociety, which was ordained for man by Almighty 
 God ? In favour of humanity, he has, with the mofl 
 boundlefs and extended indulgence ordained, that 
 fociety (hould be formed into a comprehenfive, 
 great, and elevated (late of perfeftion ; and for this 
 purpofe he has committed to man the faculty of 
 creation. How vaft and univerfal are all the dif- 
 ferent departments of civilization ! Their boun- 
 daries and limits, even in the prefent advanced 
 period of the world, have in no fenfe been ap- 
 proached by the various powers and induftry of man. 
 How far ihort of any degree of its proper pradical 
 perfeftion is the agriculture of every kingdom, 
 although the means of human fubfiftence, although 
 the price of provifions is rifen fo extraordinarily in 
 the prefent times ? What a fmall portion of the 
 golden circle of civilization has been trod by le- 
 giflation itfelf, whofe creative and operative powers, 
 iiotwithftanding the great fubfifting need and op- 
 portunity for the employment of them, are, unlefs 
 in refpeft of common and unavoidable occurrences, 
 altogether difufed and fufpended in this kingdom. 
 The clamorous fwarm, to whom the pradice of it 
 if committed, live upon the fweets, which the 
 ancient civiUzation of former times has Itored up, 
 
 inflead
 
 f 7 ] 
 
 inftead of exploring nature to augment the flock ; 
 inftead of gathering from every produ6tive fource, 
 Jill the poflible means, which duly harvelled com- 
 plete the public welfare ; inftead of hiving up thefe 
 with rapturous induftry in the treafure of the com- 
 mon weal. 
 
 In fliort, for the perfedion of fociety were ex- 
 tended not only the unbounded views, which cha- 
 rafterife the works of God, but the great attri- 
 butes of infinite love, and of infinite benevolence : 
 and man would every moment thank the hand 
 that created him, for endlefs favours, and for num- 
 berlefs bleflings, in addition to his prefent lot, if 
 the managers and diredors of fociety, that is, the 
 governments of different nations, difcharged the 
 duties incumbent upon them : if they, under whofe 
 foftering care the fubje6t ought to receive all the 
 advantages of his deftined happinefs, fincerely 
 exerted themfelves in the cultivation and produc- 
 tion of them X ^r the benefit of fociety ; if they 
 did not afflid their refpedive people with a vaft 
 immenfity of miferies; if they did not, by their 
 continual intervention, fnatch from them an ama- 
 zing portion of the Divine favours, and the bleflings 
 deftined for man. 
 
 Such was the forefight and care of Providence, 
 left the intcrefts of fociety fhould be negleded, 
 that even kings and parliaments, minifters and 
 ftatefmen, which may appear hardly credible in 
 
 B 4 the
 
 t 8 ] 
 
 the prefent times ! have been often rendered the 
 inftruments of making happy all the different in- 
 dividuals who compofe communities ; for men are 
 fo formed by nature, as to experience the higheft fa- 
 tisfadion, and the moft complete gratification in the 
 delightful labour of promoting the public welfare ; 
 they are by nature fo conftituted as in this man- 
 ner to be ravifhed with the enjoyment of the deareft 
 fenfibility of the human bread, fuch as the fuc- 
 cefsful phyfician finds in the benevolent practice 
 of adequate profefTional fkiil ,* fuch as the mother 
 finds from the difcompofure of her bofom by the 
 fweet infant, whom fhe tenderly compreffes within 
 the arms of love. Surely then Providence has in- 
 tended for a fociety of citizens, fo worthy and 
 dcferving as Britons, a government ready to ferve 
 it from the pleafing motives and allurements, 
 which accompany the practice of philanthropy 
 and the efforts of patriotifm. But is this credible, 
 when we conlider, as in the fubfequent chapters 
 we fhall fully prove, how reverfe, how oppolite, 
 how monRrouily, how impioufly advcrfe and con- 
 tradictory to fuch a purpofc, are the whole tenour 
 of the poor, little, weak., daring, infolent, criminal, 
 flagitious purfuits of modern governments ? 
 
 However, agreeably to the great, elevated, vaft, 
 fublime, and to man almolt boundlefs defigns ; 
 agreeably to the moft humane, moft benevolent, 
 moft affectionate views, with which God has in- 
 
 terefted
 
 [ 9 ] 
 
 tercfted himfelf, in deftining fociety to be a ftatc 
 adequate to the welfare and happincfs of man, he 
 has endowed the latter with abilities both of body 
 and mind, perfectly commenfurate to the forma^ 
 tion and completion of fuch a Hate of fociety ; 
 whatever labour man muft exert, in order to ac- 
 compliQi it I with whatever difficulties and dangers 
 he muft ftruggle, in order to effcdt it ! whatever 
 niceties and fubtleties of thought he muft devife ! 
 whatever great and daring conceptions of mind he 
 muft indulge, in order to conftrudt the important 
 fabric ! Hence man was created with fuch powers, 
 that he is able to attempt and to furmount the 
 greateft of enterprifes, even the feeming impoffibi- 
 lities of nature : only from a tree, which bears a 
 fmall refemblance to a plank; from a vegetable, 
 which has no fimilitude to a fail ; from an ore, 
 which does not poftefs any of the brilliancy, foli- 
 dity, and hardnefs of iron, drawing his means, he 
 ventures upon the wide and boundlefs waves of 
 the ocean, braves all the dangers of the uncertain, 
 unftable, ungovernable, and ftormy elements of 
 nature ; and tranfports to his home in his refpec- 
 tive fociety, the cholceft bleffings of the moft 
 diftant climes. Nay, merely by the aid of a little 
 fand and fait, which he fabricates into glafs, with 
 his weak eye he becomes a Newton, or a Herfchel, 
 moft minutely and accurately meafurcs the plane- 
 tary fyftcm in all the various complicated and vaft 
 
 progrcircs
 
 C 1° ] 
 
 progreffes of its different incredible velocities, 
 and gives time, as a bkiTing, to his fellow crea- 
 tures. 
 
 Thus as in thefe, fo in all the other numerous 
 departments of civilization and public welfare, is 
 man in an equal manner, nay in a much more li- 
 beral manner, provided with powers, means, and op- 
 portunities, adequate in the mod full and complete 
 meafure and to the furtheft extent of perfeftion ; 
 to give and impart to his feveral fellow creatures 
 in fociety, all thofe infinite and ineflimable ftores 
 of private happinefs and public welfare, which the 
 human race by nature were rendered capable and 
 intended to enjoy ; and whofe luftre, nations, as 
 the depots of them, were deflined to exhibit in 
 their rcfpeftive tribes for the honour and glory of 
 the Divinity. 
 
 Nay, upon fuch flable, folid, and unmoveable 
 foundations does the public welfare of fociety 
 depend ! Nay, fo clearly has this important objed; 
 been delineated for the exploring eye of human 
 difcovery ! Nay, in fo careful an aflemblage have 
 the different departments of it been cemented and 
 preferved, in order that the fabric might be form- 
 ed complete ! Nay, fuch firm and ftrong and ef- 
 feiftual materials and powers for the perfection of 
 the ftrudure of public welfare, have been provided ! 
 That the public welfare of fociety unqueflionably 
 conlifts, and is comprifed in a plain and eafy, but 
 
 a mofl
 
 L " 3 
 
 a mod extenfive and important fyftem of twelv<i 
 different pradical fciences : to wit, ift. Of go- 
 vernment, or that fuperior part of the community^ 
 which is intruded with great powers to render fo-* 
 ciety equal in all refpeds to the Divine intention 
 of its inftitution* idly. Of jurifprudence and the 
 adminiftration of law, which ferves and proted:s 
 individuals, by promoting and enforcing the due 
 effects of the different ordinances of government. 
 3dly. Of the local arrangement and particular im- 
 provement of different provinces or countries : the 
 arrangement being fuch, as divides dominions 
 into thofe minute portions, which are moil favour- 
 able to the adequate view and obfervation of the 
 fuperior government; and enable the latter ef- 
 fcclually to advance their welfare, which advance- 
 ment we therefore call diJlrlEi improvement. Thefe 
 arrangements at the fame time are fuppofed to 
 be ferviceable for the purpofes of all the inhabitants, 
 that they may meet together, and tranfati to the 
 greateft advantage their ovvn affairs, as well as 
 furniQi information and inflrudion to thofe who 
 have tl^p management of the date. 4thly. Of diffe- 
 rent public agencies, fuch as thofe of paridi officers, 
 of the excifc, of the cudoms, condituted accord- 
 ing to the mod commodious and fuitable or- 
 dinances, to dired and condud all the various 
 concerns, which not by itfelf, but by efficacious 
 fubditutes, and at a didance, and through the 
 
 whole
 
 [ 12 ] 
 
 whole extent of fociety, government may deent 
 expedient to enforce for the public good. 5thly. Of 
 finance, or the means of providing a pubHc re- 
 venue for the fupport of government, and for the 
 execution of fuch meafures, as government finds 
 neceffary to adopt and carry into efFed for the wel- 
 fare of the community. 6thly. Of mental civi- 
 lization, or the means, which, according to their 
 refpediive ftations, imprefs and bellow fuch capa- 
 city and habits on the minds of the different indi- 
 viduals, who compofe the community, as are moft 
 productive of the public welfare, and of private 
 happinefs. ythly. Of religion ; the feveral views 
 and duties of which we reduce to three heads, 
 firft, to render proper reverence and gratitude on 
 the part of the community to the Almighty; and 
 to fupplicate for the future divine grace, affiftance, 
 and indulgence ; fecondly, to read and expound to 
 man his duty, as enjoined in the revelation of God, 
 whether it proceed immediately from himfelf in the 
 facred writings, or is indirectly conveyed through 
 his works in nature : thirdly, and in addition to other 
 means recommended fur the fame purpofe, through 
 a feparate and learned profeffion to fervc the com- 
 munity, by impreffing upon the hearts and minds 
 of individuals, according to their ftations of life, 
 all the feveral modes of mental improvement and 
 civilization above announced, as they are con- 
 ducive and neceflary to the public welfare, and to 
 
 tlie
 
 C '3 ] 
 
 the private profperity and happinefs of indi- 
 viduals. 
 
 Eighthly, Of medicine, or of the mofl: effec- 
 tual and adequate fyftem for the prefervation, and 
 recovery of the health, when impaired, of the dif- 
 ferent individuals, of whatever ftation, who cora- 
 pofe the community. 9thly. Of the national im- 
 provements, or the means of devifing, executing, 
 and conducing thefe in fuch a manner, as will moft 
 effedually promote the happinefs and perfeflion of 
 fociety. lothly. Of commerce, or the means of 
 enabling the different members of the community, 
 to difpofe both at home and abroad, with the 
 greatefl advantage, of their labours and fabrica- 
 tions, by which they purchafe the comforts, or con- 
 veniences of life, and advance their fortunes, 
 iithly. Of politics, or die means, which recon- 
 ciling the interefts of different nations, preferve 
 their peace, or render different nations of mutual 
 fervice to one another. 1 2thly. Of war, offenfive 
 and defenfive, as warranted by motives of juftice 
 and the public good. 
 
 Thefe, twelve in number, are the praftical 
 fciences; in which the welfare of fociety confifts; 
 and in every refpecl they are adequate to the pro- 
 dudion and fecuiiiy of this great and important 
 objed. We announce them with authority, and 
 fpeak of their fervices, efficacy, and certainty; 
 bccaufc vvc have explored them with efforts not in- 
 ferior
 
 ferior to the Herculean labours. But that they afford 
 the means of accomplilhing and perfefting the 
 fplendid and happy (late, which God deftined for 
 man in fociety, may fairly and unqueftionably be 
 deduced and eftablifhed from truth and nature : 
 and the fyftem of public welfare, which they gene- 
 rate and complete, is fo congenial to the intention 
 of human exiftence, that its deftination is not 
 controvertible. Without the pofTefTion of the be- 
 nefits, which flow from them, fociety is a wretched 
 and deftitute fkate, but in them enjoying all the 
 celellial bleffings, which were at the birth of crea- 
 tion ordained for human happinefs, it is rich, per- 
 fe6l, and complete. From feveral of thofe fciences, 
 it is well known, we have long derived great and 
 immenfe benefits ; thefe may neverthelefs be much 
 farther diffufed and extended, or may be rendered 
 confiderably greater and more advantageous. From 
 fome of them, it is too true, as from thofe of finance 
 and government, we fuffer fuch diftrefs, mifery, 
 and injury, as almoft counterbalance thofe fervices 
 and benefits ; yet fuch bad effeds can readily be 
 remedied, and eafily prevented. For even govern- 
 ment, as we propofe to improve and redify it, will 
 be changed and converted into a power of a very 
 different nature and tendency, produdive of feli- 
 cities and bleffmgs, hitherto unexpeded as the por« 
 tion of human nature and not thought of by man ? 
 it will not only fmile upon, and vifit greatnefs, of 
 
 majelty,.
 
 [ 'i 3 
 
 majefty, caftles and palaces, but condefend to call 
 upon and elevate humility, and make the cottage 
 at leaft as happy as the throne. 
 
 It may indeed be fairly urged, that when we 
 take a view of the ftate of fociety, as it exifts in its 
 modern forms, it cannot be imagined from its 
 forry appearance, that it was ordained to be per- 
 fed:, as we have reprefented. But are the practical 
 fciences, conducive to the public welfare, and which 
 are the fole means of forming and conftituting fuch 
 a ftate, in any fliape cultivated, or in any degree 
 advanced to anfwer their purpofes ? How, therefore, 
 is it pofTible fuch an effeft can take place, or fuch a 
 ftate exift ? Does government, which is the proper 
 and fole agent on the occafion, concern itfelf any- 
 farther with the advancement of ihofe fciences, than 
 as the needful fupply of its own preffing neceffities 
 forcibly compels it ? Do the great undaunted at- 
 tempts of individuals in the improvement of any of 
 thofe fciences, which refpedt not the embellifliment, 
 but the real welfare of a country, ever meet with 
 approbation, or a fmile from modern ftatefmen ? 
 Nay, are not thefe known to be the determined 
 enemies of the improvements, which are neceffary 
 to eftablifli a perfed ftate of real civilization ? 
 
 To advance the public welfare and private hap- 
 picefs of fociety, by the fmcere, ardent, and effeftual 
 cultivation and eftablifliment of the proper means, 
 which in thcmfc/lves are arduous, and numerous, is 
 
 an
 
 [ i6 ] 
 
 an attempt too expenfive, too great and laborious, 
 too painful and impradicable for individuals : and 
 it has," with the univerfal confent of the feveral 
 members of the community, at all times and in all 
 ages, neceffarily devolved upon government as a 
 body, which from the authority given, and from 
 the recompences made to it, is expelled to fulfil 
 this important truft with the mofl facred fidelity. 
 How unfortunately national confidence and public 
 expeftation are deluded and difappointed, v/e 
 hardly need evince, when it is univerfally agreed, 
 that all modern as well as many ancient govern- 
 ments, have aded in a manner the moft reverfe 
 and oppofite to the nature of their ti uft. They are 
 ■ incefTantly employed in the practice of the deceit- 
 ful arts of irrefiflible corruption, and boundlefs 
 ambition, to efFed; the reverfe of their duty and 
 obligations to fociety ; and make communities the 
 wretched Haves of high exalted power, and op- 
 prefhve tyranny, or the vidims of numberlefs 
 taxes and wars : and inftead of the cultivation of 
 public welfare, or the introdudion of the arts of 
 peace, and the prevention of human miferies, 
 their proceedings are fuch as increafe the feverities 
 of punifhments, their ads of civilization, fuch as 
 the inftitutions of colonies to be peopled by tranf- 
 ported criminals, which every day multiply, and 
 find addidonal employment. Inftead of the con- 
 templation and adual ftudy of the means of advan- 
 
 cil''.2:
 
 r '7 ] 
 
 ing the public profperity, which are eflentially re- 
 quifite for the purpofe ; inftead of the conftruction 
 of national and beneficent plans, which alone are 
 capable of fupplying fociety with adequate ad- 
 vantages, modern governments humbly and in- 
 glorioufly content themfelves with the acquifition 
 of the bafer arts of procuring intereft, and with 
 the increafe of appointments to place and office ; 
 leaving far out of fight all public objeds, as 
 matters to be feldom feen, and never dwelt upon, 
 fituated at the extreme verge of the political ho- 
 rizon. They are ignorant, that their care and 
 duty extend to a great pradlical fyftem of hu- 
 manity, which involves within it all ufeful phi- 
 lofophy, and is grounded upon the certainty of ma- 
 thematical fcience ; they do not even dream of 
 a perfeded civilization, though the idea contains 
 and comprehends vaft ftores of bleffings yet un- 
 explored; though it includes the efFedlual means of 
 fetting right public affairs, and is the proper objeft 
 of the attention of courts and cabinets. The vain 
 arts of embellilhments are fubftituted inftead of 
 the divine and natural fyftem of pradtical political 
 fciences: abftrad: pofitions and deduftions are be- 
 come the fole patriotic acquifitions of modern li- 
 terature : the eloquent, not the benefadlors of man- 
 kind, are exalted to diredl and condvitl the affairs 
 of the greateft nations in the world. 
 
 AH.
 
 t *8 3 
 
 All furprife ceafes, therefore, on the contem- 
 plation of the imperfeft ftate of modern focietyy 
 which cannot poflibly receive the improvements, 
 and the luftre of progreffive civilization and im- 
 proving legiflation, from the hands of ftatefmen^ 
 who are, in general, not lefs ignorant of them, 
 than by difufe enervated, and from corruption pa- 
 ralytically difabled from carrying them into efFeft. 
 We wonder no longer, though we may fometimes 
 be ftruck with horror, at the profpeft of the nu- 
 merous attendants and vices of corruption, op- 
 preflion, and ambition, which modern governments 
 exhibit. Society, as it was in the early period of 
 its inftitution, may with propriety be compared to 
 the lovelinefs and chaflity of an amiable maid : for 
 both are deftined to procreation, to become fertile, 
 to undergo the travail of birth ; and to fubmit to 
 thefe purpofes, they are led by the hand of nature. 
 Both, in experiencing the focial powers, which 
 are appointed to work thoi'e effeds, may unfortu- 
 nately meet with ruffians, who with violence raviih 
 their charms, and produce (how unlike the ma- 
 trons !) a progeny of vices, deceit, oppreflion, and 
 defpotifm ! We, however, will not, as the fore- 
 going premifes evince, afcribe fuch a mangled, 
 perverted, and horrid ftate of fociety to avarice 
 and corruption, to unbounded luft of power, and 
 to the real want of humanity in perfons at the head 
 of government : we refer it to their ignorance of 
 
 ihc
 
 t '9 ] 
 
 the true Interefts of human nature, and (hall plain- 
 ly prove that fuch is the fad, in a different part of 
 this work. Men of refpedlable charaders and in- 
 tegrity very frequently condud the helm of public 
 affairs ; and unqueftionably they believe, there is 
 no other mode of conducing them than the ufual 
 one, which is fo generally followed and adopted. 
 But the rich treafures of civihzation are not lowered 
 and fufpended within the reach of the fuccefsful 
 candidates of ambition, who elevate themfelves to 
 dire6t and govern nations, but do not concern 
 themfelves to explore their true interefts. They 
 are not intended to be the acquifitions of the powers 
 of oratory and literature : they are to be acquired 
 only by laborious cultivation ; they yield to the 
 pious purfuirs of induftrious knowledge alone; 
 and they folely intruft themfelves to the pradical 
 genius, that can lay their foundations with adequate 
 folidity, and build upon them a durable and com- 
 plete fuperftrudure, which can be injured neither 
 by time nor by chance. Otherwife the bleflings of 
 civilization^ though numerous and obvious as the 
 ftars of the lirmament in the clearnefs of the moft 
 lucid night, are feen at an extreme diftance, and 
 only twinkle, and do not irradiate the paths of 
 near-fighted politicians and ftatefinen. 
 
 The great advantages and bleflings we have inti- 
 mated, might be prqvided for a nation, though 
 involved in an inadequate agency of government, 
 C 2 through
 
 C ^0 ] 
 
 tlirough the daring attempts of an individual, fin- 
 .cerely actuated by motives of humanity and patrio- 
 tifm ; qualified for the labour, both by a fpecula- 
 tive and a pradical turn of mind ; and competent 
 to confider the ftate of fuch a nation, and to explore 
 the effedlual means of rectifying it. What great 
 fervices, what glorious means of complete redrefs 
 might not be expected from fuch a perfon, when, 
 with a patient eye, he had leifurely furveyed and 
 afcertained the defective interefts of fociety ; feen 
 the divine intention of their perfedtion ; and by 
 numerous and adequate devices had prepared and 
 accompliflied the different arduous plans of the 
 feveral defigns necefiary to fupply and complete 
 fuch interefts ? More efpeciaily when he had not 
 been content with the eflbrts of fpeculation to ferve 
 his country, but had, by the mod adive exertions, 
 acquired the practical abiliiics requifite to carry 
 fuch plans into execution ; and with a comprehen- 
 fion and a fancy, like the poets, glancing from 
 heaven to earth, from earth to heaven, given fhape 
 to infinitely various devices and expedients, which 
 before poffefTed not even a name, and embodied 
 unknown ideas, requifite to eftablifh national per- 
 fection ; and only failed, becaufe he was not per- 
 mitted, however able, to give them local exiftence 
 and habitation. 
 
 This is not matter of fuppofition, or a flmcy ot 
 inefiicient patriorifm. For we ourfclvcs have flood 
 
 forwards
 
 C ^i 3 
 
 forwards as volunteers on this occafion; and not 
 greatly deficient in the above particular requifites, 
 have nearly accomplifhed in regard to the public 
 welfare, what can reafonably be expeded by their 
 means. Perfons of candour, who poffcfs an in- 
 timate knowledge of us, look rather to our arms 
 than to our language ; and confidering our pad 
 adions, expect great extenfive views, and pradical 
 efforts correfponding to them. Thefe efforts are 
 not effedive, becaufe we are not kings and mini- 
 fters of (late. With fome reafon we merit fuch 
 favourable attention : for almoft twenty years o£ 
 our lives wc have fpent, as farmer, general culti- 
 vator, and practitioner in the means of national wel- 
 fare, as well as in thofe of reftoring bodily health. 
 Thus with infinite toil and labour, frequently with 
 great and real anguifh ; and at the expence of our 
 private fortune, we have explored and eftablifhed 
 in twelve fciences, a comprehenfive fyftem of pub- 
 lic welfare ; and acquired a knowledge of the prac- 
 tical means of carrying them into effed for the 
 completion of the perfect ftate of fociety. During 
 the purfuit, knowledge was only regarded, as it 
 was ufeful to fociety, and this only as it was prac- 
 ticable ; fo that we may fpeak with greater bold- 
 ncfs of the efficacy, and general merits of our 
 different public propofals. 
 
 Indeed, in refpeft of the mode, in which we lay 
 the fyflcm of the twelve fciences for the promotion 
 
 C 3 of
 
 C " 3 
 
 of public welfare, before the world, the confidera- 
 tion of our own condu6l is wholly omitted, and 
 regard folely paid to what are the moft effedual 
 means of promoting the fuccefs of fo comprehen- 
 five a fyftem. From this motive it becomes incum- 
 bent upon us to pay no refpeft to men, to opinions, 
 to greatnefs, or to affeclion. i\duated as we are with 
 ardent fincerity in our caufe, it is not grievous to 
 our feelings to difmifs all modefty and diffidence 
 refpefting fentiment — it is the jewel, and not the 
 finder of it, which caufes the bright irradiance and 
 captivating luftre. — Not to ourfelves, but to the 
 fyftem of public welfare, which we propofe, do we 
 afcribe the great and juft commendations, which 
 this alone deferves ; and as without its affiftance 
 the fplendid talents and genius of Mr. Pitt will 
 not much furpafs thofe of his prcdecelTors in office, 
 fo with its aid, weak abilities are flrong and effec- 
 tual. This fyllem, therefore, with a boldnefs, 
 which waves all perfonal confiderations, regarding 
 ourfelves, we fhali, if time will admit, propofe 
 under four heads. ii\, Shewing, as in this chap- 
 ter, wha,t are its merits, zndly. What are the fure 
 and certain means of carrying it at this time into 
 effect. 3diy, How far the adual (late of fociety 
 eftablilhes the neceffity or advantage of its intro- 
 dudlion. 4thly, How incompatible to the perfedion 
 of fociety, the knowledge and exertions not only 
 of government, but of all claffes in general, arti 
 
 At
 
 C ^3 T 
 
 at the prefent time, in refped of patriotic informa- 
 tion, philanthropy, and executive abilities. 
 
 The prominent charaderiftic feature of innova- 
 tion, which the firft introduftion of great defigns, 
 however beneficial diey may be, always difplays to 
 the public eye, too often excites ftrong prepoflef- 
 fions to their difadvantage. Therefore it ought to 
 be the earliell care of prudence, timely to remove 
 thofe prepoffeflions, and to acquire the confidence 
 of the world in favour of fuch defigns, byfliewing, 
 when in our power, various others of a fimilar na- 
 ture and tendency, which have been introduced and 
 carried into effed: ; and which have been found, as 
 to their refpedtive confequences and effeds, per- 
 fe(flly unexceptionable. Not unhappily for the 
 prefent propofal of a fyflem of public welfare, we 
 can from diflant ages and from the prefent times 
 produce various defigns nearly fimilar, differing 
 only in mode and degree, which have in different 
 countries fucceeded with the greateft felicity, and 
 produced the moft fortunate events. 
 
 The firfl introduction of civilization, which the 
 records of literature commemorate, was evident- 
 ly fimilar both in nature and in extent to that 
 great perfedion of it, which we attempt to ac- 
 complifli ; and the rude nations, who received! 
 the advantage, made the greateft returns in their 
 power to their benefactors, by conftiLuting them 
 the kings and fovercigns of fiatcs, v.^hich had 
 C 4 been
 
 t ^4 ] 
 
 been barbarous and favage, and were civilized 
 through their means. The ancient polytheifm, 
 when curforily examined, is found a moft compre- 
 henfive fyftem of civilization, extending to almoft 
 every various objed, which our pra6lical fyftem of 
 public welfare embraces ; the divinities therein vvor- 
 ihipped had been men inftrumental to the prefer- 
 vation and advancement of government, religion, 
 law, morality, wifdom, agriculture, medicine, 
 commerce, war, and of almoft all the various dif- 
 ferent arts ; and the worfhip of fuch divinities was 
 employed very happily, as an efficient expedient ; 
 and rendered by various powerful devices a moft 
 fuitable and powerful means for accompliftiing pub- 
 lic purpofes. However, there was wanting to this 
 fyftem an indifpenfable requifite, which alone could 
 give it duration and ftability, to wit, a truly reli- 
 gious foundation of real divine revelation, bid- 
 ding only this firm bafis, the fyftem of civilization 
 which we propofe, in all other views accords in 
 general with the heathen fyftem ; particularly in 
 its leading principle, that of an Eros, or a great 
 foul of public and private philanthropy, which 
 pervades and mingles with every part of the an- 
 cient mythology ; in the continual hcroifm and 
 adlivity, which the heathen religion erijoined, with 
 regard to courageous and magnanimous atchieve- 
 ments, in favour of humanity ; and in that embel- 
 JiOiment and accomplifliment of the human perfon, 
 
 which
 
 C ^^5 ] 
 
 which the ancient mythology has attempted to cf- 
 fed: by means of deities confecrated to beauty and 
 love, to the graces and the mufes, to feftivals and 
 games ; and which are comprehended by us, as a 
 part of the pradical fcience of mental civilization. 
 The next great event in civilization, and bearing 
 the ftrongeft refemblance to our propofal, was the 
 immortal produftion of the great genius of the Bri- 
 tifh Alfred. It was fupported on the ftrongeft 
 foundation and fuperftrudure of divine truth, of 
 ufeful knowledge, and of adequate information^ 
 fuccefsfully conveyed to the minds of all his fub- 
 jedts ; and it effefted, through the fartheft extent of 
 the kingdom, whatever degree of national perfec- 
 tion the rudenefs of the age could exped to fee 
 brought to hght, or was capable of receiving. 
 At fo remote a diftance from the prefent period. 
 Great Britain experienced in the archievements of 
 an Alfred, what wonderful great and ineftimable 
 fervices, the accompliftiment, though only a par- 
 tial one, of the praftical fciences, we are inculca- 
 ting, confers upon fociety. To that illuftrious So- 
 vereign, living in an age, which poflefled not the 
 great powers and various refinements belonging to 
 the modern fciences, does this country at the pre- 
 fent time ftand indebted for thofe illuftrious civil 
 cftablilhments of policy, which, however greatly 
 they have been marred and corrupted by us, arc 
 ftill the proudeft glories, the moft illuftrious mo- 
 nument?.
 
 [ 26 J 
 
 numents, and the commemorative trophies of the 
 national worth, ability, and virtue. To thefe, we 
 truft, our propofals are perfedly fimilar, differing 
 only in their more extenfive views, and correfpond- 
 ing to the great progrefs of modern knowledge ; 
 and yet ftill more clofely allied, inafmuch as the 
 defigns of both originated in unbounded ideas of 
 benevolence and humanity, and were deftined to 
 encounter and ftruggle with hardfhips and diffi- 
 culties, which may be deemed almoil infinite. 
 Thefe, however, by one of the parties were ac- 
 tually furmounted, and with refpect of the other 
 party, ought to have been furmounted by the public 
 adoption of his efficacious expedients and fuccefsful 
 enterprizes. 
 
 In modern times, and, perhaps, for ages ante- 
 rior to thofe, with which we are acquainted, a mod 
 rcfpedtable fyftem of national perfcclion has been 
 long eftablifhed in China, which infinitely excels 
 the prefent flate of focicty in Europe. What we 
 know of it, is fimilar in all rei'pects to our own 
 fyflcm upon the fubje6t ; however, the particular 
 merits of it are little known, from our ignorance 
 of the interior affairs of the nation, but we truft 
 our propofcd fyftem of the practical fcienccs for the 
 promotion of the public welfare, is as mr^ch fupe- 
 lior to it, as Europe is fuppofcd in the general 
 fciences to take the lead of Cliina. Thouerh it he 
 an inferior defign to the introduction of national 
 
 pcrfeclion.
 
 t ^7 3 
 
 perfeftion, yet the enterprize of making an exten- 
 iive people of barbarians, equal to what is called a 
 poliflied European nation, cannot be paffed by on 
 the prefent occaiion. It is hardly neceflary to fay, 
 we mean the fabrication of the Ruflian empire by 
 the great Czar. The labour, as perfons intimately 
 acquainted with the imperfeft ftate of fociety in 
 general will believe, of converting a barbarous 
 into a polifhed European nation, was not a great 
 one ; for in the attempt are not to be included the 
 unwillingnefs of the people to be civilized, nor the 
 wars the Czar was obliged to maintain againft the 
 polilhed favages of Europe. In the facility and 
 certainty and moderate efforts, by which the labour 
 was accomplifhed, is manifefled, that the enter- 
 prize of introducing national perfe6tion can neither 
 be arduous nor precarious, in a ftate already greatly 
 improved : indeed, heaven has ordered, it fhould 
 be both a very eafy and a very fecure one. 
 
 At a very late and nearly the fame period have 
 appeared two great and comprehenfive fyftems of 
 public welfare, the aim of both of which are to 
 cftablifh a com]:)lete ftate of fociety, that of the 
 regeneration of France, and that, produced by our- 
 felves, of the Royal regeneration of Great Britain 
 into its national perfcdion. The two fyftems bear 
 ihc greaieft analogy to each other, and may be 
 tonfidered as perfectly congenial in their natures 
 and tendencies, although accompanied with fuch 
 
 ftrong
 
 [ 28 3 
 
 itrong: marks of difcrimination, as evince their 
 refpective originalities ; and thus they give very 
 happily theftrongeft proof imaginable of their fcien- 
 tiiic nature, and of the moral certainty of com- 
 pleting, by means of an adequate attempt, the 
 perfedtion of human welfare, which both fyftems 
 labour to accomplifli. The praife? due to the for- 
 mer cannot be exprefled in a manner equal to 
 their merits ; and the blemillies, if fuch exiil, are 
 not charges of inability, much lefs of criminality ; 
 but muft be referred to neceffity, from the pecu- 
 liar ftate of the government of France at the time 
 it was regenerated. However, we muft not ap- 
 pretiate our own fyfbem of public welfare with in- 
 ferior juftice ; and therefore in vindication of its 
 merits we claim, that it is not accompanied v-ith 
 any of thofe exceptions, which in that adopted in 
 France, were unavoidable ; but that, on the con- 
 trary, in adapting and moulding itfelf to the pre- 
 fent circumftances, form, and fituation of the go- 
 vernment of the country, it has attained abfolute 
 perfeftion : that the conftitution of the fociety in 
 general, as we have propofcd to regulate it, by 
 moderate alterations, but great, efncicnt, real im- 
 provements, is a perfect woik of policy ; that the 
 conftitution of the diilcrent agencies, by v.l.ich v^-e 
 propofe to execute the public concerns, iavcfted 
 in the management of government, and that the 
 ir..)dc of exercifing the elective power of popular 
 
 icprc-
 
 C 29 ] 
 
 leprefentation in parliament, are much more de- 
 firable, as we recommend them, than they are at 
 prefent eftabUfhed in France ; and that the great 
 extended views and propofed efFefts of the different 
 pradical fciences of public welfare, which our 
 defign of national perfedion fo fully comprehends, 
 are in general but fliintly drawn and difplayed in 
 the chart of the French revolution. 
 
 Indeed our own idea of the fyftem, which we 
 have propofed, extends to the opinion, that we 
 have actually advanced the great defiderata, whicli 
 were wanting, to give adequate perfedion and 
 durability, to the temporary efforts of the early 
 civilizers of focicty, whofe labours we have now 
 commemorated : and that thofe defiderata are com- 
 petent, not only to continue and perpetuate to the 
 end of time the bleflings, which thofe great men 
 imparted only to the age wherein they lived, but 
 at the fame time to multiply thefe blcffings, and 
 to advance them in their higheftftate of perfedion, 
 fo as to become infinitely greater, more extenfive, 
 more ufeful and beneficial. We are ourfelves, 
 no doubt, perfuaded of the fufficiency and validity 
 ot our propofals in general ; but we are more con- 
 vinced, becaufe againft thefe, fo long laid before 
 the world, no rational objedions have ever been, 
 or, we affirm, can poffibly be made and fupported. 
 By a dill fcvcrcr tcft our opinion is now, per- 
 haps, unalterably and indelibly confirmed in the 
 
 foilowinz
 
 t 30 1 
 
 following extrads from the late celebrated publi* 
 cation of Mr. Burke : for, formed and modelled 
 according to the rules and laws, prefcribed in the 
 extracls, he very liberally admits a perfed defign 
 of national regeneration may at any time be in^ 
 troduced into ufe. Thefe extrads contain and 
 expound the principles and means, agreeably to 
 which we formed and conflrufted our fyftem of 
 national perfedlion; nay, we know they are our 
 own thoughts and fentiments. 
 
 *' A good patriot and a true politician always 
 confiders how he fhall make the moil of the exifl- 
 jng materials of his country. A difpofition to pre- 
 ferve, and an ability to improve, taken together, 
 would be my ftandard of a ftatefman." 
 
 " At once to preferve and to reform, is quite 
 another thing. When the ufeful parts of an old 
 cftablilbment are kept, and what is fuperadded is 
 to be fitted to what is retained, a vigorous mind, 
 ftcady perfevering attention, various powers of 
 comparifon and combination, and the refources of 
 an underftanding fruitful in expedients are to be 
 exercifed ; they are to be exercifed in a continual 
 conflid: with the combined force of oppofite vices; 
 with the obftinacy, that rejeds all improvement, 
 and the levity that is fatigued and difgulted widi 
 every thing of which it is in poflcfTion." 
 
 We next proceed, more fully to (hew in fuc- 
 ceiTion, lome few of the merits of the different 
 
 parts
 
 C 3> 3 
 
 parts of the fyflem of public welfare, which we have 
 already propofed, as confifting of twelve pradical 
 fciences, and in particular, fhall fliew various great 
 improvements in thefe devifed by ourfelves, and 
 announced in our different writings. The firfl 
 praftical fcience is that of government. The dif- 
 play of great warmth and intemperate paflion in 
 treating of the reform of government, denotes the 
 partifan rather than the patriot ; and we truft 
 we Ihall by no means appear in the former cha- 
 ra(^er, from the improvements, which we have 
 propofed in refped of government, being in all 
 inftances really fo mild, and moderate, falutary, 
 and ufeful, and at the fame time, fo confident with 
 the conftitntion, that they can hardly be called in- 
 novations. I'he great objeds we principally la- 
 bour to accomplidi, in refpecft of government are, 
 to dived it of thofe improper views, which almoft 
 engrofs the whole attention of modern govern- 
 ments, acquiring influence by corruption, and fol- 
 lowing a reftlefs ambition, which never ceafes to 
 be deftruftive to the peace of mankind ; and as 
 we wifh, to fubftitute inftead of thofe views, the 
 great and numerous objeds of national perfedion ; 
 and to make government, by various proceffes of 
 national improvement, blended with it, the great 
 efficient means of completing our plan for the pub- 
 lic welfare, or profperity of fociety. VVc, having 
 fully attended to t\\b fubjcd in the prefent and our 
 
 other
 
 C 3^ ] 
 
 Other works at large, proceed to offer to the public 
 conficleration and preference, different forms of 
 government. 
 
 From our views of national perfeflion, we arc 
 obliged firft to propofe a perfed form of govern- 
 ment : and, in our opinion, whatever forms have 
 in paft times exifted, or do at prefent exift, there 
 is only one form, which in any nation is perfeft in 
 refped of its proper objed, to wit, the happinefs 
 and welfare of fociety. This confifts firft, of a 
 biennial Houfe of Commons, which, in an ade- 
 quate manner, reprefents the people; fecondly, 
 of a Sovereign, affifted with an adequate admini- 
 ftration and agency placed under him; and in- 
 vefted with (faving a perpetual unlimited right of 
 refuiing his affent to new laws propofed) nearly 
 "the fame powers, which are entrufted to our king 
 at prefent, but with thofe powers, (which is not the 
 cafe at prefent) direded to and employed in a 
 fincere and adive promotion of national improve- 
 ment, and of the public happinefs ; thirdly, of a 
 Houfe of Peers refembling the prefent, and form- 
 ino, a part of the government of Great Britain, but 
 not poffeffed longer than the continuance of a 
 biennial parliament, with a right or power to refufe 
 its affent to any laws, propofed by the reprefen- 
 tative body of the people ; fourthly, ofafubftitute 
 for the ancient folkmote, and of an improvcmenr 
 of it, which we call a legiflative folkmoLe, to ad 
 
 occalionally
 
 [ 33 ] 
 
 occafionally, in order to fupply the defers, na- 
 turally and unavoidably interwoven in a govern- 
 ment, compofed of the three foregoing depart- 
 ments. Of thefe departments we (hall next pro- 
 ceed to treat in order ; we propofe, however, to 
 refer the confideration of what we have to offer 
 refpedling the laft department, to its proper head, 
 the pradical fcience of public agencies ; and not 
 in any fenfe to allude to the fubjed under the pre- 
 fent. This feparation of the fubjedt will render it 
 lefs complex ; befides, we are leaft certain of the 
 adoption of the preceding form of government, 
 whofe outlines we have propofed, and which, we 
 imagine, is the moft perfed poflible to be devifed. 
 The different forms of government, which, ren- 
 dering neceffary juftice to each, we Ihall prefent to 
 the public choice, with a view to eftablifh our pro- 
 pofed fyftem of national perfedion, are four in 
 number: id. The prefent conftitution of govern- 
 ment, the Houfe of Commons, being modified into 
 a proper reprefentation of the people, and the 
 fovereign power, into an effedual agency of pubhc 
 welfare and national improvement, idly. The 
 prefent conftitution of government, as laft ex- 
 plained, with the occafional addition of what we 
 call an extraordinary legiHative Folkmote; and with 
 the junftioii of the ancient Folkmote, whofe ope- 
 rations aic explained in the farther confideration of 
 public agencies, and may be confulted. 3dly. The 
 
 D perfed
 
 [ 34 ] 
 
 perfect government, confifting of four departments, 
 the Commons, the King, the Lords, and the diffe- 
 rent Folkmotes, ah-eady propofed ; the Houfe of 
 Loi-ds, and the Sovereign being both deprived of 
 a perpetual right of refufing their affent to bills 
 offered by the Commons. 4thly. Government, 
 as conflituted only of the three firft departments 
 propofed under the foregoing form, which, as con- 
 fifting in all its relative parts, we coniider to be the 
 higheft perfection of political oeconomy ; that part 
 which regards the Folkmotes, being in the prefent 
 form wholly omitted, and the Sovereign poffeffmg 
 his prefent powers and prerogatives. 
 
