Oftfc .\\\EI VlOS ANGELA %: ^ %( ^l-LIBRAI THE EDUCATION LIBRARY. JOHN AMOS COMENIUS THE EDUCATION LIBRARY. EDITED BY PHILIP MAGNUS. An Introduction to the History of Educational Theories. By OSCAR BROWNING, M.A., King's College, Cambridge. II. John Amos Comenius, Bishop of the Moravians. His Life and Educational Works. By S. S. LAURIE, A.M., F.R.S.E., Professor of the Institutes and History of Education in the University of Edinburgh, Author of ' Primary Instruction in relation to Education,' etc. ill. Old Greek Education. By the Rev. Prof. MAHAFFY, M.A., U niversity of Dublin. The following volumes are in preparation : Home Training and School Teaching. By the Rev. Dr. ABBOTT, Head Master, City of London School. Psychology in its Bearings on Education. By JAMES SULLY, M.A., Examiner in Mental and Moral Philosophy, University of London. Art Teaching in Schools. By F. EDWARD HULME, F.L.S., F.S.A., Art Master, Marlborough College. The Teaching of Geography and History. By F. S. PULLING, M.A., Exeter College, Oxford. The Kindergarten System. By Miss SHIRREFF. Science Teaching in Schools. By R. WOKMELL, M.A., D.Sc., Head Master, City Corporation Schools ; and Prof. TILDEN, Mason's College, Birmingham. School Management By JOSEPH LANDON, Training College, Saltley. LONDON : KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH & CO. i PATERNOSTER SQUARE. JOHN AMOS COMENIUS BISHOP OF THE MORAVIANS HIS LIFE AND EDUCATIONAL WORKS S. S. LAURIE, A.M., F.R.S.E. PROFESSOR OF THE 1NST1TUTBS AND HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH ; AUTHOR OP ' PRIMARY INSTRUCTION IN RELATION TO EDUCATION,' ' PHILOSOPHY OF ETHICS,' ETC. LONDON: KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH & CO. i PATERNOSTER SQUARE 1881 U. C. L. A. EDUC. DEPT. [ The rights oj translation and fff reproduction are reserved.} Ul . Education /. L. A. Library C. DEPL C..1L2 I8BI PREFACE. THIS book is the most complete so far as I know the only complete account of Comenius and his ' works that exists in any language. I have gone carefully through the four volumes of his didactic writings, containing 2271 pages of Latin, good, bad, and indifferent. The German translation of one of the treatises has also been before me. The life is written, like the rest of the book, entirely from original sources ; but I do not endeavour to give an account of Comenius's ecclesiastical relations. It is not always easy to determine how much of a voluminous and prolix writer should be given. My object has been to omit nothing essential. There is much in Comenius that is fanciful, and even fantastic, and of this I have endeavoured, in suitable places, to give enough to exhibit the author's manner of thought. There is much, again, that is now universally accepted 82773O VI Preface. in education, which I have yet preserved, because the statement of it is essential to a proper expo- sition of Comenius's system. My aim has been to omit nothing that is characteristic or useful, or historically important. The scholastic habit of division and sub- division was inherited by Comenius, and along with this he had in great force the systematising impulse of the German mind, though not himself a German. He can leave nothing to Ibe under- stood, but will sometimes imperil his whole theory by insisting on the small as well as the great. While following closely the argument of Comenius I have dropped superfluous divisions and distinc- tions, but wholly to avoid repetition was impracti- cable. 1 S. S. LAURIE. UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH. 1 A pleasing and lucid sketch of Comenius and his work will be found in Quick's Educational Biographies. CONTENTS. PAGE INTRODUCTION i LIFE OF COMENIUS 19 AN ACCOUNT OF COMENIUS'S EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM AND WORKS : PART I. THE GREAT DIDACTIC : FIRST SECTION : PANSOPHV AND THE AIM OF EDU- CATION 71 SECOND SECTION : METHOD OF EDUCATION ' . 82 THIRD SECTION : ART OF EDUCATION . . 102 FOURTH SECTION : GENERAL ORGANISATION OF A SCHOOL SYSTEM 138 PART II. THE METHOD OF LANGUAGES . 155 PART III. THE TEXT-BOOKS AND THE WAY OF USING THEM 174 VESTIBULUM 174 JANUA 181 ATRIUM 189 SUBSIDIARY TEXT-BOOKS . ' . . . 191 Orbis Pictus . . . . . . . 191 Schola Ludus . . . . . . 194 Text-Book of Greek 195 PART IV. INNER ORGANISATION OF A PAN- SOPHIC SCHOOL, AND THE INSTRUCTION- PLAN 197 BRIEF CRITICISM OF COMENIUS'S SYSTEM . 216 INDEX 229 INTRODUCTION. THE RENASCENCE. IT is usual to date the revival of letters from the time of Petrarch in Italy (1304-74) and Chaucer in England (1328-1400), and to find the chief impulse which the movement received from without, in the dispersal of Greek scholars over Europe at the taking of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453. The new birth of the mind of Western and Northern Europe was a process similar to that which is repeated in the intellectual history of every man who rises above those forms and conventionalities of life and opinion in the midst of which he has grown up. The intelligence of men was overlaid with a burden of dogmatism and pedantry of form in theology, ritual, philosophy, gram- mar, and rhetoric. Looking straight at things things of sense and of thought, contemplating those questions which every thoughtful man has ultimately to answer for himself, in an immediate way, and no longer through the medium of mere phrases and forms, constituted the essence of the revival. The regeneration of the human spirit was felt in almost every department of intellectual and moral activity. A 2 Introduction. This return of the soul of man to Reality was, it seems to me, the true characteristic of the revival. For the dry bones of Grammar, Logic, and Rhetoric, was substituted the living substance of thought, and the gymnastic of the schools gave place to the free play of mind once more in contact with nature. The revival was thus a return to realism the realism of a poetic observation of nature, and of the thought of man on the things that pertain to humanity. The classical writers of Greece and Rome were, in those days, almost the sole exponents of the new life, and the alliance in them of truth and felicity of percep- tion with beauty of expression so captivated the minds of the Humanists that they surrendered to them their own individuality. Beauty of expression was regarded as inseparable from truth and elevation of thought. The movement soon shared the fate of all enthusiasms. The new form was worshipped, and to it the spirit and sub- stance were subordinated. Style became the supreme object of the educated class, and successful imitation, and thereafter laborious criticism, became the marks of the highest culture. The relation of ancient Rome to Greece was somewhat similar, but with this difference, that the Roman, being himself cast in an antique mould, brought into literature the contribution of his own freshness and originality. When style and a wide and various knowledge of stylists became the ambition of the cultivated man, it can readily be understood that the education of boys suffered. The object of schoolmasters being to prepare Introduction. 3 boys to admire and imitate perfection of form in an ancient tongue, they had to fall back on the old gram- matical drill. The chief permanent benefit to youth was an improvement in the text-books, the works of the classical writers themselves now taking the place of epitomes and of barbarous Latinity. It would have been strange if man's relations to the unseen and eternal had escaped the criticism of the reawakened soul : accordingly, we find the names of Wycliffe and Huss conspicuous in the period of Petrarch and Chaucer. When, later, subjects of spiritual interest came fully within the scope of the modern movement, they took precedence of all others, for they concerned the business and touched the heart of the humblest as well as of the highest. Reform in religion introduced the element of passion into the revival, and supplied the motive force necessary to sustained and persistent activity. In the earlier half of the sixteenth century the Humanistic movement was represented by such men" as Ludovicus Vives, Erasmus, Budseus, and Sir Thomas More, and the parallel religious activity by the great names of Luther and Calvin. In Melanchthon the literary and theological streams met. Luther was un- questionably a Humanist, but it was inevitable that the deeper spiritual interests of which he was the guardian should obscure the less urgent and less vital claims of learning and culture. In his followers this result was conspicuous. Men's minds became engrossed with a reconstruction of faith and a reorganisation of 4 Introduction. the Church, an enterprise which shook Europe and dis- turbed the old order to its foundations. The political and ecclesiastical wars may be said to have lasted nearly one hundred and thirty years. J In the History of Education it is important to recognise the existence of the two parallel streams of intellectual and spiritual regeneration. The leaders of both, like the leaders of all great social changes, at once bethought themselves of the schools. Their hope was in the young, and hence the reform of Education early engaged their attentions The pure Humanists, on the one hand, were intent on the substitution of literary culture for grammatical and logical forms, and cared only for the education of the few; but their sympathy with the religious refor- mation was notorious ; and they shared the suspicion with which the Protestant Reformers were regarded by the mediaeval Church. To know Greek was to be ex- posed to insinuations of heresy. An attitude of hostility towards the independent activity of the human mind was not, however, peculiar to the mediseval Church ; it is to be easily detected in certain forms of Protestant- ism. Both alike are obscurantist, and regard reason with suspicion, if not with aversion. They have a pro- found distrust of Humanity. The Church Reformers, on the other hand, had an interest in the progress of culture scarcely less sincere than that of the Humanists, but to this they added compassion for the dense ignorance of the masses of the people. The human soul, wherever found, was Introduction. 5 to them an object of infinite concern, and, unlike the Humanists, they aimed at universal instruction. The new form of the old faith, it was felt, could sustain itself only on the basis of popular education. The Re- formers were educational philanthropists in the truest sense, and hence the people's school is rightly called the child of the Reformation. It would be out of place here, in illustration of what has been said, to do more than advert to Luther's impassioned appeals, and to Melanchthon's universal activity which earned for him the honourable designation of Preceptor Ger- manise. To the same union of the theological with the philanthropic spirit was due the noble scheme of popular education embodied in the Book of Polity of the Reformed Church of Scotland, written so early as 1560. -I The educational aims of the leaders of the Humanistic and Theological revival respectively, while they did not conflict, were thus different both in their spirit and scope ; and it is important to note this/ if we are to understand the history of Schools from the sixteenth century down to our own time : for motive causes in operation 350 years ago are still active. While the literary Humanists, such as Erasmus, had for their aim culture, and this almost exclusively through the literatures of Greece and Rome, the theolo- gical Humanists, though recognising culture, yet desired to subordinate it at every stage to a religious purpose. The latter had consequently on their side popular sentiment, because they most truly represented the 6 Introduction. popular need. 'Above all things,' said Luther, Met the Scriptures be the chief and the most frequently used reading-book, both in primary and in high schools. . . . Where the Holy Scriptures do not bear sway, there I would counsel none to send his child ; for every institu- tion will degenerate where God's Word is not in daily exercise. . . . The High Schools ought to send forth men thoroughly versed in the Scriptures to become bishops and pastors, and to stand in the van against heretics, the devil, and, if need be, the whole world.' With all this, Luther's views of education were large and liberal, including music, gymnastic, and history, as well as the languages and mathematics. Melanchthon also, while urging the pursuit of ancient philosophy in its original sources, and of the literatures of Greece and Rome, yet held by Christian teaching as the main end of the school. So with Valentine Trotzendorf and the eminent John Sturm of Strasburg, whose great classical school was a model for all countries : ' a wise and persuasive piety, knowledge, and purity and elegance of diction,' were his aim. The Humanistic Protestant schools thus embraced Christian teaching as a vital part of their curriculum, the desire of the Reformers being always to unite true learning with sound theology. It was this theological humanism (so to speak) that ultimately gained the day among the Reformed Churches. The Roman Catholic Church meanwhile was not insensible to the scholastic changes which the modern spirit had made inevitable. The new order of the Introduction. 