THE BAMPTON LECTURES FOR M.DCCC.LXXI. DISSENT, IN ITS RELATION TO THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. EIGHT LECTURES, PREACHED BEFORE THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, IN THE YEAR l8 7 I, ON THE FOUNDATION OF THE LATE REV. JOHN BAMPTON. M.A. CANON OF SALISBURY : BY GEORGE HERBERT CURTEIS, M.A. laft Fellow and Sub-Rector of Exeter College; Principal of the Lichfitld Theological College, and Prebendary of Lichfield Cathedral; Rector of Tunutston, Suets. FIFTH EDITION. MACMILLAN AND CO. 1882 [All rights reserved] OXFORD: BY E. PICKARD HALL AND J. H. STACY, PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY. OF THE LATE REV. JOHN BAMPTON, CANON OF SALISBURY. " I give and bequeath my Lands and Estates to the " Chancellor, Masters, and Scholars of the University of Oxford " for ever, to have and to hold all and singular the said Lands " or Estates upon trust, and to the intents and purposes herein- " after mentioned ; that is to say, I will and appoint that the " Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford for the time " being shall take and receive all the rents, issues, and profits " thereof, and (after all taxes, reparations, and necessary deduc- " tions made) that he pay all the remainder to the endowment " of eight Divinity Lecture Sermons, to be established for ever "in the said University, and to be performed in the manner " following : " I direct and appoint, that, upon the first Tuesday in Easter " Term, a Lecturer be yearly chosen by the Heads of Colleges " only, and by no others, in the room adjoining to the Printing- " House, between the hours of ten in the morning and two in " the afternoon, to preach eight Divinity Lecture Sermons, the " year following, at St. Mary's in Oxford, between the com- " mencement of the last month in Lent Term, and the end of " the third week in Act Term. " Also I direct and appoint, that the eight Divinity Lecture 2067438 vi EXTRACT FROM CANON HAMPTON S WILL. " Sermons shall be preached upon either of the following Sub- jectsto confirm and establish the Christian Faith, and to " confute all heretics and schismatics upon the divine autho- " rity of the holy Scriptures upon the authority of the writings " of the primitive Fathers, as to the faith and practice of the " primitive Church upon the Divinity of our Lord and Saviour " Jesus Christ upon the Divinity of the Holy Ghost upon " the Articles of the Christian Faith, as comprehended in the " Apostles' and Nicene Creeds. " Also I direct, that thirty copies of the eight Divinity Lec- " ture Sermons shall be always printed, within two months after " they are preached ; and one copy shall be given to the Chan- " cellor of the University, and one copy to the Head of every " College, and one copy to the Mayor of the city of Oxford, " and one copy to be put into the Bodleian Library ; and the " expenses of printing them shall be paid out of the revenue of " the Land or Estates given for establishing the Divinity Lecture " Sermons ; and the preacher shall not be paid, nor be entitled " to the revenue, before they are printed. " Also I direct and appoint, that no person shall be qualified " to preach the Divinity Lecture Sermons, unless he hath taken " the degree of Master of Arts at least, in one of the two Uni- " versities of Oxford or Cambridge ; and that the same person " shall never preach the Divinity Lecture Sermons twice." TO e |i*ri0r anfr Jtltofos nf feier IN GRATEFUL ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF MUCH PERSONAL KINDNESS AND HOSPITALITY, AND ALSO OF INVALUABLE AID DERIVED FROM THE FREE USE OF THEIR LIBRARY, I DESIRE TO DEDICATE THESE PAGES. PREFACE. ' Benevolentia etiam gladium iracundise extorquere consuevit. Benevo- lentia facit, ut amici vulnera utilia magis quam voluntaria inimici oscula sint Benevolentia facit, ut unus fiat ex pluribus . . Advertimus etiam, correptiones in amicitia gratas esse, quse aculeos habent, dolorem non habent.' (St. Ambrose, de Offidis Ministrorvm. lib. i. cap. 34.) THE purpose of Canon Bampton in founding this Lectureship seems to have been twofold. He first required that the Lectures should be delivered orally before the University: and next, he stipulated that they should be given, in a printed form, to the public. The double obligation thus imposed upon his Lecturers is one which is by no means easy of fulfil- ment. The celebrated saying of Charles Fox at once occurs to one's memory; that if a speech be orally effective, it cannot possibly be effective in print, and vice versa. The only way therefore in which a Bampton Lec- turer can hope to fulfil the intentions of the Founder, and to acquit himself loyally of the important trust committed to him by the electors, is (I think) after oral delivery of the Lectures at Oxford, to spare no pains in endeavouring to make of them a volume useful and interesting to persons of average intellectual culture, not only at the University, but elsewhere. And this can best be done, by slight expansions or abridge- ments of the spoken text, and by appending footnotes, X PREFACE. appendices, and other aids towards facility and com- pleteness of apprehension. This task I have honestly laboured to fulfil. And if, in fulfilling it, I have trespassed too much upon the patience of the University, which (in ordinary cases) may fairly expect a diligent and speedy compliance with the conditions laid down by the Founder, I ven- ture to plead, in my defence, a simultaneous occupation of very unusual urgency and weight. The sole charge of an important Theological College, numbering from thirty to forty students, leaves a smaller margin of spare time than were desirable. But besides deficiency of time, I am too painfully aware of other deficiencies. And therefore I do not hope to have escaped some unintentional errors and mis-statements. Indeed, the subjects here passed in review are so numerous and varied, and are so historically intricate, that an apology seems rather needed for venturing on such a line of inquiry at all, than for attaining a very imperfect degree of success in following it out The subject, however, seemed demanded by the necessities of the Church of England at the present moment. And to strengthen her position in this country, to point out the true meaning of her con- nexion with the State, and (if possible) to conciliate by explanations those who are conscientiously but, I think, under endless misapprehensions endeavouring to subvert her influence and to destroy her vantage- ground for doing good, such a task appeared to me a privilege of the very highest order, and an opportunity to be (at all hazards) accepted. For, as Gregory Nazi- anzen said of Constantinople, 1500 years ago, so an English Churchman may with still greater reason say of his own country at the present day : Et yap TO PREFACE. XI TT/S otKovjuevTjs 60a\fjiov, yfjs ical doXd-nys Kp&rurrov, Iwas T KOI e(T7reptou Ar^ecos oloy crvvfaaiiov, . . el TO Tavrrjv OTTJ- ptai re cat crOevGxTai roi? vyiaLvovcri Aoyot?, TWV ov /zeydAcov, cryo\r} y 1 ay aAAo rl (fravftr] /xe'ya Kdl . 325, faithfully held fast to both sides of 1 The extreme tendencies marked (a) in the following list denote those of a more intellectual or 'rationalistic' character: those marked (0) are of an imaginative or ' mystical' type. It is hoped that this rough sketch, though not strictly accurate in detail (especially in No. VII.), may be at least suggestive of the truth in each case. APPENDIX A. 35 the ineffable mystery; and raised the whole question above the low levels of mere logical discussion, by pointing out that ' eternity ' and ' infinity ' were factors in the problem ; inasmuch as He was ' begotten from everlasting of the Father." FOURTH DISSENSION (Fifth Century) : the 'Free-will' controversy, a. The Pelagians. | ft. The Fatalists. The difficulty arose as to where the line should be drawn at which human agency, in the soul's redemption, ended and divine agency began. The Church virtually decided that, in a question lying so deep among spiritual mysteries, no line could be drawn at all by human reason. FIFTH DISSENSION (Fifth Century): the 'Incarnation' controversy. a. The Nestorians. | ft. The Eutychians. This opened the question, how can we form any clear conception of a God-man? The Church again replied by holding fast to both sides of the mysterious truth ; and combining them under the conception of a single ' personality ' in Christ. SIXTH DISSENSION (Eighth Century) : the Iconoclastic' controversy. o. The Iconoclasts. ft. Image-worshippers. Christendom has now entered the dark night of Barbaric invasion. Saracenic baldness and sterility infect the Eastern Church; Gothic rude- ness and ignorance deluge the Western Church. The unity of East and West sinks henceforth into abeyance ; and, in default of unity, only pro- visional and local settlements become possible. In the West, images are restored ; in the East, pictures only. SEVENTH DISSENSION (Ninth Century) : the 'Sacramental' controversy. a. The Greeks regard them rather I ft. The Latins rather as mysterious as ' symbols.' ' realities.' Again no permanent decision was possible; and the Western Church, lacking balance from the East, fell into great superstitions. D2 36 APPENDIX A. EIGHTH DISSENSION (Eleventh Century): the 'Scholastic' controversy. o. Nominalists. | . Realists. The question was one of subtle logic and word-fence ; training mankind to grapple with the new facts, both in nature and history, which would ere long be presented to it. The Nominalists following Aristotle denned generic expressions (such as ' animal,' ' plant,' &c.) as merely mental conceptions in man ; the Realists following Plato thought of them as true, though ideal, realities in God. The Latin Church leaned strongly towards Realism. In theology, the controversies concerning the Trinity and the Eucharist were those mainly affected by this, essentially logical, dissension. NINTH DISSENSION (Fifteenth Century) : the 'Church-reform' controversy. a. The Puritans. | 0. The Romanists. On this question the Western Church split yet farther into pieces. The German races favoured the more prosaic and ethical view of the Church ; the Latin race preferred a striking and organized unity. TENTH DISSENSION (Nineteenth Century): the 'Church-and-State' controversy. a. The Independents. | 0. The Ultramontanes. This is the dissension with which the Church has to deal at the present day. LECTURE II. THE INDEPENDENTS. A.D. 1568. Leading Idea : ' Purity ' of the Church, especially in its external relations. Method adopted : Dissolution of the Ecclesiastical Polity into a multitude of small republics. Aia fUKpat icai Tv\ovaai alrica, TO (*tya KCU tvoofov "Saipa TOV Xptorov ital ooov TO (if aiiTois dvaipovvras. (Irenaeus, iv. 53. 7.) CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. 100. Gnostics, oppose the organized Church. 1 20. Marcion, especially, opposes St. John's arrangements in Asia Minor. 800. The Paulicians, in the East. 1 200. The Albigenses, &c. in the West. 1400. The Lollards, Hussites, &c. 1567. Independent (Dutch Anabaptist) meeting in London dispersed. 1568. First regular Independent congregation in London. 1571. Robert Browne appears in public. 1584. Queen Elizabeth exasperated: five Independents suffer. 1593. Capital punishments cease: Independents banished. 1596. First Independent 'Confession,' at Amsterdam. 1603. Independent petition for Toleration, to James I. 1616. Independents return to England from Holland. 1617. Selden's Book on Tithes. 1620. Pilgrim Fathers sail for America. 1641. Independent ' Meeting,' held openly in London. 1643. Westminster Assembly (five Independents present). 1645. Church of England overthrown and proscribed. 1653. Independent 'coup d'armee' Cromwell Protector. 1654. ' Triers ' (Presbyterians, Independents, Baptists) appointed, to superintend Church patronage. 1658. An Independent ' Establishment* attempted. 1662. Ejectment of Presbyterians, Independents, Baptists, from Church benefices. Venner's insurrection : Charles II. and James II. try to stamp out Dissent. 1672. Proposed comprehension of the Church with Presbyterians ami Independents (against James II. and Romanism). 1689. Toleration Act (Romanists and Unitarians excluded). Proposed comprehension once more: (a) of Church, Presbyterians, Independents ; () of Presbyterians and Independents : both fail. 1723. George I.'s 'regium donum' to English Dissenters. 1732. 'The Dissenting Deputies' (Presbyterians, Independents, Bap- tists) established. 1828. Test Acf repealed. 1868. Church Rates abolished. 1870. Irish Church disestablished. 1871. Attack on the English Church in Parliament defeated. LECTURE II. THE INDEPENDENTS. 'Submitting yourselves one to another, in the fear of God.' Epbes. v. 21. / HT"*HE first body of Dissenters which actually broke JL away from the Church of England was that of the Independents, or as they are now-a-days perhaps more intelligibly called the Congregationalists. Their un- happy separation began in Queen Elizabeth's reign, about A.D. I568 1 ; the whole question in dispute be- tween them and the Church being then, as it is still, essentially one of ' discipline,' or Church Polity. Disci- pline forms one of the three main departments, under which all Ecclesiastical affairs naturally range them- selves. For if it be true that the Church is a great or- ganized educational institution, first, it must needs have a certain external government or discipline : secondly, it must authorize a certain symbolism or ritual, to touch and enkindle men's imaginations : thirdly,^ must deter- mine, at least in outline, a certain type of doctrine which it shall address to their intellect. 1 ' It is now clearly established that an Independent Church, of which Rich. Fitz was pastor, existed in 1568.' (Skeats, Free Churches, p. 22.) 40 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. With the two latter departments, however, we shall have, in the present Lecture, nothing to do. The In- dependent system does not concern itself with either Ritual or Doctrine. For instance, the first rule of the Congregational Union of England and Wales 2 recog- nizes, ' as the distinctive principle of Congregational Churches, the Scriptural right of every separate Church to maintain perfect independence in the government and administration of its own affairs 3 .' 'The distinc- tive principle of Congregationalism,' says another ex- ponent of its views, 'is that a church... is complete in itself ; and that all questions of faith, discipline, and membership are to be settled by its members V Hence, adds a third writer, 'practically every church is at liberty to hold any theological opinions, and to adopt any mode of worship 5 .' It will, of course, be under- stood that in all these passages the word ' church ' simply means ' congregation.' And therefore the ques- tion of polity or discipline here raised by the Inde- pendents, is one of the greatest possible importance and interest. It is nothing less than the question, whether 2 ' In 1834, Voluntary Church asso- provide de novo, and amid a cloud of ciations began to be formed. The imaginary safeguards, precisely that whole machinery of popular agi- bond of ' union ' which the Church tation was put in motion and it ap- safely provided for her people more peared that English Dissent was, at than 1000 years ago. But then In- last, organized for the overthrow of dependency was expressly invented the Church Establishment It was to protest against such courses. That in the midst of this agitation that the safeguards are imaginary, let any the Congregational Union of Eng- one judge for himself, after reading land and Wales was established... 'The Rev. Brewin Grant's Autobio- At the first annual meeting in 18-13, grapby, 1869.' the Declaration [of the leading Ar- 3 Congregational Year-Boolt, 1871, tides of their faith and discipline] p. xi. was adopted.' (Skeats, Hist, of the * Cyclopaedia of Religious Denomi Free Churches, p. 589.) Whatever nations, p. 191. apologies may be made for such a 5 Religious Republics : six essays proceeding, no ingenuity can veil the on Congregationalism, 1869, p. u. obvious truth, that this is simply to II.] THEIR 'DISTINCTIVE PRINCIPLE.' 41 it be not right and according to the mind of Christ, to divide the great Society or Kingdom which He left in the world into a multitude of wholly independent bodies ? Whether the Unity, which all Christians agree to be a characteristic of His Church, be not a merely ideal, invisible and spiritual unity ; instead of a visible and organic unity ? And whether ' schism,' as Christendom had for 1500 years understood the word, be not (after all) a duty, rather than a sin, or, at all events, only a sin when accompanied by jealous and uncharitable feelings ? For ' schism,' says a Dissenting writer, ' is essentially alienation of heart between Christians, however it may arise ; manifesting itself in uncharitable, contentious conduct. This New Testament signification was given up for that of actual separation from a par- ticular church or bishop 6 .' The true answer to these questions will, it is hoped, appear by and by. We must now occupy ourselves with an inquiry into the origin and early history of this Denomination ; which, on its own political ground, has deservedly won its way to the front rank among all dissenting bodies ; and which frankly inscribes upon its banner * Dissent, for its own sake and as a principle, not as a make-shift or a necessity ?.* Now the cradle in which Independency was nurtured was the Non-conforming Puritanism of the sixteenth cen- tury 8 . And no one can enter one of its chapels at the Schism (a prize essay, 1838), p. to halt where the larger number 244. had agreed to rest. For the Prela- 7 Cyclopcedia of Religious Denomina- tical body disdained then, as now, to tions, p. 193. permit any co-operation on the part 8 Cf. Hanbury, Memorials of Inde- of the people, in disseminating Re- fendents. i. 6 : ' Among the controver- ligion by teaching ; or to admit them sies of the age, that which the Puri- to exercise any Ecclesiastical autho- tans instituted concerning the office rity. [A strange inaccuracy; when of Lay-eldership induced some. . not we think of (i) Churchwardens: (2) 42 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. present day, without being struck with the curious fact that here we have, preserved for us through all the in- numerable changes of 300 years, a specimen complete and perfect in almost all its parts of that very Ritual system, to impose which upon the Church of England our Puritan forefathers thought it worth while to suffer and die. A gleam of light is thus thrown on a passage of English history, which otherwise were more absolutely unintelligible and more intolerably tedious, than any other page in the 'long result of time.' And yet we must always carefully remember that Puritanism and Independency are not the same thing. The Puritan, properly so called, was nothing else than a Presbyterian^ His one eager all-absorbing passion was, to Calvinixc the Church of England. He longed to assimilate its Polity and Ritual, in all respects, to those of Scotland and Geneva. And so far from recommending 'separation,' or proclaiming ' Dissent for its own sake,' he strenuously resisted and cordially anathematized the Independents, for a whole century, on this very account ; and never threw in his lot with the Dissenting interest, till he was compelled to do so by his own ejection from the Church, in 1662. We must therefore accept with some reserve the claims advanced by modern Dissenters, as if these early Puritans belonged to their party ; and as if the sufferings of such men as Cartwright and Travers had Lay-patrons : (3) the power ex- Engrossment of power is the essence ercised by Parliament : (.4) Lay- of either system . . The raising of the courts of appeal : (5) the Supremacy discussions concerning the rights of of the Crown: to which we must the people in Church -membership, now add, (6) Lay-Synodsmen.] And could not but lead to the advocacy of the Presbyterians interpreted, on extending the boundary of Church- their part, the rights of the people, authority to its extreme limit, the by admitting only certain of them to whole Church.' a kind of coordinate jurisdiction. IL] AN OFFSHOOT FROM THE < PRESBYTERIANS: 43 borne witness to the modern principle of ' religious equality,' or even of common 'toleration.' In point of fact, every such principle was scouted by these men, as contrary to Scripture and an insult to common sense. All they cared for was, to set up a Presbyterian Church- Establishment in this country, and to maintain it against all comers by the sword of the magistrate and the fine of the judge. ' If the question be,' says Cart- wright in the sixteenth century, 'whether princes and magistrates be necessary in the Church, ... the use of them is more than of the sun, without which the world cannot stand 9 .' ' I abhor,' says Baxter in the seven- teenth century, ' unlimited liberty and toleration of all ; and think myself able to prove the wickedness of it 10 .' ' They,' says the Westminster Confession, ' who upon pretence of Christian liberty... shall maintain such erro- neous opinions or practices, as are destructive to the external peace and order of the Church, may lawfully be proceeded against, by the censures of the Church and by the power of the magistrate 11 .' What then, first of all, was the history and meaning of this Puritan or Pres- byterian faction, which grew up in the sixteenth century within the Church of England, and from which the Independents afterwards took their rise ? I. To trace back to their springs the tiny rivulets of a gathering discontent is always a difficult task. And for a complete and thorough survey of this whole sub- ject, we should probably have to search among the records of the earliest Norman kings ; when the hier- archy first established itself in this country on the con- tinental model, as a separate, allied, and, ere long, rival * Reply to Wbitgift (1573), 4. Cramp, Baptist History, p. 269. 10 Plain Scripture Proof, p. 246 : u Weslm. Conf. p. 65. quoted in Neal, Svppl. iii. 368 : and 44 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. body beside the state 12 . Nay, it might be necessary to go still farther back ; and to disinter from amid the obscurities of Anglo-Saxon times, such relics as might remain of those looser Celtic organizations 13 , which were ere long superseded by the strong hand of a Theodore or a Dunstan, under the civilizing in- fluence of the great Roman bishop who had virtually succeeded to the Caesar's throne. For victorious as, in such cases, the party of order may at first be, there are sure to be left behind some seeds of secret dissatisfac- tion and a tenacious tradition of former liberty, such as no vigilance or tyranny, however unscrupulous, is ever able wholly to suppress. And when at last the restrain- ing authority culminates and totters to its fall, the curious spectacle is often seen of reversion to the older and long latent set of ideas 14 . Reforms are then attempted. Unwisely stifled, they assume the more menacing and explosive character of a revolution. And at length, amid u Previously, in Anglo-Saxon as the strong grasp of Norman times, they had been thoroughly feudalism and Norman popery be- confused together. (Cf. Lappenberg, came relaxed. Compare Thierry, History of England, i. 192, 200 [Eng. Norman Conquest, ii. 382: 'These Trans.] ; Creasy, History of the Consti- acts [the enfranchisement of serfs], tution, p. 52 ; Ilallam, Middle Ages, very frequent in the period we p. 338.) have referred to [after A. D. 1381], 18 See Montalembert, Monks of the and of which we find no instance in West, iii. 1 86 : 'At that period of preceding centuries, indicate the the ecclesiastical history of the Celtic birth of a new public spirit opposed nations, the Episcopate was entirely to the violent results of the Con- in the shade. The abbots and monks quest." And Montalembert, Monks alone appear to be great and in- of the West, iii. 457, who thus explains flucntial ; and the successors of the failure of the Roman mission to Columba long retained this singular England in the seventh century : supremacy over Bishops.' ' Perhaps they had not understood 11 The culmination of the over- the national character of the Anglo- organized Papal system took place Saxons; and did not know how to about A.D. 1300, under Boniface VIII. gain and master their minds, by re- From that moment it hastened to- conciling their own Italian customs wards its fall : and then in England, and ideas with the roughness, the as elsewhere, many new ideas and independence, the manly energy of tendencies suddenly came to light, the populations of the German race.' .H.] HISTORY OF THE PRESBYTERIANS. 45 the chaos which follows, any strong man is hailed as the benefactor and saviour of his times, who can strike out some theory, erect some banner, round which men will rally once more, and for the sake of which they will con- sent to forego the dear, but short-lived, joys of anarchy. Such a theorist and constitution-maker arose in the sixteenth century in France, that ever-fertile seed-plot in all ages down to our own of theories too logical for realization, and of paper-systems too complete to overcome in practice the friction of their own elaborate machinery. This saviour of bewildered Protestantism in the sixteenth century was John Calvin. He was a French layman, of ecclesiastical parentage and of legal educa- tion. And the tone and general character of his mind cannot be better gauged, than by the fact that at the early age of twenty-six, he drew out a finished tran- script of all the opinions that he then held ; and that this work, 'The Institutes of the Christian Religion,' served him, without any material alteration, to the end of a long life, as the expression of his matured judgment on all religious and ecclesiastical questions 15 . To such a man as this, starting with the postulate which to the mind of that age seemed quite beyond dispute, viz. that in the true infallibility of the Bible was to be found the counterpoise and antidote for the false infallibility claimed by the Pope, nothing pro- bably seemed easier than to search for and to find, amid the pages of the inspired New Testament, a positively Divine Church-polity. The passage ultimately fixed upon was Eph. iv. n: 'And He gave some apostles, and some prophets, and some evangelists, and some pastors and teachers, for the perfecting of the saints, 15 Dyer, Life of Calvin, p. 34. THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. for the work of the ministry, for the edifying of the body of Christ : till we all come, in the unity of the faith and of the knowledge of the Son of God, unto a perfect man, unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ.' Here Calvin persuaded himself that he had found precisely what was wanted 16 . Here lay before his eyes the long-forgotten charter of the Christian Church. Here shone out, at length, the jewel which the keen eyes of students for fifteen hundred years had over- looked ; which saints and fathers and schoolmen had missed ; but which suited marvellously with a little manipulation the very peculiar needs of Calvin's State- Church at Geneva. For there, as in so many reforming countries at that time, no Bishop was to be had n . The Bishop had fled 16 Calvin, Instil. Christ. Relig. iv. 3, 4 : ' Qui Ecclesiae regimini secund- um Christi institutionem prsesunt, nominantur a Paulo " primum Apo- stoli," &c. Ex quibus duo tantum ultimi ordinarium in Ecclesii munus habent : reliquos tres initio regni sui Dominus excitavit . . " Doctores " nee disciplines, nee sacramentorum ad- ministrationi, nee monitionibus aut exhortationibus prtesunt, sed Scrip- tures tantiim interpretation!. " Pas- torale " ver6 munus hsac omnia in se continet.' Cf. Hooker, Eccl. Pol. v. 78. 8 : ' I beseech them which have hitherto troubled the Church with questions about degrees and offices of ecclesiastical calling, because they principally ground themselves upon two places [viz. i Cor. xii. 28 : " God hath set some in the Church, first, apostles, secondarily, prophets, thirdly, teachers, after that miracles," &c. ; and Eph. iv. n] ; that, all par- tiality laid aside, they would sincerely weigh and examine whether they have not misinterpreted both places ; and all by surmising incompatible offices, where nothing is meant but sundry graces, gifts, and abilities, which Christ bestowed.' 17 The remarkable unanimity with which the Continental Bishops post- poned every other consideration to their allegiance to the Pope, was at least intelligible, if not excusable, in the sixteenth century [see Lect. III.]. But what are we to say to a similar spectacle, which bids fair to be presented to us, in the latter half of the nineteenth century 1 The only explanation of such conduct is prob- ably to be found in a circumstance to which attention was drawn by the Rev. E. Ffoulkes, at the Nottingham Church Congress, 1871: 'The key- stone of the whole fabric consists in the oath taken by every Roman Ca- tholic bishop at his consecration, not merely to uphold, but to augment, the privileges of his suzerain, or liege lord, by every means in his power.' This fatal oath was first imposed by Pope Gregory II. on Abp. Boniface, the English ' Apostle of Germany,' in A.D. 723. (Reichel, See of Rome, p. 52.) II.] CALVIN, FOUNDER OF PRESBYTERIANISM. 47 from his post ; and had left Geneva to democracy and chaos. And the lay-dictator Calvin had then, like a second Moses, rescued the community from disorder and given them a law, whose Puritan severity repressed all the symptoms of vice, without destroying it at the root. He had barred the Bishop's return ; he had imposed the most stringent restraints upon the press 18 , and indeed upon the private utterance of any opinion in contradiction to his own ; and he had vigorously excluded all errant preachers of the Gospel, except those of his own appointment, from the pulpits of his Church 19 . And although it was. unfortunate, that bishops, authors, and unattached preachers should happen to be the precise modern counterparts of ' apostles, prophets, and evangelists,' in Eph. iv. 1 1 ; and inconvenient, that there should be no mention whatever in this all-conclusive passage either of ' ruling Lay- elders,' or of a Christian Moses, or of 'Lay-deacons' charged solely with the financial business of the Church ; still these difficulties could perhaps be got over by a little intrepidity. And the remark was accordingly hazarded, that the first three offices mentioned in that passage were all of a temporary character, and had died out with the Apostolic age 20 : while, for the lay-govern- ment of the Church, other texts could, no doubt, easily be found. Had not St. Paul said, ' let the elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour 21 ' ? it being forgotten that the verse continues, 'especially they that labour in the word and doctrine! And did not the primitive Church ' look out seven men of honest report, whom we may set over this business 22 ' ? viz. of serving 18 Dyer, p. 144. " Ibid. p. 138. 20 Calvin, supra, note 16. a i Tim. v. 17. M Actsvi. 3. 48 THE INDEPENDENTS. [ L ECT. tables, the fact being overlooked that they were there- upon immediately ordained with imposition of hands, and that they presently appear as ' evangelists 23 ,' ' preaching Christ 24 ' to the people. . , Thus, even should we concede the extravagant hypo- thesis, that the Bible was intended to impose on man- kind an infallible and unchangeable ecclesiastical polity 25 , even then, Calvin's Presbyterian scheme breaks down at all points. Confronted with Scripture, it is shown to be entirely unscriptural. Confronted with Church history it appears to be an unheard-of novelty, the offspring of one man's over-confident brain. Confronted with the ordinary facts of human life and of the world not as they ought to be, but as they actually are in England, within a century, it utterly broke down and disappeared : in Scotland, its adherents have split up into two or three irreconcileable fragments 26 : in Ireland, it is thought to be preparing for transformation into a moderate Episco- pacy : in France, it has never succeeded in gaining one inch of ground since the great Religious wars : and in Geneva itself, it is reported to have lost all hold over a community which is, at present, almost equally divided between Socinianism and Rome. B Acts xxi. 8. ** Ibid. viii. 5. states ought to be honoured and 25 Dyer, 141, 142. respected among men, so much ought * ' The writer will never forget the founders of sects and factions to the sense of disenchantment with be detested and hated. . . Factions which he was struck, on actual sight subvert government, render laws im- of the effect [of the Free Kirk dis- potent, and beget the fiercest animo- ruption] in Scotland. Two churches, sities among men of the same nation, where one had been ; two rival com- who ought to give mutual assistance munities in every parish ; a sudden and protection to each other. And rent which tore the whole land what should render the founders of asunder, and weakened and embit- parties more odious, is the difficulty tered both sides.' (Blackwoocfs Maga- of extirpating these weeds, when once zine, April, 1871, p. 454.) Surely they have taken root in any state. the bitter indignation of Hume is ex- They naturally propagate themselves cusable, when he exclaims : ' As for many centuries.' (Hume, Essays, much as legislators and founders of i. 71.) n.] RETURN OF THE EXILES. 49 And yet, amid the confusions of the sixteenth century, this impracticable system which unites the faults and misses the advantages of both Episcopacy and Congre- gationalism alike exercised a sort of fascination upon the minds of a great many good, and even able, men. In England, no doubt, Lollardism had long been secretly paving the way for its reception. For among the tenets maintained by the disciples of Wycliffe was the theory ' that Presbyters had as good right as Bishops to create new Presbyters ; and indeed that every Presbyter had as much power to confer the sacraments of the Church as the Pope himself 27 .' Accordingly, when the refugees who in 1539 had escaped abroad from the sharp edge of Henry the Eighth's ' six articles,' and had returned under Edward VI., found themselves driven a second time into exile under Queen Mary, the sight of Calvin's strong and tranquil ' discipline ' at Geneva smote them with a kind of passionate love. Unable, as foreigners, to pene- trate far below the surface of Swiss and German society 28 , and forgetful of the petty scale (both as to time and space) on which the experiment had as yet been tried, they surrendered themselves to the preci- pitate conclusion that what was good for the little town of Geneva, with Calvin for its dictator and pope, must needs be equally good for the great realm of England, with neither dictator nor pope. And on their return to England, on the accession of Queen Elizabeth, the more 27 Gieseler, Church Hist., iv. 254. gine that Calvin did nothing but 28 Grindal, alone among the exiles, good, I could produce our registers, seems to have learnt the language of covered with records of illegitimate the people (German) among whom children which were exposed in all he was cast. (Strype, Grindal, p. 13.) parts of the town and country; The rest used Latin as their means of hideous trials for obscenity ; . . bun- communication. For the true state dies of lawsuits between brothers; of society at Geneva, under Calvin's heaps of secret negotiations ; men rigorous discipline, see Galiffe ap. and women burnt for witchcraft ; sen- Dyer, p. 153: 'To those who ima- tences of death in frightful numbers.' E 50 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. advanced and headstrong Calvinists lost no time in broaching their opinions, and in beginning that fatal intestine conflict within the National Church, which culminated during the great Rebellion ; and which issued not, as they desired, in a Presbyterian Estab- lishment but in their own conquest and effacement by the ' Sectaries ' whom they most vehemently re- sisted and abhorred 29 . It was Travers, evening lecturer at the Temple in London, and Cartwright, Margaret Professor of Divinity in Cambridge, who made themselves the chief exponents of Calvin's system for England. Both were able men ; the one especially excelling as a preacher, the other as a writer. They had both been Fellows together at Trinity College, Cambridge; both had thrown themselves en- thusiastically into the ultra-reforming movement which had, from quite the early part of the century, found its greatest impetus from that University ; both had fallen under the lash of Whitgift, then Master of the College, afterwards Elizabeth's disciplinarian Archbishop of Can- terbury; and both had visited Geneva, and witnessed there the only form of Protestant organization which had as yet been able to make head against the triple foes, whom every continental Calvinist most dreaded, viz. the Papists, the Lutherans, and the Anabaptists. The analogous foes whom Puritanism had to meet, and, if possible, to conquer in England were the Papists, the Anglicans, and the Sectaries. And so our own soil which might, surely, have hoped to escape so dreadful a calamity was henceforth, for a whole century, to be made the battle-field on which the contending French, Italian, and Dutch ecclesiastical ideas waged incessant warfare against each other and against the National Church. 38 Skeats, Free Cburcbes, p. 25. n.] POLITICAL CONFUSION. 51 No subject probably, in all history, presents such an entangled skein for the student to unravel, as the Elizabethan re-establishment of the Church in this country. On the one hand, the European politics of the time formed a seething chaos ; out of which emerged, a century later, at the peace of Westphalia, that approx- imate equilibrium called 'the balance of power.' And into the midst of that chaos England was irresistibly drawn. She was threatened by France on her front, in close alliance with Scotland on her rear 30 . Just as, on the larger continental scale, France was threatened by Germany on her front, in close union with Spain on her rear. Meanwhile, Ireland 31 formed (as usual, and what- ever policy might be on foot) a distracting element in every question for England ; just as Italy and the Pope have always formed a distracting complication for France. It was indeed, throughout the world, a time of travail and of teeming political confusion. The States-system of modern Europe had come to the birth. France had attained her puissant unity, the English being finally ejected from her soil. And now for some time, with her back to the Atlantic and the Pyrenees, she had been feeling for her true frontier eastward, towards Germany and Italy. Germany mean- while, with her antiquated confederation of feudal chief- tains under a nominal head, was already writhing in con- vulsive efforts to attain a similar unity, granted by Pro- vidence to England, France, and Spain, but denied to her for yet 300 years to come. Spain had cast out her intrusive Arabs, and with possessions as wide as those of England at the present day was garrisoning the Nether- lands like a fortress on the rear of France, not without a threatening aspect towards England beyond the narrow 80 Bumet, Reform., v. 325 (izmo. ed.). n Strype, Grindal, p. 206. E 2 52 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. seas. And England, amid this rapid formation of new states on such an imposing scale, had one great wish at heart, to secure herself hereafter from fatal diversions in her rear, by amalgamation, in some way and at almost any price, with her jealous and warlike neighbour, Scotland. And now, on the other hand, into this seething cup of political complications was poured the additional effer- vescence of religious discord. Athwart the great rolling billows of secular confusion, came pouring the cross-seas of Protestant and Papal strife. And lastly as the cul- minating misfortune for our country the all but despotic sceptre of Henry VIII. was now grasped by the hand of a young unmarried woman of twenty-six, subject to all the ebb and flow of feminine nature, with heart drawn one way and intellect another, daily endangered by a rival and probable successor, who was also a woman, and of opposite religion and superior personal charms to her own and besieged by the surmises, suggestions, and despairs of a people whose memories were haunted by the horrible ' Wars of the Roses ' about a disputed succession, and who had just had taste of a foreign consort upon their throne. Thus no one can deny that we have in the England of about A.D. 1560 as com- plicated a subject of study as the most valiant and enterprising historian could possibly desire to exercise his mind upon. It was in the midst of all these terrible distractions, and as if quite reckless of adding tenfold bitterness and fury to the already existing strife, that the Puritans, in the year 1564, broke out into open ecclesiastical rebellion. Up to this point, it seems, things had been left in great measure to take their own course, and the inrushing streams of foreign ideas were suffered to find their own level. The only important exercise of the II.] ECCLESIASTICAL CONFUSION. 53 Royal Supremacy which the Queen had yet ventured on, was the issue of the celebrated ' Injunctions to Clergy and Laity,' in 1559, the first year of her reign ; whereby the Protestant banner was once again publicly unfurled, and all men might know that the cruel burn- ings and butcheries, which had made the Pope's restored dominion a loathing and a horror to Englishmen for all future generations, were so long as she should reign absolutely at an end. Encouraged by the news, the exiles came flocking back from Lutheran Frankfort and Strasburg 32 , and from Calvinist Zurich and Geneva ; bringing with them the remembrance of sad con- tentions even there, about the respective claims of the English Prayer-book and of Calvin's Directory for Public Worship. And it seems the Calvinist party, on returning home, at once stiffly refused to conform 33 . sa Orig. Letters, p. 50 ; Zurich Letters, ii. 98 ; Dyer, 401. 33 There are three instructive letters to be seen near the end of ' The Troubles at Frankfort,' 1575 (Re- print, p. 1 86). They form the cor- respondence between the three main English settlements, at Geneva, Aarau [not far from Zurich], and Frankfort, amid the delightful ex- citements of preparing to return home. The Genevan party begin, Dec. 15, 1559, by a circular letter to Aarau and Frankfort, thus : ' To the intent that we might show our- selves mindful of this most wonderful and undeserved grace, we thought, among other things, how we might best serve to God's glory in this work and vocation of furthering the Gospel . . wherein, no doubt, we shall find many adversaries and stays. Yet if we, whose suffrance and persecutions are certain signs of our sound doctrine, hold fast to- gether, &c. For what can the Papist wish more, than that we should dissent one from another . . either for superfluous ceremonies or other like trifles, from the which God of His mercy hath delivered us ? . . most earnestly desiring you, that we may altogether teach and practise that true knowledge of God's word, which we have learned in this our banishment, and seen in the best Reformed Churches.' This letter is signed by John Knox, Goodman, Coverdale, Whittingham, and others ; all afterwards belonging to the extreme Puritan party. From Aarau there soon appeared a sympathizing answer : ' For the preaching and professing of sincere doctrine, so as we have seen and learned in the best Reformed Churches, we do gladly hear your advice.' This was signed by Lever, and three other moderate Puritans, all of whom were afterwards ordained by Grindal. From Frankfort, however, there came the following rebuff: To contend for ceremonies, where it shall lie neither in your hands or 54 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. A narrow and unstatesmanlike bigotry led them, even against the advice of Bullinger and Peter Martyr and Gualter at Zurich 34 nay, of Calvin himself at Geneva 35 to erect some mere trifling matters of ecclesiastical ceremony and arrangement which no human being desired to elevate into anything more than symbols of good order, and proofs of canonical obedience 36 into matters of morbid scruple and obstinate antipathy. The innocent and comely surplice (a garment so little super- stitious, that it clothes to this day, in Rome as well as England, choristers, sacristans, and lay-clerks) was ig- norantly stigmatized as sacerdotal. A similar anathema was laid on the cross in baptism, the ring in marriage and indeed on everything which appealed in the slightest degree to the imagination K7 , and redeemed the Church's service from the dead prosaic levels of a mere Genevan pulpit-ritual. All were confounded together as 'the marks of the beast,' ' the vestments of Baal,' ' the dregs of Antichrist.' In short, grown men like unruly boys in ours to appoint what they shall be which characterized the Puritans, than it shall be to small purpose. And ! their own recorded words concerning therefore, as we propose to submit ourselves to such orders as shall be established by authority, being not of themselves wicked, so we would wish you willingly to do.' Signed by Pilkington, Nowell, &c., most of whom, as better churchmen, received promotion afterwards. Cox and others had already left Frankfort. 136- Zurich Letters, i. 360, 363 ; ii. 39, Orig. Letters, ii 709. 86 ' Doth your lordship think that I care either for cap, tippet, surplice, wafer-bread, or any such? But for the law so established I esteem them.' (Abp. Parker to Cecil ; those beautiful legacies of the middle ages the cathedrals. ' I could wish those great temples . . had been de- molished from the beginning, and others more convenient for sermons and administration of the sacraments had been erected." (Beza, Colloq. ii. 29.) ' As for pompous cathedrals, that serve for little but to mind us of the superstition, ostentation, and vanity of former times, and to bolster up usurping prelates in their pride and lordliness, I have no more to say for them, but that it were well if, with the " high places," they were pulled down, and the materials thereof converted to a better use.' Strype, Parker, ii. 424.) (Nebustan, 1668, p. 73.) So too 87 Nothing can better 'display the Robinson, Reply to Jos. Hall, 1609, almost morbid want of imagination ap. Hanbury, i. 197. II.] THE PROTESTANT CAUSE IN PERIL. 55 a family seemed determined on these points to stake the question of a successful resistance to authority. They fixed upon these as the tests, by which should be de- termined who was to be master. They augured from these, what were the prospects of ultimate success for 'the cause,' in other words, for Presbyterianism, within the Episcopal Church of England. And now, after making their Church a laughing-stock of discord and confusion for four or five years to all Europe, they resented, with a fierce and gloomy fanaticism, the first touch of that very ecclesiastical 'discipline,' for which (in their own sense of the word) they had so long been loudly clamouring. It was indeed high time that something were done. For the Church of England was rapidly falling into pieces, and becoming a scandal and a weakness to the whole Protestant cause. Yet at this very moment the partisans of the Papacy were everywhere taking heart. Trent was just completing the re-organiza- tion of Neo-Romanism : France, under Charles IX., had already drawn the sword against the Huguenots : Spain, under the gloomy Philip II., was preparing her armies to crush out heresy and revolt in the Netherlands : Mary Queen of Scots was on the point of marrying Darnley, and opening the prospect of a Romanist succession to the united thrones of the two countries : and in England itself, the whole of the northern counties were already in that ferment of dis- quiet, which broke out shortly after in Northumberland's rebellion. Amid all these gathering indications of an impending Papal storm, what was the condition of the mainstay of Protestantism, the Church of England ? It can only be described in one word ; and that word is chaos. 5 6 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. The centre and focus of the whole disturbance was, at this time, the University of Cambridge. There the sturdy northern self-reliant spirit of individualism had for a long time found its most congenial home. There, even so early as 1528 38 , had been seen a little society of religious men, who (like the Wesleys, two hundred years later, at Oxford) encouraged each other in reading the Scriptures, in mutual confession, and similar pre- scribed acts of personal piety. They visited the prisoners at jails ; they preached anew the vital spiritual truths formerly enshrined, but now obscured, by the ritual and ceremonies of their Church ; and were, in short, engaged in reviving religion in England under its ancient forms. The names of twenty-seven of these men have been pre- served to us ; and just as the early Methodists obtained the honours of ridicule and of social persecution, so the house where these first English Lutherans met was nick- named 'Germany 39 .' And worse things than ridicule were not long in following. Three members of this society had perished at the stake under Queen Mary (Bilney, Latimer, and Bradford) ; one had succumbed to a fever caught in visiting the sick (Stafford) 40 ; and one, after being advanced to a Bishopric under Edward VI., was now under a cloud for his ultra-Puritanism (Cover- dale). One only had escaped unscathed : and he now sat on the archiepiscopal throne of Canterbury (Parker). But the return of the exiles from the continent, bringing with them the remembrance of the bitter feuds which had split them even there into three or four different sections, had generated a far more acrid and rebellious temper at Cambridge. And from thence the contagion had spread rapidly throughout the M Strype, Grindal, p. 32. s9 Strype, Parker, i. 12. 40 Strype, Grindal, p. 32. H.] PRESBYTERIAN INSUBORDINATION. 57 country. About this time (1564), the students at j St. John's College with one accord on the same day threw off their surplices, and in other ways took the ritual directions for divine service into their own hands 41 ; and after a sermon against painted windows, the zealots committed a great destruction of them and threatened more 42 . In London a clergyman named Crowley shut some surpliced singers out of his church, and created a riot 43 . At Canterbury Cathedral, the matins and evensong were sung daily at the communion table, the minister standing behind it facing the people ; while on Communion days, the table was set lengthwise, East and West, the celebrant and assistants wearing copes 44 . At Norwich Cathedral, the prebendaries not only altered the rubrics at pleasure, but had actually entered the choir and battered down the organ 45 . At Bury, the minister was about to give up his pastoral charge, rather than wear the usual college-cap, had not his own parishioners begged him not to be so foolish 46 . And even at Court, a chaplain to Lord Leicester or one of the great men about the Queen, ventured to appear in the common layman's dress of a hat and short cloak 47 . Indeed it may be said without exaggeration, that ' sys- tematic irreverence had intruded into the churches ; carelessness and irreligion had formed an unnatural alliance with Puritanism ; and in many places the altars were bare boards resting on tressels in the middle of the nave. The communicants knelt, stood, or sat as they pleased ; the chalice was the first cup that came to hand ; and the clergyman wore surplice, coat, black-gown, or their ordinary dress 48 .' 41 Strype, Parker, i. 390. * 5 Ibid. ii. 36. 42 Ibid. 382. K Ibid. 374. Ibid. 434. Ibid. 437. ** Ibid. 365. ** Froude, viii. 93 (A.D. 1564). 58 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. But it was something far more perilous than all this, that nobody even yet believed in the stability of the new order of things, or in the firmness of the Queen's intentions re- garding Protestantism. Five years had elapsed, and she still, against the remonstrances of her Bishops, retained the crucifix and lighted tapers in her private chapel 49 . She was known to have sent official notice of her acces- sion to the Pope. And though she had allowed a most scandalous public burning of roods, service-books, and figures of saints in Cheapside and other places, during Bartholomew fair, I559 50 , yet her Court favourites (Leicester especially) were allowed to protect Papists 51 , as well as to countenance every other person who could give annoyance and trouble to the Bishops ; while a scandalous pillage of Church goods and Church endowments was allowed to go on unrestrained, under her very eyes. Who can be surprised then, that ' now once more had come a reaction, like that which had welcomed Mary Tudor to the throne ;' that ' in quiet English homes there arose a passionate craving to be rid of all these things ; to breathe again the old air of reverence and piety ;' and that ' Calvinism and profanity were, like twin spirits of evil, making a road for another Mary to reach the English throne 62 .' It was to meet this very real danger that Elizabeth at last aroused herself; and in 1565 compelled her Bishops, much against their will, to declare that open war upon Puritan non-conformity, whose results, both for good and evil, have lasted down to our own day. In the August of the preceding year the spring was touched, which let loose all the elements of destruction. The Queen had made a progress to Cambridge. And for 49 Strype, Parker, i. 92. > Strype, Grindal, 37. n Rid. 113. w Froude, viii. 93. n.] FIRST MEASURES OF REPRESSION. 59 four days, owing to precautions which almost remind one of the Empress Catherine's journey amid pasteboard villages and scenic prosperity in Southern Russia, the shocking disorders of its long-standing Puritanism were concealed from her view. On the fifth day all was unintentionally revealed. A blasphemous pageant, in which a dog appeared carrying the Eucharist in its mouth, shocked and horrified the Queen beyond measure. She rose and hastily left the room. And she, no doubt, determined from that moment that duty both to God and man demanded of her a conscientious exercise of her visitatorial powers 53 as ' supreme governor' in all departments of the State ; and resolved that her vacilla- tion should no longer betray the Reformed Church of England to its ruin. In the following January, therefore (1565), she de- spatched a sharp letter to Archbishop Parker, severely rebuking him and the other Bishops for their remissness. There were differences of opinion, she said, differences of practice, differences in the rites used in her Churches, throughout the realm. ' We thought, until this pre- sent, that by the regard which you, being the Primate and Metropolitan, would have had hereto, . . these errors, 53 No great revolutions, either in time due to the imperial crown of Church or State, can possibly be this realm ; that is, under God, to accomplished without some mistakes have the sovereignty and rule over and temporary confusions. But that all manner of peisons born within this, and no more than this, is the these her realms . . so as no other true meaning of the 'royal supremacy,' foreign power shall or ought to have appears abundantly both from Queen any superiority over them:' (ap. Elizabeth's words and acts. E.g. in Lingard, vi. 325 ;) (2) a commission the very first year of her reign we issued to certain persons to visit, like have(i) an 'Admonition to simple Charlemagne's 'Missi,' the northern men, deceived by malicious : Her counties ; ' quoniam utrumque Regni Majesty neither hath, nor ever will, nostri statum, tam Ecclesiasticum challenge any other authority, than quam Laicum, visitare . . constitu- that . . which is and was of ancient imus,' (ap. Burnet, iv. 417.) 