 The firft of thofe forms, being the prefent conftitu- 
 tion of the government of Great Britain, meliorated 
 in refped to the Commons and the Sovereign, is 
 but an imperfdd one ; nor is it fufficiently favourable 
 to the introdudion of the fyftem of public welfare, 
 and national perfedion, which we propofe. How- 
 ever, we dare engage, or attempt at leaft, to effed 
 thefe laft objeds through its channel ; and we are 
 the more emboldened to endeavour tcraccomplifli 
 them by fuch means, as the progrefs of national 
 perfedion in China, we fuppofc, has flourifhed 
 under a defpotic government; and as the perfedion 
 of any other of the pradical fciences of public 
 welfare is more an objed in our confideration than 
 that of government, which, in fad, is only a bleffmg 
 to fociety, as an inftrument of effeding all other 
 
 means
 
 C 35 1 
 
 means of public welfare. *Of the fecond of thofe 
 forms, being the preceding with the addition of the 
 Folkmotesj we highly approve, as it certainly 
 comes fully within the line of perfedlion ; as it 
 takes hardly any power or authority, worthy their 
 regard, from the three prtfent departments of the 
 conftitution, and will be therefore more agreeable 
 to them in general; as it gives the people that con- 
 fequence and fecurity, which are requifite far their 
 welfare, and adually is no more than a mere re- 
 ftoration of their ancient rights and privileges 
 which their beloved and magnanimous Alfred once 
 gratuitoully gave them ; and as it would be a very 
 efficient and happy means of carrying into effed; 
 the propofed fyftem of public welfare and national 
 perfedion; for this could then be planned and de- 
 ligned by the prefent three departments of govern- 
 ment, who could readily call in the legillative, or the 
 ancient Folkmote, to compromife any differences 
 of opinion, or to give a fandion to the whole de- 
 lign, when rendered complete. To the third form 
 of government, which we conlidcr as perfed; in 
 the moft complete manner, we give a moft exprefs 
 preference : but as prepofleffion and the love of 
 power may be too prevalent, we do not infift upon 
 it, though it would unqueftionably be infinitely 
 the moft favourable to the interefts of the king, 
 of the people, and of the feveral parties in all fu- 
 ture times. With the fourth form propofed of go- 
 D 2 vernment.
 
 C 36 3 
 
 vernment, as confiding folely of an adequate re* 
 prefentative body of the people ; a Houfe of Lords 
 only pofTeffed of a right during the continuance of 
 a biennial parliament, to refufe their aflent to any 
 bills propofed by the Commons ; and of a So- 
 vereign poflefled of the prefent powers of the 
 crown, and ading as an adequate agency of na- 
 tional improvement: with this form of govern- 
 ment we (hould be fatisfied. 
 
 V/e fhall next enter more fully into the con- 
 fideration of the principles of the foregoing remo- 
 difications of government, as we have propofed 
 them under this laft form, although a proper com- 
 prehenfion of them is no lefs eflential to a juft ap- 
 pretiation of the other forms. The different fer- 
 vices and advantages of fuch a form of govern- 
 ment as the laft, ard too numerous to be related 
 within the compafs of a fmall publication, like the 
 prefent : however, as we mean to fpeak of each 
 part fucceflively, wc (hall firft obferve in general, 
 that by its means the people, who are infinitely too 
 much deprefled through the kingdom, owing to 
 the prefent ftate of their parliamentary reprefenta- 
 tion, as we have fully fliown elfewhere, would be 
 raifed from groveling fupinenefs to that proper 
 elevation in fociety, which is moft conducive to 
 the public welfare, to their private happinefs and 
 intcreft, and to virtue and humanity. Equal to 
 accomplilh thefe important objects, by means of 
 
 an
 
 C 37 3 
 
 an adequate parliamentary reprefentation of the 
 people, is a plan, which we have propofed, and 
 which fupplies every defideratum requifiteto par- 
 liamentary reprefentation, as extending to all houfe- 
 keepers, as well as freeholders, a right of repre- 
 fentation ; a^ affording them the biennial exercife 
 of it, and this, whether or no there is a competi- 
 tion between different candidates j as enabling 
 them to vote in diflrids near their places of abode, 
 and this in fuch a form, as will fecure fecrecy and 
 independence; as quafhing venality and corrup- 
 tion ; as eflablifhing equality of parliamentary re- 
 prefentation according to populoufnefs, but not 
 taking away or afFeding the corrupt boroughs by 
 any other means than then- choice of receiving an 
 adequate value in return, and by different proper 
 regulations propofed in regard to them, which are 
 unobjedionable to the proprietors, but will, after no 
 long period of time, effe(flually diminifh their num- 
 ber, and in the mean time render them not prejudi- 
 cial to the liberties of the kingdom ; and laftly, as 
 augmenting the number of the reprefentatives of the 
 people in parliament. As we have lately with thefe 
 views drawn up on a particular occafion our plan 
 at full length for the reform of the reprefentation 
 of the people, which was more concifely ftated in 
 our works, Mr. Capel Loft has perufed it, the 
 moderation of whofe public fpirited principles, and 
 whofc judgement and fagacity are well known to the 
 
 D 3 public. 
 
 *t-' ■■■ ■§ « :^? V*' >'
 
 [ 38 ] 
 
 public. His opinion is, that the plan is perfeft 
 and unexceptionable, and that nothing can be 
 added to, or fubtrafted from it. The plan, we are 
 certain, is not injurious to the crown ; and it would 
 provide for the people at all times proper influence, 
 confideration, and refpedt, adequate attention to 
 their interefis, independency, elevation of cha- 
 rader, and all the other happy bleflings^ of in- 
 efximable liberty, which, in general, are almoft 
 rooted, and baniflied out of the kingdom. 
 
 The general remodificaiion of government, 
 which we have propofed in refpecfl of the Houfe of 
 Peers, and the Commons, is in a peculiar manner 
 favourable to the interefis of the Crown. In the 
 firil place, as the Crown by its means has refort 
 every two years to the people, and is not reftridled 
 by the abfq^'.r; neceffity of the concurrence of the 
 Houfe of Lords with different public meafures ; 
 fuch a modification of government permits that 
 aflbciation and co-operation to take place between 
 the people and the king, which has long been 
 confidered as unqueftionably the trueft intereft of 
 the kings of this country, and no lefs that of the 
 people. The advantage which a king can make 
 of fuch a junftion with his people, v/as very lately 
 evinced, when Mr. Pitt fuperfeded the admini- 
 firation of the Duke of Portland : but it has in all 
 ages been experienced, more efpecially in former 
 times, when different kings took the part of their 
 
 people.
 
 [ 39 ] 
 
 people, in order to liberate themfelves from the 
 controul of a too powerful ariftocracy ; but did not 
 proceed far enough to eftablifli a free and perfed 
 connexion between them and their people. In the 
 fecond place, the propofed remodification of go- 
 vernment would remove the grievous and igno- 
 minious necefGty, under which the Crown labours, 
 in order to preferve a commanding influence over 
 thofe bodies, of praftiiing the numerous arts of 
 corruption and venality, which have fo long fuUied 
 the diadem, and fo long engendered in govern- 
 ment a mafs of flagitioufnefs, too enormous in 
 quality and extent to be credited, except by thofe, 
 who are perfonally acquainted with it. In the 
 third place, fuch a modification would incrcafe 
 the proper conftitutional influence of the Crown, 
 by the number of additional eftablifliments, which 
 our propofed advancement of the perfedion of 
 fociety would render neceflary ; for the right of 
 appointing to thofe, as well as all prefent ones, 
 would be preferved to the Crown on account of 
 the tranquillity of government, and the adequate 
 vigour of the executive power : nor could the 
 Royal prerogative thus extended, prove injurious 
 to the liberties of a people, which are confirmed 
 and fecured in fuch a reform of parliamentary re- 
 prcfentation, as we have above recommended. In 
 the fourth place, the propofed modification con- 
 veys great additional llrength to the Crown, in 
 D 4. inveftins:
 
 [ 4» ] 
 
 invefting it with adequate departments and agencies 
 for the cultivation and introdudion of the national 
 improvements in general. For thefe, in the benefits 
 and advantages, which they continually conferred 
 on fociety, would mofl powerfully and irrefiftibly 
 concihate the public affedions to the throne ; and 
 for the faithful difcharge of their feveral duties, the 
 means propofed on this occafion, could never be 
 incompatible with the interefts of the Crown, but 
 would for ever remove and terminate all thofe na- 
 tional murmurs and difcontents againft kings and 
 their fervants, for the exiftence of which, in the 
 almoft total difregard at prefent by the latter of the 
 interefts of fociety, there is too much reafon. 
 
 As corroborative proofs of the fafety to the in- 
 terefts of the Crown in fuch a remodification of go- 
 vernment, propofed for the welfare and happinefs 
 of fociety ; we, in favour of the inftitution of kings 
 affirm, and our different works fully prove, that 
 kings, eftabhlhed according to fuch a modification, 
 are necelTary, as proper controuls, and counter- 
 balances to the reprefentatives of the people ; as 
 being in a peculiar manner moft happily adapted 
 for cultivators, or what may be called, cognofcenti 
 of public plans of improvement, in order to ad- 
 vance the perfeclion of fociety ; as being with 
 fmgular felicity calculated for an executive power, 
 to direct, conduct, and manage public affairs to 
 the greateft advantage, in rcfpcft to the interefts
 
 C 41 3 
 
 of different communities; as mod favourable to 
 preferve the tranquillity of nations, and more par- 
 ticularly to check and reprefs the inordinate for- 
 wardnefs of ambition ; and as reftraining the not 
 unfrequent infolence of overgrown fortune, and the 
 oppreffive pride, fo very fatal to the interefts of 
 humanity, when thofe in exalted flations do for- 
 get themfelves. Kings, therefore, are great bleffings 
 to mankind, and the bell friends and benefadlors 
 of their people. They are the moft efficient parts 
 of a perfeft government, eftabliQied on folid and 
 ti*uc principles ; and if they know their own intcrefts, 
 and love their people, can never be Ibook from 
 their thrones ; let them in time guard and fecure 
 the public opinion, as we recommend : or they 
 have to dread the infurredlions of their people 
 againft the corruptions of government, for fuch 
 infurredions e'er long will be unavoidable, and 
 the longer they are delayed, be more dreadful. 
 Let them make thefe exertions e'er it be too late, 
 left all confidence in hereditary royalty be finally 
 loft through the whole world. 
 
 The fcaffolding, on which kings are raifed by the 
 ladder of prerogative, is rendered weak, and be- 
 comes top-heavy, by loading it from unneceflary 
 apprehenfions with an oppreffive weight, to give it 
 greater ftability : it ought to be content and la- 
 tisfied with pofTeffing the various advantages ot 
 royalty, which are alone really ufeful, fuch as 
 
 riches,
 
 [ 4i ] 
 riches, refye&i, the power of nomination and ap- 
 pointment to place and office, pleafure and hap- 
 pinefs. In enlightened days it will no more be 
 fupported than gratified by tyranny and oppreffion, 
 the negleft of the public welfare, corrupt admini- 
 ftrations, the embarraflments of politics, and the 
 tumults, and the ravages of war ; on the contrary, 
 it is fure finally to be deftroyed by them. 
 
 The Houfe of Peers will fcarcely be any fufferers 
 by the fmall fubftradtion, which fuch a modifica- 
 tion of government propofes to take from their 
 power, in depriving them of the right to refufe 
 their affent to bills propofed by the reprefen- 
 tatives of the people, for a longer time than the 
 cxiftence of biennial parliaments. For they v/oulcj 
 very feldom ; and as they muft always, unavoidably 
 poffefs great power, to influence the appointment 
 of members of parliament ; perhaps they would 
 never have an interefl, or even a defire, to oppofe 
 the fenfe of the nation, as expreffed through the 
 adequate reprefentatives of it : and they would 
 have (till fewer and lefs ftrong motives to fuch an 
 oppofition, when fociety was advanced in a tole- 
 rable manner to that ftate of perfedion, which we 
 propofe to introduce. On the other hand, what 
 iinfpeakable fatisfaction, what indefinable happi- 
 ncfs! would they experience from a generous and 
 noble renunciation of a right, fatal and deftruftive 
 to the virtue and independence of royalty, to the 
 
 liberties
 
 C 43 1 
 
 liberties of mankind, and to the advancement of 
 the numerous bleflings of humanity, which yet re- 
 main to be employed for completeing the happinefs 
 of fociety. The NobiHty thus, as the moft at- 
 tached fervants to the Sovereign, would, with the 
 higheft delicacy and honour of fentiment, remove 
 the numerous corruptions, which darken and cor- 
 rode the briUiancy of the Crown ; and would releafc 
 the Britiih monarch, fo as for ever after to be free, 
 virtuous, and happy, delivered from ignominious 
 fubmiffion to the fatal dilhonourable meafures, ne- 
 ceffary to conciliate the wills and pleafures of 
 fubjedts aflbciated with him in government. The 
 Nobility would thus equally gratify, and render 
 juftice and due refped to the people or the nation 
 at large ; for that the will and fentiments of a whole 
 people can be abfolutely overpowered for ever by a 
 fmall number of Peers, is a confideration Iliockinor 
 to humanity, and one of the mod ignominious 
 ftigmas of tyranny and defpotifm on the govern- 
 ment of any nation. Moreover, the Nobility in 
 this conceflion of juftice and loyalty to the people 
 and the Sovereign, would for ever fecure the con^ 
 tinuance of their order, and of the rights and pri- 
 vileges belonging to ir, by means of the advan- 
 tage and importance of thefe to the public welfare, 
 provided they, in no refped, by interfering with 
 the latter, could blight or deftroy it. What wc 
 have farther to fay concerning the Nobility, as 
 2 conftituting
 
 [ 44 ] 
 
 conflituting a part of the government, and the 
 mode, according to which they may retain their 
 prefent prerogatives, as they poflefs them at this 
 time, will come under the fourth fcience to be 
 farther confidered. 
 
 In the remodification of government, propofed 
 for perfedling the happinefs and welfare of fociety, 
 more efpecially as accompanied with the reform, we 
 recommended, of the reprefentation of the people 
 in parliament; the Houfe of Commons would find 
 very great general advantage, from the increafe of 
 public profperity, while they liberated the King and 
 people from a long feptennial fubjedion to their 
 arbitrary wills. From the vexations, clamours, 
 toils, and violences of oppofite parties ; from vice 
 and corruption, and the facrifice of philanthropy 
 and patriotifm ; from wcaknefs and inefficiency of 
 council, of defign, conduct, and execution ; from 
 the vaft expence and bribery of eleftions, and the 
 ruin of private fortunes ; from inadequate repre- 
 fentation, and any fale of the people by individual 
 members, and from the opprefTion or deftruftion 
 of their liberties; none of which circumftances 
 would take place in the propofed remodification of 
 government in fuch a manner, as to prove in- 
 jurious to the public welfare. From thefe dilhonour- 
 ablc debaiements, if fuch exift, or if they exift in 
 fome degree, the Commons would arife and pre- 
 fent the mod auguft, fplcndid, and magnificent 
 
 ipecflacle
 
 C 45 ] 
 
 fpedacle to the world, over which public virtue 
 would with rapture hang fufpended ; glory announce 
 the fame of independent patriotifm, and of the en- 
 terprifing fpirit of humanity and national welfare ; 
 and the Almighty extend his propitious hand in 
 favour of this country and mankind in general. 
 The great praftical fyftem of pubHc welfare, which 
 we propofe, would then be properly underftood, 
 would readily come forwards, and be accompliihed 
 i-n its full perfection; while able, pure, and un- 
 corrupted adminiftrations, fuch as patriotic and 
 virtuous kings will employ in fuch remodified go- 
 vernments, would take the lead, and condud;, 
 even from trcafury benches, the Commons with 
 the folemnity of deliberation and council, and with 
 animated energy, through all the paths which lead 
 to the completion of national profperity and per- 
 fedion, without the aid of corruption and ve- 
 nality. 
 
 We have in our different writings fully fliown, 
 that in a perfect government nobility is not a lefs 
 effcntial part than royalty : the nobles are indeed 
 infeparable ; for a king without a nobility, as at 
 the prefent time we indeed fee in France, cannot 
 conftitute by himfelf a proper power of inlligation, 
 controul, and counterbalance, to a national or de- 
 mocratic affembly. In a manner very abfurd and 
 inconfillcnt, majefly would exhibit a moft difgufl- 
 fill iiKiccorum and iingracioLiiiiefs bv iis perfonal 
 
 iiucilcrciice
 
 [ 46 ] 
 
 interference, or combat with fuch a popular af- 
 fembly ; a nobility, therefore, to interpofe inftead 
 of the fovereign, on fuch occafions, is neceffary in 
 a good government : and it would alfo in itfelf, as 
 unconnected with the fovereign power, be a very 
 valuable component part of government, as it 
 would be a valuable eftablifhment in fociety, when 
 rot a department of government* For, on the one 
 hand, its fuperiority would remind the large clafs of 
 ijien of fortune, who are not ennobled, of the na- 
 ture of oppreflion, and of the indignity, which 
 their numerous inferiors would experience in a too 
 degrading fubmiffion to themfelves ; and, on the 
 other hand, while fuch a fuperiority, if even con- 
 liderably exercifed, cannot injure a pebple in the 
 full pofTeffion of the lawful rights of liberty, it will 
 check and gently break any ferocity, which too 
 high a fenfe of equality and independence may too 
 naturally infpire. 
 
 To the eftabliQiment of a third power of govern- 
 ment, France muft at lafh revert from the expe- 
 rience of the neceffity of it. Such an eftablifh- 
 ment unqueftionably cannot be their ancient no- 
 bility, becaufe, air ong other reafons, it is too nu- 
 merous; for all or none of the individuals, com- 
 pofing it, muft be included. We predict the event 
 to end in the eftablilhment of a houfe of merit, the 
 members of which will be appointed for life, v/ith 
 a rank fomewhat fimilar to nobility, by the con- 
 currence
 
 r 47 ] 
 
 currence of the king and the national alTenibly. 
 Such a creation will, however, from the difturbance 
 .of the public tranquillity it will occafion, from other 
 reafons, and from attendant circumftances, prove 
 a lefs defirable component part of a perfect go- 
 vernment, than fuch a houfe of peers as we pro- 
 pofe, the number of whofe members will be mo- 
 derate, and whofe public virtue and efficiency will 
 be continually chcrifhed and excited by the addition 
 of men of merit, as the public welfare may oc- 
 cafionally require. . 
 
 The fecond pradtical fcience of pubHc welfare is 
 that of the law, in regard to the amelioration of 
 which, what we have advanced is very extenfive 
 and complete. In various different plans of great 
 national improvement, which have been by us laid 
 before the public, we have propofed a very va- 
 luable and extenfive addition to the laws of the 
 kingdom of the mod important nature, the con- 
 flruclion of which, as a body of law, we truft, is 
 highly eftimable. As an inflance, we mention our 
 propofed fyflem of the poor laws; but, in fad:, the 
 great fabric of civilization which we advance in 
 our different works, is the whole of it a work of 
 legiflation. We have alfo propofed to improve 
 and reform the laws, now in being, and to render 
 them more practicable and ufeful, fo far as they re- 
 quire melioration : and we truit, what our preten- 
 fions engage to perform on this head, will not be 
 confidered invahd; fince our legiflative attempts^ 
 
 refpecling
 
 L 48 ] 
 
 refpeding the additional laws, which we have ad- 
 vanced, will not be found deficient in that compre- 
 henfivenefs of view, in that knowledge of the in- 
 terefts of fociety, and in that aptitude and efficiency 
 of expedients, by means of which our forefathers 
 formed the valuable code, which is the prefenc 
 pradlice of the kingdom. As we propofe, accord- 
 ing to the example of France, but in a more effec- 
 tual and lefs exceptionable manner, to improve 
 and reform," to increafe as requifite, and to dif- 
 pofe moft conveniently the praftice of the law, 
 the officers, and the courts of juftice, our pro- 
 pofals would remove various great hardlhips, enor- 
 mous expences, in no refpect either beneficial or 
 honourable to the profeffion, and we may fay, 
 many calamities, all which at prefent are attendant 
 upon applications to them, from the want of fucli 
 propofed remodifications ; and thus we would in- 
 dulge fociety with the numerous bleffings and ad- 
 vantages, always fuppofed to rchde under the pro- 
 tection of the law. 
 
 The emoluments of the profeffion are at the fame 
 time not in any fhape injured by our propofals, 
 but would be increafed, by a greater refort for its 
 aid to the courts of juftice, and their practice being 
 rendered more acceffible ; by the fupport of thefe 
 being propofed by us to be defrayed at the public 
 expence ; and by the burthens of finaiice impofed 
 upon the inftrumcnts of their proceedings being 
 
 removed.
 
 [ 49 ] 
 
 removed, according to the redrefs of the finances, 
 which we advife. 
 
 Nor merely do we propofe to render fociety the 
 different fervices and advantages, which it has long 
 been difappointed in expediing from the law ; we 
 propofe, at the fame time, infinitely to extend the 
 fervices and advantages, which may be derived 
 from the law. If our fyftem of public welfare was 
 fandioned, government would court and invite 
 great and falutary objects of legiflation into its pre- 
 fence, of whatever nature or kind ; and the capa- 
 city and ability for legiflation, once fo eminent in 
 this kingdom, would be reftored to the nation with 
 their ancient powers. Our fyftem of public welfare 
 muft necefTarily, by the cultivation of it, revive in 
 the profefTion that legiflative genius, which, al- 
 though no vcftige of it remains at prefent, and it is 
 wholly neglecled, ought to be the primary qualifi- 
 cation of the faculty, which would not fufFer the 
 firft characters of the law to be mere interpreters 
 of it, and would open to them new fields of ho- 
 nour, of ambition, and of emolument. 
 
 But more efpecially, as juftices of the peace are 
 in general not capable of underftanding and deter- 
 mining upon the law in its prefent, in fome mea- 
 furc, unavoidable ftate of refinement and complica- 
 tion, and which muft always mamtain and preferve 
 its proper profefTional confequence ; as they are 
 unacquainted with the arts of peace and civiliza- 
 
 E tion ;
 
 [. 5° ] 
 
 tton ; as they have through the kingdom in gene- 
 ral, engroffed exceffive power, and acquired too 
 great authority for the happinefs of fociety ; which 
 charges we have fully proved againft them in our 
 works ; we render the law, in general, much more 
 ferviceable to fociety, by propofing to a certain 
 extent, along with the magiflracy to include bar- 
 rillers of law ; and to conftitute thefe, under the 
 denomination of prefidents of juftice, as an efficient 
 part of the police of what now are called juftices 
 of the peace, fo far as is neceffary to redrefs the 
 above 2;ricvances. The barrifters are thus in- 
 tended to be fupported upon adequate falaries ; 
 but as they are propofed to be eftabliihed at great 
 diftances from one another, although frequently 
 and regularly to attend the diiierent parts of their 
 jurifdiclion, in order to difcharge their offices, as 
 jufbices of the peace, they would not be numerous, 
 and by no means a burthenfome expence to the 
 public. At the fdune time, being very capable, 
 from the ufjal fagacity, and vigilance, and the 
 comprchenfive abilities of the profeffion, we pro- 
 pofe to make ufe of thefe barrifters, as the faithful 
 guardians, the elfecT:ual fupporters, and the able 
 interpreters of that perfect plan of fociety, which we 
 attempt to introduce : in Ihort, we piopofe them 
 to be the heroes of the defign of national perfec- 
 tion : for we know they are pcrfcclly qiialined to 
 become adequate adepts in the great propoicd 
 
 fcicncc
 
 [ 51 ] 
 
 fcience of public welfare ; and thus to acquire no 
 lefs knowledge of the interefts of fociety, than -of 
 the fubtleties and intricacies of law. This poft of 
 honour, f(? favourable for the advancement of their 
 fortune, and the gratification of their ambition, 
 we allot to the profellion with great pleafure, which 
 the virtues of their brethren have juftly claimed 
 for themfelves in America and France ; to whom, 
 as the moft faithful friends of humanity, thefe 
 countries are in a great meafure indebted for their 
 freedom. The pubhc, prepared as we would wifh, 
 would moft kindly receive them, although defpifed, 
 fcouted, and almoft outlawed by Mr. Burke, and be 
 very happy to admit them, as the faithful adhe- 
 rents of the general welfare. 
 
 The third pradlical fcience for promoting the 
 public welfare is that of the local arrangement and 
 diftrict improvement of a country ; or of the divi- 
 fion of a country or an empire into fuch proper 
 parts, as are bell: accommodated for the manage- 
 ment of national concerns ; fuch as enable govern- 
 ment particularly and minutely to attend to the in- 
 terefts of the whole country or empire, and are 
 moft convenient or advantageous to their inhabi- 
 tants, fo far as the latter manage their own public 
 affairs. This is a ("cience of great importance in 
 the advancement of civilization ; it is nccellary in 
 the moft early periods of fociety, which accord- 
 ingly, among its firft eftabliQiments, is arranged 
 E i into
 
 L s^ ] 
 
 into various great and fmall divilions, fuch, as in 
 Great Britain, are its different counties, pariflies, 
 and townfliips. Our different propofals on this 
 fubjed:, as they are diffufed through bur works, 
 are of great confequence : for, in the firft place, 
 the prefent divifions of the kingdom are very un- 
 fuitable, being not at all well adapted for admit- 
 ting that perfection of fociety, which we propofeto 
 introduce : for inftance, counties are far too exten- 
 live, and parifhes and tovvnfliips too fmall, for the 
 knowledge, operation, and eftablifliment of thofe 
 public agencies, which conftitute really one of the 
 pra(ftical fcicnces of public welfare, and are indif- 
 penfable to fuch a rtate of perfeftion : and they 
 are alfo fimilarly inconfiftent with the fuperinten- 
 dance and attention of government to the ftate of 
 fociety, which is an object of the firft moment. 
 Wc have therefore propofed a new partition of the 
 kingdom, which will anfwcr both thcfe purpofes, 
 into diftricts lo called, comprehending fuch a 
 number of parillics and townfliips, as may be moft 
 conducive to the purpofes of fuch diftricts ; or, to 
 give fomc general idea of their magnitude, into 
 diftricts ten milts lonj^ and the fame broad, but 
 variable as circumftanccs, and more efpecially their 
 populoufntfs, rcqiiirc ; thus in great towns they 
 would be very (mail, conhfting only of a certain 
 number of parifbes. We alfo propofe a general 
 reviial of the original fubdivilions of the kingdom, 
 
 and
 
 [ 53 ] 
 
 and as their defeds in refpeft of magnitude or con- 
 venience can be fupplied, or improvements added, 
 to introduce the means : thus Yorkfhire, as too 
 large a county, fliould be fubdivided, and town- 
 fliips, where very fmall, fhould be joined to others; 
 which latter circumftance may take place without 
 any objedions, as to the maintenance of their poor 
 or their roads, from the plans of improvement we 
 offer concernins; them. 
 
 We propofe the improvement of every diflrid: 
 to become an objed: of public concern, for which 
 we have provided by various means. For exam- 
 ple, we have propofed, that the (late and capacity 
 of each diftrid in refpecl to its foil, agriculture, 
 natural produdlions, prefcnt improvements of 
 whatever kind, fhould be carefully afcertained, 
 and regiilered ; alfo that, as in the manner narrated 
 under the practical fcience of the national im- 
 provements, the welfare and profperity of every 
 diftrid fliould be ftriilly attended to, and induf- 
 trioufly promoted in the above, and in all the 
 other particulars, wherein they admit improve- 
 ment. For this purpofe, will fingularly conduce 
 the propofed affociation of different townfliips into 
 diilricls ; a general diltrid affembly of deputies 
 from each of the townihips or pariflies, meeting 
 not unfrequently and at regular times; their re- 
 port and tranfmiffion of the (late of the dillrid to 
 Parliament ; and the eftablifhment of various de- 
 E 3 vices,
 
 [ 54 ] 
 
 vices, which we have propofed, for bringing for- 
 wards the improvements of the different diftrifts ; 
 more efpecially among thefe would operate with the 
 beft effects the animation or defire, with wluch the 
 inhabitants of the different diftricts would laudably 
 be infpired, of acquiring honour and diftinclion by 
 the fuperiority of the diftricl'^ in which they refide, 
 in regard to its improvements over the others. 
 While the inhabitants of the diti'erent dillricts are 
 thus through the kingdom united to promote the 
 public profperity, and are employed coUedively in 
 completing the perfection of the whole nation, v,-e 
 mean that government Hiould be no lefs patriotic, 
 and attend minutely to each diflrict, fuperintend, 
 guard, and fecond the different exertions, corref- 
 pond with the general affemblies of fuch difirids, 
 and lend them all the affiftance in its power. What 
 a great advancement of the national profperity fuch 
 a train of proceedings would occafion in a fhort 
 period, is almofl incredible ! How highly difpofed 
 to and delighted in the improvement of any part of 
 the country, the inhabitants of it are, we know well 
 from experience ; and we are confident, that they 
 would enfure the fuccefs of the grand fcale of 
 improvement, which we now propofe. Govern- 
 ment at prefcnt, for fuch is the ftrange inefliciency 
 of all modern inftitutions, pays no attention to the 
 local advancement of t'^e national improvements, 
 wholly leaving this to the people, who are con- 
 cerned 
 2
 
 r 55 ] 
 
 cerned in them. From this very blamable neg- 
 lect we are convinced, that the advancement of 
 the general profperity is greatly impeded ; that 
 various hardfliips and calamities exift, which might 
 eafily be remedied by iuch attention, enabHng the 
 perfons who experience them, to vindicate the 
 opprefled rights of humanity. For example, a 
 certain town in the county of Durham, a moft re- 
 fpedable part of the community, from the decline 
 of its trade, the negled of its police, and a moft 
 fcandalous general degradation, is become a pro- 
 per object of parliamentary interference for its re- 
 lief; which could readily be afforded from the 
 enclofure of a moft valuable common of eio;ht 
 thoufand acres of ground, each of which would let 
 at twelve ftiillings, and from its different natural 
 advantao;es, which are g-reat and numerous. Un- 
 lefs by an aftual interference of Parliament, which 
 would in the prefent inftance be a great and noble 
 act, worthy of public generofity and magnanimity, 
 the faid common will never be enclofed ; the trade 
 and police of the place never be re-inftated ; nor 
 the town relieved, and exalted to its former fplen- 
 dour and dignity. 
 
 Nor do we mean to confine to the nation alone, 
 but to extend to the whole empire the various fer- 
 vices, which will naturally proceed from the adop- 
 tion of the prefent pradical fcience of pubhc wel- 
 fare ; and to render our propofed fyftcm generally 
 F 4 pro-
 
 C 56 3 
 
 produ(5live of profperity through the extent of the 
 dependencies of the nation ; for certainly they are 
 equally entitled to the different advantages, which 
 may refult from the promotion of their public wel- 
 fare. The more diftant they are, it is more poli- 
 tic to favour their profperity. As we have elfe- 
 where fully (hewn, the cement which connefts any 
 nation and its diftant territories, and preferves their 
 firm and durable union, is the ardent promotion 
 by all parties of the common welfare, unaccom- 
 panied with fufpicion or jealoufy ; and the union 
 fhould be ftrengthened by allowing thofe depen- 
 dencies, as may be effected by a very convenient 
 plan, which we have propofed, a certain reprefen- 
 tation in the parliaments of the mother-country ; 
 for let not monarchs be meanly fearful of fuch fa- 
 vours producing independent governments in the 
 diftant parts of the empire ; the fccret which ftiould 
 quiet their fears is this, that governments of their 
 own are from various reafons by no means dcfirable 
 inftitutions to nations in general, provided the na- 
 tural advantages refulting from them, and the ad- 
 vancement of their public welfare, can othcrwife 
 be duly obtained. From Great Britain, bleffed 
 with a government promoting the public welfire 
 in the manner we propofe, w'liat part of its diftant 
 dominions would ever wiPa to be difunited, or 
 be defirous to create an independent ftate in itfeif ? 
 for there could be no advantage in the mcafure ; 
 
 bur
 
 [ 57 ] 
 
 but great rifque, lefs fecurity, and the certainty of" 
 a vaft expence. Nor could there be.any induce* 
 ments to it, which we can forefee ; but many pre- 
 fent advantages would be forfeited, and among 
 them thofe, which our propofed plan of national 
 perfection would afford. The reform of the finances, 
 which we recommend, would prevent the neceffity 
 of laying any burthens, through the medium of 
 our exports, upon the different parrs of the empire ; 
 and permit fuch an union of thefe with Great Bri- 
 tain to take place, as would fuperfede all difference 
 of interefts between them. Thus even Ireland and 
 Great Britain, though not in reality united, would, 
 in fad, enjoy all the advantages of being one 
 kingdom. 
 
 The fourth pradical fcience for promoting the 
 public welfare is, that of proper and effeclual public 
 agencies, eftablilhed through fociety, for managing 
 to the greateft advantage, the general concerns of the 
 the community. What we have advanced in our dif- 
 ferent works upon the prefent fubjefl of public 
 agencies, is of the higheft importance : for at pre- 
 fent the management of pariili bufmefs, and of the 
 finances of the kingdom, admit of a moll extenfive, 
 and at the fame time, of a mod beneficial improve- 
 ment, which confifls in the reform either of the in- 
 adequate agencies in prefent ufe, or of the improper 
 objedls, in effecting which, fuch agencies are employ- 
 ed ; either the agencies or the objcds being unfuit- 
 
 able
 
 [ S8 3 
 
 able to the purpofes, for which they are intended. 
 The parifh officers, more efpecially as they confiftof 
 perfons of ail denominations; as they are annually 
 changed and removed ; as they are uninftrufled 
 and are appointed at random; as they too fre- 
 quently are but the mere tools of juftices of the 
 peace ; are too inferior to deferve the name of 
 agency. Hence parifli bufmefs is in general very 
 ill conducted, and more efpecially the maintenance 
 of the poor and the roads of the kingdom ; which 
 are become a mod burdenfome expence to the 
 whole nation. 
 
 Officers of the excife and cuftoms, as the fole 
 agency employed in the managem.ent of the 
 finances, are not lefs inadequate in refpectofthe 
 public welfare, than the former are in regard of 
 parilh bufmefs. Though they are not fo imme- 
 diately in themfclves, but as they are emplo3'ed to 
 collect duties impofed on an infinite number of 
 different articles, by much the greater part of 
 which are in almoft every fenfe, as we have fully 
 ihown in our writings, the moft improper objects 
 of revenue ; for the duties impofed upon them 
 cannot be collected but with very great detriment, 
 verv 2;reat difadvantas-e, and very o;rcat lofs to the 
 public, to the confumcr, and to the commercial 
 world. Nay, to render the agency employed in 
 refpecfc to the finances, ridiculous in the extreme, 
 a great number of the various national taxes are 
 
 collected
 
 [ 59 ] 
 
 coUedled by the different parifli officers. The 
 fcience of finance, in the manner we mean it (hould 
 be conducted, is a very different one in its pra6lice 
 from a bare impofition and coUedion of different 
 duties upon and from an infinite number of various 
 articles of revenue : and is propofed by us to be 
 fupported by means of an agency, which we call 
 the diftricl agency, the moft effedual of any that has 
 yet been devifed in political ceconomy, whether it 
 regards finance, or the general purpofes of civiliza- 
 tion. Such improvement is flill more important 
 at a time, when recourfe is obliged to be had from 
 neceffity, to the unwarrantable expedient of letting 
 out the taxes to the belt bidders for them. 
 
 The executive department of the ftate, as fuch, 
 we wifli to extend, improve, ftrengthen, and in- 
 vigorate as much as poilible; for we are perfuaded 
 it is univerfally the mod advantageous inftrument 
 for the condud: of public bulinefs, when it is ren- 
 dered adequate and fuitable to this purpofe. We 
 truft we have produced the means, more efpecially 
 through our various propofed agencies, which will 
 enable it in an efiectual and extenfive manner to 
 difcharge the moft important aclive ofhces, which 
 will ever be required from it. At prefent as 
 an agency, the executive government is moil: lame 
 and defective ; not able to advance much better in 
 its motions than a perfon who goes upon itilts, nor 
 capable of managing bufiacfs, and particularly 
 
 nicer
 
 [ 6o ] 
 
 nicer concerns, and the general pnrpofes of civi- 
 lization, much better than a perfon, who, having 
 arms, yet wants hands and fingers. The national 
 alTembly of France has certainly committed a very 
 great error, in devolving a large part of the pro- 
 per biifinefs of the executive power upon the 
 leffer aflemblies'; and we wifh very much, that 
 they may fee their error in time. 
 
 For the better conduct of parifli bufinefs, we 
 have propofed what we call a popular agency, con- 
 itfling of perfofts regularly chofen by the inhabi- 
 tants of the feveral pariQies and townlliips refpec- 
 tively ; affifted by proper perfons under them, re- 
 moveable at pleafure ; acting according to various 
 fuitable and reqiiifite regulations, which we have 
 fupplied ; and neverthelefs fubjeft to the dirCv5lion 
 and controul of the inhabitants, holding fuch , 
 powers, as they now exercife in the different vellry 
 or parilli meetings. We farther propofe all the 
 feveral agents, at regular times to meet together in 
 the moft convenient central place, as they belong 
 to the different fubdivifions of any diftiicc, in the 
 manner diftricls are propofed to be eLuiblilhed 
 under the third practical fcience of local arrange- 
 ment and diftricl improvement ; and thus to con- 
 llitute what wc would denominate the general af- 
 fcmbly of the diilricl. 
 
 The purpofes and ufes, which might be made of 
 fuch diftri^l affemblies, with the proper regulations 
 
 requifitc
 
 C 6' ] 
 
 rcqulfite to them, we fhall in fome meafare reduce 
 to a few heads. Thofe of the former are, ill:. To 
 promote and advance the propofed diftrift im- 
 provement, which is comprehended under the third 
 fcience of pubhc welfare. 2dly, To excite a general 
 Ipirit of patriotifm, and of attention and attachment 
 to the interefts of humanity, and to render thofe 
 more prevalent than they are at the prefent time. 
 3dly, To vindicate and relieve from oppreffion 
 and injury, any of the refpedive townfhips or 
 parifhes of the different diilrifts, fo far • as the 
 powers of the faid aiiemblies are permitted to ex- 
 tend. 4thly, To promote the general acquifition 
 of executive genius and ability for the accomplifli- 
 ment of improvements of every kind, which is 
 unqueftionably a practical art, to be learned by 
 proper cultivation, and frequent acquaintance with 
 the fubjeft. fthly, To give the refpectable per- 
 fons of the community, who would naturally be 
 chofen by the people, as members of fuch aiiemblies, 
 proper confideration and influence. 6thly, To be 
 in fome meafure, a body of information and ad- 
 monition to the inhabitants of the diftricls in gene- 
 ral, who would not fail of paying a proper refped 
 to the opinions, or to the exemplary conduft of their 
 diftricl atfemblles. 7thly, To ad as the counter- 
 balancing power, propofed in the fubfcquent dil- 
 trict agency, as a check upon the agents imme- 
 diately employed under the executive government. 
 