7 Jesuits was authorised in 1540. Their special function as a Church Society was preaching, confession, and education, but the last-named chiefly. ' To this,' says Ranke, ' they thought of binding themselves by a special clause in their vows ; and although that was not done, they made the practice of this duty imperative by the most cogent rules. Their most earnest desire was to gain the rising generation.' In 1626 they had already 467 Colleges and thirty-six Seminaries, and to their zealous and self-denying labours the reaction from Protestantism was mainly due. While subordinating all learning, nay, every act of life, to the Catholic idea, they yet had open minds for educational im- provements. The best parts of the methods pursued in the schools of Trotzendorf and Sturm were embodied in their system. Familiarity with Latin as a common language, however, rather than with the literature of Latin, was their school aim. At the same time, they were sufficiently influenced by the Humanistic revival to discard scholastic barbarism and to cultivate style. Where rhetoric and style are cultivated for themselves, the result is a certain discipline of the faculties certainly, but an absence of the genuine substance of education. Expression, not thought, becomes the prime considera- tion ; and it is only thought about the realities of sense or about the products of thought that calls forth original power. The Jesuit course included Latin and a moder- ate amount of Greek, with logic and rhetoric for the more advanced classes. They could show as good a curriculum as the public grammar schools of their time. 8 Introduction. The superiority of the Protestant schools lay in the greater freedom of spirit which characterised them, and the greater regard paid to the substance of literature. The Jesuits, however, were far in advance of their con- temporaries in laying down for their teachers a definite educational method stiff and inelastic certainly, but yet a method. Little by little, little at a time, culti- vation of the memory, thoroughness in a few things, easy work, and a mild but persistent discipline, were merits belonging to the Jesuit schools two hundred years before they were practised to any large extent elsewhere. It is not our business here to enter more largely into the Jesuit system : our object is simply to show that this religious Order accepted the Humanistic movement, under narrow restrictions certainly, but these not of a kind to render their Humanism a mere name. Thus it was that on both sides of the great contro- versy which began 350 years ago, and still continues, religion furnished the motive of education; and so it will ever be, although it is possible that the form which the religious spirit takes may be so veiled as to be invisible even to itself. On one side, it was recognised that the way to faith was through obedience, and that obedience, the first of virtues in a true Catholic, can be secured in two ways by the careful shaping of the minds of those who demand education, and by the equally careful neglect of the intelligence of those who can be safely passed by. On the other side, the Humanistic revival was early lost in the more pressing claims of the Theological revival, and the genuine Introduction. 9 humane spirit permanently survived only in the move- ment to instruct the masses. The theological spirit it was that gave the impulse necessary to carry education down into the lower strata of society, and so to raise the humanity of the people. The improvements made in the grammar schools under the influence of Melanchthon and Sturm, and, in England, of Colet and Ascham, did not endure, save in a very limited sense. Pure classical literature was now read, a great gain certainly, but this was all. There was no tradition of method, as was the case in the Jesuit order. During the latter half of the sixteenth century, the complaints made of the state of the schools, the waste of time, the barbarous and intricate grammar rules, the cruel discipline, were loud and long, and proceeded from men of the highest intel- lectual standing. It has to be remembered, however, that all Europe had been embroiled in civil and ecclesi- astical contentions, and that the seeds of popular edu- cation and of an improved secondary system could not possibly have developed themselves in an atmosphere so ungenial. Indeed, until the remodelled school code of Saxony appeared in 1773 the dawn so full of promise was clouded. Two hundred years were lost. Scotland alone was during this period busily carrying out, in a truly national sense, the programme of the Reformation and the Humanists, but this, in accordance with the genius of Protestantism, mainly on the popular side. But the complaints and demands of men of learning and piety were not relaxed. To unity in the Reformed I o Introduction. Churches they looked, but looked in vain, for a settle- ment of opinion, and to the school they looked as the sole hope of the future. The school, as it actually existed, might have well filled them with despair. Even in the Universities, Aristotelian Physics and Metaphysics, and with them the scholastic philosophy, still held their own. The reforms initiated mainly by Melanchthon had not, indeed, contemplated the over- throw of Aristotelianism. He and the other Human- ists merely desired to substitute Aristotle himself in the original for the Latin translation from the Arabic (necessarily misleading), and the Greek and Latin classics for barbarous epitomes. These very reforms, however, perpetuated the reign of Aristotle, when the spirit that actuated the Reformers was dead and there had been a relapse into the old scholasticism. The Jesuit reaction, also, which recovered France and South Germany for the Papal See, was powerful enough to preserve a footing for the metaphysical theology of St. Thomas Aquinas and the schoolmen. In England, Milton was of opinion that the youth of the Universities were, even so late as his time, still presented with an ; asinine feast of sow-thistles.' These retrogressions in School and University serve to show how exceedingly difficult it is to contrive any system of education, middle or upper, which will work of itself when the contrivers pass from the scene. Hence the importance, it seems to us, of having in every University, as part of the philosophical faculty, a department for the exposition of this very question of Education surely a very important Introduction. 1 1 subject in itself as an academic study, and in its prac- tical relations transcending perhaps all others. How are the best traditions of educational theory and practice to be preserved and handed down, if those who are to instruct the youth of the country are to be sent forth to their work from our Universities with minds abso- lutely vacant as to the principles and history of their profession if they have never been taught to ask them- selves the questions, 'What am I going to do?' 'Why?' and ' How?' This subject is one worthy of considera- tion both by the Universities and the State. It was the want of Method that led to the decline of Schools after the Reformation period; it was the study of Method which gave the Jesuits the superiority that on many parts of the Continent they still retain. In 1 605 there appeared a book which was destined to place educational method on a scientific foundation, although its mission is not yet, it is true, accomplished. This was Francis Bacon's Advancement of Learning, which was followed, some years later, by the Organon. For some time the thoughts of men had been turning to the study of Nature. Bacon represented this move- ment, and gave it the necessary impulse by his masterly survey of the domain of human knowledge, his pregnant suggestions, and his formulation of scientific method. Bacon was not aware of his relations to the science and art of Education ; he praises the Jesuit schools, not know- ing that he was subverting their very foundations. We know inductively : that was the sum of Bacon's teaching. In the sphere of outer Nature, the scholastic saying, 1 2 Introduction. Nihil est in intellectu quod non prius fuerit in sensu, was accepted, but with this addition, that the impressions on our senses were not themselves to be trusted. The mode of verifying sense-impressions, and the grounds of valid and necessary inference, had to be investigated and applied. It is manifest that if we can tell how it is we know, it follows that the method of intellectual instruction is scientifically settled. But Bacon not only represented the urgent longing for a co-ordination of the sciences and for a new method, he also represented the weariness of words, phrases, and vain subtleties which had been gradually growing in strength since the time of Montaigne, Ludo- vicus Vives, and Erasmus. The poets, also, had been placing Nature before the minds of men in a new aspect. The Humanists, as we have said, while unquestionably improving the aims and procedure of education, had been powerless to prevent the tendency to fall once more under the dominion of words, and to revert to mere form. The realism of human life and thought, which constituted their raison d'etre, had been unable to sustain itself as a principle of action, because there was no school of method. It was the study of the realities of sense that was finally to place education on a scientific basis, and make reaction, as to method at least, impossible. The thought of any age determines the education of the age which is to succeed it. Education follows, it does not lead. The School and the Church alike march in the wake of science, philosophy, and political Introduction. 1 3 ideas. We see this illustrated in every epoch of human history, and in none so conspicuously as in the changes which occurred in the philosophy and edu- cation of ancient Rome during the lifetime of the elder Cato, and in modern times during the revival of letters and the subsequent rise of the Baconian induction. It is impossible, indeed, for any great movement of thought to find acceptance without its telling to some extent on every department of the body politic. Its influence on the ideas entertained as to the education of the rising generation must be, above all, distinct and emphatic. Every philosophical writer on political science has recognised this, and has felt the vast signi- ficance of the educational system of a country both as an effect the consequence of a revolution in thought and as a cause, a moving force of incalculable power in the future life of a commonwealth. Thus it was that the Humanistic movement which preceded and ac- companied the Reformation of religion shook to its centre the mediaeval school-system of Europe; and that subsequently the silent rise of the inductive spirit subverted its foundations. Bacon, though not himself a Realist in the modern and abused sense of that term, was the father of Realism. It was this side of his teaching which was greedily seized upon, and even exaggerated. Educational zeal now ran in this channel. The conviction of the Churches of the time, that one can make men what one pleases (by fair means or foul), was shared by the innovators. By education, rightly conceived and rightly applied, the 1 4 Introduction, enthusiasts dreamed that they could manufacture men, and, in truth, the Jesuits had shown that a good deal could be done in this direction. The new enthusiasts failed to see that the genius of Protestantism is the genius of freedom, and that man refuses to be manu- factured except on suicidal terms. He must first sacrifice that which is his distinctive title to manhood his individuality and will. That the prophets of edu- cational Realism should have failed to see this is not to be laid to their door as a fault : it merely shows that they belonged to their own time and not to ours. They failed then, as some fail now, to understand man and his education, because they break with the past. The record of the past is with them merely a record of blunders. The modern Humanist more wisely accepts it as the storehouse of the thoughts and life of human reason. In the life of Man each individual of the race best finds his own true life. This is modern Humanism the Realism of thought. Yet it is to the Sense-realists of the earlier half of the seventeenth century that we owe the scientific foundations of educational method, and the only indication of the true line of answer to the complaints of the time. In their hands sense-realism became allied with Protestant Theology, and pure Humanism disappeared. They were represented first by Wolfgang von Ratich, a native of Holstein, born in 1571. Ratich was a man of considerable learning. The distractions of Europe, and the want of harmony, especially among the Churches of the Reformation, led Introduction. 1 5 him to consider how a remedy might be found for many existing evils. He thought that the remedy was to be found in an improved school-system improved in respect both of the substance and method of teaching. In 1612, accordingly, he laid before the Diet of the German Empire at Frankfort a Memorial in which he promised, 'with the help of God, to give instruction for the service and welfare of all Christendom:' and to show 'i. How the Hebrew, Greek, Latin, and other tongues may easily be taught and learned both by young and old, more thoroughly and in a shorter time. ' 2. How, not only in High Dutch, but also in other tongues, a school may be established in which the thorough knowledge of all Arts and Sciences may be learned and propagated. ' 3. How, in the whole kingdom, one and the same speech, one and the same government, and, finally, one and the same religion, may be commodiously and peacefully maintained.' We speak of Ratich here, not with a view to the exposition of his system, but merely as the pioneer of the modern inductive school, and as the predecessor of Comenius ; and it will suffice, therefore, to sum up his leading principles as these are to be found stated by Schmidt and Von Raumer in their Histories : i. Everything according to the order and course of Nature. 1 1 The American translation should always be compared with the German ; e.g. the German of Von Raumer is ' Alles nach Ordnung 1 6 Introduction. 2. Only one thing of a kind at a time. 1 3. One thing often repeated (i.e. keep at the same thing, repeating it often). 4. Everything in the mother-tongue first : for in the mother-tongue resides this advantage, that the pupil has to think only of the thing he has to learn, and need not trouble himself with the language over and above. Out of the mother-tongue pass to other tongues. 5. Everything without violence. For by compulsion and blows one disgusts youth with studies, and causes them to assume an attitude of hostility to them. The pupil must not be afraid of the teacher, but love him, and hold him in honour, a result which will be found if the teacher rightly discharges his function. 6. Nothing must be learned by rote, for intelligence and acuteness are absent from the pupil who gives him- self much to rote-learning. 7. Uniformity in all things, as well in the method of teaching as in the books, rules, etc., so that the gram- mar of the various languages taught may be as much as possible harmonised. 8. First a thing in itself, and then the way of it. Matter before form. Rules without matter confuse the understanding. 9. Everything through experience and the investiga- tion of particulars. oder Lauff der Natur,' which is translated ' Everything in its order, or the course of Nature. ' Schmidt says und, not oder. 1 The American translation says 'Only one thing at a time,' and it equally misses the point elsewhere. Introduction. 