60 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. tending to breed some schism or deformity in the Church, should have been stayed and appeased. But perceiving very lately, and also certainly, that the same doth rather begin to increase than to stay or diminish, we consider- ing the authority given us of Almighty God for defence of the public peace, mean not to endure or suffer any longer these evils thus to proceed : . . that our people may thereby quietly honour and serve Almighty God in truth, concord, peace, and quietness ; and thereby also avoid the slanders that are spread abroad hereupon in foreign countries ^' But neither in Church nor State, neither in the mili- tary, the scholastic, nor any other profession, can disci- pline be thus sharply and suddenly braced up, after a long period of relaxation and confusion, without serious sacrifices and losses. And in the present instance, the first sacrifice which the Queen's abruptness demanded was that of the peace, the reputation, the pastoral influ- ence, the personal feelings, and all but of the conscience, of the bishops. Archbishop Parker implored Cecil ' not to strain the cord too tightly;' and if he must act, requested an express letter from the Queen as his authority for enforcing her commands. 'Neither a letter from herself however, nor assistance in any form from the government would Elizabeth allow to be given. The bishops should deliver their tale of bricks, but they should have no straw to burn them . . . Never were human beings in a more cruel position. Elizabeth sat still in malicious enjoyment of the torture which she was inflicting. The Archbishop warned Cecil of the inevitable consequences . . and, driven as he was against his will to these unwise extremities, he again 84 Strype, Life of Parker, iii. 67. II.] ' ARCHBISHOP PARKER'S RELUCTANCE. 6 1 entreated that some member of the Council might be joined in commission with him. On this last point Eli- zabeth would yield nothing 55 .' What wonder that Parker should write about this time [1566], ' Can it be thought that I alone, having sun and moon against me, can com- pass this difficulty ? . . I shall not report how I am used of many men's hands. I commit all to God. If I die in the cause (malice so far prevailing), I shall commit my soul to God in a good conscience 56 .' What wonder that he should again and again warn the government ' in hac causa ne nimium tendas funiculum 67 :' or that he should, like Hooker, a few years later foresee, ' how secure soever the nobility [Leicester, Sir F. Knollys, &c.] were of the Puritans, and countenanced them against the bishops, . . all that these men tended towards was to the overthrow of all of an honourable quality and the setting afoot of a Commonwealth 58 .' And yet it is of this man, a kind- hearted, loyal, and courageous Englishman, an orderly and law-abiding man, a lover of books and of peaceful studies 59 , an earnest remonstrant against all harsh mea- sures, and a Protestant from his early youth (set. 16 or 17) at Cambridge 60 , that a partisan historian writes, ' Parker had seceded from Rome, and retained the fero- city of an Inquisitor 61 :' and another, out-H eroding Herod, ventures to add that he was ' a hot-headed, into- lerant, arbitrary and vindictive man . . He shocked the statesmen of his age and at last shocked Elizabeth herself. Not being an ecclesiastic, there was a limit to her capacity for creating and afterwards enjoying the sight of human suffering. There was no such limit 55 Froude, viii. 134. w Ibid, passim. 54 Strype, Parker, ii. 453. * Ibid. w Ibid. i. 322. 61 Fletcher, Hist, of Independency, M Ibid. ii. 323 : cf. Hooker, iv. 8, 4. ii. 100. 62 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. in Parker. The jackal's appetite was for once stronger even than that of the lioness 62 .' Unhappily, language of this unpardonable kind has, from the very beginning, disgraced the Puritan cause. In praise of its own system and its own partisans, no encomiums could ever soar too high. 'It claimed a higher Scriptural authority for Presbyterianism,' says a Wesleyan writer, 'than its Episcopal antagonists asserted for prelacy itself 63 .' Its adherents were always 'the godly,' ' the elect,' ' the truly religious,' ' God's dear chil- dren.' But in describing its adversaries, however con- scientious they might be, no words could be too scur- rilous, no abuse too shocking. So that even Archbishop Grindal, himself a Puritan, 'when at length he saw that no other means would bring them to obedience, approved of restraint, especially of the heads of the faction, whom he styled " fanatical and incurable 6 V ' Even Bullinger, the Calvinist pastor at Zurich, to whom they themselves were constantly appealing writes in 1567 to Beza, (Calvin's successor at Geneva), 'Sampson never wrote a letter without rilling it with grievances, the man is never satisfied . . . when he was here, I used to get rid of him in a friendly way, as well knowing him to be a man of a captious and unquiet disposition. England has many characters of this sort, who cannot be at rest and can never be satisfied 65 .' Again, five months later, he writes : ' It certainly appears from the conversation of 82 Skeats, History of Free Churches confounded together the characters of England, p. 14. It is impossible of Parker and \Vhitgift. not to suspect that this writer, who * Stevens, History of Methodism, supports the above statement by a i. 21. solitary reference to a letter in Strype ** Strype, Grindal, p. 448. which he misunderstands, and who K Zurich Letters, ii. 152. Sampson [p. 15, second edit] makes Cart- was a Puritan Dean of Christ Church, wright an Oxford man, has here Oxford. II.] PRESBYTERIAN RESISTANCE. 63 these men that their minds are entirely set against the Bishops ; for they can scarcely say anything respecting them but what is painted in the blackest colours, and savours of an odium Vatinianum? Such being the temper of the English Puritans, as attested by their own firmest friends and co-religionists, we cannot be surprised that Elizabeth's first attempt, in 1565, to tighten the reins of ecclesiastical discipline was met with a storm of abuse and resistance. The Puritans looked round in all quarters indiscriminately for help and support. They appealed to the foreigner : they appealed to the Parliament : they appealed to their friends in the Queen's Council : they appealed to the common law courts. One thing alone seems never to have struck them : viz. the simple duty of obedience to their Church in trifles, and the good policy of presenting an unbroken front to the common enemy, Popery, which was watch- ing to destroy them all 67 . Such duties, even when in- culcated repeatedly by the foreigners to whom they appealed, were repudiated with scorn. In fact, the dif- ference between the Anglicans and the Puritans at this time, narrow as it may seem, was as deep as it was narrow. The former obeyed in trifles, because they re- cognized the right of ecclesiastical authority to command in all things left open by God ; the latter rebelled in trifles, because they recognized no right in any mortal 66 Zurich Letters, ii. 155. Vatinius a letter in which Hollingham, Cole- was a person celebrated in Cicero's man and Benson are mentioned, as time for his scurrility and abusiveness. persons employed to sow faction 67 There is good reason to believe among the heretics. Yet these three that some of those who appeared at persons are unsuspectingly described this time to be the most violent Puri- by Fuller, Church History, ix. 81 : by tans, were really Jesuits in disguise. Heylin, Hist. Presbyt. xvi. 257: and In 1569, one Heath, a Jesuit, was by Camden, Annals, 1568, as violent summoned before the Bishop of Puritans. (Cf. Stillingfleet's Unrea- Rochester ; and on him was found sonableness of Scbism, p. xiii.) 64 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. man to impose anything in religion, which God had not expressly commanded 68 . The tendency of the Angli- cans, therefore, at this time, was to join the German Re- formers; who found their temporary fulcrum of resist- ance to the Papacy in the civil power, while they ap- pealed in the long run to a future Ecclesiastical Council. The tendency of the Puritans, on the other hand, was to ally themselves closely with the French and Swiss Calvinists ; and with them to make their sole appeal to Scripture, as interpreted by each man's individual reason and conscience. The one system based itself on men's duties : the other, on men's rights. Yet the one, which looked at first sight more like servitude, has been proved to favour liberty ; for it has swung freely to an anchor placed in the far future. It has ever looked forward to a prospective re-arrangement of the Church's affairs by a Council, wherein the voice of other people's opinions would have to be heard, and where the standing and traditional precedents of Christendom should form the acknowledged common ground for a mutual agreement. The other, or French system, though looking at first more like liberty, has been found in practice to favour mental servitude. For the 68 This extravagant assertion of thoughtless claim appears to be urged the rights of the individual con- still, without any limitations, in cer- science must, if allowed, render all tain circles. ' The question at issue government whether civil or reli- really was, whether conscience be gious impossible. An infallible it well or ill informed must submit Pope claims to judge, without ap- to the authority of men, or be subject peal, what matters fall within the to the authority of God only . . . For area of his infallibility. And an this conduct, instead of being re- infallible ' conscience ' must needs do preached as narrow-minded and the same. Why then should not a bigoted sectarians, who involved the Quaker plead conscience against nation in blood and mischief for paying taxes for the support of the trifles, they deserve to be had in army ? Why should a ' conscientious everlasting remembrance, as sufferers objector' to the late Education Act for pure and undefiled religion.' have distraint put upon his goods? (Orme, L\fe of Baxter, 1830, p. Where shall we stop? Yet this 192.) H. ] PRESB YTERIAN DOGMA TISM. 6 5 obedience claimed for the mere letter of a book, be- comes ere long inevitably transferred to the interpreters of that book ; and the despotism of a Pope, who may at least die and be changed for another and a better man, is simply replaced by the despotism of an oli- garchy whose watchful dogmatism never dies ; whose antiquated traditions soon come to be held up to vene- ration as ' the truth ;' and whose tyranny leaves open no way of escape, or of thinking and breathing freely, as a Christian ought to do, except one way and that is the way of secession, the principle of an absolute indi- vidualism, the method of Congregational or even personal Independency. And that way the Englishmen of the sixteenth cen- tury, confused and deafened by the noisy clamour of a Puritanism which could never make up its mind either to conform or to secede, were not long in finding out. And in finding it, no one surely can deny that the Inde- pendents, however terribly mistaken they may be in their first principles of ecclesiastical action and in push- ing the 'idea of men's 'Rights' to an absolutely revolu- tionary extreme, af least found their way out into the open daylight of honesty and common sense. For if the Independent refuses to conform, secedes from the Church, and then fights a long and vigorous battle for complete political and social toleration, barring the first false step, he is a man worthy of all respect and honour. The complete toleration he valiantly demands, he has a perfect political right to attain. Nor will he fail, in the course of its attainment, to teach his country, and even the Church which he has left, some valuable lessons of liberty ; until the time shall come that he will learn from her, in his turn, the inestimable value of Christian obedience, and the invincible strength gained F 66 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. by ecclesiastical cohesion ; and shall see how far grander and more Christ-like a thing it is to bend one's will to public Duty, than to stand stiffly and jealously upon one's private Rights"". We have reached then the point at which Indepen- dency broke off from its parent, Presbyterian noncon- formity. And the farther history of Presbyterianism within the Church of England may now be very briefly told. Foiled at all points, during the later years of Queen Elizabeth, by the indefatigable ability and deter- mination of Archbishop Whitgift, and passing restlessly (as is the wont of a weaker party) from one subject and method of controversy to another 70 , they naturally looked forward, with hopes raised to the highest pitch of excitement, to the day, now rapidly approaching, which should place a Scotch Presbyterian prince upon the united throne of both kingdoms. And in fact, James I. had hardly crossed the border in 1603, ere he was encountered by a deputation of grave Puritans, bringing with them the so-called Millenary petition, signed by 800 non-conforming ' Ministers of the Church of England.' They had, however, much miscalculated the effect which a long and near acquaintance with Presbyterianism had produced upon that shrewd king's mind. And instead of an intention to assimilate the * 9 This lesson is inculcated not only . . ' let this mind be in you, which by the text which stands at the head was also in Christ Jesus,' . . of this Lecture, but by a hundred 70 Cf. Tertullian's description of other passages of Holy Scripture. I the Dissenters in his own time : ' k cannot forbear, however, pointing regulis suis variant inter se; dum out one noble, profound, and deeply unusquisque proinde suo arbitrio touching appeal in St. Paul's Epistle modulatur qua aCcepit . . . Penitus to the Philippians, which ought to inspectse, hroreses omnes in multis put all 'dissent for dissenting's sake* cum auctoribus suis dissentientes to crimson shame and confusion of deprehenduntur.' (De Prcescr. Hur. face. It is the passage, Phil. ii. 1-14: 42.) II ] PRESBYTERIANISM DIES OUT IN ENGLAND. 67 English Church to that of Scotland, they soon found reason to suspect, in this Scottish dynasty, a fixed pur- pose to reform the Northern Church itself after the Southern model. And henceforth, although the poli- tical struggle against despotism was begun (it is true) by Churchmen, and the Long Parliament of 1640 was Episcopalian almost to a man 71 , bitterness and tenacity were added to the civil strife by the whole force of Ecclesiastical Puritanism being thrown into the ranks of the opposition. Till at last, in 1646 a Presbyterian army held Charles I. prisoner ; a Presbyterian House of Commons ruled the country ; a Presbyterian assembly sat supreme at Westminster ; and within one hair's breadth a Presbyterian Church was established and endowed in this country, and the long-desired, union with 'the best reformed Churches on the continent' was all but completed. But by that hair's breadth we were saved. And, through the agency of the Inde- pendents, a calamity was averted which, in all human probability, would long before this time have cast back the majority of the English people into the arms of Rome. Ere twenty years were past, the Presbyterians were themselves ejected) together with all trie promis- cuous crowd of Dissenters who had occupied the parson- ' ages and parish churches throughout England 72 . And 71 Skeats, p. 49. seditions, ejectments, and a merci- 72 This ejectment of 1662, of which less wielding of all social, legal, so much has been made, was simply and even physical methods of of- one in a series of similar events, fence. Thus, in the twenty years For religious quarrels (unchecked by preceding 1662, we have in 1641, good sense) have always taken the the ' Protestation ' imposed upon all same course, whether on the large Englishmen, against Charles I. by European scale or on the small one the Churchmen of the Long Parlia- of a single country or even parish, meut: in 1643, the 'solemn League First comes a preliminary skirmish and Covenant' imposed upon the with literary weapons ; and then fol- whole nation, by the Presbyterians : lows a miserable warfare of per- in 1649, the 'Engagement' an F2 68 THE INDEPENDENTS, [LECT. we may now leave these non-conforming Presbyterian officers of an Episcopalian Church, and pass over to the history of those more sturdy and honest Englishmen, of uncompromising Calvinist opinions, who conscious that the Church was not really Calvinist, and that to make her so was simply an impossibility took at once the only manly course open to them, viz. that of secession from her ranks. II. The first person who ventured openly to take this decisive step was the Rev. Robert Browne. He was a Cambridge man, regularly ordained, and now (about 1570) was keeping a school in South wark. He felt, no doubt, emboldened by having a powerful friend at court, no less a person than Lord Burleigh, his kinsman and the Queen's great adviser, especially in ecclesiastical affairs. He was an able, though a turbulent and impracticable person. His books and pamphlets formed for a long time the arsenal, whence the controversial weapons of his party were procured 73 : and he is acknowledged by oath to maintain 'the existing state purposes, absolutely worthless. In of things, viz. a government by London, e. g., he represents the eject- Parliament without either King or ments as amounting to 293 : the Lords, imposed on all England by truth being that, on the highest pos- the Independents. If any minister sible computation, they only amount refused it, he was instantly de- to 127. In Essex, more than half prived ; and many of the Presby- the cases which stand upon his roll terian clergy suffered accordingly, were not true cases of ejectment. Reynolds, among the rest, being In Hertfordshire, four-fifths of his deprived of his deanery of Christ list disappear under investigation. Church. (Cf. Carwithen, Church In short, there is every reason to History, ii. 127, &c.). As to the believe that unbiassed inquiry would number of Nonconformists who were strike off from the celebrated cata- really ejected in 1662, Dissenting logue of ' 2000 confessors' no less writers appear to have been guilty than 1 200 names. of the most incredible exaggerations. 7S ' He deserveth to have the hon- A careful examination has lately our, if any be ; and to be called the been made of Calamy's list, on which Captain and master of them all. the whole of the ' bicentenary ' rhe- They have all their furniture from toric was founded. It turns out him : they do but open his pack, that his History is, for all statistical and display his wares : they have II.] THE INDEPENDENTS SECEDE. 6g the latest Independent historians to have held all the views which distinguish the denomination at this mo- ment, with one important exception, viz. that he had no idea of what we now mean by ' toleration? This exception, however, is (as it happens) of the greatest possible interest to us. For it is just this question of toleration or, as it has now come to be worded, ' religious equality,' which has grown in our own days to be the grand battle-flag of the whole Independent body. And endless are the appeals to our indignation, to our pity, to our admiration, in be- half of a denomination which we are led to suppose has from the earliest times, loyally and amid innu- merable sufferings, preached that doctrine which the superior wisdom of the present age now at last re- cognizes as the truth 74 . And yet, here we are met, at the very outset of their history, with the startling fact that the founder himself and not only the foun- der, but all the earliest champions and martyrs of Independency as earnestly repudiated 'toleration,' as the Churchmen and Presbyterians, and perhaps every human being at that period, repudiated it. Yes : in- tolerance formed part of the very atmosphere of those times ; and no one not Luther or Calvin or Cranmer or Cartwright 75 could escape its subtle infection. The not a sharp arrow, which is not the civil magistrate.' (Essays, ii. 438.) drawn out of his quiver.' (Giffard, 7S Luther invoked the civil sword Short Treatise against the Brcwnists, against the Anabaptists : Calvin 1 590 : preface, ap. Hanbury, i. 50.) burnt Servetus : Cranmer burnt Jane 74 Hume credits no ' denomina- Bouchier : and of Cartwright, a Dis- , tion,' if left to itself, with the senting writer says, ' Parker and virtue of toleration. He says : ' If, Whitgift persecuted the Puritans ; among Christians, the English and but if Cartwright had been in Whit- Dutch have embraced 4he principles gift's place, he would have dealt out of toleration, this singularity has pro- equal persecution to Baptists and In- ceeded from the steady resolution of dependents. (Skeats, p. 20.) 70 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. Independents, when they had the power (as they shortly afterwards had in America), would be sure to persecute their opponents as fiercely and unrighteously as they themselves had been persecuted. And, in short, what Cromwell a hundred years later bitterly complained of, was in these earlier Elizabethan days still more conspi- cuously true : viz. that each sect cried out lustily for liberty and toleration; and when they had acquired it, would by no means allow it to any but themselves 7 ' 5 . We may therefore waive and put -aside not without some impatience the long and lamentable threnodes, the modern 'lives of the saints' and 'acts of the martyrs,' which form the staple of so many Dissenting histories, especially since the so-called Bicentenary movement, in 1862. Such narratives are stimulating to devotion ; they are useful in polemics ; they inflame the passions ; they check the suggestions of brotherly- kindness and moderation. But no man of sense lingers now amid these sickening scenes. He cares not to know what good people suffered in bygone times : but rather why they suffered, what was the cause they really died for, and what were the historical circum- stances of their time which led to so sad although perhaps inevitable a struggle". Returning then to Robert Browne and the Inde- Carlyle, Cromwell, ii. 298 : the student of secular history. ' By ' That hath been one of the vanities and by,' writes Mr. Huxley, with his of our contest. Every sect saith, " O usual good sense, ' we must have give me liberty." But give it to him, history, treated not as a succession and to his power he will not yield of battles and dynasties, not as a it to anybody else.' series of biographies, not as evidence 77 The multiplication of endless that Providence has always been on and meaningless Martyrologies ere- the side of either Whigs or Tories, ates the same impatience in a mo- but as the development of man in dern student of Church history, as times past, and other conditions than the old-fashioned records of inter- our own.' (Lay Sermons, &c., p. 59.) minable dynastic conflicts creates in II.] ROBERT BROWNE DEPARTS TO HOLLAND. 7 1 pendents, their subsequent history may now be briefly narrated. It was, as we have seen, about the year 1570 that this hot-headed man thought fit to add to the other difficulties and distractions of his country, in her death-struggle against Popery, by loudly summoning every Puritan who would listen to him, to break up the National Church without any scruple, and to pul- verize into a heap of incoherent fragments the only organized means of ecclesiastical resistance the country possessed. Yet at this very moment, the signal-gun was being charged at Rome, which was to let loose, if possible, upon our fair land all the horrors of domestic rebellion and of foreign invasion. In 1569 the Pope and his conclave drew up, and in 1571 they launched into the country, one of those shameful clerical pro- clamations which Englishmen can never forget and never can or ought to forgive. By this Bull, Pope Pius V. declared Elizabeth a heretic and a favourer of heretics ; released her Lords and Commons and all others from their oaths of obedience ; and forbade, under pain of Anathema, any one to obey her laws 78 . Who can wonder that, at such a juncture as this, the foolish and mischievous preacher of confusion and religious separation none the less mischievous because conscientiously and religiously so -was summoned be- fore the Queen's Ecclesiastical Commissioners, and bid- den to hold his peace? On this, he at once departed for Holland. For it was under Dutch Anabaptist in- fluence, which was strong in the Eastern counties, that he had learnt his new ideas : and that country, having lately emancipated itself from the dreadful tyranny of Spain, offered free scope for every sort of ecclesiastical n See the document, given in full by Burnet, Reformation, iv. 452. 72 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. experiment, and for the full enjoyment of that, which seems perhaps to most men, before experience, the most delightful of all things, viz. perfect Independence, entire liberation from the vexatious restraints of Law, absolute freedom to do whatsoever they will. But alas, when men obtain, at length, this long-co- veted prize, when that most delightful thing is reached, that golden fruit is grasped the power to do exactly as one likes what bitter disappointments immediately arise! The glittering fruit turns to ashes in the hand. The truth of the adage is at last recognized, ' how much better is the half than the whole.' And the sad dis- covery is made, perhaps too late to be of any real use, that laws mean nothing more, after all, either in Church or State, than a system of mutual insurance for each man's personal liberty ; and that (in the Ger- man poet's wofd.8) obedience to them alone 'can give any man true Freedom 79 .* Browne had hardly set up his separatist communion in Holland, ere (as the Independent historian con- fesses 80 ) 'dissensions quickly sprang up, and their pastor retreated into Scotland,' at that time a congenial scene of religious discord and confusion. 'Yet even here,' adds the same writer, 'he was so great a mal- content, that he was committed to ward, and detained a night or two in prison.' The next year (1585) finds him once more in England. And the protection of his powerful kinsman, Lord Burleigh, enabled him to pub- lish, with impunity, several tracts and books, the title of one being suggestive of the contents of all : viz. ' On Reformation without tarrying for any.' At last, in n Nur das Gesetz Itann tins die 80 Hanbury, Memorials of the In- Freibeit geben. (Goethe.) dependents, i. 22. H.] HARSH MEASURES OF THE STATE. 73 Northampton his rude and turbulent conduct became so unbearable, that he was solemnly excommunicated by the Bishop of the diocese. And then this violent / and undisciplined soul was actually melted into sub- / mission. He made his peace with the Church ; and ere long was presented to a living, where he died in obscurity, at an advanced age, in 1630, leaving (says a Dissenting author, with a curious cynicism) 'to the Church of England the ample legacy of his shame. All that was discreditable in him, Independents remit to his ultimate patrons ; the good alone that has followed his career, they shrink not from applauding and adopting 81 .' But now arose a succession of storms, conspiracies, rebellions, confusions, in our country, which as Eliza- beth grew older could hardly fail to have their effect in hardening and embittering her character. Plots were everywhere exploding beneath her feet. A murderess, an adulteress, and a Papist, was the presumptive suc- cessor to her throne. Terror-stricken fugitives from continental massacres were crowding her dominions. And the white sails of the Armada seemed already to be towering in her narrow seas. Who can wonder at her righteous indignation, who can seriously blame her impatience, at the Puritans and Brownists, who with their incredible puerilities about cap and ring and surplice and tippet were sedulously and conscientiously labouring to undermine the foundations on which her house, and theirs, was built? Hence it came to pass that, not by the Church, but by the State, in the ten years between 1583 and 1593, five Independents (and, be it remembered, five only) were hanged, for what then 81 Hanbury, i. 24. 74 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. appeared to the Judges, the Parliament, the Statesmen of England, to be seditious and inflammatory language. ' By law we proceed against all offenders,' write certain Puritan justices of the peace and magistrates from Suffolk, in 1583, 'we touch none that the law spareth, and spare none that the law toucheth. We allow not . . of the Anabaptists and their communion : we allow not of Brown, the overthrower of Church and Commonwealth : we abhor all these, we punish all these. And yet we are christened with the odious name of Puritans 82 .' 'If any person,' says Parliament in 1581, 'shall devise, write, print, or set forth any book, rhyme, ballad, letter, or writing, containing any false, slanderous and seditious matter to the defamation of the Queen or to the stirring or moving of any rebellion . . every such offence shall be adjudged felony 88 .* It was when sent for trial by such magistrates, and under such Acts of Parliament as these, that the Law Courts of the realm found these men guilty. And of these convictions, no less a layman than Lord Bacon thus delivers his opinion, in 1592: ' As for those whom we call Browmsts, ... a very small number of very silly and base people, here and there in corners dispersed, they are now (thanks be to God !) by the good remedies that have been used, suppressed and worn out : so as there is scarce any news of them V And in the same year, Sir Walter Raleigh thus ex- pressed himself in Parliament : ' In my conceit, the Brownists are worthy to be rooted out of the Common- wealth 85 .' And yet, will it be believed ? the deaths of these men are perpetually laid to the charge of the Bishops, 82 Strype, Annals, iii. 103 ; Neal, 8 Works, ii. 35 : ap. Hanbury, L Puritans, i. 254. 35. 83 Statutes of the Realm, vi. 336. M Hanbury, i. 34. II.] THE FIVE INDEPENDENT MARTYRS. 75 and attributed to the intolerance 'of the Church of England. They were 'sacrificed by -a blood-guilty Protestant hierarchy 86 :' * Thus fell these unhappy gentlemen to the resentment of an angry prelate 87 :' * The ferocity of Archbishop Parker was even ex- ceeded by that of Whitgift . . . His throne was the chair of pestilence ; his mouth full of cursing against God and his saints 88 .' And now, who were these five men ? and what were their delinquencies? The two first that suffered were Thackcr and Copping, condemned, in 1583, for spreading Browne's books, and for saying the Queen was perjured. ' They were both sound,' says the Puritan historian, ' in the doctrinal articles of the Church of England, and of unblemished lives. One Wilsford, a layman, should have suffered with them : but on conference with Secretary Wilson, who told him the Queen's supremacy might be understood only of her Majesty's civil power over ec- clesiastical persons, he took the oath, and was dis- charged 89 .' Thus easy was it to escape 'persecution' by a little common sense, and by listening to reason. The three others who suffered death were Barrowe, Greenwood, and John Penry, a Welsh clergyman. These all fell victims in 1593, not to the Archbishop's anger, but to the indignation of the Queen and the whole country at the appearance of the scurrilous and 86 Hanbury, i. 63. herited from former ages, infected 87 Neal, i. 356. more or less all religious parties.' 88 Fletcher, Hist, of Independency, (The Church of the Civil Wars, i. 17.) ii. 143. It is quite a relief to con- ' The Queen,' writes the latter, ' was trast with the violence of these party not a little displeased. The Bishops writers the calm reasonableness of [in 1565] had been disposed to a men like Dr. Stoughton and Dr. more liberal course.' (Engl. Non~ Robert Vaughan. ' In the sixteenth conformists, p. 54.) century,' says the former, ' and far 8a Neal, i. 256. into the seventeenth, intolerance, in- f 6 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. blasphemous Mar-prelate tracts, in 1588. It is impos- sible to give any extracts from these abominable and filthy lampoons. The judgment of a contemporary Puritan writer shall suffice. 'Three most grievous ac- cidents did greatly astonish us, and very much darken the righteousness of our cause. The first was a foolish jester, who called himself Martin Mar-prelate and his sons ; which, under counterfeit and apish scoffing, did play the sycophant and slanderously abused many per- sons of reverend place and note. This kindled a mar- vellous great fire. Then did our troubles increase 9< V Now it was under the impression though perhaps an erroneous one that Penry was the author of some of these inflammatory papers, that the Privy Council issued an order for his apprehension in 1590. He escaped for the time into Scotland. But, three years later, he had the incredible rashness to return to London, for the purpose of presenting an Address to the Queen ; the draft of which, found on his person, contained the fol- lowing expressions : ' Madam ! you are not so much an adversary to us poor men, as unto Jesus Christ and the wealth of His Kingdom . . . This peace, under these conditions, we cannot enjoy : and therefore, for anything I can see, Queen Mary's days will be set up again, or we must needs temporize . . . When any are called be- fore your Council, or the Judges of the land, they will not stick to say that they come not to consult whether the matter be with or against the Word or not : but their purpose is to take the penalty of the transgressions against your /amr 91 .' Now this is just what the Judges of the land with the full concurrence of Noncon- 90 Nicholls, Plea for the Innocent (1602), p. 33 : ap. Hanbury, i. 5. 81 Neal, i. 357. II.] FOR WHAT DID THEY SUFFER ? 77 formists and all men of sense say at the present day. Indeed, is not this precisely one great part of what we mean now-a-days by ' religious toleration ;' viz. that the officers of the State shall not be empowered to impose on men their own interpretations of the ' Word/ but shall act merely as civilians and admi- nistrators of the laws ? Such, however, was not at all the mind of Penry and the Independents of those days. 'Her Majesty,' says he, 'hath full authority from the Lord, by her royal power to establish and enact all laws, both ecclesiastical and civil, among her subjects 92 .' ' We acknowledge,' write Barrowc and Greenwood to- gether in 1591, 'that the prince ought to compel all his subjects to the hearing of God's Word in the public exercises of the Church IJ;i .' And yet this same Barrowe is panegyrized by modern Independents, as 'one of the most remarkable men that have ever engaged in reli- gious controversy in the worst of times **.' Greenwood is called ' another instance of resistance to oppression by a courageous and enlightened mind 5 .' Penry is said to have been ' of great service by his talents, zeal, and Christian discretion, to the cause which he espoused 9 V What, then, was that cause ? For what was it in the name of common sense that these men contested and suffered ? It was not (as we have seen) for the great principles of Independency, as expounded by modern writers. It was for nothing in the world but for the mere ' crotchet,' that the State was bound at the 92 Declaration of Allegiance : ap. vestigated and acknowledged, as in Hanbury, i. 79. later times." 93 Plain Refutation, p. 4: ap. Flet- 9t Hanbury, i. 61. cher, ii. 166. Well may this writer * 5 Ibid. p. 63. add : ' The principles of civil and re- 8e Fletcher, ii. 306. ligious liberty had not then been in- THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. sword's point to establish Calvin's divine Church-system (drawn from Ephesians iv. n) on the ruins of the ex- isting human one 97 . It was for the ' fixed idea,' that the Queen and the government, in resisting this inter- pretation of the infallible Word of God, were resisting the Holy Spirit Himself, and going to perdition. It was for the insane fanaticism, which led them to urge the overthrow of the ecclesiastical constitution of their country in language so violent and inflammatory 98 , that no court of justice, in such dangerous times as those were, could possibly forbear to put the Act of Parliament into execution. No question, then, of the slightest impor- tance to any human being was here at issue. No subtle and far-reaching doctrine was under dispute. No blow for liberty was here being struck ; nor any single step of intellectual or moral progress being gained. Whether 97 ' The Queen is governor of the whole land, . . but may not make any other laws for the Church of Christ, than He hath left in His Word. I cannot see it lawful for any prince to alter the least part of the judicial law of Moses.' (Bar- rowe, ap. Hanbury, i. 38.) 'Every congregation of Christ ought to be governed by that presbytery which Christ appointed ; a pastor, teacher, and elder.' (Greenwood, ap. Han- bury, i. 63.") 'I have, by public writing, laboured to defend and in- duce in our Church that uniform order of Church-regiment, which our Saviour Christ hath ordained in His Word to continue perpetually therein ; and also, have endeavoured to seek the utter ruin and overthrow of that wicked hierarchy of Lord Bishops.' (Penry. ap. Hanbury, i. 74.) 98 ' Each of these men attack, with the most extraordinary fury, (i) the Episcopalian Churchmen, with their " old, written, rotten stuff . . abstracted out of the Pope's blasphemous Mass- book ; " their " stinking patchery de- vised apocrypha liturgy;" their " false ecclesiastical regiment, the Kingdom of the Beast;"" blasphemous wretches, who give out that the heavenly order and ordinances, which Christ hath appointed in His Testament, are but accidentals and no essential mark of the Established Church." ( 2) The Presbyterian Puritans, " the pharisees of these times; your great learned preachers ; your ' good men ; ' that sigh and groan for reformation, but their hands with the sluggard deny to work ; " " who, instead of Christ's government, set up their counterfeit 4 discipline ' in and over all the parish, making the popish church' wardens and perjured questmen ' el- ders ' " . . Their permanent synods and councils also, not here to speak of their new Dutch "classis," for therein is a secret.' (Hanbury, i. 38, &c. &c. ; Strype, Wbitgift, bk. iv. ch. xi.) II.] 'MARTYRDOM' DEFINED. 79 Calvin's ' pastors and doctors' were divine or human, is a question which has always stirred a very languid interest among the mass of mankind. And the only possible use to which these five executions could be put, was that to which they were actually put ; viz. to remind statesmen that banishment were a much more humane and reasonable way of dealing with obstinate fanatics, than the infliction of death ; and to accelerate the transition of the Church of England, from the Eras- tianism which had at first identified her with the State, towards the present intimate alliance with the State, an alliance which leaves to both sides their necessary ' independence' of each other. If it is in this sense that the modern Independents claim Barrowe and Penry as their martyrs, be it so. There are few Churchmen, in these days, who will with- hold their sympathy from any bona fide advance made in the direction of liberty, or will stint their admiration of any men that can in any reasonable sense be called martyrs to a principle. But then the^J^pjdncigleJ must be one that is in advance of the martyr's own times ; some truth for which the world was waiting, but which .had not yet dawned upon the majority ot mankind. Tt must not be some notion quite behind the average in- telligence of the times. Would he be accounted a 'martyr of science' who suffered now-a-days for the Ptolemaic astronomy, or who died for the old world's belief in the philosopher's stone ? Any way, it is certain that after the death of these five Independents, no more executions took place. Those who could not bring themselves to obey the law of the land, and who refused to take the ordinary and legal methods for getting bad laws amended, were simply henceforth bidden to depart from the land. And 8o THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. so an exodus of Brownists and other separatists took place ; at first directed (under Robinson, Ainsworth, and others) to the friendly shores of Calvinistic Holland ; but afterwards to the, as yet, infant colonies of North America. There the field was free, and the atmosphere full of fresh and healthy life. Virginia had been co- lonized thirteen years before, by a London company, in 1607; New York, in 1614, by the Dutch; and now New Plymouth (a little farther north) was settled by these adventurers, under the auspices of a Plymouth trading company, in 1620. This Puritan migration to America was in every respect an important epoch, both in the religious and political history of our English race. It need not indeed be supposed that the bravery displayed, or the hardships undergone by the 'Pilgrim Fathers,' were greater than those which accompanied every attempt, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, to colonize the rude and hostile shores of the new world. Nor must it be ima- gined that this emigration was the only one, of which the mainspring was supplied by the strong religious passions of those times. In the Spanish settlements of Mexico and Florida, Jesuitism had long before been extending its empire. In Canada, the French Huguenots had already planted their country's flag, which ere long threatened to float supreme over the whole new world, and to secure the ultimate supremacy of the Latin over the German race. But two things were at this moment determining the matter otherwise: (i) the curious fact that here, on the opposite shore which mirrored the western face of Europe, the central post of advantage had been occupied by England, while France lay northward of our settlements and Spain southward. So that unawares, and on a vast H.] THE PURITANS IN AMERICA. 8 1 scale, Nelson's well-known tactics had here been anti- cipated. The Franco-Spanish line had been cut in two ; and between them was placed that vigorous English race, which was not slow to perceive and employ the golden opportunity, (a) But besides this, the natural vigour of the English colony was now reinforced in an unexpected way, by the sudden influx of a new and most important element Puritanism. Religious into- lerance, three hundred years ago, seems to have been used by Him, who 'out of evil still produceth good,' much in the same way as the discovery of gold in various quarters of the world has been so marvellously em- ployed, to people the waste places of the earth, in later years. The Babel of excessive European con- centration needed some great confusion to shatter it. And now, just when the old world was about to be counterbalanced by a new one, the character of that new world was at the critical moment finally determined by the influx of that very earnest, moral, well-to-do middle- class which was ere long to be victorious in the deadly struggle for political supremacy at home. There is little doubt, therefore, that in this sense the arrival of the 'Mayflower,' bearing the first-fruits of English Puri- tanism, in 1620, really was a crisis in the history of the world. But now, on the smaller and ecclesiastical scale, it becomes highly interesting to observe what precisely, under these new conditions of perfect liberty, Puritanism will do. It can here, of course, display itself fearlessly in its true colours. And the suspicion that, as an Eccle- siastical system, it was at this time nothing whatever but an attempt to establish, at the sword's point and on principles of intolerance, Calvin's idea of a Biblical Church, will now easily receive disproof or confirmation. G 82 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. In May, 1631, at the first court of election in Massachu- setts, it was ordered that no person should be admitted to the rights of a citizen who was not previously admitted as a member of one of the churches". In 1635, the celebrated Sir Harry Vane came out, and was elected governor: but even his influence was not sufficient to prevent Mrs. Hutchinson and an ultra-Calvinist party from being banished from the state 1 . Towards the end of the same year, Mr. Roger Williams, a Baptist minister and afterwards founder of the State of Rhode Island, ' having broached and divulged divers new and dangerous opinions,' was expelled from the colony 2 . In 1650, a code of laws was drawn up for Connecticut. It began thus : ' Whosoever shall worship any other God but the Lord, shall be put to death.' Then followed several other enactments, borrowed word for word from the Law of Moses. Blasphemy, adultery, sorcery, theft, disobe- dience to parents, were punished with death, because Leviticus had so punished them : and people were forced by fines to attend divine service 3 . In July, 1651, a Mr. Obadiah Holmes, a Baptist, was 'well whipt ;' and that so barbarously, that for some weeks he could only take rest upon his knees and elbows 4 . In 1656, attention was turned to the Quakers : and by a law of Massachu- setts, passed on the I4th of October in that year, it was enacted that any Quaker landing on the coast should be seized and whipped ; then imprisoned with hard labour ; and finally expelled from the colony 5 . Nor were these laws suffered to remain a dead letter. Three Quaker w Frost, Hist, of the United Slates, * Cramp, Baptist Hist. p. 415. p. 66, cf. 76. ' The very men who ' De Tocqueville, Democratic en had fled from England to gain an Amerique, i. 62. asylum for religious freedom, were * Cramp, p. 409 : he adds, ' Bonds refusing the slightest toleration to and imprisonment awaited all Bap- any opinions but their own.' tists in New England.' 1 Ibid. p. 68. * De Tocqueville, i. 64. n.] INDEPENDENT INTOLERANCE. 83 women were stripped to the waist, amid frost and snow, and flogged through eleven towns 6 . Four persons were hanged together, a drummer preventing any of their dying words from being heard. The very captains of vessels were flogged for bringing Quakers into port. And every Roman Catholic priest who returned, after one expulsion, was put to death 7 . In short, it may be truly said, 'the first Independents adhered to the doc- trine, that it was the official duty of princes and magi- strates to suppress and root out all false ministries, voluntary religions, and counterfeit worship of God 8 ;' and that the Presbyterians, who at home ' pleaded with tears for liberty of conscience, denied it to the first Ana- baptist whom they met V But then, what becomes of these men's 'martyrdoms' ? what becomes of their ' independency ' ? For, strange to say, ' it was the Congregationalist clergy by whom the magistrates in New England were instigated 10 :' just as in England under the Commonwealth, when the Quakers were whipped, imprisoned, and pilloried by thousands, ' their persecutors were for the most part Presbyterians and Independents-? Are we not driven of necessity to the conclusion, that whatever there was of vigorous life and progress, in the great Puritan movement of the six- ' George Fox, Journal, (Armi- by Queen Elizabeth's statesmen in stead's edition,) i. 389; ii. 210. persecuting himself, had he lived at 7 De Tocqueville, i. 64. that day. ' It was natural that such 8 Skeats, Free Churches, p. 34. onslaughts as were made upon its 9 Ibid, p. 21. order by the Quakers, should be met 10 Cramp, p. 411. with a determined resistance. Mrs. 11 Skeats, p 70. It is almost Hutchinson's antinomian virulence startling to find, in the pages of an and activity were such as no Church, intelligent Independent historian in having any pretension to discipline, the year 1862, this intolerance of his could tolerate ... It belongs to the co-religionists in the seventeenth cen- magistrates to coerce such people ; tury condoned, and even praised, on and to make the coercion strong.' precisely the same grounds as those (Vaughan, English Nonconformity, which would have been maintained pp. 141, 146.) G 2 84 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. teenth and seventeeth centuries and unquestionably there was abundance of both was of a political 12 , and not at all of a religious or ecclesiastical character ? Are we not debarred from imagining that Calvinism was, in any modern view of the matter, an advance on the Catholicism of the Church of England ? And must we not acknowledge, that to recommend ' Independency ' to modern England, because 300 years ago it happened to be mixed up with a great forward movement of political freedom, a freedom whose foundations were laid long ago by Mediaeval Catholics, and to which whatever sound and lasting improvements were made in the seven- teenth century, were made by a Long Parliament of Churchmen 13 , would be indeed an incredible culmina- tion of confusion and folly ? Politically, indeed, the plot was now rapidly thicken- ing. The pedantic James I., with his foolish ' king-craft,' had passed away ; and was succeeded by a weak, vacil- lating, uxorious, and romantic successor, who, desiring to be an Emperor, behaved like an ecclesiastic, and who allowed the chambers of his French queen to become the haunt of Jesuits and foreigners, burning with an eager desire to render England as subservient and docile, both in church and state, as France and Spain had then become. How could such a king, surrounded by a cloud of flatterers, and served by a Strafford and a Laud, pos- sibly fail except by a miracle to bring the England n See De Tocqueville, i. 65. Side states rest, . . the intervention of the by side with this penal legislation, people in public affairs, free discus- so strongly coloured by the narrow sion of taxation, responsibility of spirit of sectarianism, we find placed, ministers, personal liberty, and trial and as it were intertwined therewith, by jury, all are there established, as a body of political enactments which facts beyond dispute.' drawn two centuries ago seem u Skeats, p. 49. 'The House of even now to be in advance of the Commons which declared war against liberality of our own age. The ge- Charles was a House of Churchmen neral principles on which modern only.' H.] THE GREAT REBELLION. 85 of the seventeenth century, or of any century, to rebel- lion ? And once the barriers broken, and civil war declared, of course every private and sectarian griev- ance, every wild and preposterous theory, every personal and party hatred, instantly rushed to the easy opening and began to break down the embankments of society in every direction. The story is too well known to need repeating here. Suffice it to call attention to two important facts : (i) that politically ', the Great Rebellion was, in the long run, a great success ; (2) that ecclesiastically it was, from beginning to end, a complete and even ludicrous failure. Politically, it issued (in spite of occasional reactions) in that supremacy of the middle-class, which has lasted down to our own day, and which (having done its work) is about to be superseded by a more direct participation of the industrial classes in the affairs of the country. It secured that ordered freedom of the state, which sub- mitting to the checks and delays of parliamentary government, is alone stable, reasonable, and popular. And it averted that most menacing danger, be- queathed to England by the destruction of the feudal nobility in the Wars of the Roses, and by the downfall of the great independent abbots and bishops at the Reformation, viz. a possible combination of all the powers of the state in one hand, ruling personally, not through the old English institutions of parliaments and common law courts, but through mere committees of Privy Council, the ' Star Chamber ' Committee for mat- ters of state and the (so-called) ' High Commission ' for ecclesiastical affairs. For these most happy results, every Englishman Churchman and Dissenter alike now gives hearty thanks to God ; and all are disposed to recognize, and to assign their full value to, the part borne 86 THE INDEPENDENTS: [LECT. by either side in reaching at last the peaceful settlement of 1688. Ecclesiastically, on the other hand, I do not scruple to say, that the results obtained by the tri- umphant Puritanism of the Commonwealth were an- archy and chaos to begin with, and a legacy of dissension and weakness ever since, which have de- layed the spread of the Gospel among the heathen 1 *, have given endless occasion to the enemies of the Reformation to blaspheme, have divided English Chris- tendom into a network of feeble and partitioned sects the well-known breeding-places of many unchristian vices, and have offered a hopeful opportunity for re- turn to that greatest of all enemies to human progress, liberty, and veracity, the Jesuitized Neo-Romanism of these modern days. The only ecclesiastical benefit for which England has to thank the Independents of the Commonwealth is this, that they delivered us from the then imminent danger of a Presbyterian establish- ment, a thing which, in those days, meant the nar- rowest and most inquisitive clerical intolerance, a gloomy Calvinism in doctrine, Sabbatarianism in prac- tice, and a degrading mental slavery to the mere letter of the Bible. From all these things many of the great 14 'The Baptist Congregation in India, as elsewhere, there are, and this neighbourhood [at Monghyr, on probably ever will be, divisions and the Ganges] was first collected by discords such as sadly hinder the Mr. Chamberlain, an excellent man work of the Gospel. They are often and a most active missionary, but such as cause shame to all sensitive of very bitter sectarian principles, Christians.' (Sir Bartle Frere, Essay and entertaining an enmity to the in The Church and the Age, p. 377.) Church of England almost beyond ' If you ever hope for one gleam of belief. He used to say that Martyn, success in India, you must either Corrie, and Thomason were greater settle your differences at home, or enemies to God, and did more harm draw lots for the possession of the to his cause, than fifty stupid, drunken field.' (Frazer's Magazine, Dec. 1871, "padres."' (Bishop Heber's Indian p. 720.) Journal, chap. x. vol. i. 135.) 'In n.] AN INDEPENDENT 'ESTABLISHMENT? Independents of the seventeenth century, although strict Calvinists in creed, were free. Yet the marvellous fact must in all fairness be added, that nothing else but the death of Cromwell (in 1658) seems to have pre- vented an Independent Church-establishment being set up in this country, with toleration indeed for others who agreed with them in doctrine ; but for those who disagreed, not only incapacity to receive any public maintenance, but even disqualification for holding any civil office 15 . However, the common misfortunes which fell upon both these religious bodies after the Restoration in 15 This astonishing fact stands on the page of history, and cannot be cancelled. ' In 1657, Cromwell gave his consent to a petition from Par- liament that the Polity of the Inde- pendents might become the Church Polity of the nation. Toleration, however, was to be granted to those who differed from them in worship and discipline, but who agreed in doctrine. All others were to be without " protection," disqualified for holding any " civil " office, and " in- capable of receiving the public main- tenance appointed for the ministry." Two hundred delegates met at the Savoy, under the presidency of " the Dissenting brethren," and made a " Declaration of their Faith and order" . . But Cromwell passed away, and with him all hopes of Inde- pendency becoming the established religion of England.' (Hunt, Reli- gious TTbought in England, i. 216.) ' Whatever might have been the ulterior design whether, unhappily, a "national" establishment of re- ligion, or not of those divines con- cerned in the main subject of this chapter; it was probably frustrated by the intervention alone of an over- ruling Providence. By what party chiefly the measure was projected or promoted, does not appear ; but we find that on May 25, 1657, tn e Pro- tector gave his " consent " to " the humble petition," &c. The eleventh clause contains these words : " That the true Protestant Christian reli- gion, as it is contained in the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Tes- tament, and no other, be held forth and asserted for the public profes- sion of these nations; and that a Confession of Faith, to be agreed by your Highness and the Parliament, ac- cording to the rule and warrant of the Scriptures, be asserted, held forth, and recommended to the people of these nations; that none may be suffered . . to revile or re- proach the Confession of Faith so agreed on ; and such as possess faith in [the Trinity, &c ] shall be pro- tected from all injury and molesta- tion in the profession of the faith and exercise of their religion ; . . so that this liberty be not extended to Popery or Prelacy. . . Such persons who agree not in matters of faith with the public profession aforesaid, shall aot be capable of receiving the public maintenance appointed for the Ministry."' (Hanbury, Memorials of the Independents, iii. 515.) 