 8dilv, If
 
 [ 62 ] 
 
 Sthly, If thought advifeable, to fupply the place 
 of the ancient Saxon Folkmote, which, as the 
 word in a ruftic manner imports, was a regular 
 meeting of the people, as an eftabliilied part of the. 
 State, to notice and confider, whether the govern- 
 ment, to whom the people delegated the fupreme 
 power for the purpofes of an adequate adminiftration 
 of public affairs, acted faithfully to their trull, 
 duly attended to the intcrefts of the nation, and 
 committed no mal-praclices in regard to them. 
 For one or more deputies, who would be highly 
 honoured in the commiffion, might readily be de- 
 legated fiom every diftrid allembly of the king- 
 dom, in order to conflitute fuch a meeting, which, 
 for a reafon foon to be mentioned, we propofe to 
 call the ancient Folkmote. The advantages of 
 fuch a Folkmote, we are convinced, are very impor- 
 tant ; and the nature, fervice, and indeed neceffiiy 
 of it in a perfect, good government, arc certainly 
 veil evinced, and univerially allowed to be fo, in 
 the political writings, that we have feen of tlie Rev. 
 David V/ilHams. Unqucftionably the people un- 
 der every form of government, Ihould be allowed to 
 poffeTs this fafcgur.rci ; for all governments whatever 
 are infinitely too ready to conditute bodies in them- 
 fclves, Icparate and detached from the people; and 
 to facriiice a great proportion of the public inte- 
 leus to their own views and gratifications. By the 
 revival of the ancient Folkmote in the prefent 
 
 form
 
 [ H 3 
 
 form propofed, the general will of the people 
 would, in its meetings, be very happily expreffed : 
 and there is an additional motive in fupport of 
 fach an eftablifliment, which did not exift in the 
 times of our forefathers ; the great patronage of 
 the Crown, which is certainly too powerful in the 
 conftitution, but would be rendered perfedly fafe 
 to the State, by the reftoration of this ancient part 
 of the Britilh government.. 9thly, To eflabiilh 
 what we propofe to call an extraordinary legiHativc 
 Folkmote, which, conftituted as the preceding, 
 might be convoked in aid, by any one of the three 
 prefent departments of government feparately, or 
 by them all jointly. For various public emer- 
 gencies may occur, where the whole three pre- 
 fent departments would wifli to advife and concur 
 with the people in general ; but we farther think a 
 a legiflative Folkmote affords a happy expedient 
 for making the prefent form of government, a very 
 good and perfeft one; fuppofmg the conftituent 
 parts of it maintained and fupported all their fe- 
 veral prefent rights and prerogatives, the Houfe 
 of Commons only being remodified into an ade- 
 quate rcprefentation of the people. For as any one 
 of them might call the Folkmote into confultation, 
 fliould both thefe agree in opinion, that concui- 
 rence ought to poffefs, and we fliall confider it 
 would poflefs, the force of law, on account of the 
 rcfpect due to the people, or the nation at large. 
 
 I'lius
 
 C 64 } 
 
 Thus the King, the Houfe of Lords, the Com- 
 mons, each occafionally, as the emergencies feve- 
 rally incident to them required, would find an 
 effedlual fupport, and, as the pubhc welfare ren- 
 dered advifeable, adequate means of maintaining 
 this, notwithflanding any improper views or con- 
 of the other departments of government. 
 
 The Crown, in the eftabhfhment of fuch a Folk- 
 mote, muft neceffarily acquire a great increafe of 
 ftrength : at prefent it ventures to negative no mea- 
 fures ; but with the co-operation of fuch a body, 
 whofe affiflance it would always experience from a 
 faithful difcharge of its duty, it might oppofe any 
 meafures it pleafed of the other departments, and 
 thus would become perfe6lly free and independent; 
 and would acquire an additional means of ingratia-- 
 lion with the people, in the compliment it would 
 pay the latter, by advifing with the Folkmote. 
 
 The legiflative Folkmote would no lefs be ap- 
 plicable in aid to the Floufe of Lords, than to the 
 King, if they were actually deprived of a per- 
 petual, and only polTeffed of a biennial right of 
 refufing their alTent to bills propofed by the Houfe 
 of Commons ; for it would be very proper to pro- 
 vide, that in this cafe alfo, either of them fhould 
 have a right of appeal to the legiflative Folkmote ; 
 and that Its dictates fliould be obeyed, if the latter 
 co-operated therewith. 
 
 Flowcver.
 
 [ 6i ] 
 
 However, the employment of fiich Folkmotes 
 would, in general, be very feldom neceffary. For 
 unquellionably the three other departments of go- 
 vernment would incline to fettle and compromife 
 their differences, and not have recourfe to the de- 
 termination of a Folkmote, when it could be 
 avoided. 
 
 As to the regulations, which may be requifite in 
 refped of fuch diftricT: affemblies, we (hall, in 
 general proportions, briefly hint, that the Nobility 
 or their fons fhould not be admitted as members ; 
 that the ancient Folkmote fliould only be aflembled, 
 when a proper number of diftrids agree to fummon 
 one ; that the diftricl affemblies fliould be biennial, 
 half the members going out every year, and not 
 being eledled to fit again for two years from the 
 time of leaving the affembly, as may readily be 
 adjufted and contrived ; that the powers and au- 
 thorities entrufted to the diftrid affemblies fliould 
 be very moderate, and fliridly circumfcribed, ex- 
 cepting as to what has already been propofed in 
 refped of the Folkmotes, and by no means be 
 either executive or judicial ; that fuch dillrid af- 
 femblies fhould be obliged on a fummons, received 
 from any one of the departments of the fupreme 
 government, to delegate from themfelves one or 
 more deputies, in order to conilitute a legiflativc 
 Folkmote for the purpofes already explained ; that 
 the prefidcnts of juftice, fo called, propofed under 
 
 F the
 
 [ 66 ] 
 
 the practical fcience of jurifprudence, as their 
 jurifdidlions appertain to the diftri(fls, may be con- 
 fulted by the aflembhes, for the purpofe of infor- 
 mation and advice; that the Folkmote fhould 
 be held in the moft convenient central part of the 
 kingdom for its afTembly* 
 
 The fecond agency is what we call diflridt 
 agency ; and it is chiefly propofed to condudt and 
 manage within the different diftrifts the public con- 
 cerns, fo far as thefe refpect the nation at large, 
 and are, or ought to be invefted in the hands of 
 government, and not of parifhes and townfliips. 
 As an agency, it is propofed to be condudted ac- 
 cording to the flridteft principles of entry and 
 furvey, and of inftigation and controul, and ac- 
 cording to the moft rigid obfervance of every order 
 and rule of requifite difcipline ; and to be eftablifh- 
 ed upon numerous and well weighed and adequate 
 regulations, which we have devifed for the moft 
 complete accomplifliment of the feveral purpofes 
 of the agency, according to the different objeds of 
 its employment, which may be made very nume- 
 rous. It is propofed to confift, ift. Of a board 
 or boards, immediately placed under the execu- 
 tive government of the kingdom, and being the 
 fupreme power of fuch diftrid agency. 2dly, Of 
 an adequate -number and feries of effedive and 
 well-inftru6led officers in proper fubordination, ap- 
 pointed for each diftrid, according to the occafion 
 
 and
 
 t 67 D 
 
 and purpofe of their agency; the effedoal and 
 faithful difchargc of whofe duty we have provid- 
 ed for by a variety of happy appofite expedients, 
 which we have propofed, employed in the mode 
 of inftigation and controul upon their condu<5t. 
 3dly, Of fuperioi* officers, each of whom is pro- 
 pofed to fuperintend and furvey a number of dif- 
 trids, or the general agency of a particular diftridt, 
 as his time will permit him to attend to the fame in 
 an adequate manner. 4thly, As a counterbalance 
 to the foregoing parts of the propofed agency, of 
 proper perfons refiding in the diftrid, chofen by the 
 inhabitants of the fame, in order to obferve and 
 be vigilant, that the agencies do not injure, in- 
 vade, or moleft in any refpe6t the interefts of the 
 inhabitants of the diftricls, otherwife than they are 
 warranted by the law ; and farther, to be, accord- 
 ing as is devifed in our works, an additional means 
 of controuling and inftigating fuch agencies in the 
 proper difcharge of the refpedlive duties of their 
 offices. However, for a farther account of an 
 agency, fo important, and fo effedual for the dif- 
 ferent purpofes of its inftitution, we refer the reader 
 to various parts of our works. 
 
 We have likewife propofed a police, fuitable to 
 the larger cities of the kingdom ; which is limilar 
 to the diftri(5l agency, differing only as we have 
 lodged the fupreme power, management, and ap- 
 pointment of fuch police, in the jurifdiition of 
 F 2 thofe
 
 C 68 ] 
 
 thofe cities. However, we have forgotten to in- 
 fert a perfect plan of fuch a police : for that, which 
 we have propofed, is erroneous, as fome of the 
 more fevere regulations of it ought to be fub- 
 fhradedj and milder regulations we have by us, 
 fubflituted in their room ; or^ as the former often 
 are really fuperfluous, the chief merit of a good 
 pohce being comprifed in the adive and effeftive 
 virtues of its different agencies ; thus, however 
 improved, the police propofed would form a per- 
 fedt defign for the purpofes to be anfwered by it. 
 
 Other agencies, befides thefe, are propofed in 
 our works, and more efpecially occafional polices 
 of public fervice, as government may occafionally 
 ftand in need of them ; nor for the affigned pur- 
 pofes alone, but for every various view of civiliza- 
 tion, the agencies we propofe, are calculated ; or they 
 may readily be adapted, and fuited to fuch. Nor 
 have we merely attempted to introduce different 
 public agencies, and provide the nation with ade- 
 quate executive inftruments ; but in a happy man- 
 ner, we trull we have exerted ourfelves to fupply, 
 and conne<5l with government, what we. call the 
 public genius or capacity of enterprife, fufBcicnt 
 and effcclive to devife and execute in the mod 
 complete and effectual manner, all the different 
 defigns of national perfection, and to accomplifli 
 all objeds of public welfare, of whatever nature, 
 or however arduous. Such a genius, fo much 
 
 wanted
 
 C «9 ] 
 
 wanted to direct the public affairs ! we have, as it 
 were, generated, and produced, as a new creation ; 
 and while we formed it adequate to devife and 
 execute all the different defigns of national perfec- 
 tion, we have enabled it alfo to procure all the in- 
 formation necefliuy for thefe purpofes. 
 
 In the defigns of national perfedion, reafoning 
 makes no part : the mod extenfive general views, 
 fully comprehenfive of their feveral fubjeds, arc 
 taken with perfedt accuracy : the minute meafures 
 are as much attended to, as thofe of the largeft 
 magnitude, and both are provided with the greatefl 
 care : judgement and imagination vie which fliall 
 be mod ferviceable, yet always are infeparable : 
 and thofe happy, thrice happy ! flrokes of execu- 
 tive genius are predominant, which furmount the 
 greateft obftacles and impediments, although they 
 appear to the common eye impoffible to be fur- 
 mounted ; which, with facility, and at the fame 
 time by the fimpleft means, accomplifh the mofl 
 arduous and complicated undertakings. In order 
 to form defigns fo great and perfsd, we have blend- 
 ed with the public genius of enterprife, the efficient 
 fpirit of executive ability; and endowed fuch genius 
 with the certainty and infallibility, or with the fuc- 
 cefsful perfeverance of irrefiftible heroifm. ThuS 
 matured and perfedted, the power of :lich genius is 
 with as fingular felicity direfted, through the me- 
 dium of government, to the accompliihmcnt of all 
 
 F 3 the
 
 C 7° ] 
 
 the different fervices of the nation, and of the 
 various, infinite, grand, and univerfal views of 
 national perfe(5lion. Nor does it aft and operate in 
 refpedt; of thefe with violence, but with foftened 
 impulfe, with tempered ftrength, with gentlenefs 
 and mildnefs, as the watry {lores of rich fertility, 
 during the amenity of April, defcend from heaven 
 in fufpended lapfes, imperceptibly fleal into the 
 earth, and, without violence, fully fatisfy her 
 droughty bofom. 
 
 Under the prefent fubjeft of public agency, we 
 may, with great propriety before we conclude, 
 advert to two very leading circumftances in the re- 
 generation of France. They are, ift, That pub- 
 lic bufmefs, which we propofe, fhould be placed 
 in the hands of the executive government, and 
 tranfacfled through the means of the different, but 
 more efpecially the diftrid: agencies, is in France 
 folely placed in the hands of the affembhes of the 
 different departments and diftrifts, into which the 
 kingdom is divided and fubdivided ; and thefe po- 
 pular alTemblies wholly renewed every four years. 
 Such affembiies can hardly be confidered as agencies, 
 and are farther in various other refpedts, as we have 
 pointed out in our work on the royal regeneration 
 of Grsat Britain, not at all eligible. The adoption 
 of them for tbe purpofe could only have proceeded 
 from a miftaken notion of fpeculative oecono- 
 mical writers, that an executive government, by 
 
 means
 
 [ 7> ] 
 
 means of agencies fubordinate to it, cannot tranra(ft 
 public bufinefs fo well, as parifh meetings have it in 
 their power : for of this fpecies certainly are the 
 French aflemblies of the departments and diftrifts. 
 The contrary of this millaken notion, however, is 
 well evinced in the fuperiour efficacy of our 
 cxcife and cuftom-houfe departments in managing 
 the finances, to that of any kind of pai-iOi or diftridt 
 meetings, chofen occafionally from the people. 
 Nor does the national aflembly feem to have had 
 the idea, that public agencies could be conftrudted 
 in fo effedual a manner, as we have propofed to 
 form them, for managing and conducing public 
 bufinefs, and for the various views and purpofes 
 of civilization. 
 
 Our fecond animadverfion is, that in France the 
 people immediately, or their large delegated af- 
 femblies, have the fole appointment of the clergy, 
 and of the adminiftrative officers of juftice. We 
 treat with greater refped this than the foregoing 
 part of the conftitution of France. However, we 
 could have wiihed they had placed thefe appoint- 
 ments in the executive, or any other pov/er, fubjedt 
 to that greater orlefs inftigation or controul, which 
 would have anfwered the purpofes propofed in com- 
 mitting them to the people. For the executive power 
 may be fo inftigated, and checked, fuperintended, 
 and regulated, as confidently with national perfcftion, 
 to be the great and principal inftrument of this ; and 
 F 4 W(;
 
 C 7^ 3 
 
 we dare engage ourfelves to produce the requifite 
 means. Courts, as it were, of police, chofen, if 
 requifite, from the members of the church and 
 the law, and at the fame time refpedively fupport- 
 ing the different interefts of thefe, might be 
 formed in France, to decide on the aptitude or in- 
 aptitude, and on the probabiUty of the perfons to be 
 appointed, contenting the people. The executive 
 power might previoufly inform the inhabitants, or 
 the different diftricts, or the elecloral alfemblies, 
 of the perfons, whom it intended to nominate, and 
 defire them to flate their objedlions, if they had 
 any, to the latter. Thefe would naturally be at- 
 tended to ; but if the executive power perfevered in 
 their appointment, this might be annulled by peti- 
 tion to the national alTembly, provided this thought 
 the petition well founded. In like manner any of 
 the clergy or ofHcers of jufiiice might be removed 
 on account of improper condud. Or if thefe re- 
 gulations were not thought fufhcient in favour of 
 the people, the concurrence of the national affem- 
 bly, or of the diftrict, or eledtoral affemblies, 
 more particularly concerned, or of the courts of 
 police abovementioned, might be had to the ori- 
 ginal appointment. 
 
 It is neceffary in fome meafiire to fubjoin, that 
 we have not fpoken of that, which we may deno- 
 minate the county agency of the kingdom, with 
 the different officers fubordinatc to it : but this 
 
 would
 
 L 73 ] 
 would have been fuperfluous, more efpeclally as 
 unneceflarily adding to the prolixity of the fubjeft, 
 fince any farther regulations or improvements, 
 wanting in refpedt of county agency, may readily 
 be propofed and carried into cffeOi, 
 
 The fifth pradical fcience of public welfare is that 
 of finance. Under the foregoing head, we fhowed in 
 a fufHcient manner, the prefent wretched ftate and 
 practice of finance in this country ; and for farther 
 proof of this, we muft, from the complication and 
 comprehenfivenefs of the fubjed, refer to the par- 
 ticular treatife on the fubject, where it will be evi- 
 dent, how impofifible it is, witliin a fmall work, to 
 defcribe the numerous errors, abfurdities, and cor- 
 ruptions, which are obfervable in the finances. 
 The fyftem of finance in prefent ufe, which con- 
 fifts merely in the impofition of duties upon infinite 
 different articles, and in the colle6lion of thefe by 
 as numerous ofiicers, commenced in general with 
 the ignorance of the times, under the fucceffion of 
 the tyrants after William the Conqueror ; and from 
 the inefhciency and defecflivenefs of the executive 
 government of later periods, and from various 
 caufes of corruption and defire of influence, has 
 been continued ; and at laft extended to almoft 
 every thing within the kingdom, upon which a tax 
 could be laid; and in an attempt to be extended 
 into our late colonics of North America, fatally 
 diimcmbered the empire. However, there are 
 
 wiiliin
 
 r 74 ] 
 
 within the realm immenfe refources, equal to thofe 
 lately employed in France, as we have fully {hown, 
 and as will be admitted by every candid perfon fully 
 competent to judge concerning them ; which, 
 without any fubfifting exception to the appropria- 
 tion of them for the purpofe, nay, with great and 
 mod important collateral advantages, may be em- 
 ployed not merely to prevent the prefent neceflity 
 of adopting feverer modes of finance, fuch as 
 letting out the taxes, concerning which we have 
 fpoke before, or fuch as the extenfion of the ex- 
 cife laws ; not merely to prevent additional taxa- 
 tion ; but to pay off .the national debt, nay, at the 
 fame time, very effeftually to exonerate the public 
 burdens. Thofe refources in general we are enabled to 
 hring forzmrds and employ for the above purpofes, by 
 means of various devices and expedients of fufficient 
 force and number, iJQrought up and combined into 
 various complete and high-finifked defigns, contained in 
 our different writings, and by means of the difiricl 
 agency, which we have propofed for executing thofe 
 defigns. 
 
 The firfb two of fuch refources are the prefent 
 public charge and expence of the maintenance of 
 the poor, and of the roads, from which a great ac- 
 quifition of revenue may be favcd by means of our 
 different plans for managing thofe to the bed ad- 
 vantage. At the fame time, we engage to fup- 
 port the poor and the roads much better than they 
 are maintained at prefent. Univerfal confent 
 
 admits^
 
 •[ 75 ] 
 
 admits, that our plan, in refped of the poor, 
 would produce a revenue of one million a year ; 
 and it is certainly that effe<5tual, complete defign, 
 whether it is adopted for the general benefit of the 
 nation, or for the private relief of the people, who 
 fupport the poor, which fo many perfons have of 
 late attempted in amending and reforming the Poor 
 laws, to explore and bring forwards for the good of 
 the nation. A third refource is, a very confider- 
 able revenue to be drawn from paper money, this 
 being placed under the protection of parliament ; 
 and iflued for property received as value, which is 
 to be referved ready to take up the paper money 
 iflued for it ; and we need not increafe, if this be a 
 necelfary requifite, the prefent amount of paper 
 money in the kingdom, which appears to be about 
 double that of the coin in prefent circulation ; and 
 at the fame time, fuch a paper revenue is propofed 
 to be rendered, according to the devices we employ, 
 and along with the prefent quantity of fpecie in 
 the kingdom, a much fuperior medium for the cir- 
 culation of wealth, than any that has ever yet been 
 devifcd in the world, whether it may refped: the 
 purpofes of commerce, or general convenience and 
 fecurity ; for by its means any finn of money may 
 at pleafure be conveyed to any part of the nation 
 or empire. 
 
 A fourth refource is the excellent plan we have 
 devifcd for the fupprellion of fmuggling, being 
 
 fuch
 
 C 76 ] 
 
 fuch an one, as has never ^^et been thought of for 
 the purpofe. A fifth refource of great confequencc 
 is, the remodification and improvement of the dif- 
 ferent taxes. A fixth refource is, the fubftitution 
 of adequate and unexceptionable taxes, for infuf- 
 ficient or difadvantageous ones. What under this 
 head we have propofed, to wit, the confohdated 
 malt tax, or the transfer to malt alone, of all the 
 duties now impofed on the different produds of 
 malt, is, we truft, the moft happy defign of 
 finance, that has ever been announced to the world, 
 and a full proof of the refpeft and authority due 
 to us, in regard to the promifes, and the affurances 
 we give, of the eafy and ready redrefs of the 
 finances of the kingdom by means of adequate 
 exertions. A feventh refource of great confe- 
 quence is, the fuperior mode of management of the 
 revenue, which we propofe to introduce into the de- 
 partment of the finances. An eightli refource is, 
 an amnlTment of favings, which will be prejudicial 
 to no intereLls whatever, whether they arc private or 
 public. A ninth refource is, beneficial taxation, 
 or the actual impofitioa of fome new taxes, which 
 will really be very beneficial to the fubjeft, as we 
 have fhown in different parts of our works. A tenth 
 refource is what we ilile a contributary tax of the dif- 
 ferent parts of the empire, on account of the exemp- 
 tion, which we have in our j)ropofed redrefs of the 
 tinances, offered in favour of the fubjcft, from dif- 
 ferent
 
 t 77 ] 
 
 ferent duties and taxes, which he pays at prefent, 
 and on account of the various fervices and advan- 
 tages of that fyftem of public welfare, which we 
 propofe to accompliih, and extend to the remoteft 
 parts of the empire. The annual contributary 
 tax of the empire is propofed to be the payment of 
 fome the moft fmall pittance imaginable by all in- 
 dividuals in general, refiding within the empire, 
 with, however, thofe exceptions which are proper; 
 the payment, however, being fo very trifling, that 
 no perfon who makes it, can be fenfibie of its lofs. 
 But, from the number of contributors, it will be 
 produdtive of a very confiderable revenue. It is 
 farther propofed to be eilabliQied upon a regular 
 plan ; to be aflbciated with certain falutary views, 
 explained in their proper place, anfwering thofe of 
 the ninth refource of beneficial taxation ; and thus 
 to return infinitely greater emoluments than will 
 compenfate the fmall mite of its contributions. 
 It was not worth while, in refpeil of its importance 
 to our propofed redrefs of the finances, to explain 
 fo much at large, as we have done, the prefent re- 
 fource of fxnance : it is however proper to add, 
 that the general management of the national ex- 
 pences, which we have propofed in various dif- 
 ferent refpefts to introduce through the kingdom, 
 being extended to the exterior part of the empire, 
 in refpecl of the particular public expences under 
 its own direction, would produce a confiderable 
 
 faving,
 
 L 78 ] 
 
 faving, which might at leaft be thrown in for a few 
 years, as a contributary aid for redreffing the 
 finances of the mother country. The eleventh 
 refource, which, however, we propofe with the 
 diffidence due to national prejudices on the fubje(5t, 
 is the fale of Gibraltar to the Spaniards : for, after 
 much inquiry and inveftigation of the fubjed, fmce 
 we firfl: thought of it on the prefent account, we are 
 convinced we have fully fhovvn in different parts 
 of our works, that Gibraltar is of no real fervice to 
 the empire ; on the contrary, that it is greatly in- 
 jurious to our commerce, and has, fince our poffef- 
 fion of it, only been productive of an entailment of 
 war upon the nation. The twelfth refource, which 
 wehavepropofedjiswhat we call the Indian revenue, 
 which we engage, without making it at all burden- 
 fome, to procure from the Eaft Indies, with its free 
 concurrence and affent, by means of a plan of 
 fetting its affairs right ; of introducing and extend- 
 ing to it a perfeft fyflem of public welfare ; and of 
 liberating it from thoie conftant, unremitted vio- 
 lences and calamities of either interior rapine and 
 oppreffion, or of wars, or of both, which that ill- 
 fated nation never ccafesto experience at the handN 
 of this country. 
 
 The total amount of the revenue, that would 
 arlfe from the foregoing articles, is really immenfe. 
 Not only is it fufficient to redrefs pecuniary grie- 
 vances of the kingdom : by its means we engage 
 
 to
 
 [ 79 ] 
 
 to awaken and invigorate, to accomplifti, and 
 carry the national improvements to their proper 
 heights of perfection and dignity ; to fupport 
 efFedtually, and as far as is neceflary to complete, 
 or to multiply, and difperfe through the kingdom 
 all the different eftablilhments of benevolence and 
 charity, which are at prefent, in general, either too 
 weak, or too few to do much good, or are dwind- 
 ling into infignificance; to remove all national grie- 
 vances within the kingdom ; and to reward all men 
 of practical merit, and the different officers and fer- 
 vants of government, including the foldier and the 
 failor, with a proper recompence for their fervices 
 to the Hate, and with an income adequate to their 
 feveral ftations. 
 
 I'he fixth fcience refpedling the public welfare, 
 is mental civilization, as already defineJ. Under 
 this fcience, we exhibit altogether a new objeifl to 
 the world ; and, as we truft, a fpediacle the mod 
 fplendid and glorious of all improvements, of what- 
 ever kind or tendency, the perfedion of humanity, 
 or the general means of making man, according 
 to the different ftations of fociety, perfed: in his 
 mental abilities, and good in his difpofitions. This, 
 of all public objeds whatever, is the mod inte- 
 refting ; as it furnilhes the means of rendering 
 man moft pcrfe6l and adequate to promote and 
 advance the welfare of the community, and, ai the 
 fume time, fuperfedes the neccffity of the various 
 
 mot] CI II
 
 [ 80 ] 
 
 modern devices of criminal punifliment ; and, as 
 it is ftill more ferviceable to the individual than to 
 the public, who, in the adequate advancement oi 
 his different mental faculties, feelings, and affec- 
 tions_, and in the due regulation of his conduft and 
 fentiments, experiences the promotion of his private 
 interefts, and his trueft happinefs. This delideratum 
 for advancing and completing the ineftimable inte- 
 refts of that, which we may call perfefted humanity, 
 •we have chiefly been able to deduce and ellabliflij 
 I ft. From our fuccefsful inveftigation of the diffe- 
 rent parts of the mind, as they exift in nature ; 
 which conftitutcs, as we may call it, a difcovery 
 much fuperior to that of the circulation of the 
 blood by Doftor Harvey* 
 
 2dly, From adual afcertainment, that the 
 human mind in all its fcveral component parts, 
 is beyond belief, univerfally created, compe- 
 tent in ability, and good in difpofition, and at 
 the fame time, fare and certain, only with the 
 rareft exceptions, to conform to proper inftrudiion, 
 when this is duly applied to it. Such an happy 
 effect the immortal Alfred experienced by employ- 
 ing the fame means, which we in general imitate, 
 and endeavour to carry into effect. This happy 
 effect only does not take place in general, as we 
 have fhown in our different works, owing to the 
 inadequate inftruftion afforded the mind through 
 fociety in general; from the ignorance, inability, 
 
 mif-
 
 [ 8i ] 
 
 mlfapplicatloh, or inadequacy of parents ; of com- 
 panions ; of fchool-mafters ; of books ; of colleges; 
 of criminal punifliments ; of the modes of learning 
 the means for acquiring a livelihood ; of experience, 
 acquired in life by mixing with men and manners ; 
 and of the various leflbns, which thofe and other 
 means afford to mankind. 
 
 3dly, By the afliftance of various numerous, 
 fuitable, and effedual devices, from cheap, fhort, 
 winning, engaging documents, which we propofe 
 to be conveyed to all minds in general, for the pur- 
 pofe of adequate inftrudion ; from a fufficient in- 
 formation and fupply of all neceffary ufeful know- 
 ledge ; from various new arts or means, or old. 
 ones improved, of teaching things in general; from 
 applying inftruction directly to the proper parts of 
 the mind, and with adequate power impreffing it 
 upon thefe; from the agencies propofed, fuch as 
 the diftridl affemblies, or the diftrift agencies, pay- 
 ing a general regard to the fupport of mental civi- 
 lization ; and in fome cafes, from the foregoing, or 
 appropriated agencies for the purpofe, eftabliQied 
 here and there, for the more particular cultivation 
 and advancement of the minds of young pcrfons, 
 otherwife deftitute of the proper means for effecting 
 the tafk : and from the inttitution of different pub- 
 lic forms, but unexceptionable, in fupport of 
 virtue and good condud. 
 
 G 4thly,
 
 [ Sz ] 
 
 4thly, From various defigns, which may be 
 brought forwards, of advancing, forming, and ma- 
 turir-gthe human mind in an adequate manner and 
 degree, by the real employment and actual exercife 
 of the feveral parts, which conftitute the mind, in 
 all fuch refpeds, as are advifcable or neceflary ; 
 fimilar to what are in ufe, and by us propofed for 
 providing and accomplifhing the body with all its 
 feveral ufeful and ornamental fpecies of various dif- 
 ferent kinds of corporeal performances and move- 
 ments. 
 
 All the different methods, contained under the 
 
 foregoing heads, lb far as may be advifcable or 
 
 necelfary, as the immortal Alfred has in a great 
 
 meafure done before us, v.e propofe to put in 
 
 practice, and extend moii minutely through fo- 
 
 ciety, fo as either in the means, or in the effefts of 
 
 the means, to reach every heart, and to be dire6lly, 
 
 or by example, or by both, imprelTed upon all 
 
 minds in general; and thus, with very little trouble, 
 
 and in the moil agreeable manner to make the 
 
 mind in general in its feveral abilities, and in its 
 
 feveral difpofitions, perfect, as it refpefts humanity, 
 
 according to the difference of (lations in fociety. 
 
 Nay, to nnke ufe of every pofiible afliftance on 
 
 this occafion, we likewifc propofe, that all the great 
 
 and powerful doclrines, which peculiarly pertain 
 
 to the advanceiiKiiL a:iJ formation of the mind in 
 
 its proper perfection, Ihould, no lefs than the moral 
 
 regulations
 
 t 83 3 
 
 regulations of it, be placed under the patronage of 
 religion, and be advanced by the co-operation of 
 the church ; and fo far as is proper, in fome mea- 
 fure interwoven with the public form of worfliip, 
 in order to enrich this, and render it more fervice- 
 able and eno-ao-ino;. 
 
 DO & 
 
 Thus, we promife to fupply the public and dif- 
 ferent individuals, even the mod inferior, with the 
 advantages and bleffings, which flow from a pro- 
 per cultivacion and information of the mind. Ac- 
 cording to their Nations and capacities, we promife 
 to furnifh them with adequate power and ability, 
 or with the ufe of the different intelleftual faculties 
 of man ; with juftnefs of perception and fenfation ; 
 with adequate embellilhments and accomplifli- 
 ments ; and with a proper cultivation of their tafte, 
 fo far as may be neceflary to foften their minds 
 to that humanity and fellow love, which are the 
 fureft foundation as well as the mod excellent fu- 
 perftrudure offociety. We promife to direft right 
 the violence of the human paffions, and compofe 
 their boifterous elements to the proper good of the 
 individual, and to the welfare of the public ; and 
 caufe ihem, like their kindred commotions in na- 
 ture, to prefervc and increafe the falubrity and fer- 
 tility of fociety. We will intimately and infenfibly 
 blend with all hearts, the moral virtues of the 
 mind, and the duties of the nicer feelings ; and 
 caufe the mod unfavourable and I:)ancn foils for 
 G 2 production
 
 C 84 ] 
 
 produdlon to procreate, and widi full harvef^ 
 bear, the natural and congenial virtues and duties 
 of man. Thus, even thus, we will make man 
 worthy of his creation, in himfelf adive, great, 
 confummate, and perfect for public and private 
 welfare, and not lefs fo for his individual happinefs 
 and pleafure, and equal to that fplendid and happy 
 ftate of fociety, which God intended for his ufe 
 and for his enjoyment. 
 
 The eighth pradical fcience is that of religion. 
 Our extenfive labours for the public good, we 
 trufl, are in regard of this fubjeft as highly diftin- 
 guilhed, as we wifh the clerg^f fliould be, in the 
 advancement qi civilization, and national per- 
 fedlion : and in no earthly or fordid manner, incon- 
 fiftent with the purity and facrednefs of their charac- 
 ter, do our propofals, when they are rightly under- 
 ftood, attempt to render the clergy fubfervient to 
 the fupport of public welfare. In the firft place, 
 for the advantage and emolument of the church, 
 we propofe, by means of the happy opportunity, 
 which the redrefs of the finances permits, in an 
 increafed revenue of the church, to make a proper 
 and requifite addition to the flrlaries of all thofe 
 clergymen, whofe incoriies are inadequate to the 
 refpeft and dignity of their Divine ftation ; and, 
 in general, by various improvements and fervices, 
 which we have elfewhere fpecified, to render their 
 profelTion in all refpecls agreeable and defirable, 
 
 dignified
 
 dignified and independent : nor by thefe defigns 
 do we attempt to fubftrad from the larger fala- 
 ries, appended to the different preferments of the 
 church, only wifhing with the learned biOiop of 
 Landaff, to remove all fuch fuperfluous finecures, 
 as in no refpeft contribute to the fervice and dig- 
 nity of religion : for we are ftrongly convinced of 
 the advantage arifing to the public from a munifi- 
 cent fupport of the liberal profeffions. 
 
 Secondly, We propofe a plan for commuting 
 the tithes, which we exped will be perfectly agree- 
 able to the church, as liberating it from a depen- 
 dence on a mode of provifion, which is perfectly 
 inconllftent with its dignity, oppreffive upon the 
 public, and in every refpect improper. The plan 
 confifts in a fair appretiation of the annual amount 
 of the tithes of the kingdom, and in a convenient, 
 regular, and certain mode of yearly payment of 
 the value of the fame to the clergy ; in Parliament 
 making good, if it were poffible to occur, any 
 deficiency, which from the faid appretiation may 
 arife in the income of the church ; in Parliament 
 every twelve years, at the public expence, making 
 an adequate addition to the income of the church, 
 according to any contingent rife in the price of 
 provifions ; in continuing the tithes upon the dif- 
 ferent articles, according to which they arc ufually 
 paid, and in rating thefe afrefh every three years, 
 fo far as is necelTary, to accommodate any altera- 
 G 3 tionsj^
 
 [ 86 ] 
 
 tions, which may take place with regard to them, 
 and which, we can (hew, may readily be accom- 
 modated ; in making the different townlhips and 
 pariflies for ever anfwerable for their annual pay- 
 ments, as at the origin of the propofed commu- 
 tation, fubftituted in lieu of their refpeclive portions 
 of the tithes. This plan is farther propofed to be a 
 revocable refignation on the part of the clergy, in 
 cafe the conditions agreed to are not fulfilled, which 
 cafe, however, can hardly occur, by the verdict 
 of a fpecial jury held in the city of Weftminfier : 
 and it may readily and accurately be both carried 
 into effect and conducted in its future progrefs by 
 the new agencies, which we have propofed for the 
 general fervice of the community. 
 
 Our propofals alfo greatly, advance the different 
 fer vices in general, which at the prefcnt time fo- 
 ciety receives from religion : they ftrongly recom- 
 mend fuch a general revifal and extenfion of the 
 religious eftablifhment of this country, as may re- 
 move all diffentlons from it, fupported on fenti- 
 ment and reafon ; and they reform any abufes, 
 which have arifen. But they in a much more ex- 
 tenfive manner render the clergy ferviceable to 
 the interefls of fociety, than they are in their pre- 
 fent line of public fervice, by invefting, as we 
 before propofed, under their truft and charge, 
 for fupporting the general propagation and ef- 
 ficiency of them, all the different views and 
 
 doc-
 
 [ 87 ] 
 
 doArines of mental civilization. In doing this, 
 we furely fliall not debafe the clergy ; nor call any 
 other blufh upon their fnowy veftments, than the 
 purple dignity, which their effectual co-opt';ation 
 in advancing the perfection of humanity will ne- 
 cefTarily in the iflue reflect. This propofal cannot 
 be objedionable to them, when they recoiled that 
 the late king of Pruffia rendered his clergy, in 
 fome manner fubfervient to the advancement of 
 the national improvements of his dominions. 
 While thus we mean to be zealous advocates for 
 the church, and the effectual promoters of its wel- 
 fare, we are not lefs fo for a free conceflion to the 
 different proteflant feels of that freedom of reU- 
 gious fentiment, which Qiali not exclude them from 
 the emoluments, for which they at prefcnt contend : 
 nay, along with any public aid they enjoy at pre- 
 fent, a proper provifion, in our opinion, fhould be 
 allowed by the nation for the liipport of the clergy 
 of moft of the different fects, and of their wives 
 and children, when they experience poverty, in 
 confideration of the common religion, whofe dig- 
 nity and honour they fupport. 
 
 The eighth practical fcience of public welfare is 
 that of medicine ; but concerning this we refer 
 the reader to a fubfcquent part of the work, 
 where, by means of our propofcd Franklenian im- 
 provement of medicine, he will find we have ad- 
 vanced medicine to be the cffcclual guardian of 
 
 Cr 4 health,
 
 C 88 ] 
 
 health, and the mofl: imiverfal and certain friend 
 of man oppreffed with ficknefs and difeafe. 
 
 However, in this place we fhall notice the great 
 national improvement of the art of farriery, hi- 
 therto fo much negleded, as it refpeds flock of 
 ail kinds, which, from the extenfive and pradical 
 attention we have given the fubjed, we engage to 
 accomplifh. The means, in general, which we 
 propofe to make ufe of are, ift. To point out 
 the feveral figns and marks, which in general dif- 
 tinguiih the beginnings of the different difeafes of 
 ftock, and to prefcribe the care and treatment, 
 which then timely employed, foon, in general, re- 
 ftore their health. The farmer is very capable of 
 managing this part of the art ; for his eye, daily 
 verfed in flock, is remarkably quick in obferving 
 luch figns, as evince the beginnings of their difor- 
 ders ; and his conftant and afliduous care in look- 
 ing after his cattle will almofl: always lead him to 
 attend to them. 2dly, To determine by diffedion, 
 as we have ourfelves done, to a very great extent, 
 what the difeafes of flock, as they occur, aftually 
 are ; all which we have in farriery the opportunity 
 of examining after death. 3dly, To afcertain the 
 particular refpedive fymptoms by a clear and eafy 
 defcription, which attend the different diforders of 
 ftock, fo far as the former can be obferved in mute 
 animals ; and we trufl, our ability for afcertaining 
 them in the manner required^ will not be queftioned, 
 
 from
 
 [ 89 ] 
 
 from a perufal of the fiid volume of the Franklenian 
 improvement of medicine. 4thly, To determine the 
 feveral operations, effefts, and proper employment 
 of the means and medicines at prefent employed 
 in the cure of the diforders of ftock, and to add 
 to them, as they are approved of, all improve- 
 ments, which will meliorate the pradlice of farriery, 
 more efpecially many, which we are fure we cau 
 adduce from medicine of the higheft importance. 
 
 The ninth fcicnce is that of national improve- 
 ment. Our labours, in regard to this fubjeft, 
 are very extenfive and important : however we can 
 only, in this place, give a general account of 
 them. We have ourfelves explored very many 
 important national improvements ; and among 
 thefe that of the perfection of the praftical agri- 
 culture of the kingdom. We have no doubt, the 
 magnitude of the objcd being confidered, but we 
 could readily carry the fame into effed, and fup- 
 ply the nation with provifions, to moderate their 
 prefent very exorbitant prices, and at the fame 
 time confiderably increafe the national wealth : and 
 what improvements we have propofed, we have 
 engaged to execute; which is of great confe- 
 quence. 
 
 We might have been contented with thefe at- 
 chievements, as unqueftionably very great, if we 
 had not been ftrongly dcfirous of purfuing the 
 moft cffedual meafurcs to complete the pra6Vical 
 
 fciencc
 
 [ 9° ] 
 
 fcience of national Improvement. We have, there- 
 fore, opened the whole of the fcience, and have 
 endeavoured to render it a pubhc purfuit, as the 
 moft important of all objedts whatever. We have 
 moft ftrenuoiifly endeavoured to bring to light the 
 knowledge, little or great, of every thing benefi- 
 cial to fociety ; and have accordingly, in contraft 
 to the arts of embellifliment, diftinguiflied and 
 prefented ufeful knowledge to the world, as the 
 fubjedt, which of all others moft deferves atten- 
 tion and cultivation : at the fame time, as a pe- 
 culiar art, we have devifcd the proper means of, 
 forming the moft ftiitable plans for giving fucK 
 knowledge due effeft : and laftly, we have taken 
 no lefs pains to explore the moft' eifeftual means 
 of carrying thefe plans into efFedt through the 
 kingdom or the empire at large. This important 
 and triple view we have carried to its fartheft ex- 
 tent, having afcertained and matured all the prin- 
 ciples proper to each of the fubdivifions, and for- 
 med them into one fyftem of the greateft impor- 
 tance to fociety, which is equal to the accomplifti- 
 ment of the moft arduous and extenfive of the 
 national improvements, and which we may call 
 the practical art of improvement. 
 
 We have explained all the feveral means, which 
 are eflential to the accompliftiment of this art. In 
 the afcertainment o^ thefe, we have been no lefs 
 minute and cautious, than com prehcn five and fpi- 
 
 rited :
 
 [ 91 ] 
 
 rited : and we have in the ftrongeft terms infilled 
 on the neceffity of determining well the certainty, 
 fufficiency, and validity of every national improve- 
 ment, and of its different component parts, before 
 it fhoiild on a large fcale be adopted, and attempted 
 in practice. \Ve have evinced the proper mode, 
 ^s well as the utility of an aifiduous and adequate 
 cultivation of the national improvements, in refped: 
 of general practicability, and even defcended to 
 explain the feveral procelTes of the mind, with 
 their refpective views and regulations, requifite in 
 the inveftigation of them. And for fuch an impor- 
 tant cultivation, infinitely too expenfive to the in- 
 dividuals, who will ever chufe to undertake it, we 
 have fhown hov/ ready government fhould be to 
 fupply the means, and alfo v,'here it may find thefe 
 without putting the nation to expence. Nay, we 
 have propofed, that government fhould be pro- 
 vided, and enlarged with an adequate board of 
 effeftive national improvement, and have made 
 this one of the principal departments of the ftate. 
 In refpeft to it, we have more efpecially recom- 
 mended, that due attention fnould be bellowed on 
 all the different objefts of national improvement : 
 that an adequate number of cultivators, properly 
 fuperintcnded, fhould be employed : and that the 
 different agencies fhould duly communicate to the 
 propofed national board of improvement, proper 
 information of all peculiar or not general improve- 
 ments.
 