1 7 The motto of the Ratichians was 'Per inductionem et experimentum omnia' 1 Ratich's life was practically a failure. He did not succeed in his scholastic work, and this is to be ascribed to the following causes (i) His character; (2) the too purely theoretical groundwork of his scheme ; (3) the jealousy and opposition of others; (4) his wrong application of his own principles ; (5) his want of that instinctive feeling for the art of teaching, which was conspicuous in his greater successor Comenius. He died in 1635, at the age of sixty-four. His scheme had meanwhile been most favourably received by many learned men, and had attracted the attention of the Princes of Central Europe. The University of Giessen reported favourably on his pretensions, and the Ratich- ians were by no means a small or uninfluential party in the schools and Universities of Europe. In those days some Universities seemed to take an interest in Education. The torch that fell from Ratich's hand was seized, ere it touched the ground, by John Amos Comenius, who became the head, and still continues the head, of the Sense-realistic school. L His works have a present and practical, and not merely an historical and speculative, significance.^, 1 Raumer is a prejudiced writer, especially when dealing with Ratich and the ' moderns ' (as he calls them) generally. LIFE AND WORKS OF COMENIUS. JOHN AMOS COMENIUS (Komenski) was born at Nivnitz, a village of Moravia, 1 on the 28th of March 1592. His father was a miller. The family belonged to the sect of Reformed Christians known sometimes as the Bohemian, more generally as the Moravian, Brethren. This sect of Christians has never attained to great dimensions, but it has been distinguished by an activity and zeal which have given it, notwithstanding the fewness of its members, a conspicuous place among religious communions. Although generally recognised as Lutherans, they connect themselves by direct ecclesiastical descent with the Bohemian Reformer Huss, and have always preserved a distinct organisation of their own. At the present day they number, it is believed, only about 5000 communicants in Europe, and 7000 in America. They acknowledge an episco- pate, but their bishops have little power. Their chief characteristic seems always to have been a certain simplicity of faith, combined with an earnest personal 1 Some say at Comna or Comnia (near Briinn), whence the surname Comnenius or Comenius. The family name was in German Tijpfer, i.e. Potter. Comnia is in long, about 18 E. from Greenwich, lat 49. Gindely simply says in the vicinity of Ungarisch-Brod. At the University of Heidelberg he was entered as a native of Nivnitz, a little village about a league from Ungarisch-Brod. 2O Life and Works piety and a practical realisation of the brotherly rela- tion in which all the members of a common Christian Confession ought to stand to one another. Comenius is usually called an Austro-Sclav ; that is to say, a Sclav born within the sovereignty of Austria. His family, and he himself consequently, spoke the Bohemian or Czech tongue, which is a West-Sclav dialect, and is considered to be the best of all the Sclavonic forms. Huss may be said to have done for this dialect what Luther afterwards did for German. The young Comenius was born in troublous times. The European disturbances and complications arising out of the advance which the thought of man had made in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries generally denoted by the terms 'Revival of Letters' and the ' Reformation of Religion,' or more generally ' the Renascence,' had already been in active operation for seventy years, and Comenius was growing old when the close of the Thirty Years' War gave Europe peace, after having made a great part of it a desert. Austria was at that time the great German power. Prussia had no political existence, while Poland was a large and influential kingdom, including much of what is now Russia. Comenius's parents died while he was still a child, and he was accordingly handed over to guardians. There appears to have been a little money left by the father enough to help in the education and maintenance of the son. He received, however, only the limited amount of instruction obtainable in one of those elementary of Comenius. 2 1 people's schools, which were the fruit of the Reforma- tion the school of Strassnick. This amounted to read- ing, writing, a knowledge of the Catechism, and of the smallest beginnings of arithmetic. He had reached his sixteenth year without having entered on the study ot Latin at that time still the indispensable instrument of all literature, and of international communication among the learned. We are not to conclude from this that his guardians neglected his education. The community of which he was an orphan child had to raise up pastors for their own instruction, and this necessity, independently of other considerations, would have led to the fostering of any boyish promise shown by young Comenius. It is probable that he was a child of slow growth. It was certainly not till his sixteenth year that he began to feel and to show a desire for the life of a scholar. There was probably an advantage in this. Unvisited by ambitions which could carry him beyond the narrow limits of his own quiet community, his mind must have had time slowly and surely to imbibe the teachings of the simple Brotherhood to which he belonged, and to be thoroughly imbued with their earnest spirit. We see the effects of this upbringing conspicuous through- out his whole life. Simplicity, zeal, piety, self-sacrifice, humility, are always present. The whole tenor of His" life confirms his own confession that he was by nature of a retiring disposition, had more of fear than of hope in his constitution, that the part of innovator was one alien to him, and that he was keenly alive to the fact that those who think they have got some new light 22 Life and Works are often merely pursuing ignes fatui. ' Nor yet,' he adds, ' do I desire to belong to that class of men who cling to the old and the customary, spite of the indica- tions of God Himself, Reason, and Common Sense.' 1 Out of the Moravian evangelical soil he grew, and a Moravian in heart and soul he remained to the end. It is important to note this. We have already pointed out in the Introduction that the educational motive was in the first Reformation age partly literary or Human- istic, but chiefly religious or theological : in the second Reformation age, to which Comenius belonged, the intense conflict of opinion between the new and the old faith made keener by the reaction to Catholicism under the influence mainly of the Jesuits had driven the Humanistic element to the wall, and the theological aim now almost wholly obscured the literary. The torch of reason, lighted in the schools half a century previously, was now darkened by the smoke of theo- logical contentions and disastrous wars. Comenius was, above all things, a genuine representative of the evangelical spirit; he was not afraid of science far from it : he endeavoured to unite science and theology, but he did not fairly appreciate Humanism, and accepted the products of the genius of past ages only in a half-hearted way. His eyes were turned to the present and the future. At sixteen Comenius went, or was sent, to a Latin school, and in 1612, when he was twenty years of age, we find him at the College of Herborn, in the duke- 1 Lectoribus, vol. i. of Comenius. 23 dom of Nassau, pursuing his theological studies under Professor Alsted, afterwards Professor of Theology and Philosophy at Weissenburg. To the lateness of the age at which he began Latin we probably partly owe Comenius's early insight into the defects of educational methods. He was old enough to criticise, while submit- ting to, the scholastic discipline and defective modes of procedure, of which he was, with others, the victim. There is no reason to believe that his school was worse than schools elsewhere at that time, and of these he says that ' they are the terror of boys, and the slaughter-houses of minds, places where a hatred of literature and books is contracted, where ten or more years are spent in learning what might be acquired in one, where what ought to be poured in gently is violently forced in and beaten in, where what ought to be put clearly and perspicuously is presented in a confused and intricate way, as if it were a collection of puzzles, places where minds are fed on words.' Well might Professor Lubinus of Rostock say that the instruction and discipline of schools seemed to have been the invention of some wicked spirit, the enemy of the human race. ' Millibus e multis,' he exclaims, 'ego quoque sum unus, miser homuncio, cui amcenissimum vitae ver, florentes juven- tutis anni, nugis scholasticis transmissi, misere perierunt. Ah, quoties mihi postquam melius prospicere datum, perditae aetatis recordatio, pectore suspiria, oculis lacrymas, corde dolorem excussit. Ah, quoties me dolor ille exclamare coegit ' O mihi praeteritos referat si Jupiter annos.' 24 Life and Works Before Comenius left school, Ratich, of whom we have already spoken, was at work ; and it was in 1612, when Comenius was still at Herborn, that the public document issued by the Universities of Jena and Giessen, commenting on Ratich's proposed innovations, first came under his notice. 1 The Ratichian scheme, on which specially the University laudation was pronounced, was printed under the following title : Wolphgangi Ra- tichii de Studiorum rectificanda methodo Consilium. Comenius was profoundly attracted by the new educa- tional movement. After a year or more spent in travel, during which he resided at Amsterdam and studied at Heidelberg, he returned to his native Moravia in 1614. Being now twenty-two years of age, and being still too young for the ministry, he was appointed Rector of the Mo- ravian school at Praerovium (Prerau), near Olmiitz, where he at once endeavoured to introduce improved methods of instruction and a more humane discipline. ' Ten years,' he says, 2 ' are given to the study of the Latin tongue, and after all the result is disappointing. Erasmus, Vives, Luther, Sturm, Frisch, Sanctius, Uomavius, have all complained of this. Boyhood is distracted,' he goes on to say, ' for years with precepts of grammar, infinitely prolix, perplexed, and obscure, and for the most part useless. Boys are stuffed with vocabularies without associating words with things, or indeed with one another syntactically.' It had been 1 Preface to vol. i. 8 Preface to first edition of the Janua Lingitarum. of Comenius. 2 5 hoped that the substitution for barbarous Latinity of good authors, such as Terence, Cicero, Virgil, and Horace the work of the Humanists, would cure the universal evil by teaching boys the Latin tongue by means of its purest writers. But this had failed, partly because of the unpropitiousness of the time, but chiefly because the secret of education lies in method, and in the master who wields it. No attempt had been made to secure either sound method or good masters. What else but failure could be expected ? At Prerau Comenius began by simplifying the Latin Grammar, and wrote an elementary book for his pupils, which was afterwards published at Prague in 1616 ( Grammaticae facilioris praecepta). In this year he was ordained to the pastorate, but whether this caused him to give up the school does not appear. 1 He was not appointed to any special charge till 1618, when he was set over 'the most flourishing of all the churches of the Moravian Brethren, that of Fulneck,' near Troppau. Along with his ministerial charge, he had the superintendence of a school recently erected ; and he now began to consider more fully the subject of instruction, and to put his thoughts on paper. 2 Here too he married, and for two or three years spent a happy and active life, enjoying the only period of tranquillity in his native country which it was ever his fortune to experience. For the restoration of a time so happy he never ceased to pine during all his future wanderings. 1 Dedication to Schola Ludus, vol. iii. p. 831. 8 Preface to vol. i. 26 Life and Works The Thirty Years' War broke out, and in 1621 Fulneck was taken by the Spaniards, and all the pro- perty of Comenius destroyed, including his library and manuscripts. 1 For the next three years Comenius seems to have resided, along with several other Mora- vian pastors, under the protection of Karl von Zerotin, a wealthy Moravian, and while there wrote a book entitled The Labyrinth of the World and the Paradise of the Heart, an allegorical writing on the vanity of earthly things. 2 In 1622 he lost his wife and only child. In 1624 he and his fellow-pastors were compelled to leave the protection of Zerotin, and thereafter, evading as best they could the persecution of the Jesuits, they wandered through various parts of Moravia and Bohemia, occa- sionally visiting their communities secretly, and preach- ing the Word and administering the Sacraments. In July 1627 the evangelical pastors in Moravia and Bohemia were formally proscribed by the Austrian Government, acting under the instigation of the Jesuits. Some took refuge among the Bohemian mountains with Baron Sadouski von Slaupna. To one of the pastors who took refuge there John Stadius by name the Baron intrusted his three sons for their education. For the benefit of the tutor, and at his request, Comenius wrote some rules of method. In the autumn of that 1 Seyffart says that on this occasion he lost also his wife and two children, but Comenius himself does not mention this in his Pre- face to vol. i. Seyffart has doubtless other authority for what he says. I confine myself solely to what can be ascertained by collating Comenius's own writings. 3 Printed at Lissa in 1631. of Comenius. 