88 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. 1660, and which too amply avenged their misuse of power during the Rebellion, at length drew them nearer together and necessitated a temporary alliance. For so great was now the national hatred and suspicion of all Puritans and 'Sectaries,' especially when Venner's insurrection 16 , in 1661, had suddenly opened the eyes of the government to the mines that Fifth-monarchy- men, and other wild fanatics, were digging everywhere beneath their feet, that for the next ten years the king and Parliament vied with each other in inventing ever new schemes for getting rid of Dissent, if it were possible, altogether. This attempt began in 1661, with the passing of the 'Corporation Act:' in 1662, came the Act of Uniformity: in 1663, the Conventicle Act, forbidding any religious assemblies of more than five persons, besides the master of the house and his family : in 1665, this was followed by the 'Five-mile Act,' for- bidding Dissenting ministers, who refused to declare it wrong to take up arms against the King, to approach any important town nearer than five miles : in 1670, the Conventicle Act was reinforced : and, in 1673, the Test Act was passed. The meaning of all this is evident at a glance. It is simply a violent national reaction, extending through thirteen years, from that Puritan domination, from which the country had suffered so fearfully in the previous 16 Burnet, Own Times, p. 104 ; Lin- remained to withstand them in Eng- gard, ix. 12 ; Baxter, Autobiog. p. land, but. Presbyterian priests, cor- 301. The horror and terror inspired nipt lawyers, and a superannuated by these fanatics may perhaps be Parliament . . And when the saints pardoned, when it is understood had firmly established this in Eng- that, even under the Commonwealth, land they would wage war with the they believed that . . the saints were enemies of Christ, and the oppressors to bring things as near as might be, of His people, over the whole earth.' "before Christ's coming, to what they (Life and Opinions of J. Rogers, a shall be when He is come . . Nothing Fifth Monarchy-man, p. 40.) n.] NATIONAL RECOIL IN 1660. 89 decade. It was yet one more determined effort to carry out, in defiance both of fact and reason, the original Lutheran (or Erastian) theory that the State and the Church are but two aspects of one body-politic ; a theory, from which it would seem to follow that seces- sion from the National Church was as much an act of 'treason,' as secession from the State. The attempt to impose this theory upon England had been made under Henry VIII. and Edward VL, by the direct despotic action of the Crown : under Elizabeth and the Stuarts, by the intervention of Royal Commissioners : under the Commonwealth, first by the Presbyterian ' Assembly,' and then by the Independent ' Parlia- ment.' And this last method was now pursued by Charles II. But a theory which demands, on the one hand, that all men shall be compelled by the police to come to church 1T ; and on the other, that the Church shall consent to take its tone and its commission from the world to whom it is sent, in- stead of taking it from Jesus Christ, by whom it is 17 Yet even this incredible as it Day diligently resort to some church may seem was part of the pro- or chapel where the true worship gramme of the 'Independent' Estab- and service of God is exercised, or lishment, which was all but set on shall be present at some other con- foot in the year of Cromwell's death, venient meeting-place of Christians, 1658. ' Further, on June 26th, the not differing in faith from the public Protector gave his consent also to a profession of the nation, as it is ex- stringent and rigid " Act for the pressed in ' the humble petition better observance of the Lord's and advice of the Parliament,' &c. Day : " in which is this clause, . . And every such person or persons " And to the end no profane licen- so offending shall, for every such tious person or persons whatsoever, offence, being thereof convicted, for- may in the least measure receive feit the sum of two shillings and six- encouragement to neglect the per- pence.'" (Hanbury, Memorials, iii. formance of religious and holy duties 516.) Well may the satirist exclaim, on the said day . . every person and ' For saints may do the same things persons shall having no reasonable by excuse for their absence, to be al- The spirit, in sincerity, lowed by a Justice of the Peace of Which other men are tempted to, the county where the offence shall And at the devil's instance do ! ' be committed upon every Lord's (Butler's Hvdibras, ii. 2. 235.) 90 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. sent, is self-condemned, and must fall by its own want of consonance with the Gospel and with the facts of the modern age. We may indeed venture to doubt whether there be any essential difference, or anything more at issue than a question of scale and magnitude, between this theory and that of the Independents themselves. For the one determines on a very small scale that a certain community is a Church, and appoints teachers that shall echo its own views, and shall submit to its own control ; while the other does precisely the same thing on a very large scale. But still, where men have acquired in any degree the habit of personal freedom, it is not by petty persecutions that they can be induced to conform to ideas which whether in kind or only in degree are not really consonant to their character or to their habits of life. A far greater danger arises to such persons when a policy of a precisely opposite kind is pursued towards them. The moment of their greatest peril is the moment of their entire and assured success : just as the traveller, in the fable, was overcome by the warm and smiling sun- shine ; when the bluff winds of adversity had attempted him in vain. So it was with the Independents. The Act of Toleration was passed in 1689 : and thereby every religious body gained a recognized legal position, except the dreaded Romanists and the hated Unita- rians 18 . Nay, even serious attempts were made at a comprehension of the Dissenters within the National Establishment. Independents, no less than Presby- w 'Provided always, that neither ever; or to any person that shall this Act, nor any clause herein con- deny in his preaching or wi iting the tained. shall extend . . to give any doctrine of the blessed Trinity.' (Act ease, benefit, or advantage to any of Toleration, clause 1 7.) papist or popish recusant whatso- n.] A TTEMPTS A T ' COMPREHENSION. ' 9 1 terians, displayed in those days no reluctance to come in, and to receive their share j _Jas_they had already clone under the Commonwealth,) of the tithes and par- sonages of tIie~CHurch 19 . And when at last these re- peated attempts were foiled by the strong opposition of the Clergy in the Lower House of Convocation, still the bounty of the State was accepted under another name, in I723 20 . Many able men, like Joseph Butler, after- wards Bishop of Durham ; and Seeker, a future Arch- bishop of Canterbury, left Dissent for the Church of England. The number of Dissenters in the whole coun- try sank to about 1 10,000 21 , And it seemed not unlikely that, in another fifty years, the whole Separatist move- ment would have spent its force, and English Dissent have become a thing of the past. What then happened, to give affairs the quite new direction they have since taken ? What was the cause of the new life and prosperity, which, within the present century, have made Dissent so strong a power, for good or evil, in this country ? The question may be answered in one word : It was the great Wesleyan revival of per- sonal religion, a revival which began within the Church 19 'It was at that time [1688] fully lies.' (Skeats, History of (be Free intended to bring about a compre- Churches, p. 98.) hension of the Presbyterians and the " In 1690, William III. had given a Independents in the Established Royal grant (the 'Regium Donum') Church ; and it was known that to the Presbyterians in Ireland : and these two principal sections of the now a similar ' Regium Donum,' of Nonconformist body, provided that 1000 a year, was given by George I., the Church services were modified, nominally for the relief of min- were willing (for the sake of Chris- isters' widows. (Skeats, p. 319.) tian unity, and what was considered a Ibid. p. 151, quoting a Return to be the strength of the Protestant made to government ; giving the interest) wholly to unite with the Nonconformists in the province of Church. In such an event, the tests Canterbury as 93,151: and in the which it was proposed to retain province of York, as 15,525 : total would bear only upon the Baptists, 108,676. the Quakers, and the Roman Catho- 92 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. of England ; but which the leaders of the Church at that time had not the fidelity or the skill to know how to employ for her advantage : and so they thrust it out from among them, to swell the ranks and revive the dying enthusiasm of Dissent. This curious chapter of Church history, however, will form the subject of a future Lecture. And all that remains for us to do now is to ask, in conclusion, what are the special tenets of the Independents : and whether they are such as, in these days, to justify a continued separation from the Church of England for their sakes ? III. The leading theory of the Independents is this : once grant the Calvinistic hypothesis, that the Church is, in its highest sense, no organized, visible thing at all, but a mere spiritual body consisting of God's elect scattered throughout the world, and it seems logically to follow, that high organization is a mischief rather than an advantage. To make the Church a strong and well- ordered power in the world, appears on the face of it to be a procedure at variance with the will of Christ ; and to necessitate sacrifices, especially sacrifices of disci- pline 22 , such as no worldly advantages (even were they permissible) could possibly counterbalance. Upon this axiom are built the three main tenets which characterize the Independent body, viz. : (i) That in point of organization, the line must be drawn at * the congregation,* All larger and grander schemes than that are wrong. Each separate and a This notion was clearly stated pline. Ecclesiastical discipline and by Dr. Stoughton, in his reply (No. voluntaryism go together.' It is 3335) before the Select Committee obvious that he means ' discipline ' of the House of Lords on ' University in the strict, or Puritan, sense of the Tests,' 1871 : 'My reading of the word. But that is distinctly not the history of England is this, if you Churchman's interpretation of the have a Church Establishment, you word, cannot carry out ecclesiastical disci- H.] TENETS OF THE INDEPENDENTS. 93 isolated congregation therefore is, so to speak, a sovereign state. It enjoys an absolute and uncontrolled right to settle its own doctrine, ritual, and discipline 23 . And the method by which this congregational right is exercised is simply by the -vote of a majority. (2) That while thus repudiating every sort of ecclesi- astical control, a congregation is of course under still more stringent obligation to reject every relic of secular control 24 , and above all things to liberate both itself and others from the bondage (for so it, oddly enough, appears to them,) of a National Establishment and National Endowments. No religious body organized on so large a scale as that of a National Church is held to be safe from the danger of priestcraft. No acceptance of public money is held at least, by modern Inde- pendents to be compatible with that severe purity of discipline, which is thought to be a Church's foremost duty to her Lord. The voluntary system, therefore, that is, the financial support of such organization as is permissible, by payments at the pleasure of the laity out of their private property, is the only safe and allowable method of finance. (3) That it is not enough to maintain this loose and curious system only as a matter of occasional expedi- ency, or to resort to it as an experiment or as a human 23 See ' Declaration of the Faith, that the New Testament authorizes Church Order, and Discipline of the every Christian Church to elect its Congregational or Independent Dis- own officers, to manage all its own senters.' (Congregational Year-Book affairs, and to stand independent of for 1871, p. xvii.) Art. I.: 'The Con- and irresponsible to all authority, gregational Churches hold it to saving that only of . . the Lord Jesus be the will of Christ that true be- Christ.' iievers should voluntarily assemble 2 * ' They believe that the power of together to observe religious ordin- a Christian Church is purely spiritual, ances, &c., and that such a society of and should in no way be corrupted believers . . is properly a Christian by union with temporal or civil Church.' Art. III. : ' They believe power.' (Ibid. Art. IX.; 94 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. contrivance that may be altered or amended. No : it is seriously recommended to us, as a matter of awful and positive obligation. It is a divine, and not a human, system 20 . Submission to it is submission to the will of Christ : rejection of it is rejection of the command of Christ. Whereas every other system, every larger hier- archy, every wider and less rudimentary organization, are human and not divine, systems of man's invention that dare at their peril to compete with the system established by the Most High. Now it is on these three pillars that the whole structure of Congregationalism (or Independency) stands. And it is obvious at the first glance, that we have here the very quintessence of Dissent ; that precisely what the Church used to call ' separation,' and the ' sin cf schism,' is here elevated into a normal and satisfactory condition of things ; and that the Independents are (as they themselves express it) 'Dissenters, not by the stress of circumstances, but of principles 26 .' Such ' prin- ciples,' then, demand from us the most careful and thorough examination. For, if true, they overset the whole existing organization of Christendom. They convict the vast majority of the Christian Churches of a gross misconception as to what ' a Church' was meant to be. They open to us the gloomy vista of fifteen hundred years of sad disobedience to the plain words of Jesus Christ, and of abandonment so far as polity is concerned by that Holy Spirit which should lead men into truth ; until, at last, the happy day dawned when Robert Browne arose to set things right. But a ' The Congregational Churches Preamble.) ' The divine institution . . hold the following doctrines as of of Congregational Independence.' Divine authority, and as the founda- (Fletcher, Hist, oflndep. ii. 29.) tion of Christian faith and prac- * Cyclopaedia of Religious Denonu- tice.' (Congrtg. Year-Book for 1871, nations, p. 193. n.] THEIR TENETS ANTIQUATED. 95 these results are so extraordinary and paradoxical, that a Christian man may be justified, I suppose, in feeling some hesitation and doubt about them ; and may at least claim to institute an honest and searching criticism of these trenchant maxims, when they are submitted to his private judgment for acceptance, as marking the highest level which modern thought has yet attained, or, perhaps, can ever attain, on the sub- ject of Ecclesiastical Polity. And what if it should appear, on a very little examination, that every one of these three positions has like some mediaeval fortress not by assault or by the stress of conflict, but simply by the march of events, the growth of experience, and the progress of modern intelligence, been left far behind the times, been rendered for practical purposes untenable, and become hopelessly obsolete and antiquated. (i) Take the first of these three much-prized principles the right of each separate congregation, worshipping together in the same building, to arrange, by a majority of lay votes, its doctrine, ritual, and discipline, according to its own views of duty, from time to time. This appears indeed a tempting bait. This seems a certain remedy against jealousy and discord. This is, surely, a better security for the rights of the laity, than a system which attempts the same thing through lay- patrons, lay-churchwardens, and the compulsory obe- dience of the clergy not indeed to arbitrary lay volition but to fixed laws 27 , drawn up by the Church in the 87 Subjection to laws which are The true condition of Dissenting impersonal and impartial has al- ministers, in this respect, is well ways been held by Englishmen to known to all those who have any constitute ' freedom.' Subjection to acquaintance with the subject. It volition has always hitherto bean is fairly acknowledged in the follow- held by them to mean ' slavery.' ing passage from a Dissenting writer : 96 THE INDEPENDENTS. [I.ECT. first instance, and then sanctioned and enforced by a lay Parliament. How truly (it seems at first sight) may such congregations assume to themselves the title of 'Free Churches!' Yet wait a while. Look a little deeper. To whom, we ask, does all this freedom and independence belong ? Not in the least, it appears, to the 'congregation' who worship together, after all. They have, as such, no voice, no power, no freedom of any kind. It is only to a select and privileged part of the congregation that the whole power belongs. It is these, the so-called ' Church-members,' who alone manage the affairs of the Church, arrange the ritual, settle the doctrine, dispose of the finances, appoint and dismiss the pastor. It is an oligarchy, then, after all ; and not a ' religious re- public.' It is a close body ; and not an open one. And what is more, it is a body which decides, without appeal, on all admissions within its own circle ; and fixes, without any constitutional checks whatever, the con- ditions and qualifications of membership. But how can institutions organized after this fashion arrogate to themselves the peculiar title of 'free churches'? How can they claim, while they avowedly reduce the ruling powers of the pastor to insignificance, and leave the mass of the seat-holders without any representation whatever, to make singular provision for the inde- pendence of the congregation ? It is only an inter- mediate body, after all, a sort of middle-class (as it were) ' In point of strict law, nothing About half the present number of can be more insecure than the posi- Baptist pastors, e. g., have held their tion of the Congregational minister, posts for less than five years. (Reli- He is, at most, only tenant at will gious Republics, p. 27.) See also Rev. to the trustees. . . The average length Brewin Grant, The Dissenting World: of Congregational pastorates is com- an Autobiography, p. 217 ; and Mait- monly set down at a very low figure." land, Voluntary System, p. 283. II.] WANT OF FREEDOM IN THE 'FREE CHURCHES.' 97 in the congregation, which has assumed to itself the powers and attributes of the whole body of worship- pers. What is this, but a most imperfect conception of liberty, a conception which was much in vogue half a century ago ; but which satisfies no one now. For higher and larger views of polity are dawning on mankind; and the well-to-do trading classes, which seized the sceptre at the Great Rebellion, have been summoned to take cognisance of a grander and nobler idea than that of a plutocracy, or of the divine right of capital and private property to do all that it will with its own. Yet such is, in few words, the true meaning of the boasted ' Voluntary system.' Such, and no more, is the boasted freedom of the ' free churches.' But let us look a little closer still. Suppose any member of the mere congregation desire to obtain admission to the inner and more privileged circle, what is required of him ? He is first of all reminded that the Church-body consists of those persons alone who can 'give evidence to each other of their being Chris- tians 28 .' And he accordingly must give evidence. He must receive a visit from two or three of the deacons, and, perhaps, the pastor of the flock ; and must submit to the ordeal of being examined by them as to his spiritual condition 29 . 'He narrates (to quote from an Independent writer) the story of his awakening to spiritual consciousness, of the hours of secret penitence through which he has passed, of the inward conflicts through which he has fought his way into the kingdom of God, and of those more gentle drawings of the Spirit of God by which he has been led to a knowledge of 28 Cycloptedia of Religious Deno- M Congregational Year-Book (1871), minations, p. 191. p. 58. H 9 8 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. the Saviour 30 .' The results of this interview are then reported to the Church-body; and a vote of the ma- jority decides the question of admission or rejection. Two things, surely, at the outset are quite clear, and indeed they are honestly confessed by more than one distinguished member of the Independent communion. The first is, that such a system as this would be sure to exclude the most highly spiritual, the most refined, the most educated, the most sensitive members of the con- gregation from all share in its government, from com- munion at the Lord's table, and from all the other privi- leges of Church-membership 31 . And the second is, that it would be equally sure to include many a hypocrite and many a self-deceiver. For ' how, (asks the same Inde- pendent writer,) if a man should be simply using unctuous phrases, . . with which the clever hypocrite never finds any difficulty in making himself acquainted, . . how is the Church to unmask the deception 32 ? ' How, indeed ? But with this we are not at present concerned. The unquestionable evidence of Dissenters themselves was 30 Ecclesia : a series of Essays, by visitors whose want of tact in the Members of the Independent deno- prosecution of their inquiries may mination (1870), p. 490. very possibly furnish little guar- 31 ' To some the idea of an inves- antee that their judgment will be tigation into their private religious formed with wisdom and discri- experience by comparative strangers, mination. Others object to it on in order that a report of the results the ground of principle, as well as may be made to a meeting of the of feeling. They regard the whole Church, is so distasteful and re- proceeding as essentially inquisito- pellant, that they at once turn rial in its character.' (Ecclesia, p. away from the community which 483.) The spirit of this admira- requires it. They shrink, with a ble Essay (No. viii.) is that of the sensitiveness which it is impossible Church, rather than of Dissent, not to respect, from laying bare Cf. Christian Fear, Fourth Sunday their most sacred feelings, . . to in Lent : E'en human love will shrink from sight, Here in the coarse rude earth : How then should rash intruding glance Break in upon her sacred trance, Who boasts a heavenly birth?' * Ecclesia, p. 491. II.] TRUE 'FREEDOM' IN THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 99 hardly needed, in support of a truth of human nature discovered and applied by the Church more than a thousand years ago : viz. that a ' discipline ' such as that dreamed of by Congregationalism, and for the sake of which Congregationalism exists, is a simple impossibility: that it may easily become a dangerous delusion : and that ' the vital principle of the Church may be retained, even though the Church should disclaim the respon- sibility involved in the judgment of the inner life, and should leave each individual to determine [these things] for himself 33 .' What we are now concerned with is this : to point out the simple fact, that the Independent system, which makes such loud pretensions to 'free- dom,' and compares itself so advantageously with the Church of England in this respect, stands in reality on a lower level altogether 34 , and represents an obsolete notion of what freedom really means. Its institutions are, in point of fact, not of a ' republican ' but of an oligarchical nature, and are therefore liable to fall prostrate at the feet of some influential tradesman or some wealthy and determined deaconess 35 . And this sort of ' liberty ' is one to which Englishmen in these days absolutely refuse that honoured and almost sacred name. No : such a system is obsolete, and cannot live. And should it ever succeed which God forbid ! 33 Ecclesia, p. 488 : cf. 496. ' As presentation. And Mr. Herbert a safeguard for the purity of the Spencer tells us, that, ' whether con- Church it is illusive; and yet a sidered in theory or in practice, re- grievous burden is laid on the in- presentative government is the best dividual conscience.' for securing justice . . . And it is the 34 The government of the Church form of government natural to a of England like that of the State very highly organized and advanced is not committed to the will of social state.' (ssays, second series, a mere popular majority, (which 1863, p. 226.) is the Dissenting system, and is M Arist. Polit. iv. 4. 3 : AT^O* piv for certain purposes the most ef- ianv, orav ol e\tvO(pot itvpiot wai* fective,) but is conducted by re- o\ifapx,ia 5' orav ot irAouaiot. H 2 IOO THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. in overthrowing the really free and popular system of the Church of England 36 , it is (we may feel quite sure) the very last religious system, of all now existing in this country, which would take her place or succeed to her' inheritance. (2) But perhaps the second main pillar on which Inde- pendency rests is more solid, and will better bear the test of an impartial examination under the light of modern ideas. Let us see. This second grand prin- ciple is, that a national religious establishment is a wrong and an absurdity 37 : that an endowment by 36 As to ' freedom ' in other ways, it has been abundantly shown within the last few years, that an Established religious community pre- sents far more favourable conditions for its enjoyment, than a so-called Free Church. ' The Church of Eng- land,' says a liberal journalist, ' is, no doubt, in a state of difficulty and trial. But from what does that diffi- culty arise ? It arises exclusively from the circumstance, that no other reli- gious body in this country contains so many honest and truthful men, alive to the paramount necessity of discovering and proclaiming the truth be it what it may.' (Pall Mall Gazette, Dec. 5, 1866.) 'Let Great Britain,' says a French writer, ' rest in her so-called " heresy." The Established Church possesses the rare merit of adapting herself to the complicated workings of con- stitutional institutions. . . The reli- ance of the English clergy must be in their moral force, and in the first principle of the Reformation, I mean in liberty.' (Esquiros, Reli- gious Life in England, sub fin.). While some of the most servile adherents to a doctrine [of Infalli- bility] which their own most learned theologians have denounced as false and mischievous arc drawn from the so-called free and voluntary sections of the Catholic Churches of England, Ireland, and America, its most de- termined opponents are found in the independent spirit manifested by the national, endowed, and established Churches of Germany, Hungary, and France.' (Dean Stanley, Essays, &c., 1870, p. xiii.) 87 ' As a general rule, the business of life is better performed when those who have an immediate interest in it are left to take their own course, uncontrolled either by the mandate of the law or by the meddling of any public functionary . . But if the work- man is generally the best selector of means, can it be affirmed with the same universality, that the consumer or person served is the most compe- tent judge of the end? Is the buyer always qualified to judge of the com- modity? If not, the presumption in favour of the competition of the market does not apply to the case ; and if the commodity be one, in the quality of which society has much at stake, the balance of advantages may be in favour of some mode or degree of intervention, by the authorized representatives of the collective in- terest of the State. . . This is pecu- liarly true of those things which are chiefly useful as tending to raise the character of human beings. The un- cultivated cannot be competent judges II. J SECOND TENET OF THE INDEPENDENTS. 101 private property is sound and right enough, but an endowment by public property is an apple of discord, a certain means of corrupting the Church that is se- lected for endowment, contrary to the will of God, and in direct opposition to the examples of Holy Scripture. And in the maintenance of this thesis, a strength of language is habitually employed by Independent writers, which forms a curious contrast to the studied moderation of speech with which the subject has lately been in- troduced into Parliament. No one will contend for a moment that the rightful and useful employment, not only of State grants, but also of all endowments attached to religious and educational establishments, is not a proper and necessary subject for occasional parlia- mentary inquiry. Indeed it is believed that there are not a few Nonconformist endowments, at the present day, of an obsolete or mischievous character 38 , which of cultivation . . It will continually those churches ; that it approves the happen on the "Voluntary system" principle of a fund in aid.' (Congre- that, the end not being desired, the gational fear-Book, 1871, p. 74.) means will not be provided at all ; And for abundant proof in detail, or that, the persons requiring im- not only of the scanty maintenance, provement having an imperfect and but also of the permanent depend- altogether erroneous conception of ence, and the often heartless disap- what they want, the supply called pointments, to which Independent forth by the demand of the market ministers are liable, let any one will be anything but what is really read Maitland's Voluntary System, required.' (Mill, Political Economy, passim; or even trust to his own ob- v. n. 7.) That this miserable with- servations in any part of England, holding of more than is meet from 38 Take, for instance, the endow- the support of the ministry, not only ments attached to a ' Seventh Day ' will ' happen, but has happened and Baptist ' chapel, in Mill-yard, London, is continually happening, under the ' It was rebuilt in 1 790, but founded ' Voluntary system,' is candidly ac- more than a century before that . . knowledged by Dissenters them- On Saturdays, this little old-fashioned selves. At the autumnal meeting of meeting-house is opened twice a day the Congregational Union, in 1871, . . Here in England [this sect] have 'thefollowing resolution was adopted, dwindled down to two skeleton con- nem. con. : that the Assembly . . gregations, an endowment, and a recognizes the inadequacy of the pro- Chancery suit. As there is money, a vision which is made for the temporal form of worship is kept up ; though for support of many of the ministers of all practical purposes tbe cause is dead. 102 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. might with advantage be reported upon to Parliament, with a view to a better and more liberal employment of their funds. But, language such as is used by Dis- senters towards the Church it may be reasonably hoped that Churchmen will never condescend to use towards Dissent. 'The Establishment,' writes Mr. Miall, c is a life-destroying upas, deeply rooted in our soil. It desecrates religion, . . in its eyes immorality and licen- tiousness are trifles. It is at once a blunder, a failure, and a hoax 39 .' Mr. Binney openly records his opinion, that ' it destroys more souls than it saves 40 .' Mr. Dale ' denies the Church of England to be a true Church at all 41 .' Another judges it to be ' Antichristian, unscrip- tural, and corrupt 42 .' And another considers ' the union between Church and State, in any country, to be un- principled, absurd, and mischievous 43 .' Why? we ask, in incredulous amazement. Is the England in which we live, then, so degraded, ruined, miserable a country, as surely under this hypothesis it ought to be ? Is piety quite worn out among us ? Is religion a power that has ceased to be ? Is the ' failure ' so patent, the ' blunder ' so obvious, that we dare not after a Church Establishment of some 1200 years hold up our heads as a Christian people ? Or does any one believe beyond the limits of the very narrowest Dis- senting circles that all the goodness and piety that is among us is due to Nonconformity alone ? Are there There may be four grown-up per- bouse Cbapel (1834), p. 52. sons, besides the pew-opener, to form " Lecture on the Pilgrim Fathers, the morning service: there are just (1854)^.13. as many in the afternoon.' (Ritchie, 42 Foster, ap. Christian Witness, Religious Life of London, 1870, p. Feb. 1847. 1 60.) Baptist Noel, Essay on Church 39 Miall's Nonconformist's Sketch- and State (i849\ p. 238. I am in- book (1842), pp. 16, 185, 212. debted, for some of these references, 10 Address at opening of the Weigh- to the Church and State Handy-book. II.] WARPING EFFECTS OF PREJUDICE. 103 not many persons, and those not the least observant of mankind, who hold that the very best specimens of Englishmen and of Christians to be met with in this country, are precisely those who have been trained under the tranquil teaching and comely ritual of the Established Church ? No : we say to ourselves, there must be some mis- understanding here, some ruinous mistake as to what a ' Church ' was intended by our Lord to be, some historical ignorance as to what the Church of England has really done, some verbal confusion as to what ' failure,' ' Chris- tian,' 'scriptural,' really ought to mean. Else, it were impossible that men under whose teaching one would, on many accounts, gladly sit, could bring charges against a great religious society which the very slightest interior acquaintance with that society bars at once with a posi- tive contradiction. The fact is simply this : that, in controversy, men do not make sufficient allowance for the extraordinary refraction produced by antipathy and bias 44 . There is assuredly no conscious unfairness in ** See, for instance, in the sixteenth the Pope has come from the Devil.' century the almost incredible scur- (Vaughan, English Nonconformists, p. rility and blasphemy of Thomas 157-) For the eighteenth century, Becon against ' that wicked idol, the take Micaiah Towgood, ' whose work Masse." One would say, he could for three generations remained the never have understood the common- standard work on this subject, and est and most obvious truths, about which has been more frequently re- either its history or its meaning, printed, both in England and America, And yet for the first thirty years of than any other publication of the his life (b. 1511), it must have been kind.' (Skeats, p. 489.) This work to him the principal means of grace, is a tissue of misunderstandings from and after ordination one of his daily beginning to end. Unlike John Lil- recurring duties. (Becon's Works, burne, he represents the object of his Prayers, &c., p. 253.) In the seven- aversion, 'the Church of England, as teenth century, no better instance a civil establishment, founded upon could be found than John Lilburne : acts of Parliament as the only au- ' The Church of England, exclaimed thentic rule of what is to be be- Lilburne, is the creation of the Bishops, lieved and practised therein.' (Tow- the Bishops derive their authority good, Dissent Justified, p. 17, twelfth from the Pope, and the authority of edition.) ,0 4 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. these men 45 . But the oar that looks broken beneath the water, is with great ado and alarm pronounced and believed by them to be really broken. An ignorant Protestant, for instance, goes into a foreign cathedral to witness a High Mass. And to him it seems nothing but a heap of unmeaning, childish, and unchristian mummeries. But meantime an uninstructed Romanist attends an Independent meeting-house ; and to him the service is a perfectly ludicrous, cold, unedifying, and burdensome piece of ceremonial. Where he had been accustomed to see an altar, leading his thoughts straightway to Jesus and to ' the Lamb in the midst of the elders as it had been slain 46 ,' he sees a cushioned pulpit. The priest who pleaded amid touching symbols the great atoning sacrifice, is replaced by a lecturer on the Bible. The noble liturgies of the early Church have made way for the extempore effusions of an individual. The place of worship, in short, seems to him to have become a preaching-house 47 . And every breath of poetry from the South, every touch of symbolism from the East, every trace of Greek freedom and masterhood in the management both of doctrinal matter and of artistic form, every relic of strong Roman obedience, order and majesty, seem to him to have fled ; and Ca- tholicity to have given place to a bald French Calvinism, capable of imagining nothing whatever but a sermon. 45 Of course far more than this is all that is most beautiful and noble, to be said of the honourable candour ought to be regarded as the rightful of men, who really know what they inheritance of every one who believes are writing about; such as appears in in the essential unity of Christ's the following passage of Dr. Stough- Catholic Church.' (Stoughton, Two ton on the Prayer-book: 'As the Hundred years Ago, p. 221.) sources whence the book was com- w Rev. v. 6. piled are so numerous and so ancient, * Avxvffi irpolffraadat Siarpi&Tjs belonging to European Christendom /xoXAoi/ ff lKK\i)aica. (Clem. Alex. in the remotest times . . the bulk of Strom, vii.) what the book contains, including II.] MISAPPREHENSIONS ABOUT THE CHURCH. 105 Yet we know that neither conception would be wholly true. We know how much there is to be said for both these forms of worship ; and what numerous points of interest occur in both to the instructed eye. In the first, there survives the spontaneous over-luxuriant ritual growth of many ages ; in the last, the violent and con- scious effort of the sixteenth century to be rid of an intolerable ultra-ceremonialism at a blow. But meanwhile, the effects of these misapprehensions have been disastrous. They have given credence and currency to legendary histories of almost ludicrous false- ness and party spirit ; and as mischievous to Christian brotherhood and good order, as the pseudo-English Histories which are said to have been taught for a long time in America, or as the fatal Napoleonic legend, so long industriously cultivated by M. Thiers, has proved in France. In history thus distorted, the Church of Eng- land is made to figure as a fell and bloody tyrant, eager for prey, delighting in persecution of the saints, bent on obstruction, and glorying in shameful outrages upon men's liberty and conscience 48 . No word is uttered to remind men, that it was this same Church, nevertheless, * 8 The discordances and self-con- blood of the saints.' (History of Dis- tradictions which prevail among senters, i. 84.) Again, 'The Reforma- second-rate Dissenting historians, tion of the English Establishment concerning the Church of England, retrograded, rather than advanced, surpass all belief. Even such re- after the reign of Edward.' (Ibid. spectable writers as Messrs. Bogue p. 39.) The ' Establishment,' there- and Bennett can condescend to the fore, was clearly in existence under following confusions : ' The Dis- Edward VI. But yet it seems, ' the senters were persecuted with tenfold Commons House of Parliament, the fury ; for, availing himself of Mon- temporal peers, . . and Queen Eliza- mouth's rebellion to crush the ene- beth, the sovereign of the land, mies of popery and arbitrary power, brought the Church of England into the King [James II., a Romanist] being, like Adam, full grown, with turned his realm into a slaughter- all her soul and body.' (Ibid. p. 102.) house. . . Several ministers of the After this, we can be surprised at establishment forsook it, as un- nothing in writers of an inferior worthy the name of a Church of calibre. Christ, since it was stained with the Io6 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. which first curbed the aristocratic insolence of feudal force, which produced the emancipation of the serfs, gave the model and impetus to parliamentary government, preserved art and literature and all that opened a career to the lower ranks of society, and in our own days has laboured with a noble self-devotion (while Dissent has done comparatively nothing) in educating the masses of our fellow-countrymen. No distinction is attempted to be drawn between repressive measures which were purely the work of the State often pre-eminently of the House of Commons * 9 and those which may more fairly be as- cribed to ecclesiastics : though even then (as we have already seen), to ecclesiastics of all denominations alike. Nor do we find any proper care taken to discriminate between conflicts and sufferings that belong to the histories of two or more perfectly distinct, and often hostile, sects 50 . All are pressed into the service of theo- logical hatred and party strife. And the profoundly interesting history of the great political transition from feudal aristocracy to the ascendency of the middle class 51 , 49 Take, for instance, the much p. 264.) ' The Commons still far- abused 'Act of Uniformity,' 1662: ther added to the severity of the 'Considered as an act of the State- measure.' (Ibid. p. 268.) ' Parlia- Church,' we are bitterly told, 'it was ment was quite prepared to do all a fatal blunder ' (Skeats, p. 73), and that the Episcopalians desired, and the penalties that followed on it. even more.' (Fletcher, History of 'long and weary imprisonments, ba- Independency, iv. 198.) nishment, and starvation, satisfied i " ' These two had lived in much the episcopal bench." (Ibid. p. 75.) friendship and agreement under But other Dissenting writers are a tyranny., as it is the talent of fellow- little more careful of the truth : ' We j sufferers to do, men in misfortune must now return to the House of being like men in the dark, to whom Commons. On the 1st of March (1662), the Members . . were intro- duced to the King. " Gentlemen," he observed, " I hear you are very zealous for the Church, and very solicitous, and even jealous, that all colours are the same. But when they came forward into the world, and began to display themselves to each other and to the light, their complexions appeared extremely dif- ferent.' (Swift, Tale of a Tub, vi.) there is not expedition enough used 5l ' The History of England during in this affair. I thank you for it." ' the seventeenth century, is the his- (Stoughton, Two Hundred Fears Ago, tory of the transformation of a II.] ENGLAND SAVED BY BOTH PARTIES. 107 a history embracing all the whole period from the Wars of the Roses to the accession of William III., is travestied into a sectarian battle of kites and crows, where ecclesiastics figure as the main authors and movers of the tedious and noisy strife. The thing were incredible, if it were not true. But the fact is, that men are habitually more interested in watching and describing the fortunes of their own small clan or favourite theological party, than in admiring the providential method by which men of both parties in the Church and in the State have been combined to bring into being the glorious England of to-day; to ward off, on the one hand by Puritan vigour and obstinacy the threatening danger of a Stuart autocracy ; to heal, on the other by the welding and organizing instincts of the Churchman that republican disunion which, even before Cromwell's death 52 , bade fair to crumble the nation into fragments and lay her prostrate beneath a vast irresistible Latin empire, which would have been the curse and bane of mankind for untold generations 53 . limited monarchy, constituted after the scorn and contempt of those the fashion of the middle ages, into strangers [Dutch ambassadors and a limited monarchy suited to that the like] who are amongst us to more advanced state of society, in negotiate their masters' affairs ! To which the public charges can no give them opportunity to see our longer be borne by the estates of the nakedness, as they do 1' (Carlyle, Crown, and in which the public de- Cromwell, ii. 302.) fence can no longer be entrusted to a M How imminent this danger was, feudal militia.' (Macaulay, History let the following passage declare. of England, i. 72.) 'The King of England offered to 62 ' This land is become in many declare himself a Roman Catholic, places already a Chaos, a Babel, to dissolve the Triple Alliance, and another Amsterdam ; yea worse, to join with France against Holland, we are beyond that and in the high- if France would engage to lend him way to Munster, if God prevent it such military and pecuniary aid as not.' (Edwards' Gangraena, part i. might make him independent of his P- 57-) ' To have our peace and Parliament. Lewis at first affected interest, whereof those were our to receive these propositions coolly . . hopes the other day, thus shaken Nevertheless, the propositions made and put under such a confusion ; by the Court of Whitehall were most and ourselves rendered hereby almost welcome to him. He already medi- io8 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. Waiving aside, then, not without some indignation, the violent and repulsive language in which this second great principle of Independency is too often expressed, what, now, is the truth of the matter ? It is, that this strange worship of ' private property,' this extraor- dinary narrowness of view, which can rise to the con- ception of a Church-polity on the scale of a vestry- meeting, but cannot go beyond, is also an obsolete idea ; and is left far behind by the nobler and broader conceptions of modern times 54 . If anything is certain, it is that the growing democracy of our age is teeming with an idea which already, in a blind and unskilful way, has found expression ; and which only needs a little sympathizing guidance to show its essential accordance with Christianity and with the Catholic spirit of the Church 55 , as distinguished from the particularism of tated gigantic designs, which were destined to keep Europe in constant fermentation during more than forty years. He wished to humble the United Provinces, and to annex Belgium, Franche Comt4, and Lor- raine to his dominions. Nor was this all. The King of Spain was a sickly child . . A day would almost certainly come, and might come very soon, when the House of Bourbon might lay claim to that vast Empire on which the sun never set . . Eng- land would turn the scale. On the course which, in such a crisis, Eng- land might pursue, the destinies of the world would depend . . A secret treaty was signed at Dover, in May, 1670 . . Charles bound himself to employ the whole strength of Eng- land, by sea and land, in support of the right of the House of Bourbon to the vast monarchy of Spain. Lewis, on the other hand, engaged to pay a large subsidy, and promised that, if an insurrection should break out, he would send an army athis own charge to support his ally.' (Macaulay, History of England, i. 98. Cf. Bissett, Omitted Chapters in English History, ii. 19.) 54 The anxiety which already pos- sesses the ' Dissenting Interests,' and urges them to hurried action, is thus fairly confessed by Rev. Baldwin Brown : ' This spirit of democracy is an advancing and, in its present aspect, a menacing power. The next great experiment in the organization of society will be under its auspices. This tendency to universal organiza- tion is a tremendous power. . . In- stead of rejoicing that Christianity, under the auspices of the Establish- ment principle, will fall naturally and easily into the new order, we should pray earnestly to be delivered from an endowed democratic Church.' (Contemporary Review, Jan. 1871, p. 320.) 55 ' L'^galite commence a penetrer par 1'Eglise au sein du gouverne- ment ; et celui qui cut vegete, comme "serf" dans un eternel esclavage. n.] ULTRA-INDIVIDUALISM UNCHRISTIAN. 109 Dissent. It is, in few words, the idea that the absolutism of mere ' capital' which ' knows no country,' and owns no obligations to any one is nearly over : that property is a trust, and has duties as well as rights : that the highest ideal of human society is rather community than iso- lation, rather confederacy than individualism : and that not petty private schemes, mutually jealous and ob- structive 66 , but institutions on the broad and public scale, are those wherein power and efficiency are gene- rated, where the self-denial and self-sacrifice of the many are husbanded from waste, and are made to co- operate towards the successful issue of large and well- planned enterprises. 'What,' say our working classes, 'is the meaning of this " private property," this "voluntary system," this absolute right of every man to do whatsoever he will with his own ? Is there no one who will stand up and teach us, in the name of common sense, that if the individual is the root and the beginning of human society, he is not the flower and the crown thereof 57 ? Is there no man of culture who will come forward, and shew that there are whole races of men who have never yet been able fully to understand what this strange right of the in- dividual against the community exactly means : nay, that our own German race no effete descendants of a worn-out Latin imperialism, but breathing the fresh and bracing atmosphere of nature and simplicity established wherever it came the feudal system ; and held fast, throughout the middle ages, to the idea se place comme pretre au milieu des Icrrl, oJ OTJ avOpamos jv) ijroi av\6s tanv, fj 56 Mill, Polit. Ecort. v. II. 1 6. ttptirToiv % avQpoiiros. (Arist. Polit. vo\i$ i. 2. 9.) no THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. of public property standing on duties, rather than that of private property standing on rights? And, lastly, is there no man of God, who, in the name of Christianity, will teach us that the Lord and His dis- ciples the embryo Christian Church had a common purse : that the earliest society of believers practised community of goods : that, altered in mere shape and outward expression, the spirit and teaching and institutions of the Catholic Church have been the same from that day down to this, preaching in every prac- ticable way the softening down of the hard inequalities of heathenish ordinary life ; opening a career to men of every rank; breaking down with all its might the ever-recurring partition-walls of clique and caste ; and bidding men combine on the largest possible scale, with " brotherhood " for the motto of their system, and self-denying orderly "co-operation" for its method 58 '? That this is the conception which is floating before the minds of modern men, this the voice which is already vibrating in the air of our modern times, no one who has ears to hear and eyes to see can possibly deny 59 . It may be called democracy. But that does not alter the case. Some people call it Christianity; and aver 58 ' To come now to the favourable, w E.g. : 'It is scarcely possible to the hopeful view of these prospects, reflect with patience upon the fact, The things needful to the improve- that nearly eight million acres of land ment of the condition of the working which might have been retained at classes are : a general and higher a very small cost as public property, education, a friendly, open, non-ag- have been suffered to fall into the gressive federation of the labouring possession of private hands ; and classes throughout the civilized world, that, year by year, additional thou- and Christianity. These are, in my sands are being diverted from the opinion, the three grand essentials.' public in the same manner.' (Art. (Contemp. Review, Dec. 1871, p. 93 : on 'The Preservation of Commons,' art. by Thos. Wright, 'the journey- in Eraser's Magazine, Sept. 1871, man engineer.') p. 301.) II.] MODERN TASTE FOR BREADTH AND GRANDEUR. Ill that it only needs a skilful and kindly direction, to become a power for good and not for evil in the world ; to become a power which shall raise like the fresh vocal tide on some dead silent shore the helpless stranded barks to life and beauty and mutual aid once more, and shall produce effects of a scale and efficiency which have, as yet, been hardly dreamed of. And now, what are we to say to a religious system, which comes forward amidst the dawn of such a period as this, to preach once more the dying doctrines of a middle-class ascendency ; which proclaims once more the divine right of small Independent coteries ; gives an actual consecration, at length, to the most extreme theories of ' private property ; ' repudiates in sacred things which have always furnished the prelude and the model to secular arrangements all organization on the grand scale 60 , all publicity and national union ; and would fain establish the most important by far of all our social institutions the National Church upon a mere Voluntary system, and on the base idea of men's private rights, instead of the noble and inspiring one of their public duties ? What else can be said, but 60 The evidences of this growing lately they were found to be erecting taste for organization on the grand, a greenhouse, to supply the infirmary and not on the petty scale, meet one with flowers. . . In another union, we sometimes in the most unexpected had to object to the elevation, as quarters. Here is a passage from being of a more ornamental and The Twenty-second Annual Report of costly character than was necessary tbe Poor-law Board, 1869-70, p. xv. particularly to the addition of a ' The extreme parsimony displayed tower ; and granite columns and by Boards of Guardians of the older terra-cotta enrichments had to be school has, in some of the larger struck out. In another instance, we unions, given way to a desire to refused to sanction proposals to in- conduct all the duties devolving upon troduce encaustic tile paving in the the guardians upon a somewhat entrance - hall, moulded Portland - grand and liberal scale. The guar- stone stairs to the chapel ; . . and dians of a Lancashire union, for Portland-stone decorations to the instance, have built one of the best front of the building.' infirmaries in the kingdom . . and 112 THE INDEPENDENTS. [LECT. that such a system is obsolete and self-condemned ? And were the legislature to commit the country irre- vocably to an ecclesiastical policy dictated by an active minority possessed by these narrow views, at the very moment of transition, when the middle-class is being called upon to part with its exclusive ascendency, and to share the government of the country with a class possessed of totally different ideas, such a course would be a flagrant breach of a most solemn trust, and a crime little short of treason to the State. For here is something quite other than an Irish Church question. There the problem was essentially a numerical one. There honest statistics were not with- held 61 ; and the course, therefore, of political justice was clear. Six hundred thousand Churchmen 62 , amid a 81 It is impossible, as an English- man, not to feel a sense of shame, on recalling the following facts : (i) That in 1851, a quasi-religious census was obtained, by a method which gave every advantage to the' Dissenters, and by a calculation whose accuracy is now universally ; repudiated ; and that the result, even I then, giving fifty-six per cent, of the (so-called) ' worshipping' population to the Church of England, and only forty-four per cent, to all the other denominations put together : this ratio has been, for twenty years, inscribed on all the banners of Dis- sent, as giving ' half the population of England* to their side: (2) That in 1 86 1, a serious effort on the part of Churchmen to obtain the simple truth on this question, was thwarted by Dissenters for another ten years : ' (3) That, in 1871, another effort to obtain bonafide statistics was thwart- ed in the same way, for another ten years to come. No man can believe, surely, that a policy of obscuration can answer, in the long run, in England. As to the honesty of the 1851 statistics, discoveries of the following sort are perpetually bring- ing it into discredit. A chapel in Leeds is registered as affording room for 200 persons ; on Census Sunday, 1 85 1 , it returns its ' worshippers' as, morning, 650; afternoon, 723; even- ing, 1030. A chapel in Marylebone accommodates 198 persons; its re- turns were morning, 277; evening, 336. (Church and State Handy-Book, p. 55.) In Wales, visits to three chapels, impartially chosen, on a casual Sunday in 1870, verified the Census returns as follows, the three chapels had returned 900 ' wor- shippers' between them : the actual attendance, when visited, was found to be respectively, 19, 25, and 45. (Guardian, Sept. 2r, 1870.) a ' We need unity. We are only some 600,000 against the combined forces of the Church of Rome.' (Irish Eccl. Gaz., Dec. 22, 1871, p. 262.) II.] THE IRISH CHURCH NO PRECEDENT. 