 [ 9^ ] 
 
 ments, which are praftifed within their refpcclivc 
 diftridts: for by this means the board would colled: 
 a large (lock of important knowledge for the ge- 
 neral benefit of the kingdom, or enjoy a moil fa- 
 vourable opportunity of procuring, as it might 
 occafionally want the fame. 
 
 Having thus taken fufficient care, by various 
 and fmgular devices for the purpofe, that ufe- 
 ful knowledge (hould to its proper extent be ex- 
 plored and afcertained in a practical view, fo as to 
 be rendered fuitable for general ufe and feiTice : 
 we farther explored the proper means by which it 
 fhould be generally communicated and made 
 known through the kingdom at large, along with 
 the appofite procefles, agreeably to which every 
 great or fmall improvement might be carried 
 into effecl with the moil favourable advantages. 
 However, the work was much too imperfed: as yet 
 to be left to itfelf, and we next provided the feve- 
 ral means requifite for its general adoption, and 
 accomplifliment through the nation. Wc have, 
 therefore, by various means, aflbciated the fyftem 
 of national improvement with the bufinefs of Par- 
 liament, with that of the executive government, and 
 the propofed diltrid affemblies, with that of all fo- 
 cieties, cultivating any kind of improvement, and of 
 new focieties propofed for civilization, v/ith that of 
 the gentry of the kingdom, and all individuals in 
 general, for the purpofe of giving the national 
 
 improve-
 
 [ 93 ] 
 
 improvements univerfal cffed, and extending them 
 every where by means of the moft permanent efta- 
 bHfliments. In their favour we have advanced all 
 the means of general encouragement ; propofed 
 juft rewards for merit ; called for the afFiftance 
 and influence of government ; and provided dif- 
 ferent adequate agencies, fo far as their affiftance 
 might be wanting, through the kingdom, both to 
 carry them into effect, and to fuperintend their 
 fubfequent tenour. 
 
 But we have not confidered the foregoing diffe- 
 rent labours as fufHcient, in refped: to the accom- 
 plifhment of national improvement; nor by any 
 means have left the object lliort of its full com- 
 pletion, fo far as this lay in our power. We have, 
 therefore, provided fo great a capital of money, 
 that the nation, too probably, will not have the 
 magnanimity to employ it, for rhe purpofe of extend- 
 ing, in an adequate manner, its different improve- 
 ments : we have fliown, how along with fuch a ca-» 
 pital an adequate number of workmen may be 
 procured for the fame purpofe ; how their labours, 
 and all labour, even that of cattle, may become 
 produdtive of the propofed good effects with the 
 greateft certainty, and in the moft advantageous 
 manner, both to private and public welfare; nay, 
 in refpcdt of agricukure, we have dcligns by us, 
 which would accomplidi and combine the national 
 2 im-
 
 i: 94 J 
 
 improvements along with the complete and gene- 
 ral embelliQiment of the kingdom. 
 
 The comprehenfive view of national improve- 
 ment, which we have now iketched, is as ably fup- 
 ported, upon the foundations laid for carrying it 
 into execution, as it is univerfal and extenfive : 
 nor is there, therefore, any room to apprehend the 
 unfuccefsful event of it, when attempted in prac- 
 tice. In faft, the deilgn is not novel; for in an- 
 cient times there are numerous examples of the 
 accomplifliments of national improvements upon 
 the moft large and extenfive fcales ; fuch as even 
 ihe irrigation of a very large part of Egypt by 
 means of the Nile, at a vaft expence and labour 
 diverted into an infinite number of diiferent con- 
 veyances for the purpole. Nor are we, becaufe 
 we are great and elevated in our extenlive views of 
 national improvement, therefore unacquainted with 
 the advantage, and with the frequent neceffity of 
 profecuting thefc with prudence, and moderation. 
 We would by no means urge them forwards with 
 either hade, or impatience, but, when requifite, 
 gradually advance them in flow fuccefiion. The 
 compreheniivc views ot them, which we have 
 chalked out, we are convinced, are prafticable ; 
 but a very moderate advancement of the national 
 improvements will more than proportionably con- 
 tribute to iheir profjicfs and coniDletion. Some 
 fniall degree of cultivation, fome but indifferent 
 I ■ means
 
 [ 95 3 
 
 means of accomplifhing them, fome little money, 
 extended for advancing them, as a great national 
 objed:, would foon produce very important con- 
 fequences, and terminate in the moft extenfive 
 general efFeds. Such, as principles of fermenta- 
 tion, work upon the numerous perfons interefted, 
 upon the virtuous and emulous, and upon the 
 people at large. The fpring fmall, where it if- 
 fued, would be powerful in widening and reple- 
 nifliing its channel. 
 
 Finally, Should general approbation fandion the 
 employment of it for the purpofe, we have, in or- 
 der to advance the national improvements in the 
 extenfive manner we recommend, provided an 
 immenfe flock of wealth, which is equal to the ca- 
 pital of the national debt ; and, therefore, as we 
 fuppofe, adequate to the accomplifliment of the na- 
 tional improvements, or at leaft to the advance- 
 ment of thefe, fo far as may be thought advifeable 
 at the prefent period. However, we have propo- 
 fed to invefl it folely, or principally, in promoting 
 the pradlical perfection of the agriculture of the 
 kingdom ; and we have fhown, by what means the 
 public money may, in way of mortgage, be ad- 
 vanced upon this important defign, with the 
 greateft benefit as well as the moll: perfed fecuricy- 
 We have propofcd, that the State fliould, under 
 the fuperintendence of proper agencies, and the 
 propofcd board, or boards of national improve- 
 ment.
 
 [ 9S ] 
 
 ment, advance In way of mortgage, as already 
 mentioned, the capital provided upon the greater 
 and fubftantial improvements of agriculture, fuch 
 as draining wet lands in an efFeftual and durable 
 manner, enriching grounds with large quantities 
 of manures, amending different foils by fuitable 
 admixtures, flooding extenfive diftiids of ground^ 
 planting timber for the melioration of climate? 
 making good live fences, and the improvement of 
 wafte grounds ; and that the borrowers fhould 
 engage, under the fuperintendence mentioned, to 
 invefl and employ the money in the above and 
 fimilar improvements, according to the mod ad-^ 
 vifable means of accompliiliing them. The ca- 
 pital propofed may be procured, inftead of paying 
 off the national debt, through means of our in- 
 tended reform of the finances ; by lending the mo- 
 nies hereby procured to thofe, who wifli to make 
 fubftantial improvements of agriculture ,' and from 
 the intereft accruing by the loans, ftanding againft 
 the difcharge of the public dividends. For no 
 found reafoning is pofTible to be advanced, why 
 the public money (liould not be accommodated to 
 the foregoing intention ; much rather than inveiled, 
 and loll for ever in bayonets, cannon^ the dedruc- 
 tion of mankind, and an endlefs fuccelTion of wars. 
 The tenth practical fcience, refpecting public 
 welfare, is that of commerce; with the improve- 
 ment of which we have not, in a dircft manner, 
 
 attempted
 
 C 97 ] 
 
 attempted to intermeddle; and in like manner mini- 
 fters of (late would wifely decline interfering with it. 
 For, unqueftionably, commerce carried forward by 
 the adivity and enterprifing fpirit of the Britifli 
 merchant, requires no minifterial affiftance ; when 
 left to its internal refources, it mod effedually 
 promotes its own advancement; then naturally it 
 Ihoots into its free and proper congenial forms. 
 However, as to what diredl aids commerce re- 
 quii'es from the hands of Government, the perfed: 
 fyftem of public welfare, which we propofe to in- 
 troduce, is furcly infinitely more capable of afford- 
 ing them, and would advance them with far greater 
 lincerity, liberality, and ability, than the imperfed:, 
 and inefficient adminiftrations of modern times. 
 The fyflem would, in various refpects, be mod 
 fmgularly and extenfively ferviceable to the com- 
 mercial interefts. It would be very advantageous, 
 as favouring the cheapnefs of the national pro- 
 ductions and fabrications. Tn the propofed ad- 
 vancement of the national improvements, it would 
 re-animate the indullry of the nation with a new 
 fupply of life and vigour; and it would caufe an 
 infinite increafe of the different articles of national 
 produce, which come to market. While the taxes 
 are multiplying on every hand, and more and 
 more every year, interfere with trade, and cramp 
 and deftroy commerce, although llowly, yet with a 
 certain fatahty; our propofals of redrefling the 
 
 H finances
 
 [ 98 ] 
 
 finances will liberate induftry from thofe pernicious 
 enemies, and timely intervene to prevent its ruin. 
 But our propofals have a much more extenlive in- 
 fluence, in favour of the interefts of commerce, as 
 they fuperfede the neceffity, in general, of levying 
 duties upon the expoits and imports of the kingdom. 
 Thus they v/ould, in a fhort period after the com- 
 mencement of their operation, greatly facilitate the 
 mutual free intercourfc of trade between the dif- 
 ferent parts of the empire, and finally might be 
 employed to blend the nations of the world in an 
 univerfal liberal and unreftrained commerce. — 
 *' Oh ! ye commercial world! weigh well bleffings 
 like thofe, and allow us due refpeft and honour for 
 the fervices, which we propofe in your favour, and 
 that of the public. Minifters of ftate, when they 
 ferve you mod directly, only afford you the ad- 
 vantages ratified by treaties, which you fully en- 
 joyed before, or they fend you upon wild exploits, 
 beyond the moft diftant fliores of North America, 
 or they involve you, along with the nation, in a con- 
 flant fucceffion of wars, which are fo very deflruc- 
 tive to your interefts, that the proportion of any 
 fervice you receive, fmks in your lofs, as a drop of 
 water difappears in the immenfity of the ocean. 
 While government allifts you, it preys upon the 
 public : while it pampers you with the offals 
 it can fpare, it makes many colliy meals at 
 your expence ; and in the end it is certain to de- 
 vour
 
 [ 99 3 
 
 Vour you, though it will only do this in the lall 
 place, after it has devoured the public." 
 
 The eleventh pradical fcience refpeding public 
 welfare is that of politics. The various different 
 parts of this important fubjeft, as they lie fcat- 
 tcred in books, and many of them no where afcer- 
 tained, we have in the work on the royal regenera- 
 tion of Great Britain, colle6ted into a general 
 fyftem ; a defign, which had never before been at- 
 tempted. The validity of this fyftem, as it points 
 out the political interefts of the nation, has been 
 ftrongly confirmed by a long feries of fubfequent 
 political events ; we therefore may, with great con- 
 fidence, recite fome of the general views, which it 
 inculcates : for if they had been properly attended 
 to, they would have prevented all thofe various 
 diiturbances, which have fince unfortunately in- 
 terfered with the peace of the nation. In the firft 
 place, we ftrenuoufly advifed on the part of Great 
 Britain, and efpecially in the Eaft Indies, and upon 
 the Continent, a ceflation from that bufy political 
 intrigue, and interference, which have diftinguifhed 
 the government of Great Britain for a very long 
 period, and unqueftionabiy have produced the 
 three laft wars, preceding the American war, in 
 which the nation has been involved. In proof of 
 this affertion, we have fliown that thofe different 
 wars originated not in the poHtical wifdom, and 
 orefight of government, but in motives direftly the 
 H 2 reverfe.
 
 C loo ] 
 
 reverfe, from the political reftlelTnefs and levity of 
 our courts, and adlually have produced the prefent 
 fituation of Continental affairs, which we are at 
 prefent attempting to change, although for the 
 worfe, even by engaging again in war ; that the 
 Houfe of Brandenburgh, in the writings of its late 
 fovereign, has, where it was in any part queftion- 
 able, confirmed the charge ; and in proof of the 
 continuance of the fame political principles, we 
 predicted all the various events of hoilile alarms, 
 and of aftual war, which have fmce marked the 
 occurrences of the prefent day. 
 
 Secondly, We remonftrated, with the mod earneft 
 exertion of our feeble abilities, ao;ainft the late mea- 
 fure of obliging the Dutch by adual compulfion, to 
 contract the prefent alliance with this country. The 
 connection thus obtained, was a very wrong mea- 
 fure, as founded on a mod ungenerous and illiberal 
 principle, which is at all times wholly inconfiftent 
 vvith good policy, and never anfwers in the end ; 
 for it could not have been founded on a worfe 
 principle than compulfion. 
 
 The event has confirmed the truth of the im- 
 policy of fuch conduct. The Dutch are dill dif- 
 fatisfied ; and arc almoft ready a fecond time to 
 rife againfh the Stadholdcr. Alliances are never 
 of long continuance-, but as they are beneficial, and 
 not injurious to the parties : as a proof that the 
 prefent alliance cannot be durable on the bafis of 
 
 reciprocal
 
 C '01 ] 
 
 reciprocal advantage, the Dutch, who have fo long 
 enjoyed continued and uninterrupted peace with 
 all the different powers of Europe, except Great 
 Britain, are now obHged to prepare and arm for 
 war, as frequently as ourfelves. This circumftance, 
 with the interruption of their trade and com- 
 merce, can by no means be fatisfaftory to the 
 people of Holland ; and as Lord Aukland has fully 
 experienced in his perplexing negociations with 
 regard to the fubjeft, it has very greatly offended 
 them. Nor can we preferve the prefent connection 
 with Flolland any otherwife than by the affiftance 
 of the King of Pruffia, and by paying fo high a 
 price for it, as the lofs of our moft ufeful friends, and 
 the imminent rifque, or the actual provocations of 
 war, againftthe moft illuftrious powers of Europe. 
 Thirdly, We advifed our court, without mo- 
 leftation on its part, to permit Ruffia and the 
 Emperor to take poflefiion of Turkey in Europe, 
 which great event taking place, we fliowed, would 
 not be prejudicial, but advantageous to the interefts 
 of Great Britain ; as the advancement of Ruffia 
 in Turkey, and the civilization this would pro- 
 mote through the extenfive dominions of the Em- 
 prefs, would be favourable to our commerce ; as 
 the important and peculiar advantage of Great 
 Britain to the naval communication of Ruffia be- 
 tween Peterfburgh and Conftantinoplf, would 
 flrengthen the natural connection otherwife fubfift- 
 
 I { '> jn^
 
 [ 102 ] 
 
 ing between the two nations ; and as the formation 
 of RufTia and Turkey into a large empire, extending 
 into the Mediterranean, would be a very valuable 
 counterbalance in our favour, againft the prefent 
 formidable power of France and Spain, as they are 
 aUied againft us. 
 
 Another very important motive we urged in fup- 
 port of this policy was, that the Houfe of Branden- 
 burgh would, by fuch an aggrandifement ofRufTia, 
 be moft effectually debarred for ever from fucceed- 
 ing in any ambitious views of aggrandiimg itfelf at 
 the expence of the numerous fmall dates and inferior 
 nations, which on all lides furround it. For we 
 fhall not enter into the confideration, v/hether 
 Ruffia, being in no fmall degree weakened and 
 exhaufted by a war of fome length, carried on at 
 a great diftance, againft the Turks, the prefent 
 may not appear to Pruffia, as a very favourable 
 opportunity for extending its dominions, adding to 
 their ftrength, where weak, and perhaps rendering 
 them fquare and compact. The appreheniion of 
 fuch hollile views againft the adjoining fmaller 
 ^flates, is too well grounded, in the prefent univerfal 
 flate of rapacious ambition, on the pofTibility of the 
 completion of them. A difpofition to them is ma- 
 nifefted in the prefent urgency of Pruffia, to add 
 Thorn and Dantzig to its dominions ; Denmark 
 feems to dread them in the intimacy of its prefent 
 alliance with the court of Pcterfburgh : and the 
 
 facility
 
 [ 103 ] 
 
 facility with which Pruffia can accomplilli ihc 
 mod extenfive views of this kind, the late rapid 
 conqueft of Holland by its troops, evinces beyond 
 a doubt. A fecurity therefore feems much wanted, 
 and very necelTary againft the danger of Pruffia's 
 becoming too ftrong for the fafety of the fmaller 
 neighbouring dates, more efpecially as its power 
 and extent of country are great from its .large and. 
 recent acquilitions of territory. It is very im- 
 politic for Great Britain, therefore, to purfue the 
 mofl effedtual meafures Ihe can devife for aggran- 
 difing the Houfe of Brandenburgk; or to flop that 
 exaltation of the Ruffian empire, which will in 
 time prevent a dangerous increafe of the power of 
 Pruffia, at the expence of its adjoining neighbours. 
 From fuch an advancement of the Ruffian empire, 
 no apprehenfions need be entertained for the fafety 
 of the Houfe of Brandenburgh. The numerous 
 fmall Hates of Germany, Denmark, and Holland, 
 and France itfelf, from a natural connexion of 
 interell with Pruffia, are too much concerned ever 
 to allow Ruffiia and the Emperor of Germany to 
 weaken or overpower the Houfe of Brandenburgh ; 
 and they are fully adequate to vvithftand the latter 
 powers, united for any hoftile purpofcs. 
 
 In the fixth place, we earneRly urged, that this 
 country fliould immediately form an intimate 
 union with Spain, which die times have lately fa- 
 voured, and would have fecMied the fucccls of the 
 11 4 meafures
 
 [ 104 ] 
 meafures we pointed out for eftablifhing the connec- 
 tion. The wifdom and advantage of the pohcy 
 we recommended, has fmce been manifefled in the 
 late danger of a rupture with the court of Madrid, 
 and in the abfurdity of interfering with the great 
 and darling interefts of Spain, in refped: to South 
 America. In the feventh place, vve recommended 
 different meafures to be purfued, that we might not 
 offend and caufe a general combination of the dif- 
 ferent maritime powers againft the interefts of Great 
 Britain. The propriety and importance of this 
 advice manifefts itfelf, when we view in v/hat man- 
 ner the maritime powers of the Baltic, France, 
 Spain, and America are difpofed towards this 
 country, and on what a llender thread depends the 
 converfion of the Dutch from allies, into the mod 
 hoftile foes, ardent to retaliate againft Great Britain 
 the late great and humiliating indignities they have 
 experienced. 
 
 On the whole we have concluded, that modern 
 politics are not a pracftical fcicncc of public wel- 
 fare, but in every view a moft fatal and dcftructive 
 mifchief and calamity to the interefts of Great 
 Britain, of Europe, and of the whole world ; that 
 the nations which adhere to them, confult neither 
 their own interefts, nor thofe of their neighbours; 
 but that they commit fuicidc upon their refpeftive 
 countries, and are the rancorous murderers of other 
 nations. Natural and Divine politics, which na- 
 tions
 
 [ '05 3 
 
 tions were by infinite Wifdom deftined to purfue, 
 are plain and fimple. They are, ift, Not to in- 
 jure or deftroy one another, but to cultivate, ac- 
 quire, and preferve the mutual efteem, friendfliip, 
 afliftance, and fervice of one another. 
 
 2dly, Not to purfue war, as the means of ob- 
 taining fuch advantages, it being in general contrary 
 and oppoiite to thole viev>'s, and certain to prevent 
 their accompliihment, nor to be reforted to with 
 fuch motives, at any time, unlefs in the mofl 
 urgent cafes ; but to obtain thofe advantages by 
 other means, among which fair reprefentation and 
 regociation, time and patience, a liberal and ge- 
 nerous policy, are moll competent, inftead of 
 having recourfe to open violence and hofti- 
 lities. 
 
 3dly, For all nations within themfelves to pro- 
 mote and advance in the mod earneft and ex- 
 teniive manner, their own improvements and means 
 of public welfare; by thefe and the foregoing me- 
 thods alone, to enable private individuals under 
 their protection to barter their labours and com- 
 modities in the mofb advantageous manner with 
 foreign nations ; thus each nation to defift, by means 
 of the interference of modern politics, from urging 
 and outftretching commerce for the purpofe of ac- 
 quiring public revenue, in order to cany on an 
 endlefs fucceffion of wars, there exiting, at leaft in 
 
 Great
 
 [ io6 3 
 
 Great Britain, no reafon or motive for fuch wars, 
 nor for any additional taxation. Thus nations fhould 
 refign commerce to itfelf and to the world at 
 large, inftead of altogether neglecting national im- 
 provement, by endlefs taxation impofmg every 
 poflible difadvantage upon their commerce, and at 
 laft wholly deftroying it. 
 
 The twelfth pradical fcience of public welfare 
 is that of war. As to any propofals refpedling 
 direct improvements in the art of war, there is 
 as little occafion and necefiity, as there is an ab- 
 folute want of power and ability on our parts, to 
 improve upon its horrors. It is too true, boundlefs 
 fyflems of defenlive fortifications, and the rapid, 
 inceflant offenfive impulfes of the military ftatef- 
 men of the prefent day, greatly outfliine any defigns 
 of improvement, which we can offer in regard to the 
 prefent fcience of public welfare; and prefent a grand 
 and fplendid fcene, highly gratifying to the views 
 of glory and ambition. Notwithftanding, though 
 of a contrary tendency, our praftical propofals on 
 this fubjecl are highly ferviceable to our country, 
 and poffcfs more than an equal Ihare of real and 
 genuine merit. We have propofed a plan for fup- 
 porting the national militia in time of peace, which 
 a mod refpedlabk general officer affures us, would 
 be of great utiHty to the fervice, and would con- 
 fiderably reduce the prefent expence of their main^ 
 tenance. The plan propofes in general to keep up 
 
 the
 
 C 107 3 
 
 the adjutants, ferjeants and corporals in conftant pay, 
 but to diftribute according to different dilbids, and 
 employ the ferjeants and corporals, fuperintended 
 by the adjutants in theie diflrifts, for the fake of 
 occafionally, when convenient, inftrudcing the com- 
 mon allotted men in their exercife, two or three 
 of them together at a time; and at proper leifure 
 feafons, to collect and exercife them together in 
 a central place of the diftriifl. This would prevent 
 the great expence, public lofs, vaft inconvenience, 
 and bad m-oral Cn..: fequences, which follow from 
 embodving them every year. The plan may, as is 
 thought proper, be readily extended, as a general 
 means of learning the military exercife to all per- 
 fons capable of bearing arms. 
 
 Before the national affembly of France had 
 adopted a fimilar device, we recommended, as the 
 moli advifeable mode of preventing the frequency 
 of our national wars, that the power of making 
 war Ihould be lodged in the Houfe of Commons, 
 the other two departments of government con- 
 curring with them in the meafure. Such a reftric- 
 tion, at leaft, is become abfolutely neceffary, on 
 account of the very numerous wars of the nation, 
 in which we always are, as we have fliewn before, 
 the aggreliors. The power of making war fliould 
 be placed in that department of government, where 
 it will moft flowly, and with the greatcft delibera- 
 tion be exercifed. In peace the fwoid (liould be 
 
 laid
 
 laid by ; for when it is always kept in the hand, 
 and ever in the fight of minifters of ftate, it will 
 frequently and unnecefTarily be drawn. The ad- 
 vantage to the nation of avoiding war is un- 
 queftionable. We have fhown, that we cannot ac- 
 quire any adequate return, but may be confider- 
 able lofers from war; that the prefent fituation of 
 Europe is in general very propitious to an almoft 
 perpetual peace, on the terms of uti pojjidetis ; and 
 that Great Britain ought to think itfclf fingularly 
 happy in a general and lading peace, fettled upon 
 thefe conditions. Thus the royal power would part 
 with a prerogative, which it would feldom or ever 
 employ; nor, if it was really oftener employed than 
 it is at prefent, is it defirable in itfelf, for the pur- 
 pofe of exercifmg it. If kings poffcfs the feelings, 
 and are actuated by the principles of human beings, 
 they will be thankful on account of the depriva- 
 tion of a privilege, which, of all others they 
 enjoy, muft be the mod inimical to their tran- 
 quillity and happinefs. 
 
 The genius of the different fucceffive adminiftra- 
 tions or governments of this country is in general 
 unenterprifing. It is, perhaps, never diftinguiilied 
 by any hardy exploit in the arts of peace : and it 
 ufually is almoft as feeble and inefficient, as it fu- 
 perintends and directs the condud: of war. The 
 nation itfelf is military ; but it pofleifes the finews 
 of war in its foldiers and failors and their com- 
 manders.
 
 [ 109 ] 
 
 manders, not in the abilities of its minifters of 
 ftate, who, though they are infpired with the 
 ancient Roman deHght in war, are not endowed 
 with the miHtary abihty of this nation. The pub- 
 lic genius of enterprife, which, under the pradlical 
 fcience of pubHc agencies we have propofed to mix 
 and blend with government, would remove the de- 
 fect, and fupply this great want of executive ad- 
 drefs: and future adminiftrations become equal 
 both to conduct national improvement in time of 
 peace, and to diredt with fuccefs its military opera- 
 tions in war. Thus our active, brave, and intrepid 
 foldiers,faiIors,and commanders would receive theii* 
 orders from men qualified to frame and to judge con- 
 cerning them. They would always in the happiell 
 manner employ their natural intrepidity and un- 
 daunted valour to conquer for their country, and 
 increafe its fame and glory, while, according to our 
 propofed redrefs of the finances, they would be 
 provided for in an honourable manner, adequate 
 to their merits and to their fervices. 
 
 In the foregoing views of our different labours, 
 inftituted for promoting the interefts of our country, 
 and for effecting and accompHfhing which, we 
 perfonally engage ourfelves; in thofe views we be- 
 hold fully difplayed the numerous and great public 
 fervices, which may be derived from the different 
 practical fciences, conflituting the important fyftem 
 of public welfare, propofed by us. The conclu- 
 
 fions, 
 1
 
 [ "o ] 
 
 fions, which we wifli to draw from the confidera- 
 tioii of them, and to prefs upon the pubhc atten- 
 tion, are principally two : ift. That there re- 
 main not only as yet unpofTeffed by man, but 
 till very lately unknown to him, an immenfe and 
 almoft an infinite number of different great blefUngs, 
 benefits, and advantages, which are indifpenfable to 
 public welfare and private felicity, are intended by 
 God for the benefit of fociety, are eafily accom- 
 plifhed ; and for want of which the nation in 
 general fuffers various great and numerous incon- 
 veniences, diftreffesj and miferies. It is the general 
 acquifition of thofe ineftimable bleflings and ad- 
 vantages in one combination, which ought to oc- 
 cupy the public attention, and not whether this or 
 that gieat man is a good or a bad minifter ; for they 
 furpafs beyond human conception, the fervices of 
 the common cuftomary meafures of modern go- 
 vernments, fuperfede the conilderation of the 
 hackneyed proceedings of flatefmen, and united, 
 form that great, efieclive, and comprehenfive 
 defign, which conflitutes one undertaking, fuf- 
 ficient at the lame time, both to fet right all public 
 affairs, and to complete the national welfare. This 
 undertaking we have formed and devifed ; and, as 
 we have laid before, we engage to carry it into exe- 
 cution : and if any candid perfon will point out any 
 defeds in the defign of it, as we are obliged to lay 
 it in a general view before the pubhc, we will fupply 
 
 them.
 
 [ 1" ] 
 
 them. 2dly, That the advancement of the pradlical 
 fciences of pubHc welfare, which have been fhown 
 to afford fuch great and important fervices, fliould, 
 as the moil momentous of all public objefts what- 
 ever, be regularly eftablifhed into a fyftem, and 
 incorporated into a proper department, as a com- 
 ponent, and moft illuftrious and diftinguilhing part 
 of the government of Great Britain ; and thofe 
 fciences moft extenfively and effedtually cultivated, 
 and the great and numerous fervices they are able 
 to afford, diffufed and accompliflied through fociety 
 in the moil unlimited and univerfal manner. 
 From the neglcft of regularly uniting, and as it 
 were ingrafting thofe pracflical fciences with go- 
 vernment, fociety has in all ages, in a very imper- 
 fect manner, experienced the feveral great yfes, 
 and fervices they afford, and feldom enjoyed them 
 more than a (hoit period in any ftate of tolerable 
 perfection. When, notwithflanding the want of 
 public aid and affiftance, and in fpite of infinite 
 impediments and obftruftions, they have broke 
 forth, and fhone upon humanity : the brilliant dome, 
 which they have formed, has never yet in any 
 fenfe been complete, but has confided of a fliort- 
 lived fky, unliable and uncertain ; and has, after a 
 little time, been fwept away, and fucceedcd by 
 florms and darknefs. But the different praftical 
 fciences refpeding public welfare, ellabliflied into a 
 fyflcm, and incorporated in a proper department of 
 
 ^ate,
 
 C "^ ] 
 
 ftate, as the principal objeds of government, will 
 become in fociety, as it were, a planetary world ! 
 They will proceed upon few, but upon fimple, 
 great, eifeftual, and eternal movements ! They 
 will regulate the interefts of mankind in their com- 
 preheniive orbit, according to the laws of fpheri- 
 cal harmony ! They will, with the unbounded 
 effulgence of light itfelf, colled and diftribute, 
 in their feveral proper and different elements and 
 combinations, all the bleffings intended by Provi- 
 dence for the benefit of man; and prefent the grand 
 fpedlacle of a perfect world, adjuiled to, aduated 
 by, and depending upon the fure and certain 
 primary impulfes of Divine pov/er ! 
 
 C O N-
 
 C "3 ] 
 CONCLUSION, 
 
 MpHE prcfent work has been announced to 
 -*- the Reader, as intended to confift of four 
 chapters. However, from want of time, and 
 the extraordinary length of the foregoing chapter, 
 we mufl: abandon the defign of extending the 
 work to fo great a fize. But we cannot leave a 
 fubject fo very important and interefting, as na- 
 tional perfection muft neceffarily be, without mak- 
 ing a general addrefs to the public in its favour, 
 and advancing adequate arguments, why the na- 
 tion Ihould adopt and carry it into effect. We 
 would, if our powers of language were fufficient, 
 exert ourfelves on this occafion with a dignity and 
 majefty, equal to the caufe of national perfediion ; 
 for we almofl believe, that havino for a ereat num- 
 ber of years, on account of our country, been the 
 true votaries of public virtue and philanthropy, 
 thefc, as celeftial beings, and fpiritual exiflences, 
 have, from our fincere worihip of them, infpired 
 us with the foregoing fydem, and commanded us 
 !o deliver it to our countrymen, in a manner cor- 
 
 1 rclponding
 
 C "4 ] 
 
 refponding to its intrinfic merits, and its inexpref- 
 fible importance to the interefts of the community. 
 We have at lead long perceived the influence 
 of thofe celcftial beings upon our bofom, and are 
 ftill enraptured with their facred impulfes. We, 
 therefore, as their vicegerent, afcend their throne ; 
 attempt to make a public fpeech fuitable to their 
 illuftrious fovereignty ; and in their name addrefs 
 parhament and all our countrymen in general : 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 
 Left we may not fucceed in obtaining from your 
 hands the complete ftate of terreftrial perfedion, 
 which, as the votary of public virtue and philan- 
 thropy, we folicit, having defcribed the means of 
 accompliiliing it in the foregoing chapter ; we fhall 
 divide our addrefs to you, and in this part of it 
 only call your attention to three of the moil in- 
 terefling fciences for promoting public welfare. For 
 thefe we apprehend you cannot but approve and 
 fanftion, on account of their importance, and highly 
 interefting nature to yourfelves, to all men what- 
 ever, to fociety, and to the Vf'orld, while they have 
 at the fame time no connection with any fcais, 
 refpeding the bugbear of regeneration. My Lords 
 and Gentlemen, papers and accounts, refpeding 
 war and burthenfome impofitions on the people, 
 have hitherto, in general, only been laid before 
 you ; but the fpeech^ which we are commiffioned 
 
 to
 
 to mak^ you, propofes to you the plans arid means, 
 by the arts of peace, ot multiplying and increafing 
 the mod genuine and ineftimable bleflings and 
 riches of patriotifm and humanity. Permit us, there- 
 fore, to call your attention to the three fciences of 
 public welfare, which we ftile the univerfal fciences 
 of benevolence ; for we apprehend ihefe and the 
 benefits and fervices, which they afford, (hould im- 
 mediately be improved and advanced by you to 
 their mod complete ftate of perfedion, and diftri- 
 buted univerfaliy through the fociety, they being 
 objeds of the greateft national confequence, which 
 hitherto have not been cultivated in a pubUc view, 
 anywife correfponding to their great importance. 
 If they had, they would have been productive of 
 the mod happy confequences. 
 
 Previoufly, betore we proceed in explaining the 
 fciences, to which we allude, permit us to obferve, 
 that our propofed attempt of introducing national 
 perfection is chiefly objefted to, becaufe it would 
 take up too m.uch of your time : for the Critical 
 Review, with great candour, grants to all our dif- 
 ferent plans concerning ir, the merit of juft obfer- 
 vation and good ienfc, and admits the univerfal 
 practicabiliry of them, with this exception, that 
 to accomplidi them, would be too laborious a work 
 for Parliament. The accom[)li(hment, however, 
 of the perfediun ()\ the three univerfal fciences ot 
 benevolence will give you, my L.orfis and Gcntle- 
 
 i 2 men.
 
 [ "5 ] 
 
 men, no trouble : for it is a great pliilofophical 
 undertaking, which requires only pecuniary aids 
 from you, and finally your fandtion and approba- 
 tion. But notwithflanding the above opinion of 
 of the Critical Reviewer, we aflure you, an atten- 
 tion of a few months to the purpofe would be fuf- 
 ficient to introduce, in general, national perfedtion; 
 and we dare engage to execute and conduct it under 
 your fuperintendance, in fuch a manner, if we had 
 the requifite means, as would give you very little 
 trouble, its nature of the objedts being weighed. 
 Befides, while fuch an important defign was in 
 hand, the prefent little fubjedls of daily debates 
 would feldom occur,' or interfere with the bufinefs 
 of national perfcdlion, or your time in general. 
 
 The three univerfal fciences of benevolence, 
 which we denommate to be agriculture, mental 
 civilization, and medicine, fliould at the public 
 expcnce be cultivated and improved as materially 
 and extenfivcly as polTible, and the knowledge of 
 them, and the various fervices and benefits which 
 they afford, fliould be rendered general, and dif- 
 tributed every where through fociety for the good 
 of the community. They are the three moll bene* 
 ficial fciences to mankind : for they arc what afford 
 us food, what inform and direcl the mind, what 
 preferve health, or cure diforders : and they not 
 only perform thefe important fervices, but they 
 afford them to every individual, and are therefore 
 
 denominated
 
 C "7 ] 
 
 denominated univerfal, differing from die other 
 ufeful and practical Iciences of public welfare, 
 that they are neceflarily and eflentially wanted in 
 fociety for the benefit of each citizen, who com- 
 pofes the community. We can do without a good 
 government, at leaft a good government is one of 
 the rareft: bleflings fociety enjoys. We are not 
 always wanting the affiftance of lawyers, or we 
 fliould be miferable beings. We are not always 
 wanting the interference of politicians with the in- 
 terefts of other nations, as minifters in general 
 fcem to apprehend. We do not always ftand in 
 need of the exercife of the art of finance ; for we 
 are fure in a well-regulated flate, and under a right 
 conduced government, there is no occafion for an 
 endlefs funded debt to carry on war, and even 
 the prefent immenfe debt of the nation, we dare 
 ourfelves engage wholly to fet to rights. We have 
 no occafion to place the dependence of the interefts 
 of fociety on commerce, though this certainly is 
 very favourable to its welfare. But the fituation of 
 man is widely different with refpcft to thofe, which 
 we call the three univerfal fcienccs of benevo- 
 lence. 
 
 On agriculture ; and as this is adequately pro- 
 dudive, every one of us daily and hourly looks for 
 neceffary fupport ; for plcafing and invigorating 
 food; for plenty and abundance; for provifions 
 being cheap, and within the reach of every man's 
 I ^ pur ft- ^
 
 [ .18 ] 
 
 purfe, both for his own, and the iife of his family 5 
 for his cloathing ; and for his comforts of life, even 
 in his beer and in his cordials. 
 
 On mental civilization ; and as this is attended 
 to, and the mind is advanced and improved, every 
 man depends for numerous advantages ; their in- 
 tellectual faculties hence become fufFicient in regard 
 to all the ftations of life ; furnilhing men with the 
 means, which their neceflities require; advancing 
 their fortune, and providing for their families ; 
 giving them juftnefs of perception and judgment, 
 which are fo neceflary requifites in life. On the 
 cultivation of the mind every man depends for 
 adequate feelings ; for thefe giving him according 
 to his ftation, a proper tafte, fenfibility, and every 
 requifiteof happinefs; affording a fentimental reHfli 
 of true pleafure, which is in nature cppofite to 
 vice, and foftening and refining his pafhons, fo as 
 to enable him properly to regulate them. On the 
 due advancement of his mind every man depends 
 for acquiring the proper force of the pafTions, which 
 is nccefTary for rendering him adive, and confli- 
 tiiting him a perfeft moral agent. In flioit, upon 
 the cultivation of his mind every man depends, 
 for fixing virtue in his brcaft, and entwining it with 
 the fibres of his heart ; ibr giving his nature, made 
 and created for virtue, that feeling, which, how- 
 c\er v/e have hitherto been ignorant of the faft, 
 compels every man to be virtuous^, and which, with 
 
 rare
 
 C i>9 3 
 
 rare exceptions to the contrary, may be iniprefled 
 on all men. 
 
 From medicine, and as this may be confiderably 
 improved, and its bleffings much more widely 
 extended, man in general, of whatever ftation, 
 does at prefent, and may ftill much more lo ia 
 future, in himfelf, in his offspring, in his conneC' 
 tions, and in his family, experience numerous and 
 moft ineftimable advantages. For by the above 
 means, his health may become more certain or lefs 
 precarious ; his difeafes much fewer, much lefs 
 fevere, much lefs dangerous ; his life in general 
 prove much longer than what it is, and old age 
 become again natural to man. This refers to the 
 improvement of medicine, which, in honour of 
 one of the greateft characters, we wiih to call the 
 Franklinean improvement, becaufe he predifted 
 this ftate of medicine. The private opinion of 
 Dr. Franklin was, he fliould not live to fee the 
 time, but that it would not be long deferred after 
 his death, when the feverity of difeafe in general 
 would be mitigated, and made to defift from its 
 prefent ravage and deftrudion, and man in general 
 happily live to the deClined period of old age. 
 
 The preceding univerfal fcicnces of benevolence, 
 we have, in a particular manner, attempted to cul- 
 tivate and bring to perfection ; we therefore pro- 
 pofe to add fome farcher obfcrvations concerning 
 them. They may, wc are certain fioni experience, 
 
 I 4 be
 
 [ I20 ] 
 
 be readily improved to a much greater extent than 
 they are at prefent ; be rendered infinitely more 
 ferviceable ; and the adequate knowledge of them 
 in fimple and engaging trads, or fyftems, eafy to 
 iinderftand, be univerfally conveyed and diftri- 
 buted through fociety, with all the great advan- 
 tageous effeds, which are expeded by us. If fome 
 perfons did not underftand thofe trads, not being 
 able to read, they would learn them from others, 
 who did ; and the whole foon be rendered of general 
 ufe. However public affiftance is neceflary to cul- 
 tivate and improve thofe fciences, and diifufe 
 their bleffings fo extenfively, that all individuals 
 in general may partake of them. The tra6ts above- 
 mentioned formed into correfponding fyftems, are 
 a principal means of accomplifhing thefe important 
 purpofes. For the people in general, as they re. 
 quire the fervices of mental civilization, or the ade- 
 quate knowledge of agriculture, and the greateft 
 part of the medical faculty, as they have occafion 
 to learn their art, cannot pofiibly attend colleges, 
 or be informed, and fupplied by books of learning, 
 which they do not underftand : nor are lectures, 
 we affirm, in any refped adequate to teach the 
 great and comprehenfive fciences of agriculture, 
 medicine, and mental civilization. However, 
 though colleges and leftures are inadequate means, 
 the advancement of thofe three important public 
 objeds depends upon means, which are as fcientific, 
 
 and
 
 C li' ] 
 
 and of as arduous, or of much more an arduous na- 
 ture than what for promoting different fciences are 
 afforded by colleges and ledlures : and thofe objefls, 
 on account of their great importance, ought furely 
 to be more attended to, than any others. 
 