2 7 year he paid a visit to Wilcitz, not far off, to look at the library there. Among the books, he unexpectedly met with the treatise of Elias Bodinus, recently imported from Germany, and was fired with the ambition to pro- duce a like work in his own Bohemian tongue. In this ambition he was sustained by the approval, and indeed solicitations, of his fellow-refugees, who were convinced that he had much to say that would be of value to schools and schoolmasters. While engaged in this didactic work, he was disturbed by a new edict requir- ing all the evangelical pastors to renounce their faith, or finally leave the country. Churches and schools were ruthlessly destroyed. Comenius from his retreat was a witness from time to time of the acts of the persecutors, and was overwhelmed with grief. He still, however, desired to live within reach of the brethren of his community, and did not leave the mountains, where he thought he might possibly escape observation. His active and practical mind began at once to consider how he should proceed to restore religion and piety should he ever be free again to work for his native country. His didactic studies suggested to him that the great agency for a future renovation lay in schools, and he consoled himself with this reflection, and with forming sanguine schemes for the future. His sole desire now was to devote his life entirely to the young, should it please God to restore him to his country, and by the institution of schools, by supplying them with good books, and with a simple and lucid method, to build up, more surely than before, learning, virtue, and 28 Life and Works piety. Meanwhile by secret communications with his brethren he tried to sustain their sinking spirits. The persecution, however, waxed hotter, and rinding it im- possible longer to continue in his concealment, he and his companions fled, dispersing in different directions. Comenius made for Poland, which he had once before visited on a secret mission, having been sent thither by the Moravian Brethren probably in order to ascer- tain if they could find an asylum in that country. He betook himself to the town of Lesna (Lissa, Leszno), in Posnania, and obtained employment as a teacher in the Moravian Gymnasium there apparently as Rector of it. 1 The Count of Lissa (Rafael) afforded protection to the persecuted brethren. His scholastic engagements, and the desire to do his duty in an efficient way, gave a fresh impulse to his didactic studies. He began to re- construct his methods from the foundation, and to give them a philosophic basis and a logical coherence. Not only had the general question of Education engaged many minds for a century and more before Comenius arose, but the apparently subsidiary, yet all- important, question of Method, in special relation to the teaching of the Latin tongue, had occupied the thoughts and pens of many of the leading scholars of Europe. The whole field of what we now call Secondary Instruction was occupied with the one subject of Latin ; Greek, and 1 In the Dictionnaire de Ptdagogie his scholastic function is described as being that of organiser of the education of the Moravian Colony only. That his duties were of a more general kind is clear from his own writings. of Comenius. 29 occasionally Hebrew, having been admitted only in the beginning of the sixteenth century, and then only to a subordinate place. This of necessity. Latin was the one key to universal learning. To give to boys the pos- session of this key was all that teachers aimed at until their pupils were old enough to study Rhetoric and Logic. Of these writers on the teaching of Latin, the most eminent were Sturm, Erasmus, Melanchthon, Lubinus, Vossius, Sanctius (the author of the Minerva), Ritter, Helvicus, Bodinus, Valentinus Andreae, and, among Frenchmen, Ccecilius Frey. 1 Nor were Ascham and Mulcaster in England the least significant of the critics of Method. Comenius was acquainted with almost all previous writers on education, except probably Ascham and Mulcaster, to whom he never alludes. He read everything that he could hear of with a view to find a method, and he does not appear ever to have been desirous to supersede the work of others. If he had found what he wanted, he would, we believe, have pro- mulgated it, and advocated it as a loyal pupil. That he owed much to previous writers is certain; but the prime characteristic of his work on Latin was his own. Espe- cially does he introduce a new epoch in education, by constructing a general methodology which should go beyond mere Latin, and be equally applicable to all subjects of instruction. Before bringing his thoughts into definite shape, he 1 Frey published at Paris in 1629 an educational treatise entitled Ad divas scientias, artesqiw, et litiguas sermonesque extem- poraneos nova et expeditissima \vid\. 3O Life and Works wrote to all the distinguished men to whom he could obtain access. He addressed Ratich, among others, but received no answer ; many of his letters also were returned, because the persons addressed could not be found. 1 Valentinus Andreae wrote to him in encourag- ing terms, saying that he gladly passed on the torch to him. His mind became now much agitated by the importance of the question, and by the excitement of discovery. He saw his whole scheme assuming shape under his pen, and was filled, like other zealous men, before and since, with the highest hopes of the benefits which he would confer on the whole human race by his discoveries. He resolved to call his treatise Didactica Magna, or Omnes omnia docendi Artificium. He found a consolation for his misfortunes in the work of invention, and even saw the hand of Providence in the coincidence of the overthrow of schools, through persecutions and wars, and those ideas of a new method which had been vouchsafed to him, and which he was elaborating. Every- thing might now be begun anew, and untrammelled by the errors and prejudices of the past. Some scruples as to a theologian and pastor being so entirely pre- occupied with educational questions, he had however to overcome. 2 ( Suffer, I pray, Christian friends, that I speak confidentially with you for a moment. Those who know me intimately, know that I am a man of moderate ability, and of almost no learning, but one 1 Among his correspondents were Sigmund Evenius, Abraham Mencel, Paliurus, Jonston, Mochinger, Docem, George Winkler, Martin Moser, and Niclassius. 3 Lectoribus, vol. i. p. 7. of Comenius. 3 1 who, bewailing the evils of his time, is eager to remedy them, if this in any way be granted me to do, either by my own discoveries or by those of another none of which things can come save from a gracious God. If, then, anything be here found well done, it is not mine, but His, who from the mouths of babes and sucklings hath perfected praise, and who, that He may in verity show Himself faithful, true, and gracious, gives to those who ask, opens to those who knock, and offers to those who seek. Christ my Lord knows that my heart is so simple that it matters not to me whether I teach or be taught, act the part of teacher of teachers, or disciple of disciples. What the Lord has given me I send forth for the common good.' His deepest conviction was that the sole hope of healing the dissensions of both Church and State lay in the proper education of youth. The "rz\vr\ Te\vu>v avOpioTrov ayeiv of Gregory Nazianzen was with him a favourite quotation. At the same time, he did not profess, as we have said, to supersede all others : on the contrary, he truly and wisely says, ' Artem artium tradere operosae molis res est, exquisitoque eget judicio; nee unius hominis sed multorum, quum unus nemo tarn sit oculatus cujus aciem non subterfugiant plurima.' When he had completed his Great Didactic, he did not publish it, for he was still hoping to be restored to his native Moravia, where he proposed to execute all his philanthropic schemes ; indeed, the treatise was first written in his native Sclav or Czech tongue. 1 1 Found in the archives of Lissa in 1841, and republished in its Czech form in 1849 by a Bohemian Society. 32 Life and Works While thus engaged in working out his theory and method of education, Comenius had been searching for some elementary Latin reading-book, which might introduce boys easily to the use of the Latin tongue. In addition to the defects already universally recog- nised in the teaching of Latin, Comenius pointed out that, even supposing the usual classical authors were read and mastered, a boy would not then know the Latin words expressing the things and ideas of his own time. ' Finally, if so much time is to be spent on the language alone,' he says, 'when is the boy to know about things when will he learn philosophy, when religion, and so forth? He will consume his life in preparing for life.' Some epitome of the language is wanted, in which the words and phrases will be reduced to one body, as it were, and in this way much time saved in acquiring them. For, as Isaac Habrecht truly said, one would learn to know all the animals of the world more quickly by visiting Noah's ark than by traversing the world and picking up knowledge as we went. To meet this want, a member of the Irish College of Salamanca (Bateus by name) had written a Janua Lin- guarum, comprising in one lesson-book all the more usual words, and these connected into sentences so constructed that no vocable occurred more than once, except such indispensable words as sum, et, in, etc. This book was in Latin-Spanish, and was shortly after, in 1615, published in Latin-English in London. Two years after Isaac Habrecht of Strasbourg published a of Comenius, 33 Latin-Spanish-English-French edition, and so made it quadrilingual, and on his return to Germany added a German version, strongly commending it as an excellent means of learning a language. The work was frequently republished in many parts of Germany, was introduced into many schools, and ultimately, in 1629, appeared in eight languages. At first Comenius hailed this book with pleasure, but after carefully studying it, came to the conclusion that it did not justify its title ; and this, first, because it contained many words beyond the capacity of the young, while omitting many in daily use ; secondly, because the words, which were used only once, were used in one signification only, whereas they constantly, in native authors, have more than one meaning, and thus pupils are misled ; and thirdly, because, where one signification is alone given, it ought always to be the primary one, which in the book in question was not the case. There were other objections to the book : the sentences did not contribute to the moral instruction of youth, and were clumsy, and, indeed, even often destitute of meaning. ' My fundamental principle an irrefragable law of didactics is,' he says, in speaking of his own Janua, ' that the understanding and the tongue should advance in parallel lines always. The human being tends to utter what he apprehends. If he does not apprehend the words he uses, he is a parrot ; if he apprehends without words, he is a dumb statue. Accordingly, under 100 heads, I have classified the whole uni- c 34 Life and Works verse of things in a manner suited to the capacity of boys, and I have given the corresponding language. I have selected from Lexicons the words that had to be introduced, and I include 8000 vocables in 1000 sen- tences, which are at first simple, and thereafter gradually become complex. I have used words, as far as prac- ticable, in their primary signification, according to the comprehension of the young, but have had to seek for modern Latin words where pure Latin was not to be had. I have used the same word only once, except where it had two meanings. Synonyms and contraries I have placed together, so that they may throw light on one another. I have arranged the words so as to bring into view concords and governments and declension. The vernacular text (Czech or Bohemian) I have printed separately on this occasion, as it would be useless to many whose judgments on my effort I desire to have. An index of the words (not however, absolutely necessary) will be afterwards added; also a brief treatise on hom- onyms, synonyms, etc., and a short, compendious, simple, and easy grammar all of which, comprised in one volume, will be a little treasure-house of school-learning.' Three years were spent on the Janua alone, and yet Comenius was far from thinking the work perfect : he considered he had only led the way for others. He hoped also himself, from time to time, to improve the book. He called this little book a ' Seminary of Tongues and all Sciences,' because equal care had been given to things and words. He desired to introduce some beginnings of Comenius. 35 and clear perception of things, and at the same time to lay the foundations of learning, morals, and piety. Speaking generally, we may say that Comenius's aim vf&sJirsf, to simplify and graduate ; secondly, to teach words through things ; thirdly, to teach things through words. The book was a very remarkable innovation on the then existing school text-books; but, notwith- standing this, or because of it, when he published it in 1631, at the urgent solicitation of his friends, and before, in his opinion, it was perfected, it achieved an im- mediate and enormous success. 'People,' he says, 1 ' seemed to vie with one another in producing editions of it.' It was translated into Greek, Bohemian, Polish, German, Swedish, Belgian, English, French, Spanish, Italian, Hungarian, Turkish, Arabic, and into a language which he calls Mogolic, ' and which/ he says, ' was familiar to the populations of India.' He next, in 1633, published his Vestibulum, which was intended to serve as an easy introduction to thefauua. In 1632 there was convened a synod of the Moravian Brethren at Lissa, at which Comenius (now forty years of age) was elected to succeed his father-in-law Cyrillus as Bishop of the scattered brethren a position which enabled him to be of great service, by means of corre- spondence, to the members of the community, who were dispersed in various parts of Europe. Throughout the whole of his long life he continued this fatherly charge, and seemed never quite to abandon the hope 1 Dedication of Schola Ludus, vol. iii. 36 Life and Works of being restored, along with his fellow-exiles, to his native land a hope doomed to disappointment. In his capacity of Pastor-Bishop he wrote several treatises, such as a History of the Persecutions of the Brotherhood, an account of the Moravian Church-discipline and Order, and polemical tracts against a contemporary Socinian. Meanwhile his great Didactic treatise, which had been written in his native Czech tongue, was yet unpublished. He was, it would appear, stimulated to the publication of it by an invitation he received in 1638, from the authorities in Sweden, to visit their country and under- take the reformation of their schools. 1 He replied that he was unwilling to undertake a task at once so onerous and so invidious, but that he would gladly give the benefit of his advice to any one of their own nation whom they might select for the duty. These communications led him to resume his labour on the Great Didactic, and to translate it into Latin, in which form it finally appeared. 