113 population of six millions, were enjoying all the benefits and advantages of a national establishment. Long before any such ratio shall have been arrived at in England, it is perfectly certain that English Churchmen themselves will appeal to Parliament for relief from an intolerable position. But the question, on this side the Irish Channel, is confessedly not one of numbers, but of principles. For it is not contested that Church- men outnumber in England all the other denominations put together. Here therefore it is the question of re- taining, for the benefit of coming generations, a most important national institution ; an institution which has lasted for twelve hundred years ; and which as an engine of education and discipline concerns the lower orders more nearly than any others. Yet this it is proposed to throw to the winds before their very eyes, to waste it with its vast accumulation of influence and property, to reduce it from a public and open to a close and private society, and that, not in order to benefit any single person or institution in the country, nor to satisfy one single Christian or noble aspiration ; but merely to satisfy the jealousy of those who are already (we are told) in a position of far greater freedom and effici- ency, and to respond to a cry, never yet listened to in England, never (I think) likely to be listened to, a cry, not for ' liberty,' but for ' equality 63 .' (3) But perhaps the third fundamental maxim, on 83 *O\a>s, TO *aov fr-rowm araffi- (1689), for the people's right to dovatv . . 1o Si drt\ws, -navrri, naO' choose their own pastors. . . Hence (tcartpav, reraxOat rty laorrjra they railed against the pomp and titutiones (1560), bk. i. tit. 6 : Sauter, Fundamenta (1809), i. 69: Devotus, Tnslit. (1838), p. 52 : Bouix, Traclatus ^1852), p. 128. 144 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. first century, the next but one in succession to St. Peter himself, about A.D. 78, determining the question plainly thus : ' Let all the more important and difficult cases that may arise be referred to the Apostolic See : for so the apostles decreed, under the express bidding of the Saviour ' ? How could he feel comfortable, I say, in remaining within his own national Church, when he was shown this consensus of authorities in favour of the Papal supremacy, and yet saw her indignantly shaking off the Papal yoke, which had, on these very grounds, been submitted to by kings and bishops and schoolmen for 1000 years ? Nay, if he still hesitated, he was shown the letters of a whole series of Antenicene Popes, all plainly supporting the Papal claims. There were the letters totidem verbis of Melchiades, Eusebius, and Marcellus, early in the fourth century: of Felix, Sixtus II., Lucius, Cornelius, Calixtus, Zephyrinus, in the third century : of Victor, in the second century: and of Anacletus, Clement, and even S. Peter himself, in the first century. There were, besides these, the Conciliar decisions at Sinuessa in Italy, A.D. 303, laying it down that 'the first see is to be judged by no man ;' and at Nicaea, the great CEcu- menical Council in A.D. 325, ordering that 'all episcopal appeals be taken before the Bishop of Rome.' And to clench and settle the whole matter, there stood in plain and legible characters upon the page of Gratian's Decretum 13 , the following words of the great, holy, and intelligent St. Augustine (A.D. 400), placing the decrees of the Popes on the same level of inspiration as the Bible itself ; ' The Epistles,' said he, ' issued by the Holy See form part of the Canonical Scriptures.' I have not even now set before you all the proofs of 13 Part i. dist. 19. cap. 6. UI.] THE PAPAL CLAIMS REST ON FORGERIES. 145 this kind, which were used to overpower men's judgment and common sense in the sixteenth century. Nay, some of them are still used, are still incorporated in the Breviaries and the books of Canon Law ; and are even (with audacious effrontery) pushed to extravagance in our own land and in the year of grace 1870, by being carried back yet farther than St. Peter, and attached to the sacred person of our blessed Lord Himself. ' Do you mean,' writes an English Romanist, only last year, ' that our blessed Lord taught Hi5 apostles the lateTconception of riis blessed mother? I do. And the infallibility of the Pope?, I do u .' However, enough has been said, I think, to show that, (whatever may be the case in the nineteenth century,) an ordinarily educated clergy- man or layman, about the middle of the sixteenth cen- tury, might well be excused if he felt in great perplexity about this subject ; if he hesitated between these oppo- site claims to his allegiance ; and sometimes decided in favour of obedience to the Pope, in preference to a con- tinued loyalty to his own English mother church. And now what is the truth of the matter ? The truth of the matter is simply this : the whole of these documents and passages that I have quoted, are now known to be, and are for the most part acknowledged even by Jesuits and Popes to be, a series of gross forgeries. There is not one of them, that has been able to stand the test of inquiry; not one of them, that has not melted away beneath the searching glance of an honest criticism ; not one that has escaped the brand of a disgraceful imposture. Take first the passage from St. Cyril quoted even by such men as Ferraris, the Canonist, in the eighteenth " Tbe Barnet Catholic Magazine, May, 1870, p. 6. It THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. century 15 ; and by Rayner the Dominican, in the seven- teenth century 16 . It is expressly acknowledged to be spurious by the Dominican editor of Rayner's book, in 1655. Indeed, a whole 'treasury' of similar forgeries, purporting to represent the submission of the early Greek fathers to the Papal claims, has now been de- tected and exposed. There is a TJtesaimis Grcscorum Patrzim, which is now known to be the work of a forger in the thirteenth century, who brought to Pope Urban IV. a MS., full of fabricated citations, constructed in support of the Papal claims and of the filioque clause in the Nicene Creed, against the aspersions of contemporary Greek writers. Urban handed on the MS. to his friend Thornas Aquinas ; who was in his turn deceived, and who accepted though not without some grave suspicions this gross imposition as a genuine work n . Turn next to the peremptory and decisive passage from St. Augustine, a passage employed even to this day as any one who has had controversy with Ro- manists can attest with perfect confidence and triumph : ' Roma locuta est, causa finita est.' Those words were never written by St. Atigustine. What he did write is as follows : on the Pelagian question, ' the results of two councils were communicated to the Apostolic See, and letters were received in reply. The controversy is at 15 Ferraris, Bibliotbeca Canonica, corum, confesses that the great vii. 20, [second edition, 1780,] a work Schoolman was deceived by this in great request, especially on Ru- forgery and made use of it against brical questions. the Greeks: but thinks that after- 18 Raynerii, Pantbeologia, iii. 162, wards his suspicions were aroused, ed. Nicolai, 1655.] It was used as and that a certain ' olfacta falsitas' a text-book in most Roman Catholic warned him against using the The- institutions, till nearly the middle of saurus in composing his great work, the last century. the Summa Tbeologia. (See P. 17 P. de Rubeis, the Dominican, Gratry, ' Deuxieme lettre k Mgr. in his dissertation prefixed to Thomas 1'archeveque de Malines,' p. 26.) Aquinas' work Contra errores Grte- HI.] FORGED CITATIONS FROM THE FATHERS. 147 an end : may the error also, one day, end 18 ! ' More- over his personal opinions on this subject can easily be gathered, by a hundred genuine passages culled at random from his voluminous works ; by which it appears that, so far from maintaining the modern Jesuit view of the chief authority in the Church, he held precisely the Anglican view ; viz. that the supreme ecclesiastical power was lodged in a general council of the whole Church 10 , the Bishop of Rome claiming merely a Primacy among his brother bishops 20 . To which we may venture to add, that his opinion also about ' pious frauds' and convenient forgeries may be gathered from the following passage : ' Omnis qui mentitur, iniquitatem facit ; et si cuiquam videtur utile aliquando esse mendacium, potest videri utilem esse aliquando iniquitatem 21 .' We come next to St. Cyprian, in the third century. The famous passage in his work De Unitate Ecclesics (chap, ii.) has been by Romanists ' so often alleged and repeated, that scarce any writer of their side sails in the 18 'Jam enim de hac causa duo norum, i. I. 2.) Cf. Janus, p. 88. concilia missa sunt ad sedem aposto- ' St. Augustine has written more on licam : inde etiam rescripta venerunt. the Church, its unity and authority, Causa finita est; utinam aliquando than all the other Fathers put finiatur error!' (Serm. 132, sub fin.; together. Yet, from his numerous Migne, v. 754: cf. Gratry, ii. 57; works filling ten folios, only one Janus, 70.) sentence in one letter can be quoted, 19 'Nee tale aliquid auderemus where he says that the principality asserere, nisi Universse Ecclesise [the " primacy," principatus] of the concordissima auctoritate firmati. Apostolic chair has always been at Cui et ipse [Cyprianus] sine dubio Rome ... In the seventy-five chapters cederet, si jam illo tempore quse- [of his work on the Unity of the stionis hujus veritas eliquata et de- Church] there is not a single word clarata per plenarium Concilium soli- on the necessity of communion with daretur.' (De Bapt. ix. 2.5: ap. Rome as the centre of unity.' Gratry, ii. 60.) 21 Augustine, De Doctrina Chris- 20 ' Commvnis omnibus nobis qui fun- tiana, i. 36: cf. Serm. 132, cap. 3. gimur Episcopatus officio quamvis ' Eligo ut homo in aliquo fallatur, ipse in ea praeemineas celsiore fas- quam ut in aliquo mentiatur. Falli tigio specula pastoralis.' (Ad Bo- enim pertinet ad infirmitatem : men- pifacium, contra duas Epist. Pelagia- tiri ad iniquitatem.' L 2 148 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. main ocean of controversies, but he toucheth at this point 22 .' Unluckily, every single word is an interpolation. 'I have seen,' says Dr. James, first curator of the Bodleian Library (fi629), ' eight very ancient MSS., and can speak of my certain knowledge, that none of these have any such matter 23 .' The passage first appears in a letter from Pelagius II. (t59o) to the Istrian Bishops ; in order (it would seem) to save the credit of St. Cyprian, a great saint, who stood too high in popular veneration to be dethroned, although a previous Pope had included his writings in a list of works rejected by the Church. To effect this, it was necessary (i) to interpolate a pro-papal passage in the midst of a distinctly anti-papal work, and that, only ten lines below the following passage : ' The other apostles were the same as was Peter, endued with an equal share both of dignity and power ;' and only ten lines above the celebrated words : ' Episcopatus unum est ; cujus a singulis in solidum pars tenetur :' and (2) to alter in his favour the papal list of rejected works. Both these things were done 24 . And in the subsequent Roman edition of 1563, the forgery was retained, in the face of better knowledge and against the express remon- strances of the editor himself, by order of the Papal censors. In the Paris edition of 1726, the same dis- graceful conduct was repeated. For when the learned editor, Baluze, had erased the forgery, it was restored afresh by order of Cardinal Fleury, ' lest he should 23 James, On the Corruptions of the inserted words are nothing more Fathers, 1611. (Oxford reprint, than the marginal note of a copyist p. 78.) or reader, which afterwards crept 23 Ibid. p. 8 1. ; into the text.' As regards the spu- 84 Janus, p. 127. To this Dr. Her- riousness of the passage then, 'ha- genrother, in his Anti-Janus, p. 149, bemus confitentem reum.' makes the following reply : ' The ' in.] IREN&US MISQUOTED. 149 involve himself in a quarrel with Rome.' And to this day, in the ordinary Romanist editions, the false but useful words retain their place 25 . The next citation to be examined, is that from Ire- nseus, in the second century. It is used by Melchior Canus (1563), by Bellarmine (1586), and by other con- troversialists, down to St. Liguori (1787), whose work on Moral Theology is in the hands of every Roman priest and seminarist, and who is lauded by an ultra- montane archbishop as ' the most powerful echo of tra- dition in modern times 26 .' Will it be credited ? The words are nowhere to be found in St. Irenx at & T '? ra ]> necesse est omnem convenire Eccle- siam, hoc est, eos qui sunt undique fideles, in qu& semper, ab his qui sunt undique, conservata est ea quse est ab Apostolis traditio.' The pas- sage (as is well known) exists only in a Latin translation. Its meaning is well illustrated by Athenaeus, Deipn. i. 36, (ap. Neander, i. 285,) 'Pufiij tru\is !TTO/) TT;$ ot'ov/xeV?;s, tv $ avviStTv fffTiv ovrcas iraaas ras ir6\fis ISpv^tvas : and by Chrys. Farewell Oration, torn. i. 755: where he uses similar language about the Eastern 'emporium of the faith,' Constantinople. 29 ' Percurre Ecclesias Apostolicas, apud quas ipsse cathedrae aposto- lorum suis locis prsesidentur . . Prox- ime est tibi Achaia, habes Corin- thum : si non longe es k Macedonia, habes Philippos, habes Thessalo- nicenses : si potes in Asiam tendere, habes Ephesum: si autem Italise adjaces, Romam, unde nobis quo- que auctoritas prsesto est.' (De Prascrip. 36.) 30 ' Quserebam quomodo se isti [scil. Donatistse] justfe separassent ab innocentia cseterorum Christi- anorum qui, per orbem terranim successionis ordinem custodientes, in antitprissimis ecclesiis constituti, ig- norarent,' etc. (Epist. xliv. 3.) m-] THE 'FORGED DECRETALS? 151 listing the weight of a great name in support of the universal dominion of the Roman See 31 . And now we come to that enormous and shame- less imposture, commonly called the ' Pseudo-Isido- rian Decretals.' This presents us, in the interests of TftefHoly See, with a collection of letters purporting to be written by thirty of the earliest Popes of Rome, during the first four centuries of the Christian era. Skilfully attached to a large number of later epistles and decrees, which are genuine, and which breathe the true spirit of Roman domination, they were im- plicitly believed in for seven centuries ; and materially contributed to rivet on the neck of Christendom that fatal yoke of a spiritual despotism, which the utmost efforts of re-awakened Europe in the sixteenth century were unable wholly to shake off. They were composed by an junknown forger, amid the deepening gloom of the middle of the ninth century. And, though suspected once or twice by thinkers of unusual independence during the middle ages 32 , the imposture was never publicly detected till the era of the Reformation. It was then made known to Europe : first of all, by the Protestant historians at Magdeburg (1559) ; soon after- wards, by the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Tarragona, in Spain 33 . It was then acknowledged by Cardinal Baronius 34 , the great Church historian (fioo/) ; and 81 Gratry, ii. 44, shows how, in A.D. 871. He calls them a ' poculura so widely used a book as the Roman quod confecisti ex nominibus sane- Breviary, this passage has been torum apostolicae sedis pontificum,' truncated and misapplied and made etc. (ap. Neander, vi. 28: Bohn). to serve the Papal cause. They were next called in question 82 They seem to have been vehe- in 1170, again in 1324, in 1418, and mently suspected byHincmar, Arch- 1448. (Gieseler, ii 335.) bishop of Rheims, against whom ^ Gieseler, ii. 335. they were first used by the Popes, ** Eccles. Hist. A.D. 865, 8. 152 THE ROMANISTS. [tECT. by Cardinal Bellarmin 35 , the subtle Jesuit controver- sialist (fi62i). By David Blondel, at Geneva, in 1628, the question was dragged forth still farther into the light of day, and became finally decided 36 ; so that, since that time, men the most devoted to the Holy See 37 have been obliged to confess the vast imposture, and Pope Pius VI. himself, in 1789, judged it to be worthy of the flames 38 . And yet this transparent forgery did good service at Trent ; where it was quoted without rebuke by an Italian bishop, in a speech on the duty of the Church 39 . It was trusted by the great theologian, Melchior Canus, ki I563 40 . Nay, it was actually em- ployed so late as the end of the last century, by the \ great saint and doctor of the Latin Church, Liguori 41 , \ whose handbooks are in universal circulation, as a \ \ ' \basis for his teaching on 'the infallibility of the Pope.' """What then does this Isidorian forgery contain ? It contains, in the first two hundred and fifty pages, the supposititious letters of thirty Popes during the Ante- nicene period. In these, it represents St. Peter himself as saying, ' not even among the Apostles was there equality : but one was set over all.' It makes St. Clement (fioo) call Peter 'the prince of the Apostles,' and assign damnation as the award for neglecting his 85 De Pontif. Rom. ii. cap. 14. cremandam.' (Letter to four Metro- 38 Hinschius, Decretales Pseudo- folitans of Germany, p. 236 : ap. Isid. p. Ixxxii. Gieseler, loc. cit. Gratry, ii. 9.) 87 Devotus, Instil. Canonica-, i. 70 * Le Plat, Monum. Condi. Trid. (Ghent edit. 1846): ' Hodife per- vii. 341. spicua, non suspiciosa, omnibus est * De locis Tbeol. vi. cap. 4 : ap. falsitas Decretalium, quz ex penu Gratry, ii. 8. Isid. Mercatoris educta sunt.' And 41 Tbeol. Moralis, i. 109. Cf. Dr. Dr. Hergenrother, Anti-Janus, p. 1 12 Pusey, Eirenicon, i. 255 : 'The forgery (Engl. trans.) : ' The genuine Papal of the Decretals, after they had Decretals, that have been preserved, passed for true during eight centuries, begin with the year 385.' was owned by all, even in the 38 ' Seponamus collectionem hujus- Church of Rome. But the system modi, igm etiam (si placet) con- built upon the forgery abides still.' III.] PRETENDED LETTERS OF EARLY POPES. 153 regulations. It makes Anacletus (tQi) say, 'If difficult questions should arise, in case of appeal, let them be referred to the Apostolic See : for so the Apostles ordained, under the injunctions of the Saviour.' It puts into the mouth of Victor (f2O2) the following decree : 'Although the case of an accused Bishop may be examined by his comprovincial Bishops, still it is not lawful for them to determine the matter, without con- sulting the Bishop of Rome.' Zephyrinus adds (f2i8), ' Let the conclusion of such a cause be reserved for the Apostolic See, and then be terminated, and not before. . . To it also let all, especially those under oppression, make appeal and fly for refuge, as to a mother.' Calixtus (f223), ' It is undoubted, that the Apostolic Church is the mother of all Churches , . the head of the Church is the Roman Church.' Cornelius (f252), ' Let no priest commit his cause to any alien jurisdiction, unless appeal have been first made to the Apostolic See.' Lucius I. (f253), 'This is the holy and Apostolical mother of all Churches, the Church of Christ, which, by the grace of Almighty God, is proved to have never erred from the path of Apostolical tradition, nor succumbed to heretical innovations.' Sixtus II. (1258), ' Bishops are blame- worthy, who act otherwise towards their brethren, than to the Pope of their see shall seem good.' Marcellus (t3io), ' He is the head of the whole Church, to whom the Lord said, "Thou art Peter," ' &c. Eusebius (t3io), 'Blessed be the Lord our God, who hath enriched the Roman Church with the ministry of blessed Peter, prince of the Apo- stles ; and to us too, on account of the universal charge which is the privilege of the same Church,' &c. 42 Such are a few specimens of this unparalleled forgery. 12 For all the above-quoted passages, see Hinschius, Decret, Psevdo-Isid. vol. i. 154 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. We turn now to the pretended Council of Sinuessa, a place not far from Rome, held (it is alleged) in A.D. 303 ; and promulgating the famous maxim, that 'the first See is judged by no man.' Of this Council Dr. Hefele, the learned Roman Catholic Bishop of Rotten- burg, gives the following account. ' If the document which tells us of a synod at Sinuessa could have any pretension to authenticity, this synod must have taken place about the beginning of the fourth century, in 303. It says the Emperor Diocletian had pressed Marcellinus, Bishop of Rome, to sacrifice to the gods. . . A synod assembled, and Marcellinus denied the fact. The inquiry was continued in a crypt near Sinuessa, on account of the persecution. There were assembled many priests, and no fewer than three hundred Bishops ; a number quite impossible for {Eat country^ andin a time of persecution. . . The third day, the three hundred Bishops charged Marcellinus in God's name to speak the truth. He then threw himself on the ground, and, covering his head with ashes, loudly and repeatedly acknowledged his sin, adding that he had allowed him- self to be bribed with gold. The Bishops, in pronouncing judgment, formally added : Marcellinus has condemned himself^ for the occupant of the highest see cannot be judged by any one . . This account is so filled with impro- babilities and evidently false dates, that in modern times Roman Catholics and Protestants have unanimously re- jected the authenticity of it. Before that, some Roman Catholics were not unwilling to appeal to this document, on account of the proposition, prima sedes non judicatur a quoquam. The Roman Breviary itself has admitted the account of Marcellinus' weakness 4 V 43 Hefele, Concilien-s r escbichfe, i. 118 imaginary Council are to be seen in (Engl. trans, i. 127). The acts of this Hardouin, i. 217. III.] THE NICENE CANONS TAMPERED WITH, 155 Far more important, as giving an apparent sanction of the very highest kind to the Papal claims, was the decree attributed through many a long age to the CEcumenical Council of Nicaea (325), that all episcopal appeals should be carried before the Bishop of Ronje. Nicaea, it need not be said, decreed nothing of the kind. But the history of this imposition is really curious and instructive. It is a network of fraud. We must begin by going back so far as Pope Zosimus (t4i8), within a century of the Nicene Council itself. A presbyter of the Latin Church of North Africa had been degraded by his Bishop for misconduct. He, how- ever, crossed the sea to Italy, and begged the Pope's interference. This, of course, was only too readily granted. And when three African councils were held, to protest against the interference, Zosimus alleged, as his authority for interfering, a canon of the Council of Nicsea ; which was, in reality, nothing but a canon of the later and merely local Council of Sardica, A.D. 347 44 . The Africans, however, were too acute to be thus deluded. They confronted the Pope with authen- ticated copies of the true Nicene Canons, furnished by the Patriarchs of Alexandria and Constantinople ; and ended the matter by deposing the presbyter on his own confession, and by writing a severe rebuke to the Pope both for his interference and his unfaithfulness 45 . 44 ' The canons quoted by the camur ut deinceps ad vestras aures Legates, under the title of Nicrea, hinc venientes non faciliusadmittatis; were in fact those of Sardica ; which nee a nobis excommunicatos ultrJi Council was not received by the velitis accipere. Quik- hoc etiam Greek nor the African Church.' Nicseno concilio definitum, facilk (Hussey, Rise of the Papal Power, advertet venerabilitas tua . . Pruden- p. 47.) tissime enim justissimeque provide- 45 ' Tandem de omnibus incredi- runt, qucecumqve negotia in suis locts bilibus opprobriis ultroneus se ipse vbi orta sunt Jinienda . . Quia uni- convicit. . . Pra-fato itaque debitse cuique concessum est, si judicio ofFen- salutationis officio, impendio depre- sus fuerit cognitorum, ad concilia 156 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. But the imposition, although thus bravely detected and exposed, was persisted in nevertheless. Twenty-five years later, Pope Leo I. again alleged this Sardican canon as if it were Nicene 46 . And in a Roman collec- tion of canons coming down from about this date, Nicaea is expressly made responsible, not only for her own genuine twenty canons, but for the whole twenty- one which were made at Sardica, and for five more besides. And here, a name being altered to make all compatible with their pretended Nicene origin, it is quite impossible to acquit the authors and the employers of this collection from the charge of deliberate fraud. But even this was not all. In the middle ages, as Zonaras (1120), the great Greek canonist, bitterly com- plains 47 , the Popes still continued falsely to employ this canon of Sardica, as if it were a canon of Nicaea. Until, at length, it became necessary to prop up their misrepresentation by a forgery. And some vehement partisan, or interested practitioner in the Roman Courts of Appeal, did not scruple to compose in the name of suse provinciae, vel etiam universale, totius mundi sunt sacerdotibus con- provocare. Nisi fortfe quisquam est stituta, quseque subter annexa sunt.' qui credat, tint cuilibet posse Deum (Leo I., Epist. 40: Migne, i. 831.) nostrum examinis inspirare justitiam, All the annotators agree that the et innumerabilibus congregatis in canons here referred to are the concilium sacerdotibus denegare . . canons, not of Nicaea, but of Sar- Quia illud quod pridem, tanquam ex dica, a merely partial and local, parte Nicseni concilii, transmisistis, in though important, Council, conciliis verioribus . . a S. Cyrillo etc. a ' By this canon the Pontiffs of ex authentico missis, tale aliquid Old Rome pretend that all episcopal non potuimus reperire. Exsecutores appeals were referred to them : and etiam clericos vestros, quibuscunque they falsely allege that it was passed petentibus, nolite mittere, nolite con- in the first CEcumenical Council of cedere : ne fumosum typhum sseculi Nicaea . . But neither is it a canon in ecclesiam Christi videamur indu- of Nicaea ; nor did it give to him all cere.' (Hardouin, i. 947.) such appeals, but only appeals 46 ' Quam autem, post appella- made by Bishops who were subject tionem interpositam, hoc necessarte to his jurisdiction.' (Zonaras, ap. postuletur, canonum Nicsese habi- Beveridge, Synodicon, i. 489.) torum decreta testantur ; qu a III.] THE FORGED 'ARABIC CANONS' OF NICsEA, 157 the great Athanasius himself, two apocryphal letters ad- dressed to Popes of the Nicene period. In these he is positively made to request that, the Arians at Alexan- dria having destroyed all extant copies of the canons of Nicaea, these ' Popes of the universal Church ' would condescend to restore, 'by the authority of your Holy See, which is the mother and head of all Churches,' the previous canons, 'seventy in number,' which had^'no doubt been safely and carefully preserved at Rome.' ' For,' he continues, ' in our presence, eighty sections were treated of in the above-mentioned Council, forty in the Greek tongue and forty in the Latin. But it seemed good to the 318 fathers . . to amalgamate ten of these sections with the rest, and reduce the whole to the number of the seventy disciples 48 .' ' For we know,' adds the second pretended letter, ' that at Nicaea with one accord it was confirmed by all, that without the sanction of the Ro- man Pontiff no councils ought to be held, nor bishops condemned : . . and likewise, that if any one suspected partiality in his bishop, metropolitan, comprovincial bishops, or judges, he should appeal to the Roman See, to which by special privilege the power of binding and loosing,' Sec. 49 Now this last clause bears a strong 48 ' Domino sancto, . . Marco, sane- sanctse Ecclesise auctoritate, quse tse Romanse et Apostolicse sedis est mater et caput omnium Ecclesi- atque universalis eccleslse Papse, arum, ea percipere mereamur,' etc. Athanasius, etc. Ad vos pervenisse (Atkan. Op. iv. 1446, Migne.) non dubitamus, quanta et qualia ab * 9 ' Nam scimus in Nicsana magna hereticis, et maximfe ab Arianis, quo- synodo cccxvm. episcoporum, ab tidife patimur . . Libros vero nostros omnibus concorditer esse roboratum, usque ad minimum incendentes, nee non debere absque Romam" Pontificis iota unum relinquentes, propter veri- sententia concilia celebrari, nee epi- tatis fidem Niccenam synodum, qua scopes damnari ; . . Similitfer et a, su- clerus et populus imbuebatur, . . in- pradictis Patribus est definitum, ut cenderunt. Quapropter precamur, si quisquam episcopum, aut metro- Pater beatissime, quia non dubita- politanum, aut comprovinciales, vel mus apud vos plenaria esse Nicseni judices, suspectos habuerint, ves- concilii exemplaria, ut ilia nobis tram sanctam interpellent sedem : mittatis . . Optamus ut a vestrse cui,' etc. (Ibid. p. 1473.) 158 THE ROMANISTS. [ L ECT. resemblance to one of the Sardican canons already men- tioned. And it seems probable that the forger had be- fore him the same Roman collection of interpolated Nicene canons, which had been used so freely by pre- vious Popes : but that their number had grown in his time, from the original twenty not merely to forty-six, but to seventy. Nfcr was even this all. The great and venerable Council of Nicaea was not even yet to be let alone. These letters of the pseudo-Athanasius such palpable forgeries, that the Benedictine editors, in 1698, actually hesitated about taking the trouble to print them, ' so full were they of falsehoods that they bore not even a shadow of genuineness 50 ' were actually employed by the great Spanish theologian, Melchior Canus 51 , in the sixteenth century, in support of the Papal claims. But where then were these ' seventy Nicene canons.,' of which the letters spoke so confidently, to be found ? Mankind was becoming, in the sixteenth century, critical and sceptical. Would they believe in this alleged Nicene support of Popery, if no such canons could be produced ? Stimulated by such questions as these, Pope Pius IV., a lawyer and man of the world, sent Baptista, a Jesuit, to Alexandria to search for any extant copies of the desired canons. And, singular to relate, a MS. was there and then for the first time produced which was found to contain, in Arabic, precisely the eighty original Nicene canons mentioned by the forger of Athanasius' two epistles. They were brought to Rome, and committed M ' Reliquas verb epistolas haesi- primo conspectu advertet emditus mus aliquando dubii, an ederemus, lector, non sunt isthsec nisi lacinise necne . Commends sunt et menda- . . a falsario quodam consarcinatse,' ciis respersse, exque variis locis con- etc. (Athan. Opera, iv. 1442, Migne.) sarcinatce, ut ne umbram quidem 51 De locis Tbeologicis, lib. iv. referant . . Ut autem III.] THESE FORGERIES USED STILL. 159 to another Jesuit, Turrianus, to translate. And at length, by a third Jesuit, Pisanus, they were given to the world in the Third Book of his ' History of the Nicene Council ' (1572), but not without one final touch of falsehood, by being reduced to seventy instead of eighty ; in order that they might correspond more accurately to the forger's account of them in the pseudo-Athanasius 52 . Such then are the famous Arabic canons of Nicaea. And among them we find the following truly astonishing passages : ' There came together at the appointed time 318 Bishops, in the year of Christ our Lord 325 . . But among these the Roman Bishop Julius [sic: Silvester of course was really Bishop at that date, and Julius came twelve years later] was not present, on account of his great age. He sent, however, two presbyters of known probity and orthodoxy to represent him, and to confirm whatever might be decreed in the Council 53 .' ' The Patriarch is over all those who are under his juris- diction ; just as he who holds the See of Rome is the head and prince of all Patriarchs, inasmuch as he is the first, as was Peter, to whom was given power over all Christian princes and all their people ; and is also Vicar of Christ our Lord over all nations and over the universal Christian Church. And whoever shall contradict this, is excommunicated by the Council 5 V That such documents as these can have been honestly believed by the Roman ecclesiastics of the sixteenth century to have proceeded from St. Athanasius and the fathers of Nicaea, is perhaps more than can possibly be conceived. That they should serve the Papal cause to this very hour, by having been carelessly admitted 52 Hefele, Concilien-gescbicbte, i. Hardouin, i. 52*). 345. 5 * Arabic *Canons, 39. Hard. L 63 Arabic Canons; preface. See 469. 160 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. among Liguori's proofs of 'infallibility,' in his Moral Theology a work which is in the hands of every Roman Catholic priest 55 is, however (although true), almost equally incredible ; after French Benedictine editors had characterized the epistles as 'at the first glance' a forgery, and when a German theologian and bishop designates the pretended canons as ' from beginning to end false 56 .' But the spirit of false- hood, which has so long been at work in the dark precincts of the Roman Curia, has not even yet, it appears, fulfilled its whole course ; nor have all its shameful secrets even yet been brought out into the open light of day. How much less were men in the sixteenth century in a position to form any sound judgment on this question ; or capable of doing aught but what the best among them actually decided to do, viz., by a desperate act of faith in God and in His holy Word, to cast off the deadly incubus which weighed upon them, and to go forth at their Master's call, like Abraham, hardly knowing whither they went. But the times, at least, are now changed. And men of sense and honour and learning, at the present day, may well indignantly protest against a system which commits them and their Churches, in the sight of Christendom, to a Papal tyranny based on such enormous falsehoods as these, which makes the German Catholic blush to record, how ' like the successive strata of the earth covering one another, so layer after layer of forgeries and fabrications was piled up in the M Liguori, Tbeol. RIor. i. 109 : nischen Canones durch und durch 'Tous nos frferes dans le sacerdoce falsch sind.' (Hefele, Concilien-gescb. ont la (beologie morale de St. Liguori.' i. 347, Engl. trans, i. 362, where, how- (Gratry, ii. 19.) ever, the strength of the expression 48 'Alle andera angeblich Nica- has been much softened down.) m.] FRENCH AND GERMAN PROTESTS. 161 Church 57 ;' and which wrings from a French priest and member of the Oratory, the almost desperate avowal, 'it is a question perfectly gangrened with fraudj 58 .' Above all, well "may the English Churchman in thankfulness, not in pride or contented isolation from his struggling and entangled brethren acknow- ledge the great mercy of God, which has cleared his path from this network of lies, and has ' set his feet upon a rock, and ordered his goings.' Should he not, there- fore, earnestly, courteously, and lovingly extend what- ever aid he can to those noble men on the continent, who are now trying to carry their Churches through the same conflict, with all its inevitable miseries and confusions, which his own Church so triumphantly passed through three hundred years ago 59 ? Abandoning then if it were possible to merited oblivion these disgraceful and mischievous forgeries, let us proceed to ask how it really was that the Bishops of Rome came to possess the vast influence which they 57 Janus, p. 117. me to remind you,' writes a man of 58 ' C'est une question totalement nobler metal, Pere Hyacinthe, ' that gangrene"e par la fraude.' (Gratry, pages so celebrated as your last letters ii. 72.) And yet not only is this are not to be got rid of by ingenuously writer a model of courtesy to his saying that they are effaced' (Daily ecclesiastical superiors, but he re- News, Dec. 30, 1871.)] tains an unshaken loyalty to his own 59 ' As the Apostolic fishermen in Church in all respects but on this the Gospel beckoned to their partners one question of submitting to the in the other ship, that they should Papal claims. He is even careful to come and help them, and they came ; add, on a subsequent page, ' tous so. in the present day, if the " old- ces mensonges et toutes ces fraudes Catholics " in the ships of the ne portent que sur vn point, un seul, Churches of Germany, Italy, and et nullement sur aucun autre.' France, should think fit to beckon (p. 80.) [Ere this note goes to press, to us, who rejoice to be the " old- 1 am ashamed to add that Pere Catholics " of England, may we Gratry too has fallen. He wrote, it regard that invitation as a call from appears, on Nov. 25, 1871, to the Christ Himself!' (Bishop Words- Archbishop of Paris, ' What I have worth, at the Nottingham Congress, written on this subject before the 1871.) decision -je Y efface' But ' permit M 1 62 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. certainly wielded from a very early time thereby gaining the opportunity, which was afterwards so shamefully abused, of becoming 'lords over God's heritage ' ? The answer is quite clear. And the genealogy of the modern Papacy is as historically certain, as any de- duction from the records and monuments of past ages can possibly be. It is this : the political consequence of imperial Rome during the first four centuries of our era 60 gave to its Bishop the primacy among all Bishops : the primacy of this (supposed) Petrine Church generated, in ignorant hands, the legend of St. Peter's princedom among the Apostles : the legend of St. Peter, in dis- honest and designing hands, generated the Papal supremacy of the middle ages : and the Papal supre- macy of the middle ages has generated, at last, the Jesuit theory 61 of the personal infallibility of the Roman 60 The great name of ' Rome ' ungen des Papstes, und die ihrer acted like a spell upon the imagina- eigenen Gesellschaft, in ein und tions of mankind ; e.g. ' Theodoric dasselbe System zu verschmelzen, se faisait Roman vis-a-vis les bar- bildet fur sie eine Aufgabe welcher bares, . . se servant du grand nom de sie ebenso gerne als unschwer ge- Rome, pour les inspirer le respect niigen.' Pius IX. ' wurde selbst ou la crainte." (Thierry, Cinqttieme seinerseits noch hingebender an die Siccle, p. 484.) Jesuiten, denn je ein anderer Papst. 61 All authorities agree in ascribing Er hatte sie zu einem Kanale fur to the Jesuits the preparation and seinen Einfluss gemacht, und wurde management of the Vatican council, sclber es fur den ihrigen. Die Je- and in characterizing the dogma of suiten hatten fort und fort in Rom ' Papal Infallibility ' as their one Boden gewonnen, zumal seit der special and favourite scheme, for Riickkehr des Papstes. .. Ihre Theo- crushing all liberty of thought and logen wurden die Orakel der re- action finally out of the Church, and mischen Congregationen. Immerdar for completing its subjugation to war die piipstlicbe Unfeblbarkeit ihre their own principles and to them- Lieblingslehre.' (Lord Acton, Gescb. selves. The steps by which their des Vatic. Concib, p. 10, 1871.) "Who fatal plot at length attained a (seem- can wonder that this transmutation ing) success, are well described by of the leading Christian bishop into one who has had every opportunity an Oriental caliph, or a Thibetian of knowing what was going on: 'lama,' should seem to them an ' Die Interessen und die Anschau- object worthy of their utmost efforts, III.] HISTORY OF THE PAPACY EXAMINED. 163 Bishop, and his despotism, of divine right, over the very thoughts and consciences of the submissive Latin race. There are, in fact, three steps in the ordinary Ro- manist argument in favour of entire submission to the Papal claims. First, and above all, we are confronted with the supposed fact that our Lord gave a distinct and special commission to St. Peter to become 'prince of the Apostles.' Secondly, we have the supposed fact that St. Peter was Bishop of Rome, and handed on this special commission to all the successive occupants of that see. Thirdly, we are assured that, as a matter of history, the power exercised accordingly by the Bishops of Rome has been uniformly and visibly a blessed, saving, and Christianizing power, faultless in govern- ment, infallible in teaching. Let us briefly examine each of these three supposed facts. We shall find, I believe, that the first is nothing else than a misinterpretation of our Lord's words ; the second, a mere legend ; and the third, an erroneous deduction from the plain facts of history. (i) No one, of course, will deny that owing to his bold and early confession of Jesus as the Messiah, a peculiar honour was accorded to St. Peter. ' Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church,' this when their own society is described if necessary, to be ruthlessly stifled, by its founder as having ' engaged no constitutions, &c. involving ' an every thought and will of its own obligation to sin, unless the Superior to Christ our Lord, and His Vicar ; ' command them in the name of our when the modus operandi recom- Lord Jesus Christ or in virtue of mended by him is, that his disciples holy obedience ; which shall be done ' should permit themselves to be in those cases or persons wherein moved and directed by their supe- it shall be judged conducive to the riors, just as if they were a corpse : ' particular good of each, or to the and when (incredible to relate) even general advantage.' (Conslit. Soc. conscience and the fear of God is, Jesu : Parts vi. and vii.J M 2 1 64 THE ROMANISTS, [LECT. looks like a personal reward and a personal promise, and T probably had its fulfilment when Peter founded the Jewish Church on the day of Pentecost, and the Gentile Church in the conversion of Cornelius. Again, no one will deny that owing mainly to his shameful fall a special prominence was given to him after our Lord's resurrection. His Saviour's love singled him out, just as in the Parable the one erring sheep was singled out, and the one lost piece of money ; and ' when he was converted,' then the suspended Apostolic commission was restored, with the words ' Feed My sheep : feed My lambs.' It was not therefore, it seems, any special designation, but rather his own natural forwardness and precipitancy, both in confessing and denying his Lord, which made him the foremost Apostle. For as to the supposed personal commission which is inscribed in colossal letters round the dome of St. Peter's Church at Rome, ' unto thee will I give the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven,' the words are explained immediately afterwards by our Lord Himself: 'and whatsoever thou shalt bind (or loose) on earth, shall be bound (or loosed) in heaven:' and this same power is accorded, on the very next page of St. Matthew's Gospel, and in precisely the same words, to all the twelve Apostles. "At the very first step therefore, at the very first link (as it were), the whole chain of argument for a special and divinely ordered 'supremacy' in the Church gives way. A simple, natural, spontaneous 'primacy' of per- sonal character is all that can fairly be attributed to St. Peter, a primacy neither unrecognised nor unhonoured by our Lord, but consecrated by Him to highest uses ; just as He consecrated other sweet and wholesome truths of human nature, sending out pairs of friends and brothers on His missions, revealing Himself by a III.] NO 'SUPREMACY' GIVEN TO S. PETER. 165 star to astronomers and by a draught of fishes to fisher- men, manifesting His divine power for the first time amid the innocent gaities of a wedding-feast, and sub- mitting during thirty long years to the tranquil home- life and handicraft employments of the carpenter at Nazareth. And after our Lord's Ascension, the same fact of a natural Primacy in St. Peter, through his eagerness and courage in pressing to the front, meets us repeatedly in the Acts of the Apostles. But on the other hand, I am bold to say, neither there nor anywhere else among the records of the first century, is one single trace of any official supremacy to be found. If there is a ' supremacy ' at all, it is certainly lodged in St. James, the Lord's brother, and not in St. Peter. It is St. James who pre- sides and gives 'sentence' at the "ccrancil in Jerusalem : it is St. James whose emissaries at Antioch frighten the impulsive~P~eter into eating no longer with the Gentiles : it is St. Tames who figures among the early legends of the Clementine Homilies as ' the Bishop of Bishops,' as sending Peter hither and thither, as charging Peter to report to him all his proceedings, and as constituting the final court of reference whereby the false teaching of Simon Magus and others might be detected and ex- posed 62 . But in real truth, it need hardly be said, this whole conception of a supremacy as existing in the Apostolic age is a pure illusion. It is a mere after- 62 E. g. the introductory epistle of TTpafdsyp&tpovraStavf/jiireivffoi. (Ibid. Clement to James is headed, KATJ/^S p. 42.) And again, near Antioch, 'laicai/lca, rca Kvpiy teal tiriaico-ncav Peter says to the surrounding Pres- iinaKu-na>. (Clem. Horn. ed. Dressel, byters, 55 irp<> Tiavruv ftlfanjffOt dir6- p. 10.) Farther on, Peter submits aro\ov 1) St5daKa\ov fj irpoip-riTrjv tv- to an order from James to report to "ftiv, /w) irportpov ajepi^us dvn0a\- him annually about his proceedings : \ovra avrov TO Kr/pv-fna 'laiciiifiw r$ irapd ffov fvro\ijv t\(iv einuv, ras \t\OtvTi &Sf\^ftrj TJS et horum similia processu tem- ftpffM, tirl rrjs Tiflfpiov Kaicrapos fia- poris, crebris jam non rumoribus ai\das, f tapivTjs Tponfjs TJ)I/ apx^v sed manifestis quodammodo advea- XanPdvovaa, r)va.vtv t/tdffTOTe . .. Kal tantium se illis partibus nuntiis fir- SrjiroTf TJS, irpos avrcji TQ> erti iv 0ivo- mabantur . . Donee, sub eodem anno, ircapirr) Tpoirrj, Srjf-ioaia aras i@6a \t- vir quidam adstans in urbis loco yon/- avSpes 'Pcu/xafot, dteovaare I 6 rov celeberrimo proclamaret ad popu- Qeov vlos w'lovSaiq vdpeaTiv, K.T.X.: lum, dicens: Audite me, O cives 170 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. ever really been to Rome at all 68 . And now, with the increased information of the present day, I venture to say that no one who has been accustomed to investiga- tions of this kind, and to the critical treatment of legend, can any longer entertain much doubt that the whole story is fictitious from beginning to end. It reposes entirely on two mistakes, (i) that of certain commenta- tors, who misunderstood Babylon, in I Peter v. 13, to mean Rome 69 : (2) that of Justin Martyr about A.D. 150 ; who misread the inscription to the Sabine god ' Semo Sancus' on a pedestal near the Tiber, as if it referred to Simon Magus 70 , and so gave occasion to the legend Romani ! . . . Erat autem vir iste, qui hsec loquebatur ad populum, ex Ori- entis partibus. natione Hebreeus, nomine Barnabas.' [In Clem. Horn. i. 9, Barnabas first appears upon the scene, not at Rome, but at Alex- andria.] c8 E. g. Velenus, ' Liber, quo Pe- trum Romam non venisse asseritur,' 1520. Spanheim, ' De ficta profec- tione Petri in urbem Romam,' 1679, etc. B * This notion, though no doubt of earlier date, first comes to the surface in Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. ii. 15: ' Current report has it (. 400, breeze.' (Dr. Newman's Discourse* to Socrates adds, ' two nails were also Mixed Congre^a:ions, p. 398.) 176 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. laying claim to St. Peter as its true founder, rather than St. Paul. And if it be objected that it seems impossible to imagine that, in the course of a single century after his death, the true history of a great Apostle, like St. Peter, could have become so hopelessly confused and forgotten : I answer, where then is the true history of St Matthew the Evangelist, of St. Thomas, of St. Andrew, of St. Barnabas ? Nay, where is the history of the blessed Virgin Mary ? Where is the history of the childhood and youth of our Saviour Himself? How is it, that we can glean nothing new from men like Ire- naeus and Polycarp : that the stories preserved by so early a writer as Papias are childishly absurd and pal- pably false 85 : that Dionysius of Corinth does not know the earlier history of his own see: that even of an Epistle contained in the New Testament Origen is obliged to confess, ' who wrote it God alone knows 86 ' ? It is quite certain, in short, that the sub-apostolic age was an uncritical age ; and that our Lord and Master has not willed that authentic reports of those early events should be preserved. It is useless, therefore, to kick against the pricks. It is foolish to indulge in vain regrets. But it is still more foolish to replace the unknown by the imaginary ; and most foolish of all, surely, to prop up some great system or doctrine which has a perfectly clear and natural history of its own by an affectation of supernatural support, which it does not really possess and does not really need. (3) For the superiority of the Roman Bishop has a perfectly intelligible history; and to one who believes in the Providential government of the Church, it re- 85 E. g. the fragment preserved in Irenseus, v. 33. 3 : cf. the opinion of Euseb. iii. 39. w Origen, Fragm. ap. Euseb. vi. 25. III.] 'PRIMACY' OF ROME NOT DENIED. 177 quires no adventitious or miraculous authorization, except for the scarcely legitimate purpose of dazzling and imposing upon mankind. Once disabuse our minds of the false and mischievous notion, that our Lord set up an absolute monarchy in His Church, in the person of the Apostle Peter ; once get rid of the legendary tale that that monarchy was afterwards in some way trans- ferred to the successive Bishops of Rome ; and we are then free to acknowledge, with all deference and honour, the natural Primacy of the great historical and imperial See. Nor need we stop there. We may even confess the wonderful adaptation to mediaeval needs of that vast ecclesiastical Dictatorship, which the most far- seeing and religious minds of that dark period welcomed and supported. These honours of the Primacy the English Church has never (so far as I am aware) refused to the Bishops of Rome, even amid the most intolerable injuries and provocations 87 . She welcomed with gratitude the aid which, during her long struggles with heathenism, came from Rome. During the later conflicts of the Gospel against an armed and brutal feudalism, she gladly arrayed herself in line with the other Churches of the continent. She accepted the Papal Dictatorship. She stood not upon her rights. She was content to behave as though the English race had formed part of the Holy Roman Empire, to which they never had belonged. She received Italian legates, endured legions of exempt 87 E. g. Archbishop Wake writes, the view of Greek Canonists of high in 1718, to Du Pin: 'The honour authority: e.g. of Balsamon (A.D. which you give to the Roman Pontiff 1180), ap. Beveridge, Synodicon, i. differs little, I deem, from that which 486: Ei 5J /cot TOVTO its -apov6niov our sounder theologians readily grant [i. e. appeals, as a privilege] tiir$s him.' (Epist.ioo: ap. Pusey, Eire- SoOijvai r$ ndnna, Kaivbv ov8iv I nicon, i. 334.) Such too seems to be N 178 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. monks, was patient when her benefices were squandered on absentee foreigners, let go matrimonial and testa- mentary appeals with the floods of English gold that followed them to Rome. All this she bore. And no one who has ever honestly studied the history of these ages, will (I am persuaded) accuse England of cherishing any spirit of wanton dis- obedience, or of causelessly aiding to break up the unity of the Western Church. It was not until a series of pro- vocations and injuries had been inflicted on her by the Popes, such as no Church is bound, or ought, in loyalty to Christ Himself, to endure, that the Church of Eng- land did at last take up the attitude of indignant ' pro- test ; ' an expectant and hopeful attitude which she has since resolutely maintained in the face of Europe for the last 300 years, and for which it is possible that she may yet be rewarded, by being made helpful to restore her Master's cause of veracity, justice, and freedom, in Germany first, and then in Italy and else- where. For let us call to mind what the Papacy professes to be to the Christian Church ; and then compare with that pretension what, especially in later times, it has really been. The Pope professes to be the first clergyman in Europe. In him are supposed to be concentrated hitherto by a tacit lex regia, but now by express utter- ance of the Vatican Council all the powers and voices of every Church in Christendom. In his hands he claims to hold all the spiritual powers of the Church, powers of exhortation, rebuke, encouragement, per- suasion, teaching, all her armoury (in short) of means and aids towards the redemption of men's souls from the gross depths of superstition, dread, ignorance, worldly III.] DUTIES OF PRIMACY NOT FULFILLED. 179 greed, carnal lusts, and that deadliest of all heresies the divorce of religion from morality. This is his Ideal. It was for this, that the Mediaeval Church placed herself passively in his hands. It was for this, we may fairly believe, that the great Head and King of the Church (whose promise to be 'with you always, even unto the end of the world,' has not, surely, been broken,) permitted for a time such a concentration of all eccle- siastical powers 88 . But now, what did Rome do with this magnificent opportunity ? How was it, that she contrived to throw into so indignant an attitude of protest, first of all the whole Greek Church, and then (400 years later) the whole Teutonic Church, alienating that whole group of nations, German, Scandinavian, and English, in whose veins the love of freedom is most ardent, whose 88 Surely the writer of these pages is not wrong in believing, with all his heart and mind, that supersti- tion is just one of those debasing diseases of the soul, which the Great Physician came to heal ; that it is a gross perversion and parody of ' re- ligious awe,' which is a feeling full of health and the beginning of all sound wisdom ; and that any Church, which (on any pretence) fosters, in- stead of curing it, is so far doing the work of Anti-Christ instead of Christ. What words then can express one's painful feelings, in observing the unrebuked customs and habits of mind which prevail in Romanist countries ! I take up two books, which happen to lie close at hand ; one directed ad clerum, the other ad poptilum. The first, St. Liguori's Homo Apostolicus, iii. 118, contains such incredible follies about exor- cism, as no Christian writer of the eighteenth century, much less a great , N saint and teacher of the clergy, should have been guilty of. The second, les Fetes Cbretiennes (in the Bibliothdque de VHopital Militaire, a Toulouse), p. 60, contains a full account of the aerial flights of the Blessed Virgin Mary's house to Loretto, and in- forms us, that the truth of the story is attested ' par d'innombrables mira- cles; par les constitutions des Sou- verains Pontifes; par le savant ou- vrage du savant Pape, Benoit XIV.' ((I758. 1 ) The incredible doctrinal superstitions, engendered by the free play of men's morbid fancies, are only to be paralleled in Hinduism ;or the ancient Gnostic systems. (SeeDr.Pusey.-Ei'ma'cow, i. 151-174.) :Surely modern Romanists must for- get the dictum of the great saint and schoolman of the Middle Ages, .Thomas Aquinas ; who boldly as- serts, ' Gravius est peccatum super- stitionis vitium quam Dei tentatio.' (Summa, ii. part 2, 97. 