 To form and compofe the above fyftems in a 
 proper manner, which are neccffary to fupply the 
 place of colleges and lei^tures for promoting agri- 
 culture, mental civilization, and medicine, there 
 muft be men provided for the purpofe of a parti- 
 cular and fuitable turn and genius : and we engage 
 there are men very fufficient, who will accomplifli 
 the fame within no very long period, without dif- 
 ficulty, according to the propofed intention of the 
 tra<fts. Which is the moil difficult part of the 
 tafk, we will fuperintend and dired: the execution 
 of thefe defigns, and anfwer for them in pra(ftice, 
 producing in the moll effeftual manner all the nu- 
 merous and ineftimable bleffings, which the three 
 iiniverfal fciences of benevolence can render to 
 mankind. We have produced almoll all the ele- 
 ments of each of thefe fciences in our different pub- 
 lications. We have (liewn in our works, how 
 readily the agriculture of the kingdom may be im- 
 proved, and brought to its perfection. Nay, in 
 order to manifeft our abihty to effccl this, wc have 
 in particular dclinc.ited the practical art of im- 
 proving ground to the greated advantage, that by 
 lb far as regards agriculture, in no Icfs a fpacc th:m 
 
 the
 
 [ 122 ] 
 
 the whole kingdom, wherever it admits of culti- 
 vation. 
 
 In refped of mental civilization, we have made 
 the important difcovery of the powers or the dif- 
 ferent parts of the human mind, and laid them 
 before the public, and fliown the certain and right 
 methods of cultivating and improving them for the 
 purpofes of fociety : and we have produced a fylla- 
 bus of ethics, which, on account of great neglect 
 on this head, ought to caufe religious profeffions 
 to blufh. In refpe6t of medicine, we have fliown 
 how it may be improved, fo as to render it ade- 
 quate to the fervices, which the "Franklinean im- 
 provement of medicine is capable of affording to 
 mankind. Farther to demonftrate the advantage 
 of the Franklinean improvement of medicine, we 
 have this winter publilhed as a fpecimen, to lay 
 before Parliament, the moft difficult part of it, the 
 hiftories and charadlers of the different difeafes of 
 the human body : which fubjecl alone, if it was 
 fully known to every pradlitioncr, would be of 
 oreat national fervice : for the knowled2:e of difeafes 
 Sydenham conllders as of the grer.teft confequence 
 in practice. We have publillied it in Latin, but 
 fuch eafy latinlty, that every medical perfon who 
 reads five pages of ir, may readily underftard the 
 whole. We have v/rote it in that language, in de- 
 ference to the opinion of the phyhcians of the age : 
 but, unqueftionabiv, the pihicipal part of chcFrank- 
 
 bncaii
 
 [ 123 ] 
 
 linean improvement of medicine (hould be pub- 
 lifhed in Englifli ; our wilh alfo is to render the 
 intention of the improvement known to the world 
 at large. 
 
 Medicine is a fcience of the greateft importance 
 to the interefts of humanity, and more immediately 
 concerns the public than any other. If, therefore, 
 the cultivation and improvement of it (hould be 
 found, as a public object greatly negledled, we 
 may with certainty conclude, the other eleven 
 fciences of public welfare are not more attended 
 to, and be thus convinced of the prefent imperfect 
 ftate of fociety, and what great room there is left 
 for the improvement and advancement of it. If 
 medicine can be much improved, and fo far as the 
 fublunary condition of all terreftrial things permits, 
 be fuitably carried to perfe(ft:ion, and its bleflings 
 infinitely more generally extended than they are, we 
 may conclude, that the other fciences of public 
 welfare may be rendered equally ferviceable, and 
 beneficial, and national perfection of confequence 
 eltabli(hed by the general advancement of them. 
 
 We [hall, therefore, take a view of the prefent 
 ftatc of medicine, fo far as is neceliary to prove 
 the foregoing allcrtions ; and firft we Ihall make 
 fome obfervations upon the prefent methods in ufe 
 of acquiring medical information; afterwards upon 
 the prefent (late of medicine; and lailly, u;^on ihc 
 advantage of the early employment of adc({iiare 
 % medical
 
 C 124 ]• 
 
 medical /kill in the cure of difeafes. In England 
 medicine is fo very indifferently, if it be in any 
 fenfe, taught in the national colleges, that they are 
 not reforted to for learning the fcience : fo that 
 the art in this kingdom is unendowed with a col- 
 lege. Many Engliflimen, therefore, for medical 
 inftruclion, go to London, or to Edinburgh ; 
 which latter feminar}^, by the lofs of early con- 
 nexions at home, is often very prejudicial to their 
 fortunes. We firft premife, leclures are very va- 
 luable means of medical inftrudtion, and many are 
 given on the fubjeft with great ability in this king- 
 dom. However, le<flures in general are not ade- 
 quate to teach medical knowledge ; either this, as 
 we obferved before, being too comprehenfive to 
 come within the bounds of ledlures, or leclures 
 not being adequate to afford fuch knowledge. The 
 perfons who give them, are not always qualified 
 for the tafk : thus we have known a perfon eminent 
 in medicine read the fame lecture for two very dif- 
 ferent difeafes, the colic, and an inflammation in 
 the bowels, defcribc thefe as the fame, and recom- 
 mend for both one and the fame cure. Perfons, 
 who give leclures, fometimes indulge their pri- 
 vate opinions, their theories, and partialities to 
 fuch lengths, that their leclures aiibrd lirtlc medi- 
 cal inilrudion : and we are very certain from faults 
 of this kind, the late Dr. CuUen's leclures on the 
 practice or medicine, never made pupils proficients 
 
 in
 
 C "5 ] 
 
 in this fubjed. Ledlnres, befides, are often ill at- 
 tended, and are very iubjed to be forgotten. As 
 to other means of acquiring medical knowledge; 
 apothecaries and furgeons, we are very certain, 
 for we have ourfelves ferved under a very eminent 
 one, in general afford too little medical inftruftion 
 to the apprentice, though we do not mean here 
 to queftion the general advantages of mailers to 
 young perfons. Books, as they are written, often 
 are injurious to the ftudent; and they certainly 
 furnifh him with a very imperfed knowledge of 
 medicine: in general, far too great a number of 
 books are neceffary to be read, in order to acquire 
 but a fmattering in medicine, and they are ill 
 adapted to the capacity of a learner. Hence ledtures 
 are univerfally preferred, and with great reafon, on 
 account of medical inllruilion, to books. 
 
 Hofpitals, no doubt, are very valuable, as all 
 the foregoing means are, for acquiring knowledge 
 in the different branches of medicine, but then, like 
 thcfe, they are very inadequate for affording fuch 
 a knowledge as ought to be, and, as we fliall here- 
 after iliow, may readily be obtained by every prac- 
 titioner, by means of the Frankiinean improvement: 
 of medicine. For it is not merely the feeing of 
 practice, if this could be {cei\ fufFiciently extcnfivc 
 durin" the fliort time ftudcnts o-cnerallv attend the 
 hofpiral'-, which conveys medical ikill. We know 
 well, praaice iii'di] however lar<^c, cannoL pro-
 
 t 126 ] \ 
 
 cure this. It is information, comparatively Tpeak- 
 ing, which affords medical fkill ; and hofpitals very 
 indifferently convey information, in refpeft of fo ; 
 extenfive and complex an art as medicine. Great 
 information, with a moderate fhare of pradiice, ' 
 is the proper genuine means of affording an ade- '• 
 quate knowledge of the praftice of medicine, or \ 
 making a good praftitioner. An extenfive pradice ' 
 alone, even of many years, without a great deal of ■ 
 other afliftance, aflrbrds very little inftruftion in i 
 medicine. If experience was in itfelf to afford ^ 
 medical knowledge, phyficians in practice would 
 always explore new knowledge : but we know they 
 do not ; as they would communicate it to the pub- 
 lic for the improvement of their art, and for the 
 fake of adding to their character and reputation. 
 If the knowledge of the art depended on expe- 
 rience, it would be a fbrry art for our patients, and \ 
 for mankind ; and might very properly be fiid to \ 
 be learned by experiments made on our patients, 
 which, hov/ever, can in nofcnfe be faid with truth. 
 However, let us admit to as great extent as will 
 be required, that colleges, lectures, mafters, books, 
 hofpitals, are very ufeful means of acquiring me- 
 dical knowledge, yet how many young people arc 
 there, who have no poffible accefs to thefc, or fuch 
 imperfect accefs to them, as is not at all fuflicient 
 to afl[brd information to perfons, who arc to practife 
 medicine in the mod extenfive hne for their live- 
 lihood 1
 
 [ "7 ] 
 
 lihood ! How many likewife of the ftudents, who 
 have the oppoitunity, yet from the trouble of the 
 tafk., from the extent of the means, and the great 
 labour and difficulty neceffary to make a proper 
 ufe of them, do not profit by the opportunity, or 
 greatly abufe it : therefore we have an unqueftion- 
 ablc right to conclude, that there is at prefent no 
 adequate mode of learning medicine, as it {hould. 
 be known for the general fervice of fociety ; and 
 the mode in ufe, we believe, no perfon will deny. 
 is attended with too much uncertainty, and is too 
 difficult and laborious. 
 
 The general pradice of medicine, fo refpeflable 
 as it is in this kingdom ! may, on this account, 
 appear not to be capable of great improvement, 
 and of being rendered much more beneficial to 
 mankind at large, than it is at prefent. But let us 
 obferve, that the people who are to judge of this, the 
 world in general, are not capable with any pi-o- 
 priety of afcertaining the merits of pradlitioners in 
 medicine : for no perfons, we are certain, but me- 
 dical people, can jullly appretiate profcfilonal abi- 
 lity. Perfons, therefore, employing praclirioncrs 
 of adequate Ikill, certainly cannot know this from 
 their own judgment. Befide that judgtncnt n fomc- 
 times impofed upon by thole aits, which the pro 
 fefiion is not to be blamed for einployinj^, in ordci 
 to fuccecd in hnfincfs, fuch as t!ic (.'(talilifbir-cni ot 
 a great name, the pompoiis djli^lay of their abilities, 
 
 a;ia
 
 atid their own account of their 2;reat fuccefs iii 
 pradtice : or connedion, or intereft, or private af- 
 fection and efteem, or numerous other means in 
 different fhapes and forms, and not their merits, 
 may advance perfons into large and extenfive prac- 
 tice. Perfons, therefore, who are acquainted with 
 medicine, can only determine the fubjed: in difpute : 
 and for our part we affert, judoing both from the 
 real prefent ftate of the practice, and from the im- 
 perfeft method by which medical knowledge is 
 taught and acquired, that medicine in general may 
 flill be much improved, or at lead rendered in- 
 finitely more beneficial to fociety. 
 
 The medical practice is unqueftionably very 
 highly refpe6lable in this kingdom, notwithfland- 
 ing the total negled: of its important interefts by 
 government, who have not in England provided 
 even a college adequate to teach the art. But 
 whether in London or in the country, whether we 
 fpeak of phyficians or apothecaries, there is un- 
 queftionably a very great opportunity of making 
 the practice of medicine much more fcrviceable 
 and beneficial to fociety than it is at prefent. This 
 affertion, indeed, admits of dcmonftration. For all 
 the world are agreed, that there are in every dif- 
 ferent place, a few perfons of much more eminent 
 practical ikill and abilities, than the reft of the pro- 
 I'effion : but by m.eans of the Franklinean im- 
 provement of medicine, which we (liall propofe, 
 
 all
 
 C 1^9 3 
 
 all pradkloncrs in general may readily become 
 fufficient proficients in the different refpedive lines 
 of their profelTion. Nor is there any queftion, but in 
 To important a fubjed to the interefts of humanity, 
 as the pra6lice of medicine, all individual practi- 
 tioners fliould be poflefled of as extenfive and 
 great medical information and ability as they can 
 poffibly acquire. 
 
 It is of very great importance to mankind. In 
 regard to their diforders, that the firft means, to 
 which they apply for relief, (hould be effectual' 
 For difeafes are neither agreeable nor fafe com- 
 panions, but in every fenfe the reverfe; they 
 in various refpefts prove expenfive; nor can the 
 poorer clafs in general afford to apply oftener than 
 once for medical relief. To afford effedlual af- 
 fiflance for all the different diforders of mankind on 
 the firft application for relief, is the direft inten- 
 tion of the Franklinean improvement, which is 
 defigned to convey the full and adequate know- 
 ledge of medicine to all ftudents and praditioners, 
 as thefe can have occafion to make ufe of it ; by 
 its effectual fer vices, they cannot poffibly fail of* 
 acquiring fuch information in the moft complete 
 and fufiicient manner, for the benefit of their pa- 
 tients and all the different members of lociety, 
 who require medical affillancc, as foon as they 
 apply for it. So well arc foreign nations in general 
 convinced of the advantage of finding adequate 
 K relief
 
 C 130 3 
 
 relief in the firft application for the removal of 
 diforders, that they employ, indead of the apothe- 
 cary, the phyfician in general, whofe fee, to ac- 
 commodate the general employment of his fer- 
 vices, is reduced even often lower than a fliilling. 
 The phyficians, and the faculty in general, efpe- 
 cially thofe in London, are coming into the fame 
 opinion, though not into a fimilar pradice : but 
 for this purpofe, they are very bufy in inftituting 
 and multiplying what are called difpenfaries, the 
 chief objedt of which is to afford the advice of 
 phyficians, inflead of apothecaries, to poorer pa- 
 tients. Such an improvement, if it is a com- 
 mendable one, can never become general, and 
 mufl only be veiy limited. It is, however, not 
 advifeable; the proper improvement is the difFufion 
 of medical knowledge, which we recommend. 
 Apothecaries, as they are eftablifhed every where 
 through fociety, are very conveniently difpofed to 
 lend their afTiflance to the different ilations of 
 mankind, and very happily placed to diftribute the 
 feveral advantages of the Frankhnean improve- 
 ment of medicine. Provided with the extenfivc 
 medical information, which it affords, they would, 
 through the kingdom at large, be adequate to all 
 the fervices, which fociety can derive from medi- 
 cine, and would every where i'uperfede the ufe or 
 necefTity of difpenfaries ; in fact, every apothe- 
 cary 's
 
 C 131 ] 
 
 tlry's {hop, in refped of knowledge, would be- 
 come a difpenfary. 
 
 The Franklinean improvement of medicine is 
 very fimple, and confifts, as we obferved before, in 
 conveying to all pracfVitioners in general, the moft 
 perfe6l knowledge and information of medicine* 
 Thefe important fervices they cannot pofTibly fail of 
 acquiring, fo far as they may be ufeful to fociety, 
 in a moft agreeable and eafy manner, without 
 much trouble, and of experiencing from them all 
 the advantages, which they afford. A flight view 
 of the general means of accompliOiing the above 
 improvement, we fliall extract from our work on 
 the royal regeneration of Great Britain. It propofes, 
 
 " I ft. That there (hould be compofed plain and 
 fmiple prafticable fyftems, fuitable for the inftruc- 
 tion of young perfons defigned for the pradice of 
 phyfic, and complete in every refpecl, fo far as 
 they may be ufeful, of all the following different 
 branches of medicine, to wit, of chymiftry, of 
 anatomy and phyfiology, of the materia medica, 
 of furgery, midwifery, the praclice of medicine, 
 the means of preferving health. 
 
 2d, That two or more perfons, in every refped 
 adequately qLialificd for the purpofe, and liberally 
 fupportcd at the expencc of government, (houlJ 
 be employed to compofe thofe fyftems, they col_ 
 lecting for the purpofe the neceflary ulcful know- 
 ledge, fiom whatever fources it could be procured, 
 K 2 and
 
 C ^r- 3 
 
 and in whatever manner it ought to be provided: 
 they alfo making what improvements it may be 
 in their power to advance, for perfecling the 
 different fubjeds of their purfuits. Thefe defiderata, 
 their ordinary fixed fituation, which ought to be 
 in London, would afford them a very fuitable op- 
 portunity of accomphOiing. For the praftice of 
 medicine here being remarkably extenfive, is very 
 favourable to medical information and improve- 
 ment. 
 
 3d, That the faid fcveral fyftems of medicine, 
 when compiled and finilhed, fiiall be fubmitted to 
 the College of Phyficians for their approbation, to 
 receive fuch alterations^ as they may, judge ne- 
 ceffary. 
 
 4th, That after fuch fancflion is obtained, an 
 ad of parliament fliall be paffed, containing all 
 neceffary regulations and injundions, requifite for 
 enforcing the proper and adequate ufe of the faid 
 feveral fyftems, by thofe who intend to pradifc 
 medicine in general, or in any particular branch 
 of it ; in fuch manner as cannot fail of making the 
 faid perfons complete mafters and proficients in the 
 different fyftems, which relate to their pradice. It 
 will be fufficient on thisoccafion, either. 
 
 That no perlon Hiail in future commence to 
 pradife medicine in the kingdom, as a profeffional 
 man, till he has been examined by certain perfons 
 in Engliflij and in the moft fimple, yet in a careful 
 
 manner.
 
 I ^33 1 
 
 manner, refpccfllng fucli of the above fyftems, as 
 relate to the intended hne of his occupation : 
 
 Or, * that no perfon fhall in future commence to 
 pradife medicine in the kingdom, as a profeflional 
 man> until he can bring proof by proper perfons 
 to afTert in his behalf, that he has had in his pof- 
 feflion the aforefaid fyftems, all, or fo many as 
 may be thought requifite ; and has paid great and 
 proper attention to the reading, ftudying, and un- 
 derflanding the fame, and to the making himfelf a 
 proficient in pradice according to the dodrines 
 therein contained. 
 
 5th, That the faid fyftems fliall be fold without 
 any other expence or profits laid upon the prices of 
 them, than the coft of paper, print, and the ufual 
 allowances to bookfellers ; in order that every per- 
 fon who cultivates medicine, however poor, may 
 afford to purchafe them. 
 
 6th, That from time to time, as may be wanted, 
 and in fuch manner as may be judged expedient, 
 proper additions fliall be made refpectively to thefe- 
 veral different fyftems above-mentioned, as new 
 improvements in medicine render them neceffary.'* 
 
 The above is a very fmall and imperfeft fketch 
 of that, which we call the Franklineafi improve- 
 ment of medicine, which our time does not per- 
 
 * The prefent regulation would be fufiicicnt to anfuer the 
 purpofe : the natural humanity of the faculty renders any other 
 unnccefTary. 
 
 K 3 mit
 
 C 134 ] 
 
 mit us to explain at large, and to do juRke to the 
 important fervices, which ma)'' be derived from it : 
 but to perfons acquainted with medicine, thefe are 
 too obvious to require a long detail. 
 
 The art would be greatly advanced, in confe- 
 quence of accomplilhing this improvement : for 
 we propofe it fliould be previoufly cultivated, ac- 
 cording to the important principles, which we have 
 laid down in the preceding part of the work, for 
 the advancement of the national improvements ; 
 and in this manner much new pra6lical knowledge 
 could not fail of being afcertained and communi- 
 cated to the faculty in general. The extent of 
 medical knowledge would be defined, and fub- 
 jefted to view under the Franklinean improvement : 
 its defects thus would be better underftood, and 
 with greater anxiety be attempted to be fupplied 
 by means of adequate improvements. Even con- 
 fiderable improvements in refpecl of the medical 
 praftice of Great Britain, would probably be com- 
 municated from abroad. For, if the Franklinean 
 improvement fliould be generally adopted through- 
 out Europe, as we trull it will ; and inllead of their 
 prefent pharmacopeias, which rnay be confidered 
 as merely the receipts of medical cookery, the dif- 
 ferent nations fliould rcfpedively publifh Frank- 
 linean fyftems of medicine for the direction of the 
 faculty, much information in medicine could not 
 fail of being drawn from the different pradices 
 
 becoming
 
 C >35 ] 
 
 becoming known, which are in ufe over the whole 
 of Europe. Aifo praftical ability would, by means 
 of the Franklinean improvement, become, in the 
 general exercife of the art, much more efficacious 
 through the kingdom ; for, by its means, the ftu- 
 dent would, on his firfl: initiation in medicine, be 
 fully informed and acquainted with the art, and 
 afterwards would be able, with fingular felicity, to 
 make the greateft advantage poffible of the prac- 
 tice and hofpitals, which he would fee and attend, 
 and of the other meafures he would purfue for his 
 farther improvement. Apothecaries are neceffarily 
 more capable of attending to the prefervation of 
 liealth than phyficians. It would be a leading 
 view of the propofed improvement to enable the 
 former to accomplifh this important public obje6t 
 in an effeftual manner, confiflent with the emolu- 
 ment of bufmefs. However, not to dwell longer 
 upon collateral circumflances, infinitely the prin- 
 cipal advantage, which would accrue from the 
 adoption of the Franklinean improvement, re- 
 fpects, as v/e have already explained, the univerfal 
 and adequate diftribution among pradtitioners of 
 medical knowledge, which its large funds of all 
 kinds of ufcful information would afford ; every 
 practitioner would be in full pofiefTion of his 
 art, and it would almoll l)c iniponi'ole for the 
 fick in any place to meet with iniperle:!: or inluf- 
 ficicnt pradtitioners. Thus the merits of the 
 K 4 l^ank-
 
 [ '36 ] 
 
 Frankllnean improvement of medicine would be 
 as ineftimable ; as difeafes arc numerous and fe- 
 vere ; as perfeft health is the greateil of bleffmgs ; 
 as life is invaluable ; as the feveral conneclions 
 of father, fon, hufband, wife, friends, and acquain- 
 tance in general are inexprcffibly dear and im- 
 portant ; and as patriotifm, humanity, and public 
 welfare, are moft highly interefting to all worthy 
 individual members of fociety. 
 
 The improvement, it is hardly poffible, fliould 
 be prejudicial to perfonal intereft ; and no objec- 
 tions whatever fhould prevent the adoption of it, 
 on account of its great importance to the public 
 welfare, becaufe any few partial injuries it may 
 produce, can eafily be compenfated. 
 
 At the prefent time, while fuch an improvement 
 was preparing, phyfxcians would be confiderably 
 benefited, by the pubhc feeing, in the impoffibility 
 of knov/ing the proper merit of practitioners by 
 their own judgment, the propriety of confulting 
 them on ail occafions, when their advice is necef- 
 fary. The improvement, if adopted, could not 
 be accomplilhed for fome years : nor afterwards, 
 when it has taken place, and furnifhed apotheca- 
 ries in general with the knowledge of medicine, as 
 adequate to the relief of the feveral diforders of 
 mankind, do we fee it could prejudice phyficians. 
 The latter, from a fuperior education, and improve- 
 ment of their mindsj from greater time and attention 
 
 beftowed
 
 [ 137 ] 
 
 beftowed in the ftudy and acquifitlon of medical 
 knowledge, and from the natural wifh of the world 
 in general to procure the bed advice in their 
 power for the relief of all their dangerous diforders, 
 would ever maintain their profeflional fuperiority 
 over the apothecary. As we propofe, for reafons 
 jidvanced elfewhere, to obtain from Parliament, 
 which has granted a large provilion for the fupport 
 of the church and law in general, a Turn of money 
 towards a fund for the relief of the medical fa- 
 culty, or their families in general, in diftrefs ; fo 
 Parliament would unqueftionably grant phyficians 
 the reafonable favour, to abolilh the northern 
 cuilom of conferring degrees on apothecaries, not 
 going through a previous courfe of proper ftudies 
 and examinations. Should, as after an intervening 
 fpace of twenty years, the apothecary be likely to 
 encroach in fonie meafure upon us, this would noc 
 injure the prefent phyficians ; and we do not ap- 
 prehend they imagine their profefiion to be in 
 general fo advantageous in its returns at this day, 
 as to defire, that as many phyficians fliould, in 
 future as at prefent, give it a preference to the 
 various more lucrative lines of bufinefs in com- 
 merce, law, and in trade in general. 
 
 My Lords x\nd Gentleman, 
 Having produced to you fufficient proofs of the 
 prefent impcrfeft ftate of medicine, in compari- 
 fon of that, which it is capable of being rendered; 
 
 we
 
 t '38 ] 
 
 we beg leave to affure you, that the other univer- 
 fal fciences of benevolence, agriculture, and men- 
 tal civilization, are not merely in the fame, but 
 in a much vvorfe lituation, in refpe6l to their 
 advancement ; and that to them the preceding 
 remarks m regard to medicine are infinitely more 
 applicable. For the fcience of medicine has been 
 foftered with that warm zeal of humanity, which 
 in every age diftinguiflies the medical profeffion, 
 and been greatly advanced by a body of men, at 
 all times eminent for fcience and great compre- 
 henfive views of improvement. 
 
 All the three fciences claim your moft ferious 
 attention and the advancement of public aid, in 
 order to bring them to perfection ; for reafons 
 which we need not, my Lords and Gentlemen, 
 explain to you, drawn from the extent, the diffi- 
 culty, and expenlive cultivation of thofe particu- 
 lar fciences. At prefent, agriculture and medi- 
 cine are not refpeclcd fo far as to be honoured 
 with colleges in this country, or to be cultivated 
 in any public manner whatever : and where men- 
 tal civilization is taught the people in general, as 
 a public objed, unlefs in the laws made with re- 
 fpe6t to criminal punifl:imcnts, and in the fcmina- 
 ries of the hulks and of Botany Bay, and of fimilar 
 eftablirhmenis, we confefs our ignorance. The 
 latter feminary annually cods the nation almofl; 
 half a million of money. An inexpreffibly fmall 
 
 part
 
 t 139 ] 
 
 part of this fum, expended to accomplifh the 
 means of giving effeft to and extending through 
 fociety at large the different dodrines and means 
 of mental civiHzation, would infallibly prevent the 
 occafion or neceffity of fuch a feminary. But the 
 regard which always diftinguifhes your Lordlhips, 
 find you, Gentlemen, in refpcct to the jufl claims 
 of virtue and humanity, fliould induce you to 
 accomplifh fuch an important public fervice, 
 though it might coft the nation yearly, not half, 
 but a whole million of money. However, four or 
 five thoufand pounds a-year, or fome fuch fum of 
 money, expended for a few years in accomplilh- 
 ing the defign which we recommend, would be 
 the whole coft of fuperfeding the ufe of Botany 
 Bay, of preventing the prefent great frequency of 
 crimes in general, as well as of accomplifhing the 
 mod grand defign, which has ever been propofcd 
 to the world, refpeding civilization. 
 
 In like manner, a very trifling expence, confi- 
 dered as a national one, would enable you to bring 
 to their proper perfect ion the other two univcrfal 
 fciences of benevolence. For, my Lords and 
 Gentlemen, we can fpeak with confidence upon 
 thefe fubjccls ; as we have ourfelves attempted by 
 our own means to accomplifli, what we propofc 
 to you in rcfped to all of them ; and it was the 
 want of a very fmall pecuniary aid, which alone 
 prevented our fuccefs. As a icward for our va- 
 rious
 
 [ 140 ] 
 
 rioiis and important labours intended to ferve the 
 public, we would humbly requeft to have the ho- 
 nour of completing what we have begun and at- 
 tempted, becaufe the progrefs we have already 
 made would render very eafy the remaining part 
 of the tafk. Surely, therefore, you will not allow 
 the nation to be deprived of the great fervices, 
 which the univerfal fciences of benevolence afford, 
 when the public will defray the expence of ac- 
 complifhing the national perfeAion of them. The 
 wifdom, patriotifm, and humanity, which fo emi- 
 nently diftinguilh you at the prefent time, we 
 humbly truft, will therefore gracioully incline you 
 to grant fuch very trifling fums of money, in order 
 to ejlahlijlj proper fuccedanea in the place of colleges^ 
 for the adequate improvement and extenfwn of agricul- 
 iure, medicine, and mental civilization, which are noi 
 to be accompUJI^ed by the means of colleges; to diftri- 
 bute their numerous and inellimable advantages and 
 bleffings univerfally through fociety ; and to carry 
 thofe three important national objects, which have 
 not hitherto been cultivated or advanced by adequate 
 means, to the great heights of perfedlion, which 
 they are capable of reaching by fuch afiiftance. 
 
 Our Countrymen in general! Ye Ci- 
 tizens OF the Empire ! 
 As the fincere votaries of public virtue and phi- 
 lanthrophy ! we are commiflioned to prefent you 
 with the fyftem of the twelve practical fciences of 
 
 public
 
 C 141 ] 
 
 public and private welfare, which we have already 
 announced ; viz. thofe of government, jurifpru- 
 dence, the local arrangement with the diiirid im* 
 provement of countries ; of public agency, and of 
 finance ; of mental civihzation, and of religion ; 
 of medicine ; of national improvement properly 
 fo called ; of commerce, of politics and war : and 
 in them you will find, ye Citizens ! the means 
 which are neceliary to redrefs the wrongs, and 
 fupply the wants of humanity, to advance all your 
 feveral interefts, and to complete your happinefs. 
 They afford for your enjoyment a celeftial ban- 
 quet, rich with divine regalements, exhauftlefs in 
 its (lores, open to all ranks and Nations, and ca- 
 pable of fatisfying every part of the human cre- 
 ation. Comprehenfive, great, and conipetent for 
 its feveral purpofes, in a manner which is aflonilli- 
 ing, is the fyftem of public welfare, which we pro- 
 pofe ! It abounds with every good, and can pro- 
 duce fublunary perfedion ; it is indeed the divine 
 fyftem of public welfare, which God intended for 
 the fervice of fociety ! It is the mod ilJuflrions 
 objcd, that can dignify the world, and honour thi-: 
 or any other country : and its excellence, as we 
 prefcnt it, is infinitely more complete than the 
 prcfcnt regeneration in France ! 
 
 Nor let its merits fuffcr becaufe the term rege- 
 neration in its ufual acceptance is iiniilar ro na- 
 tional perfedion. The regeneration of nations 
 
 i:iro
 
 r 142 3 
 
 into their proper perfedlion, which is the great db-^ 
 jed: of the prefent defign, is not an operation of 
 war, of fedition, of tumult, of mobs, but of peace, 
 of improvement, of pubhc advantage, of philan- 
 thropy, of private felicity : and however imper- 
 fedly eltablifhed in France, it has from that 
 country exterminated flavery and tyranny with lefs 
 blood than a fmart fkirmiOi in war ufually caufes 
 to be filed. In this country regeneration, as 
 we propofe it, would, like a charm, perfect hu- 
 manity ; be only felt as an univerfal thrilling fen- 
 fation of pleafure ; as in China at prefent, as once it 
 accompliOied in the reign of Alfred, and once in 
 the golden age, immediately fubfequent to the 
 primary civilization of Greece, and the neigh- 
 bouring countries ; it would fufpend all diftur- 
 bances, and caufe general tranquillity. An ill 
 compliment, therefore, Ihould we pay to our coun- 
 trymen, to our fovereign, to parliament, if we 
 iliould be afraid or backward in fupporting it 
 with fpirit, and energy ; or if we fliould draw any 
 diftindions between national perfedion and na- 
 tional regeneration, as if it were neceffary to ac- 
 commodate the proper terms of public welfare to 
 politenefs, and to public error. 
 
 Ought we to be content and fatisfied with 
 the prefent ftate of fociety, when it may be ren- 
 dered infiiiitelv more pcrfed ? Ought we only to 
 enjoy a fmali portion of the many gratifications, 
 
 which
 
 [ 143. ] 
 
 which fociety can afford, and was intended by 
 Providence to afford Mankind ? But why fliould. 
 we fubmit to all the various inconvenience and 
 diflrefs, and calamity, which we fuffer in fociety, 
 which we were not created to experience, inftcad 
 of feeking for that happinefs God intended us in 
 this world ? As Britifli citizens, nay as rational be- 
 ■ ings, we ought not to be thus content and fatisfied. 
 As attached to our country, and feeling for others, 
 and for ourfelves, we ought to be a6live and ftre- 
 nuous in contributing all means in our power to 
 improve fociety, and to render every fervice to 
 humanity. From the exceflive negleft, as well as 
 from the great difficulty of cultivating all its dif- 
 ferent interefts, and from the frequent violation 
 and abufe of thefe, the prefent (late of fociety in 
 general is inexpreffibly imperfect, mean and fordid, 
 unhappy and wretched. It is, to ufe a grofs compa- 
 rifon, a mefs of cold pottage, with various raw 
 admixtures, caufing numerous flatulent, colicky 
 diforders ; while national perfection is the ban- 
 quet, already defcribed, rich, luxurious, plenteous, 
 fplendid, intended for man by divine Providence. 
 We fliall therefore prefent a flight view of the 
 prefent flate of fociety, and more cfpccially, as 
 it regards the twelve fciences of public welfare, 
 the proper conflitution of which, as rendering fo- 
 ciety perfect, may be viewed in the preceding 
 pages.. For in what a lituaiion do tlie bulk of man- 
 kind
 
 t H4 3 
 
 kind live at prefcnt, and what do they not fuffef 
 on account of the perverfion of the twelve practi- 
 cal fciences of public welfare, the adequate ad- 
 vancement of which was intended to complete the 
 interefls of humanity ! 
 
 Concerning each of thofe fciences, we fliall offer 
 a few of the many confiderations, which we might 
 prefent on the occafion, in order to fhew the prefent 
 imperfeftion of them* Even fuch a partial view will 
 manifeft this ; and a comparifon with the propofed 
 perfeft ftate of public welfare, which is comprifed 
 in the foregoing chapter, will in fome meafure com- 
 penfate for the want of a full enumetation of the 
 different- defects, and corruptions of its prefent 
 flate, which our time does not permit us to at- 
 tempt. We have already adverted to the prafticd 
 of medicine ; and from the v?ev/ given of it, it 
 will appear, what great and numerous fervices^ and 
 bleffings we lofe, what diilrefs, misfortune, and 
 mortality we faffcr, from not advancing, extend- 
 ing, and regulating it in a better manner. In re- 
 fpe^l of religion, what ineftimxable and intcrcfting 
 ferviccs might not this afford ibciety, as we have 
 propofed to advance it for the completion of hu- 
 manity ! But in what a difrefpeftful ftate is it in 
 general at prefent ! Infinilely too little fervice it 
 renders fociety ; and Icarcely, in the prefent age, 
 any perfon, who in the mofi: regular manner attends 
 divine v,'orlhip, becomes better in his morals on a 
 
 Mondav
 
 C H5 1 
 
 Monday, than he was on the preceding Saturday. 
 What a diftrefs are the tithes to the pubhc in ge- 
 neral ; and how much do they obftrud the good 
 effeds, which religion ought to produce! What 
 a difgrace is it on one hand for a Britini yeomanry 
 not to have the fpirit to provide a different means 
 for the fupport of the Church ; and for the Clergy 
 not as fpiritedly to co-operate in the fame in- 
 tention ! Why is not the ftate of the Church, 
 which has for fo many centuries not been revifed, 
 nor meliorated, to be reviewed, to be improved, 
 to be reformed ; and to be rendered as ufeful, as 
 unexceptionable, and as generally comprehenfive 
 as poffible, lince fuch meafures will promote the 
 different interefts of fociety, in a manner, to which 
 exprefhon cannot render juftice ; fmce more par- 
 ticularly by their means the Church may reconcile 
 all religious differences and dilTentions, fupported 
 on reafon and fentiment, and thus prevent the va- 
 rious bad effefts, arifmg from the prefent flate of 
 the numerous religious fedls in this country, which 
 are much more detrimental to fociety than we are 
 aware of I 
 
 As to jurifprudence and the law, what bleflings 
 and advantages, what aid and friendfhip ought we 
 not, our countrymen ! to experience from them ; 
 but can we defcribe the miferies and calami-ies, 
 which every citizen fuffers from the corruptions 
 of them ? Too rank, do thefe offend for us to de- 
 
 L. fcribe
 
 fcribe them, and you need not view as a piAure 
 the mifery, which is imprefTed upon your hearts, by 
 your own, and the general experience of fociety. 
 Jurifprudence at the prefent day feldom or ever 
 makes a falutary law for the diredl advancement of 
 the interefts of fociety, though thefe can in infinite 
 refpeds be improved by the due exercife of a 
 wholefome legillation. In new laws, fuch as regard 
 criminal punifhments and taxes, it only impofes 
 additional diftrefs and calamity upon the people : 
 and lawyers, courts of juftice, and the chancery 
 and the houfe of lords, as means of legal redrefs, 
 are viewed with horror ; though all of them may 
 readily be fo improved and regulated, as to be con- 
 fident with the applications of prudent perfons to 
 them for relief, and to be efFeclual fupports of 
 virtue, humanity, and integrity. 
 
 From what we have advanced in refped of the 
 fcience of mental civiHzation, it is very manifeft, 
 that good difpofitions and good underflandings 
 are intended by God to be enjoyed univerfally by 
 all men through fociety ; and that fuch difpofitiors 
 and underflandings may readily be extended to 
 all the different ftations, as they were in the days 
 of Alfred. But the means are left at random, and 
 not afforded us by Government, which only can 
 fupply them, in the manner we have explained, 
 when we treated of the three univerfal fciences of 
 benevolence : although the good old king, whofe 
 
 memory
 
 [ 147 ] 
 
 memory we fhould love till time is no more, found 
 this a very eafy talk. We do nothing in refped: 
 of this important ohje(5t ; and our Sunday fchools 
 are the fole, and we may call them with truth little 
 pufillanimous attempts, which this great and fci- 
 entific age has made, for promoting the purpofes 
 of civilization. What a general fcene of vice is 
 fpread over the land ! How fcandalous is this ! 
 When fuch an opprobrious flate is folely owing, 
 as we have (hown, to the want of proper informa- 
 tion, and diredion of the mind of individuals in 
 general, and in fome degree, to the defedt of a 
 little agency and form for the encouragement of 
 virtue. For the great Alfred abfolutely and wholly 
 defaced it from the kingdom by fimilar means, as 
 hiftory fo well evinces. 
 
 Nay in the prefent age, the good, as they are 
 called, are in their way too generally vicious 
 people : for what delight do they take in defamation ! 
 with what keen alacrity in general do they prey upon 
 mifery, and profecute to their ruin the unfortunate, 
 who often fink under their malice, when otherwife 
 they could have raifed and relieved themfelves ! 
 The chara^er of integrity and virtue, fociality and 
 benevolence, is, in general, too fufpicious through 
 the whole kingdom ; and fhould unqueftionably, 
 along with the more open and flagrant vicioufncfs, 
 go into the wafliing-tub, to be fcoured with that ley, 
 which we have prepared under the pradical fcience 
 
 L 2 of
 
 [ 148 ] 
 
 of mental civilization. This is more efpcclally 
 neceflary, as we are daily tranfporting and hanging 
 numbers of poor wretches, whofe unhappy fates 
 too often are owing to the vices of the good, as 
 they are called, and of fociety in general, but al- 
 moft always to the ignorance and negle6t of go- 
 vernment refpefting crimes, as it may to a cer- 
 tainty prevent them, by accompliQiing our pro- 
 pdfed means of mental civihzation. We know 
 the latter fadt fo well to be true, that we frequent- 
 ly think minifters of ftate, deferve to be fubftituted 
 . as the criminals, who are launched into eternity, 
 or in large fleets tranfported to people diftant co- 
 lonies, by the determination of what, my country- 
 men ! ye call juftice. But let us turn from a view 
 highly difgraceful and moft opprobrious to the 
 divine intentions of fociety, and afk, why and 
 wherefore is not man made the great, the perfe(f^, 
 the wife, the able, the accomplifhed, the embel- 
 liflied, the happy being, which he was intended 
 to be by nature; which a proper cultivation of 
 his mind and perfon, as we have fliown elfewhere, 
 is certain to render him; which, in general, through 
 ancient Greece he was aftually in a very great de- 
 gree made, every citizen being rendered fuch a 
 complete being, by the plealing arts and cares of its 
 religious inititutions and public civihzation ! 
 
 In refpedt of the praflical fcience of national 
 improvements, we may obferve, that as public 
 
 objeds.
 