2 In education Comenius was a Sense- Realist the first great and thoroughly consistent Realist. Von Raumer says : ' He received his first impulse in this direction, as he himself relates, from the well-known Spanish pedagogue Ludovic Vives, who declared himself against Aristotle, and demanded a Christian instead of a heathen mode of philosophising.' ' It is not disputation 1 Preface to vol. i. 2 I cannot find the precise date. In the Dictionnaire de Ptda- gogie it is stated that the work, though completed at the time stated in the above, was not published till 1657. I think this is a mistake. of Comenius. 37 which leads to any result,' said Vives, 'but the silent observation of Nature. It is better for the scholars to ask questions and to investigate than to be disputing with each other.' 'Yet,' says Comenius, 'Vives understood better where the fault lay than what was the remedy.' Comenius received a second impulse from Thomas Campanella, who, however, did not satisfy him. ' But when,' he says, ' Bacon's Instauratio Magna came into my hands a wonderful work, which I consider the most instructive philosophical work of the century now beginning, I saw in it that Campanella's demon- strations are wanting in that thoroughness which is demanded by the truth of things. Yet again I was troubled, because the noble Verulam, while giving the true key of Nature, did not unlock her secrets, but only showed, by a few examples, how they should be unlocked, and left the rest to future observations to be extended through centuries.' He goes on, in the preface to the Physics, from which these utterances are taken, to say that he is convinced that it is not Aristotle who must be master of philosophy for Christians, but that philosophy must be studied fully according to the leading of sense, reason, and books. 'For,' he continues, ' do we not dwell in the garden of Nature as well as the ancients ? Why should we not use our eyes, ears, and noses as well as they? And why should we need other teachers than these our senses to learn to know the works of Nature? Why, say I, should we not, instead of these dead books, lay open the living book of Nature, in which there is much more 38 Life and Works to contemplate than any one person can ever relate, and the contemplation of which brings much more of pleasure, as well as of profit ?' It is this realism which explains his school-books and also his method. It was natural that the strong realistic impulse should travel beyond the sphere of schools, and cause men to dream of great things. The Advancement of Learning had filled Comenius, as well as other contemporary men, with hopes of a rapid and unparalleled progress in all the sciences, and a consequent improvement of the conditions of human life. With a view to a thorough co-ordination and universal diffusion of scientific know- ledge, he contemplated the issuing of a complete body of science as then understood. To effect this, the com- bination of many minds, each in its own department, and all under the guidance of some controlling intellect, was necessary. Men were working in various parts of Europe independently of each other, and, the younger men especially, in ignorance of what had been actually accomplished in the sciences to which they devoted themselves. An exhaustive but concise and authori- tative statement of all that was known in each depart- ment could not fail to be of immense service, and, as Comenius thought, for his mind was always practical, of great influence on the progress and well-being of society. This complete statement of the circle of knowledge he called Pansophia, and it was in this direction that his real life-work lay, in his own opinion ; his scholastic under- takings being strictly subordinate to the greater task. of Comenius. 39 Although not prepared to give effect to his views in proper form, he had been working at the Pansophy in the retirement of his study during the years which saw the completion of the first edition of his Janua and of his Great Didactic. In the department of Science he had already given to the world a treatise on Astronomy and on the reforming of Physics (1633). He had also, by correspondence, interested various learned men in his encyclopaedic or pansophic scheme : among others, Samuel Hartlib, the friend of Milton, who was then resident in London, and to whom Milton addressed his tractate on Education. 'Everybody knew Hartlib,' says Professor Masson in his Life of Milton (vol. iii. p. 193). ' He was a foreigner by birth, being the son of a Polish merchant of German extraction, who had left Poland when that country fell under Jesuit rule, and had settled in Elbing in Prussia in very good circumstances. Twice married before to Polish ladies, this merchant had married in Prussia, for his third wife, the daughter of a wealthy English merchant of Dantzic; and thus our Hartlib, their son, though Prussian born, and with Polish con- nections, could reckon himself half- English. The date of his birth was probably about the beginning of the century, i.e. he may have been eight or ten years older than Milton. He appears to have first visited England in or about 1628, and from that time, though he made frequent journeys to the Continent, London had been his head-quarters. Here, with a residence in the City, he had carried on business as a "merchant," with 4O Life and Works extensive foreign correspondences and very respectable family connections. . . . But it did not require such family connections to make Hartlib at home in English society. The character of the man would have made him at home anywhere. He was one of those persons now styled " philanthropists," or " friends of progress," who take an interest in every question or project of their time promising social improvement, have always some iron in the fire, are constantly forming committees or writing letters to persons of influence, and altogether live for the public. By the common consent of all who have explored the intellectual and social history of England in the seventeenth century, he is one of the most interesting and memorable figures of that whole period. He is interesting both for what he did himself, and also on account of the number and intimacy of his contacts with other interesting people.' Hartlib was not slow to be interested in the educational ideas of Comenius, but he was specially inspired by the two leading projects of the time the Union of Protestant Christendom, and, by help of this, the settlement of nations, and the union of the sciences in a complete encyclopaedic form. Comenius, at his request, had sent him a long epistle, setting forth in full his Pansophic project, and this epistle was printed at Oxford in 1637, without Comenius's consent, and widely circulated. The treatise was called by Hartlib Porta Sapientiac reserala. It is entitled by Comenius in the List of Contents (vide Collected Works) Prodromus Pansophiae (Precursor of Pansophy) and in the body "of his works, Pansophiae of Comenius. 41 praeludiwn, quo Sapientiae universalis necessitas, possi- bilitas facilitasque (si rations certa ineatur) breviter ac dilucide demonstrator. The running head-title of the treatise again is Pansophici Libri Delineatio. To meet the objections of critics, Comenius shortly after wrote a brief treatise further expounding his views, entitled Conatuum pansophicorum dilutidatio in gratiam Cen- sorum facia (1638). These treatises excited much interest throughout Europe. Adolph Tassius, Professor of Mathematics at Hamburg, wrote to Hartlib 1 saying, 'A philosophic ardour flames in every corner of Europe, and with it zeal for a better Didactic. If Comenius had done nothing more than scatter such fruitful seeds in the minds of all, he would have done enough.' The reception accorded to the Pansophic ideas of Comenius was encouraging enough, but it was apparent to all, and to none more than Comenius, that they could be carried out only by a community or college of " learned men, and that this college would have to be a permanent institution for the furtherance of science, and for the authoritative promulgation from time to time of the scientific status quo. A Collegium Didacticum or Pansophicum was accordingly projected. It might have been urged that the Universities existed for these very purposes, but it is (it appears to me) a mistake to suppose that these institutions had as yet thought of the prosecution of science as the main end of their insti- tution. Except in so far as they were seminaries of * Disputations,' they were to a large extent merely higher 1 Vol. L p. 455. 42 Life and Works academies for giving instruction to qualify for the various faculties and professions; and to convert them into centres of scientific research and illumination would not have been in those days possible, although it would have been quite in harmony with their original design. It is only in recent times that the purely scientific idea has found its way into the heart of the University system, and that Professors are expected to represent and advance their subject as well as to afford instruction in it to all comers. The combination of the scientific with the teaching function constitutes, indeed, the ideal of a University system. There was, in the beginning of the seventeenth century, no way open to Comenius and his friends save by the foundation of an entirely new institution. For this, money was wanted, and also influential support. At the urgent solicitation of the sanguine Hartlib, who had been busying himself among members of the Long Parliament, Comenius repaired to London, which he reached on the 22d September 1641. There he found that he had been invited by Parliament itself; but as it was prorogued for a few months owing to King Charles's absence in Scotland, he had to wait. He employed his time well in expounding his views to various people of influence, and on the re-assembling of Parliament he was asked to wait a little longer until a commission of learned men could be appointed to inquire into his proposals. Parliament even went so far as to propose to set apart the revenues and buildings of a college in London, or Winchester, or Chelsea, to of Comenius. 43 which men might be called from various parts of the world and maintained in residence while prosecuting their learned researches and giving effect to Comenius's great Pansophic scheme. A statement of the revenues of Chelsea College was even placed in Comenius's hands, and he now began to entertain lively expecta- tions that ere long the ideas of the great Verulam would be realised, and a ' universal college opened, solely devoted to the advancement of the sciences.' The general unsettlement of affairs, aggravated by the Irish rebellion and the massacre of the Protestants, did not admit, however, of the carrying out of any peaceful project. The country was on the eve of rebellion, and the leaders in Parliament could scarcely be expected to find time for any save the greatest national and political affairs. Everything was in confusion, and Comenius, - deeply disappointed, prepared to return to the Continent. It was precisely at this moment that he received, from a correspondent and admirer in Sweden, a letter which - led him to change his plans. The name of this friend, who plays an important part in Comenius's future life, was Ludovic de Geer, a man of noble family, of con- siderable wealth, and, happily, also of an enlightened and progressive mind. He was a Dutchman settled in Sweden. He assured Comenius that his personal influence would enable him to promote his views in Sweden (at that time ruled by Christina and the famous Chancellor Oxenstiern), and that he could secure the co-operation of others. In accepting this invitation, Comenius had the approval of his English friends, but as 44 Life and Works De Geer had evidently in view the Didactic rather than the Pansophic innovations of Comenius, they protested by anticipation against his being drawn aside from what they considered to be the larger aim to the more restricted subject of school-books. Comenius left London for Sweden in August 1642, and was kindly received by De Geer at Nordkoping. 1 After a few days spent with his host, he was sent on to Stockholm with introductions to Oxenstiern and to John Skyte, Chancellor of the University of Upsala. By both he was treated with respect, -and his plans, Pansophic and Didactic, fully discussed. Of his inter- views Comenius himself gives an account in the Preface to the second volume of his works. ' For four days,' he says, 'these two men held me in debate, but chiefly Oxenstiern, that eagle of the North (Aquilonaris Aquila), who questioned me as to my principles, both Pansophic and Didactic, with a greater penetration and closeness than had been exhibited by any of the learned with whom I had come in contact. For the first three days Didactic was the subject of his examination, and he brought the interviews to an end with the following remarks : " From youth up I have perceived a certain violence in the customary method of school studies, but I could never put my finger on the place where the shoe pinched. When sent by my King, of glorious memory, 2 as an ambassador to Germany, I conferred with many learned men on the subject ; and when I 1 On the Baltic, eighty-five miles south-west of Stockholm. 8 Gustavus Adolphus. of Comenius. 