4.) i8o THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. home-life 89 is the purest and the most religious among all European peoples, and whose sound sense the most instinctively revolts against mummeries, impostures, and debasing superstitions ? Rome alienated them by wantonly outraging and put- ting to an open shame every one of their noblest sen- timents, and every one of their most deeply-cherished Christian feelings. Had these islanders a strong love for their sea-girt independence, Rome blest and sent against them, first the Norman Conqueror, then a French army in the thirteenth century 90 , and, lastly, the Spanish Armada. Did they proudly remember that the Roman Empire, neither in its old shape nor yet in its new, had ever bent their race beneath its yoke, the Papacy took them at their word and proceeded to claim them (with all other islands 91 ) as a direct fief of the Holy See. Did they, first among the nations, feel the breath 89 Read, for instance, the beauti- impotent resentment of Innocent, ful Life of Pertbes, English transla- had no monarch been found willing tion, (1858). E.g. p. 176: 'What a to undertake the execution of the vast -wilderness the world becomes, sentence. The Pope applied to the when a man has no home !' and King of France ; and Philip lent a Polko's Reminiscences of Mendelssohn, ready ear to proposals so flattering English translation, p. 9 (1869) : 'In to his ambition. A numerous army his gay early youth, Mendelssohn was summoned to meet at the mouth wrote a vast deal ; . . while the sun of the Seine.' (Lingard, History of that matured this growth and in- England, ii. 162 : Matt. Paris, ii. 1 30, crease was his parental home. Ever ed. Madden.) blessed be such a home ! No better 91 ' Sane omnes insulas, quibus sol talisman can be found, against the justitise Christus illuxit, et quse do- perils of life, for man or woman, cumenta fidei Christiana suscepe- than the memoirs of a loving home.' runt, ad jus beati Petri et sacro- 90 ' Innocent, with apparent un- sanctse Romanse ecclesise, (quod tua willingness, had recourse to the last voluntas etiam recognoscit,) non est effort of his authority. He absolved dubium pertinere.' (Bull of Pope the vassals of John from their oaths Adrian IV. to Henry II., A.D. 1155, of fealty, and exhorted all Christian sanctioning the English conquest of princes and barons to unite in de- Ireland, a fact that is surely throning the King, and in substi- strangely forgotten on the other side tuting another more worthy, by the of St. George's Channel : cf. Matt, authority of the Holy See. John, Paris, ii. 304.) however, might have laughed at the III.] ALIENATION OF THE NORTHERN RACES. iSr of reviving political life, and anticipate the coming modern epoch by noble attempts to balance and har- monize the various estates of the realm into an or- ganized whole, Rome has no sympathy, to this hour, for national life. She interfered at every stage 92 . Alexander III. (1164) pretended to annul the Consti- tutions of Clarendon. Innocent III. (1215) vetoed Magna Charta, and excommunicated all who had a hand in it' )3 . Urban IV. (1261) released Henry III. from his royal duty to execute the Acts of the Par- Kament of Oxford. And Clement V. (1305) absolved Edward I. from his oath to observe the charters, using almost the same words as were employed only the other day in interfering with an Austrian Act of Parliament 94 , 'we, by our Apostolical authority, revoke, annul, and dissolve the said concessions, and all their effects.' Did a strong feeling arise, that the endowments attached to parishes ought to be spent in preaching the Gospel to the poor, and not in swelling the overgrown state and wealth of foreigners who had never set foot within the country, successive Popes laid down the maxim that all the benefices in Christendom are in their gift. And notwithstanding every remonstrance of men like Bishop Grostete 95 , and every rule and canon of the Church w Cf. Guizot, Representative Go- of all his spiritual weapons ; and on vernment, pp. 278, 317, 332, 357. the 22nd June launched a charac- 93 And yet Dr. Dollinger, in 1861, teristic allocution at the heads of the had the assurance to write : ' It was Austrian rebels. In this allocution the Church that the nation had to the three laws in question are de- thank for the Magna Charta of 1215.' nounced as "destructive, abomin- (Tbe Church and the Churches, p. 105.) able, and damnable. Therefore, (so Probably in 1871 he would be more runs the allocution,) on the strength guarded; and would distinguish be- of our Apostolic authority, we anathe- tween the old Catholics of England matise these laws . . and we declare and the Pope. the laws, by the virtue of this same 94 Viz. in June, 1876. See Quar- authority, to be null and void."' terly Review, July, 1871, p. 104: ** See Grostete's celebrated letter 'The Pope determined to make use to Pope Innocent IV., in 1253, in i8a THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. itself to the contrary, they accumulated preferments, by fifty or sixty together, upon some Italian courtier or sumptuous Prince of the Church 96 . Again, when an urgent and increasing need began to be felt in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries for husbanding the resources of the State, when foreign wars were pressing, and the feudal militia system was beginning to give way, then, against all protests, and sometimes even threats, from Parliament, the covetous- ness of the clergy still found a shield in the Pope ; till, at the Reformation, one-half of the landed property of the country was found to be in dead ecclesiastical hands 97 . When, at the same period, all good men were groaning under the manifold corruptions and im- becilities of the Church, and were demanding a timely reply to a request that a canonry at Lincoln might be reserved for his nephew. ' Noverit discretio vestra, quod mandatis Apostolicis affec- tionfe filiali omnino devote et re- verenter obedio; his quoque quse mandatis Apostolicis adversantur, parentalem zelans honorem, adversor et obsto. Ad utrumque enim simi- liter teneor ex divino mandate . . Prseterek, post peccatum Luciferi, quod idem erit, in fine temporum, ipsius filii perditionis Antichristi, quern interficiet Dominus Jesus spi- ritu oris sui, non est, nee esse potest, alterum genus peccati tarn adversum et contrarium Apostolo- rum doctringe et evangelicse, et ipsi Domino J. C. tarn odibile, detes- tabile, et abominabile, et humano generi tarn pernecabile, quam animas curse pastoralis officio et mini- sterio vivificandas et salvandas pas- toralis officii et ministerii defrauda- tione mortificare et perdere . . Hae autem (quas vocant) " provisiones " ,non sunt in sedificationem, sed in manifestissimam destructionem. Non igitur eas potest beata sedes Aposto- lica.' (Epistolae, p. 432 : ed. Luard, 1 86 1.) This manly letter was writ- ten, be it remembered, three hundred years before the iniquity of the Popes was quite full. And on his death-bed this noble Englishman, ' as if seized with a prophetic spirit, exclaimed : " Nor will the Church be free from this Egyptian bondage, except at the bloody sword's point." ' (Ibid, pre- face, p. Ixxxii.) 96 Hallam, Middle Ages, p. 376 (sm. edit.), cf. Grostete, Epist. p. xlviii. ' The same year, 1240, is re- markable for the audacious attempt of the Pope to attach the Roman citizens to him, by giving them English benefices.' 97 Hallam, Middle Ages, p. 336 (sm. edit.). Even so early as 1250, Matt. Paris (p. 859) tells us : ' The incomes of the foreign clerks in Eng- land amounted to more than 70,000 marks. The clear revenue of the King did not amount to a third of this.' III.] CONCILIAR REFORMATIONS IMPEDED. 183 reform, in order to stave off a revolution, then once more, at Pisa (1409), Constance (1414), and Basle (1431), it is the Pope that always impeded and neutralized every honest effort for good 98 ; and that endeavoured in blood and flame to silence the protests and clamours 98 It is certain that about A.D. 1400 all honest and good men in every land were perfectly shocked at the scandals and corruptions into which the Church had fallen: and were thoroughly in earnest in attempting to rectify them, by the only way which seemed open, viz. that of General Councils. And the appeals made to the Popes, both by indi- viduals and by the Councils them- selves, to fulfil their duty by for- warding instead of hindering the ' reformation of the Church, in head and members,' are (in view of the sad events which followed) quite pathe- tic, (i) ' Too late,' cries Nicholas of Clemangis, the spokesman of the University of Paris, before the Coun- cil of Pisa, ' too late will it repent you to have looked about after no remedies ; if now, when it stands in your power, you do not see the near impending dangers.' (ap. Neander, ix. 77.) But the only result of that Council was, that the execution of Church-reform fell into the hands of Pope John XXIII., a man stained with every crime ; who ' hoped that, by his money, his power, his policy, he should be able to repress all the counteractive influences of that bet- ter spirit, which for so long a time had been earnestly and ardently longing after a reformation of the Church.' (Ibid. p. 129.) (2) Another Council was therefore necessary. And before the Council of Con- stance, thus wrote Chancellor Ger- son, one of the greatest men of the age : ' The Pope is not above the Gospel of God . . See, ye believers ! Long ere this would they have quitted the grasp of their tyrannical rule, had you not indulged them with your obedience. The Apostles, in drawing up the Creed, did not say, " I believe in the Pope." For the common faith of Christians does not repose on the Pope, who is but a single person, and may err ; but they said, " I believe in one holy Catholic Church." ' (Ibid. p. 1 36.) But the only result of that Council was, that when a new Pope was elected (Martin V.) and Church-reform was entrusted to his hands, be did nothing but re- erect his own sovereignty, and for- bade any appeal to a General Council on pain of excommunication. (Ibid. p. 183 : Hefele, Conciliengesch. vii. 343.) (3) A third Council was there- fore necessary. And at the Council of Basle, the assembled Fathers en- treated Pope Eugenius IV. not to obstruct and neutralize their earnest efforts at reform, in the following terms : ' Hsec igitur sancta synodus prsedictum beatissimum dominum Papam Eugenium, cum omni re- verentia et instantia supplicat, et per viscera misericordise Jesu Christi exorat, requirit, et obtestatur, ac monet, quateniis . . ab omni impedi- menta dicti Concilii penitus desistat.' (Hardouin, viii. 1124: Cone. Basil. Sess. iii.) But all was in vain. Pope Eugenius and his successors won their sad and godless victory over Reform by the way of General Councils;' Pius II., as Pope, re- tracted and anathematized all he had said as ./Eneas Sylvius the reformer ; and all good men, for half a century, absolutely despaired of the Church. (Cf. Guericke, Kircbengescb. p. 511.) 1 84 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. of the Church, by lighting, for the first time in this country, his dreadful Moloch fires for heresy. And lastly, when Christendom had awoke from its fever- dreams of fanaticism, when the Crusades were over, the mendicant orders had become ' clothed and in their right mind,' and the beautiful ideal of a purer, healthier, more natural system of things, moulded on the family rather than the convent, was dawning on mankind like sweet morning after troubled sleep, then yet, again, the Popes understood none of these things. A celibate clergy that fatal mistake, which (in Father Hyacinthe's words) forms the heart-wound among the five wounds of the Church, making ' nations that see in it the exclusive ideal of perfection, fail to recognise the sanctity of domestic life 99 ' was still obstinately im- posed on Christendom. Monastic houses were still maintained in luxury and splendour, at a time when all men of sense saw clearly that their day was over, and that the time had come for founding colleges and schools instead. And what was worst of all they were still persistently maintained without any effective super- vision, and apart from the ordinary episcopal system of the Church, that they might serve the better for frontier fortresses of the Pope in every land \ The consequences Father Hyacinthe, Orations, p. of the aforesaid legate. On the mes- xiii. ; cf. p. 141. senger's return from Rome, there was 1 For the twelfth century, cf. Jo- not the means of discharging what celin's Cbron. of Edmondsbury, p. 3 he had promised to our lord the (Tomlin's trans.) : Now there came Pope and the Cardinals, unless, in- telligence to Hugh the Abbot, that deed, under the special circumstances Richard Archbishop of Canterbury of the case, the cross which was over purposed coming to make a visita- the high-altar, the Virgin Mary, and tion of our Church by virtue of his the St. John . . adorned with a vast authority as legate [ legatus natus'] ; quantity of gold and silver, could be and thereupon the Abbot, after con- made use of for this purpose.' This sultation, sent to Rome and sought a was in 1176: and the same exemp- privilege of exemption from the power tion was procured again, in 1198 HI.] MONASTERIES WHY DESTROYED. 185 of this insensate policy are now to be seen by the traveller in every part of England. What mean those ruined and shattered abbeys, that add a romantic beauty to so many of our loveliest landscapes ? Has England then, at some former time, given way to ' the blind fury of the Celt'? Has she too, at one time, belied her natural character and torn down with frantic glee these structures, in hatred of their beauty, their costliness, their sacred character ? If so, why then were the cathedrals spared ? Why, at every step in our land, do parish churches often priceless gems of beauty and antiquity stand unharmed, and shelter to this hour a religious life whose continuity has remained unbroken, in some places for eight hundred or a thousand years ? No: the lesson read by these majestic, windy ruins, (p. 23). Indeed, adds Jocelin, 'the palis.' See also preface, p. Ixxxii. Abbot often sent his messengers to In 1253, 'the Abbey of St. Al bans Rome, by no means empty.' (p. 16.) appealed against the Bishop's visita- For the thirteenth century, cf. Gros- tion, from which they claimed ex- tete, Epistolce, p. 325, (to Cardinal emption . . . Those were no light Otho, A. D. 1243): 'Recogitet etiam, crimes of which the dying Bishop supplicamus, et domino Papaj sug- accused the Papacy.' (Cf. also Poems gerat vestra discretio quam pericu- of Walter Mapes, Camd. Soc., p. 37.) losum est saluti amimarum, si apud For the fourteenth century, cf. Piers subditos vilescat auctoritas episco- Plowmans Creed,\. 915, (ed. Wright): ' He folwen nought Fraunceis, But falsliche lybbem ; And Austyne's rewle They reckeneth but a fable ; And purchaseth hem privilege Of popes at Rome.' For the fifteenth century, see Gieseler, utuntur ministeriis.' All this, how- iv. 433 : The mendicants boldly main- ever, was in clear contradiction to tained, 'sola Papse potestas in tota (at least) the rule of St. Francis ecclesia immediate est a Christo." (see Brewer's Monum. Francisc. p. ' Papa posset totum jus canonicum 564) : in spite of which, in later destruere, et novum construere.' times, they became ' infatuated slaves ' Quicunque contradicit Papte pa- of the Pope.' (Hill, Engl. Monast. ganizat.' For the beginning of p. 412.) ' The Apostolic See,' says the sixteenth century, cf. Erasmus, Clem. XIV. in a Bull of 1773, 'which Adagia, ii. 8. 65, (ap. Gies. v. 34): owes its lustre and support to these 'Si quid moliuntur Romani Ponti- orders, has not only approved, but fices, quod pauld sit alienius ab endowed them with many exemp- apostolica ilia et prisca sanctimonia, tions.' homm [sc. the Friars] potissimum 1 86 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. standing roofless in their utter desolation throughout England, is one of serious and almost awful import. It is nothing less than this. There we behold the strongholds of that foreign, effete, and in its later manifestations uncanonical and anti-episcopal system, grounded on mistakes and subsisting by forgery, for which I know no better term than 'Popery.' There are the outposts of that Church-destructive despotism, which our ancestors more Christian than their teachers abolished, fiercely tore, and left in ruins to bleach where it fell. There too is the outside shell of an idea, potent at first for good, but afterwards for un- speakable harm, the idea of Asceticism ; of a per- fection, that is, sought in a heathen manner not in Nature's plane, but beside and athwart Nature ; not seeking the completion and consecration of the world and of mankind as God made them, but seeking rather to mould the world on some newly-devised plan alto- gether ; a Manichaean system, in short, which was not tranquil health nor the way to reach health, but a highly morbid and temporary condition, generated ori- ginally amid the horrors and confusions of an expiring ancient civilization, and now prolonged artificially, by a foreign agency, and for foreign purposes, into a dan- gerous and chronic malady 2 . But at length the fresh 4 Cf. Brewer's Monum. Franciscana, tendency to which their example p. xxxix. : ' The increasing com- lent encouragement ? Indeed, one munication between the West and of the original purposes of St. the Eastern world had brought Francis had been to combat this out, in a greater degree than ever very superstitious asceticism. ' He [c. A.D. 1200], the Manichaean ten- used to say, that the servant of God dencies of the times. That influence ought to eat, sleep, drink, and satisfy had set in at all points upon Western his bodily requirements with discre- Christendom . . . How could the tion; that the body may have no Church with its doctrine of celibacy, occasion of complaining . . He was or the monastic orders with their a great advocate of cheerfulness ; enforced asceticism, counteract a saying that it was the sign of a clean III.] THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING. 187 breeze blew. Tone and vigour returned to those Churches of Europe that were still susceptible of health and revival. Greece, in her rediscovered literature, once more 'overcame her fierce and barbarous conqueror.' And the linked monastic and papal systems together fell. From that time forwards the Papacy has been essentially a question for the Latin nations 3 . The men of the Teutonic and Saxon races have found, or~are finding, other methods for securing combination and unity, than a Dictatorship founded on fraud. And the Church of England, in particular, when she saw herself forced, in the sixteenth century if she would be loyal, not to the Pope, but to the Pope's Sovereign and hers, Jesus Christ to take some measures towards a pro tempore self-reform, simply purged away all absolutely intolerable abuses and superstitions ; and so patiently abode, until such time as her sister Churches also (with or without the Pope) should take heart to reform also 4 . heart.' (Ibid. p. xxxiii.) So too his face, p. v.) : and Hallam, Mid. Ages admirer, Bishop Grostete, To a p. 605, sm. edit.) friar, as a penance, enjoined to drink 3 This truth is becoming clearer a cup full of the best wine : and when every day. Let two facts be remem- it had been drunk very unwillingly, he bered: (i) That every single Pope said to him, " Dearest brother, if you since the Reformation has been an frequently had such a penance, you Italian ; (2) That in the recent would have a much better regulated Vatican Council, while the Latin conscience." ' (Luard's Grostete, p. votes (including no less than 330 Ixxxix.) But all this was in vain. Italian prelates, in immediate de- The friars soon followed the evil pendence on the Pope) amounted to example of the monks. And what the enormous number of 589, the they both had come to by A.D. 1500, whole of Germany was represented may be seen in the citations given by fourteen votes ! (Quirinus, p. 90 : by Gieseler, v. 21-43. (Cf. Wright's Fraser's Mag. Dec. 1871, p. 780.) Letters relating to the Suppression of * The repeated efforts that have Monasteries, ' an event which I re- been made by the Church of Eng- gard as the greatest blessing con- land to find a means of re-union ferred by Divine Providence upon (i) with her sister Churches that this country since the first introduc- still cling to Rome, (2) with the tion of the Christian religion,' (pre- various Protestant bodies, form a 1 88 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. This attitude of our Church at the Reformation cannot indeed be too clearly or too frequently called to mind. It was not a breach or a schism that was intended. It was simply a ' protest.' Now a protest, whether in a club, a church, or any other society, of course signifies that the protesting party does not withdraw, does not wash its hands of the society. Else, why take the trouble to protest ? When the managers of a so- ciety, for the time being, do something distinctly wrong, there are always two courses open, either 'protest' or ' secession : ' one of the two. But the choice of the one alternative necessarily excludes the other. The former of these two courses was chosen by the Church of England in the sixteenth century : the latter by the Anabaptists and other sectaries. She is, therefore, more truly than any other Christian com- munity in this kingdom, a Protestant Church. And her ' protest' was raised, be it remembered, in the most orderly and effective way that was then possible. It was not the act of the State. It was not the act of the King. It was the act of the Church herself in her regular convocations 5 , and by the mouth of her then chapter in her history, which is (at restoration of union." (Dr. Pusey, any rate) most honourable to herself. Eirenicon, i. 236.) The efforts For the former besides remember- made by Dr. Pusey and others, in ing the fact, that no discourtesy has our own day, have met with a far ever been done by our Church to more shameful repulse. For her the orders conferred by Romanist efforts at Protestant re-union be- Bishops see the temperate language sides the ordinary Church histories invariably used by our greatest see a monograph by Dr. Heinrich divines, from Hooker downwards ; Heppe, Die Kircblicbe Verkebr Eng- andthe direct efforts made by Bishop lands, &c. (1859). Forbes in 1658, and by Archbishop 5 (i) The Convocation of the Pro- Wake in 1 7 r 7, to hold out the hand vince of Canterbury, in the twenty- of friendship to the Gallican Church, seventh of Archbishop Warham, Du Pin's decease, the change of on n February, 1531, passed, political relations, the ascendency of 'unanimi consensu,' the following the Jesuits, quenched the hope of the declaration : ' Ecclesise et cleri An- in.] SELF-REFORM OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH. 189 existing, unreformed Bishops men who were using every day the Sarum missal ; were firmly holding tran- substantiation, the seven sacraments, and auricular confession ; and many of whom afterwards stiffly re- fused any further changes 6 . It was by these men, in the Convocation of 1531, that the Church of England cast off from her neck the fatal incubus of the Papal supremacy. Regretfully and hesitatingly the important step was taken. But once taken, it was firmly per- severed in ; in hope not to stand aloof for ever from her continental sisters ; but that, a fair example once set of such local reforms as were safe and possible, a future General Council might impartially review all that glicani, cujus singularem protectorem, unicum et supremum dominum, et (quantum per Christi legem licet) etiam supremum caput, ipsius ma- jestatem recognoscimus.' (Wilkins, in. 724.) The Convocation of York did the same; but here there was one dissentient voice, that of Ton- stall, Bishop of Durham, who ob- jected simply to the wording of the declaration as ambiguous. (Ibid. 745.) Henry the Eighth, therefore, in 1533, wrote a letter to the Con- vocation of York, explaining the phrase ' supremum caput;' and stating clearly that ' Christ is indeed " unicus Dominus et supremus," as we con- fess Him in the Church daily. . . The words " et cleri Anglic.," re- strain, by way of interpretation, the word " Ecclesiam," that is to say, " the clergy of England." Their laws, acts, and order of living, for- asmuch as they be indeed all tem- poral and concerned with this life only, in those we be (as we be called) . . " caput ; " and because there is no man above us here, be Durham. (Lin^ard. iv. 273.1 'The ; indeed " supremum caput." As for spiritual things, . . they have no worldly nor temporal head, but only Christ.' (Ibid. p. 762.) (2) In 1533, Convocation requests the King to withhold annates and firstfruits from the Pope ; ' and, if he make process . . then that the obedience of the people be withdrawn from the See of Rome.' (Ibid. p. 761.) (3) In 1534, six great abbeys renounce the Pope's usurped supremacy. (Burnet, ii. 162.) (4) In 1538, Convocation appeals to a General Council. (Ibid. p. 198.) 6 These were the men of whom even the foul-mouthed Nicholas San- ders was obliged to confess, that Henry VIII. ' episcopos (praeter unum Cranmerum . .) et doctos nominavit et minime malos. Ade6 ut plerique eorum postea, tarn Ed- vardo qukm Eliz. regnante, ob Catholicse fidei confessionem car- ceres et vincula subiverint.' (De Scbismate Anglic., p. 103, ed. 1585.) Yet among them all, only one thought it bis duty to protest against tbe Act of Convocation which, in 1531, severed England from the Papacy; viz. Tonstall, Bishop of Durham. (Lingard, iv. 273.) 'The oath of supremacy was taken by Fisher of Rochester; and in all probability by Reginald Pole.' (Hard- wick, Ref. p. 192.) 190 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. had been done, and either retrench or extend it, as might seem best for the whole family of National Churches 7 . And not only so : not only did the clergy, after three days' debate, thus break with Rome : not only did the laity, assembled in Parliament, accept and endorse what was done : but also the Universities, the Cathedral bodies, and even the great monastic societies themselves, gave their full sanction to the inevitable emancipation 8 . It is impossible to conceive, therefore, a more thoroughly unanimous movement of the whole English Church, ex- pressing its concurrence in the most legitimate way, and by the voice of those persons in the realm whose counsel was at that time held to be of the greatest weight, and whose character stood entirely above re- proach. 7 This, be it ever remembered, has been the modest attitude of the English Church, from the sixteenth century down to the present day. So early as 1427, Archbishop Chi- chele appealed against Pope Martin V. to a future General Council (Burnet, Records, iv. 382) : in 1533, Bishop Bonner (Henry the Eighth s envoy to Rome on the question of the Divorce) appealed to a future Gene- ral Council. (Lingard, v. 9.) Luther, in 1520 (Lingard, iv. 224), and Erasmus in 1522 (Hardwick, Ref. p. 297), having previously done the same thing. In 1538, the Convoca- tion of Canterbury (fifteen Bishops and forty-nine members of the Lower House affixing their signatures) af- firmed : ' There never was, nor is, anything devised, invented, or in- stituted by our forefathers, more expedient . . than the having of General Councils.' (Burnet, Reform. ii. 198, I2mo. ed.) In 1562, Bishop Jewel writes : ' When, therefore, the expectation of a General Council was very uncertain . . we proceeded, and have accordingly done that which may both be lawfully done, and which hath already been often done by many pious men and Catholic bishops, i.e. to take care of our own Church in a provincial synod. For so we see the ancient Fathers ever took that course, before they came to a General and public Council of the whole world.' {Apology, chap. vi. 17.) And in 1594, Richard Hooker lays it down, as ' the best, the safest, the most sincere and reasonable way; viz. the verdict of the whole Church, orderly taken and set down, in the assembly of some General Council.' (Eccles. Pol. iv. 13. 8.) Meanwhile, it is allowed, even by Lancelot the Canonist (In- stil. Juris Can. p. 15, ed. 1598), that 'interdum quse ab his [Provincial Councils] rectfe statuta sunt etiam Catholica Ecclesia recipit.' As Dr. Pusey also says (Councils, p. 21). 8 Wilkins, iii. 748 ; Rymer, xiv. 487. (Ap. Hardwick, Ref. p. 194.) m.] REFORM HOW CARRIED OUT. 191 And now let us notice how she employed her re- covered liberty of action. I need only refer to the manner in which the difficult problem of a revision of the Liturgy was solved in 1549, in order to show the sincerely Catholic and loyal spirit which actuated her. Here, at any rate, was no break with the past ; no consciousness of being anything else than the old time- honoured Church of England, engaged in the very natural task of adapting her old forms to altered cir- cumstances 9 . First, her ritual canons were reviewed ; and the existing mediaeval Prayer-books were revised, condensed, and translated ; and then were presented to the State for its sanction. She then proceeded to translate the Holy Scriptures, and to give them to the laity, whom the revival of learning and the con- sequent spread of education had now prepared for an intelligent, as well as devotional, use of them. The next step was, to draw up in the Thirty-nine Articles some doctrinal canons for the guidance (in a broad and general way) of her clergy in their teaching: then to provide some ready-formed Homilies, for cases where trustworthy preachers could not be had : and, lastly, to undertake the difficult task of revising, and adapting to changed circumstances, her existing codes of Disciplinary Canons, a work begun in the (so-called) 9 This point cannot be too strongly hostile contemporary writers, they insisted on, in view of the audacious would come to a very different con- statements to the contrary which elusion. Cf. e.g., Sanders, De Schism. are frequently hazarded by partizan Anglic., p. 112 (.1585): 'Admini- writers. If such persons would take strandae autem Eucharistiae . . parum the trouble to consult original au- k Catholicorum missa distabant . . thorities, to read the Preface to the Canon missae paene totus ab initio ad English Prayer-book, the Acts of verbum transcriptus fuit. Signaetiam Parliament, 28 Hen. VIII. cap. 19, benedictae Crucis retentse sunt. . . 2 Eliz. cap. I, where the old Canon Cranmerus sacrificio missae interfuit Law is spoken of as still standing, quotidie, dum regnabat Henricus.' and the opinions of even the most 192 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. 'Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum? but, owing to the untimely death of Edward the Sixth, never carried to its completion. An English Churchman may, therefore, fairly ask, 'What more could any Church do, under the difficult and painful circumstances into which the misconduct of the Popes had plunged her, than was actually done 10 ? How could any Church display more industry, more loyalty to the past, more fidelity to her Divine Master, more simple dutifulness to the laity committed to her charge, more good sense in providing against future confusions, and against the inevitable mistakes and weaknesses that accompany every effort for good in this world, than was displayed by the Church of England 10 ' On veut que le premier appel Siu futur Concile General] soit celui e Duplessis, emis le 13 juin, 1303; celuici . . montre un embarras ex- cessif. II est fait " au Concile et au S. Siege apost clique, et a celui et a ceux auxquels il peut et doit 6tre le mieux post6 de droit." Dans les quatre-vingts ans qui suivent, on trouve huit appels dont les formules sont : " Au S. Siege," " au Sacre College," "au Pape futur," " auPape mieux informe," " au Concile," " au tribunal de Dieu," " a la tr&s-Sainte TriniteV" " a J4sus Christ," enfin. Ces inepties valent la peine a etre rappelees ; elles prouvent d'abord la nouveaut^ de ces appels, et ensuite 1'embarras des appelants.' (De Maistre, Du Pape, p. 22.) Yes: but they prove three things, in addition : (i) the shameful failure of the Popes to do the high duties they had under- taken : (2) the fatal confusions which result from despotism, in the eccle- siastical as well as in the civil sphere : (3") the shocking demoralization, and inability to understand the serious earnest of uncorrupted men, which befalls even highminded persons who surrender to Jesuitism. What sound basis of personal morality, and by inevitable consequence what theory, worth calling for a moment 'reli- gious faith,' can possibly be left to any one, who thoroughly accepts and assimilates the Ultramontane theory ; that one Christian is bound to sub- mit his conscience to another's, ' perinde ac si cadaver esset" in other words, to commit moral suicide : (cf. Loyola's Constttutions,vi. i, 1558) : that ' Papa tantse est auctoritatis et potestatis, ut possit quoque leges divinas modificare, . . cum in terris Dei vices fungitur : ' (Ferraris, Bi- bliotb. Canonica, vii. 28, 1 780) : because 'what be calls true and right is true and right !' (Barnet Catb. Magazine, Feb. 1871, p. n.) Nay; 'si Papa erraret, prsecipiendo vitia vel pro- hibendo virtutes, teneretur Ecclesia credere vitia esse bona et virtutes malas : nisi vellet contra conscien- tiam peccare.' (Bellarmine, De Pontif. iv. 5.) Can moral suicide go any farther I III.] ENGLISH HABIT OF SELF-DEPRECIATION. 193 in the sixteenth century ? It is nothing short of egre- gious folly, to rivet the attention predominantly on the sins and errors that may have accompanied this great movement. It is childish pedantry, to fritter away the main and leading facts of a glorious chapter in our country's history, by learned trifling over its details. It is ungrateful to the Supreme Ruler and Pilot of the Church, to vilify and disparage by aid of the bitter and calumnious accusations of her enemies every important actor amid a tempest which would as- suredly try very severely the courage and honesty even of the most self-confident censor among our modern critics. But our English race is strangely prone to a cynical self-depreciation ". It far too patiently permits the enemy to repeat his calumnies and fill the air with falsehoods : till the very sons and daughters themselves of the English Church are thrown into helpless and almost ludicrous confusion, as to her real position, her true principles of action, her attitude towards the Conti- nental Churches, and her duties towards Dissent (whether Romanist or Puritan) at home. May God forgive both our own want of diligence in clearing up and stating these matters, and also the incredible hatred with which the separated communi- ties, (and especially the Romanists,) have multiplied a thousand -fold the difficulties of their Mother- Church ! 11 ' Beware of that tendency . . to Church's ' chief danger arises from what he would call if he might the faintheartedness, which regards coin a word "alarmism." There an imperilled cause as hopelessly were great numbers of people in this lost.' (Dean Stanley, Essays, p. xi.) country, who could not be satisfied Our Church ' hath been honoured by without endeavouring to excite the our friends, feared by our enemies, imagination of the people with phan- and contemned by none but ourselves toms of constant danger.' (Mr. at home.' (Bishop Williams, 1670: Gladstone, Speech at Whitby : ap. ap. Strype, Parker, i. xvi.) Guardian, Sept. 6, 1871.) Our O 194 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT, May He prosper, and give ultimate success to, the noblest attempt that has ever yet been made to plant Christ's banner upon the citadel of a free and modern State, to infuse Christianity into the very nerves and veins of an adult and fully-organized nation, and to con- secrate not curse or secularize science, family Jifivpo.; litical life! For this has been (in few words) the glorious task of the old Catholic Church in modern England : to elevate and transfigure the earthly by the spiritual, instead of separating them in Manichaean faithlessness ; to combine the Hellenic and Hebrew elements in Chris- tianity, instead of setting them at open war with each other ; and to employ in God's service, and dedicate to His honour, that Physical Science, which has been God's honoured instrument in 'manifesting Himself to the European races, and a sort of Old Testament of the Gentiles to lead them to Christ 12 . But these are things which neither Rome, nor those who are by sympathy or name her sons, have ever been able to understand. The idea is too high and (in the truest sense) too spiritual for them. The Judaizing temper, which from the beginning has found its home there, is always ' seeking after signs,' yearning for the marvellous, u The ' wise men ' of Babylonia educated heathen, that in their world were reached through their own as- j too, as well as in the more privileged tronomical science (Matt. ii. 2): the; Jewish world, God had in a hundred Athenians were addressed by St. ways sown broadcast the dormant Paul through the medium of their seeds of Christianity; that in the own fine arts (Acts xvii. 23 and! streets and fields of pagan Rome 28) : the men of Lystra were di- or Carthage were to be heard the rected to God's revelation of Him- testimonia animae naturaliter Chris- self through Nature (Acts xiv. 17): tianae,' (Tert. Apol. 17,) and in the and the Romans were expressly told, heathen schools of moral philosophy that ' His eternal power and God- might be found ' school-masters to head ' should have been clearly un- lead men to Christ ;' ia 8* ff derstood by them from the works of 'E\\ijviiti) olov irpoKaOaipd ical irpotOi- Creation (Rom. i. 20). And so the rty tyv\ty (is irapaboxty mareus. Christian apologists of the second (Clem. Alex. Strom, vii. 20.) century always laboured to show the III.] REACTION UNDER QUEEN MARY. 195 unable to reconcile itself with the ordinary and the natural. It imposes on itself therefore the suicidal mis- sion of 'beating back the spirit of the age 13 .' It recoils from the modern world, and would fain retire into the cloister away from all the present marvellous deployment of freedom and beauty. It has never yet forgiven the revival of classic learning in the fifteenth century. It has never yet ceased to struggle, in truly pitiable blindness, for the reversal of what God then did, for the re-expulsion of Hellenic thought, for the return of the Middle Ages, for the re-enslavement of the noble and subtle Germanic mind to the gross and domineering instincts of the Latin race 14 . Accordingly, no sooner had our Church set her house in temporary order and addressed herself to the difficult task of governing her more extreme and refractory parties 15 , than behold ! her ancient enemy is in the field against her. Determined to regain this country, and yet already displaying a judicial blindness as to the way in which a free modern people must be dealt with, the Papacy seized the opportunity of Queen Mary's reign to try upon England those coarse methods of brutal com- 13 Dr. Newman, Anglican Diffi- Scriptures Greek. . . . Africa, not culties, p. 12. But when did St. Paul, Rome, gave birth to Latin Chris- or any great Saint or Father of the tianity. Tertullian was the first Latin Church, hold such language as that ? writer.' But ' the Church of the They did not ' beat back ' their own Capital could not but assume some- age. They seized it, and Chris- thing of the dignity of the Capital.' tianized it. (Milman, Latin Christianity, i. 25.) 14 ' Slowly, and at long intervals, ' Sitdt que ce grand travail de 1'ame did the Bishop of Rome emerge to a semble acheve, que les plus vastes dangerous eminence . . . For some intelligences se sont consumers a d6- considerable part of the first three velopper 1'esprit du Christianisme, et centuries, the Church of Rome and qu'il n'est plus besoin que de regner, most (if not all) of the Churches of on voit I'^veque de Rome s'etablir au the West were, if we may so speak, sommet de ces ceuvres de vie, comme Greek religious colonies. Their Ian- s'il en etait le principe et la source ' guage was Greek, their organization (Quinet, CEuvres, iii. 58.) Greek, their writers Greek, their u Froude, xi. 8. 02 196 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. pulsion 16 which were succeeding only too fatally well in Latin Spain. But all was useless. And when (in spite both of innumerable plots and the shock of open war) Elizabeth's throne became every day more firmly secured, and when a vigorous national organization both in Church and State soon bade fair to render every attack nugatory, then at last the patience and the hopes of Rome were at an end ; and on^April 27, 1570, the shameful mandate went forth, bidding all who would obey Pope Pius V. to break with their own English Church, to secede and form conventicles, to abandon and dethrone their sovereign, and to subject their country, if they could, to a foreign invader n . 16 The Inquisition, with its abomi- nable and immoral cruelties, was dis- tinctly introduced into the Church by the Popes. ' Dass in dieser papstlichen Veranstaltung (1198) die erste An- lage der nachmals sogenannten In- quisitoren zu suchen sei ; welche bloss von den Papsten abhangig,' &c. (Schrockh, xxix. 577.) 1T The Bull is given at length in Burnet, iv. 452, small edition. It runs as follows : ' Pius Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, &c. Regnans in ex- celsis, cui data est omnis in coelo et in terra potestas, unam Sanctam, Ca- tholicam et Apostolicam Ecclesiam (extra quam nulla est salus) uni soli in terris, viz. Apostolorum Principi Petro, Petrique successori Romano . Pontifici, in potestatis plenitudine > tradidit gubernandam. Hunc unum j. super omnes gentes et omnia regna ; Principem constituit, qui evellat, de- .1 struat, disperdat, plantet et edificet. t . . . Illius itaque authoritate suffulti, declaramus praedictam Elizabethan! hsereticam et hsereticorum fautricem ; . eique adhserentes in praedictis, ana- thematis sententiam incurisse esseque ' a Christi corporis unitate prsecisos : j Quinetiam ipsam praetenso Regni I I prsedicti jure, necnon omni et quo- rumque Dominio, dignitate, privile- gioque privatam : Et item, proceres, subditos, et populos dicti Regni, ac cseteros omnes qui illi quomodocun- que juvaverunt, a juramento hujus- modi, ac enim prorsus dominii, fide- litatis, et obsequi debito, perpetuo absolutes: prout nos illos praesentium authoritate absolvimus, et privamus eamdem Elizabethan prcetenso jure Regni aliisque omnibus supradictis. Praecipimusque et interdicimus uni- versis et singulis proceribus, subditis, populis, et aliis praedictis, ne illi ejusve monitis, mandatis, et legibus audeant obedire : qui secus egerint, eos simili anathematis sententia in- nodamus.' This is too much even for so gross and reckless a slanderer of the Reformation as William Cob- belt to condone. ' According to the decision of the head of the Catholic Church, Elizabeth was an usurper ; if she were an usurper, she ought to be set aside ; if she were set aside Mary Stuart and the King of France became Queen and King of England ; England became a - mere province, ruled by Scotchmen and Frenchmen ; the bare idea of which was quite m.] THE SPANISH ARMADA. I 9 7 The result was, however, hardly equal to the sanguine expectations of the framer of this bull. The English Church was not seriously damaged. Queen Elizabeth was not cast from her throne. The horrible massacres, which soon followed in France, and for which the Pope in solemn procession gave God thanks 18 , did not shake the courage, but only aroused the indignant execration of England. And the subsequent attack of the Papal Armada ignominiously failed. The only permanent result was, that one more schismatic body was estab- lished on the English soil ; and that Romanism, by the act of its own infatuated leaders, was now identical with treason to the sovereign, which it became the bounden duty of the magistrates to punish with an entirely exceptional and unwished-for severity 19 . sufficient to put every drop of Eng- lish blood in motion.' (History of the Reformation, Letter x.) is i Whatever be the number [of ( Protestants massacred : probably, at least 20,000], not all the waters of the ocean can efface the stain upon the characters of those concerned in the massacre. . . Such a purely gra- tuitous massacre is unexampled in the annals of the world . . . Alva condemned the massacre; and Mi- cheli, the Venetian ambassador, af- firms that all thinking men without distinction of creed protested against the crime . . La Mothe F^nelon de- clared he was ashamed to be counted a Frenchman. Lord Burghley told him, in most undiplomatic language, I that " the Paris massacre was the ;most horrible crime which had been .committed since the crucifixion of Christ." . . In Germany, the horror was hardly less than in England.' (White, Massacre of St. Bartholomew, p. 472.) And now behold how the 1 infallible Pope, the self-styled Vicar of the meek and lowly Jesus, viewed the matter : ' When the news of the massacre reached Rome, the exulta- tion among the clergy knew no bounds. The Cardinal of Lorraine rewarded the messenger with 1000 crowns ; the cannon of St. Angelo thundered forth a joyous salute ; the bells rang out from every steeple ; bonfires turned night into day ; and Gregory XIII., attended by the Car- dinals and other ecclesiastical digni- taries, went in long procession to the Church of St. Louis, where the Car- dinal of Lorraine chanted a Te De-urn . . A medal was struck to comme- morate the massacre ; and in the Vatican may still be seen three fres- coes by Vasari describing the attack. . . Gregory sent Charles the golden rose.' (Ibid. p. 476.) 19 Romanist partizans persistently attempt, in the teeth of all the evi- dence, to represent the political exe- cutions of Jesuits and Seminarists in this reign as acts of religious perse- cution. Such persons cannot have honestly read the history of these times. ' On the morning of the I5th of May (15/0) the Bull declaring Elizabeth deposed, and her subjects 198 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. From this time forward, Romanism has played but a sorry part in England. While some of its adherents have shown, as individuals, the very highest qualities, the leaders of the Denomination have receded farther and farther away from any sympathy with the main body of their countrymen. During the seventeenth century, rightly or wrongly, innumerable plots and Jesuitical in- trigues were attributed to them. Under Charles I., a French Romanist Queen contributed materially to bring about the Great Rebellion. Her two sons, Charles II. and James II. in different ways, the worst sovereigns absolved from their allegiance was found nailed against the Bishop of London's door; and whatever the Catholic Powers might do, or not do, the Catholic Church had formally declared war.' (Froude, x. 59.) At home, 'its strength lay now among the meaner elements of secret con- spiracy and disaffection ' (Ibid. p. 60) : from abroad, ' if by any means the release of the Queen of Scots could be effected, fifteen or twenty thousand men could be thrown across, before Elizabeth could have notice of her danger. The Catho- lics would immediately rise, Mary Stuart would be proclaimed . . The country would be conquered without a struggle ' (Ibid. p. 69) : ' Liberty of conscience,' therefore said Lord Bur- leigh in Parliament, 'was generally good ; but after the step which the Pope had chosen to take, religion had been made a question of alle- giance' (Ibid. p. 196). Indeed Eli- zabeth herself (says Dr. Dollinger, Cburcb and Churches, p. 106), ' desired to retain as many elements of the old religion as possible, at least in the Liturgy and the administration of the Sacraments :' nor in fact ' was any priest executed till 1577 .. by a law made six years before* (Strype, Parker, ii. 134): and then only in consequence of the exasperation pro- duced by the Jesuit Campion's pro- ceedings (Strype, Grindal, p. 380) : and by discovering ' in the King of Spain an intention to invade her dominions ; and that a principal part of the plot was to prepare a party within the realm that might adhere to the foreigner.' (Sir F. Walsing- ham, ap. Burnet, book iii. sub fin.) In short, there were then as there are now two sorts of Romanists : ( I ) the quiet conscientious Romanists from childhood upwards, and to these Elizabeth always displayed a remarkable lenity ; extending it even to men like Bishop Bonner, who after subscribing to the Royal Supremacy under Henry VIII. and Edward VI., had become a fierce persecutor under Mary. (Cf. Lin- gard, vi. 326 ; Strype, Grindal, 34 and 150.) And (2) the turbulent poli- tical Romanists, the tools (often un- awares) of foreign Jesuits and in- triguers, and for these, of course, she had no mercy. (See abundant evidence, in Challoner's Memoirs of Missionary Priests [written with a contrary intention], e. g. i. 84, 89, 91, 119, 141, &c., &c. Every one of these martyrs to Pope Pius V.'s political schemes died by hanging, c. (the statutable traitors' death); not by burning, (the statutable here- tics' death.) m.] FOREIGN CHARACTER OF ENLISH R6MANISM. 199 that perhaps England has ever had were both of them Romanists. And it was not till the country had finally concluded that no subject of the Papacy should ever more sit on the throne of these realms 20 , that peace and security were at last obtained. And meantime the foreign character of this most unjustifiable intrusion has plainly shown itself. While at this hour, in every cathedral and parish church throughout the land, the old English Service Books, according to the use of Sarum, are (in a revised and condensed form) daily and weekly to be heard, in the Romanist chapels, on the contrary, scarcely anything English is to be heard or seen. The modern Roman Rituals have supplanted everywhere those of the ancient English Church 21 . While to this hour, on the Episcopal thrones and on the benches in Parliament are to be seen the direct successors of Chichele, Langton, Anselm, Dun- stan, Augustin, the Romanist body, after being for a long time governed by a mere commissary of the Pope 22 , obtained at last, in 1851, an Episcopate of their own. But it was an Episcopate with no roots in this country; of the Roman not of the Anglican succession ; bearing no commission from, and having no connexion with, Wyke- ham, Grostete, Langton, Chad ; a mere foreign impor- tation ; whose first great public act has been to send 20 By the (so-called) Act of Set- K Until 1598, the Seceders had no tlement, 13 and 14 Will. III. cap. 2 : ecclesiastical organization at all. In cf. Hallam, Const. Hist. p. 729 (small that year, a Rural Dean was made edition). their governor. And this extra- 31 The title of the modern Ro- ordinary form of Church government mano-Anglican Service Book runs continued till 1623; after which as follows: ' Ordo administrandi Sa- time, till 1851, mere titular Bishops cramenta, etc. in missione Anglicana, (of Chalcedon, Melipotamus, &c.) ex Rituali Romano jussu Pauli V. were sent over by the Pope, and edito extractus : nonnullis adjectis ruled as his commissaries. (Cf. ex antique Rituali Anglicano.' 1831. Palmer, Orig. Liturg. ii. 286; Lin- (Foye's Romisb Rites, p. 256.) gard, vi. 312.) 200 THE ROMANISTS. [LECT. to a pseudo-CEcumenical Council, as representatives of the English element in Christendom, a body of Papal nominees to vote, in England's name, for what certainly appears to almost all Englishmen the very height of presumptuous folly the absolute and infallible des- potism of their ancient enemy over the consciences and thoughts of mankind. To the judgment of the great Lord and real Head of the Christian Church 23 , we may safely appeal, in such a quarrel as this. If in His eyes a merely mechanical unity, guaranteed by the simple arrangement that His Church shall in all ages consist of those who consent to deny and atfirm ad one iMii"5Rall direct. if this sort of unity is of such paramount importance in His sight, as to supersede every other consideration, Divine or human, moral, intellectual, or spiritual, then before men and angels it will, no doubt, one day appear that Christian England has utterly misread His Gospel and misunder- stood His will. But if otherwise, it may perchance be made manifest, when all things are known, that the Church of our race has, with all its faults, weaknesses, and sins, borne a noble and consistent testimony in behalf of freedom, veracity, and manly simplicity. Her stead- fast protest against a system based on forgeries, and cemented by the grossest superstitions, will appear not to have been in vain. And, honouring to the utmost and herself upholding the principle of unity ; maintaining in her cruel isolation the Catholic faith whole and undefiled, and the ancient discipline un- broken ; striving amid the endless perplexities and 83 ' Contradicit tibi, qui dicit Christus hie est. Possessionem et " Meus est orbis terrse et plenitude dominium cede Huic." (S. Bernard, ejus." Non tu ille, de quo propheta De Consid. iii. i : addressed to Pope " et erit omnis terra possessio Ejus." Eugenius III.) m.] A FUTURE GENERAL COUNCIL. 2OI difficulties of modern life, (as ao other Church in Chris- tendom has striven,) to reconcile the ancient faith with modern science; yet all the while steadily proclaiming the temporary character of all her arrangements, her longing for reunion, her readiness to be employed in God's hand as a means thereto, and her willingness to report all she has done and to revise it (if necessary) at a bond fide General Council (whenever it may please God that such a Council shall be assembled) ; she may, at last, receive the praise, and not the anathema, of the Lord whom she has thus honestly tried to serve; and be given no unhonoured place among the galaxy of churches that shall form His heavenly crown. f^.-^-f~t^- APPENDIX D. The Romanist Confession of Faith : (or the ' Creed of Pope Pius IV.,' A.D. 1564)'. ' Ego N. firing fide credo et profiteer omnia et singula, quos continentur in Symbolo Fidei quo Sancta Romana Ecclesia utitur : viz. Credo in unum Deum . . et vitam futuri sseculi: Amen. Apostolicas et Ecclesiasticas traditiones, reliquasque ejusdem Ecclesise observationes et constitutiones nrmissimfc admitto et amplector. Item, Sacram Scripturam juxta eum sensum quern tenuit et tenet sancta mater Ecclesia, (cujus est judicare de vero sensu et interpretatione Sacrarum Scripturarum,) admitto ; nee earn unquam, nisi juxta unanimem consensum Patrum, accipiam et interpre- tabor. 4 Profiteer quoque septem esse, verfe et proprife, Sacramenta Novae Legis, a Jesu Christo Domino nostro instituta, atque ad salutem humani generis licet non omnia singulis necessaria: scil. Baptismum, Confirmationem, Eucharistiam, Poenitentiam, Extremam unctionem, Ordinem, et Matri- monium ; illaque gratiam conferre ; et ex his, Baptismum, Confirmationem, et Ordinem, sine sacrilegio iterari non posse. Receptos quoque et ap- probates Ecclesise Catholicse ritus, in supradictorum omnium Sacramentorum administratione, recipio et admitto. 