 [ H9 ] 
 
 objeds, they are fcarcely attended to. Some com- 
 niercial regulations, indeed, engage the attention 
 of government; but principally with the view of 
 providing a revenue for the ftate. Therefore as 
 ability, acquired by habit and practice, is the prin- 
 cipal or fole means of deviling and accomplifh- 
 ing the national improvements, fo we may fay the 
 total negled of the national improvements by the 
 different departments of it, muft render govern- 
 ment abfolutely unequal to the introdudtion of 
 them. Hence, when fuch objedls come before dif- 
 ferent ad minift rations, they fhow a perfefl inability 
 in rcfpcd: to them. Hence, the remodification of 
 the Poor laws, the introdudion of police, the pro- 
 motion of the Britifli fiOieries, the abolition of the 
 Have trade, an adequate fupply of provifions for the 
 public ufe, and legiflation in general, fo. far as 
 this refpedls the interefts of the nation ; all termi- 
 nate, when they are brought before the Senate, in 
 mere debates and declamations. Nay, the fcience 
 of public welfare, called the local arrangement of 
 a country and the ditlricl improvement thereof, is 
 really wholly unknown in this country, as anobjecl: 
 of government. Therefore the hand of government, 
 which fhould every where explore the opportuni- 
 ties, and accomplifli the means of improving the 
 fcveral parts of the kingdom, is unable to grafp its 
 object, and cannot pofiibly opcrv'^te, as for want of 
 vfe, it poflefll's not the faculty of impvovcmcAt. 
 
 L 3 As
 
 C '50 3 
 
 As to the fcience of finance, one of the fciences 
 of pubUc welfare, it is not underflood in this king- 
 dom, as we have aheady advanced fufEcient proofs : 
 and we have fhown in our writings, when the 
 fcience is really known, the finances of the king- 
 dom may be immediately redreffed. The national 
 ignorance concerning them is obvious from any, 
 the moft trifling view we can take of them. It is 
 really aftonifliing, what a fum of money in taxes, 
 which is never received by the Exchequer, is paid 
 by the public, owing to the prefent modes of im- 
 pofing and levying the revenue ! How often do we 
 fee a tax laid upon an article, that in the increafed 
 price of the article is paid twice or feveral times 
 oyer ! Different modes of taxation, accompanied 
 with great additional feverity, are become necef- 
 fary. And the taxes are to be let out to the beft 
 bidders, and the excife laws extended, when the 
 relaxation of the rigour of finance is its fole and 
 real adlual improvement, as we have elfewhere fully 
 Ihown ! We groan under our taxes : frefh ones are 
 continually impofed ; and a long feries of addi- 
 tional ones we nOw find to be unavoidable! Are 
 we to labour only to fupply food for taxes, and not 
 to enjoy the fruits of labour ? 
 
 As to the fcience of politics, we refer the reader 
 to- what we have already faid on the fubject ; and 
 he will there fee, we adt not according to true-, but 
 according to modern, that isj the moil irrational 
 
 and
 
 C 151 ] 
 
 and abfurd principles of politics, that can poffibly 
 be devifed. A Britifh minifter of ftate is really a 
 more eccentric warrior, than an Alexander the 
 Great, or a Julius Csfar ! and we hardly can ac- 
 <^ompany the rapid flight of the military genius 
 of the former to Holland, then to Madrid, at the 
 fame time to India, Conftantinople, PeterflDurgh, 
 Stockholm, and Copenhagen ! Our court in the 
 firfl period of the prefent reign, and we think with 
 great wifdom, was pacific, and eflentially contri- 
 buted to the fuccefs of the Ruflians againft the 
 Turks. Now every where it excites and fpreads 
 the flames of war ; and how contrary to its former 
 conduft, is making war againft R'oflia in favour 
 of the Ottomans ! Even all the feveral maritime 
 powers, except merely one, are alarmed,, and be- 
 come inimical to us. Surely fuch political pro- 
 ceedings muft manifeft to every candid mind, that 
 in refped: of objects the moft eflential to the na-. 
 tional welfare, there aftually exifts the moft ftrange 
 and unaccountable ignorance and error irn the fu- 
 preme government. As to war, it is, indeed, a 
 praiftical fciqnce of public ^^'elfal"e, although only 
 fuch in general, as it is avoided, and a rare oc- 
 currence : but our minifters really feem to deliglit 
 in war, and might, perhaps, as well openly acknow- 
 ledge the hereditary turn and inclination of then- 
 genius. The politics they adopt, only tend to 
 produce wars ; and in tlic horror of rhelc a gcne-
 
 [ '5^ ] 
 
 ral conflagration of their kindling would unqneftion- 
 ably have involved all Europe, provided philan- 
 thropy and patriotifm had not fortunately accom- 
 plifhed the regeneration of France. This has furely 
 been very beneficial to this country ! and has proved 
 an unforefeen, and as we think, a Divine inter- 
 ference in favO'Ur of peace and the interefls of hu- 
 manity. We have, without the fandion of any 
 plea of juftice whatever, made war on Tippoo 
 Saib, even in India, where the impolicy of war 
 for promoting our interefts is well known, even in 
 an enemy's extenlive dominions, where conqueft 
 ought not to have been expected, confidering our 
 very late experience in America. We have allied 
 ourfelves in fuch a manner with Pruffia, that the 
 reft of Europe, as in the laft German war, might 
 too probably have been combined againft both. 
 
 In regard to the pradical fcience of commerce, 
 government has loaded it very heavily, and greatly 
 opprefTed it ; and will too certainly, in confequence 
 of miftaken politics and frequent wars, be compel- 
 led to impofe fuch fevere burdens upon it, as wilt 
 break its back. Such an event in refpedl of com- 
 merce, may approach fooner than we are aware ; 
 for it will be accelerated by the fpeedy improve- 
 ments of the French manufadlures and commerce. 
 Thefe may with great certainty be predifted, after 
 the compofi.re of the national difturbances, to be- 
 come trying rivals to this country. But what does 
 
 it
 
 C '« ] 
 
 It avail the nation, that commerce flourilhes, if it is 
 only to be made the means of impofing the burdens 
 of finance upon our flioulders ? The purpofe of 
 commerce, as we endeavour to advance and fup- 
 port its interefts, and as we conlider it to be a prac- 
 tical fcience of public welfare, is to be ferviceable 
 and beneficial to fociety. How much this lau- 
 dable purpofe is perverted, and reverfed, we may 
 fee in various inftances, even in our Well India 
 trade. Sugar is 4d. per pound dearer in England 
 than in France, we mufl pay at the fame time an 
 exorbitant price for rum, in order that a minifter 
 may make it one of his ways and means, for in- 
 volving us in unneccflary fanguinary wars ; and 
 upon account of the taxes laid upon it, mull drink 
 it in fuch an adulterated ftate, as wholly deprives it 
 of its cordial and invigorating effeds, and converts 
 it into a poifon to our conftitutions. 
 
 In refpeit to the praftical fcience of public 
 agencies, we every where through the kingdom 
 fee the imperfed: ftate of them. For parifh of- 
 ficers make very imperfed: agents to fuperintend 
 the maintenance of the poor and the roads of the 
 kingdom. Cuitom-houfe officers and excifemcn 
 afford very unhappy means for colle6ting and pro- 
 curing revenue : they are obliged to attend and 
 watch every veffel and boat, and the fca itfelf, and 
 to pervade and encircle the whole inland country ; 
 and, we may truly fay, every article which fca or 
 
 imd
 
 I '54 ] 
 
 land affords, is burdened with a tax, which they 
 are employed to college ! What evafions and de- 
 falcations hence take place in the produce of the 
 revenue, we hardly need fay! In what manner? 
 our pariili ofEcers collect feveral of the taxes, as 
 the fervant taxes, the window lights, and a long 
 lift of others, is fo well known to you, that you 
 muft imagine Mr. Pitt does not know, who coUedls 
 them; otherwife he would have fubftiituted a better 
 agency for the purpofe. The fcience of public 
 agency is very imperfedl at the prefent day ; but 
 when it is properly underftood, as it has already 
 been explained, the greateft benefits may be de- 
 rived from it ;. and national perfedion readily efta- 
 bliOied. Almoft any public fervices, ye Citizens 
 of the Empire ! ye can then reafonably expert, 
 will, without difficulty, be afforded to you ; and 
 government will become as able to ferve you, as 
 at prefent it is impotent for this purpofe i' It is. 
 therefore furpriling, when public affairs are in their 
 prefent very unfavourable fituation, when the dif- 
 ferent eftablilhments of public agencies, fuch as 
 thofe of parliament, of law, of religion, of pariihes, 
 of the excife, of the cuftoms, are become corrupt- 
 ed, perverted, old or broken down, or rufty, or 
 inadequate to the general interefts of the nation, 
 or to new emergencies, that government fliould be 
 {o reluflant to a proper revife, reform, and amend - 
 I ment
 
 ment'of them ! Such condud is really very horrid, 
 criminal, and flagitious ! 
 
 Laftiy, We fliali add a few obfervations to fhow 
 the great imperfections obfervable in refped of 
 the government of Great Britain; for we wifli not 
 to trouble the reader with a longer confi deration 
 of the prefent fubje(5l. In the firft place, that go- 
 vernment mufl necelTarily be a very bad one, 
 which is become fo corrupt, that its principal de- 
 partments have loft their proper independence, 
 having become wholly fubjed to the influence of 
 the Crown. This ftatement muft be admitted by 
 every perfon of candour : nor can you amend the 
 prefent government, fo that it will not return with- 
 in a fhort fpace of time into the fame ftate, as it is 
 at prefent, unlefs you amend it in a moft effedlual 
 manner. Another great defeft in the government 
 is, that the people poflefs no liberty ; for what is 
 pretended to be fuch, really does not deferve the 
 precious name. For no perfons in the kingdom 
 poflefs an adequate reprefentation in Parliament ; 
 a fmall portion of the people are only reprefented 
 in any fenfe; and this liberty, (o called, is virtually 
 of no ufe, but lays proftrate at the command of the 
 Crown. That which we call Britifli liberty, is, in 
 general, the advantage of a few good laws, which 
 have been tranfmitted to us from our anceftors, 
 whom alone we fliould thank on this occafion. 
 Still greater imperfedlions in our government are 
 
 hs
 
 [ '56 ] 
 
 its ignorance and want of vvifdom, m refpe^l of the 
 means of national welfare, and its inability in de- 
 viling and executing proper defigns of public utility. 
 This is well known in the frequent futile attempts 
 of government to bring forwards a police, a refor- 
 mation of the Poor laws, an abolition of the Have 
 trade, an increafe of provifions, and fimilar improve- 
 ments : for what minifters chiefly accomplifli, are 
 fmall trifling obje^^s, fuch as the means of impofing. 
 a tax; on the wheels of a carriage, or on a number 
 of windows. Thefe imiperfeftions are very evident. 
 For none of our minilters are acquainted with the 
 interefts and means of national welfare in any degree 
 worthy notice, much lefs pofiefs a mafterly capacity 
 for devifing plans of public good. The Lord 
 Chancellor himfelf has never propofed one fipgle 
 defign of this nature in either of the tv/Q Hpufes of 
 Parliament, though he has fat in them fo many 
 years : and, therefore, his Lordfhip is not in any 
 fenfe a legiflator, but a mere interpreter of the 
 laws, which kind of fkill is not a difficult acquifitiori 
 to a profeffional rnan. This does not proceed from 
 want of ability, but from the negled of cultiva- 
 ting the proper fcience. GovernmentSj we all know, 
 who attend to the national improvements, have 
 long gone by a fixed rule never to attend to any 
 propofals of public improvements, but for their 
 mere convenience, and temporary occalions; and 
 they really have no tafte or turn for deviling or fc^ 
 
 forwardins:
 
 * [ «57 ] 
 
 forwarding a national improvement. Hence, when 
 a fubjed: of public welfare comes before them, they 
 generally blunder in a very furpriling manner : but 
 the other day in Livefy's caufe. Lord Thurlow 
 propofed that the acceptor of a bill, who had re- 
 ceived fair value, in order to anfvver the payment 
 of it, (liould be exempted from making that pay- 
 ment. This opinion very fortunately for public 
 credit, which would otherwife have been deftroyed^ 
 was not followed by the Houfe of Lords. The 
 abiUty, which we fo much admire in different mi- 
 nifters, and which fo greatly furprifes the public, 
 is not executive, but fpeculative ; and confifts in a 
 knack of making long fpeeches, and in the intro- 
 duftion of a vaft number of minute and intricate 
 fentiments, reafons, and arguments upon any fub- 
 jedl, which comes before them in public. Minif- 
 ters perhaps always, for fo we underftand, intruft 
 the fabrication of public defigns to the perfons fub- 
 ordinate in office : men, who in fadt cannot be 
 expefted to know, or to have the lead idea of the 
 pradical art of public welfare, much lefs of na- 
 tional perfection, or even to have a tafte or turn 
 for fubjeds of the nature. For is it not an ab- 
 furdity to look for merit of this kind in Mr. Ro- 
 binfon, who was a country attorney, or in Mr. 
 Rofc or Mr. Napean, who were but lately purfeis 
 of men of war ? 
 
 The
 
 [ 158 3 
 
 The imperfedion of the government of Great 
 Britain, fpeaking of it in general, is the fource of 
 infinite pubHc grievances and calamities, which 
 are well known, and proceed from its perverfion, 
 corruption, or fubmiflion to the crown. But there 
 is one calamity, fpringing from it, which is not 
 underftood, we mean the great depreffion of the 
 people in fociety. For if the people through fo- 
 ciety at large were indulged in the frequent and 
 proper exercife of their eledlive rights of repre- 
 fentation in parliament, a due confideration would 
 always be paid to their opinions, and to their in- 
 terefts, which are in general in the country ; for 
 we do not fpeak fo much of the manufadur- 
 ing parts of the kingdom, very much difre- 
 garded. We fpeak from pofitive knowledge 
 of the fubjed, that inferiors through fociety are, 
 for the v/ant of fuch a fafeguard, as the above, 
 very often ill treated, and great fufferers in their 
 private fortunes, and often much opprefled and 
 rendered very miferable. The pofleffion of an 
 adequate reprefentation in parliament, and the 
 frequent exercife of eledion, will, as an antidote 
 in thefe refpeds, prove one of the greateft blef- 
 (ings, that can befall fociety ; and though feem'ingly 
 the means of a trifling elevation, will perfectly re- 
 move the prefent groveling deprefTure of the people. 
 It may be proper by fome inftances to illuftrate 
 fuch a ftate of deprefTure, as the above. Thus, if the 
 
 people
 
 C 159 3 
 
 people ,dare to feek the attainment of any objedt 
 of public welfare, fuch perhaps as the enclofiire 
 of a common, they have no means of accomplilli* 
 ing this, provided a great man forfooth, or any 
 perfon in his confidence, be not in humour to 
 comply with the public voice, let this be ever fo 
 * clamorous, and raifed upon the mod juft grounds 
 of abfolute right, juflice, humanity, and public 
 welfare ! Different parts of the country are really 
 fometimes opprefled by the fuperior gentry in fuch 
 a manner, that all the rights of humanity, and 
 the feveral laws of decency and of good manners, 
 are violated in the grofleft forms. We have feen a 
 great man indeed, ftop three freeholders going in a 
 carriage to an eledion, and after infifting in vain 
 on their votes for the oppofite party, and upbraiding 
 them with favours, which an attorney could not 
 poflibly find, even at the deiire of a countefs, a 
 noble family had ever rendered them, firll bully 
 two of the electors out of the pofl chaife ; pull out 
 the other who was refradiory by the collar ; take 
 away the carriage, and leave the travellers, poor 
 ill-fated reprefentatives of the boafted liberties of 
 Englifhmen and freemen ! to profecute their journey 
 on foot. There was the greater hardfliip in the 
 cafe, for the poor electors could not pofTibly know 
 the intention of a gentleman by his public piin- 
 ciples, who had juft returned from fupporting the 
 oppofition in a diflant county, to fupport Mr. Pitt, 
 
 where
 
 [ i6o 3 
 
 where he was at the time of his committing (o fla- 
 grant an outrage ! We have known a real arifto- 
 crate, for paffion fometimes operates too ftrongly on 
 violent tempers, feize upon the hounds and grey- 
 hounds of a whole parifli, and carry them away, 
 without any plea of law or juftice, not paying any 
 regard to the locks upon the doors, which the un- 
 thinking people thought their fafeguard. A gen- 
 tleman of great refpedt in his behaviour in general, 
 but oCcafionally ariftocratical, we have known ap- 
 prehend a dog on the high road, paffing through 
 his eftate ; and though the dog belonged to, and 
 was very earneftly reclaimed by a moft refpedtable 
 qualified perfon, who did not long furvive the in- 
 fult ! order his groom to hang up the poor animal, 
 who, as public roads in moft countries are conli- 
 dered as public property, could not be confidered 
 as a trefpaffer. But not in refpedl of particular in- 
 ftances, but with regard to all the poffible ways and 
 means of injuring the happinefs of the human 
 mind eveiy where in its walk, a true ariftocratic 
 fpirit employs and bullies itfelf with unceafmg fo- 
 licitude. And what will he not perpetrate, goaded 
 with fo hoftile a principle againft humanity ? In 
 (hort, the true and lawful fovereigns of Great 
 Britain may become complete tyrants of their ex- 
 tenfive dominions, but they cannot difturb the 
 happinefs of fociety in fuch a manner, as a poor 
 wretched ariflocrate, truly fuch, has it in his power, 
 
 whofe
 
 [ i6i ] 
 
 Nvhoie tyranny would fall to the ground, and his 
 oppreffion ceafe, if the people were fairly repre- 
 fented in Parliament, and frequently as well as 
 duly exercifed the precious right of election. 
 
 This ftate of depreflure of the people is become 
 altogether critical : either at this time or very foon 
 it muft be removed ; or the people of Great Britain 
 become flaves, or worfe than flaves. For the 
 peerage is very numerous, and increafes every 
 year in number. A regular, fyftematic increafe 
 of the peerage gives furprifmg influence to the 
 crown, as it attaches to , government the perfons 
 who are raifed to the dignity, and a principal part 
 of the higher gentry, who exped, in the free man- 
 ner government difpenfes honours, to arrive either 
 themfelves or their pofterity at the fame honours. 
 But if the gentry fliould be fo happy, as not to de- 
 lude themfelves with the phantoms of rank and 
 grandeur, yet various motives naturally aflbciate 
 them in general with the peers, and the other 
 inferior orders of nobiHty. The higher gentry 
 likewife will be in general induced to coincide with 
 government from the vaft influence of the crown, 
 which is itill increafing, in the numerous places, 
 and promotions, which are in its difpenfation. 
 Hence, in this kingdom an ariftocratic gentry will 
 in time be formed fubjecl to the influence of the 
 crown ; and both peers, and men of large fortune 
 being numerous through the kingdom, and in a 
 
 M com-
 
 [ i6z ] 
 
 tommeiclal country, fure to increafe very confide- 
 rably, the ariftocracy will become univerfal. There- 
 fore fuch a gentry, unlefs the rights of the people 
 are reftored and advanced in an adequate manner, 
 to counterbalance its power, will become generally 
 oppreflive both in a private and in a public view. 
 To influence fuch a gentry as it pleafes, the 
 crov/n is provided in its patronage with every means 
 requilite ; not to mention its collateral means of in- 
 fluence, fuch as on one hand the powerful arts of 
 promife, and on the other the fallacious charms oi 
 hope and expedation, or fuch as the power of ma- 
 jefl:y, as it conciliates attachment, and affeds to fup- 
 port 'the interefts of ariftocracy. Aflifted with fuch a 
 gentry, the crown will acquire a power and tyranny 
 over the people, which cannot be controlled : it 
 will opprefs them at pleafure. It will force them 
 into whatfoever wars it pleafes. It will not be 
 thwarted with contefted elecftions, which the gentry 
 fettle among themfelves. It will compel the people 
 to bear the national grievances, as a corrupted 
 genay will not attempt to relieve them ; and it will 
 oblige the people, unable to help themfelves, or 
 dragooned like Dutchmen, patiently to fubmit to 
 an interminable impofition of the moft dreadful 
 and oppreflive kinds of taxes and duties. The 
 concurrence of the gentry in fuch meafures will be 
 fecured by the proper diftribution of the favours 
 of government, whofe influence will at the fame 
 
 time
 
 C '63 ] 
 
 time be moft eflentially increafed by the additional 
 taxes. The people, therefore, unavoidably will be 
 compelled to fubmit, becaufe the gentry, who, as 
 their leaders, could render their refiftance of avail, 
 are in reality combined againft them. 
 
 Nay, the people, as without the higher gentry 
 they might be effedtually able to vindicate them- 
 felves, will be deprived of the afliftance of the lefler 
 gentry. For this body, opprefled with the burthens 
 of finance, will neceffarily be obliged to find re- 
 lief in trade, and will therefore greatly diminifli 
 in number, and they are already forfaking the 
 country. Or they mull at home pradife a ievere 
 CECononiy ; or flatter and become the dependents 
 of the higher gentry ; or if they fliow indepen- 
 dency of mind, be overpowered by the rancorous 
 profecutions of proud fuperiors, who will fet no 
 bounds to their malice, and will not fcruple to 
 employ the meaneft arts and the mod deteftable 
 devices for the gratification of their revenge. Per- 
 fons of fortune in the commercial line are able to 
 afford greater afiiftance to the people againft a 
 future combination of an ariftocratic gentry with 
 government : yet they will fail in the ftruggle 
 with the landed intereft, and the large body of the 
 higher gentry. They will be ingrofl^ed by their 
 proper employments ; they too often will become 
 allbciatcd on account of their affluence with the 
 
 M 2 arif-
 
 c 164 i 
 
 ^riftocratic intereft, and at lad too generally in- 
 corporated with it. 
 
 Political writers of great refped have afferted, 
 that the American War was begun principally 
 with a view of increafing the number of taxes in 
 the kingdom, and by this means of acquiring in- 
 fluence and additional power, in order to deprefs 
 the people. The truth of fuch an intention un- 
 quellionably is not w^ll founded : but the confe- 
 quence they infer is certain. Taxation is un- 
 doubtedly the mod effectual means of overpower- 
 ing fociety, and laying it helplcfs and wretched 
 at the mercy of the fovereign. Nay in truth, ex- 
 tended beyond bounds, as taxation is, and as it 
 mull ftill farther be extended, from our prefent, 
 and as we may fay, our military policy ; the in- 
 creafe of the nobility, and what is its fure and in- 
 evitable confequence, of an aridocratic gentry, 
 will become in fome meafure excufable. For it 
 will be necelTary to lay fuch an additional op- 
 preffive weight of taxes upon the people, as the 
 latter will not bear, unlefs fuch a gentry concur 
 with the meafures of government, and become 
 incorporated with the latter. 
 
 The introduftion of an ariflocratic gentry in 
 faft becomes necellliry, as an improv^cnt of fi- 
 nance, when the excife laws are extended, and 
 taxes are let to the bed bidders. The propofcd 
 form of the new government of Canada is an ap. 
 
 pofuc
 
 C i65 ] 
 
 pofite illuftration of this mode of concluding with 
 additional feverity the adminiftration of pubhc 
 affairs. The faid form feeking to produce in- 
 fluence and power, propofes an order of nobility, 
 created for life, at the arbitrary pleafure of the 
 fovereign, which is a new and hitherto unthought-of 
 improvement upon their fubferviency in refpedt of 
 majefty. It alfo propofes a wretched fhadow of a 
 parliamentary reprefentation, which it can influence 
 at command, and by it, in fad, vvill acquire and 
 exercife unlimited power over the people ; and it 
 divides even Canada into two governments, and 
 unqueftionably upon the worft of political prin- 
 ciples, illiberal and ungenerous ones! in order that 
 divifion may impofe tyranny upon difunion. 
 
 However, the fcene is lefs ominous, when we 
 confider the prefent great, intrinfic merit and vir- 
 tues of the Britifh nobility and gentry. For arifto- 
 cratic tyranny is rare in the kingdom, and where it 
 is at prefent etlabliflied, its excefs is always greatly 
 jtioderated by a large proportion of unexception- 
 able gentry. Even what perfons there are of an 
 aridocratic gentry, are often good, feldom bad per- 
 ibns in their natural difpofitions, however miftakcn 
 their conduct ; and are induced to exercife arbitrary 
 jowcr, becaule tlicy wi(h to force a country in 
 favour of a niiniilcr of ilatc, whom they approve 
 •i|)0!i principle, or to tniiifmir unl^oundcd influence 
 to liieir I'.cii's, or, pci'linns, to iiiduk'C' tlic lium.ou[.^ 
 
 M 3 0.
 
 [ i66 ] 
 
 of others, when they interfere againft their wretch- 
 ed neighbours: at the fame time their virtues, 
 as their integrity, honour, gallantry of fpirit, enter- 
 prifing adivity, courage, cheerfulnefs, and gaiety, 
 confiderably atone for the accidental and unnatural 
 perverfion of their minds, and the injuries they 
 commit againft fociety. Some of fuch a gentry, by 
 want of magnanimity of difpofition, are incapable 
 of exercifmg a tyranny fatal to the interefts of 
 fociety : but as defpotifm in any (hape and degree 
 is ever prejudicial to the interefts of humanity, 
 they, too, are injurious to thefe ; for, though they 
 cannot hunt or ftioot themfelves, they have their 
 gamekeepers, to deprive refpedable inferior cha- 
 rafters of exercifmg the rights of nature within their 
 liberties, as they are called. Though they live in 
 the midft of barbarous inacceffible mountains, they 
 at any price purchafe the cottage when an oppor- 
 tunity offers, wherein the independent man, in the 
 midft of their large eftate, has lived happy upon his 
 competence, in order that fuch obnoxious charac- 
 ters may never again interfere with them. They 
 with pleafure feduce a young neighbour into ari- 
 ftocracy, and teach him, contrary to the example 
 of his predeceffors, to violate the rights of man : 
 nor yet would they, as real tyrants in fociety, 
 commit a greater wrong than to bring a public 
 canal a few miles out of its proper direcftion, 
 
 for
 
 [ .67 ] 
 
 for the convenience, or rather embellifliment of 
 their magnificent refidences. 
 
 However, fometimes even the Britifli gentry for- 
 get the rights of humanity, and defcend to the 
 word of ariflocratic pradices. Some of them have 
 been known in the annals of fociety to overpower 
 the neighbouring and diftant countries with the awe 
 and terror of their indignation, and with a too well- 
 founded apprehenfion of ruin and oppreflion. Some 
 few of them, for the ambitious purpofes of pride 
 and (how, and of acquiring authority and command, 
 have been known, in fpite of contrary natural dif- 
 pofitions, to lay alide their probity and integrity^ 
 and by any means enlarge their eftates ; to folicit 
 the decent court of independent minds, in order 
 to expofe them to the mod lively mortifications of 
 infulting haughtinefs, or to make them their friends, 
 and, at the fame time, their miferable vicflims ; and 
 folely to concern themfelves in the interefts of 
 fociety for the purpofes of oftentation and their 
 own aggrandifement. Nay, the miniftcrial thanks 
 tranfmitted to Mr. Burke for his late publication, 
 conveyed their gratitude, principally becaufe the 
 pamphlet fupported the caufc of the gentry. This 
 at lead is whifpered, and indicates more than a wilh 
 to join the difgraccful dodrines of that book in 
 combination with the principles of the Britifli 
 gentry ; an union wliich, thank God, has not as 
 ycL taken place, \vl\ith wc trull, at this time, is not 
 
 M .1 the
 
 [ '68 ] 
 
 the leaft probable, and which we earneftly wifli 
 may never be poffible. 
 
 With an ariftocratic gentry naturally are con- 
 nefted perfons, as agents, to promote the parlia- 
 mentary and other interefts of their employers ; or, 
 as fpies, to convey to them any information con- 
 cerning themfelves, or their affairs, alfo news of 
 every kind and tendency. The mifchief, mifery, 
 and calamity, which perfons fo employed, caufe in 
 fociety, are very great, as we have feen the confe- 
 .quences of their proceedings. They always greatly 
 exceed their orders, and at the cxpence of truth, 
 and, as we have knov/n, by attempts to plot away 
 the lives of innocent people. They feldom leave 
 chara6lers of virtue and independence undebafed, 
 but profecute thefe with uncommon virulence. 
 
 The foregoing view v/e wifli to ftyle the tyranny 
 of fociety, in oppofition to the tyranny of the 
 defpot feated on the throne of monarchy; and to 
 reprefent it, as m^ore dreadful and inimical to pub- 
 lic welfare and human happinefs than the worft 
 oppreffion of ftates and nations by the arbitrary 
 mandates of unconti oiled and abfolute fovereigns. 
 Such a ftate of fociety is in no fenfe general in this 
 kingdom, but it is too fure to become univerial 
 in a fhort time, unlefs the people are fecured in an 
 adequate parliamentary reprcfcntation, and the fre- 
 quent exercife of this important right. When it i.s 
 once become general, it cannot be removed. Such 
 
 a Ita'.C
 
 / 
 
 i: j^9 ] 
 
 n flate is (o frequent in the kingdom, as to require 
 the aid of this remedy, both as a cure and as a pre- 
 vention of an evil, which is fo dreadful, that if a 
 fingle inftance of it only exiit partially in the 
 kingdom, it is the duty of Parliament to interfere 
 and remove it. One caufe, the natural tendency 
 of whofe operation contributes too much to form 
 or to aggravate fuch a ftate in fociety, we have, 
 from motives of refpedl, forborn to include in the 
 foregoing view ; we mean the eftabliQiment of 
 juftices of the peace, which, if it were only on 
 this account, ought to be controlled by the police, 
 which we have iiclvifed in the foregoing chapter, 
 produced from incorporating the magiftrates with 
 the propofed prefidents of jufiice. 
 
 Thus we have taken a view of the ftate of the 
 nation, both as it is imperfect and defedive, and 
 as it is moft materially injured from the want of a 
 proper advancement of the different practical 
 fciences of public welfare. We have farther lliown 
 in the calamities which fociety experiences at 
 large, the bad cffefts of fuffcring fociety to be de- 
 prcfled in the wint of an adequate reprefentation 
 of the people in Parliament. Various other cw- 
 cumftances might be added to iliow the inadccju v: : 
 means, employed for the advancement of the pub- 
 lic welfare. It yet remains to lake a vicu- of Ah. 
 Pitt's adminiftraiion, in order to niiu-iifcn \\l-.:u a 
 tlifference there cxifts between tlu- prcicni: iliK- of
 
 t 170 ] 
 
 the kingdom under his adminiftration, and the 
 ftate, which would be produced through the nation 
 at large, by means of our propofed fyllem of pub-> 
 lie welfare. The comparifon, however, though 
 drawn up at full length, we will not infert. The 
 difference is too manifeft to require a particular 
 examination : and the minifter without its, means,, 
 we truft, will finally perceive the true interefl of his 
 country, and what redrefs this requires ; and be- 
 come the warm advocate and fupporter of our 
 propofed fabric of national perfe6tion. In like man- 
 ner we have not taken notice of the various 
 grievances, which exift in the nation. Indeed, it is 
 unnecefTary to dwell on thefe, for the purpofe of 
 fhowing the prefent ftate of fociety, and the inade- 
 quate means made ufe of to advance and ferve it,, 
 For, when properly viewed, they exhibit them- 
 feives in the mofl glowing colours, and rightly 
 imderftood, without the aid of declamation, can, 
 either draw the tear of compafTion, or excite the 
 horror of aftonifhment ! 
 
 The management of public welfare, as this is 
 regarded and promoted in different countries, more 
 efpecially, it fcarce need be added, in Great Bri- 
 tain, we confider in fact as babywork. The at- 
 tempts of government to advance it are weak and 
 infufiicient, like the actions of children, when they 
 imitate the efforts of manhood ; and fcldom any 
 attempts of the kind are made at all. No great 
 
 and
 
 C i7> ] 
 
 and elevated views are formed for promoting the 
 national profperity and happinefs : and tlie under- 
 takings inftlcuted for the pnrpofe, fuch ?.s the late 
 eftablifliment at Nootka Sound, and our different 
 wars, are either weak and abfurd, or low and con- 
 temptible, or dangerous and deftrudlive. For they 
 are often very mifchievous, as the a6lions of chil- 
 dren generally are. For national purfuits of public 
 welfare, there commonly are fubftituted fome fpe- 
 cious deluiions, often mere fpeeches and declama- 
 tions ; and when fuch puerile cockatoos are ftripped 
 of their plumage, their vital vifcera are found to 
 occupy the fmalleft dimenfions poflible. Great 
 enlightened truths, ftrong and confirmed principles, 
 powerful and ftrenuous exertions, and eminent 
 iegillative abilities feldom are found in our public 
 proceedings, any more than they are in the play of 
 children : and no fubje6ls in the province of na- 
 tional perfection are ever attempted. The public 
 welfare is in a manner a fortuitous contingency. 
 Like a child in arms, it is toffed and agitated at 
 random ; and as a ferious objeft, it generally, as a 
 grave infant does, excites laughter in the fpectator. 
 As a child it is treated by its nurfes ; and inftead of 
 fubftantial food it is fed with boily, and a little 
 iugar. Its guardians plunder or negleft its intcrefts : 
 and to lull its cries afleep, is the principal intention 
 of thofe who are intruded with its care. A large 
 baby houfe is built and ornamented for its uP„' ; 
 1 and
 
 [ "7^ ] 
 
 and here it is kept in great ftate, and fcldom but 
 on holidays, brought before the pubhc. 
 
 Its proper habitation even the mod great and 
 learned perfons have not as yet fixed and afcer- 
 tained. While government refers it to the patriar- 
 chal dominion and tyranny of ancient times, po- 
 litical writers to Mr. Adam Smith's or Sir James 
 Stewart's works, the gentry to courts, the people 
 too often to the arts of embellifliment ; DeaFi 
 Swift with great juflice iias metaphorically placed 
 it in Lilliput, and has allotted public welfare, as 
 it is conducted in Great Britain,, fuch companions^ 
 as are very fuitable to its modern fize. The firft 
 fyftem of civiUzation, or of public welfare, which 
 the world boafts at the prefent time, certainly is. 
 Mr. Lemuel Gulliver's Travels; and the mofh 
 proper views of it. Swift of all men has certainly 
 entertained, but knew not the means of accom- 
 plifhing them. He was well convinced it might 
 and ought, in regard to its proper obiects, to be en- 
 larged like the produclions of Brobdignag, which, 
 was the (landard by which he detv'^rmincd it ouglrc 
 to be meafurcd. 
 
 The two other travels, which he delineates, are 
 flriclly connected with his ideas of civilii-.ation ; 
 .md relate rcfpeclively to two principal views, which 
 are leading parts in our fyiiem of rational perfec-. 
 tion. One of thofe regards the genuine and naturai 
 fjrce and Cillcacy of virt'.ic, as aUnoil certain and 
 
 irri
 
 C 173 ] 
 
 irrefiftible to produce its proper effects upon the 
 human mind, when it is right appHed. This view in 
 travels defigned for the exprefs purpofe, he fliows, to 
 be true and real in the lords and mailers of Houy- 
 hnhnms Land, in horfes. The view of his other 
 book of travels is of great importance in the prac- 
 tical fcience of national perfediion ; for it (hows, in 
 the inftance of the Inhabitants of Laputa, in what 
 manner the arts of embelliihment in general, and 
 the mifapplication of time, and talents to learning, 
 inftead of ufeful knowledge, are inimical and fatal 
 to public welfare. The arts cf embellifliment, 
 among which we include literature and oratory, 
 iinqueflionably are, in general, very prejudicial 
 ■to the intereiis of national perfeAion, and like- 
 wife to the political advancement of regeneration. 
 Neither Junius nor Mr. Burke, nor, perhaps, all • 
 the different anfwerers of the latter, whom we very 
 highly refpecl for their genius and public fpirit, 
 have pointed out any one ufeful defign, in rcfpcd: 
 of national regeneration or perfedlion. They ia 
 general recommend good principles, and have in 
 this fenfe already been of great fervice to t'le 
 country. They fliould, however, do infinitely more 
 than this, cultivate and produce the various prac- 
 tical defigns of national perfection; for the accom- 
 plilhment of which, the caufc which they clpouk", 
 was folcly eRabliflied. It is thofe defigns, which 
 
 will
 
 C 174 ] 
 
 will by their intrinfic merits alone, accomplifli the 
 regeneration of Great Britain as they have al- 
 ready effeded that of France. Mere political 
 writings engage public attention too much, and 
 abftrad: it from the confideration of the proper 
 methods of accomplifhing a regeneration, fuch as 
 the prefent work holds forth, the real fupport of 
 whofe propofed contents, and of the means which 
 it recommends, would naturally and efFedually re- 
 generate the kingdom. 
 
 We own w€ willi our work may meet with the 
 attention, which it merits ; for we confider it worthy 
 of the honour of public coniideratlon, as the com- 
 plete means, or which may, after a moderate time, 
 be rendered fo effedual, of regenerating this and 
 all kingdoms into national perfedVion. Such com- 
 plete means are wanted, in order that it may for the 
 fake of humanity be adopted by all nations, and 
 be extended into general efFe6t among them. One 
 complete model of national perfediion is, no doubt, 
 apphcable alike to fociety in every part of the 
 world, in whatever different fituations and condi- 
 tions it may be placed, provided thefe are not un- 
 natural or corrupted ones, which, for a fliort period, 
 require a different treatment. By fuch a model 
 fociety (hould be regulated alike every v.'here, 
 that the v/orld in general may agree in public fen- 
 timent and conflitution ; and thus mutual friendfliip 
 
 and
 
 C 175 3 
 
 and elleem become univcrfal, and peace be per- 
 petuated among all nations. 
 
 Unfortunately the French regeneration is only 
 perfedl by means of the magnanimity and virtue 
 of the nation in general. As a fyftem of regene- 
 ration to form national perfe>5tion, it is as yet in- 
 complete. The different parts of its government 
 are ill inftituted and controlled, and compre- 
 hend a fovereign power converted into a mere 
 nugatory fervice. Its public agency is weak, 
 turbulent, and infufficient, and public bufinefs in 
 general, as fettled by law, in fact not conduced 
 by an agency, but a democratic government, or 
 rather by feveral democratic governments. The 
 feveral departments of the government, with its 
 fubordinate powers, as forming one body, are 
 complicated, cumberfome, and too far extended. 
 The views of national improvement and civilization 
 are too much difregarded in it ; and as a complete 
 compreheniive form of economical policy, the 
 whole regeneration as yet very imperfeft. So much 
 we would not have fpoken in dilpraife of the French 
 revolution, if we had not known, how great and 
 numerous, and how exquifitely ineflimable its dif- 
 ferent virtues and nicrits are ! The French rege- 
 neration cannot be difparagcd ; it cannot be too 
 much extolled; with the virtue of the nation it is 
 ivjc to reach the heights of perfcftion ! How in- 
 
 linitcly
 
 C. '76 ] 
 
 finitely fnperior is it to the Lilliput management 
 of public welfare in other nations, whofe policy, 
 as Swift in his time, depictured in the fmcied 
 ifland of that name, is flill weak and little, mean 
 and corrupt, proud and haughty, mifchievous and 
 vindictive ! 
 
 The moft juft view of the management and con- 
 dud, refpedling the public welfare of Great Bri- 
 tain, is that of the (late of a child, as Dean Swift 
 has very beautifully, and, indeed, very happily il- 
 luftrated it t The view is ftill more fortunate, as it 
 is highly conducive to the moft advifeable defign 
 of improving fuchbaby management and condudl, 
 which we therefore need not deplore with a general 
 mournino;, or with the national indignation. AVe 
 lliould only laugh very heartily at it, as at the 
 child, and infift on this, long come to maturity, 
 affuming its proper character of manhood ! Afcend- 
 ing from fuch a puerile ftate, nor recollecting 
 boyifli offences, let us all with one mind elevate 
 and aggrandife public affairs by that proper 
 ftandard, which God has in his deftined mercies to 
 fociety, now likely to be fulfilled, ordained to be 
 national perfection. Thus let us enjov all the 
 great and infinite bleflings, which this ftandard 
 m_eafures for the proper welfare and requifiie hap- 
 pinefs of mankind, neither with a fcanty portion, 
 nor with any excefs.
 
 t 177 3 
 
 3''^ Cultivators of public zvelfare ! Te lovers of 
 patriotic virtue ! Studious of ufeful knowledge, and 
 tmiting this purfuit with either ability or tajle fo''^ 
 letters ! 
 
 We next addrefs ourfelves to you, fincerely 
 anxious of being honoured with your attention, 
 and well acquainted with the importance of the 
 great fervices, which it is in your power to afford 
 for the advancement of public virtue and philan- 
 thropy. Their caufe we proceed with humble fub- 
 miffion to plead before you. Oh ! liften therefore 
 to our feeble, and fhort harangue, with attention ; 
 fupport us according to the merits of the caufe, 
 and not the abilities, which defend it, and refpe6t 
 the throne of public virtue and philanthropy, from 
 which we addrefs you ! 
 