45 was informed that Wolfgang Ratich had attempted a reform of Method, I had no peace in my mind till I had the man before me ; but he, instead of a conversation, presented me with a huge book in quarto. I swallowed that annoyance, and having run through the whole volume, I saw that he had exposed the diseases of schools not badly, but as for the remedies, they did not seem to me to be adequate. Your remedies rest on firmer foundations ; go on with your work," etc. To which I replied that in these matters I had done what I could, and that now I wished to pass to other matters. His answer was : " I know that you are undertaking greater things, for I have read the Prodromus of your Pansophia, and on this point we shall talk to-morrow, for public duties now call me elsewhere." On the following day, when about to examine my Pansophic labours, but with a greater aspect of severity, he prefaced his examination with this question : " Can you bear con- tradiction?" " I can," I replied. "The Prodromus was published not by me but by my friends, for the very purpose of receiving opinions and criticisms : and if we admit these from any and every quarter, of whatso- ever kind, why not from men of matured wisdom and of eminent judgment?" He then began to speak against the hopes I had conceived of a better state of things as likely to arise from a rightly instituted Pansophic study, first making political objections of profound import, and then bringing fonvard the testi- mony of Holy Writ, which seems to predict that darkness and degeneracy rather than light and an improved 46 Life and Works state of society would prevail towards the end of the world. My replies he received in the spirit indicated by his concluding remarks: "To no one yet, I think, have such things occurred. Stand on these founda- tions, for either we shall reach a consensus of opinion in the way you propose, or it will be made clear that there is no way. Nevertheless my advice is that you devote yourself first to benefit schools and to make the study of Latin easier, and by that means to prepare a smoother way for the greater things." ' The Chancellor of the University added the weight of his advice to the same effect, suggesting that Comenius should move to a locality near Sweden, such as Elbing on the Baltic coast of Prussia. Finding that his friend De Geer was of the same mind, he yielded, in the hope of bringing these troublesome and vexatious toils to a close in a year or two. When he communicated his resolution to his friends in England, he received a strong protest They complained of his too great facility in yielding to his Swedish advisers, and of his unfaithfulness to the great Pansophic scheme. ' Quo moriture ruis ?' wrote Hartlib. ' Minoraque viribus audes ?' He was much shaken by these repre- sentations the more, that they supported his own real inclinations. A Swedish remonstrance, however, reached him at Lesna. which finally determined him to go to Elbing and prosecute his Didactic labours. To these he now devoted himself, after first putting to press, in 1643, at Danzig, a treatise on Pansophia, entitled Pansophiae Diatyposis, Ichnographica et Oitho- of Comenius. 47 graphica, a work afterwards republished at Amsterdam and Paris. When, in his retirement at Elbing, where he was sup- ported by De Geer, he had laboured at his Didactic treatises for nearly four years ' rolling his Sisyphaean stone/ as he calls it he again visited Sweden (1646) with his manuscripts, and having submitted them to a commission of three judges, was directed to publish them as soon as he had given them his last touches. Two years, however, of hard labour on the Lexicons ' and Grammars which were to accompany his books still awaited him, and it was only in 1648 that he was in a position to publish. At this time he returned to his Polish home at Lesna, the proper centre of his episcopal work, and at the Lesna press the fruits of his labours were printed. A complete list of the works which were the fruit of those six years' labours will be found at the end of this memoir, under their proper titles. They included the* most elaborate of all his treatises on Method, except his Great Didactic, viz., The Newest Method of Languages solidly based on Didactic Foundations, and a specimen of a Vestibulum, for the final shape of which he refers his readers to the Vestibulum afterwards revised at Patak in Hungary : also a new edition of ihefanua, for which also his readers are referred to its final and completed form as revised at Patak : x a Latin-vernacular Grammar 1 Both Vestibulum and Janua were, however, printed at Lesna before he went to Patak, as appears from vol. iii. in the Dedicatory Epistle prefixed to the Schola Ludus. 48 Life and Works for thefanua, with appended annotations for the use of teachers a very clear, complete, and yet brief work compared with the Grammars of the time ; and a Latin- German Lexicon, published later, in 1656, at Frankfort, and not included in the collected works, as being too cumbrous. 'A more advanced school-book, entitled Atrium Linguae Latinae, he had just begun when he was called into Hungary, where it was completed. The imperfections of these books, as indeed of all his writings, he is always ready to admit, pleading that no one man could all at once correct the mistakes of the past, place education on a right basis, and furnish the school with proper instruments of teaching. While still engaged in the completion of the works which belong to this Elbing period, when he was subsi- dised by De Geer, he received many testimonies from men high in position as to the value of his labours. An interesting correspondence with the Palatine of Posnania, 'Christoph. Opalinski de Bnin,' himself an author and a vigorous promoter of education in his own country, was lost in the destruction of Lesna by the Swedish army, in 1655, under Charles x. an invasion which destroyed also the gymnasium at Sirakovia, which Opalinski had founded and supplied with trans- lations of Comenius's school-books. 1 The products of the six years of Elbing industry he dedicated to De Geer. Having discharged his obligations to his Swedish 1 jfudicia, novaeque disquisitlones. Vol. ii. of Works, p. 458. of Comenius. 49 friends in the department of Didactics, he was about now, at last, to apply himself exclusively to the greater Pansophic schemes, and was contemplating future labours in this direction with much complacency when he received a letter from the Prince Sigismund Racocus, 1 and his widowed mother, the Princess of Transylvania, urging him to advise in the reformation of the schools in their country. The requests of mother and son were enforced by communications from theologians, and were favourably entertained by him because of the kindness shown in Transylvania to exiled Moravians. Accordingly, in May 1650, he betook himself to Saros- Patak, a market-town of Hungary, on the Bodrogh, and thence, along with their Highnesses, to Tokay, twenty miles to the north-east. It was in this year that he published his Lux in Tenebris, a book on the fulfilment of modern prophecy, and became entangled with one Drabicius, 2 who gave himself out as a prophet and gained a certain following. This weakness in Comenius may be touched with a gentle hand. His theological writings show that he had strong mystical leanings, and in later life he was a devoted admirer of Madame Bourignon, to whom, indeed, he stood in personal relations. The form which his scholastic labours now took com- 1 George I., Ragotzski, Prince of Transylvania. This country was not incorporated in the Austrian dominions till 1699. Hungary accrued to Austria in 1526, and became hereditary in 1687. 1 For an account of Drabicius and Kotterus, see Bayle's Dic- tionary. Their productions were largely embodied in Comenius's book. The date of the publication of Lux in Tencbris is given variously. This is doubtless due to the confounding of the Czech and Latin editions. D 5O Life and Works bined the Didactic with the Pansophic more fully than hitherto. Being asked to put his idea of a Pansophic school in writing, he printed his Illustris Scholae Pata- kinae Idta, and thereafter in full detail his Scholae Pansophicae classibus septem adornandae Delineatio. During his residence at Patak, which lasted till 1654, he produced fifteen works, among which were the new editions of the Vestibulum an&Janua, the first edition of the Atrium, the famous Orbis Pictus (World Illus- trated), 1 and the Schola Ludus. These text-books are described in the account of Comenius's educational views which follows this sketch of his life and labours. The most characteristic and important of the works of this period was the Schola Pamophica, or Universalis Sapientiae Ojfidna, an ac- count of which will also be found in its proper place. He desired to make the new Patak seminary not merely a Pansophic school, but also to give it the character of a Latin state, nay, even of Latium itself. Nothing but Latin was to be spoken. 2 This was practicable, because he contemplated a college in which all the pupils should dwell together. His patrons did all they could to fulfil their promises of support They gave him a collegiate building, and, in addition to this, they purchased the fourth house from the college for the school. Comenius's plan was to buy up the intervening houses, with their gardens, and as many on the other side, so as to provide resi- 1 Printed at Nuremberg in 1658. 1 Deliberatio de Latio a Tiberi ad Brodrocum transferendo. of Comenius. 5 1 dences for seven masters, and also seven class-rooms. The whole was to be surrounded by a continuous wall, so that a little Latin state (Latina dvitatula) might be planted, with its own open areas and gardens all en- closed from the outer world. This was to be a little republic, having its own customs, laws, judges, and senate, and its own chapel and services. The masters were to preside over a large family like fathers, and there, in a course of seven years, beginning at the age of twelve, boys were to be instructed in ' all things that ' perfect human nature,' and trained to be pious Chris- tians and wise and cultivated men. The three-class school which formed the lower division of this Pansophic seminary was organised with a view to instruction in Latin along with Real things. The higher classes, up to the seventh, are described elsewhere. They do not seem ever to have been organised. The Precepts of Manners, collected for the use of youth in 1653, are amusing, and at the same time afford evidence of the exaggerated conceptions which Comenius entertained of the possibilities of education. He be- lieved, in truth, that he could manufacture a man. These also were written for the Patak school. The Schola Ludus, which is a kind of dramatic Janua Linguarum et Rerum, was likewise written and printed for the Patak school. An elaborate Latino-latin Lexicon was also composed during the four years' residence at Patak. Comenius left it behind him in MS., and it was afterwards printed at Amsterdam in 1657. The Prince Sigismund, unfortunately, died prema- 52 Life and Works turely, and those in authority after his death resolved to limit the new institution to the three-class Latin, or philological, school, and for the use of this school the Vestibulum, Janua, and Atrium were printed in Latin- Hungarian. The Patak school was auspiciously opened under three carefully selected masters, and Comenius believed it to be flourishing in 1657, when, at Amster- dam, he was writing his dedicatory epistle prefixed to the Schola Ludus. It had, however, suffered from the plague of 1655, which temporarily broke it up. Having accomplished his work of organisation and book-writing, Comenius left Hungary in 1654, pronouncing his vale- dictory address on June 26. of that year, in presence of a distinguished assembly. 1 In that address he informs his audience that his objects in school reform were to give compendiums for learning the Latin tongue, which would make the acquisition of it pleasant; to introduce a higher and better philosophy into school work, so as to fit youth for the investigation of the causes of things; and to create a higher tone of morals and manners. To carry out these objects, he had constructed, he tells them, a Vestibulum and a Janua of the Latin tongue for the first two classes, with their accompanying lexicons and grammars, and an Atrium for the third stage, with a more extended grammar, including idioms, phrases, and elegancies, and a Latino-latin lexicon. As to science, arts, philosophy, morals, and theology, he had so con- 1 Laborum Scholasticorum Patakini obilorum Coroniso, vide vol. iii. p. 1041. of Comenius. 53 structed the above-named books that they contained the foundations of all departments of knowledge; in brief, Pansophia in its elements. He thanks all for their co-operation, and impresses on them, in eloquent language, the duty of maintaining the school, and pro- secuting the methods which he had taught them, which he elsewhere sums up in the words, Noscenda uoscendo, facienda faciendo, or Autopsy, looking at things for one- self, and Autopraxy, doing or constant practice. ' Vale Patakina schola ! ' he concludes. ' Vale ecclesia ! Vale Patakum ipsum ! Valete omnes amici, Comeniique vestri amicam apud vos retinete memoriam, amicis pro- sequimini votis, etc. . . . Imprimis valete vos dilecti collegae, atque si me Eliam vestrum fuisse credebatis et ob meum a vobis discessum lugetis, ego vos ut meos Elisaeos intueor et vobis de spiritu meo portionem duplam coelitus dari opto; ut publici boni amore et pro illo promovendo laborum tolerantia et ad infirmiores condescentia progressibus denique bonis ita me superetis quomodo miraculis patrandis Eliam superavit Elisaeus : ad scholam hanc vestram et alias tarn sancte sapienterque regendum quam sancte sapienterque scholas Prophet- arum rexit Elisaeus !' It must have been about 1652-53, while still in the~ midst of his Patak labours, that he lost his best friend and patron, Ludovic de Geer. A long letter of condo- lence addressed to the son, Laurence, then settled at Amsterdam as Swedish ambassador, concludes the third volume of the Works. In this he recalls the virtues and lauds the character of the father, who was, without 54 Life and Works doubt, a man of high public spirit, and of a generous and liberal nature. For eight years he had supported Comenius and his amanuenses, and was prepared, when the opportunity offered, to contribute largely towards the institution of a Pansophic College. From Patak Comenius went, in 1654, to his former home at Lesna. The war which almost immediately after broke out (1655) involved the whole of Poland, and caused, among other calamities, the destruction of Lesna (1656). l He was thus forced to seek for some safer asylum. In the overthrow of the town, Comenius lost all his property, including his library and manuscripts, which contained the results of the studies which he had under- taken with a view to the great Pansophic book which was the chief aim of his life. Among the MSS. was one which, he tells us, he considered the most precious of his possessions ; it was his Silva or ' forest' (to use his own peculiar expression) of Pansophic materials, a treasury of definitions of all things, and of axioms, scientific and philosophic, which he had spent twenty years in gather- ing together. He had not, even then, been prepared with a complete system, but he had in contemplation, and nearly ready, a much more complete treatise than any he had yet issued. After the ruin of Lesna, he was invited by Laurence 1 The fate of Lesna was said to have been partly due to a pan- egyric on Charles Gustavus, King of Sweden, which Comenius indiscreetly published. of Comenius. 55 de Geer, the son of his former patron, to join him in Amsterdam, there to take counsel as to his future. From the temporary refuge which he had found for his family he was driven by pestilence, and other friends joining De Geer in urging him to make Amsterdam his future home, he yielded, because, he himself says, ' I have all my life long been accustomed to yield to what seemed to be the guidance of Providence.' 