'Omnia et singula quse de peccato original! et de justificatione in S. Tridentina synodo definita et declarata fuerunt, amplector et recipio. Profiteer paritfer in missd ofierri Deo verum, proprium, et propitiatorium sacrificium pro vivis et defunctis ; atque in sanctissimo Eucharistise sacra- mento esse verfe, realitfer, et substantiality corpus et sanguinem, una cum anima et divinitate, Dommi nostri Jesu Christi ; fierique conversionem totius substantise panis in Corpus, et totius substantise vini in Sanguinem, quam conversionem Catholica Ecclesia " transsubstantiationem " appellat. Fateor etiam sub altera tantum specie totum atque integrum Christum, verumque sacramentum, sumi. Constanter teneo purgatorium esse; ani- 1 This is the Confession which is imposed upon all converts to Romanism at the present day. APPENDIX E. 203 masque ibi detentas fidelium suffragiis juvari : similiter et sanctos, unJl cum Christo regnantes, venerandos atque invocandos esse, eosque orationes Deo pro nobis offeree ; atque eorum reliquias esse venerandas. Firmiter assero, imagines Christi sanctorum, habendas et retinendas esse ; atque eis debi- tum honorem ac venerationem impertiendam. Indulgentiarum etiam potestatem a Christo in ecclesia relictam fuisse, illarumque usum Christiano populo maxime salutarem esse, affirmo. ' Sanctam catholicam et apostolicam Romanam ecclesiam omnium eccle- siarum matrem et magistram agnosco : Romanoque pontifici, beati Petri Apostolorum principis successori, ac Jesu Christi vicario, veram obedi- entiam spondeo ac juro. Cetera omnia a sacris canonibus et cecumenicis conciliis ac praecipufe a S. Tridentina Synodo tradita, definita, et declarata, indubitantfcr recipio atque profiteer. Simulque contraria omnia, atque hsereses quascunque ab Ecclesia damnatas et rejectas et anathematizatas, ego pariter damno, rejicio, et anathematize. ' Hanc veram Catholicam fidem, extra quam nemo salvus esse potest, quam in prsesenti sponte profiteer et veraciter teneo, eandem integram et immaculatam usque ad extremum vitre spiritum constantissime (Deo adjuvante) retinere et confiteri: Atque a meis subditis, vel illis quorum cura ad me in munere meo spectabit, teneri, doceri, et prsedicari (quantum in me erit) curaturum, ego idem N. spondeo, voveo, ac juro. Sic me Deus adjuvet, et haec sancta Dei evangelia.' APPENDIX E. The Canons passed at the Latin Council of the Vatican, 1870. [The Council met for the first time on Dec. 8, 1869; and continued its labours in private and public till Oct. 20, 1870. On that day, owing to the confusions then existing in Europe, it was pronounced by the Pope to be 'suspended, until a more opportune and convenient time to be named hereafter by the Holy See.' The results of its labours are con- tained in the two following series of Canons. The first series were pub- licly promulgated on April 14, 1870; and were directed against free-thinkers and other external enemies of the Church. The second series were pro- mulgated on July 1 8, 1870; and were directed against the internal oppo- nents of Papal Infallibility. They are here transcribed from an edition, in Latin and French, by M. Pelletier, Canon of Orleans ; with the imprimatur of the Bishop of Puy, 1871.] 204 APPENDIX E. SERIES I. Constilutio dogmalica defide Catholica 1 . * ***** CANON I. De Deo rerum omnium Creators. Si quis unum verum Deum, visibilium et invisibilium Creatorem et Dominum, negaverit; anathema sit. Si quis, prseter materiam, nihil esse affirmare non erubuerit; anathema sit. Si quis dixerit unam eandemque esse Dei et rerum omnium substantiam vel essentiam ; anathema sit. Si quis dixerit res finitas, turn corporeas turn spirituales, aut saltern spirituales, e divina substantia emanasse ; aut divinam essentiam sui manifestatione vel evolutione fieri omnia ; aut denique Deum esse ens universale aut indefinitum, quod sese determinando constituat rerum universitatem in genera, species, et individua distinctam ; anathema sit. Si quis non confiteatur mundum, resque omnes quse in eo continentur, et spirituales et materiales, secundum totam suam substantiam & Deo ex nihilo esse productas ; aut Deum dixerit, non voluntate ab omni necessitate libera, sed tarn necessario creasse quam necessarii) amat seipsum ; aut mundum ad Dei gloriam conditum esse nega- verit ; anathema sit. CANON II. De revelations. Si quis dixerit Deum unum et verum, Creatorem et Dominum nostrum, per ea quse facta sunt (naturali rationis humanse lumine) certo cognosci non posse ; anathema sit. Si quis dixerit fieri non posse aut non expedire, ut per revelationem divinam homo de Deo cultuque exhibendo Ei edoceatur; anathema sit. Si quis dixerit hominem ad cognitionem et perfectionem quse naturalem superet, divinitus evehi non posse ; sed ex seipso ad omnis tandem veri et boni possessionem, jugi profectu, pertingere posse et debere ; anathema sit. Si quis Sacrse Scripturae libros integros, cum omnibus suis partibus, prout illos sancta Tiidentina Synodus recensuit, pro sacris et canonicis non susceperit ; aut eos divinitus inspiratos esse negaverit ; anathema sit. CANON in. Defide. Si quis dixerit rationem humanam ita independentem esse, ut fides ei h, Deo imperari non possit; anathema sit. Si quis dixerit fidem divinam h, naturali de Deo et rebus moralibus scientia non distingui, ac propterea ad fidem divinam non requiri ut revelata veritas propter auctoritatem Dei revelantis credatur; anathema sit. Si quis dixerit revelationem divinam externis signis credibilem fieri non posse; ideoque sola interna cujusque 1 Here follows, in the original text, a theological discourse in four chapters ; corresponding with the four ' Canons,' which are appended. APPENDIX E. 205 experieuua aut inspiratione private homines ad fidem moveri debere ; anathema sit. Si quis dixerit miracula nulla fieri posse, proindeque omnes de iis narrationes, etiam in sacra Scriptura contentas, inter fabulas vel mythos ablegandas esse ; aut miracula certt) cognosci nunquam posse, nee iis divinam religionis Christianse originem ritfe probari ; anathema sit. Si quis dixerit assensum fidei Christianse non esse liberum, sed argumentis humanse rationis necessario produci ; aut ad solam fidem vivam, quse per charitatem operatur, gratiam Dei necessariam esse ; anathema sit. Si quis dixerit parem esse conditionem fidelium atque eorum qui ad fidem unice veram nondum pervenerunt, ita ut Catholici justam causam habere possint fidem, quam sub Ecclesire magisterio jam susceperunt, assensu suspense in dubium vocandi, donee demonstrationem scientificam credibilitatis et veri- tatis fidei suse absolverint ; anathema sit. CANON IV. Defide et revelations. Si quis dixerit in revelatione diving nulla vera et proprife dicta mysteria contineri, sed universa fidei dogmata posse per rationem rite excultam e naturalibus principiis intelligi et demonstrari ; anathema sit. Si quis dixerit disciplinas humanas ea cum libertate tractandas esse, ut earum assertiones etsi doctrinse revelatse adversentur tanquam verse retineri, neque ab Ecclesia proscribi possint ; anathema sit. Si quis dixerit fieri posse ut, dogmatibus ab Ecclesia propositis, aliquando secundum progressum scien- tise sensus tribuendus sit alius ab eo, quern intellexit et intelligit Ecclesia ; anathema sit. SERIES II. Conslitulio dogmatica prima de Ecdesid Chris ti. CANON I. De Apostolici primatus in beato Petro institutione. Si quis dixerit beatum Petrum Apostolum non esse a Christo Domino constitutum Apostolorum omnium principem, et totius Ecclesise militantis visibile caput ; vel eundem honoris tantiim, non autem verse propriaeque jurisdictionis, primatum ab eodem Domino nostro Jesu Christo direct^ et immediate accepisse ; anathema sit. CANON II. De perpetuitate primatus beati Petri in Romanis Ponttficibus. Si quis dixerit non esse ex ipsius Christi Domini institutione seu 'jure divino' ut beatus Petrus in primatu super universam Ecclesiam habeat successores ; aut Romanum Pontificem non esse beati Petri in eodem pri- matu successorem ; anathema sit. 206 APPENDIX E. CANON III. De vi et rations primatus Romani Pontificis. Si quis dixerit Romanian Pontificum habere tantummod6 officium inspec- tionis vel directionis, non autem plenam et supremam potestatem jurisdic- tionis in universam Ecclesiam, non soliim in rebus quse ad fidem et morem, set etiam in iis quse ad disciplinam et regimen Ecclesiae per totum orbem diffusse pertinent ; aut eum habere tantum potiores paries, non vero pleni- tudinem hujus supremse potestatis; aut hanc ejus potestatem non esse ordinariam et immediatam, sive in omnes et singulas Ecclesias, sive in omnes et singulos pastores et fideles ; anathema sit. CANON IV. De Romani Pontificis infallibili magisterio. Nos, tradition! a fidei Christianse exordio perceptse fideliter inhserendo, ad Dei Salvatoris nostri gloriam, religionis Catholicse exaltationem, et Christianorum populorum salutem (sacro approbante Concilio), docemus et 1 divinitus revelatum dogma ' esse definimus ; Romanum Pontificem, cum ex cathedra loquitur (i.e. ciim omnium Christianorum Pastoris et Doctoris munere fungens, pro suprema sua apostolica auctoritate, doctrinam de fide vel moribus ab universal Ecclesia tenendam definit,) per assistentiam divinam ipsi in beato Petro promissam, e& infallibilitate pollere qua- divinus Redemptor Ecclesiam suam in definiend& doctrina- de fide vel moribus instructam esse voluit : Ideoque ejusmodi Romani Pontificis definitiones ex sese, non autem ex consensu Ecclesice, irreformabiles esse. Si quis autem huic nostrse definition! contradicere (quod Deus avertat !) prsesumpserit ; anathema sit*. 1 [This last Canon, being the only one of general interest, and also that against which the ' protest ' of the Old-Catholics is now being everywhere raised, is here appended in an English translation. ' We [i.e. Pope Pius IX], ad- hering faithfully to the tradition received from the beginning of the Christian faith, with a view to the glory of our Divine Saviour, the exaltation of the Catholic religion, and the safety of Christian peoples (the Sacred Council ap- proving), teach and define to be " a dogma divinely revealed," as follows : That the Roman Pontiff, when he speaks ex cathedra (that is, when fulfilling the office of Pastor and Teacher of all Christians on his supreme Apostolical authority, he defines a doctrine concerning faith or morals to be held by the Universal Church), through the divine assistance promised him in blessed Peter, he is endowed with that Infallibility, with which the Divine Redeemer has willed that His Church in defining doctrine concerning faith or morals should be endowed : And therefore, that such definitions of the Roman Pontiff of themselves and not by virtue of the consent of the Church are irreformable. If any one shall presume (which God avert I) to contradict this our definition ; let him be anathema 1 '] APPENDIX F. 207 APPENDIX F. A Syllabus of the principal errors of our time, which are stigmatised in the Allocutions, (Sec. of our most holy Lord, Pope Pius IX. ' I. Pantheism, Naturalism, and Rationalism absolute. ' That there exists no Divine Power, Supreme Being, Wisdom and Pro- vidence, distinct from the Universe. . . That the prophecies and miracles narrated in Holy Scripture are the fictions of poets. . . .' 2. Rationalism moderate. . . ' That the Church ought to tolerate the errors of philosophy ; leaving to philosophy the care of their correction. That the decrees of the Apo- stolic see and of the Roman " Congregations " fetter the free progress of science. That the method and principles, by which the old scholastic Doctors cultivated Theology, are no longer suitable to the demands of the age.' . . 3. Indifferentism and Toleration. ' That every man is free to embrace and profess the religion he shall believe true, guided by the light of reason . . That the eternal salvation may (at least) be hoped for, of all those who are not at all in the true Church of Christ. That Protestantism is nothing more than another form of the same true Christian religion ; in which it is possible to please God equally as in the Catholic Church.' 4. Socialism, Biblical Societies, Clerico-Liberal Societies, &c. 1 Pests of this description are frequently rebuked in the severest terms, in the Encycl. ' qvi pluribus,' &c. 5. Errors concerning tbe Church and her rights. ' That the Roman Pontiffs and (Ecumenical Councils have exceeded the limits of their power, have usurped the rights of princes, and have even committed errors in denning matters of faith or morals. That the Church 1 The most important and interesting points of the celebrated ' Syllabus ' of Pope Pius IX. are here given. They are taken from a reprint, with English translation, by R. Walker, Esq. (published at the Weekly Register office, London). 208 APPENDIX F. has not the power of availing herself of force, or of any direct or indirect temporal power. That ecclesiastical jurisdiction for the temporal causes whether civil or criminal of the clergy, ought by all means to be abolished. . . That National Churches can be established, after being withdrawn and separated from the authority of the holy Pontiff. That many Pontiffs have, by their arbitrary conduct, contributed to the division of the Church into Eastern and Western.' 6. Errors about Civil Society, tfc. ' . . That the civil government even when exercised by an infidel sove- reign possesses an indirect and negative power over religious affairs ; and possesses, not only the right called that of exequatur, but also that of the (so-called) appellatio ab abusu . . That the best theory of civil society re- quires that popular schools, open to the children of all classes, should be freed from all ecclesiastical authority . . That the Church ought to be separated from the State, and the State from the Church.' 7. Errors concerning Natural and Christian Ethics. 1 . . That knowledge of philosophical things, and morals, and civil laws, may be and must be independent of Divine and ecclesiastical authority . . That it is allowable to refuse obedience to legitimate princes ; nay more, to rise in insurrection against them . .' 8. Errors regarding Christian Marriage. 9. Errors regarding the Civil Power of the Sovereign Pontiff. *. . That the abolition of the temporal power of which the Apostolic See is possessed, would contribute to the liberty and prosperity of the Church . .' 10. Errors relating to Modern Liberalism. 'That in the present day, it is no longer necessary that the Catholic reli- gion be held as the only religion of the State, to the exclusion of all other modes of worship : whence it has been wisely provided by the law, in some countries called Catholic, that persons coming to reside therein shall enjoy the free exercise of their own worship . . That the Roman Pontiff can, and ought to, reconcile himself to, and agree with, progress, liberalism, and modern civilization.' LECTURE IV. THE BAPTISTS. A.D. 1633. Leading Idea: 'Purity* of the Church, in its internal relations. Method adopted: Extreme attention paid to the ritual of admission. Si fallaciter conversis in baptismo suo peccata donantur, sine causa ad veram conversionem postea perducuntur ! . . Debent autem timere Christi judicium : et veraci corde aliquando converti. Quod cum fecerint, non eos utique necesse est iterum baptizari.' (S. Augustine, De Baptismo, vii. 3.) CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. 200. Tertullian (Montanist) first objects to children's baptism. 360. Gregory Nazianzen advises ' three years old.' 1150. Waldenses, &c., refuse Infant baptism. 1522. Stork and Munzer, in Saxony, rebaptize. 1535. John of Leyden and the Anabaptists. Menno reforms the Baptists. 1575. Foxe writes ' No Baptists yet in England.' 1608. Amsterdam, first English Baptists. 1612. This Baptist flock returns to England. Edward Wightman (Anabaptist) burnt at Lichfield. 1615. First Baptist tract ; against persecution. 1633. First Baptist congregation in England. 1645. Parliamentary orders against preachers. 1646. First Baptist ' Confession of Faith.' 1647. Colonel Hutchinson converted. 1649. Great increase : thirty Baptists in Church livings. 1653. Bunyan converted. 1660. Restoration of the National Church. 1661. Mobs attack Baptists. 1662. Baptists and others, refusing to conform, are ejected. 1674. Fierce controversy with the Quakers. 1677. Second ' Confession of Faith.' 1686. Savage persecution by James II. 1687. James the Second's 'Declaration of Indulgence 'repudiated. 1689. Toleration Act passed. General Assembly of Baptists in London. 1732. 'The Dissenting Deputies' constituted. 1770. Bristol College for training ministers. ' The New Connexion of General Baptists.' 1793. Carey, &c. sailed for India. 1809. 'Baptist Magazine' begun. 1860. Norwich Chapel Case : ' open Communion.* 1861. ' The Tabernacle' opened in Southwark. LECTURE IV. THE BAPTISTS. The Kingdom of Heaven is like unto a net, that was cast into the sea, and gathered of every kind.' Matt. xiii. 47. WE now pass from the sixteenth to the seventeenth century. And leaving the first pair of seces- sions, which went off from the Church of England, on opposite sides, on the question of ' Church Polity,' we reach a second pair of secessions, which again departed in opposite directions, but this time, on ques- tions mainly connected with the Sacraments and with the Church's external ' means of grace.' The third sect, accordingly, which broke away from the National Church and went into (let us hope) a temporary separa- tion, was one which bears this new feature in its very name. It is the denomination of the ' Baptists.' Their first formation as a separate community in England took place in 1633 ; when, under the in- fluence of foreign ideas cTerived from that teeming hotbed of confusion, the newly-enfranchised States of Holland \ the former head-quarters of the Anabaptists 1 The States of Holland pro- And though they established Cal- claimed their independence in 1572. vinism as the National religion, they P 2 212 THE BAPTISTS. [LECT. in the previous century certain very strict and pious members of the Independent body in London deter- mined to secede, and to form a fresh communion of their own 2 . In point of Church Polity, they still remained Independents. But there were three grand principles, for the sake of which they held themselves justified in making a secession : (i) for the maintenance of a more strictly Calvinistic doctrine : (2) for the exer- cise of a more rigorous and exclusive discipline : (3) for the practice of a more literally Scriptural ritual, espe- cially in the matter of Baptism. Now all these three principles are closely connected together ; and indeed they are all, fundamentally, one. And that one fundamental principle is Puritanism. Yes ; the Baptists are essentially and KOT' eoxrjv ' Puri- tans ; ' and I think it must be honestly confessed they, and they only, are really consistent and logically unassailable Puritans. If Puritanism is true, the Baptist system is right. If Puritanism is a grand mistake, and the most singularly unchristian of all the (so to say) 'orthodox* misapprehensions of the Gospel of Jesus allowed perfect freedom of conscience to Anabaptists, Lutherans, and all other communions,' including even the Romanists; though none but Calvinists were admitted to offices of State. ( Mosheim, p. 600 : ed. Reid.) From this time, their in- fluence on England was very great. The Eastern Counties and London, especially, were teeming with Dutch Anabaptists. (Lingard, vi. 169.) 8 Although there were, at an earlier period, many persons holding Baptist opinions scattered among the Independent congregations, all the best authorities are agreed that it was not till September 12, 1633, that the Baptist denomination formally sepa- rated themselves. The pastor of the first Baptist flock, numbering ' about twenty men and women, with divers others,' was a Mr. Spilsbury, of whom nothing is known. (Cramp, History of the Baptists, p. 345.) A second body seceded, five years later, from the same Independent meeting in Blackfriars. A third secession followed in 1639, and established themselves in Crutched Friars. (Crosby, English Baptists, iii. 41.) And after 1649, their numbers ra- pidly increased, especially in Crom- well's army. (Neal, iii. 380: ed. Toulmin.) IV.] A BAPTIST PLACE OF WORSHIP. 213 Christ, then the Baptist system falls to the ground of itself. Of this, however, there will be more to say farther on. But now it is, surely, very remarkable that even Puritanism when placed in a state of separation, left to itself, and free to follow its own logical self-develop- ments should at once display the old well-known divergence, (which is due, no doubt, to some twofold constitution of human nature) ; and should evolve, precisely as the Church has done, a Ritual and a Spiritual party. For such are the Baptists, on the one hand ; and the Quakers, on the other. If you go into a Baptist place of worship, pre- pared to understand what you see, you are imme- diately confronted with an unusual and absolutely unexampled arrangement of the Ritual machinery. In almost all other Dissenting chapels the Pulpit is everything ; and you feel at once that the place you have entered is virtually a preaching-house, a hall for the delivery of lectures on religion, not unaccompanied (however) with prayers and other subordinate ob- servances. You see at a glance that the simple ob- long building, without either aisles or chancel, is an admirable piece of common-sense, in its perfect adap- tation for preaching purposes, unwittingly copied from the similar constructions of the Preaching Friars in the middle ages. But when you enter a Baptist chapel, disguised as the change may be, all this has under- gone a transformation. The construction is no longer adapted for preaching exclusively. Ritual has once more 'made its appearance. The return of the Chris- tian Sacraments to their due place of honour has begun. And the post of dignity, at (what we should call) the east end of the building, has been reserved for not indeed the Altar, but the Font. 214 THE BAPTISTS. [LECT. A strange and needless piece of perversity this seems, at first sight, and to persons accustomed to more tra- ditional arrangements. But still, let us not be too hasty to condemn. Let us not be guilty of that most un- christian temper, which argues, ' It is not what we have been accustomed to : and therefore it must necessarily be irrational and wrong.' Let us wait and see what goes on, at this elevated and honoured Font. We see some grown-up persons approach, full of seriousness, and earnest to confess Christ before men. The minister who officiates receives them in the large deep open font, and in the name of the Holy Trinity baptizes them by im- mersion ; and they arise (so they are taught) from that momentary grave new creatures in Jesus Christ, and members for life and for ever of His Holy Church. Surely, say what people will, and however incongruous it may all appear amid our modern life, it is a solemn and affecting ceremony. Indeed, upon reflection, we see that it is nothing more or less than the baptism of the Catholic Church ; only (by a curious piece of anti- quarian punctilio) a baptism performed according to a very ancient type of ritual, such as was used in Eastern climates and in those early times when the baptism of adults into Christianity was the rule, instead of being (as it is at present) the exception. But still, we should probably ask with some surprise, 'How is it that, in the heart of a Christian country, these persons have never been brought within the Chris- tian Church before ? What have the clergy been about, that baptism into the name of Jesus Christ, and into all the blessings and privileges of His society, has never been offered to these people ? ' And then (it may be) the strange and confounding truth comes out, that the clergy are not to blame, as might have been supposed ; that these IV.] MEANING OF ITS ARRANGEMENTS. 215 people have already been baptized, could already claim every privilege that belongs to a Christian, and instead of being now for the first time brought under the in- fluence of Christianity, have been under it almost ever since they were born. What then can be the meaning of this extraordinary conduct on the part of the Baptists, or ' Anabaptists,' re-baptizers, as they used more correctly to be called ? It cannot surely be in the in- terests of mere antiquarianism that they have re-baptized these persons in the Eastern manner? Nor can one think it is wholly out of an exaggerated reverence for what the letter of Scripture says on the subject, though this, it must be confessed, has something to do w r ith their cohduct. For though it is almost incredible that men of sense and maturity should, in these days, fly to Scripture for a text to sanction everything they do, it is at any rate certain that their forefathers, who first began this secession, described themselves as ' resolving, by the grace of God, not to receive or practise any piece of positive worship which had not precept or example in His Word V And yet, it need hardly be said, there are numerous pieces of 'positive worship/ to be seen in every Baptist chapel throughout the kingdom, which cannot by any means be brought under this description. It is clearly, therefore, some deeper feeling than this, which has originated the practice. It is either some far profounder truth, or else some far more momentous error, which has induced good and conscientious men thus to fly in the face of Christendom ; to deny the reality and validity of the Church's baptism ; to un- church thereby the vast mass of their fellow-Christians ; 8 Neal, iii. 347 ed. Toulmjn. Cf. Gould, Norwich Chapel Case, p. clxiii. 2l6 THE BAPTISTS. [LECT. and to relegate them among heathens who need in spite of all that their own ministry have done for them to be introduced quite afresh as candidates for ad- mission at the portal of Christ's Church 4 . What, then, is that feeling, or that notion ? (for I will not characterize it, by anticipation, as either an error or a truth.) It is simply this : not merely that the world has too much crept into the Church, for that we shall none of us deny : not merely that the phrase ' Baptismal regeneration' has been disastrously misunderstood, for that we shall all quite readily confess : nor merely that the sacrament of baptism has been too disgracefully thrust out of its place, and both in Christian life and worship ought to be restored to its due honour, for to that every thoughtful and pious Churchman would most heartily assent. No : it is something more and something deeper than all that. It is (in few words) the conception that the Church was intended by its Author to be a social^ and not an educational, brotherhood 5 ; to be * ' Our brethren of the baptized tical enjoyment of the ordinances way would neither receive into the commanded by Christ their head and Church, nor pray with, men as good King. . . Here are the fountains and as themselves, because they were not springs of His heavenly graces flow- baptized.' (Bunyan, ap. Gould, p. ing forth to refresh and strengthen 295.) them. . . Called thither to lead their 5 Cf. the Baptist Confession of lives in this walled sbeepfold and Faith, 1646 (ap. Neal, iii. 563, ed. watered garden.' Again, Cramp's Toulmin). ' Jesus Christ, by His Baptist History, p. 198 (new edit, death, did purchase salvation for the 1871) : 'These sentiments originated elect that God gave unto Him. . . in the views entertained by Baptists The free gift of eternal life is given respecting the purity of the Church, to them and to none else. . . Faith is . . The Baptists would admit no the gift of God, wrought in the hearts members to their churches, but on of the elect by the Spirit of God ; personal profession of repentance . . All those that have this precious and faith, on which profession the faith can never finally nor totally parties were baptized. All their sub- fall away. . . The Church is a com- sequent arrangements were founded pany of visible saints, called and on these pre - requisites. Every separated from the world, . . joined Church was a family of believers. . . to their Lord and to each other The Church in their estimation was by mutual agreement in the prac- a holy society. All the rule and IV.] PURITAN THEORY OF A ' CHURCH! 217 -F=r / afclub for enjoying happy Christian fellowship, and not f/ll a school for bringing men gradually to Christ; to be, in "short, a select and exclusive circle of Heaven's '/ favourites, instead of a broad and inclusive 'net' for sweeping in all of every kind. It is the pleasing dream of a sort of little heaven for mutual participation of /fc spiritual pleasures, instead of the nobler conception of a vast and perilous field where the tares are mingled with the wheat, where Christ's husbandry, Christ's build- ing has to be done, and where risks are to be run, dangers courted, spiritual lepers taken in to tend and nurse, ignorance beckoned that it may be taught, weak- ness encouraged that it may be strengthened, childhood smiled upon and warmly welcomed, that it may be educated, guarded, matured, and rendered back at last to Christ the good, the loving, the friend of publicans and sinners, who pleased not Himself, and gave us an ex- ample that we should become ( fellow- workers with Him.' I am far from saying that Baptists and Calvinists do not, in spite of all their creeds and dogmas, think it their duty thus to labour with Christ. Men are, under every imperfect form of Christianity, a great deal better than their creeds. The greatest Baptist preacher in London, who lately gave his Tabernacle for a Calvinistic children's service, at which all our blood ran cold, can yet say, ' there's a bright side to everything, and a good God everywhere V But still their fixed idea is the discipline tended to the preservation 6 Spurgeon,Jobn Ploughman's Talk, \ of that holiness. So Baptists have p. 44. The ' children's service,' thought and practised from the above mentioned, took place in beginning.' Contrast with all this November, 1868. It was conducted the freer and grander views of the mainly by a Baptist minister from Catholic Church, as expressed by the America : and was described at the ancient Fathers ; and among our time, by an eye-witness, in the pages English divines, by Hooker, iii. i. 7; of the Daily News; and commented Pearson, art. ix. ; Field, ii. 3 init. upon in the Saturday Review. 2l8 THE BAPTISTS. [LECT. Puritan idea ; viz., that the Church consists only of holy and godly persons, or rather as it is impossible for human eye to discriminate such persons from hypocrites of 'professors' (as they are called), who give what seems evidence of holiness and godliness. And, therefore, carry- ing out this idea to its legitimate and logical conclusion, a Baptist would say ' children and immature per- sons (although ' of such is the kingdom of heaven') I cannot possibly allow to be fit members of a society of conscious, mature, professing believers. If I educate them, it will be as outsiders, who may one day be -brought in, or who may not. If I help them, it is not as brothers and kindred, members with me of the family of Jesus Christ, but as objects for my pity, and as merely potential members of Christ's kingdom 7 . And in point of ritual too, I will be consequent and logical. Baptism I will carefully and faithfully reserve for the purpose it was originally intended to fulfil ; and that was (as Richard Hooker puts it, and as the early Christians practised it) to be the doorway of admission into Christ's household, but Christ's household, as I myself interpret it, where babes and ignorant and immature people have no right of entry.' And now we are in a position to form our judg- ment upon the matter; and, both as Christians, and 7 Cf. Skeats, Free Churches, p. 509 : 'The Baptist denomination at this period (i 793) as to a considerable extent it has been since was largely pervaded by an ultra - Calvinistic spirit. It was held by the ultra- Calvinists that it was not desirable to offer the Gospel for the accept- ance of the unregenerate. The elect only were to hear the message of salvation. Others might be urged to lead a moral life, and outwardly to observe some Christian ordinances; but were not to be asked to partake of Christian privileges.' And Gould, Norwich Chapel Case (1 860), p. xciv: ' Mr. Ceilings said, " I should not hold a person a Particular Baptist, who considered that the Atonement was sufficient for the whole world; nor would I admit a person who held such doctrine to communion at the Lord's table." ' IV.] IT CONTRAVENES THE PURPOSE OF A CHURCH. 219 as Churchmen who (thank God) are enfranchised from abject slavery to the mere letter of Scripture, to decide, whether the theory which has thrown out this, at first sight, beautiful and welcome revival of an ancient piece of ritual, be not (in point of fact) a profoundly fatal form of error ; directly contrary, if not to the letter, at least to the whole spirit and meaning of the Lord's institution of Baptism ; one which leaves outside just those whom He in His tender pity would most desire to draw in ; and commits to chance exterior agencies that very renewing, redeeming, transforming process, which was intended to be the tranquil, gradual, educa- tional work carried on within His holy Church. Yet, error as it most assuredly is, it has run (like a dark but interrupted thread) through the whole tissue of the Church's history, from almost the very beginning. And it has always come into view, at various periods, from the same cause, viz. as a recoil from the ex- cessive worldliness of the Church, a protest against the low and fluctuating standard which those in authority have maintained within her sacred enclosure, and an exaggerated dread of the danger thereupon imagined to exist, that all was going wrong and that Christ was 'asleep upon a pillow.' Thus, even so early as the second century, we find Montanism coming forth as the ripened expression of a desire for greater spirituality in the Church. Even already, it seems, the society of Christ was supposed to be suffering damage from its contact with the world, and was not escaping may we not say, was nobly refusing to escape the risks which always attend upon conflict with evil, and upon that elaboration of mere mechanism and outward organization without which however no conflict can be effectively carried on in this world. Tertullian, therefore, the great spokesman 220 THE BAPTISTS. [LFCT. and leader of Montanism in the Western Church, comes forward (in the true Puritan temper) with loud and bitter accusations of the Church, for its laxity in admitting to communion those who had fallen into sin. And he is driven (just in the same manner) by the strength of his indignation, to impugn the pretensions of the outwardly organised Church to be the Church at all : ' Ecclesia qui- dem delicta donabit : sed Ecclesia Spiritus, per spiritalem hominem ; non Ecclesia numerus episcoporum 8 .' Ere long the selfsame controversy broke out at Rome, in the Novatian schism. And here, for the first time, we hear the name of naQapol ('Puritans') taken by the malcontent party. Again, some seventy years later, the same exclusive temper breaks out and with the most disastrous results in the Donatist schism, in North Africa. ' The Donatists held, that every Church which tolerated unworthy members in its bosom was itself polluted by the communion with them ; . . and consequently ceased to be a true Christian Church 9 .' And acting on this theory, they scouted the idea of a visible organization, with orderly succession from the Apostles, as constituting the true Church ; and held the .AA^ndividualism of the modern Puritans : 'quicunque justis legitimisque ex causis Christianus fuerit approbatus [but by whom ' approbatus ' is not said] , ille meus est Catholicus 10 .' And more than that, they dared to affirm that all the admissions which had been given by the officers of the great Catholic Church into the kingdom of Jesus Christ being mere delusion and pretence they were bound to re-baptize those that came over to them 8 Tertullian, De Pud. ?i, sub ap. Neander, iii. 295: cf. Gould, p. fin. clxx. ' This inward change of heart 9 Neander, Church History, iii. 288 is the only true condition of fellow- fed. Bohn). ship at the table of the Lord.' 10 Emeritus, a Donatist bishop, IV.] PREDECESSORS OF THE BAPTISTS. 221 from thence. Here then, among the Donatists of the fourth century, we have the first beginning of the Baptist system. It was, however, at once condemned by the Council at Aries (A.D. 3 1^ ; and by all the great saintly men of the following period, especially St. Augustine, who put out all his strength against so fatal a theory," contravening the most gracious purposes of our blessed Lord in establishing a visible Church upon earth n . But the Western Church was never to be free, it seems, from this persistent effort to spiritualize and individualize away all the force and unity of Christ's Kingdom. The very next heresy that broke out presents once more the Puritan colours. For Pelagianism too though the distinct opponent of (what we may call) Calvinist views of grace, still, from its strong moral and personal interest, laid far greaterj5tress_on the Purity than on the Catholicity of the Church ; and taught that it should be, even in this world, ' without spot or wrinkle or any such thing 12 .' Then came the Paulicians, the Cathari, the Albigenses, and other heretics of the middle ages, all possessed with the same false idea ; and all u Augustine argues most ear- baptizing people, every time they nestly against the Donatists, that i turned from some great sin ; why Baptism, rightly and seriously per- ; should the case be altered, when formed, into the most holy name of they simply turn from some great the Trinity, should be regarded as j (supposed) error? See his treatise Christ's own action, Christ's own I De Bapt. c. Donatistas, passim : e. g. reception of one more sinful soul , vii. 5, ' Baptizentur iterum hseretici, into His Church, however much i ut recipiant remissam peccatorum, si the mere human minister of that j baptizantur iterum perversi et invidi :' admission may be supposed to be j ibid. 1 5, ' Baptismus non ipsorum, in error or even in sin. Nay, if the sed Christi, erat :' see also De Unico baptized person should himself re- Bapt. c. Petil. cap. x, ' Cur non unum main, for many a long year, im- Baptisma, in quibus extra ecclesiam mersed in error and sin, still the constitutis invenerimus, confirmamus blessing Christ has once conferred potiiis quam negamus : ut non, ex upon him only remains latent, and eo quod in illis pravum est, etiam the now obscured light may one day quod rectum est depravemus?' gleam forth afresh. And if any ia Hagenbach, History of Doctrines, Christian would shrink from re- i. 358. 222 THE BAPTISTS. [LECT. carrying it out recklessly to its extremest consequences, by spurning the existing Church, as a mere piece of outward mechanism, and holding up to contempt her Baptism as a mere delusion, giving no admission to the true Church at all. At last we reach, in our own country, the Lollards of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries ; and they too display the same principle, maintaining e. g. that a Baptism administered by a priest in mortal sin is no real Baptism 13 ; a theory which would obviously cast a doubt on the baptized condition of every one, and would throw the whole conception of an outward and visibly organized Church into utter confusion. Crushed for a time by the iniquitous compact of intolerance, whereby Henry IV. purchased the support of the clergy for his insecure title to the throne, they revived again in the following century ; and struggling fiercely against the now weak- ened power of the hierarchy, at last fulfilled Wicliffe's own foreboding prophecy, that to commence a Reform- ation might be ' columnas Ecclesiae excitare ; et (quod plus timendum est) diviso populo in partes contrarias, ex bello intestine regnum destruere 14 .' And when at last the catastrophe of the ' Reformation ' was over, and the Church emerged reeling from the hurricane, first Presbyterian non-conformity (like a fierce mutiny) broke out within her borders ; and then, in succession, the Independents, the Romanists, and the Baptists aban- donedTier, to try and sail upon their own courses : the Baptist departure taking place in the year 1633. 18 Cf. Shirley, Fasciculi Zizaniorum, Ibid. p. 402 : 'Omnis homo sanctus p. 320: 'Si episcopus vel sacerdos et praedestinatus ad vitam seternam, existat in peccato mortali, non or- etiam si sit laicus, est verus presbyter dinat, conficit, nee baptizat.' Ibid, et sacerdos ordinatus a Deo ad minis- p. 378 : 'Mallem recipere pan em de trandumomniasacramentanecessaria manu laici bene viventis et placentis hominibus ad salutem.' Deo, quam de manu talis sacerdotis.' M Fasciculi Zizaniorum, p. 270. IV.] PERILOUS TIMES. 223 And surely, when all is said that can be said in its de- fence, it was a cruel and narrow-hearted desertion. For it was a time when England's future was darker and more doubtful than it has ever been before or since. In that very year Archbishop Laud was promoted to the see of Canterbury : Charles I. was governing without a Parliament : the chambers of his Roman Catholic Queen were a nest of cabals and treasons against the freedom of the country 15 : the Royal supremacy was being wielded with merciless severity, so as to drill the clergy into an absolute and submissive uniformity: and the clergy were only too ready to be drilled, that they might gain force as the spiritual militia of Despotism, and become once more the greatest power in the State 16 . The only thing wanting to assure complete success to the King's treasonable schemes, for converting the realm of England into a ' thorough ' French despotism, was money. And an effort was therefore made by means of loans, the (so-called) ship-money, &c. to raise what was vir- tually ' taxation/ without the concurrence of Parliament But when once the sturdy Churchman John Hampden had set the example of resisting illegal ways of taxation, then the day of resistance and of vengeance had dawned ; and with the Monarchy the Hierarchy also (which had fallen down and worshipped the evil spirit of world- liness and ambition) was cast for sixteen years down to the ground. And now all manner of strange experiments in eccle- siastical living began to be made. The Church of Eng- land had made her last public utterance, only six months after the opening of the Long Parliament, in the shape of those incredibly foolish and servile canons of 15 Guizot, English Revolution, p. 38. 16 Hid. p. 50. 224 THE BAPTISTS. [LECT. 1640, which have since been by universal consent con- signed to oblivion 17 . In them, forgetful of her lofty calling to identify herself with no political parties, but to harmonize and reconcile them all, and especially to soften the harshness of privilege and repress the lawless- ness of power, she had (on the contrary) thrown her whole weight into the scale of privilege and power. And then, by proceeding to vote financial aid to the crown, she had (in her measure) deprived Parliament of the sole check it possessed upon the absolutism aimed at by the King. Can we wonder that the Church, having thus embarked her fortunes unreservedly with the cause of the Court, should have fallen with the Court : and that in the very same year in which she thus stooped to fawn upon mere rank and worldly power, she was met by the grim and uncourtly apparition of yet a second Baptist congregation establishing itself in London, under the ministry of Mr. Praise-God Barebone 18 ? What a revelation does this uncouth name present, of the wide gulf that was opening, or had already opened, between the orthodox and courtly and pedantic clergy of the Laudian type, and the prosaic, fanatical, half- educated middle-class, who were now on the point of rising to supreme importance in the State! It was in vain that Presbyterianism essayed to bridge the gulf, and tried to save some organized form of an Established Church. It was in vain that Parliament attempted to silence the fanatical preachers who (owing to the uni- versal loyalism of the clergy) had it all their own way in the army. The Baptists and all the other (so-called) 'sectaries' survived every attempt to put them down. 17 They are given at length in Cardwell's Synodalia, i. 380. 18 Neal, iii. 349 ; Gould, p. cxviii. IV.] BAPTISTS OCCUPY CHURCH-LIVINGS. 225 In 1647 Colonel Hutchinson, the governor of Notting- ham, became a Baptist. In 1653 John Bunyan joined their communion and began to preach. In 1654 Vavasour Powell (once a clergyman of the Church of England) rebaptized some 20,000 converts in Wales. Nay, strange to say, contrary to all their principles, no less than thirty 19 Baptists crept (under the pseudo-Episcopal autho- rity of Cromwell's ' Triers ') into the sequestered livings of the Church, enjoyed her tithes and parsonages, and were not extruded till the Restoration. So hard, so impossible, is it to keep out the love of worldly gain, by any mere system of exclusiveness. You close the door; and you find you have shut in the evil spirit with you into your cell. You sift v.among Christians, and rebaptize into some special coterie those whom you think to ' give evidence ' of their sincerity, but the ' evidence ' will be, in a hundred cases, de- ceptive, and you will be certain to admit many a hypocrite within the fold. But not merely will hypocrisy creep in, and infest, more fatally than under any free and open-air system, the close and narrow purism of these separatist societies. Another danger also attends upon them, like their shadow : and that is, the danger of perpetual subdivision, and of secessions (on the plea of "some trifling buT"rrr= vincible scruples of conscience), till the whole strength and unity of the original body is frittered away. And thus its energies, which should have assailed the strongholds of sin and darkness, are wasted upon intestine quarrels and scandalous exhibitions of igno- rance, bigotry 20 , and superstition. Already in 1633, 19 Cramp, p. 293 : ' About thirty of the ejected belonged to the Baptist denomination.' fa t f -rjt+t ' ' . * Gould, p. xcv. 226 THE BAPTISTS. [LECT, the Baptists were split into the two main branches in which they appear at present ; viz. the General Baptists, who are opposed to Calvinism, and the Particular Baptists, who are stern Calvinists 21 . Again, about 1654, we find Cromwell sadly troubled with some of the ' Anabaptists,' who had embraced ' Fifth Monarchy ' principles ; while others repudiated them 22 . About the same time, a separate branch broke off, to carry out a conscientious observance of the Jewish Sabbath-day 23 . i In 1689, a split took place, on the question whether '. singing in Divine service were allowable or not 24 . And already, a hot dispute and division existed (which has been made the subject of a most instructive lawsuit within the last few years) as to the admission of non- immersed people to the Lord's Supper 25 . In 1719, the Baptists were divided at the so-called Salters' Hall Con- troversy, on the question whether toleration was, or was not, to be extended to Unitarians 26 . In 1765, the Scotch Baptists took their rise; who have now fifteen congregations in England 27 . In 1770, the l New General Baptist Association' seceded, on the question of the Divinity of Christ 28 . And at the present moment, there appear to be no less than 550 Baptist congregations unattached, who own no connexion with anybody beyond the walls of their own place of meeting 29 . Can we wonder, then, that farther experience should have opened many men's eyes, and that even Cromwell I should have lost all patience, and have cried out, ' Every sect saith, "Oh, give me liberty!" But give it to him, 21 Skeats, p. 42. K Skeats, p. 92. 22 Carlyle, ii. 261. Cf. Skeats, p. 2fi Ibid. p. 306. 6 1 ; Neal, iii. 376. 27 Mann, p. 21. 83 Cramp, p. 343 ; Mann, p. 21. 28 Skeats, p. 408. 94 Skeats, p. 92 ; Gould, p. Ixx. M Mann, p. 295. IV.] ENDLESS SUB-DIVISIONS. 227 and (to his power) he will not yield it to- anybody else. . . We are a people that have been unhinged these twelve ; years ; as if scattering division and confusion came upon us like things that we desired, these, which are the greatest plagues that God ordinarily lays upon nations for sin 30 ' ? That Milton (a Baptist in creed) should be described by a Dissenting historian as ' in the later years of his life, attending no place of public worship. He was above the sects ; and loathed their mutual jarrings 31 '? or that Bunyan, whom the latest historian 32 of the Baptists claims as the brightest ornament of their communion, should have said, ' I would be (and hope I am) a Christian. . . But as for those factious titles of Anabaptists, Independents, Presbyterians, or the like, I conclude they came neither from Jerusalem nor An- tioch, but rather from Hell and Babylon. For they naturally tend to divisions : you may know them by their fruits 33 '? The fact is, that however ostentatiously these small and select religious societies may entitle themselves 'Free Churches' the only 'freedom' they really enjoy is that of endless and interminable subdivision. And the sole check placed upon these divisions is that very supremacy of the Law (in all causes, ecclesiastical as well as civil,) which, in words, they hotly repudiate, but which in reality they are compelled to obey precisely as the Church of England is compelled to obey wherever questions either of property or contract arise. For in these narrow circles, people are terribly in earnest. A storm is soon raised. And when it is raised, there are no constitutional breaks, whereby to check precipitate 80 Carlyle, Cromwell, ii. 298. Cf. S1 Skeats, p. 62. the Broadmead Records, p. 26 ; and sa Cramp, p. 380. 386. M Ap. Gould, p. 295. Q2 228 THE BAPTISTS. [LECT. measures ; there are no means for opposing the arbitrary will of a majority, or of some influential autocrat ; there is no width or space, over which the angry waves may disperse themselves, and so the controversy may find time to cool. And the consequence is (as has been noticed by a friendly writer), that 'the most conspicuous fault of [these early] separatists was excessive dogma- tism. It was impossible for any of them to err ; im- possible for any who differed from them to hold the truth. They were all infallible in their judgments, and none knew the whole counsel of God but they 3 V And of the Baptists in particular he adds : ' The spirit of controversy seemed almost to possess the body. . . Their zeal was, to a very great extent, consumed in contentions amongst themselves and with other denominations 35 .' Yet it must in fairness be said, it was not?; and still more at this day it is not, all so expended. No doubt (as Neal tells us) in their early days they excited popular resentment and courted (what they called) persecution, by ' coarse and irritating language ' and ' by disturbing congregations and dispersing challenges to dispute with any minister or ministers on the questions relative to baptism 36 .' In the last century, too, their narrow ultra-Calvinism found vent in the tenet, that ' it was not desirable to offer the Gospel for the acceptance of the unregenerate, the elect only were to hear the message of salvation 37 ,' and in the present century, the stricter Baptists have refused communion at the Lord's Table to any one who held ' that the Atonement was sufficient for the sins of the whole world 38 .' But still, by the persistent and successful missions they have established, since 1 792, 34 Skeats, p. 42. " Skeats, p. 509. 33 Ibid. p. 165. 88 Gould, Norwich Chapel Case, 88 Neal, iii. 367. p. xciv. IV.] BAPTIST SUCCESSES. 229 in India ; by the vast activity which has made them the most numerous (with one exception) of all the sects in the United States 39 ; and by the noble liberality which, in the teeth of all the first principles of Calvinism, has characterized some of their greatest modern preachers (especially Robert Hall), they have amply redeemed these faults. Their expenditure on missions now amounts to ;4O,ooo a year ; they have taken the lead in translating the Scriptures into the various languages of India; in Eng- land ten colleges are established for the training of their ministers ; and eighteen periodicals, for the dissemi- nation of their views, are circulated far and wide 40 . Yet their numbers are really, in Great Britain and Ireland, very small ; only 280,000, on one (and^that the most friendly) computation 41 . And now has the Church nothing to learn, from these her separated and (as we believe) erring children ? Has the fault been wholly on their side ? Has the protest they have raised been wholly a fanciful and groundless one? It is impossible to maintain this, in the face of all the evidence which history adduces to the contrary. (i.) First of all, it is certain that ' worldliness* has far too much crept into the Church; and that a base and despicable greed of place and power and wealth has formed a sad temptation to men of the ecclesiastical order, from the very earliest times. Even one of the twelve Apostles was covetous and unfaithful about money. Even before the second century had run out, a Roman bishop is beginning to 'lord it over God's heritage.' And the earliest CEcumenical Council is partly occupied with settling questions of precedence and 'who should be the greatest.' The admission, 89 Dollinger, The Cburcb and tie * Cramp, p. 475. Cburcbe.., p. 235. c Ibid. p. 473. 230 THE BAPTISTS. [LECT. therefore, of such unhallowed and unseemly passions within the Church, does not date from Constantine and his establishment of the Church as some Dissenters try to persuade themselves. They must be dated much farther back. They are rather evils inherent in human nature. And if in a ministry numbering only twelve persons, and chosen by the Lord Himself, these corrup- tions were not absent, how can we suppose that in a great body, like that of the Church of England, number- ing 18,000 ministers, all chosen by fallible men and by imperfect methods of selection, there would not always be abundant room for warnings and protests against this especially ecclesiastical sin ? But then, where is the sense, or loyalty, or charity, in separating from the Church, in order to make this protest? How much more effectually it would be made, how much more serviceably to the Church herself, if the voice of warn- ing were raised from within ! How can a peevish and sullen withdrawal be held compatible with our duty to Christ and to the brethren, except only on some false Puritan principle, that our first duty is to ourselves ; and the first object of the Church of Jesus Christ to keep out the imperfect, instead of drawing them in ? Oh hateful, thrice-accursed system of the modern Pharisaism, whereby men ' separate themselves ' and stand apart from their brother, on heaven knows what 'evidence,' insufficient, it confessedly is, that they are better and more godly persons than he! Rightly is it called, not by the name of Christ, (whose just sentence of rebuke was never wanting for this sub- tlest form of human self-deception,) but by the name of a narrow dogmatist, a French lawyer of .the sixteenth century! And yet, once thoroughly entangled in the coils of this portentous sophistry, no man (it seems) can IV.] LESSONS TAUGHT BY THE BAPTISTS. 231 ever shake himself free, except by a miracle of God's redeeming grace. No man can emerge into the fresh and wholesome air of Catholic Christianity, except by the determined sacrifice of his mere logical and super- ficial consistency, and by 'becoming a fool that so he may be wise.' We dare not hope, therefore, that men who are thus entangled in Calvinism, will ever be induced, in any great numbers, to rejoin the Church, whatever improvements in discipline she may be able to introduce. But still, such improvements (even at the bidding of enemies) she is bound to attempt. For as an 'educational' institution, her object is not (of course) the mere ad- mission of so many imperfect and immature people, but the admission of them for the purposes of training and edificatioft. And therefore the true function of the ministry (the ' Ecclesia docens '), can never be properly fulfilled, unless while the admission of the scholars (so to speak) be as free and open as possible, the ranks of the teachers be carefully guarded against the intrusion of evil men, who so far from instructing and building up their weaker brethren, are themselves a hindrance, a scandal, and a mischief to them. (2.) Another lesson which the Mother-Church is taught by the Baptists, and which she is bound to listen to, is the mischievous folly of persecution, in order to insure the profession of one uniform National Religion. It can never indeed be repeated too often, that this persecution, of which the pages of all Dissenting histories are so full, has not, since the Reformation, been the work of the Church of England, as such. It has always been the work of the State, and has scarcely ever taken the form of per- secution for opinion, or for heresy, but always for overt | acts of disobedience to the magistrate, in matters which i 232 THE BAPTISTS. [LECT. almost every single person in those days, Dissenter and Churchman alike held to be legitimately within his province to arrange. Yet still, it cannot be denied, that the great Churchmen of former days lent them- selves far too readily to the merely political purposes of the State ; and that by their action they contributed to encourage the preposterous notion that the Church of England an institution older than Parliament itself was an ' Act of Parliament Church.' The real truth is, that while the system of ' National Churches ' was the old ecclesiastical system, which the Bishops were anxious to restore, it was also, in the opinion of the great statesmen of the sixteenth century, the only safe- guard against the political dangers of Popery. But it was the unhappy mistake of those times to act as though a National ' Establishment ' of Religion, and political 'toleration' for conscientious Dissenters from it, could not possibly co-exist. The mistake was pardonable, because long centuries of really religious persecution in the middle ages had darkened all men's minds upon the subject. But the clergy of our Church should have been the first, instead of the last, to break this spell of darkness. Whereas the truth is that the Baptists seem to have been the first to break it. And unhappily, in breaking it, they cast off with it something with which it had no necessary connexion, the beautiful theory of a united, homogeneous, National Church. Let us then candidly give honour where honour is due ; and (more than that) let us gratefully learn the old Catholic lesson, which our Baptist brethren have had to teach us afresh : viz. that ' the weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but spiritual :' that any eccle- siastical success gained otherwise than by persuasion, warning, plain setting forth of Jesus Christ and Him IV.] BAPTISMAL REGENERATION. 