 The fyftcm of public welfare, which we pro- 
 pofe, affords you a very favourable opportunity of 
 employing your time, and abilities in favour of 
 your country : therefore in a very earned manner 
 we call upon you to advance your fupport in its 
 favour. It is fcicntific, and confiils of twelve di- 
 vifions, or fciences. Each of thefe requires the 
 aid and advantage of ftudy and cultivation. And 
 it is very important, that the whole of them be 
 put together with care and art. Surely the cl- 
 fential intcrcfts of fociety, which are very loofely 
 attended to, and which never before the prefcnt 
 attemnr liavc been combined into one ocueial and 
 
 N com-
 
 [ '78 3 
 
 comprehenfive view, are at leaft of fo much im- 
 portance, as to deferve a regular arrangement and 
 an appropriate fyftem. The different fciences, 
 ■which comprehend thofe interefts refpeftively, are 
 ftrong fupports to one another, and united, fa- 
 cihtate, advance, and complete the whole fyftem. 
 But the fyftem is in a particular manner a diftinct 
 art in itfelf, the art of making a great ftate, nation 
 or empire, as lately, by its means, the immortal 
 Czar Peter in a fliort fpace of time effcfted with- 
 out much difficulty through the moft extenfive 
 empire of Europe. As an art, it principally con- 
 lifts in information, and ufeful knowledge, and 
 in pradical abilities, adequate to execute and carry 
 fuch knowledge into effecl. The means, which 
 correfpond to thefe principles, are not natural 
 ones, ready at our hands, but muft actually be 
 acquired, and they can only be acquired by a direct 
 application for the purpofe, and by fimiliarity 
 with them. It is foleiy in this manner, as the 
 Czar condefcended, by much obfervation and at- 
 tention paid to them, and by the aclual labour and 
 cxercife of employing and pradifing them in fre- 
 quent and great defigns of public welfare, that 
 we become proficients in tlie art. 
 
 The art in this country, fuch is our real mif- 
 fortune ! fuch are the baby practices of ftatcfmen 
 and learned philofophers ! is only a mere fpe- 
 culation, or an empty embellinnmenc. For our 
 
 cccono-
 
 i: '79 ] 
 
 tcconomlcal and political authors are rpeculatills, 
 and our minifters orators ; and proportionably as 
 they write or fpeak well, we call them men of 
 great and wonderful public abilities. Mr. Pitt 
 was an orator, at the ufual period of the appearance 
 of the powers of eloquence : he was therefore ad- 
 vanced to the adminiftratlon of public affairs at 
 an age, when he could not poiTibly have amafled 
 an adequate coUeftion of ufeful knowledge, or 
 have acquired executive habits in aftive pradices 
 of public wclfire. Smith's political writings, in 
 general, greatly exceed fpcculatlon, but they are 
 of liale fcrvicc to this country, becaufe practi- 
 cal defigns have not been built upon them. The 
 chief ufcs, which we have made of them, are two 
 or three taxes, which we have borrowed from 
 them, in addition to the public burthens. 
 
 Eloquence and literature are mere vehicles of 
 civilization, and cannot be confidered even as 
 fpeculations on this fubjedl ; at the fame time 
 they are equally arts of cmbellifliment, as mufic 
 and painting. They are, however, fubftituted for 
 the praclical fyftem of public welfare, by means 
 of which wc propofc to aggrandize and perfeft 
 Great Britain and its empire, and are thus become 
 the mofl fatal obftrudtions to the advancement of 
 the public intcrcRs. They are, uncombincd with 
 ufeful knowledge and praclical abilines, only 
 means of amufement and^ gratification tu the ears 
 
 N 2. and
 
 [ i8o ] 
 
 and the pafilons, or the means of piibhc deluiioit 
 and deftraclion, or of feizing the honours and emo- 
 luments of the State ; and are employed as mere 
 pretences of capacity to ferve the pubhc, being 
 no more able to make a great empire than the 
 vocal powers of mufic, or the bow and the catgut, 
 and the reft of their kindred arts. They afford 
 no other advantages than merely words, the beau- 
 ties of language, nice difcriminations, infinitude 
 of ideas upon limple fubjecls, metaphors, com- 
 parifons, and long-winded produftions in laboured 
 writings, and diffufe harangues. 
 
 They have in numerous inftances deprived and 
 divefted men of great abilities of the difcriminatino- 
 powers of truth and judgement, which are the 
 fundamental and indifpenfable means of attemp- 
 ting and accomplifhing all great, and general 
 public defigns and undertakings. The want of 
 thofe, where the powers and graces of oratory and 
 literature are not unhappily blended, has been 
 particularly remarkable in Mr. Burke's late pub- 
 lication ; for the feveral pofitions and doctrines 
 of this work, excepting the few we have quoted, 
 are in a moft flianieful manner crronccus, as being 
 ^mply ftated, they immediately refute thcmfelves. 
 
 In other inftances, the literary philofopher is 
 often the greatcft and worfl enemy to the pro- 
 grefs of civilization. His embellilhcd labours, by 
 means ot their captivating allurements, not only 
 
 draw
 
 [ i8i ] 
 
 draw off the attention of mankind from the com- 
 mendable confideration and purfuit of their proper 
 welfare : he himfelf becomes the unhappy prey of 
 internal vexations and difappointments, when he 
 finds in the regeneration of national perfedion his 
 fpeculative ideas and notions, colleded from every 
 fource, and with which his own admiration has 
 long been enraptured, are of no longer avail^ 
 and his great renown and importance loft or ob- 
 fcured. He therefore turns the impious blafphemer 
 and the perfidious betrayer of the means of pro- 
 moting the welfare and happinefs of man and of 
 fociety. In fine, public welfare and language, 
 whether this latter be written or fpoken, have no 
 natural afTociation. Fiddling is in itfelf as fer- 
 viceable to a nation as words, as fine writing, and 
 great oratory; and is only inferior to thefe, be- 
 caufe it wants the expreffion neceffaiy to explain 
 the doftrines of civilization. 
 
 Ye Cultivators of public welfare ! permit us 
 next to point out to you the feveral proper means, 
 which public virtue and philanthropy from their 
 facrcd recefles enjoin you fliould purfue, for 
 the introduction of fuch a fyltem of public wel- 
 fare, as we propofe, adequate and necefTary to 
 redrefs public affairs, to complete national per- 
 fection, and to fubllitute for baby toys a manly 
 fyllcm of civilization. You iliould above all 
 Uiinp^s maintain tlie purity of patriotic intention^, 
 
 N 3
 
 [ iSi ] 
 
 as thefe ought to be divefted of all party, felf-inte- 
 refted innovations, or rebellious views, and folely 
 regard the public welfare. Rather with prepoffeffion 
 in their favour, than with prejudice againft them, 
 attend to the interefts of kings in the regeneration 
 of nations, and pay a due refped to their great 
 political importance in every good form of go- 
 vernment, of which kings are an effential part, 
 as we have already proved. More efpecially fuch 
 dutiful condud; will prove the means of rendering 
 univerfal the national regeneration, which we re- 
 commend. This general exteniion of national 
 perfection, as we have elfewhere (liown, would be 
 very ufeful both to the individual and collectively 
 to all the feveral nations, who partake of it. As 
 there is neceflarily but one proper form of national 
 perfedion, the univerfal eftabliOiment of this in 
 all ftates and nations would form a combination 
 of the whole world into one body. Thus fociety 
 in general, as animal commonwealths, fuch as 
 thofe of bees and others, would purfue the fame 
 views, be governed in a fimilar manner ; and very 
 feldom if ever difagree and become hoflile, becaufe 
 they would be alike direded and influenced. 
 
 More efpecially you ought, ye illuftrious Cul- 
 vators of public virtue ! to ad with a proper 
 energy and fpirit, in the introdudion of national 
 regeneration, and in its caufe to engage with the 
 moft undaunted and irrefiftible gallantry. This 
 is neceflary, if you mean to be ferviccable to your 
 
 country
 
 [ i8j ] 
 
 country on this occafion. Such vigour and afti- 
 vity, accompanied with good intentions, will fe- 
 cure you fuccefs and vidory on the cheapeft 
 terms. For you will obferve that the execution of 
 the plan, which is adviied, and alfo put in prac- 
 tice, in this publication, is fufficient, if it fliould 
 be properly feconded, to accomplifh national per- 
 fedion ; but it cannot be confidercd by any fair 
 and impartial judge, as treafonable, or as blame- 
 able in any fenfc. It is a defign perfeftly co- 
 incident with the divine intentions and purpofes 
 of fociety : it is the didate of reafon and the law 
 of humanity : it is flridly legal, becaufe the great 
 and leading principle of the Britifli Conftitution 
 ftriclly enjoins the moll; earned promotion of the 
 public welfare. It is, therefore, foftered and ad- 
 vanced by the powerful and congenial warmth 
 and influence of the Conftitution itfelf, as well as 
 by the divine intentions of Providence, and the 
 dictates of reafon and humanity. 
 
 As the fuccefs of the attempt depends upon the 
 general confideration of the fubjed: through the fo- 
 ciety at large, you Oiould diffufe the knowledge 
 of it through the kingdom, with every pofTible 
 exerdon of literature, with the glowing warmth 
 of patriotifm, and witli all its natural irreliftible 
 allurements. Nor lefs depend on the goodnefs of 
 your caufe, on the found foundations which fup- 
 port it, and on the complacency, and tranquil 
 
 N 4. tcnour.
 
 C >84 ] 
 
 tenour, which are congenial to it. You fhouldt 
 fpare no pair.s to make profelj^tes to the enhght- 
 ened views of pubHc welfare^ nor defpair to convert 
 the lawyers in general. You fliould frequently 
 converfe upon the fubjeft ; and you (hould render 
 it plain and familiar to even the lowed members 
 of fociety, for all alike are interefted in it. In 
 frequent confultation you fhould advance the know- 
 ledge of it. You fliould be very modeft in your 
 judgement, and refpeclful to each other's opinions, 
 becaufe the fubjed is fo little underftood in this 
 kingdom, that you may confider yourfelves as 
 Vv'holly ignorant in refpe£t of national perfedion. 
 As truth and the public welfare are the objefts 
 in view, and both are very plain and fimple in 
 their nature, you may without difficulty preferve 
 unanimity. But if diverfity of fentiment too much 
 prevail, and become violent, fufped either yaur 
 hearts or your judgements to be depraved and un- 
 fuitable to the objcft of your common purfuit ; 
 and make unanimity, as it has in general been in 
 France among the fupporters of it, the criterion 
 of the proper conduct and direction cf national 
 regeneration. 
 
 But the proper mode of cultivating the fubject 
 of national regeneration and perfection is the mod 
 interefting and effential to its fuccefs. Adequate 
 induftry you will not refufe to beftow upon the 
 fubjett : nor will it require near fo much titpc 
 
 and
 
 [ i85 ] 
 
 a^d attention, as what a naturalift dcdlcvites to his 
 ftudy of infefts or fliells, or an antiquarian to the 
 colle<flion of Grecian and Roman medals. Let 
 juft views of the fubjeft and truth alone dired and 
 determine your judgements; nor truft to theory 
 or to reafoning. Thus the greateft and moft ex- 
 tenfive general defigns of public welfare can be 
 previoully afcertained with a certainty, that in prac- 
 tice they will anfwer their intentions. It is to this 
 teft, that the volatile genius of the French nation 
 has fubmitted, and by this means it has always 
 carried its numerous, comprchenfive, and arduous 
 plans of national regeneration into certain efiecl. 
 Take the moft wide and comprehenfive views of 
 the interefts of fociety, none of which fliould or 
 can be omitted in a dellgn of national perfection . 
 and eftablidi them into public defigns according 
 to the ilandard, which God has ordained for the 
 happinefs and advancement of fociety. Thus, too, 
 have the French patriots attempted to foar, and 
 in the fuolimity of their attempts have, in a great 
 meafure, found the means of their fuccefs. Moft 
 happily have they in general combined togetlicr 
 truth and certainty, and the univerfal views of the 
 interefts of fociety. Above all other objefts ex- 
 plore ufeful knowledge ; bring this forwards as 
 much as pofTible, in the light and lituation of 
 a great and moft momentous public objecl ; as 
 cognofccnti, colled all the various fpccimcns oi 
 
 pub-
 
 [ i86 ] 
 
 public virtue ; and combine the ufeful knowledge 
 with the means of carrying it into execution. 
 With thefe means become familiar, and frequentl}- 
 cxercife yourfelvesin pradical habits of enterprize : 
 and endeavour all in your power to animate ufeful 
 fpeculations into real exifting objeds, and to render 
 them beneficial and ferviceable to the public. 
 
 National improvement is an art, which greatly 
 depends on the proper and happy application of 
 the means, it employs to accomplilli its diffe- 
 rent purpofes : but the means too often are pof- 
 feffed, yet not direfted, fo as in any fenfe to ac- 
 complifh their propofed purpofes. Thus our vo- 
 luminous financiers and agriculturifls are of little 
 avail in redrefhng the finances, or in perfecting the 
 agriculture of the kingdom : for they do not render 
 their knowledge pradical, and apphcable in re- 
 fped of thefe important purpofes. — The mice in 
 the fable were well acquainted with the fervice, 
 which they fliould derive from hanging the belt 
 around the neck of their natural enemy : but not till 
 late in the debate, by the information of one of 
 their oldeft counfellors, were aware, that the prin- 
 cipal merit confified not in knowing the fervice, 
 but in accomphfliing it. — At prefent this country 
 is not verfed in devifing and framing plans of pub- 
 lic welfare, as we know well in refpect of our par- 
 liaments. Thefe are very very well aware, how 
 uicful a reform of the Poor laws, an eftabliili- 
 
 meat
 
 C 187 ] 
 
 ment of a police, a greater abundance of provi- 
 fions, or an unexceptionable abolition of the ilave 
 trade, would prove to the country ; but, like the 
 alTembly of the cheefe-eating tdlie, they are igno- 
 rant of the means, mod eflentially neceflary to ac- 
 comphfh thofe and limilar public objects. 
 
 We would, therefore, very earneCily recommend 
 to perfons ftudious of public knowledge, and who 
 wifh to regenerate the kingdom into its proper na- 
 tional perfec5tion, to accuiloni themfelves to ex- 
 plore and devife the means for accomplilliing great 
 national defigns ; to provide themfelves with re- 
 fources and expedients for the purpofe ; and to 
 acquire a readinefs, expertnefs, and mafterly ability 
 in drawing up general plans of national impor- 
 tance. They will foon acquire an adequate ability, 
 and find it no greater trouble than that at firfl of 
 blotting a few fheets of wade paper. They muft 
 be feniible, that a little practice of the kind is 
 unavoidably necelTary in regard to fo important 
 a fubject, not lefs fo than with regard to com- 
 pofing mufic. Indeed, we have great ability and 
 tafte in rcfpecl of the latter, but as yet we have not 
 acquired as much as an ear, a tafle, much lefs a turn 
 for compofing plans of public Vv'clfare. Too pro- 
 bably we might lay the moft excellent plans, if we 
 (hould produce fuch of public welfare, before the 
 nation at this time, with no better confequenccs 
 than jewels before the uninformed herds. 
 
 The
 
 The nation will thus, ye Cultivators of pubKc: 
 virtue ! in your labours, be fure to find, that it: 
 contains more numerous refources than France, 
 with which it may unqueftionably regenerate its 
 affairs ; and that the completion of national per- 
 fection is not a difficult, but an eafy and fimple 
 undertaking. Perhaps our different works afford 
 a very favourable opportunity for acquiring the 
 art, as we may call it, of fuch a practical ability of 
 public regeneration, along with the feveral very nc~ 
 tcffary concomitant ideas of patriotifm, which ought 
 to be connected with it. The whole fubject is re- 
 duced to perfed order, as well as matured and 
 completed, by the prefcnt pubUcation : the works 
 on the royal regeneration of Great Britain, and on 
 the finances, are very comprehenfive fyflems of 
 national perfection ; and our work on the aggran- 
 difement of Great Britain, contains feveral praclicai 
 fubjefts not advanced in the others, and it will 
 even render great fervices, as it fliews the fault of 
 too v/arm a fenfibility of the patriotic mind, and 
 the advancement of this laft in the formation of its 
 proper powers, adequate to the eftablifhment of 
 national regeneration. A ftudy of the foregoing 
 kind, as recommended, being purfued for two or 
 three months, will make any perfon of education 
 an able proficient in civilization : and we dare 
 engage, if the members of the larger public af- 
 fc.nblics of the nation would employ themfclves. 
 
 ciunng
 
 [ i89 ] 
 
 t^unng the enfulng recefs, in the (lady we reconi- 
 mend, they would, by the next winter, complete 
 themfelves in the dodrines and means of civiliza- 
 tion, and return to town in ability and knowledge 
 equal to difcharge their duties, as the benefadors 
 of their country. 
 
 The undertaking, which, ye Cultivators of pub* 
 lie virtue ! you attempt to form and introduce for 
 the regeneration of the fociety, fliould be as com- 
 plete, and comprehenfive, as you can poffibly pro- 
 duce it ; and fliould not be fliort of that fyftem of 
 public welflu'e, which we ftyle national perfedion. 
 Such an extenfive undertaking will not be found 
 too arduous to execute, and in its combined fer- 
 vices will afford the moft effectual means of ob- 
 viating and removing all particular obje6lions and 
 * dithculties which may occur : and by the national 
 fupport it will be readily and eafily carried into 
 effed:. Being univerfal, it will, on account of its 
 great importance, and mod highly interefling na- 
 ture, roufe and animate the people in its favour, 
 and from this incentive will be as fpeedily accom- 
 piilhed, as a fimilar one has been in France. 
 Whereas a moft ftale propofal of accomplifliingan 
 adequate rcprcfentation of the people in Parliament 
 will fcarce gain the public attention for a moment- 
 How unlike the regeneration of France will any 
 attempt of merely accomplifhing fuch a paltry 
 object, appear to the world ! And w h}' woukl wc 
 
 ?. not
 
 t 190 ] 
 
 not Imitate Co great a pattern, or differ from k^ 
 but by rendering it complete ? But it is impoffible 
 you can in any fenfe regenerate the kingdom, 
 unlefs, at leaft, you enter into the views of perfeft- 
 ing and completing five or fix of the different 
 fciences of public welfiire which we have propofcd. 
 So far necelfarily were the National Aflembly 
 obhgcd to proceed in the regeneration of France ; 
 and furely we ought to comprehend as many ob- 
 jedls in refpecl of that of Great Britain. Nor ought 
 we to exclude, on any account, the remaining 
 fciences of pubhc welfare from the undertaking, 
 as being of equal or greater confequence to the 
 national interefls and to private happincfs, more 
 efpecially as the three univerfil fciences of be- 
 nevolence are included in the number. The lever 
 which is to move a nation, muft be generally 
 applied. The objed: of fuch a power is the great 
 purchafe of it, by which it produces its effeft : 
 and it cannot be much lefs than is fufficient, nor 
 will be impeded by making it equal, to accomplifh 
 the great defign of national perfection, the means 
 of which we announce. A dcfign which the lately 
 departed and trueft friend of liberty and humanity 
 predidcd to the world in a fcrmon, he preached a 
 few years ago. Let us honour his memory, by 
 adopting the dcfign in its moft comprehenfive 
 form ; and render the juflicc due to the name of 
 him, whOj during the American \v;ir, happily and 
 
 elfcclKillv
 
 C '9' ] 
 
 tiTeclually maintained and revived the expiring 
 liberties of this kingdom, and whofe judgement the 
 minifter has followed, though in a very imperfedt 
 manner, in the eftabUlhment of a finking fund, 
 in order gradually to leflen and difcharge the pub- 
 lic debt. 
 
 One objed, ye Cultivators of public welfare! 
 we would particularly at this time recommend for 
 your adoption, is the eftablilhment of what we call 
 Alfredian focieties of civilization through the king- 
 dom at large. One of thefe, as the principal and 
 leading fociety of the kingdom, fhould be eftablifh* 
 ed in London, in addition to the royal and the anti- 
 quarian, and the fociety of arts : and its objedt, 
 and the objed, formation, and views of the others 
 fliould be the fame, ought to be, to promote the 
 earneft cultivation and eifeflual advancement of the 
 twelve different fciences of public welfare, accord- 
 ing to the molt advifeabie means for the purpofe ; 
 but more efpecially according to the principles and 
 views of national improvement, as a fcience, which 
 we have already explained and propofed at fome 
 length. The three focieties we mentioned, as at 
 prefent cftabliflied in London, are but paflive re- 
 cipients, or little better than llich, of information, 
 and in no fenfe, all taken together, form a body 
 adequate to the intentions of national improvement: 
 and perfeclion. Tiic Alfredian fociety wc propofe, 
 would, in a very different manner from ihefe, be 
 
 2. bufiiy
 
 C '9^ 3 
 
 "bufily employed in actually promoting and cultl* 
 vating the different objcdls of its inftitution, by 
 its own moft earneft endeavours, fo far as its fi- 
 nances might allow or be poffibly rendered ade- 
 quate. For this purpofe among other means, it 
 fliould conftantly employ, two, three, or four fe- 
 cretaries, or other perfons, as circumftances will 
 permit, in afcertaining, exploring, and advancing^ 
 and in extending every where the knowledge and 
 accomplifhment of civilization, and of whatever 
 is ufeful to fociety. Alfo with the fame views, 
 its different members fliould accordins; to fuitable 
 committees be difpofed, and by every proper 
 practical device, be rendered effectual cultivators 
 of fo comprehenfive a fcience, as national per- 
 feclion. 
 
 Unqueftionably, fuch a fociety once Inftltuted^ 
 on the footing of a very fmall annual fubfcription, 
 would be well fiipported, as its proper rank and 
 dignity could not fail of dillinguifhing it in the 
 niofh eminent manner ; and the mofl beneficial 
 information, which it v^ouki afford of public af- 
 fairs and national objedls in general, would draw 
 to it, as members, all perfons interefted in the ge- 
 neral welfcire. Such regulations, as v/ould be 
 wanted to make the fociety in an unexceptionable 
 manner and permanent form, anfwer the intentions 
 and purpofes of its infdtULion, VvX can readily pro- 
 duce ; more cfpccialiy wc can provide, that fuch
 
 I 193 3 
 
 a ibciety may purfue with fteadinefs and efft;<5t 
 the proper views of its eftablifhment, and not 
 Iwcrve from thefe intentions, fo as in any degree 
 to prejudice the pubhc interefts. In a particular 
 aianner we would guard the facred interefts of fo- 
 vereic^ns in fuch an inftitution. A form of oath of 
 admiffion, fimilar to the following, might be happily 
 adapted to the feveral purpofes of the inftitution ; 
 the members might affirm upon their honours, 
 " that fo long as they remained in the fociety, 
 they would endeavour ardently and fmcerely to 
 advance, and promote all the various different in- 
 terefts of tmth, of their king, and of their country; 
 and to render them by all means in their power 
 mutual and confiftent with refpe(ft to one another.'* 
 By other devices, all tumults, or indecencies, all 
 prolixlry of fpeaking and wandering from the fub- 
 ject might be readily prevented ; and fundamental 
 laws might be made to confider thefe, as being 
 out of order, which the prehdenc, or any member 
 might reftrain at pleafure by calling to order. 
 
 Similar focicties to this we would propofe to 
 eftablilh, where they arc admiflible, through the 
 kingdom at large ; at leaft one in every county; the 
 praclicahility of which is evinced in the focieties, 
 which arc frequent in the kingdom, for the encou- 
 ragement of agriculture. The immortal Alfred 
 with his own hands diifuf.'d the means of civ'ili- 
 /.aiion every where thr»;ugh the kingdom. In- 
 
 (.) llitution-
 
 [ 194 ] 
 
 flitutions of civilization, like the prefent focietics 
 propofed, in themfclves advancing and generating 
 civilization, as well as receiving the knowledge 
 of it from various other fources, muft, as an addi- 
 tion, be very valuable improvements upon his la- 
 bours. Such focieties too would naturally com- 
 municate, or publifli their difcoveries to the world. 
 Thus they would at no very diflant period com- 
 plete the knowledge, which they are intended to 
 advance, become proficients, and praAife it with 
 the greatefl advantage, and be certain to carry 
 it into proper effect. All lelier focieties of fiml- 
 lar views, fuch as thofe of agriculture above men- 
 tioned, might be happily incorporated with the 
 Alfredian focieties; for the refpeftive views and 
 purpofes of the leffer ones would be effedlually 
 promoted by the greater force and power of the 
 larger focieties, which might, however, in their 
 turn be confiderably ftrengthened by the accelTion 
 of feveral fmaller ones. 
 
 A fimilar Alfredian focicty of civilization Ihould 
 form a part of the executive government ; and 
 be ereded into a board of ftate. Nor would this 
 differ from the other focieties ; but as poffeffmg 
 adequate relources for its expences, it would be 
 able to take the moft effedlual meafures, both in 
 employing a fufHcient number of fubordinate cul- 
 tivators, and in affording them the neceffary means, 
 for the completion of the propofed fvftem of pub- 
 lic
 
 C -95 ] 
 
 lie welfare, and national perfedlion. At the fame 
 time the general Alfredian focieties, propofed to 
 be inftituted in the metropolis and the country, 
 would very confiderably afllft and contribute to 
 the views and purpofes of that under government. 
 This too might very beneficially be employed in 
 a proper department under it, as an executive 
 means, for carrying into effe<5t, or fuperintend^' 
 ing different national improvements. 
 
 Nor, ye liberal Cultivators of public virtue ! 
 conlider it too prcfumptuous in us to recommend 
 our different works to you, as a complete fyflem 
 of public welfare. For if they are equal to this 
 charadter, your fupport of them is, perhaps, alone 
 fufflcienc to effefl and eflablifh the important ob- 
 jecl of national perfedion, which they attempt to 
 introduce ; at lead your fupport, afforded to them, 
 v/iJI render them of great fervice to the caufe. A 
 fyftem of public welfare, perfeflly complete, as 
 we certainly wifh our own to be, defervcsto be pre- 
 frntcd to the world with proper refpedl an^ dig- 
 nity, and on account of fociety, and not the au, 
 thor, ought to be recommended to notice, appro- 
 bation, and your adoption. In a proper manner re. 
 commended, it would operate upon the public, as a 
 chasm, and lilve the French regeneration, accom- 
 plilh idelf by its own virtues, and intrinfic merits. 
 Jt might, happily for this purpofe, be reprefentcd, 
 not as the prQ4i-''^^ion of a partifan or of an cnthu- 
 
 O 2 fiaft,
 
 [ '96 3 
 
 daft, but of a real lover and benefaclor of man- 
 kind. It might be faid to be found in the fields 
 of Cultivation, as the ancient Saxon civilization 
 is reported to have been matured in the woods. 
 It might be flyled the great difcovery of the 
 eighteenth century, adequate, until the world be no 
 more, to fet fociety right according to the intentions 
 of the Ahnighty. However, if our labours pofTefs 
 any merit, this may be ferviceable to your en- 
 deavours, ye Cultivators of public welfare ! and 
 we (hall be quite fatisfied, if your labour may be fo 
 far lelTened in attempting the comprehenfive de- 
 fign of national perfeftion. At any rate, the af- 
 fiduous employment of your time and abiHties 
 cannot fail of providing for your country, and the 
 world in general, that fyftem and means of civi- 
 lization, which will anfwer every purpofe of na- 
 tional regeneration and perfection. 
 
 Permit us in this place, ye Cultivators of pub- 
 lic welfare ! to add a few particular obfervations 
 in regard to our works, which have a perfonal re- 
 ference to ourfelves. From the conflitution of fo- 
 ciety, as it adually exifts, from adtual great, and 
 arduous labours for the purpofes of national im- 
 provement, we have drawn and eftabliflied our pro- 
 pofed fyftem of public welfare. Thefe are the only 
 means we know, which are adequate to accomplilh 
 this objed in a proper extenfive manner, and in 
 an appofite form. But the proud and haughty 
 
 mini-
 
 r. 197 J 
 
 minifters of modern governments deign not to 
 fiibmit to the labours necelTary to acquire the prac- 
 tical ability of improvement ; and are unacquainted 
 with the interefts of man, as an individual member 
 of fociety, and what are the proper means of ad- 
 vancing them. Our deftiny has led us to purfue 
 and acquire thofe means of advancing tiie publig 
 welfare. We begun long ago with the device of 
 various plans or defigns, to improve and perfect 
 the interefts of large portions of the community, 
 which were very backward in their civilization, 
 Thefe, fubje6t to all the diftrefs and mifery, ex- 
 perienced in the ruin and devaftation of fociety, 
 (howcd us the caufes of their misfortunes, and at 
 the fame time the means of redreffing them. Very 
 early wc drew up for the relief of the town of Ber- 
 nardcaftle, as we think, the happieft piece of ci- 
 vilization, which we have produced ; and pro- 
 vided for it wealth, trade, agriculture, police, 
 and wholefome diredlions of every kind, fufficient 
 to make it as great and happy, as we wiflied it to 
 be. Not lefs pains did we take in refpecl of the wild 
 uncultivated and extenfive parifli of Bowes. \¥c 
 devifed, in what manner now the improvements, 
 which this required, might be accompliQicd, and 
 afcertained their effects on a large fcale. 
 
 Thefe things we did, while wc were employed 
 in the inveftigation of different national improve- 
 ments. In the mean v/hilc, the interefts of fociety 
 
 C) ; in
 
 [ 198 ] 
 
 in a beautiful manner prefented themfclves to our 
 view ; opened all their different (liades and dells, 
 their various rills and meandering paihs ; and at 
 laft exhibited the great and glorious profped of 
 the perfedion of humanity. At laft the enchant- 
 ing fcenery of the divine civilization of fociety 
 burft upon our view ; manifefted this, as a ftate 
 worthy of heavenly munificence, and juftified the 
 ways of God to man. At laft we afcended from 
 the improvement of agriculture, to the completion 
 and embellilliment of the national perfeftion both 
 of Great Britain and of the World itfelf. At laft 
 we produce one form of national regeneration 
 and perfe-flion, which is fuitable and accords to 
 all ftates, and nations, and would complete their 
 welfare and happinefs : at the fame time we arc 
 able to execute, better than we narrate, our diffe- 
 rent propofals and improvements. 
 
 We, however, attempt not to be the reformer, 
 but merely the benefaftor of fociety. We wifli 
 not to load this with rigour and formality, or to 
 difpel its good humour and gaiety ; but to diffufe 
 grace, embellifhment, and fplendor over all the 
 public eftabliftiments, and to produce general eafe 
 and convenience, content and happinefs in this 
 occafional fublunary home. We have been an- 
 xious in our propofcd improvements to preferve 
 the common ufages and pradlices of mankind, 
 and have on all occafions refpedled the general 
 
 opinion':
 
 L 199 ] 
 opinions of the world. We have never attemp- 
 ted to violate what is right in fociety, but have 
 always venerated the intentions of natuie and Pro- 
 vidence; where there are concomitant errors, we 
 carefully preferve what is not erroneous : and we 
 principally endeavour, in our attempts of advancing 
 the public welfare, to make great and extenfive ad- 
 ditions in favour of the interefts of fociety. Our 
 propofed improvements are never injurious to in- 
 dividuals : they annul no eftablifhments, or if they 
 do, they increafe their number in fome different re- 
 fpecl, or commute them with greater benefit to the 
 parties concerned. They deprefs not, but on the 
 contrary, they elevate all individuals, all profef- 
 fions, and all interefts. As in life, and in its moft 
 tiying fituations we have ftridly direfled our 
 conduft by the laws of integrity, honour, huma- 
 nity, and confiftency, fo far as miftakes may not 
 have proceeded from too ftudious habits, fo we 
 in a public charader, if we may view ourfelves 
 in this light, v/ith equal virtue propofe to pro- 
 mote the advancement of the public interefts of 
 fociety, and of our country. 
 
 Gentlemen ! the illuftrious Cultivators of pub- 
 lic welfare and virtue ! we moft earneftly exhort 
 you to provide for the public all the means, which 
 are neceliary to complete the national pcrfedion. 
 The banquet, which its twelve praiflical fcicnccs 
 prefent to fociety, is as plenteous, falutary, and 
 
 O 4 con-
 
 [ 200 ] 
 
 congenial to human nature, as it is great, majeftic,, 
 and magnificent. You, we confider, as the flew- 
 ards of the divine banquet : you we wifh to com- 
 million from the divine powers of pubUc virtue 
 and philanthropy, to prepare it, to fee it properly 
 arranged, and to invite the guefts, delHned to par- 
 take of it. The different purfuits of lefs ufeful 
 knowledge, or of letters, or learning in general, to 
 which you may be attached, will not to the divine 
 agencies of public virtue and philanthropy, from 
 whom we addrefs you, vindicate your negled: of 
 the prefent charge. For if Cicero had taken as 
 much pains to underftand the interefts of fociety, 
 as he did to acquire the different powers and 
 graces of oratory, he would moft certainly have 
 been able to have refcued in time the Roman em- 
 pire from tyranny and deftruclion, Reverfe the 
 baby ftate of the public welfare, by a great and 
 manly elevation of national views and correfpon- 
 ding meafures, fuited to the divine intention of 
 fociety ; and induce the people to co-operate with 
 you in this exalted and fublime intention of pro- 
 moting the public welfare by the only effeclual 
 means. Confider in fuch a g^'eat dcfign, the out- 
 lines of which we have fully given you, you may 
 as fafely as we publifh this pamphlet, and even 
 by advertifement, afTemble to confider of the 
 means of regenerating a kingdom into national 
 perfeftion. Call, therefore, upon the great and 
 2 eminent
 
 f 201 ] 
 
 eminent charaders of the kingdom, to meet and 
 confuit with you, and to lend you their important 
 afliftance. Entertain no fears or apprehenfions of 
 the little baby-directors, alas! of the important 
 and interefting concerns of fociety, who never 
 regard and promote plans of public welfare ; or 
 are puerile and weak in regard to them, yet are 
 milchievous as children, with this difference only, 
 that they do not wantonly murder fparrows, bur, 
 by their wars, men and whole communities. Oh I 
 lofe no time ! Make no delay in promoting the im- 
 portant intereils of fociety ! Animate the people by 
 devijing proper plans for iiholijjying or co?nmuting the 
 tytbes, or rcdreffing the law. Or fnatch the nation 
 from the horrors of 'u;ar, e'er it be too late, by perfect- 
 ing the interejls of chvilization and humanity, over 
 'ii Inch you particularly trcfide I Otherwife, with too 
 great realbn, be afraid ! if ycu can prevent the 
 prefent imminent one, that before three months 
 fucceed, a war will, in the prefent wretched ftate 
 of political arrangements, break out from fome 
 other quarter, andj perhaps, prove general over 
 the world. 
 
 Te Vcople of Great Britain and of the Empire ! 
 Acluated with the warmed emotions for your wel- 
 fare and happincfs, we, from the infpiration of the 
 pared philanthropy, invite you to partake oi the 
 \arious benefits and advantages of national per- 
 
 icciion,
 
 [ 202 ] 
 
 feftion, which wc have explained in the preceding 
 Chapter, as a banquet which the Almighty has 
 ordained for the general welfare, and the daily ufe 
 and fervice of fociety. We are anxious that you 
 (hould enjoy in fociety, as it was deftined by the 
 Almighty to be formed great and complete, all the 
 feveral bleffings of humanity. As fociety was in- 
 tended to be by the Almighty, it would have been 
 a wonderful great bleffing to mankind : therefore, 
 in order to render it fuch a bleffing, we recom- 
 mend to you fully to contribute your Ihare in the 
 introduction of the fyftem of public welfare, which 
 we propofe, by attending to the following particu- 
 lars, which the facred impulfes of public virtue and 
 philanthropy alone urge us to point out to you. 
 
 You fhould perfectly underfland the nature of 
 liberty, and enlighten your minds on a fubjecl, 
 concerning which the other ftates of Europe in 
 general are better informed ; and thus finding, that 
 you do not poffefs it, as we have proved before, 
 vindicate your right to it for yourfelves, for your 
 country, and for your profperity. You feem never 
 to have been properly pofrefTed of liberty ; and at 
 this time, as you think in general concerning li- 
 berty, you are abfolute Tories, for which toojull: ob- 
 fervation, we are indebted to Sir Brook Boothby's 
 anfwer to Mr. Burke. The polTeffion of liberty, 
 you may confider as fully obtained in general, by 
 t'vo means, firft, by biennial parliarncnts, properly 
 
 rep re-
 
 [ 203 ] 
 
 rcprefentative of the people, and regularly chofen 
 in your refpedive diltrids of habitation, whether 
 there is a competition of candidates or not ; a certain 
 majority in this cafe of the freeholders of the county 
 or city, being neceflary to approve of any candidate. 
 This will Iccure you proper refped, as well as caufe 
 due attention to be paid to your interelts; for the 
 frequent exercife of your eledive rights is of great 
 importance both to your interefts and to your ad- 
 vancement, as men; and fhould never be fuffered 
 to depend on any intercllcd combination of gen- 
 tlemen of great fortunes, who will very feldom 
 or very partially allow you the exercife of them. In 
 the fecond place, by your acquiring an adual power 
 and influence in government itfelf, by means of 
 fome remodification of the ancient Folkmote, 
 which we have already explained, and which was 
 once a part of the government of this country. 
 For a fole and abfolute dependence on your re- 
 prefentatives in Parliaments and on the Houfc of 
 Peers, is not fufficient for your fecurlty and the 
 public welfare ; and is the caufe, why government 
 is become fo cornipt, and the crown has acquired its 
 prefent unbounded and unlimited power and in- 
 fluence. Therefore, on this laft account, it fccms 
 very advifeable for you to adopt certain of thofc 
 alterations in government, which we have in the 
 preceding part of this work recommended. 
 
 But
 
 [ 204 3 
 
 • But whether you adopt this laft propofal or not, 
 at this time it is highly advifeable that you fhould 
 regenerate the kingdom into national perfection : 
 for we imagine no one will deny the ufe and nc- 
 ceffity of this fervice. The eftabliihment of na- 
 tional perfeiflion, however, cannot be effefled but 
 by a general confideration of, and affent to the 
 fubject on the part of the wliole community : 
 otherwife national perfeclion cannot be legally 
 eftablilhcd, as the prefent government was never 
 intruded with any powers, (for government is a 
 mere truft, which is revocable) to make fo great 
 an alteration in refpect of the focicty. Otherwife, 
 unlefs you come forward, there appears not the lealt 
 likelihood of the redrefs of your grievances, not^ 
 even of a ceffation of the endlefs wars, and of the 
 fucceffive additional taxes of the kingdom. You, 
 as the people, mufl be the judges, muft be aftors 
 on this occafion. Either the prefent govern- 
 ment muft aft with as fmcere patriotifm and phi- 
 lanthropy as yourfelves; conform and liilen to your 
 wiQies and your voices, as generally known ; efta- 
 blifh as the public welfare requires it, national per- 
 fection with your approbation ; and accommodate 
 itfelf to the eftabliflrment of national perfeclion. 
 Or you vourfelves muft ftand up as men, for tlie 
 occafion juftifies the grcateft poffiblc exertions on 
 your part for the good of your country; cxerciic 
 the rights of men, both in yourfclvc^ and in your 
 
 dclc2;atc? ;
 
 C i05 ] 
 
 delegates; and perfect whatever Divine views ot 
 national perfection, truth and reafon enjoin, (liould 
 at the prefent hour be appointed for the advance- 
 ment of your country. Tlie conftitution, the pub- 
 lic welfare, God and nature, all warrant you in this 
 proceeding : and thus the eftablilhment of national 
 perfeAion laughs at the imputation of rebellion, 
 and defpifes the mandates of athoufand tyrantsi 
 
 But it is almoft; a wild fuppofition to make, that 
 between you, and the three departments of go- 
 vernment, there will be any difference of opinion 
 in refpe<5l of the introduiflion of national perfec- 
 tion. For why may they not be as pauiotic as 
 you ? Will they not equally fee its propriety, ne- 
 ceffity, and importance ? Do you glow with the 
 warmth of patriotifm, and the enthufiafm of hu- 
 manity ! Do you fmcerely and (Irenuoufly difchargc 
 your duties to your country ! They, no doubt, will 
 kindle with your warmth; and burn with your phi- 
 lanthropy. Wliy Oiould they not ? The cllablifh- 
 ment of national perfection is no fubverfion of the 
 conftitution, only an improvement of it ; and, in 
 the fenfe we propofe it, is an addition to, and the 
 completion of it. Do we attempt to fubvert the 
 Houfc of Lords, or injure their privileges and pre- 
 rogativCj ? No ! we propofe an additional Folk- 
 mote to government, which would allow thcFIoule 
 of Lords to remain, as it is at prclcnr, invcllcd 
 with its fcvcrul j-oweri, and privileges, ;uk1, at ihc 
 
 latne
 
 t 206 ] 
 
 Hime time, would conftitiite one of the bcft forms 
 of government in the world. We have often can- 
 vafled the fervices of a nobility in fociety ; for we 
 have been greatly oppreffed our wholelife by a. 
 nobleman, whom yet we excufe on account of his 
 various and numerous virtues, on his being, perhaps, 
 ignorant of the injuries he was doing us ; on his 
 appendages and not himfelf being the caufe of our 
 misfortunes. We, however would, though we will 
 not oppofe our compatriots on the fubjeft, recom- 
 mend the fupport of the nobility, as being fervice- 
 able in numerous refpe^ls ; as it may be prevented 
 from injuring fociety, by the variety of modes of 
 elevating the people, which we propofe with this 
 view ; and if any little objeflions lliould not be re- 
 moved by thcfe means, as it would anfwer the pur- 
 pofe of a zed to give fociety a better relifli and a 
 folid comparative fatisfadion in the equality and li- 
 berty, we fuppofe it will otherwife enjoy. We do 
 not even propofe to annihilate the corrupt boroughs : 
 and the fupreme government would find little 
 trouble worth regarding in the introduction of na- 
 tional perfection, if it would commiffion a board 
 of national improvement to prepare and frame the 
 defigns of it with real iincerity and philanthropy. 
 Thus we engage to let right and complete all the 
 djfferent iViences of public welfare ; and render 
 national perfection in future, a much eaher Hate of 
 
 ibcietv
 
 C ao7 3 
 
 fociety to manage and regulate, than the prefent 
 abortive and Hunted growth of it. 
 