1 Comenius was now sixty-three years of age. To the loss of his Pansophic MSS. were now added fresh demands on his time of a strictly scholastic kind, and he had to return ' ad puerilia ilia utut mihi toties nauseata Latinitatis studia.' An edition of his Schola Ludus was demanded in Holland, and he found so many errors and defects in the version printed at Patak after his departure, that he had to devote a considerable time to emending and printing. Then, it was impossible to escape from the supposed necessity of constructing another elementary book, a sequel to the Vestibulum, to be entitled the Auctarium. He was also requested by the Senate of Amsterdam to try his method on two youths. His Latinity also was attacked, and this caused him to write Pro Latinitate Januae Comenianae Apologia. These labours, but especially this last treatise, revived an interest in his method in the minds of many public men, and he was asked to put his educational views in the form of an epitome, so that busy men might read them. This gave rise to his Synopsis Novissimae 1 The last Dedicatory Epistle. 56 Life and Works Methodi^ which, however, he did not think it worth his while to republish in his Works, probably because it is substantially repeated in other treatises. ' The publication of his complete didactic works, to which he now addressed himself at the instance of De Geer, and under the patronage of the highest authorities in Amsterdam, led him to take a critical survey of all he had written, that he might confirm, retract, or modify the opinions which he had from time to time given forth. This treatise of retrospect and revision he entitled Ventilabrum Sapientiae sive sapienier sua retractandi Ars ' The Fanner of Wisdom, or the Art of retracting one's own Opinions.' This fanner was to winnow away the chaff and leave the solid grain. He quotes Philo in support of this self-criticism : ' Scientiae finis non contingit hominibus. Nemo enim absolutus est in ulla scientia. Revera perfectiones et vestigia unius sunt (nempe Z>).' He also quotes Aris- totle as saying, ' It behoves a philosopher to forswear even his own dogmas,' and a Roman Pontiff as remark- ing, ' Wretched is that man who is the slave of his own dogmas.' In the Didactica Magna, which contains the system- atic development of his principles and methods, he finds that he has nothing to retract, but confines him- self to a defence of the Syncretic Method, which is there followed. Comenius recognises three methods of ascertaining and expounding truth, the Analytic and the Synthetic (which words he uses in our modern acceptation), and the Syncretic. By this last he means of Comemus. 5 7 arguing by a method of parallels in nature, the method of Analogy. He holds that the true character and process of anything in the created world furnishes a line of explanation for other things, which is of the most convincing kind. The stricter view of Analogy which is now accepted was not known to Comenius, although he must have had before him the dictum of the schoolmen : ' Similia illustrant quidem, non autem probant.' When, in the course of his retrospect, he re-peruses his Praeludium Pansophicum, a sense of wasted years oppresses him, and he is again afflicted with grief, because he had, at the urgent entreaty of friends, too readily deserted this the main line of his studies, sacrificing the great ambition of his life to occupy him- self exclusively with matters didactic. ' How badly have I imitated,' he exclaims, 'that merchant seeking for good pearls, who, when he had found a pearl of great price, went away and sold all he had, and bought it ! Oh wretched sons of light, who know not to imitate the wisdom of the children of the world ! Would that I, having once struck the Pansophic vein, had followed it up, neglecting all else ! But so it happens when we lend an ear to the solicitations clamouring outside us rather than to the light shining within us.' The corrections he has to make on his various didactic writings are certainly very unimportant. They all point in the direction of greater simplification, and for this he looks to the labours of his successors rather than to any revision of his own. 58 Life and Works About the year 1657 Comenius wrote and published (in the fourth volume of his Works) four treatises, which however constitute one. He desired to present his principles in a brief and condensed, yet systematic way, so that they might be accessible to men occupied with public affairs. The first of these treatises is entitled Scholasticis Labyrinthis Exitus in Planum, sive Machina Didactica mechanice constructa : ad non haerendum am- plius (in Docendi et Discendi muniis) sed progrediendum, 'An Issue out of School-labyrinths into the Open, or a Didactic Machine mechanically constructed with a view to no longer sticking fast in the work of Teach- ing and Learning, but of advancing in them.' Schools, he tells us, are to be compared to labyrinths, infinitely distracting the minds of youth : the thread which is to guide us through the labyrinths is a true and simple method. The sciences and arts and tongues are to be taught, but the precise quantity and goal of teaching are not accurately laid down. The thread of Ariadne Method is all-important, because it leads to distinct issues by a proper way. Augustine says, Praestet pauca scire quam infinita opinari ; Pliny says, Satius sit minus serere et melius arare ; and again, Seneca, Melius est scire pauca et Us rede uti quam scire mulla quorum ignores usum. ' Our method,' says Comenius, ' offers few things, but these necessary to life here and hereafter ; few things, but these well consolidated by continued exercises ; few things, but these having a direct utility.' As he grew older, and looked back on his past work, of Comenius. 59 he became more and more convinced that he was right in his aims and methods. He was now sixty-five years of age. His views assumed to his mind a definite and clear shape, and became almost axiomatic. He admits certain errors in the details of working out his views; for example, that his text-books are too condensed, and attempt too much, and that it would be hardly possible to accomplish in three years (the Three-Class philological, or Latin school) all that he once thought might be accomplished within that period; but these faults he considers to be faults of detail, and due to his own culpable neglect of the principles he had himself laid down. Admitting so much, he yet regards his method as so absolute in its character that it may be likened to a machine a clock, or a ship, or a mill. Set it going, and keep it going, and you will find the result certain. It is really of the nature of a mechanical construction, mechanic- ally constructed. He is never weary of advocating his system. He sums up his principles, and then, with all the ardour of his youth, he afresh proceeds to con- sider the means by which his great end is to be attained. The Latin school is to be a college in which nothing but Latin is to be spoken. Longum et difficile iter per praecepta, usu et consuetudine iter breve et efficax. He calls the brief treatise in which he advocates the in- stitution of such a college Latium Redivivum, and urges the authorities of Amsterdam to institute one. With such a College he sees his way so to carry out his methods as to justify him in recurring to one of his 60 Life and Works old ideas, and comparing his method to a printing-press, which makes the impression of the type on the paper without fail. So will the impression on minds by his method be equally certain. Hence the name of his next paper, Typographeum Vivum, or the Living Print- ing Press. He here compares his method with clocks, ships, agriculture (Ingenium enim vivus ager est ; Dis- ciplinae aratro sementi praeparandus, Doctrinarum seminibus obserendus, Exercitiorum pluvia, sole, vento animandus), with the pictorial and sculptural arts, and with architecture, but prefers to dwell on its likeness to the typographic art, not only as to the mode of pro- cedure, but also the result ; for whereas in the one case you have books, in the other, every capable pupil properly trained will be a walking library obambulans Bibliotheca, But the final aim of all this training is moral and religious. Comenius never lost sight of this. As the restoration of man to the Paradise which he forfeited, and to the image of God which he lost, is the aim of the Providence of God in Christ, so the aim of the school is a restoration a bringing of its work and methods into a harmony with moral and religious aims, and subordinating the school to the Church as a spiritual society. Hence the title of the next treatise, Paradisus Juventuti Christianae reducendus. In this treatise he mixes up the spiritual aim of the school with that of a Paradise in the sense of a place that may be made a happy one for boys, and indulges also in many forced analogies between the school and the first Paradise. of Comenius. 6 1 Finally, in his Traditio Lampadis he solemnly hands over the didactic work of his life to be carried on by others, and commends his labours to God, who had so favoured him as to make him the instrument of sowing the seed of a better time for schools, and to whose blessing he looks for a rich harvest in the future. Comenius was now sixty-six years of age, and had just revised and completed the issue of his collected Didactic works, extending to four folio volumes. He had now said his last word. We can well believe the simple-hearted and single-minded old Bishop, when he tells us that he had been led by no personal ambition to publish his works, and that he was very far from desiring to derogate from the claims of those writers who preceded him, and to whom he acknowledges his obligations. Nor had his motive been the desire of wealth, for he had sought nothing and gained nothing. He had laboured and written, he says, influenced by the love of God, and stimulated by the exhortations of learned men, solely in the hope of improving the education of youth, and preparing a better future for humanity. It is not to be supposed that Comenius's relations to his original patron Ludovic de Geer were always pleasant ; such relations seldom are. De Geer com- plained of unnecessary delay, and Comenius had many personal vexations to contend with arising out of his pecuniary dependence. We learn also, from the last 62 Life and Works Dedicatory Epistle written by Comenius, and addressed to some of the leading men in Amsterdam, that he had not, even in his old age, escaped the general fate of reformers. While his views on Education had been ardently supported by some of the best men in Europe, that obstructive of all education known as the 'practical teacher,' had been at work. Detraction was busy, and he was accused by the teachers of Amsterdam of ' attacking schools.' To all this his reply was brief. ' I can affirm,' he writes, 'from the bottom of my heart, that these forty years my aim .has been simple and un- pretending, indifferent whether I teach or be taught, admonish or be admonished, willing to act the part of a teacher of teachers, if in anything it may be permitted me to be so, and a disciple of disciples where progress may be possible. They say that I write against schools : nay, it is for schools that I speak, and have spoken. I presume our common ends are the same ; it is as to methods and ways that we differ.' Malignity even touched the character and motives of the old Bishop. ' I have not, by the grace of God,' he says, 'so spent my life that now in my old age I must avoid the light ; nor are the things I have done till now of so little account that I am to keep silence when I am asked to speak. As to the allegation that I have preferred private to public schools, this is incorrect ; my writings show this. I have desired to give trouble to none, but rather to lessen trouble. Why then should any delight to molest me ? Let me live in tranquillity as long as God wills me to be here ! With Thomas a Kempis of Comenius. 63 I can from my heart and the bitter lessons of experi- ence say, " I have tried all things, nor anywhere have I found peace, save in a little corner and a little book" (angululo et libellullo). n Of Comenius's domestic life and history not very much is known. He married, as his second wife, the daughter of Joh. Cyrillus, a priest of the Brotherhood and a Senior, apparently about the year 1629. She died in 1648, or the beginning of 1649, after having borne five children a son, Daniel by name, and four daughters. The eldest daughter, Dorothea, seems to have married Johann Mohtor, a man of good Slovack family, who had been under Comenius's educational supervision at Lissa. The second daughter, Elizabeth, married Figulus, one of her father's collaborateurs, and a Moravian pastor. Comenius continued to reside in Amsterdam, after the publication of his collected Didactic works (com- pleted in the end of 1657), maintaining himself and his family by teaching, and partly, it would seem, supported by the private liberality of the admirers of his life and labours especially the De Geer family, at whose expense his books were printed. He dedicated his works to the city of Amsterdam, in gratitude for the hospitality its people had shown to him. He lived for nearly thirteen years after this, dying on the i5th of 1 The attack on Comenius by Nicolas Arnoldus, in his Discursus TJieologicus contra Comenium, is personal and spiteful. Bayle's treatment of Comenius shows a complete misapprehension of his character. 64 Life and Works November 1671, in his eightieth year, and was buried at Naarden. During these concluding years he does not seem to have added to his Didactic writings, but he printed several treatises of a religious character intended to further the promotion of the unity of Protestant Christendom, and continued to maintain by correspondence his connection with the Moravian Brethren, and the superintendence of their affairs. His last publication was a confession, entitled One Thing Needful,^ in which the piety of his heart and the simplicity of his faith are alike conspicuous. In this he thanks God that he had been a man of aspirations. Even in the declining years of his laborious life he never for a moment lost sight of his great Pansophic work, which was to place before the world of science and letters the sum of human knowledge in all departments. He set himself diligently to replace the materials and MSS. which were destroyed at the sacking of Lesna, and left a large number of papers behind him, enjoining his son Daniel and his old friend and fellow-worker Nigrinus to prepare them for publication. The son seems to have troubled himself very little about the matter, but Nigrinus worked for eight or nine years at the revision 1 Unum necessarium in vita et morte et post mortem quod non- necessari mundi fatigatus et ad unum necessarium sese recipiens senex J. A. Comenius anno aetatis suae 77, mundo expendendum offert. Terent. Ad omnia aetate sapimus recte. Edit. Amstelo- dami 1668. Afterwards republished in Leipzig in 1734. A translation of the Bible into Turkish also occupied much of his thoughts and time. of Comenius. 