233 crucified, are no successes at all: that they are not according to the mind of Christ, nor in harmony with the intention of His Church : but are like a house without foundations, built upon the sand, and liable at any moment to be swept away and leave no trace behind. (3.) Lastly, there is yet a third and by no means unim- portant lesson to be learnt by the Church from the Bap- tists, on the subject of Baptism itself, and of Church dis- cipline, with which that rite is closely connected. It is, I fear, impossible to deny that, for centuries past, a great deal of very extravagant and misleading language has been current in the Church on the subject of ' Baptismal Regeneration.' And thereby, not only has this grand and glorious truth been sadly obscured and confused, but vast numbers of pious and half-educated people have been alienated from the Church and carried away into various forms of error and Dissent. No one can have mixed much with the labouring or the trading classes, without finding out that, in their conceptions, the Church teaches by ' Baptismal Regeneration ' certain crude and preposterous heresies, which of course she never has taught, but would be the first to repudiate 42 . 42 E. g. Mr. Spurgeon (probably the most popular living exponent of Baptist views) preaches as follows : ' The man who has been baptized or sprinkled says, " I am saved, I am a on Baptismal Regeneration, July 5, 1864.) The present writer has pro- bably attended many thousand ser- mons within the Church of England, for every one that Mr. Spurgeon has sprinkled says, " 1 am saved, i am a ior every one mat rar. apurgeon nas member of Christ. . . Call me to re- 1 attended : and he never once, in all pentance ? Call me to a new life ? . . 5 his life, heard anything like the doc- No matter what my life and conver- sation is, I am a child of God ; I am an inheritor of the kingdom of heaven. It is true, I drink and swear, and all that, but you know I am an inheritor of the kingdom of heaven". . . Now what can be the influence of such preaching as this upon our beloved England?' (Sermon trines which are here attributed to her preachers ; nor has he ever read, in any accredited writer of the Ca- tholic Church, in any language or at any period of Christendom, one single statement that could fairly give oc- casion to such an enormous misun- derstanding. But he has read the fol- lowing : (i) Tertullian (in the second 234 THE BAPTISTS. [LECT. Who then is responsible for her having seemed to teach them ? Is it not we, the clergy of the Church, who have never taken sufficient pains to point out that the word ' regeneration ' is a technical expression 43 ; that it does not mean the same thing in theology, as it does in the columns of a modern newspaper ; that the ' regeneration ' of a country or the ' regene- century), De Baptismo, cap. 8 : ' After the flood the world fell again, . . and is destined for the fire; and so is every man who after Baptism renews bis sins.' (2) Origen (in the third cen- tury) on S. John, vol. vi. 133, de la Rue : ' The washing of water, being a symbol of the cleansing of the soul washed from all stain of sin, is to him who yieldeth himself . . nothing less than the opening a fountain of divine gifts.' (Cf. Horn. xxii. on S.Luke.) (3) Gregory ofNyssa(inthe fourth century) on Isaiah iii. 1 8 : 'Such should regeneration be: so efface all intimacy with sin : such should be the life of the sons of God.' (4) Augustine (in the fifth cen- tury), De Baptismo, v. 24 : ' The sa- crament of regeneration comes first ; and if they shall preserve Christian piety, conversion will follow in the heart, the sign of which preceded on the body." (5) Aquinas (in the middle ages), Summa, iii. 49. 9 : ' That any one should be justified by Baptism, it is requisite that the will of the man embrace the baptism and its effect.' (6) Hooker (in the sixteenth century) v. 57. 4 : ' Sacraments are not physical but moral means of salvation.' (7) Waterland (in the eighteenth century, quoted in a catena of forty-one Anglican writers on this subject, in Tracts for the Times, No. 76) : ' The Holy Spirit translates them out of their state of nature to which a curse belongs, to a state of grace, favour, and blessing.' And Arch- bishop Sharp, ibid. : ' We grieve the Holy Spirit, . . when being Christians in profession we will not vouch- safe Him a lodging in our hearts.' These Puritan misunderstandings are however, in Dean Barlow's words (1603), 'Crambe bis [or rather 'cen- ties '] posita ;' and, as Dr. Pusey said in 1851, (Letter to Bishop of London, fifth edition, p. 195) : ' If Tracta- rianism were what it is popularly depicted to be, none would eschew it with more abhorrence than the writers of the Tracts' (See also a Puritan 'Rejoinder to the Bishops,' 1 66 1, in Documents on English Puri- tanism, p. 3 1 8 : Pierce, Vindication of I Dissenters, 1717, p. 147: Towgood, Dissent Justified, 1 746, twelfth edit., p. 42 : Fisher, Liturg. Purity, 1857, I p. TOO: Binney, Church Life in Aus- ! tralia, second edition, 1860, p. 59.) 43 This is at once proved, by the fact that the word is occasionally applied even to our Lord's baptism : e. g. by Clem. Alex. Peed. i. 6, and Jerome, c. Jovin. i. ' According to these writers, as our Lord's " rege- neration " consisted in His being ritually separated to the work which the Father gave Him to do, so ours must consist in our ritual consecra- tion to His service.' (Wall, on Bap- tism, part i. ch. 3): cf. Barrett ( Wes- leyan) Catholic and Evangelical Prin~ ciples, p. 40 : and Fisher, Liturg. Pu- rity, p. 182. 'The question is mani- festly a question of words ; and can only be settled by a philological ad- justment.' Also Bishop Bethell, on Baptismal Regeneration, p. no; and English Puritan Documents, p. 323. IV.] 'REGENERATION' A TECHNICAL EXPRESSION. 235 ration ' of society is one thing, but the c regeneration ' of an individual in the waters of Baptism is quite another ; that it is, in short, nothing less than a second birth, not now into the world, but into the family and household of Jesus Christ ; there to be educated, there to come under at once, and by right as sons all the healthful elevating influences of His family ; and there to grow up, by slow and (it may be) sadly interrupted degrees, to 'the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ'? But if our people have heard little or nothing of all this, if the beauty of this most lovely ideal (so full of nature and of common sense) has never dawned upon the ordinary middle-class mind, if for many long years the Baptismal service was virtually withdrawn from public view, and (since its restoration) has been veiled amid a cloud of conceits and mysticisms, drawn from the Christian rhetoricians of the fourth and fifth centuries, how can we be surprised, that half-instructed people have rejected the truth itself, along with the tinsel dress in which it has been presented to them ? How can we pretend to wonder that they have gone astray, and sought in Calvinism some other idea of the Church, which at least they could understand ? How can we complain, if the bolder spirits among them have at length broken away, and (in the name of a God of sin- cerity and truth) have determined that Baptism should at least mean something ; and should really be what the Church has, all along, amid her too rhetorical language, meant it to be viz. the doorway into the family and kingdom of Christ, wherein the Holy Ghost and all His abundant blessings dwell 44 ? ** Augustine, Confess, xiii. 29, ccelorum:' Aquinas, Summa, iii. 73. ' Non enim intratur alit&r in regnum 3, ' Baptismus est principium Spin- THE BAPTISTS. [LECT. And now behold how neglect having generated error one error draws after it another ; and how a slight angle of divergence may, in process of time, become a vast and incurable misunderstanding ! On the one hand, the Baptist recoiling from the vague statements of the Churchman about Baptism, seeks elsewhere his de- finition of the Church of the Redeemed. He cannot believe, that those merely who are sprinkled with water, about the conditions of whose admission no care what- ever is taken, and about whose subsequent discipline and training no trouble is expended, form the Church and family of Jesus Christ. He therefore goes in search of some other conception. And he finds it in the (strangely misunderstood) word 'election 45 .' He next talis vitae et janua sacramentorum :' Hooker, Eccles. Pol. iii. i. 6, 'En- tered we are not into the visible Church, before our admittance by the door of baptism.' 45 When a man has once whether from his own fault, or from that of others let go the Catholic faith about 'the Church/ as an external, organized, imperfect, educating so- ciety, he is obliged by the necessi- ties of his false position to invent some other theory, and to fit thereto (by the most violent and self-contra- dictory expedients) the traditional . language and customs of Chris-' tendom. Thus the Independent defines the Church as 'the whole fellowship of the faithful and holy' throughout all places and ages . . invisible . . known in all its extent to the Omniscient eye alone." (Ecclesia, p. 59.) 'The one true Church be- comes visible, not in its proper unity under Christ its Head, but under the form of particular congregations or churches.' (Ibid. p. 104.) But what possible sense or meaning can the outward act of Infant Baptism hold under such a theory as that? The Baptist is more logical. He baptizes only those whom he believes to be God's elect. But besides the mis- takes to which he is liable, in judg- ing who are God's own people, he has a standing difficulty in dealing with children, a difficulty which the Church's theory entirely avoids. The Quaker, feeling all these self- contradictions, repudiates Baptism altogether. The VVesleyan, rightly shrinking from meddling with God's election, yet unable to accept the old simple doc'rine, fixes his attention upon ' sensible conversion ' which he supposes to be ' the new birth ;' and Baptism immediately sinks into an almost unmeaning ceremony. But, meanwhile, interminable confusion is introduced, by the Church's technical word 'regeneration' being employed to express this abnormal and convul- sive crisis. Hence even Wesleyan teachers of high character can bring themselves to write as follows : 'The holding of Baptismal Regeneration in the High Church school precludes the absolute necessity of any subse- quent change or renovation of the heart.' (Barrett, Catb. and Evang. IV.] CONFIRMATION THE SAFEGUARD OF BAPTISM. 237 learns to ridicule the Church's Baptismal language and ritual, which he has long ceased to understand ; pro- claims her to be ' the world ' under ecclesiastical forms ; and at last thinks he doeth God service, by undermining her position and counteracting her influence, in every way he can. On the other hand, the officers of the Church more and more lost sight of the true meaning of her Rites. They gradually allowed her discipline to become con- fused and to fall into desuetude. The guarantees she once took, the sponsorships she once so anxiously im- posed, as the only condition on which she would admit (what her yearning heart could not forbid) the bringing of little speechless infants within her baptismal lines, were suffered to become a dead letter 46 . And then too, her safeguard, her second line of defence, her ' consum- mation ' and ' sealing' of what perchance his presbyters or deacons had too lightly done, by the Bishop's more leisurely confirming hand 47 , this most beautiful and happy thought too became spoiled and neglected 48 : ' Principles (1^43), p. 121), the truth imponitur.' Cyprian (A.D. 250), Epist. being, as every Churchman knows, 72 : ' Qui in ecclesia baptizantur precisely the reverse. Prsepositis ecclesise offeruntur, et . . 46 How closely on this, and a signaculo dominico consummantur.' hundred other subjects, a really Constit. Apost. (A.D. 300) iii. 16 : thoughtful Wesleyan approaches the MtroL rovro o 'Eiriaicoiros xP l * Tv rci tinens, non indipet Scripfuris nisi tvayyt\ia, rwv 5< fva-yytAjW dwap\i) ad alios instruendos . Quibus tamen, ro Kara 'Icuavvijv. ov rdv vovv ovdets quasi machinis, tanta fidei et caritatis Svvarai \a&(Tv /) avairtawv tirl ra in eis surrexit instructio ut, perfec- arffQos 'lyvov. (Orig. in Joann. i. turn aliquid tenentes, ea quae sunt ex p. 14 : Lommatsch.) parte non quserant.' (.Aug. de Doctr. V.] POETRY OF THE CHURCH'S RITUAL. 271 substance of the Scriptures, sitting down in Him who is the Author and End of them ; then they are read and understood, with profit and great delight 3 V And why (one asks with amazement), cannot the very same principle be applied to all the glorious and beau- tiful and instructive symbolism, creeds, sacraments, and other mechanism of that Church, wherein the same Holy Ghost hath promised evermore to dwell ? Surely herein He hath not belied His mission, to take of the things of Christ and to show them unto us ! And the long and varied developments of the Church (even down to the singular phenomena of the sixteenth century, which no one has yet been able fully to explain), have not surely been a collapse and apostasy and failure, lasting 1500 or even 1800 years ! Can it be, that George Fox too was a victim of the old Puritan delusion, that the Scriptures are the sole organ of the Holy Ghost in this world 32 ? Is Quakerism too bound up to the belief, that the Church was left by her Divine and All-wise Founder, so scantily furnished, so ill-found in all the means and helps of grace, that a Book was all He gave her ? That her noble and intelligent efforts to pro- vide herself with a framework, to clothe her body ' all glorious within' with a raiment of fair needle-work, honourable to her spouse, and comely for her children to see, was a gross apostasy ? That her common-sense procedure (which those who study history can fully understand), in organizing herself for a large and long 81 Journal, i. 69. of the New Testament was written.' 88 The Quakers unhesitatingly ac- (Journal, ii. 22.) 'Yet I had no cept and employ the Holy Scriptures, slight esteem of the Holy Scriptures, though they will accept no other of but they were very precious to me ; the media of grace, which Christ has for I was in that Spirit by which committed to the Church's hands, they were given forth, and what the ' That " light " could not be the Lord opened to me, I afterwards Scriptures of the New Testament ; found was agreeable to them.' (Ibid. for it was testified of before any part i. 71.) 272 THE QUAKERS. [ L ECT. campaign, was treason and folly? And her beautiful shell-work of external symbolism, of architecture, music, ritual and sacraments, so purely natural, spontaneous and expressive, were all the work of the devil and not of the 'indwelling light ;' an accursed and detest- able thing, because (forsooth) it was Christian and not Gnostic, Catholic and adapted to all ages and not merely to the age of prose, and (like man himself, for whom it was all meant, and even the Lord Himself, who ' despised not the Virgin's womb,') was compounded of body as well as soul, and did not take for granted that the deepest depths of all religious philosophy had been reached, when the word ' spirituality ' had been uttered ? Yet it seems that this must be the Quakers' very great mistake. For when you go into one of their meeting- houses, if you reflect on what you see and can get over the first strangeness of it, you find yourself present at one of the most extraordinary external presentations of the notion of non-externalism that the human mind has perhaps ever conceived. Everything around you is a symbol of anti-symbolism. All the Church's well-used ' media,' or means of grace, are absent. Every trace of her chequered history, and of the thousand suggestions of varied times and men and countries which her ritual presents, is wiped out as with a sponge. One memory alone survives, and it is one which every thoughtful man would fain be rid of, viz. the memory of the almost frenzied and despairing effort of the distracted seventeenth century, to be rid (at one blow) of all the banners and watchwords of the chaotic sects, and (if it must be so) to begin Christianity absolutely afresh and over again. Impossible wish ! Though it is the persistent effort of every Dissenting community; some fixing one period, V.] A QUAKER PLACE OF WORSHIP. 273 some another, to which the hour-hand of history shall be pushed back 33 : and none having faith to see, that the nineteenth century cannot be either the sixteenth century, or the middle ages, or the fourth or fifth cen- turies of dogmatic development ; or the Primitive Church ; or the Apostolic Age ; or indeed anything but itself : none having simplicity and filial confidence enough to walk with God in His Church as it has now grown to be ; and with patience and modesty to help and guide, not destroy and render impracticable, its healthy growth for the future. Quakerism however, so far as lay in its power, and so far as the external developments of the Church are con- cerned, has committed this great sin and error against our Common Master. You sit down in their assembly ' gathered ' remember, at enormous cost and suffering, out of all the ecclesiastical bodies in the seventeenth century and in the plain square chamber, filled with perhaps a numerous assembly, a thrilling and pro- foundly solemn silence reigns. No one opens a book, no aid to meditation of any sort or kind is vouchsafed. It is an act of patient waiting upon God ; a listening for any faint and still small whispers of the inward voice presumed and hoped to be the inspiration of the Holy Ghost which shall at last unseal some lips, and issue in vocal prayer, instruction, or exhortation. And mean- 83 'I know not any one gap that sort very ill with the Church in her hath let in more and more dangerous fulness of strength . . Thus the con- errors into the Church than this, stitutions that the Apostles made that men take the words of the sacred concerning deacons and widows in text, fitted to particular occasions, those primitive times, are with much and to the condition of the times importunity, but very importunely wherein they were written, and then withal, urged by the " discipline "- apply them to themselves . . Sundry arians.' (Bishop Sanderson (A. D. things spoken in Scripture agreeably 1634), Sermons, i, 216.) to that infancy of the Church, would 274 THE QUAKERS. [LECT. while, such morbid dread exists in some persons present, of the slightest external symbolism, that the very atti- tudes remain unchanged. The hat is not removed from the head, the knee remains unbent, no sign of attention, of interest or of concurrence in what is said, manifests itself. The outward is (as far as it can be) utterly abo- lished ; the man, as God made him, is not allowed to exist ; his body is forgotten, his spirit is alone, recognized as having any wants, any rights, (I had almost said) any redemption, within the house of God. And not only so : but along with all the other and lesser ' sacramenta,' or outward media of inward grace, even the two great Sacraments (instituted by the Lord Himself) have also been allowed to disappear. 'The baptism of the Holy Ghost and the Communion of the body and blood of Christ (says one of their writers) are not dependent on these outward ceremonies 3 *.' The spiritual man, therefore, cannot need them. If we have * Christ dwelling in our hearts by faith ' (say they), what can we possibly want with external receptions of Him ? His dying commands, His parting injunctions, we do not contemn ; but only interpret them in our own way. We spiritually communicate. We do not believe that manducation is the only way to feed on Christ, or water- baptism the only way of admission to His love. ' But oh, dear friends,' the Churchman may reply, 'did it need you George Fox, and a grievous separation in Christ's family of peace and love, and martyrdoms and sufferings innumerable, to get you to that height of wisdom ? Had the founders of your Communion been men of greater modesty or learning, they need not have searched far before they found that (however 81 Evans' Exposition of tie Faith, &c. (1867), p. 53. V.] TRUE 'SPIRITUALITY* IN THE CHURCH. 275 obscured at that time) the grand teaching of the Catholic Church upon the Sacraments was at least as spiritual, and far more compassionate to weaker souls, than yours. Never, in compassion to such souls, has she said ' Stand by, till thou art spiritual ; and then thou shalt taste that the Lord is precious.' But this she does say and has always said : that when occasion demands it, a man may ' eat and drink the body and blood of our Saviour . . . though he do not receive the Sacrament with his mouth 35 ;' she does cry, when the need arises, with St. Augustine, ' Crede ! et manducasti :i6 ;' she does allow, with Tertullian :rr , 'that martyrdom for Christ is as good and valid as baptism ;' with Cyprian 38 , ' that mere water cannot save a man, unless he have the Spirit too;' and even, with Justin Martyr 39 , 'that many a good heathen (like Socrates) is saved by the Redeemer, and is virtually a Christian, though he has never heard of Christ at all with the outward hearing of the ear.' In these, then, and several other matters (into which 85 Prayer-book, rubric at end of menti. Quh,m multi de altari acci- ' Communion of the Sick.' So too, piunt, et moriuntur ! . . . Hunc itaque with no less clearness, the mediaeval " cibum et potum " societatem vult Prayer-book of the Church of Eng- intelligi corporis et membrorum suo- land (ManualeSarisb.p. 77 e d. 1555): rum, quod est sancta Ecclesia . . ' Deinde communicetur infirmus, Hujus rei Sacramentum . . de mensS nisi de vomitu vel alia irreverentia dominidi sumitur, quibusdam ad vi- probabiliter timeatur : in quo casu, tarn, quibusdam ad exitium : Res ver5 dicat sacerdos infirmo, "Frater, in ipsa, cujus Sacramentum est, omni hoc casu sufficit tibi vera fides et homini ad vitam . . Hoc est erg6 bona voluntas. Tantiim crede, et " manducare " illam escam, et ilium manducasti."' Again, Aquinas (A.D. "bibere" potum, in Christo manere, 7250), Snmma, iii. 80, goes into the et ilium manentem in se habere.' I whole question, and concludes: 'Duo venture to assert, that no more spiri- sunt manducandi modi, alter sacra- tual doctrine than this can be found mentalis, . . alter spiritalis, per quern hi all Quaker literature, suscipitur effectus Sacramenti, quo 36 Aug. in Joannem, xxv. 6. 12. homo spiritaliter Christo conjungitur.' i7 Tert. de Bapt. 16. And so Augustine (A.D. 400), in M Cypr. Ep. 74. Joannem, tract, xxvi. 6. 1 1 : ' Aliud ** Justin Martyr, Apol. i. 46. est Sacramentum, aliud virtus Sacra- T 2 2 y 6 THE QUAKERS. [LECT. the time forbids me now to enter) it surely appears that the Church's doctrine is complete and solid ; while that of the Quakers is merely superficial and one-sided. Their teaching indeed is true as far as it goes, and so long as it consists of affirmations. The Church also (as we have seen) affirms these things, and with far more real power and good sense. But their teaching goes a very sorry distance indeed ; makes some disastrous mis- calculations as to what human nature and human society, on the large scale, are like ; lays its people open to some gross delusions, from forgetting that impulses (even from above) are not always to be given way to ; for that such an abdication of calm health and self-control is nothing else than ' to be carried away ' (as St. Paul says, d-Trayc- spiritual, which is the participation of His flesh and blood, by which i the inward man is daily nourished in the hearts of those in whom Christ dwells ; of which things the breaking of bread by Christ with His disciples was a figure, which they even used in the Church for a time, who had re- ceived the substance, for the cause of the weak ; even as abstaining from things strangled, and from blood, the washing one another's feet and the anointing of the sick with oil ; all which are commanded with no less authority and solemnity than the former; yet seeing they are but the shadows of better things, they cease in such as have obtained the substance.' 284 APPENDIX H. XIV. Concerning (be power of (be Civil Magistrate, in matters purely religions, and pertaining to the Conscience. 'Since God hath assumed to Himself the power and dominion of the conscience, who alone can rightly instruct and govern it, therefore it is not lawful for any whatsoever, by virtue of any authority or principality they bear in the government of this world, to force the consciences of others ; . . provided always, that no man, under the pretence of conscience, prejudice his neighbour in his life or estate ; or do anything destructive to, or incon- sistent with, human society ; in which case the law is for the transgressor, and justice to be administered upon all, without respect of persons.' XV. Concerning Salvtations and Recreations, &c. ' Seeing the chief end of all religion is to redeem man from the spirit and vain conversation of this world, and to lead into inward communion with God, before whom if we fear always, we are accounted happy ; therefore all the vain customs and habits thereof, both in word and deed, are to be rejected and forsaken by those who come to this fear ; such as the taking off the hat to a man, the bowing and cringings of the body, and such other salutations of that kind, with all the foolish and superstitious formalities attending them.' . . LECTURE VI. THE UNITARIANS. A.D. Leading Idea : The Intellectual Freedom of the Church. Method adopted : Abolition of all engagements, which may fetter the free teaching of the Clergy. Tf ovv A.VTLV, KO! Kparaiiav would be better preserved. For 5 AaA.ot//*ec, tv TOIS Tfktiois- ooipiav what is it, but a scholastic philo- 5 ov rov alwvos TOVTOV. (i Cor. sophical faith, that runs upon meta- ii. 6.) physical notions of " essence " and 12 Marsden. Diet. p. 833 ; Cramp, "persons?" 1 (Emlyn, Narrative, Baptists, p. 277; Skeats, Free Churches, Append, p. lix.) St. Paul, however, p. 128. was not thus afraid of ' philosophy ;' 296 THE UNITARIANS. [LECT. glance to Christ, whom many of them sincerely loved and served. And accordingly, not many years elapsed ere, first in the Dissenting communities, and then in the Church, this serious form of doctrinal error made its appear- ance. First, in 1702, Thomas Emlyn a Presbyterian minister in Dublin avowed Unitarian opinions, and was driven from his pulpit. In 1710, Whiston, a Cambridge professor, was expelled from the University for the same reason. In 1712, Dr. Samuel Clarke, Rector of a London parish, published his celebrated Arian book on the Trinity. In 1719, the whole Dissenting world was thrown into confusion by (what was called) ' the Salters' Hall Controversy 13 .' A great meeting, summoned at 13 The 'Salters' Hall Controversy' forms one of the most instructive pages in the whole history of modern Dissent ; and casts a curious gleam of light if that were needed on the freedom of the ' Free Churches.' This angry meeting was held on Feb. 19, 1719, and was composed, in nearly equal numbers, of Pres- byterians and Independents. On the vote being taken, seventy-three creed-subscribing Presbyterians were favour of free-thought : while sixty-nine creed-hating Independents were so determined to impose a test | of ' orthodoxy," that they at once seceded, formed a fresh meeting of Itheir own, themselves subscribed to (the first of ' the Thirty-nine Articles,' ind demanded a similar submission from the ministers at Exeter. Here- upon, Pierce was locked out of his pwn chapel by the trustees : and ap- pealing in vain that the congregation Should be consulted, he eventually led 300 seceders with him to a new thapel ; and ' from this time Uni- farianism spread with unexampled Rapidity.' (Skeats, Free Churches, pp. 302-310.) In the face of this, and many similar scenes, two things become very difficult to understand : (i) How the Independents, whose 'distinctive principle is, that a church is complete in itself, and that all questions of faith are to be settled by its members' (Cyclop. Rel. Denom. p. 191), and whose 'only appeal in all questions touching their religious faith is to the sacred Scriptures' (Congr. Year-Hook, 1871, p. xx), can call the Unitarians 'heterodox' (Vaughan, Engl. Nonconf. p. 466) ; who are organized precisely on the system of Congregational independ- ence (Marsden, Diet. p. 840; Mann, Census Report, 1851, p. 25), and have always loudly appealed to the Bible as supporting their views ? (E. g. Biddle, Brief Hist., in seventeenth century; Emlyn, Narrative, in eight- eenth century ; Carpenter, Scriptural Grounds, 1823 ; and Vance Smith, Bible, &c. 1871.) (2) It is, if pos- sible, still more difficult to under- stand how the leaders of Unitarianism can range their denomination nay, all but identify it with Puritanism. (See James Martineau, Why Dis- sent? 1871.) VI.] ' THE S ALTERS' HALL CONTROVERSY! 297 that place, to put down a Socinianizing minister at Exeter, split into two violently opposed parties. One still maintained the old watchword of freedom from all creeds and subscriptions ; and the other insisted that there was no way left of putting down such fatal errors, but by reverting to tests of that kind. At length, in 1778, after many clergymen (such as Lindsey, Jebb, Wakefield, Disney), and many Dissenters (such as Priestley, Price, Aikin, Rees, and Belsham) had overtly embraced Unitarianism, and almost all the chapels be- longing to the General Baptists and to the Presbyterians had been surrendered to Unitarian teaching 14 , the body firmly established itself, as a separate communion, in England. It extorted toleration from the Govern- ment in 1813 ; and now numbers some 70,000 members, gathered in about 250 congregations. The denomination is organized, for the most part, on the Independent principle ; each congregation claiming the uncontrolled management of its own doctrine and worship. The general aspect, therefore, of a Unitarian chapel is 14 ' In the generation which had have, to a great extent, been formed grown up, on the accession of out of the old Congregationalist George III., the Dissenters who churches." (Cyclop. Rel. Den. p. 311.) passed as Presbyterians were gene- 'It is probable the Baptists had rally known to have deserted the never been entirely free from this faith of their forefathers." (Vaughan, taint.' (Skeats, p. 301.) 'A ma- Englitb Nonconf. p. 466.) ' In less jority of the American QitaJters are than half a century, the doctrines of Unitarians." (Marsden, p. 841.) 'In the great founders of Presbyterianism Europe, Socinianism prevails in the could scarcely be heard from any Church founded by Calvin at Ge- Presbyterian pulpit in England. The neva.' (Ibid.) It was the rude and denomination vanished as suddenly mechanical Calvinistic conception of as it had risen. . . The Unitarians the Atonement . . and the opposing became, from this period, a distinct of the Divine Persons . . like parties and separate denomination in Eng- in a law-suit, which by a natural land. Hitherto it had been their reaction made Unitarians of the practice to worship with other per- Puritan theologians and preachers." sons." (Skeats, Free Churches, p. (Dollinger, Church and Churches, p. 311.) 'In the United States of 239.) America, . . the Unitarian societies 298 THE UNITARIANS, [LECT. that of an ordinary Dissenting place of worship. But the preaching is more ambitious and philosophical ; and the worship aims in the true spirit of the Church freely to enlist art and science and every good gift in the service and adoration of their Giver. But it seems to yearn and strive ineffectually after a hearty and popular expression of God's praise, such as can hardly exist in its cold theological atmosphere. Indeed Unitarianism is, I believe, generally acknow- ledged now to be a failing system ; and its work (as a separate communion) to be well-nigh done in this country 15 . America is the land where its real successes have been gained. There, under the leadership of able men, like Channing, Parker, and Emerson, it already numbers 600,000 adherents 16 . And there half-sym- pathizing minds (like that of Renan 17 and others) an- \ ticipate for it a brilliant future. In England, on the contrary, no one can attend a Unitarian service, without feeling instinctively, that able, philosophical, and in- teresting as the preaching not unfrequently is the scanty attendance of the less educated classes, and the extreme coldness and constraint of the worship, there offered to the Father alone, indicate a very slender hold upon the English mind. Indeed these results of one's own observation are corroborated by the following 15 ' Trotz des neuen Aufschwunges con, s. voce.) jedoch, den der Unitarianismus in 16 Cf. Guardian, Dec. II, 1867. England und America genommen Dr. Dollinger (Church and Churches, hat, ist doch seine geschichtliche i86i,p. 239) reckons the Unitarian Mission . . in der Hauptsache als and Universalist preachers in the beendigt anzusehen : seitdem die United States at 944. Dr. Beard grossern protestantischen Kirchen- (Cyclop, p. 311) states that, in 1846, gemeinschaften das rationale Princip, there were about 3000 congrega- als bleibenden Bestandtheil ihres tions. kirchlichen Lebens, in sich auf- l7 Renan, Etudes d'Hisloire, p. 400. genommen haben.' (Convert. Lexi- VI. J WHY DOES UNITARIANISM FAIL? 299 candid and touching confession of one, to whom every Churchman must surely yearn to hold out the right hand of fellowship : ' Socinians (says he) seem to me to contrast unfavourably with their opponents ; and to exhibit a type of thought and character far less worthy (on the whole) of the true genius of Christianity. I am conscious that my deepest obligations as a learner, in almost every department, are to others than writers of my own creed. . . In devotional literature and religious thought, I find nothing of ours that does not pale before Augustine, Tauler, Pascal. And in the poetry of the Church, it is the Latin or the German hymns, or the lines of Charles Wesley or of Keble, that fasten on my memory, and make all else seem poor and cold 18 .' Such words as these, and from a man of such a character, should cause us all to reflect, and to ask ourselves one or two very important and heart-searching questions. First of all, Why is it that Unitarianism fails ? What is its real meaning, and the real burden of its testimony ? and wherein is that testimony faulty and inefficient ? And then, secondly, What is the fault or sin on our side ; that such men as these, so near the Church, so almost in heart and spirit hers, nay, almost of that precise character which she delights especially to honour, and which has representatives in abundance upon her catalogue of saints, should yet be severed by some crevasse (as it were) from her ; and so be cut off, both from doing her unspeakable service 19 , 18 Martineau (ap. Ritchie, Religious point to a distant future, to those Life of London, p. 200). natural premises [ethical, &c.] with- l The Anti-trinitarians . . gra- out which free Christological pro- dually reducing their tone, sought gress would be an impossibility.' to gain a firm footing on the empirical (,Dorner, Person of Christ, iv. 143: soil of Nature and History. . . They English trans.) 300 THE UNITARIANS. [LECT. and also from gaining unspeakable advantages from her? In attempting to answer these questions, I begin by pointing out what many thoughtful Unitarians them- selves allege that this name ' Unitarian' is entirely misleading. For it is not in behalf of any one special doctrine, or in protest against any one special error, that their voice has been raised. It is rather in behalf of something far wider, greater, and of more practical importance, viz. in defence of intellectual freedom within Christ's Church. Unitarianism was, in this point of view, a reaction and a protest against the narrow Puri- tanism of the seventeenth century 21 , which claimed to be rational, and was not. And it was a reaction dis- tinctly in the direction of the Church. For it was all very well, at the Reformation, to overthrow the authority 20 . . ' Least of all should this appear so to MS, who profess our- it wrested Lady Hewley's endow- ments from Unitarianism, and ceases selves " Christians and only Chris- not to this day to brand it as tians," pledged to nothing but to lie \ 'heterodoxy' (Vaughan, Engl. Non- open to all God's truth.' (Martineau, \ con/, p. 466, &c.), and to adhere Studies of Christianity, p. 41 1. 1 ) Uni- .firmly to its Westminster Confession tarians, 'strictly speaking, have no [see Appendix AT, and its Declaration corporate capacity ; but exist as of Faith [Appendix B], it is abso- individuals and in churches, with lutely beyond belief, that Mr. Mar- such partial combination as . . the tineau, in his late pamphlet, should maintenance of religious. liberty may identify bitnself and bis denomination seem to require.' (Dr. Beard, ap. with ' Puritanism? as against the Cycl. Rel. Denom. p. 301.) Church of England; and yet should, 21 When it is remembered that, in in the same breath, explain his the sixteenth century, Puritanism burnt antipathy to her as caused by her Servetus at a slow fire and hunted ' whole theory of religion, of human the Unitarians out of every country ruin by nature and select rescue by in Europe ; that, in the seventeenth faith, . . and a worship which begins century, it desired to put Mr. Biddle with the abjectness of man before to death, and persecuted and ana- the terror of God, and is lifted thematized Unitarianism both in thence only by a foreign deliverance, England and America ; that, in the and ends with a borrowed righteous- eighteentb century, it drove Pierce, ness.' (Why Dissent? p. 16.) every Emlyn, and others with the fiercest one of which 'theories' belong to theological hatred from their own the very essence of Puritanism, pulpits ; that, in the nineteenth century, vi.] AUTHORITY AND REASON. 301 of the Pope and of the hierarchy, and to establish that of the Bible in their place. But a very short experience sufficed to show that, if this were all, it was simply to substitute one authority for another. Mr. John Biddle and Mr. Thomas Emlyn soon found out in practice, that the appeal had merely been transferred, from an organized teaching body, proceeding by known rules, and capable (to say the least) of very great freedom and elasticity indeed 22 , to a chaotic body of self-constituted and half-instructed interpreters of holy Scripture, from whom no mercy or freedom was to be expected, and who would render inevitable the re-opening (on a far narrower and less intelligible issue) that whole warfare between Authority and Reason, which seemed, perhaps, to some sanguine people to have been closed altogether. But never, probably, so long as man remains upon the earth, will this conflict be really closed. There will always be persons of a passive and imaginative character, who repose their weight on others, who delight in the splendour of external religious observances 23 , who can breathe most freely in an atmosphere of the marvellous and the supernatural, and whose highest types shine out upon us in the sweet and heavenly creations of a Fra Angelico ; while their lowest types gaze, with bated breath, in the awe-stricken ascetics of a Zurbaran. Such persons will 22 ' J'avoue, pour ma part, que toujours 1'erreur protestante, qui s'ob- j'accepterais plus volontiers I'autorit6 stine &, commoner par la science ; de 1'Eglise, que celle de la Bible, tandis qu'il faut commen^er par la L'Eglise est plus humaine, plus vi- predication imperative, accompagne'e vante. Quelqu'immuable que Ton de la musique, de la peinture, des la suppose, elle se plie mieux aux rites solemnels, et de toutes les besoins de chaque dpoque.' (Renan, demonstrations de la foi, sans dis- Etudes, p. 380.) cussion. Mais faites comprendre cela 23 'Le docte Chev. Jones a re- k 1'orgueill' (De Maistre, du Pafe, marque 1 1'impuissance de la parole iii. I. 241.) evangelique dans 1'Inde. . . C'est 302 THE UNITARIANS. [LECT. never cease out of the land, or out of the Church. And God forbid that they ever should 24 ! For they are, in many ways, the salt of the earth. Nor yet (on the other hand) will the dreaded pretensions of an irrepressible Reason ever, so long as man exists in his present form, be extinguished, or the terrible solvent of its analysis ever be forgotten or laid aside. And again, I say, God forbid that it ever should 25 ! And yet these words, 'dreaded' and 'terrible,' are not one whit too strong. This solvent chemistry of reason is indeed terrible ; is indeed to be dreaded. For if any one wishes to see what speculation comes to, when reason wanders alone into the dark cold spaces of ex- treme thinking 26 , when analysis alone is set free to act, and synthesis (the balancing imaginative power) is cast in prison, till her time for reprisals be come, M The Christian pastor will not, credamus.' (Aquinas, Summa, i. 33. however, regard these as the highest I.) types of religious people among his M How far astray into fields flock. He will remember St. Paul's which border upon the aroirov judgment, implied in finds cl Swarol Unitarianism is, at least, templed to (Rom. xv. i): and St. Augustine's wander, may perhaps be judged from words : ' Operentur ministri Tui, non the following passage : 'The vouchers . . loquendo per miracula et sacra- of religion are the Bible in its general menta et voces mysticas, ubi intenta tenor, and the universe in its general sit ignorantia mater admirationis in influence. The vouchers of theology timore occultorum signorum ; . . sed are the text-books of the schools, sint forma fidelibus, vivendo coram and the climate of particular zones iis, et excitando ad imitationem.' of the globe; the Summa of Aquinas; (Confess, xiii. 21.) the Institutes of Calvin and Priestley; 25 No Church can be in a healthy the Mababarata and Ramayana of condition, which is unable to bear Hindostan.' (Dr. Beard, ap. Cycl. free inquiry or bold criticism. Tds Rel. Den. p. 307.) A Hindoo writer viroOtatis rcU irpuras, ical tl -aia-eai takes one step farther, and condenses viuv flalv, 6/xois (TTiaiciirTiai aa5 o lbs. of coal per hour: and 33 ' Omnia portenta contra naturam were the sun abolished, the tempe- dicimus esse. Sed non sunt. Quo- rature would finally settle itself at mod6 est enim " contra naturam " 239 below zero. (Herschel, Astron. quod Dei fit voluntate, quum vo- chap. vii.) The heat at the sun's luntas tanti utique Conditoris con- surface would boil, per hour, 700,000 ditse rei cujusque natura sit ? Por- millions of cubic miles of ice-cold tentum ergo fit, non contra naturam, water. (Tyndall, On Heat, p. 419.) sed contra quam est nota natura.' 32 ' Without doubt, the whole sur- (St. Augustine, de Civ. Dei, xxi. 8.) face of the sun displays an unbroken A remarkable passage, on more ac- ocean of fiery fluid matter. On this counts than one. Cf. Theodore ocean rests an atmosphere of glow- Parker, Discourse of Religion, p. 130: ing gas... If the earth struck the 'But this Law, what is it but the will sun, it would utterly vanish from of God; a mode of divine action?' VI.] GOD'S METHOD IS ' COMPROMISE.' 307 To return then to our question : how is it that the Unitarian method, in comparison with that of the Church, seems to fail ? The answer seems to be this. The Church (as we have seen in a previous Lecture) claims to be a great Divinely instituted edtccational society. If it be otherwise, then it must be frankly ad- mitted that all these questions are capable of being re-opened. Education however (it is well known) is divisible into two branches: (i) teaching or 'doctrine;' (2) training or 'discipline.' We drop the subject of 'discipline.' Doctrine then may again be subdivided into two departments, the speculative, which prepares it ; and the practical, which applies it. Now in both of these two departments, as all those who have studied the subject are aware, it is of immense importance to have some fixed points to start with. A hypothesis, a dogma, a provisional form and mould of thought, is found (I believe) in prosecuting any science under the sun, to be absolutely indispensable 34 . And therefore, even so far as theological speculation is con- cerned, some simple outline of a creed is employed by 84 The nebular hypothesis, the tematic reasoning : afterwards arrives Darwinian hypothesis, the undula- the epoch of doubt.' (Lewes, Seaside tory theory of light, the glacial hy- Studies, p. 38.) ' A man may have pothesis hi surface geology, and at his fingers' ends the distances, many others might be named, as volumes, densities, and so on, of all instances of provisional ' dogmas,' the planets, . . but unless he has in put forth under the conviction that his mind's eye a picture of the solar no greater boon can be conferred system, . . he has not yet passed even on any science, than to project its the threshold of the science." (Proc- ascertained data in a form that the tor, On Astronomy, Prater's Mag., imagination can seize, and can then September 1871.) 'H n'tv ovv v'urrit correct or improve. ' False facts are ffiWo/x<5s tanv . . fvwcrir ff yvwats Sf highly injurious to science, . . but dir6oeits TJV Sia maTftus 7rapetAj;/t/i- false views, if supported by some vtav. (Clem. Alex. Strom, vii. 10. 57.) evidence, do little harm ; as every- ' Wer wissen will, ehe denn er glaubt, body takes a salutary pleasure in der kommt nimmer zu wahren proving their falseness.' (Darwin, Wissen.' (Deutsche Tbeologia, [AJD. Descent of Man, ii. 385.) ' Sciences 1400,] p. 78.) begin in casual observation and sys- X2 308 THE UNITARIANS. [LECT. the Church, and is really (though not verbally) ac- cepted by all the other religious bodies, as a basis for theological thinking. But still more when we come to practical teaching of the poor and uninstructed and of children, how is it possible to pretend that the Church can ever be rid of creeds ? When you are rid of creeds, short, compendious, time-honoured, authoritative forms, well suited for unauthoritative, varied, many-sided ex- pansion, what do you get instead ? 'Catechisms' longer and shorter, formulae drawn up by 'Congregational Unions ' and ' Baptist Unions,' ' Mr. Wesley's Sermons,' and a hundred such things. And these, while verbally disclaiming all pretensions to authority, any one can see have an irresistible tendency to become tests of doc- trine for their respective societies, and much more elaborate tests than anything which the Church imposes upon her members 35 . For what does the Church impose upon her members ? I believe there exists the greatest possible misappre- hension upon this subject : and that the mass of half- educated people believe that if they have not already in some occult way been made to sign the Thirty-nine Articles at least they must be prepared, as members 35 The Presbyterian ' Westminster tarian ' Negative elements of our be- Confession ' is contained in thirty- lief are four only, and very brief three articles, and (with Scripture (Martineau, Studies, p. 77): the posi- proofs) covers 108 pages, 4to. The tive ones, as described by Dr. Beard, Independent ' Declaration of Faith/ appear to be eight or nine (Cyclop. &c., is drawn up also in thirty-three Rel. Den. p. 301). The Wesleyan articles. The Romanist ' Creed of ' Standard Doctrines,' imposed by Pope Pius IV.' contains eleven arti- the Conference on every minister in cles in addition to the Nicene Creed, the connexion, are contained in Mr. The Baptist ' Confession of Faith ' is Wesley's four volumes of Sermons, in thirty-two chapters, and occupies covering (in the reprint of 1838) thirty-five pages in Mr. Spurgeon's 1469 pages of close print; and his edition. The Quaker has a 'Con- 'Notes on the New Testament ' oc- fession of Faith, containing twenty- cupying (with the text, post 8vo., three articles,' by Robert Barclay edit. 1869) 700 pages in addition. (Evans's Exposition, p. 67). The Uni- VI.] INTELLECTUAL FREEDOM IN THE CHURCH. 309 of the Church of England, at any moment to sub- scribe to every statement in them. Such has been the result of our false and improper use of these things, so long persisted in ! But what is the truth of the matter ? It is, that the only theological formula which a Church of England layman is called upon -from his baptism till the hour of his death to assent to, is ' The Apostles' Creed**! That, and that alone, is required at his bap- tismal admission within the Church : that, and that alone, is asked for at the death-bed, as a sufficient proof that the man retains what he originally began with the Christian's confession of a true faith. And that Creed, Mr. Biddle the Unitarian in the seventeenth century, Mr. Emlyn in the eighteenth, and (I believe) a great many of the best Unitarians at the present day, profess themselves quite ready to accept 37 . As to the other Creeds, they stand in the Prayer-book as triumphant hymns of orthodoxy ; and therefore are of a more elaborate and florid doctrinal type. They stand there to be sung in divine worship, not to be subscribed. And as for the Thirty-nine Articles, their proper usage is as a TVTTOS 8tSax*js, a sketch or framework of sound doctrine, by which the Church takes engagements from her clergy and other teaching officers, that while occu- 86 ' The Church hath power to in- Creed.' (Bishop Browne, On the tend our faith, but not to ex-tend it ; Articles, p. n): see Prayer-book, to make our belief more evident, but Baptismal and Visitation Services, not more large and comprehensive . . i7 ' If a Socinian were to make a If we have found out what founda- confession of his faith, he would do tion Christ and His Apostles did lay, it in no other words but these of i. e. what body and system of the Apostles." (Biddle, Brief His- Articles they taught and required us tory, p. 8.) ' This was wont to be to believe, we need not, we cannot the sufficient test of Christianity and go any farther." (Jeremy Taylor, Church Communion ; which I wil- Liberty of Propb. p. 20.) ' Our own lingly assent to, in its plain and fair Church requires from its lay members sense.' (Emlyn, Narrative, Appendix, no confession of their faith, except p. Ixiii.) that contained in the Apostles' 310 THE UNITARIANS. [LECT. pying her pulpits and teaching in her name they will not be disloyal ; but will teach in her spirit, and present her time-honoured doctrine, albeit in sundry forms and divers manners to her people. For, observe, should they contravene these Articles, she does not excommunicate them. She simply bids them cease from teaching in her name, and be content with lay-communion 3S . How then can the Church's use of Creeds and Articles be accused of tyranny and usurpation ? Practically, the most widely used Unitarian Prayer-book 39 in London 88 E.g. this was the case lately with Mr. Heath, in the diocese of Winchester ; and Mr. Voysey, in the diocese of York. They were ad- judged, in an open court of law, to have contravened the Church's Arti- cles in their public teaching; and were simply deprived of their posi- tion as ' teachers ' in her name. ' Our Articles and other formularies are not tests of communion ; they are means by which the congregation of Christ's flock is preserved from error in the teaching of the minister.' (Canon Swainson, On Authority of New Testament, p. 274.) 'By sub- scription it was not meant that people should never alter their minds: but only that the person subscribing held certain definite and intelligible views, with respect to the truth he was to teacb ; and that, if he afterwards changed his mind, he should be prepared to lay down the office that he held.' (Bishop Wil- berforce, speech in House of Lords, 1862.) 39 ' The Prayer-book for the use of the Unitarian Congregation in Little Portland Street.' This Service-book is interesting for many reasons. It contains a choice of ten services for Morning and Evening Prayer, con- structed on the model of the Church's book ; but with all ' creeds ' omitted, from objections 'on principle to making definitions of belief part of the act of worship.' (Preface, p. vii.) Many of the ' occasional prayers ' are exceedingly good. At the Com- munion, consecration takes place by reciting i Cor. xi. 23-26. In deli- vering the bread, &c., there are three alternative forms: (i) 'Take and eat this, in remembrance of Christ :' (2) 'As a solemn testimony, in the presence of each other and before God, of our faith in the Lord Jesus Christ, let us take and eat of this bread, in remembrance of Him.' (3) 'This bread is our Lord's own emblem of His body which was broken for us. Take, eat, in remem- brance of Him.' Afterwards comes a sort of 'Church Militant Prayer;' containing, 'we remember those who have fallen asleep in Christ,' &c. Indeed, such remembrance is pur- posely made a special feature in all the services. (Preface, p. xiii.) At Baptism, there are four alternative forms: (i) 'I baptize thee in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit.' (2) ' I bap- tize thee in the name of Jesus Christ.' (3) I dedicate thee to the kingdom of God, through His Son Jesus Christ.' (4") 'In the name of Jesus Christ, I dedicate thee to God, our Father in heaven.' Then follows an address to the parents : ' Let me re- mind you, that what you are your- VI.] ALL ELUCIDATIONS OF THE CREED WELCOME. 311 confesses the very same need, which the Church has thus tried to meet. For the preface to that book states, that ' it is prepared for a body of Christians, who own the importance both of definite individual conviction, and of broad average concurrence among the members of the same Church.' Yet surely, these important blessings are precisely those which the Church of England has been aiming to secure to her people. And as far as free speculation is concerned, surely, the press is open ; speech is free ; even her teaching officers are far more unfettered, than they are in any other community that has lasted so long, and that disclaims so vigorously the rightfulness of ' secession.' And more than this : I will be bold to add, that if, after really examining and under- standing the matter, any individual man is able to offer to the Church a better solution of the subtle and per- plexing problems that environ us on every side, than those which the incessant labour and consummate skill of sixty generations have evolved, the Church for her part will be only too thankful to take such a solution into her most careful consideration ; and by individual aid (as she has often done before) to improve the methods of her teaching 40 . For surely it comes to this, after all : that it is not so much her teaching, as the method of her teaching, to which the Unitarian objects. He claims more freedom. selves . . is a commentary whereby Church. Subject to these condi- your direct teaching will be inter- tions, she has warmly welcomed the preted,' &c. aid of individual thinkers : such as 10 What the Church demands in Athanasius the deacon, Leo the such cases is, that the intellectual Pope, Augustine the Bishop, (cf. acumen of the individual be balanced Nicolas, Le Symbole des Apotres, p. and kept from schismatical arro- 197), Anselm the monk, Aquinas gance, by the Christian and moral the friar, Erasmus the layman, virtues of patience, modesty, and by Hooker the priest, and a multitude faith in Christ as the unseen yet not of others, inactive Head and Ruler of the 312 THE UNITARIANS. [LECT. He protests, for instance, against the ' Divinity,' i. e. the divine character and mission of our Lord Jesus Christ, which he, it seems, in words confesses, as well as our- selves 41 , being set forth in the terminology of meta- physics, as it is at present set forth in the Church. But it would not, I think, be difficult to show two things: (i) that the Church has been driven to do this quite unwillingly^ (though perhaps providentially), by the onset of anti-Christian metaphysics, in the earlier centuries ; and that watchfulness against similar pheno- mena is not wholly unnecessary at the present day : and (2) (what is far more important), that the real secret of her successful teaching and training of mankind, under the Holy Spirit's guidance, is simply this, that she has addressed herself to the whole nature of man 43 , and balanced the possible mischief of one force 41 E. g. Mr. Vance Smith writes to the Daily News, on Feb. 20, 1871, as follows : ' Some speakers . . ap- pear to have resented my participa- tion, much as if they thought I had intended to offer some indignity to the Church and to do a dishonour to the Church's Divine Head. I would earnestly repudiate such a construc- tion.' Dr. Beard tells us, ' regarding the person of Christ, various opinions are held by Unitarians, . . ranging from the high Arianism of Milton to the simple Humanitarianism of Belsham ; corresponding alike to the pre-existent Logos of John, and the " man approved of God " of Luke. There are other Unitarians who de- cline speculating on the point.' (Cycl. Rel. Den. p. 302.) 