 Objedions in refpedt of national perfection arc 
 ;BOt to be attended to : for it is a defign, which 
 towers fublime in itfclf alone, and is out of the 
 reach of the hiflorical precedents of pad times ; and 
 its powers of enterprize readily can vanquilh, in ge- 
 neral, the furmifed obftacles of great men, whofe 
 genius, or whofe information is fpeculative. Mr. 
 Burke has done very ill to interfere on this fubject 
 in any fhape, as he is perfectly ignorant in regard 
 to it. Government is a very imperfeft inftitution 
 at the prefent time ; for it is very produdive of 
 public calamity, is in no fenfe creative of national 
 improvement and advantage, and is the contrary 
 and reverfe of what it ought to be, the refemblance, 
 or rather the means of that Itate of national per- 
 fedlion, which this pamphlet, as a mirror, holds up 
 to the world. Government is, in general, a pub- 
 lic combination againil the interefts of fociety, and 
 fatally encroaches upon private happinefs. Mr. 
 Burke knows not yet what good government is, 
 and has miftaken for it what is wretched bad go- 
 vernment ; he is an orator, a literatift, a theorift 
 on the fubjeft ; he has never ftudicd or accom- 
 plilhcd any part of national perfedion. His late 
 great prcfumption,' therefore, is wholly unpardon- 
 able ! 
 
 Ye
 
 t 108 ] 
 
 Ye People ! you fliould never again place that 
 implicit confidence in the promifes of great men, 
 Avhich prevents yourfelves from attending- to, and 
 redreffing public affairs. For, in the firft place, 
 great men are at this time generally very ignorant 
 in public affairs, in the proper modes of fetting 
 them right, and in that great comprehenfive wif- 
 dom, which for the adequate advancement of public 
 affairs is abfolutely required. To your idle credu- 
 lous confidence it is owing, that the prefent (late of 
 fociety, and the different fciences of public wel- 
 fare, remain in fo wretched a condition : for how is 
 it poflible fuch perfons whom you truft, fhould re- 
 drefs public affairs, and promote the national im- 
 provements? In the fecond plaee, they really have 
 no intention of ferving the public for the good of 
 fociety, and let this fuffer the greatefl mifery or 
 diftrefs, they never voluntarily move and concern 
 themfelves for its relief. Like incendiaries fetting 
 fire to houfes in order to pilfer them, who commit 
 much mifchief for the fake of a fmall gain ; mo- 
 dern adminiilrations, for little corrupt purpofes, 
 deprive fociety of an infini^^number of the 
 greateft and mod valuable blefnngs of humanity. 
 Be not deceived with great names, and the fame 
 and reputation of extraordinary abilities, fuch a? 
 the acquired palm of eloquence, elegant compofi- 
 tions, or venal prclfes can beflow ; believe us, no 
 real exertions, or great abilities, arc difplayed in 
 
 nioderi).
 
 C 209 ] 
 
 modem politics, or in the condud of government 
 at the prefent day. For, after perufmg the preced- 
 ing pages, if you examine Mr. Pitt's minifterial 
 conduct and charader, which can have no other 
 pretences to your applaufe, deferving of national 
 regard, than what he has done refpeding politics 
 and finance, you will obferve, like his prede- 
 cefTors, he has, in fad, rendered no public fervices 
 to the nation, worthy mentioning. Stocks have 
 rofe in their value by the induftry, adivity, and 
 riches of the people alone. No public wealth Mr. 
 Pitt has created and produced by his financial abi- 
 lities. On the contrary, he has confiderably ex- 
 haufted the national wealth, and has merely intro- 
 duced a little occonomy into fome of the depart- 
 ments of ftate, while his preparations of armaments 
 never employed, have, in a very great meafure, 
 anticipated the adual means and finews of carrying 
 on war itfelf. You, infinitely too kind, very ab- 
 furdly afcribe to him the prefent ftate of public 
 credir, which your commerce, your income, and 
 your labours have accompliflied. 
 
 Ye people of GrdlPBritain ! eftimate your own . 
 worth and merits ! The flame of patriotifm ceafes 
 to burn, and to caft its light over this kingdom. 
 You fhould, therefore, invigorate and revive it with 
 its ancient illuminating powers. It is necelTary to 
 rekindle it for the great purpofe of regenerating the 
 public affairs into national peiiection. It is necef- 
 
 P fary
 
 [ aio ] 
 
 fary to re-excite it ; for within a few years, fuch 
 alarming great inroads, as by letting taxes to the 
 beft bidders, and by the extenfion of the excife 
 laws, have been made upon the conftitution, that 
 it is neceflary to oppofe them with the united voice 
 of the whole nation. You have, in general, for- 
 got your country in its true interefts ; but you need 
 not be reftrained from returning to thefe on ac- 
 count of your attachment to the Crown. You 
 may love at the fame time, both your king and 
 your country ; and you may love your king inex- 
 preffibly more than you do at prcfent, as the father 
 of his people, aiding and abetting you to accom- 
 pliih and diftribute through fociety the great, in- 
 finite, indefcribablebleffings of national perfeftion. 
 For he fliould lend you his fervices on this occafion, 
 as he owes you great and infinite returns for the 
 fervices, which you have rendered him, for the 
 battles you hav-e fought for his glory, for the feas 
 of blood you have Ihed in his fervice, for the im- 
 menfe taxes, which you bear on his account. Do 
 you in his private virtues ^OL bury your love and 
 veneration for your country rand let your fovereign 
 in the unparalleled conflux and tides of loyalty and 
 affection, with which you have furrounded and em- 
 br^aced him fmcc the fatal lofs of America, difmifs 
 all unneceflary fears and apprehenfions, in order 
 to make the proper returns of gratitude to his 
 great and magnanimous, his liberal and generous, 
 
 his
 
 C ^" ] 
 
 his true and dutiful fubjefts. You may juftly 
 afcribe the prefent ilate of pubUc welfare in this 
 kingdom to your own exertions and merits ; and 
 be not fo fordid, ye affluent ! in your hoarded 
 ftores and in your mafly piles of manufactures, as 
 to forget the interefts of your country at large, and 
 the numerous wants and miferies, which the greateft 
 part of the community moft unhappily experience 
 at the prefent time. Trade and wealth, let them 
 flourifh ever fo much, very imperfeftly fupply the 
 lower claifes with provifions and neceffaries, ftill 
 lefs fo, where taxes are numerous and exceflive. 
 Agriculture highly encouraged, but altogether ne- 
 gleded by government, can alone fupply in an 
 adequate manner the lower claffcs with the food 
 and neceffaries of life, for want of which in mod 
 parts of the kingdom they are at prefent wretched 
 and miferable. 
 
 You fliould, ye People ! no longer pay attention 
 to minifterial writings of any kind, which are always 
 hired, and therefore mean, and intend and drive 
 all in their power to deceive you ! This is their 
 end: your duty to your country requires you not 
 to read them, but to read the enlightened publi- 
 cations of the day, and to contemplate die na- 
 tional iriipiovements. How many, who have late- 
 ly praifcd Mr. Burke's publication, now wifli, for 
 the honour of their own underftandings, that they 
 had never read it ! To give an idea of the danger 
 P z of
 
 [ 212 ] 
 
 of fuch writings, there is one lately publifhed by 
 a perfon, faid to (land high in minifterial con- 
 fidence, which denies the people the poflelTion of 
 any rights at all, afcribes to Kings and Lords na- 
 tural and independent privileges, powers, and pre- 
 rogatives, and derives their claims from God, as 
 he is faid to have given thefe to the patria^j^and 
 kings in the Old Teftament. God certainly^ver 
 has, prieflcraft alone has fanclioned the claims of 
 the latter, as this intelligence is conveyed to us ; 
 and we trufl from our fervent zeal to promote re- 
 ligion, that the Church may fome time be induced 
 to confirm this opinion, in fupport of its own wel- 
 fare and dignity, and feparate the fpurious from 
 the Divine parts of the Scripture. 
 
 You Ihould at lead regard your own majefly, 
 the majefty of the people ; and accordingly infift 
 with adequate fpirit and energy, on the general 
 eftablifliment of your lawful dignity and elevation 
 through the fociety at large. For you are not de- 
 figned and created by God and Nature lo be fools ; 
 to be murdered by conftant wars ; not to enjoy the 
 fruits of your induftry, but to be loaded with con- 
 ftant additional taxes ; to have art inadequate re- 
 prefentation in parliament; to pay blind fubmilTion 
 to weak, headftrong governments ; to be ever kept 
 in a moft low and srovelins: ftate, and to be the eter- 
 nal deftined victims of Botany Bays; to be for ever 
 negledled and deprived of the various great fervices, 
 
 ^^hich
 
 [ 213 ] 
 which flow from a proper cultivation and advanco- 
 menc of the different bleffings of pubhc welfare. 
 Is it not fufficient, that indigence through the 
 country in general, pines in want of necclfary provi- 
 fions, and of the comforts of life, which at this time 
 it does in a very great extent, whether greatnefs or 
 luxury do, or do not obferve it ; that merit hes 
 every where friendlefs and proftrate ; that a neigh- 
 bour generally has an enemy or a profecutor in his 
 neighbour; that mifery in various refpeds flieds 
 its unavailing fighs and tears over the land ; that 
 tythes, the law, and other infinite grievances lay 
 the axe to the root of private happinefs ? Is it not 
 fufficient, that there is an abfolute want of fpirit to 
 redrefs a Hate of fociety like this ? Shall we pa- 
 tiently obferve this flate increafing ? Shall we take 
 no notice of the different caufes, which produce 
 this (late, every where enlarging themfelves in all 
 their dimenfions ? Shall we not attend to the un- 
 dermining influence of the Crown ? Nor to our 
 frequent wars and intermediate armaments, which 
 may be confidered as a new and unknown improve- 
 ment upon wars, to taxes heaped upon taxes, fol- 
 lowing fo rapidly as fcarce pofTible to be numbered ; 
 the former difturbino; or threatening; the whole 
 world, the latter invading every necclfary of life, 
 and afflicting with new dilbcllcs every individual 
 fubject. 
 
 V 3 Your
 
 [ ai4 ] 
 
 Your honour, ye People ! on this occafion calls 
 upon you as Britons, to refcue your country from 
 the above wretched and groveling fituation ; and to 
 prevent your country from as ignominioufly fink- 
 ing, as France is in the contrary fcale moft glo- 
 rioufly exalting herfelf in the eyes of the world. 
 It is yet in your power to ftart and furpafs France 
 in the race of glory and honour by adopting the 
 means, v/hich we recommend to you, as a plan of 
 national perfeftion, infinitely fuperior to the prefent 
 regeneration of France. You fhould enlighten your- - 
 felves in refped of public welfare, and fully under- 
 fland the nature of national perfection; advance 
 your country to thofe heights of improvement and 
 excellence, which this holds forth ; and feel a true 
 patriotic love. Breathe the high fpirir, which vin- 
 dicates the rights of humanity ; and claim them for 
 your country, for your fellow creatures, for your- 
 felves, and for your pofterity. We will at any 
 time Hicw proofs, that you need not regard any 
 objeftions, v;hich may be made to our propo- 
 fitions! 
 
 Te Gentry of the Kingdom, and the Empire ! 
 
 As the votaries of public virtue and philanthropy, 
 and as their vicegerents, v;e are hazarding every 
 rifque and danger, which may follow from your 
 difpleafurc ; becaufe the caufe which we embrace, 
 abfolutely requires we fhould make the prefent bold 
 
 addrefs
 
 / 
 
 [ ^15 ] 
 
 addrefs to you. We feel deep and fincere regret, 
 that this talk is ours; but we will in nofenfe flinch 
 from it, we will throw ourfelves upon your mag- 
 nanimity and natural goodnefs of heart, to feel for 
 us, to indulge and pardon us, and at the fame time 
 to hflen with attentive ears to us, and to pay due 
 refpect to what we offer for your confidcration. 
 We therefore addrefs you with a freedom and bold- 
 nefs, proportional to the great interefts of fociety, 
 which you. Gentlemen, are deftined to fupport. 
 For we complain that you wholly ncgled and de- 
 fert the duties of the ftation, which you hold in 
 fociety. This highly criminal condud is not 
 chargeable to the account of any other ftations, 
 and is the true caufe of the prefent ftate of public 
 welfare and the national affairs. The people in 
 general in every refpeft, and in the mod complete 
 manner, difcharge all the refpedive duties of their 
 feveral ftations, there being fo very few exceptions 
 to this aflertion, that it is not proper to mention 
 them. Where, in what nation of the world are 
 there farmers, workmen, manufadurers, merchants, 
 foldiers, failors, men of genius, a clei'gy, or a medi- 
 cal profeiTion fuperior, or equal to thofe of Great 
 Britain ? But of what fervicc arc you, or is a gentry 
 not deftined to be of the moft important fervicc 
 to the interefts of fociety ? Do you underftand na- 
 tional improvement in general, as an art, or a prac- 
 tical fcicnce ? No, Do you und<.'rftand any one par- 
 
 -P .1, ticulav
 
 [ ^^(> ] 
 
 ticular national improvement ? No. Do you even 
 underftand the art of improving ground, or your 
 eftates to the greateft advantage ? No. Have you 
 any legiflative abilities ? No. Do you in general 
 underftand the laws of your country ? No. Do 
 you underftand the interefts of fociety ? No. Do 
 you underftand politics ? No. Have you that 
 fuperior intelligence, which enables you in general 
 to underftand the public affairs, and puts it out of 
 the power of hireling pamphlets, or even newfpapers 
 to prepoflefs your minds, and lead you as a cor- 
 rupt minifter pleafes, and wifties you to think ? No. 
 Do you really endeavour to acquire knowledge and 
 information on the above, and on other public 
 fubjefts in general of a fimilar nature ? No. Do 
 you appear to have an intention of the kind ? No. 
 When you, as delegates and in other capacities, are 
 feated in Parliament, are ye always independent, 
 do you at all times honeftly regard, and faithfully 
 promote the interefts of your country, and never 
 facrifice and barter thefe to the Crown ? No. 
 
 The ftation you,. Gentlemen ! hold in fociety 
 is, of all others, the moft important to its in- 
 terefts. The public duties incumbent upon you to 
 difcharge, as the cultivators and promoters of the 
 welfare of the community in every refpecl, by all 
 the means and exertions in your power, are nu- 
 merous and infinite. Your duties are to devife 
 and accomplilh all the feveral intentions and de- 
 
 fig-ns
 
 [ 217 ] 
 
 figns of public welfare and private happlnefs, that 
 is, of national perfedion ; but you negleft them 
 in the grofs, and perform none of them in any 
 manner, that can be confidered as adequate. Above 
 we have propofed to you feveral queries, in regard to 
 v.'hich you ought to be fully competent, but we have 
 not been able to anfwer affirmatively for you to any 
 one of them. Nor do we know any others, relating 
 to national perfeftion, which we can propofe in the 
 proper line of your duty to your country, to which 
 you can lefs exceptionably anfwer. But you will 
 immediately affent to interrogatories of a contrary 
 nature. Are ye lukewarm, inefficient patriots ; do 
 you cede your underftandings to ignorant admini- 
 ib-ations; do ye fubmit in the many wars of this 
 country, waged without the lead regard to juflice, 
 to be the dellroyers of your fellow creatures ; and 
 are you the channels, through which the prefcnt 
 inundations of taxes fweep away the competence 
 and necefTaries of life from yourfelves, and alas ! 
 from all the inferior clafTes ? Yes ! yes ! yes ! yes ! 
 As in the barbarity of the times, when Alfred 
 lived, there was not one clerk in the kingdom, 
 who underflood Latin, fo in the prefent highly cni- 
 bellidied and polifhed age of Great Britain, there 
 is not, to fpcak in general, one gentleman in the 
 kingdom, who is acquainted with the great views 
 and the appropriated doflrines of j^ublic wel- 
 fare; although in advancing thcfe wholly cor.lill: 
 
 ih"
 
 C 2i8 ] 
 
 the feveral purpofes and fervices of the ftation of 
 the gentry in foclety. 
 
 The people therefore in general, who difcharge 
 the refpedive duties of their feveral ftations of 
 life with the greateft fidelity to their co\:ntry, may 
 mod grievoully complain of your ungenerous and 
 unkind conduct to them ! We too may do the 
 fame, nor you be oiTended. As the votaries ot 
 public virtue and philanthropy, we are mod ma- 
 terially interefted to afcertain the important fa6l, 
 that the negled and malverfion of the intcrefts ot 
 fociety is your fole fault and blame ; becaufe thi^ 
 being afcertained, you both will and can effeftual- 
 ly redrefs the wrongs of fociety without danger, 
 trouble, or lofs of time. For, Gentlemen ! wc 
 have no doubt, from the good opinion we en- 
 tertain of you, as well as of mankind in general^ 
 that you will immediately liberate yourfelves from 
 the merited afperfion, as foon as you obferve the 
 juftice of it, and immediately commence the work 
 of regenerating the kingdom and the empire into 
 national perfection. No other defideratum is wan- 
 ting for accomplifliing this purpofe, than that you 
 fee the prafticability and importance of it, and 
 difcharge your duties with fidelity to your country. 
 You are the mod interefted in the introduction 
 of this important objedt, and we are convinced you 
 are the greateft fufferers from any miflrianagement 
 of public affairs. You, as a numerous body, every 
 
 where
 
 [ 219 ] 
 
 where diftributed through fociety, and from your 
 education, unexceptionably quaUfied for the taik, 
 are able to accomplilh, propagate, and complete 
 ill the moil perfect manner, through the extent of 
 fociety, all the feveral views and purpofes of national 
 perfedion. The acquifition of the pradical pow- 
 ers, neccilary for the accomplifliment of fo im- 
 portant an obje6t, is neither arduous nor tedious ; 
 and permit us to offer you a plain and fimple pre- 
 fcription for the purpofe. Grind this and our 
 other works, and walh your eyes with them, as an 
 eye water, and they will recover the moft iperfe*5l 
 fight. A courfe of them for a fortnight will give 
 you political fagacitv and wifdom ; a m.onth's per- 
 feverance in their different prefcriptions will be 
 able to form you the civilizers, legiflators, and 
 benefactors of your country, and of mankind at 
 large. 
 
 Permit us, therefore, in future to rank you 
 among the cultivators of public vvelfarc, and 
 anxioufly to recommend to your confideration the 
 addrefs which we have lately direded to them. 
 By purfuing the different means it recommends, 
 you will fx;n b'^ccmc eminent in your particular 
 fladon in locicty. More cfpccially we wi(h your 
 fupport (hould univerfally be extended in the 
 efforts in fivour of the private intcrcRs of fo- 
 ( ietv ; and that a real, not a pretended refpcclful 
 confuictation of interior individuals, may become 
 
 the
 
 [ 220 ] 
 
 the chara(5teriftic criterion oPthe condud of the 
 feveral fuperior ftatlons. The fincere, grateful 
 afFeAion of inferiors is that fort of homage 
 alone, which can be fatisfaftory, and, confident- 
 ly with your interefts, fecure you proper confi- 
 deration and influence. Popular refpccl, as paid 
 to the great, is never fincere, and to be depended 
 upon, but as it is founded on affeclion returned 
 for the goodnefs of your hearts, and for real re- 
 gard paid to humanity. As fuch it is ncceflary to 
 your charadlers, to your feelings, and to your 
 happinefs, and it alone fupports your ftation with 
 proper luflre and dignity. Thus it may rea- 
 dily be acquired ; and an opportunity of procu- 
 ring it without feeking for it, will conftantly be 
 afforded to you in the primary edablifliment, and 
 in the fubfequent fuperintendance of national per- 
 feflion through fociety at large. 
 
 At this time. Gentlemen ! your country moil im- 
 portunately requires your very earned aflidance, 
 that you will in the mod complete manner rcdrefs 
 its prefent wretched, puerile fituaiion, and advance 
 its different improvements to tlieir proper ade- 
 quate heights of national perfection. Do you 
 therefore warmly intered yourfelves on fo impoi'- 
 tant an occafion, and cordially unite with the 
 people, and with the cultivators of public welfare 
 and virtue in their endeavours to fct tlie nation 
 10 lights, and to complete all its diiTcrent interells. 
 
 To-
 
 [ i2I ] 
 
 Together do you advance national perfeftion by 
 the feveral effedual means in your joint powers. 
 
 Infpired with the fincereft anxiety of promoting 
 all the different interefts of humanity ; defpifing 
 with indignation and contempt the perfons, who 
 refufe to co-operate with you ; and only the more 
 incited by the bafe oppofition and the depraved 
 corruptions, which may impede your progrefs, 
 defifl not, till you form fociety, what your God 
 intended it (hould be, and render your country and 
 mankind as great and happy as they are capable 
 of being. This Ihould be the fole termination of 
 your labours, the leaft effort of your patriotifm, 
 your incentive of glory, and the reward of your 
 gallantry and virtue. 
 
 Sometime ago we perceived the province of 
 national perfection properly devolved upon the 
 gentleman, and promifed him its deftined lau- 
 rels : but we obferved with aftonilhment, that he 
 negle(5ted to cultivate it, and to afpire after its 
 immortal honours. What was too fure to be ex- 
 pected ! the confequence of his neglect we faw> 
 was the imperfect advancement of the different in- 
 terefts of fociety. Wc therefore knew it woultl 
 be neceffary to acquaint the gentry of the kingdom 
 with fo n.ranp"e an oniiffion, and widi Inch an un- 
 pardonable abufe of their truil in fjciccy ; and 
 were derermined to rcnionllrare with them vp'^n 
 a conckiff, which ran in no Icnic I);.- cxcu'cl,
 
 [ 222 3 
 
 however unexceptionable in other refpeds the 
 charaders of the gentlemen in this country tnay 
 be; as good landlords, mailers, parents or huf- 
 bands ; as fcholars, orators, men of tafte, and ac- 
 complirned and acquainted with life and manners ; 
 as men of intrepid bravery, perfeverance, and un- 
 remitting enterprife ; and perhaps the hrfl gentry 
 of the world, for our animadverfions, indeed, apply 
 iiniverfally to the gentry of every country. The 
 fairer fex of this ftation in life, we found, could in 
 no fenfe be involved as the partners of fuch cri- 
 minal public conduft, and we confidered them ir> 
 every fenfe, as favourable and propitious to the 
 defign of national perfedion. We therefore de- 
 dicated to them, as to the patronelfes of fuch per- 
 fection, our work on the royal regeneration of 
 Great Britain. We confidered them, as perfonated 
 "in our dedication to the Honourable Mrs. Damer : 
 and (he accepted the important truft, in a manner 
 the mod pleallng and flattering, fo as to confer 
 upon us and them, wiiofc extraordinary accom- 
 pliihmcnts, whofe mofl pleafing and amiable 
 graces, and diftinguirhcd talents of genius and 
 nature fhe fo happily and appofitely reprefents, 
 the highefl honour and obligation. The obliging 
 condcfcenfion of Mrs. Darner's anfwcr, in raifing 
 us to an alinoft equal level with her own rank arid 
 extraordinarv merits, is one of the hig-heft obli- 
 gations, a great mind can confer. At the fame time 
 I it
 
 [ 223 ] 
 
 it fecures the moft fincere refpeft and humility, 
 fuch as could not be extorted from us by the pride 
 of a counCefs, or the arrogance of female for- 
 tune, raifed beyond its proper level ! The latter at 
 lead might be contented to fliine with fome degree 
 of modeftyj like the glow-worm of the plain, and 
 not with too tranfcendent a blaze endanger the 
 
 o 
 
 footy colleflion of the cuhnary conduit. ' 
 Ladies ! 
 
 As you in former times have always patro- 
 nized great and fpirited undertakings, {o the efta- 
 blifhment of national perfedlion, we truft, will be 
 Seconded with your warm and earned endeavours. 
 The attainment of human excellence is the fre- 
 quent accomplifnment of your fex ! Oh ! there- 
 fore you will do more than wiQi national perfeftion 
 fhould be eftablifhed through fociety ! We truft 
 you will fervently adopt its caufe, and bring it 
 forward and enforce it with all your power and 
 influence ! Oh ! puOi your aflbciate fex from the 
 narrow bough, to which, with the fear of neftling 
 birds, it clofely clings, in order to try and explore 
 the wide ambient atmofphcre of public v,clfare, 
 and national perfection ! 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen of the prcfcnt Parluvnieni ! 
 
 When an individual prcfcnts to you various and 
 numerous dif/cjrent def.gns of grc:it national mo- 
 ment and conk'C'j'icncc ; when the pr'icMi llatc of 
 a Ibcicty ib v. rculiCtl, h.vw, and mca:^ in. c(mi- 
 
 ivuiiun.
 
 [ 224 ] 
 
 parlfon with what it may be rendered by the means 
 of thofe defigns, and is propofed to be improved 
 by them, to the fulleft powers of its capacity ! af- 
 femblies, fuch as yours are, my Lords and Gentle- 
 men ! furely cannot, furely will not exclude the 
 addrefs of the humbled of all individuals, who 
 lays before you the adequate means of promoting 
 and completing the public welfare. You unquef- 
 tionably fliould and will accommodate yourfelves 
 to the (late moll favourable for affording him at- 
 tention. Amidfl the numerous illuftrious vir- 
 tues, which have on all occafions diflinguiflied 
 the National Affembly of France, the moll affable, 
 nay, the humble condefcenfion, with which they 
 have lillened to all individual applications, and of- 
 fers of fervice and advice, is as plcafing and re- 
 markable, as it is mod highly exemplary. 
 
 We, the votaries of public virtue and philan- 
 thropy, therefore not only trull, that the fyllem 
 of national perfeAion, which we in this, and in 
 our orher publications prefent to you, will be re- 
 ceived in a mod propitious manner, and with a mod 
 gracious welcome; and not be confidered as in- 
 truded upon you, or as violating the decorum, 
 which you may with to preferve ; but that on the 
 contrary in proceeding much farther, and in call- 
 ing upon you to adopt tlie fydcm, which we lay 
 bwlore you, and to carry the fame into cffci5l, we 
 fl-)all merit your thanks. The part we have taken 
 
 for
 
 for promocing the public welfare, obliges us bol41y 
 to fay aloud, it is your duty to embrace and ac- 
 complifh the faid fyftem. It is yoiir duty at pre- 
 leiit, without any addrefs offered you from the 
 people, to rear theftandard of national perfedion; 
 to infcribe upon it thefe mod happy and glorious 
 words, " The voluntary and peaceful regenera- 
 tion of fociety, and of its different interefts, iiito 
 national perfection :'* and to urge the people, even 
 before they are themfelves excited by their own m- 
 formation of the importance of thefe words, that, 
 they fecond your intentions, with one generaJij, 
 union of all their joint endeavours; and yet a^ 
 ^he fame time with a pure love and lincere re-.. 
 fped for their king, and for all the fcveral falutary 
 regulations and eftablifhments of the conftitution 
 in prefent ufe and obfervance. From your hands 
 the public has a juft right to exped: all the different 
 fervices, which you can advance in their favour, 
 even thofe of the fmalleft nature, therefore infi- 
 nitely more thofe of the largeft magnitude. On 
 this account, ray Lords and; Gentlemen, when 
 fach great fervices can be rendered to the nation, 
 as we propofe, and when this can be regenerated 
 into national perfeftion, you fhould be glad to 
 fee, you fhould with inexprelTible tranfports be- 
 hold the inhabitants of the kingdom, obfcrving a 
 proper condudl, rife as one fingle man, in order 
 to accomplifh the mighty and importiini event. 
 
 Q^ To
 
 [ 226 ] 
 
 To fuppofe itbat you, my Lords and Gentlemen, 
 would .oppofe, obftmft, and prevent the fuccefs 
 of .their exertions oil this occafion, would be the 
 imoft difgraceful ftigma, which defamation and 
 ignominy icfelf could fix wpon your characters; 
 nor could it be the ieaft advantage whatever to 
 your Lordfhips \i) particular, as no deprivation of 
 any kind of authority or privileges, which you 
 poflefs, and which ^re ufeful to you, is prOpofed. 
 
 Afi^ it pleafe your gracious Majejly, the monarch 
 of Great Britain ! as the votaries of public vimie 
 ftnd philanthropy, and hitherto as their viceroys ! 
 we have from th,eir tiironc addreffed the different 
 ftations of your Majefty's fubjeds in general, but we 
 humbly before you defcend from this e^calted emi- 
 nence, and perform obeifance to you, as our Sove- 
 reign. Infpired with the behefts of public virtue 
 and philanthropy, and at the fame time bending 
 before you, we humbly folicit your Majefty on 
 their account, and on your own account, to re- 
 generate your kingdom and your empire into na- 
 tional perfedlion. We are not afraid of offending 
 your Majefty by this bold requeft, becaufe we 
 know fuch a regeneration is in eyery refped your 
 Majefly's own advantage, interefl, and happinefs. 
 Having fully afcertained the accomplifhment of 
 national perfedtion to be the mofl important jewel 
 of your crown, and having already proved this 
 
 in
 
 [ 227 ] 
 
 in every inftance; we have, therefore, with the 
 moft implicit confidence of not meeting with your 
 difpleafure, endeavoured to invite all your fubjeds 
 to lofe no time, but immediately with the moft 
 earneft and vigorous means to regenerate the 
 kingdom, and the empire, into the moft complete 
 ftate of national perfection, as true and loyal fub- 
 jed:s to you, as much as faithful citizens to the 
 iijterefts of their country'. As fuch a regeneration 
 will augment and complete the national ftrength 
 and the public interefts, fo it will equally prornote 
 the power and advantage of the crown. It will 
 fpread that luftre and fplendour over your reign, 
 which the hiftory of no monarch as yet can boaft; 
 and tranfmit to endlefs ages, and to unbounded 
 time, the name of a king, who inftituted the na- 
 tional perfedion of kingdoms and of empires! 
 
 We have examined the defigns, which we pro- 
 pofe in the minateft manner, and we pledge our 
 charader and honour to you, they are not unworthy 
 of your acceptance, that neither guile nor difad- 
 vantage to your royal interefts lay malked under 
 them, but on the contrary, that every good both pri- 
 vate and public are included in them, which we ap- 
 prehend can be agreeable to you. Extenlive general 
 improvement, and national perfeAion are the 
 firmeft bafis, on which your throne can ftandr 
 and the times require they fhould be fundamen- 
 tally placed beneath it at prefent.-— And what 
 Q^ 2 times
 
 J^ 
 
 f 2i8' ] 
 
 tofix Aem there, -hen your Majefty >s fo g^e 
 railY refpeaed and beloved? Can there be greater 
 „S and occafion for them than at prefent, when 
 pS burthens are becotnefo heavy; when-. 
 
 Lindate in ahnoft continued «rrent. ° j^^^^ 
 *toopthe countfy-; v.hen depravity =^°d^'« ^^^ 
 
 ^i£kr extreme bounds, and pour fonh more 
 L. fofficicnt population for new and dto o 
 &^ies; v;/li provinons and the n-ffart. J We 
 hive rlfen to fo great a price, and thus make tn 
 
 mtfe trufy -^eVa*.!, rV:rloX 
 
 do'rSnions ? When had a monarch more worthy 
 
 ftt to oblige' When was there due from a 
 
 *'"'1h .e er affeftion than now is due from 
 
 monarch ff^f ^^^ ,,,1 reforms of 
 
 ::S:^;e^:;;"e.pedientfortl.intereast. 
 2n^ be devifed than national perfeaionj^^^^ 
 
 -qever was government m general in 
 .-.c d.(h fttuation than they are at prefent Kings 
 fotu d, therefore,lofe no time in Ihewmg the worW 
 
 Saftv are no hindrances to its advancement and 
 h^v tght by no means to oppofe the national p e. - 
 r ? rf focictv They Ihould foew the wo.ld, 
 AM the e^ciftence of Sovereigns is not a.cre! 
 compatible with, but is an eifeaual means of e - 
 Sing national perfection They mould w^; 
 .happyg-ecomcfo.wi,andma —
 
 [ 229 J 
 
 honourable to themfelves, magnanimoufly offer 
 the boon to their people, before they afk for it; 
 nor keep back, as the amiable and patriotic 
 Louis nearly had done, until they are compelled 
 to comply with the meafure. The banquet or 
 feafi: of natiojjal perfection mufl ere long be in 
 the complete ppfleffion of fociety; and they, who 
 mean to be the holls, and expe/ft to prelide at 
 the head of the table, , ilirely (hould offer the in- 
 vitation, and give a heaity welcome to their 
 guefts. 
 
 In introducing national perfedion into tbis 
 countE}', the formation of a fuitable adminiftration 
 for the purpofe mufl: be a very important ob- 
 ject. It fliould -be calculated to fatisfy the ni- 
 .tion in general, and to polfeis adequate power 
 and ability; and at the fame time be compofed 
 • of perfons, in whom the king would place im- 
 plicit confidence, and whom the different in- 
 terefts of the kingdom in general would refp^dt. 
 Such an adminiftration may readily be formed; 
 and even ourfelves can form a very unexceptipn- 
 able one for the purpolc : for it may confift of 
 the Duke of Portland, or of Lord Rawdon>t if 
 liis Grace is not friendly to the caufe, at the 
 head of the Trcafury,- of Mr. Fox, as fecrctary of 
 the foreign department of itate, and of Mr. Pitt 
 of the home department; and of ourfelves, or 
 -iny other perfon, who will undertake the toilfome 

 
 [ 23° ] 
 tafk, as fecretary of the Alfredian department of 
 ftate, for promoting the different national im- 
 provements ; of Lord I^ughborough and Mr. 
 Addington, as fpeakers of the two. Hoxifes of the 
 Lords and Commons ; of Lord Thurlow, as lord 
 chancellor; of Lord Stormont, as prefident of the 
 council ; of the Duke of Norfolk, as lord-lieute- 
 nant of Ireland ; of Lord Hawkefbury remaining in 
 his prefent fituation; of the Marquis of Lanfdovvne, 
 as firft lord of the SL^miralty; of the Earl of Fitz- 
 williarh^ as, prefident of the Board of Control ; of 
 t^he P\^ke of Northumberland, as mailer of the 
 Horfe ; of Mr. Sheridan in what department he 
 pleafes; of Mr. Lee, as pay-mafter of the forces; 
 of Mr. Grey, as treafurer of the Navy ; and to 
 ftr^ngthen fuch a minifterial arrangement, dif- 
 ferent p,erlpns from the various interefts in the 
 kingdom might be admitted members of the 
 Privy Council ; as Mr. Brand Hollis ' on account 
 of the Diflenters ; and other refpedable charadtcrs, 
 on account of other interefts. An adminiftration 
 like this would be very happily introduced at. the 
 prefent time, when adminiftration appears to be 
 a mere 4i6tator{hip, v/ith Mr. Pitt at its head, 
 ajwi. und^r him Lord' Grenville, fome unknown 
 cypher, the Earlof Chatham, and the Duke of 
 Montrofe, as his mafters of th^ foreign ftate 
 departments,, of the Admiralty, and of the horfe. 
 The adminiilration, above propofed would be a 
 
 very
 
 [ ^31 ] 
 v€i^ complete and valuable feledion of different 
 peribns, the moft fuitable to introduce, and carry 
 into effcd the national perfedion, while, no doubt, 
 they would eftablifli the adequate influence of the 
 people in the government, and give the Crown 
 that independence, which alone can free it from 
 corruption, and enable it effedually to co-operate 
 with the citizens. 
 
 May it pkafe your Majefty t 
 
 The defign of national perfection, which we lay 
 before you, is attempted to be formed in a manner, 
 the moft confiftent with the interefts of your crown, 
 and, at the fame time, with the higheft deference 
 to your fovereign will and pleafure. You will 
 find reafon to believe, if you deign to examine 
 our different propofals, that we have often, in de- 
 viling the different parts of the defign, almoft con- 
 fidered ourfelves, as placed in your own fituation ; 
 and have framed them accordingly. With great 
 earneftncfs we have fupported the interefts of the 
 executive government, in oppofition to the views 
 of the French Revolution ; and by numerous ex- 
 pedients we have contrived to render the former 
 fuperior, as an agency to the democratic affemblies, 
 employed for the purpofe in a neighbouring king- 
 dom. In remodifying the executive government, 
 we have greatly ftrcngthened its eftabliftiment, by 
 converting it into an effedual agency of national 
 0^4 improve-
 
 improvement. And certainly #e deferve your 
 M^efty's particular nonce, for endeavouring to 
 free your Crov^^n from the reftraints of a feptennial 
 Houfe of Commons, and of a Houfc of Peers, 
 invefted with a perpetual power of difTenting from 
 all public meafures propofed to them. 
 
 If a fomi of perfed: government is to be efla- 
 bliflied in this country, furelv a form, (o valuable 
 and important, as that, which we have propofed 
 by means of Folkmctes, of leaving the Houfe of 
 Lords and your Majefly in the poSeffion of all rights 
 and powers, that you and they enjoy at prefent, 
 ought not to fubjea: us to cenfure ! The hand of . 
 God appears to us from unqueftionable demonflra- 
 tion, re iiite:icre in the caufe of public welfare 
 through the whole world : and, while the thnnder" 
 of his will and anrharity, as thefe are manifeft in 
 America^ France, and Poland, and foon will vifir 
 England, wliidi kindled his wrath and excked his 
 .icerpofidon, caufes the different governments of 
 r'^arope to fliake and tremble to their foundations, 
 vre have framed and prefenred to your Majefty a 
 form of national peifedtion, which is perfeclly plain 
 and fimple. fufikient to complete the interefis of 
 fcciety, and thus to avert tlie Divine anger. Your 
 Majcfly will receive a report, if you order our 
 •.vrltings to be examined, that no rancoroiis fplcen 
 js ever difplayed in them againfl your perfcn or 
 your interefts, alihough v. c have (o long born upon 
 
 cur 1
 
 *JO J 
 
 our dillreffed Ihoulders the great burden of form 
 ing the defign of national perfedion ; and although 
 Lord Bacon has informed your Majefly, that kings 
 (hould in their beginnings afford their affiflance to 
 all great defigns : whereas the national perfedion 
 wc have devifed, has, at our own expence, and 
 with our own mifery and perfonal fufferings, been 
 advanced and rendered complete. Different mi- 
 nifters have hitherto, we know, made it their 
 conftant rule to difreCTard ail national imnrovc- 
 ments propofed to them. This condudl may hi- 
 therto be in fome very fmall degree excufeable ; 
 becaufe, \viiile ail the diiTercnt interefts of fociety 
 were blended in one turbid and impure mixmre, 
 the advancement of any one of them wzz kfs 
 obvious and certain, and could not fweeten the 
 vaft pool of corruption. But the prefent pamphlet, 
 we expecV, like a powerful precipitate, will clear 
 and refine the heterogeneous fluid, however deep 
 or unbounded ; and arrange all its different parts 
 in their proper llrata, and in due proportions lo 
 one anorher. At the fame time it will effectually 
 enable your MajePty to obferve and comprehend 
 in one ihort viev tlic advancement and natural 
 co-operation of all the feveral different intereils of 
 national pcrfeclion. — By anaiyfing a imall glafs of 
 fca water, a chymill; knows what different falls, and 
 impregn.i.rions the whole ocean contains. 
 
 T 11 E E K D.
 
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