65 and preparation of ihe MS., being supported during the task by the liberality of Gerard de Geer. But it does not appear that any Pansophic publication ever saw the light. ' Comenius,' says Von Raumer truly, ' is a grand and venerable figure of sorrow. Wandering, persecuted, and homeless, during the terrible and desolating Thirty Years' War, he yet never despaired ; but with enduring truth, and strong in faith, he laboured unweariedly to prepare youth by a better education for a better future. Suspended from the ministry, as he himself tells us, and an exile, he had become an Apostle ad gentes minutulas Christianam juventutcm ; and cer- tainly he laboured for them with a zeal and love worthy of the chief of the Apostles.' WORKS OF COMENIUS. Comenius wrote various books on Physics and a great many on Theological and Ecclesiastical subjects, in addition to those on Education and on Pansophy. The chief of these were : 1. The Labyrinth of the World and the Paradise of the Heart. Printed in the Czech language about 1621, but first published at Lesna, in quarto, in 1631. 2. Historia unitatis fratrum et ratio disciplinae. 3. Physicae ad Lumen Divinum reformatae Synopsis. Lipsiae 1633, and Amsterodami 1643. 4. De bono Unitatis et Ordinis, Disciplinae et Obedientiae in Ecclesia recte constituta, vel constituenda : Ecclesiae Bohemicae ad Anglicanam Paraenesis. Amst. 1 660. 5. Lux in tenebris (a book on the fulfilment of prophecy in modern events). 1650. E 66 Works of Comenius. 6. Historia Revelationum. 7. Unum Necessarium. Amst. I668. 1 EDUCATIONAL AND PANSOPHIC WORKS. These were published at Amsterdam in 1657, in four vols. folio. They are bound in one volume, and extend to 2271 pages.* In the Dedicatory Epistle, dated 2Oth December 1657, the author informs us that he had collected all his writings, arranging them in chronological order, at the request of many leading men in the State, and in compliance with a resolution of the governing body (sacri senatus decreto). He dedicates his works to the city of Amsterdam in recognition of the hospitable reception it had given him. The title is : J. A. Comenii Opera didactica omnia, variis hucusque occasioni- bus scripta, diversisque locis edita : nunc autem non tantum in unum, ut simul suit, collecta, sed et ultimo conatu in Systema unum mechanice constructum, redacta. Amsterodami impensis D. Laurentii de Geer excuderunt Christophorus Cunradus et Gabriel a Roy. Anno 1657. 4 voll. fol. Erster Theil. (Schrift en von 1627-1642.) The Poland Period. 1. De primis occasionibus, quibus hue studiorum delatus fuit Author, brevissima relatio. 2. Didactica magna. Omnes omnia docendi artificia exhibens. 3. Schola materni gremii, sive de provida Juventutis primo sexennio Educatione. 4. Scholae vernaculae delineatio. 5. Janua latinae linguae primum edita. 6. Vestibulum ei praestructum. 7. Proplasma Templi Latinitatis Dav. Vechneri : et cur opus non processerit. 8. De sermonis Latini studio. 1 Also, a History of the Persecutions of the Moravians, the precise title of which I do not know. 8 The paging 451 to 591, vol. iii., is repeated by the printer. Works of Comenius. 9. Prodromus pansophiae. 10. Variorum de eo Censurae. 11. Pansophicorum Conatuum Dilucidatio. Zweitcr Thtil. (Schriften von 1642-50.) The Elbing Period. 1. De novis Didactica studia continuandi occasionibus. 2. Methodus linguarum novissima fundamentis didacticis, solide superstructa. 3. Lat linguae Vestibulum, rerum et linguae cardines exhibens. 4. Januae linguarum novissimae Clavis, Grammatica Latino- vernacula. 5. Judicia novaeque disquisitiones. Drifter Thdl. (Schriften von 1650-54.) The Patak Period. 1. De vocatione in Hungariam relatio. 2. Scholae pansophicae delineatio. 3. De repertis studii pansophici obicibus. 4. De ingeniorum cultura. 5. De ingenia colendi primario instrumento, Libris. 6. De reperta ad Authores latinos prompte legendos et intelli- gendos facili, brevi et amoena via Schola Triclassi. 7. Eruditionis scholasticae pars I. Vestibulum, rerum et lin- guae fundamenta ponens. 8. Eruditionis scholasticae pars II. Janua rerum linguarum structuram extemam exhibens ; embracing a. Lexicon Januale. b. Grammatica Janualis. c. Janualis rerum et verborum contextus, historiolam rerum continens. 9. Eruditionis scholasticae pars III. Atrium rerum et lin- guarum omamenta exhibens. 10. Fortius redivivus, sive de pellenda Scholis ignavia. 11. Praecepta morum in usum Juventutis collecta. Anno 1653. 12. Leges bene ordinatae scholae. 13. Orbis sensualium pictus. (Only an announcement. ) 14. Schola Ludus : h. e. Januae linguarum praxis comica. 15. Laborum scholasticorum in Hungaria obitorum Coronis. Works of Comenius. Vierter Theil. (Schriften von 1654-57.) The Amsterdam Period. 1. Vita gyms, sive de occasionibus vitae, et quibus Autorem in Belgium deferri, iterumque ad intermissa didactica studia redire contigit. 2. Parvulis parvulus, Omnibus omnia, h. e. Vestibuli Latinae linguae Auctarium, voces primitivas in sententiolas redigens. 3. Apologia pro Latinitate Januae Comenianae. 4. Ventilabrum sapientiae, sive sapienter sua retractandi ars. 5. E labyrinthis scholasticis exitus tandem in planum, sive Machina didactica mechanice constructa. 6. Latium redivivum, hoc est, de forma latinissimi Collegii, seu novae romanae civitatulae ; ubi latina lingua usu et consue- tudine ut olim, melius tamen quam olim, addiscatur. 7. Typographeum vivum, hoc est : ars compendiose et tamen copiose ac eleganter sapientiam non chartis, sed ingeniis impri- mendi. 8. Paradisus ecclesiae reductus ; hoc est optimus scholarum status, ad primae paradisiacae scholae ideam deh'neatus. 9. Traditio lampadis, hoc est studiorum sapientiae christia- naeque juventutis et scholarum, Deo et hominibus devota com- mendatio. 10. Paralipomena didactica. Pansophiae diatyposis. Dantzic 1643. In 1670 Comenius, when (as he states) he was seventy-eight years of age, wrote a short preface to a trilingual edition of the Janua English, Latin, and Greek, in parallel columns published in London. Some quaint woodcuts of by no means bad execution are prefixed to this edition, which I met with in the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh. The cuts are illustrative of the different departments of realistic study, as then understood. In these we have represented Astronomy, Mathematics, Navigation, Geography, Anatomy, Architecture. One of the anatomical illustrations is a skeleton leaning in a pensive attitude on a table, while one long bony hand rests on a skull. THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM AND WRITINGS OF COMENIUS. PART I. THE GREAT DIDACTIC. First Section. PANSOPHY AND THE AIM OF EDUCATION. THERE can be no doubt that it was chiefly the specu- lations of Lord Verulam that fired the imagination of Comenius, and led him to conceive hopes of reducing all existing learning to a systematic form, and providing for all the more ambitious youth of Europe, in a great Pansophic College, opportunities for the universal study of the whole body of science. To this universal and systematised learning he gave the name of Pansophia or Encyclopaedia. He was filled with high hopes of the benefits which would arise from a revision and arrange- ment of human knowledge hopes which he shared with many men of his time, and which it would be rash for us to say were without sufficient foundation. The title of one of his treatises is 'A Prelude of Pansophy, in which the necessity of universal wisdom, its possibility and its practicability (if it be approached according to a certai^ method) is briefly and clearly demonstrated.' He draws a picture of the confusion 72 The Educational System. of existing knowledge, and the inadequacy of the treat- ment of its various departments. He attributes this to the ignorance of those in one place of what had been done elsewhere, and to the too great specialisation of inquirers. The writer on jurisprudence was ignorant, it might be, of philosophy and physics, the writer on physics was ignorant of metaphysics, the writer on metaphysics and ethics ignored physics ; and so forth. Hence inadequacy of treatment ; hence, too, the frag- mentary presentation of all knowledge. To cure this it was necessary that there should be an authorised and systematised view of all learning arranged in a philosophic order. Men who, in the higher depart- ments of education, had been disciplined in this ency- clopaedia, would have an universal culture that would enable them to prosecute special branches with greater firmness and accuracy. He called on learned men to enable him by their contributions to construct such a book, or series of books. As to method ; while the spirit of the Baconian induction was in him, in so far as he based knowledge on observation and on advancing from particulars to generals, he had not grasped induc- tion in its true significance. For, as Bacon himself points out, the senses by themselves are not to be trusted, and the processes of a true investigation are toy^upplement, correct, and verify them. V As all knowledge was to lead to God, and to God as revealed through Christ, Comenius spoke of his encyclo- psedism as a Christian Pansophy, and gave the ' special titles of the seven parts of the temple of Christian Pansophy.' The first part was to show the necessity The Great Didactic. 73 and possibility of the temple and to give its external structure or outline to be called the Templi Sapientiae Propylaeum. The second part was to give the first approach to a knowledge of all knowable things a general apparatus of wisdom in which the highest genera and fundamental principles and axioms were to be exhibited, from which, as the primal sources of truth, the streams of all sciences flow and diverge, to be called the Porta. The third part (the primum Atrium) was to exhaust visible nature. The fourth (the Atrium medium) was to treat of man and reason ; the fifth part (Atrium internum), of man's essential nature free-will and responsibility, and the repair of man's will in Christ as the beginning of the spiritual life. The sixth part (Sanctum sanctorum) was to be theological, and here man was to be admitted to the study and worship of God and his revelation, that thereby he might be led to embrace God as the centre of eternal life. The seventh part (Fons aquarum viventium) was to expound the use of true wisdom and its dissemination, so that the whole worULafight be filled with a knowledge of God. v^nis is a sketch of a Pansophic University. The same ideas worked out as applicable to a Secondary or Latin School will be found in the sequel under the desig- nation, ' The Inner Organisation of a Pansophic School.' Comenius was a thoroughgoing Realist in education, but he combined with this a fervent evangelicalism : indeed, his whole purpose was to lead youth to God through things to God as the source of all, and as the crown of knowledge and the end of life. I have chosen to introduce the educational reader 74 The Educational System. to Comenius in connection with his Pansophic schemes, because they are the key to his intellectual life and his educational aims. For it will be seen in the sequel that the idea of a Christian Pansophy never deserts him, and that, from his 'mother-school' upwards, his purpose is to give to children and boys the elements of universal knowledge adapted to the various stages of school life. It is as the representative of encyclo- paedism in education (in his case a Christian encyclo- paedism), and as the first exhaustive writer on general method, that Comenius claims our attention. As a type of the realistic and encyclopaedic school of Educationa- lists, he will probably never be superseded. I shall now give an account of those works of Comenius in which he endeavoured to give effect to his educational views. The ' Great Didactic ' (Magna Didactica 1 ) first arrests our attention, because it was 1 The word is of singular number, and Ars is understood. The full title of the book is as follows : DIDACTICA MAGNA; UNIVERSALE OMNES OMNIA DOCENDI ARTIFICIUM EXHIBENS : Sive certus et exquisitus modus, per omnes alicujus Christiani Regni communitates, Oppida et Vicos, tales erigendi Scholas, ut Omnis utriusque sexus Juventus, nemine usquam neglecto, Literis informari, Moribus expoliri, Pietate imbui, eaque ratione intra pubertatis annos ad omnia quae praesentis et futurae vitae sunt instrui possit, Compendiose, Jucunde, Solide : Ubi omnium quae suadentur, Fundamenta, ex ipsissima rerum natura eruuntur : Veritas, artium Mechanicarum, parallelis exemplis demonstratur : Series, per Annos, Menses, Dies, Horas, disponitur ; Via denique in effectum haec feliciter deducendi, facilis et certa ostenditur. The Great Didactic. 75 put forth as a systematic treatment of the whole ques- tion of Education. Here our object will be to make Comenius speak as much as possible for himself. In his prefatory remarks to the Great Didactic, Comenius tells us that the Didactic Art has to be studied in the interests of Parents, Teachers, Pupils, the Commonwealth, the Church, and Heaven. ' Quidnam,' says Diogenes the Pythagorean, ' est fundamentum totius reipublicae ? Adolescentium edu- catio. Haud enim unquam vites utilem fructum pro- tulerint quae non bene sunt excultae.' ' It is our bounden duty,' he adds, 'to consider the means whereby the whole body of Christian youth may be stirred to vigour of mind and the love of Heavenly things.' General Statement of Aim. I. Man is the last, the most complete, and the most excellent of living creatures. II. The final end of man lies beyond this life. This life is threefold, viz., Vegetative, Animal, and Intellectual or Spiritual. The first nowhere manifests itself outside the body ; the second stretches forth to objects through the operations of the senses ; the third is able to exist separately as well as in the body, as in the case of Angels. 'Jam quia evidens est, supremum hunc vitae gradum a prioribus valide in nobis obumbrari et prae- pediri, necessario sequitur futurum esse ubi in