42 See, for the Eastern Church, Cyril Jer., Cat. Lect. xi. 12: noXXd tarlv tv rats fiats -ypaipdis' ti T& pfl y l*.fv; avrapiets flStvai OTI &eus Yi&v tva povov. MT) tirai- ffXvvOrjs 6fio\oyr)aal rfjv ayvoiav, (irtiSr) fitrci dyy(\cav dyvotts. For the Western Church, Aug. de Trin. ii. i : ' Cum homines Deum quserunt, et ad intelligentiam Trinitatis (pro captu infirmitatis humans) animum intendunt, . . cum ad aliquid certum, discussa omni ambiguitate, perve- nerint, facillimfe debent ignoscere errantibus in tanti pervestigatione secreti.' 13 'There is surely an evil insepa- rable from all partial developments of religion, which only satisfy the immediate cravings of the mind, and leave parts of our nature asleep perhaps at the moment liable to wake and thirst again.' (James Mar- tineau, Studies of Christianity, p. 410.) 'With a "Faith" traditionally shy of morals, and " Morals " not yet elevated into faith, we have two separate codes of life standing in presence of each other one reli- gious, the other secular and neither VI.] HUMAN NATURE THREEFOLD. 313 by the compensating influence of another. She has not, like the Puritans, preached ' faith only ' to the Con- science ; not, like the modern Romanists, allowed the forces of mere Imagination and representation to run riot ; nor, lastly, like the Unitarians and the men of the eighteenth century, addressed the Reason almost exclu- sively, and held (to use Bishop Warburton's language) that 'the image of God in which man was created lay in the faculty of reason only 4 V No : surely the Church's method has been admirable indeed, when compared with all of these. She seems to have been led, (may we not suppose by His guidance, who ' knoweth whereof we are made,') to recognize that fact, which all modern psychology seems to point to, that man's inner nature may be partitioned, and the innumerable flashing mobile acts and feelings of his brain be registered, under three grand divisions, his CONSCIENCE, his IMAGINATION, and his REASON 45 ; of which the conscience, or moral department, like the cen- tral shoot of some dicotyledinous plant, may (in a sense) be called the man's true self, the avrbs eyo> of St. Paul. On this, the moral, central, growing soul, the Sun of of them with any true foundations in tions already existent within us. human nature as a whole.' (Ibid. They are produced by our not stop- p. 338.) ping at the sensible impressions ** Bishop Warburton, Works, iii. made by things, but by pushing on 620, (quoted in Essays and Reviews, to their internal being and life ; by p. 269). our thinking of their internal nature 45 ' Aristotle, the first systematic as analogous to our own ; and thus expositor of the science [of psycho- spiritualizing the objects of sense.' log/ 1 , enumerates . . the threefold (Beneke, Elements of Psychology, ed. division of the facts of consciousness Dressier, 1871, p. 140.) For phy- into sensation, thought, and volition.' siological indications of the same (Cycl. Brit., art. Metaphysics, p. 555.) truth, see the profoundly interesting The first of these is the raw-material researches of M. P'lourens, I>e la of the plastic ' imagination :' ' The pbrenologie et des etudes vraies svr It aesthetic feelings are a union be- cerveau (1863), pp. 149, 151, 191. tween external impressions and emo- 314 THE UNITARIANS. [tECT. Righteousness, when once it has arisen and been pre- sented with power, beams with a marvellous fecundity. The soul stirs and thrills and ascends beneath the trans- forming beam. It reaches out as yet all blindly, as if to feel after and find that wondrous source, whence life and awakening have come to her 46 . And therefore it is, that the Church has always made it her first I had almost said, her single and all-comprehending duty to present Christ, for the grasp of men's faith to reach hold of 47 ; to awaken men ; to stimulate into a responsive activity their sluggish moral sense, by pouring on them ' with the power of an endless life ' that beam, with which the effluence from no other source has ever yet, for stimu- lating power, come for a moment into competition 48 . But still, even when this has been done, all is not done. The growing plant is not all shoot. It must be ministered to by its lateral root-leaves, which gather for it and fix from the surrounding air its fitting and natural nutriment. And so too it is with the man. He 46 I cannot refrain from quoting p. 120, translated by Semple; trans- here the noblest passage which per- ferred to this work, by the author, haps ever welled forth like water- from his Kritik der Pract. Vermmft.) springs out of a dry ground from * 7 Alas, that we clergy should so amid the arid pages of modern Me- often, from want of knowledge -or taphysics : ' Duty ! thou great, thou from defect of skill, fail thus to exalted name ' Wondrous thought, ' preach Christ !' Happily, it often that workest neither by fond insinu- occurs that amid our preaching (to ation, flattery, nor by any threat ; use George Herbert's words) ' God but merely by holding up thy naked takes a text :' or that (as St. Au- law in the soul, and so extorting for gustine fancifully interprets Genesis, thyself always reverence, if not obe- in his Confess, xiii. 18) 'transeunt dience ! before whom all "appetites" nubes: ccelum manet.' are dumb, however secretly they * 8 ' Und so der einzig wahre Mes- rebel ! Whence thy original ? . . Verily, sias ! der einzige, zu dem als Fiihrer it can be nothing less than what ad- und Herrn jeder stets emporblicken vances man, as part of the physical und emporstreben muss, den (sei es system, above himself; connecting sinnend, oder arbeitend, oder leidend) him with an order of things unap- rein und vollkommen zu Gott selbst preached by "sense," into which the zu streben, der Geist ziehtl' (Ewald, force of reason can alone pierce.' Volk Israel, v. p. 448.) (Kant, Mela f by sic of Ethics, 1797, VI.] THE CHURCH NEGLECTS NO PART. 315 too is in danger of some morbid growth, of developing into some blind fanaticism or helpless casuistical scrupu- losity, unless sweet health and joy be brought him through the other functions of his manifold nature. First of all, his imaginative cravings for re-presenta- tion must be fed ; and Art, the great teacher of what is truly beautiful, must be freely and boldly used, to gather from the surrounding world all forms of love- liness and purity, and devote them to this highest service 49 . And this too (I need not say), the Church has faithfully done. She has repudiated all Montanistic dread of art and imaginative cultivation. She has taken freely, and with filial boldness, all that was in the air (so to speak) of beauty from time to time. She began with what she found, ready to her hand, the forms of synagogue worship : she then drew from the Temple : and then from the Hellenic and the (so-called) Gothic forms : enlisted the Ambrosian and Gregorian and Palestrinian music : took painting and sculpture and evolved the ritual drama of the altar and the font : was afraid of none of these things, because she truly felt, all common things were cleansed for her, that ' all things were hers.' And so it came to pass that, with sweet and healthful pleasure, the great central redeeming verities were taken up and appropriated by thousands of her childlike souls 50 , in whom the conscience had yet to 49 ' La foi de notre sifecle est une rieure & celle du theologian.' (Renan, foi non formulee : 1'Art a, de nos Etudes tfbistoire, p. 430.) ours, une fonction religieuse supe- ' Was wir als Schtinheit hier empfunden, Wird einst als Wahrheit tins entgegen gehen.' (Schiller, Gedicbte, p. 95.) 50 Read the beautiful language of r^piov tlat\0tiv Swrj0wfiv. 'AAA* the true Fathers and teachers of the ZvSov & icpvirrbs ivoiicti Tlarfjp, xal 6 Church in olden time : <7x*7/ ia fovr' rovrov Ilafs <5 unip ij/iiDv avodavuv. . . . . Iva fit TO KOLVOV TOVTO vcuStv- 'AXAd av 7* ftr) iavaTi)0fjs, 6 31 6 THE UNITARIANS. [LECT. be fully awakened, and in whom the adult reason per- chance would never wake at all 51 . But even this was not enough. There remained yet a fraction of the human race, and those, in some re- spects, the highest and strongest, in others (as they them- selves but too well know) the weakest and most tempted of mankind, men 'puffed up,' not 'built up 52 ;' men whose intellect is bright and keen, while their imagination is (in many cases) neglected, and their moral faculty all but asleep. Shall the Church show no consideration for them 53 ? Has Christ no word of pity for them, fifvos aXrjBetas ! dAAcfc, TO fvavriov roiotirovs Krrjaai rr faxfj Sopvv . . The prayers of hungry souls and poor, Like armed angels at the door, Our unseen foes appal.' (Christian Year, First Sunday after Easter.) 'fit yap dyaOos 5i8dffKa\os, Kt]S6- M I know of nothing, among all ftevos TOJV kavrov fta6r)rS>v, rovs pi) the deeply interesting social pheno- Svvapevovs fit TUV iiei^ovcav w^\i]- mena of the present day, so stimu- 6ijvcu, iravTcas 5ia TUIV tireKtartptav lating to the best energies of every ovyKarafiaivcov avroiis vaiStvti, ov- Christian minister who is worthy of Teas Kal 6 TOV tov Ao-yos. K. r. \. the name, as the half-acknowledged (Athanasius, de Incarn. Verbi, 15 : appeals which are now constantly Migne, i. 121.) being made for spiritual help by 51 Contrast the hard repulsive scientific men. The attitude of Science language of the Westminster Con- towards Faith is no longer one of fession, Art. xxix. [Appendix B, p. buoyant arrogance. ' Just as fire r 24] : ' All ignorant and ungodly and water require an intervening persons, as they are unfit to enjoy substance, to become harmless to communion with Him, so are they one another, Reason and Faith can unworthy of the Lord's table.' We coexist only on the condition that seem to hear the echoes of the very a proper consciousness of the limits earliest extant heretical work, the of the human intellect is powerful Judaizing Clementine Homilies, p. 15 enough to bind them over to keep (ed. Dressel) : Td irpureta rfjs Ko\a- the peace.' (Westminster Review, Oct. otcas rots iv irK&vri oiialv diroSiSorat, 1862, p. 480. ) ' When I look at the Kqv a. 1644.) And, of late 5t Srfijuovfryov Aojov TT)Tot . . Son. They do, in no sense, share iroAAovs ya,p liv fiad-yoitv, Sta, ri> Divinity between them. Each is ' ertpodSit' avrwv. . .'iva "ycip StcL oAo* Qtos. This is not ditheism, or rfjs TpidSos 6po\povov- and simplicity of God.' (Dr. New- fifv. . . El fap 'Qtov' airrov [scil. man, Atban. Treatises, ii. p. 334, TW \6yov] wofM&vffiv, ivrptvufjifvoi note.) 320 THE UNITARIANS. [LECT. and fundamental doctrine of the Divine Unity, that, in one brief word, she has made it the foundation-stone of all Christianity 57 . By word and by deed, by homily and symbol and sacrament, by creed and treatise and liturgy, by catechisms for babes, by 'Articles' for the clergy, by controversies and polemics innumerable for the learned, she has striven, for eighteen hundred years and more, to bring the doctrine home to heart and mind. And, with inconceivable expenditure of toil and thought, has cleared away the ever-recurring impedi- ments to its reception 58 . And was she not justified in so doing ? Yes : Mono- theism is an essential characteristic of the Gospel. To teach that it was that St. Paul threaded his way among the idols at Athens, and fought with beasts at Ephesus. To teach that, Gregory sent his mission to our forefathers, and Boniface carried on the torch of faith from England into Germany. That is the opening trumpet-note of the Nicene creed. For that it was, that the whole Nicene and Athanasian terminology was invented. For that its champion stood up against immeasurable odds * Athanasius contra mundum.' And hence it is that the 57 ' Species eorum quse per prse- thing, that may in any way affect dicationem Apostolicam manifest^ this truth, is dangerous.' (Courayer, traduntur, istse sunt : primo, quod ap. Kippis' Life of Lardner, p. xx.) Deus unus est.' (Origen, irepl ap\wv, ' Christianity is the religion of Mono- i. 4.) ' Manifestum est, qubd Deus theism ; and is distinguished from maxime vnus.' (Aquinas, Snmma, Judaism by its universality.' (Dorner, i. ii. 4.) 'Our God is one, or Person of Christ, ii. 353, English rather, very oneness and mere unity.' trans.) (Hooker, Eccl. Pol. i. 2. 2.) 'This M ' So numerous and serious have unity of the Godhead will easily ap- been the errors of theorists on pear as necessary as the existence ; religious subjects, . . that the cor- so that it must be as impossible that rection of them has required the there should be more Gods than most vigorous and subtle exercise one, as that there should be none.' of the reason. . . What an extreme (Pearson, on Ap. Creed, Art. i. p. 32, exercise of intellect is shown in the Oxf. ed.) ' The unity of God is the theological teaching of the Church ! ' foundation of the Gospel : and any- (Newman, Univ. Sertn. p. 49.) VI.] UNITARIANS IN ACCORD WITH THE CHURCH. 321 Church of England, in her very first Article, instructs her clergy and bids her clergy instruct her people, to beware of Tritheism or of any other form of thinking con- cerning God, than that He is absolutely and indivisibly ONE. For if Christ be, as we all confess alike, in any sense 'Divine;' if He be the irresistible claimant of the heart's supreme devotion and of the soul's supreme obe- dience, then the only safe way in which that resistless moral instinct can be satisfied, without trenching upon Monotheism, is by acknowledging Him as (in some mys- terious way) the ONE TRUE GOD, manifesting Himself in human nature and in human history 59 . And, on the other hand, every conception (call it by' whatever name you will) which militates against this absolute and ador- able 'unity,' is just as much a 'heresy' and a rejection of Christianity, as it is to disbelieve the story of the Evangelists, or to dissipate the historical facts of the Gospel into a cloud of legend. But if this be so, then in mind and intention the Uni- tarian is entirely in agreement with the Church. Every victory he gains over gross and divided conceptions of the divine nature, are her victories too 60 . Every aid t9 Thus Dionysius, Bishop of Rome PMT&V if ovaias KO! iroiSrrjros. (Jo- ^269), rebukes the ' Arians before hannes Damasc., De Fide Ortb. i. cap. Anus' of his day, as Staipovvras noi 13.) And so too the Latin writers KaTartfju/ovTas KM dvaipovvras r& atp- of the fourth and fifth centuries : v6rarov uripvyfta rfjs (KK\r)ffias, T^V ' Nihil svnus aliud " Christiani," Hovapxiav, tls rpeis Swapfif nvas, nisi magistroChristo Summi Regis Kai n(/jt(piff^(vas virooraotts. (ap. ac Principis veneratores. Nihil, si Routb, iii. 373.) And a Greek divine consideres, aliud invenies in ist& reli- of the following century urges, Tiy- gione versari. Hsec totius summa poiro 5' &v ds 0tos, (Is kv Ahiov not est actionis, hie propositus terminus flov KCU Hvdj/MTOs dvaia, Kai on the other hand, consciousness ' ivovaios ' \6yos, KCU ' &v ' vl6s ; . . tirj itself is the direct object of our in- av avros 6 Har^p avvOtros tie aoipias quiries.' (Ibid. p. 556.) teal \6yov. (Athan. c. Arianos, lib. v.) 63 A study of history shews that ' Omnis res quse non est Divina essen- the Church arrived at the Catholic tia, est creatura. Patet ergo, qudd statement of the doctrine of the in Deo non est aliud esse relationis et Trinity .. partly because it was the esse essentice, sed unum et idem.' only statement which, recognizing the (Aquinas, Summa, i. 28, n.) fact of the Incarnation of the Divine Y 2 324 THE UNITARIANS. [LECT. which are concerned with time and succession (geologic or human). Without laying too much stress however on these notions, the fact at least does not admit of doubt, that not merely are ' space ' and ' time ' (as Kant ^ has taught us) the ultimate forms of human thought, but that 'existence' is yet a third and more subtle form, which lies deeper than the other two. And hence the science which deals with this subject is a true science, so long (at least) as it adheres to scientific methods of procedure, and gathers its material mainly from that one interior nature which alone is submitted to its scrutiny the nature of man 65 . But Christianity distinctly and repeatedly asserts, that this nature of man was formed ' in the image and like- ness of God? So that a transition becomes possible from metaphysics to theology 66 . And the truth should begin to dawn upon us, which has been often strangely forgotten : viz. that the religious problem before us is not, from the known Being and Nature of God to deduce the unknown nature of Christ ; but rather precisely the ** 'There are two pure forms of M Even in Aristotle we find the sensuous intuition, as principles of two names used interchangeably, knowledge d priori, viz. Space and Tpefs &v tltv saurait pr^tendre a l'autorit imper- tirj irpturT) emarrinr). El 5* iari TIS sonelle de la science, et s'&ioncer ovaia ajtivrjros, avrtj irpoTtpa nal en ces termes : // est certain que Dieu i\oao^>iairpwrij. (Arist. Metapb.v. I.) existe. Mais elle brille d'une sorte It is true that ' the distinction be- d'^vidence personelle, qui permet a tween the divine and human was far tout etre moral de declarer : Je suis less marked to the Greek, than to certain qu'il existe un Dieu.' (Bar- ourselves.' (Jowett, Plato, i. 393.) tholmess, Doctrines religieuses de la But it may be, that herein it is we Phil, moderne, i. 359.) ' God, Free- who are in error; and that, under the dom, and Immortality vanish so soon long reign of a biblical Puritanism, as men open their eyes only to what the Semitic element in our Chris- is without them, and refuse to reflect tianity has too much eclipsed the upon the wonders evident within.' Hellenic element (Chandler, Inaug. Lect. [1867], p. 23.) VI.] CHRIST, A 'REVELATION OF GOD,' 325 reverse. It is God who is unknown. It is His nature which is inscrutable. It is His ways which are 'past finding out.' It is His mind towards us, and towards all His creatures which is fearfully and perplexingly obscure. While in Christ, who is ' very man ' like our- selves, that obscurity is cleared up, and that perplexity relieved. ' No man hath seen God at any time : the only-begotten Son, who is in the bosom of the Father, He hath revealed Him.' So that in Christ, the smiling face of God's tender love and compassion looks upon us. His purposes of mercy have become understood. The feelings of His heart (if we may so say) have made themselves intelligible. And this baffling universe that looks, to the superficial eye, so like a dead and heartless machine puts on, at once, a human and engaging aspect. Our confidence is restored. And we repose in faith on the conviction, that (in some transcendent sense) what we call 'Justice,' 'Truth,' and 'Love' shall ultimately prevail and shall find all enemies put under their feet. And hence two thoughts suggest themselves, which may perhaps be worthy of a profounder study than is usually given to them in England. The first is, the question whether an undogmatic theology, which is afraid of and abandons metaphysics 67 , can possibly be a sound or a ' Christian ' theology ? For Christ is acknow- ledged, on all hands, to be in some sense Divine. And to determine in what sense, is a problem which can only " Few things are more amusing, OTv6rt)Ta TTJS irap' avroTs yXwrrrjs than the almost supercilious pity cu ovofMTtuv irtviav, tii(\tiv and rfj* with which the subtle Eastern theo- ovaiai rrjv viroaraow /col Sid. TOVTO logians regarded the phenomenon of avT(iaay6vai]s rai npoawira, tva /*) Western inability to handle Meta- rpfis Ovaiai iia.pafc\0uiai, ri jivt- physics. The distinction between rat ; us \icLv yeAofoi', ovala and vnoaraais was actually too (Greg. Naz. Oral, xxi.) much for them ! ov Swd/iem 66 o^drMv in space ' to draw all men unto Him,' addresses Himself to our receptive imagination ; and the Spirit, working out His gracious 68 ' Every step of real advance in 7U Observe how wonderfully, and the matter of Christology must be (it is impossible to doubt) purposely, preceded by a deeper knowledge of the Incarnate SON, with His brief the nature of God and of man.' (Dor- but striking Ministry, His public ner, Person of Christ, iii. 2 : English death, and His hierarchy of surround- translation.) ing apostles, saints, and martyrs, 89 'Ev ovpavy taais irapaottyfjia. &v&- lends Himself, as plastic material, Karat TW Povkopivy opav, KOI opSivn to imaginative treatment. A well- iavrov KaroiKifav. &ia TO eyxepJ?M a KCU Sta TOVTO KaOapreov eavrbv TrpStrov, cZra TCO Ka6apu ofjuXrjTcov, says St. Gregory Nazianzen 7 *. ' Tri- nitatem omnipotentem quis intelligit ?' says St. Augus- tine. ' Rara anima quae, cum de ilia loquitur, scit quid loquitur 75 .' And, with equal humility, it is always plainly acknowledged by them, that human philosophies can do no more than clear away obstructions, and keep away 'heresies' notions, that is, that will not graft or assimilate with the Church's living tree of doctrine. All, says St. Clement of Alexandria, is 4^it yvmpi&iv, o^x b eorir, 6 be /*r/ loriy 76 . 'Hujusmodi nomina,' says St. Ambrose [viz. 'substance,' 'person,' and the rest], ' sunt inducta in divinis ad removendum, non ad ponendum aliquid 7 V And even Aquinas, the subtle schoolman, in the heart of the middle ages, con- fesses : ' Ad inveniendum nova nomina, antiquam fidem de Deo significantia, coegit necessitas disputandi cum haereticis 78 .' Yes : ' modern language, to express the ancient faith,' there is the secret of the whole matter ; there is the watchword of the Church's whole conflict, in her mani- are subject to another part of our 78 Aug. Confess, xiii. n. nature the moral sense.' (Newman, " Clem. Alex. Strom, v. 1 1. University Sermons, p. 44.) 'A ra- n Ambrose, De Fide, 51. tional religion can have no existence 78 Aquinas, Summa, i. 30. 3. 'These unless it is founded upon the laws of expressions were found out and morality.' (Kant, Critik of Pure Rea- used by the ancient Church, to pre- son, p. 390.) vent the fraud of those who cor- T3 Cyril Jer., Cat. Lect. xi. 3 : cf. rupted the doctrine of the Person ibid. ii. oil f&p rb 'irus f-^fvvrjfffv' of Christ, and obscured their per- flirfiv KaTa-yyeAo^efcr u\\a TO ' OVK nicious sentiments under ambigu- OVTCUS' Sia^f0ai6fte6a. ous expressions.' (Owen, Works, 74 Oral. xxix. I. xii. 283.) VI.] SUBTLE LANGUAGE FORCED ON THE CHURCH. 329 fold controversies about the Holy Trinity 79 . It is not that she delights in this terrible deployment of verbal subtlety ; or that her greatest men have ever taken pleasure in it. Rather they have shrunk from it. They have deplored the necessity, which drove them to the use of these fine-spun definitions. Athanasius habitually avoided using his own celebrated watchword, 6p.oov/Hfioi>, eipij- VI.K.OV elvai K.O.V Tais (^TTjcrecn Ttpovrintv 82 . ' Contendunt 7 * In theology as in all other much stiffness in refusing, and too sciences there is a variable and a much easiness in admitting, any permanent element. The part of variation.' (Preface to Book of Com. wisdom and faithfulness is, not to Prayer.) ' Mecror^Ta ' 5 orav tiiru, refuse all change with a perpetual ' a\r)0ttav ' \tyca. (Greg. Naz., Orat. cry of ' non possumus," but to bring xxix. 2.) 'The Catholic historian home, by bold and skilful adaptation, distinguishes a permanent element old truths to new times. ' Si philo- and a changeable : the former being sophia loqui posset (said Ernesti), the substance of the faith itself; the haud dubife se popularem profiteretur.' latter the perception, comprehen- And a sound theology has always sion, and representation of this firm said the same. ' Language is worth, substance of faith.' (Bp. Hefele, after all, just what it means to those Hist, of Councils, i. 333 : Engl. who use it. . . The faith and aim of trans.) the Church was one and unchanging. to ' One of the characteristic points But the question, whether a par- in Athanasius is his constant atten- ticular symbol would represent her tion to the sense of doctrine, or the mind with practical accuracy, re- meaning of writers, in preference to ceived an answer at Antioch which the words used. Thus he scarcely would have been an error at Niczea.' uses the symbol ofwovaiov through- (Liddon, Bamp. Led. p. 648.) ' It out his Orations.' (Newman, Note hath been the wisdom of the Church on Atban. Tracts, i. p. 17.) of England, . . to keep the mean 81 Cicero, De Nat. Deorum, i. 2 even as we are known**: and, by the avenue of candour, purity and love, to reach at last the happy goal, and to see God as He is**. 93 i Cor. xiii. 12. M Matt. v. 8 ; i John uL 2. APPENDIX I. The Metaphysical Language of the Church. 'Metaphysics' is the science of the facts of consciousness. It is the science which not content, like the other sciences, to take the present- ments of the senses, &c. for granted as absolute truth questions and examines into the truth of these presentments; inquires what precisely they mean, how far they are trustworthy, and what relation the subjective presentments on our cerebral mirror bear to the transcendent objective realities which make on us that impression. It is true we cannot get far beyond 'impressions.' We cannot stand outside of ourselves, nor reach (by the avenue of the intellect) absolute truth, where we can say it is impossible for things to be otherwise than they are. Such absolute cer- tainties can only be reached by a moral avenue. When therefore the idea of God dawns upon the mirror of our consciousness, unless we are simply to 'believe and tremble,' and with superstitious dread to refuse to look freely and intelligently on His revelation of Himself, we seem at once invited to use* Metaphysics. We are bound to ask the profoundest and subtlest questions that we can ask ; sure, meantime, that our profoundest thoughts have no more fathomed the depths of His Being, than our puny telescopes have fathomed the star-sown depths of space. Now the subtlest metaphysical philosophies within the ken of the ancient Church, were those of the great Hellenic thinkers, especially of Plato and Aristotle. Accordingly, 'Theology' (properly so called) was all along a Greek science, dependent on Greek terminology. It is true the Hebrew words mrr and m;r H-rata were expressions of a metaphysical sort, and invited metaphysical treatment. But the Jewish mind was eminently unfitted for this branch of study: and the words remained (scientifically) unfruitful, till they were exposed to the stimulating brilliancy of Greek thought at Alexandria. And then they immediately took a marvellous speculative development, in the works of Philo Judseus and others. Hence when Christ appeared, and (after a thousand acts and words of superhuman power and wisdom) spake those astonishing enigmas, 'No man knoweth the Son, but the Father; neither knoweth any man the Father, save the Son ' (Matt. xi. 27) : and ' Go ye, and baptize in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost ' (Matt, xxviii. 19) : 336 APPENDIX I. the metaphysics of Alexandria were at once consecrated, to express and (in a certain degree) to clear the enigma, by irradiating the Messiah- doctrine of Palestine with the A^os-doctrine of the Hellenistic Schools. And yet once more, as time went on and heresies necessitated 'nova nomina, antiquam fidem significantia,' the problem of a divine relation between the Father and the Son drew from Platonic metaphysics a subtle word ovaia, to express the colourless background (so to speak) of the Divine Nature, embracing the adorable Triad ; and from Aristotle and the later philosophers the (originally equivalent) word vrruaraais, which was then given a technical meaning and made to express the coloured and qualified ovaia (if we may venture so to speak), held (not in common) by the 'Persons' mysteriously spoken of as ONE by our Lord. But the Latin Church, unable to keep pace with these fine subtleties of Hellenic thought, begged leave to substitute the coarser word Upoaantov , Persona, to express the same thing ; a leave which was, somewhat super- ciliously, granted. Ere long, there sprang up a new controversy, about the means of grace. And then, (the Baptismal Sacrament, in some way, escaping philosophical maltreatment,) the Eucharistic question enlisted in its service the Aristo- telian metaphysics of the middle ages ; till the Latin Church was satisfied to believe that, the ovaia of the bread being annihilated, and the ovaia of the Lord's Body taking its place, the avpfitfirjicoTa only, the ' accidentia,' of the bread remained, to beguile the senses and veil the wondrous trans- formation. . , The subsequent controversies that have arisen, about Inspiration, Rege- neration, Infallibility, though all capable of a metaphysical treatment, have not yet passed through that ordeal: though it were much to be desired that they should. But it were only to be desired, on one condition ; viz. that the science itself should first come to a clearer conception of its own powers, its limits, and its objects ; should acknowledge that a deeper study, under better methods, of that ' grande profundum ' human nature, is its true avenue to deeper things still ; and should recognize that fact, which alone gives significance and weight to the negations of the Unitarian ; viz. that the German races (at least) are now adult, and that the watch- words of our modern theology should in future be, (i) the Holy Spirit, (2) the Catholic Cburcb, (3) the Individual Conscience. LECTURE VII. THE WESLEYANS. A.D. 1795. Leading idea : Revival of religion ; by a free appeal to the ' feelings.' Method adopted: An elaborate system of 'societies; ' preaching the doctrine of ' sensible conversion.' ayavrjrol, o2 Kiav alffxp^, Kol ava^ia TTJS \v Xpiffrtp ayaryfj* axovfaOai, rty f)(@aiOTa.TT)v xal upxaiav KopivOiav (KK^rjaiav, Si' tv ij Svo vpofftuira, ffraaid^ftv vp&s rovt irptafivTtpovs \ . . *Eap. c. 300. Pachomius, &c. First religious ' Societies ' in Egypt. 340. Athanasius (from Egypt) visits Rome, with some monks. 500. Benedict adapts ' Monasticism ' to the West. c. 1000. Monastic reforms (Cluniacs, Cistercians, &c.) c. 1 200. New religious Societies (Mendicant Friars). c. 1300. Religious ' Colleges ' for study, at Oxford. c. 1400. The Beghards, &c. on the Continent. c. 1500. Monasteries converted into Cathedral bodies, or suppressed. c. 1600. Many new Orders, mostly of a 'practical ' kind. 1670. Spener's ' Collegia Pietatis ' at Frankfort. 1726. John and Charles Wesley and George Whitfield form a 'Society' at Oxford. 1735. Wesley sails for America, with twenty-six Moravians. 1 738. Returns home ; and joins the ' Moravians ' in London. 1 739. Open-air preaching at Bristol : convulsions begin. First ' Meeting-house,' at Bristol. 1 740. Wesley and Whitfield secede from the Moravians. 1741. Wesley separates from Whitfield and the Calvinists. 1744. First ' Conference.' 1 763. Secession of Bell and Maxfield (enthusiasts). 1778. ' Arminian Magazine ' begun. 1 784. Wesley ' ordains ' Dr. Coke, &c. for America. ' Deed of Declaration : ' Conference legalized. 1791. John Wesley died. Insubordination among the preachers. 1795. 'Plan of pacification :' viz. by severance from the Church. 1797. Kilham's secession : ' Methodist New Connexion.' 1 8 j o. Secession of the ' Primitive Methodists.' 1813. Dr. Coke dies, on a mission to India. 1815. Secession of the ' Bible Christians.' 1828. Secession of the 'Protestant Methodists,' at Leeds. 1835. Dr. Warren : Secession of the ' Wesleyan Methodist Association. 1849. The ' fly-sheets: ' Secession of the ' Wesleyan Methodist Reformers. 1868. Overtures, from Churchmen, for re-union. 1871. ' Class-meeting ' dispute : Mr. Hughes degraded. LECTURE VII. THE WESLEYANS. Mind not high things : but condescend to men of low estate." Rom. xii. 16. THERE is a petition in our Prayer-book, which many of us are in the habit of hearing or repeating every day of our lives ; yet which we too often pass over, without throwing into it all the hearty fervour of concurrence which it deserves. It forms part of that 'Prayer for Clergy and People,' which has come down to us from the ' Sacramentary of Gelasius ' in the fifth century ; and has therefore been in use in the Western Church for at least fourteen hundred years. It embodies that noble thought of St. Augustine, that (after all) the natural, the normal, the ordinary doings of God, are the greatest and most admirable of His marvels *. It suggests by one word, full of beauty and of meaning the Lord's own claim to be the 'Physician' of souls. It directs us, in short, to pray that 'bishops, curates, and congregations ' may be endued with ' the healthful spirit of His grace.' 1 Augustine, Efisl. cxx. ; Civ. Dei, xxi. 8. Z 2 340 THE WESLEYANS. [LECT. Yes : health, spiritual health and soundness, perfect sanity, wholesomeness, and tranquil half-unconscious balance of all the moral functions of the inner man, what words can express the greatness of this blessing ! What thanks can reach the height of this great c marvel,' this restoration of fallen man, this healing of his diseased and troubled soul, this ' redemption ' (in one short word) of his true self (6 !o-&> avOpcDTros], this revival of those Christ-like lineaments upon his nature, in likeness of which he was originally made ! For it is easy to spe- culate about the manner in which the present human frame and average character may have been evolved from lower forms of life ; and deeply interesting, with all humility and fitting reserve, thus to trace the hand of God in nature and to perceive that we are (as the Bible has expressly taught us) only the last links in His great chain of terrestrial creation 2 . But still Science has to confess, after all, what the Church has always taught ; viz. that man seems capable of sinking again even below the level of the animal world ; and that, by some fall or ' fault' or downthrow he has in fact reached depths of degradation, which place him far beneath his proper station, and out of line with that Divine ideal which (to use human language) floated before his Creator's mind 3 . Amid this 'fallen,' sinful, unhealthful world then, it was, that the Church of God was placed, as a treasury of all His healing graces, as an 'educating society' to disabuse mankind of its noxious illusions and super- 2 Gen. i. 1-26. and more agreeable to the un- * 'So long as the animal part of awakened, uncultivated side of human life lacks the better half human life, than to be bestial.' belonging to it, it sinks below the ^Ackerman, Das Cbrtstlicbe in Plato, animal form of development, and p. 194 : English trans.) becomes bestial. Nothing is easier vii.] TWO FORMS OF SELFISHNESS IN THE CHURCH. 341 stitions, as a vast sanatorium to restore them to perfect 'health and soundness' in the presence of each other and of God. But, in carrying out this truly divine and charitable task, the Church has in all ages been hindered, not merely by the grosser forms of vice and sin, but also by the perpetual recurrence of that subtle form of selfishness in spiritual things, which the Lord so un- sparingly rebuked and condemned in the person of the ' Pharisees.' This word means simply separatists ; men who stand apart from their brethren as being holier than they ; men who presume to sever the wheat from the tares, the sheep from the goats, before He arrives who alone can do this truly. And for such spiritual pride there stands on the pages of Scripture the sternest and sharpest rebukes which ever during His ministry on earth proceeded from the mouth of Christ. But there is yet another form of this same sin, another kind of self-withdrawal from the needs of the lowly and the ignorant, to which the officials of the Church herself especially in prosperous and halcyon days gone by have too frequently given way. And it is even far more disgraceful and inexcusable than Pharisaism itself. For if anything is Anti-christian in this modern world of ours, if anything is clean contrary to the 'mind which is in Christ Jesus 4 ,' who, though being in the form of God and equal with God, stood not on His rights ; did not, enjoyed not, what He might have done and enjoyed ; but condescended to mankind, yea down to the very depths of a malefactor's agonizing death, it surely is the selfish and personal enjoyment of any privileged position with which we have been put in trust. 'Privilege,' of any kind, so misunderstood and misused, is (as the * Pbil. ii. 5. 342 THE WESLEYANS. [LECT. readers of classical antiquity know full well) the cha- racteristic mark of society in a state of heathenism. Whereas Christ has bidden us, if we would be true members of the realm of God, the 'Civitas Dei,' to regard every privilege as simply an opportunity for good to others^ every advantage as a trust imposed upon us, every possession as merely a reservoir of some common benefit, for whose righteous and un- selfish distribution we shall one day have to give account. What, then, must we say of those, who set in places of advantage and privilege and honour, in His very Church itself refuse to recognize their duties to the poor ; neglect the ignorant and the sinful, for whose sakes they were given these advantages ; forget to 'condescend to men of low estate;' and 'enjoy' their benefice or their accumulation of benefices perhaps some thirty, forty, or fifty years as though it were only a just reward of their merits, or a fitting opportunity of ' doing well unto themselves ?' What else can we say, but that such conduct, in the individual, is fatal to his own soul : and in the body politic if it should ever reach such wide dimensions is the symptom of a ter- rible disease, which is sure to reveal ere long (as disease always does) the existence of a new set of latent remedial laws. These laws are restorative if possible. But if not, then they effect the removal and destruction of what had become a source of wide-spread infection. ' Where the carcase is, thither the eagles are gathered together.' And, unwelcome as is the task of pointing out the faults and omissions of our mother Church, I fear it is impossible to deny, that in the early part of the eighteenth century amid the general coldness, languor, and want of enthusiasm which characterized that effete vil.] COLDNESS OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 343 epoch the Church of England, as well as all the Dis- senting bodies, slumbered and slept 5 . A dry ration- alism had taken possession of her. And all the powers of her ablest men were employed in intellectual contests with Deism and Unitarianism ; while an .equally dry morality and stoical praise of 'Virtue' formed the staple of her exhortations from the pulpit. At the same time a shameful system of ' pluralities ' had grown up ; whereby the best endowed and most privileged posts of labour became mere vantage-grounds for indi- vidual enjoyment and advantage ; and the sin of TtXfov- fia, of covetousness, of grasping at more than is meet, both of pleasure and profit, threatened to destroy the very life of the Church. Under such circumstances, no one who believes in the divine origin and government of the Church, can feel much surprise if sharp remedial measures began soon to be applied. The Holy Spirit has never (as our Lord promised He should not) wholly abandoned His Church. And accordingly, that new set of laws before mentioned, which we may call ' the laws of disease,' now began to work, and threw out symptoms^ such as ignorant and unskilful men always think are them- selves the disease ; but which men of sense know at once to be but Nature's signals of distress, demanding aid in her spontaneous efforts at self-recovery. And * At this epoch, ' the Puritans Lichfield Cathedral Library is a copy were buried, and the Methodists of Dr. Balguy's Sermons (+1748), were not born. The Bishop of containing on the fly-leaf an auto- Lichfield, in 1724, in a sermon said, graph remark by Bishop Blomfield, " The Lord's Day is now the Devil's ' No Christianity here.' See also market-day " . . And the three Dis- Warburton's literary Remains, p. 293, senting bodies were lamenting that where a sad picture of the times is numbers of their ministers were im- given in a Sermon preached before tbt moral, negligent, and insufficient.' Princess, 1756. (Tyerman, Life of Wesley, L 61.) In 344 THE WESLEYANS. [LECT. would that men of skill and sense could, at such crises, always be found at the head of affairs ! At the beginning of the eighteenth century, however, it is much to be lamented, that it was not so. The bishops and leaders of the Church were then too often chosen for merely political and party reasons. And ecclesiastical questions were made as they have often been made, both before and since mere banners for this world's conflicts, mere coverts of democratic and aristo- cratic strife. Hence the leaders and rulers of the Church were too often appointed in a way which brought positive disaster, instead of any benefit, to the community. Had John Wesley been appointed a bishop in the middle of the eighteenth century, (a thing quite impossible to con- ceive then, though, thank God, quite possible now,) who can say how different might have been the for- tunes of the English Church, and of her American and colonial daughters, through all succeeding times 1 For it is around the name of John Wesley that our thoughts and memories involuntarily cluster, whenever our attention is drawn to the great Evangelical revival of that century. There is a law of the imagination, forcing it to demand a concrete and personal centre, round which (as flint gathers round some organic sub- stance in the chalk) its floating historical conceptions shall dispose themselves. And the most natural centre to fix upon is (of course) some popular and well-known name an Alexander, a Cromwell, a Napoleon to bear, as that centre, the whole burden of good and evil deeds connected with the historical events in question. Indeed we seem at the present moment to be threatened with the growth of 'a ' Wesleyan Legend ;' and John Wesley is credited with both an originality of invention and a completeness of plan, which did not in reality belong VII.] THE EVANGELICAL REVIVAL. 345 to him 6 . Still, he was (without doubt) the greatest religious reformer of the eighteenth century. And though we cannot exclaim, with his latest exulting biographer, ' Methodism is the greatest fact in the his- tory of the Church of Christ V we are able to allow that it is, at least, the greatest fact in the religious history of the eighteenth century ; and that it justly deserves a patient and scrutinizing study. And we are sure that nothing but good can arise from a friendly and candid effort to ascertain its true relations, and to point out the true lesson that it teaches, to the mother Church of England. It is indeed with the greatest possible reluctance, that any Churchman can bring himself to speak of the Wes- leyan body as if its secession were complete. Even yet, it is believed, there are many thousands (and those among the best of ' the people called Methodists ') who refuse to lift up their hand against the Church of Eng- land, or to be borne away by that rushing stream of Puritan hostility which is bent on doing her a mis- chief 8 . Even yet, secession can hardly be said to be * Seven biographies of John Wes- dients to conjunctures, is most cer- ley have already been- written : and tain : this, in fact, was his great the subject seems far from being ex- talent.' (Letter, appended to Southey, hausted even yet. As usual in such ii. 428 : third ed.) cases, it is the earlier publications 7 Tyerman, Life of Wesley, i. 12. which take the more sober view of 8 Half a century ago, a distin- . his character and history ; while guished Wesleyan could write as fol- those of a later date surround their lows : ' Though Methodism stands I hero with a halo of extravagant ad- now in a different relation to the miration. Alexander Knox, a per- Establishment than in the days of ; sonal friend of Wesley's, thus writes Mr. Wesley, dissent has never been of him : ' How was he competent to professed by the body, and for ob- form a religious polity so compact, vious reasons, (i) A separation of . effective, and permanent ? I can only a part of the society from the Church express my firm conviction that he has not arisen from the principles was totally incapable of preconceiving assumed by the professed Dissenters, such a scheme . . That he had un- and usually made so prominent in common acuteness in fitting expe- their discussions on the subject of 346 THE WESLEYANS. [LECT. accomplished, when so many Wesleyans habitually avail themselves of the ministrations of the Church ; when so many cordially welcome the visits of her clergy; and when, amid all confusions and party-cries, there are still so many indications abroad that the Methodist societies have never forgotten, and will never be able to forget, their venerable founder's almost dying words : ' I live and die a member of the Church of England ; and none who regard my judgment or advice will ever separate from it 3 .' The fact is (as one of their own most intelligent writers affirms), that ' there was no intention in Wesley's mind of a separation from the Church ; nor was it even . . foreseen as a consequence. A necessary consequence it certainly was not 10 .' No : John Wesley's purpose was not secession. It was simply if we may believe his own words that of a revival of Religion, within the Chtirch of England^. But how should he proceed, in bringing this great and worthy purpose to its accomplishment ? He, naturally enough, began by seeking amid the surround- ing circumstances at that time some means, which could Establishments: (2) a considerable Church; and to spread Scriptural number of our members actually holiness over the land." (Large continue in the communion of the Minutes of Conference, 1 744-89, Qu. Church of England to this day : (3) 3.) ' We are not seceders ; nor do to leave that communion is not, in we bear any resemblance to them, any sense, a condition of membership We set out upon quite opposite prin- with us.' (R. Watson, Observations, ciples.' (Ibid. Qu. 45.) ' Wesley had p. 156.) 'Dissent has never been now proposed to himself a clear and formally professed by the body.' determinate object . . He hoped to (Id. Life of Wesley, p. 358.) give a new impulse to the Church of 9 Arminian Magazine, April 1790. England, to awaken its dormant zeal, 10 R. Watson, Observations, p. 152, infuse life into a body where nothing (ap. Southey, ed. Bohn.) but life was wanting, and lead the 11 'What may we reasonably be- way to the performance of duties lieve to be God's design in raising which . . the Church had scanda- up the preachers called Methodists ? lously neglected.' (Southey, Life of Not to form any new sect; but to Wesley, p. 183, ed. Bohn.) reform the nation, particularly the VH.] THE RELIGIOUS 'SOCIETIES' OF 16-1700. 347 be either used or adapted to effect the object in view. And he found ready to his hand an idea, which had been broached half a century earlier by Spener, the great leader of the Pietist revival in Germany 12 . This was nothing else than the fruitful idea of Ecclesiola within the Ecclesia ; of ' Collegia pietatis,' as he called them ; of confraternities, leavening nuclei, RELIGIOUS 'SOCIETIES' (in short), governed by certain rules, walk- ing orderly and methodically under their appointed leaders, and encouraged from time to time by visits from their founder, or from lay 'exhorters' sent by him in his stead. His first plan was, to commit his converts to the care and guidance of the parochial clergy 13 . And it was not till many of them proved unwilling or unable to fulfil this duty, that Wesley completed his system without them. So far then was Mr. Wesley's ' Society' from being anything new or astonishing at that period, that (on u This idea was first broached by by him to a clergyman well dis- Spener, in his work entitled Pia posed towards him and his work Desideria, (1675), p. 58 [ed. Feldner] : in 1757, displays the growth of an ' Es ware vielleicht auch nicht un- autocratic and mutinous spirit. Mr. dienlich, wenn wir wieder die alte Walker, of Truro. had asked the Apostolische Art der Kirchenver- question : ' If you love the Church, sammlungen in den Gang brachten ; why do you not give up your people da, neben unsern gewohnlichen Pre- to those in the Church, whom you digten, auch andere Versammlungen yourself believe to be real ministers gehalten wurden, wo nicht einer of Christ?' The answer was : 'Does allein auftrate zu lehren . . sondem Mr. Conon or you think, that the auch andere, die mit Gaben und King and Parliament [!] have a right Erkenntniss begnadigt sind.' to prescribe for me, what pastor I 13 ' In the early stages of his shall use ? . . If he be sent of God, career, Mr. Wesley was content to can I receive him with a clear con- leave the good done by his ministry science, till I know be is f And even [precisely as our Church of England when I do, if I believe my former Mission priests now leave their pastor is more profitable to my soul, converts], to the care of the clergy- can I leave him without sin?' (Coke man of the parish.' (R. Watson, and Moore, Life of Wesley [1792], Observ., ap. Southey, p. 183: Bohn.) p. 313.) But the following letter, addressed 348 THE WESLEYANS. [LECT. the contrary) London seems early in the eighteenth century to have positively teemed with such religious societies u . Some of them had been devised for a special practical purpose (like the still surviving Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, or the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, or the Pure Literature Society ', instituted in our own day) ; and some again, had arisen for mere per- sonal and private purposes of mutual edification. No less than forty of such societies are known to have existed at that time. Thus in 1698 (five years before Wesley was born), his father, a learned Lincolnshire * rector, published a sermon ' preached before the Society for the Reformation of Manners? There was another Society for the Suppression of Vice : and Wesley's own Journal in 1738 mentions Mr. Fox's Society, and a Society in Alder sgate Street, and several more. All these 'societies' required, before admission, 'a testimony of the candidate's sense of spiritual things and of his sincere intention to lead a religious life 15 .' And the first trace of them in the Church of England reaches back so far as 1677 ; when Dr. Horneck, Bishop Be- veridge and others, having converted, from the dissolute and frivolous ways of the Restoration period, a great number of young men who applied to them for religious counsel, advised a weekly meeting for mutual edifica- tion, and for combination in . some special work of practical beneficence 16 . 14 R. Watson, Life of Wesley, p. 73. born). ' It was 1 , however, only in 15 Tyerman, Life of Wesley, .217. organization that the two things 16 Cf. Woodward, Account of the were alike. The spirit of the older Rise and Progress of the Religious Societies was the very spirit from Societies in London, p. 75 (written in which Methodism was a reaction. . . 1699, four years before Wesley was They were not afraid to speak of the vil.] 'RELIGIOUS HOUSES' OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 349 But in point of fact, it is not to the aera of Spener or of Beveridge that we must look for the origin of this method of re-enkindling the Church's life, by a concentration of her smouldering embers for mutual help and closer contact. For what else, than this very purpose, lay at the root of that magnificent idea of the middle ages THE MONASTIC SYSTEM ? The working of that system is thus described by an enthusiastic French- man, in words which a Wesleyan (I conceive) would apply to his own societies, without the alteration of a letter : ' They were an assembly of persons, whom God's grace had united, to live under the banner of the Cross, and to follow Jesus Christ crucified. They composed that inner and spiritual kingdom, which is not of this world, and wherein God reigns by His grace 17 .' And again, a hundred years later, another admirer of the ' religious ' life writes thus : ' To discipline the soul, to j transform it by chastity, by obedience, by sacrifice and humility ; to recreate the man wasted by sin into such virtue, that the prodigies of evangelical perfection have become, during long centuries, the daily history of the Church, it is in this we see the design of the monks. . . During ten centuries, the secular clergy naturally too much exposed to the influence of the world have almost always been surpassed in devotion, in sanctity, and in courage, by the regulars withdrawn within their monasteries (as within .citadels), where they have re- gained peace and strength in re-baptizing themselves support of a good conscience, or of Societies which, like ditches dug to the everlasting rewards which were irrigate the soil, were everywhere worthy of all the care and toil to be ready for the influx of enthusiasm, spent in the pursuit of them.' (Wedg- which Wesley was to pour into wood, John Wesley, p. 154.) In them.' (Ibid. p. 195.) 1739, Wesley 'began expounding the a Ordres Monastiques (Berlin, 1751): Bible to one of that network of vol. i. p. 4. 350 THE WESLEYANS. [LECT. in austerity, discipline, and silence 18 .' And so John and Charles Wesley describe their UNITED SOCIETY, as ' a company of men having the form, and seeking the power of godliness ; united, in order to pray together, to receive the word of exhortation, and to watch over one another in love, that they may help each other to work out their own salvation. . . It is therefore expected of all who continue therein, that they should continue to evidence their desire of salvation, (i) by avoiding evil in every kind ; (2) by doing good of every possible sort, and as far as possible to all men ; . . (3) by attending on all the ordinances of God, such are, the public worship of God, the Supper of the Lord, fasting or abstinence. . . These are the general rules of our societies 19 .' We may, therefore, I think, safely affirm little as the modern Wesleyans recognize it that the Methodist societies are nothing more or less than that very well known phenomenon in the history of the Church, the rise of a new religious order within her pale: though subject, of course, in the eighteenth century, to all the new conditions, and liable to all the untried dangers, of our modern free self-governing European life. Ac- cordingly, John Wesley (as has been often remarked) bears in every lineament of his character the likeness of one of the great founders and legislators of such orders. And his great and blessed work of religious revival was accompanied by precisely the same extra- vagances, and threatened by precisely the same distem- pers, as every student of Church history knows to have accompanied theirs. It caught, as theirs almost always 18 Montalembert, Monks of (be Warren's Digest of the Laws of West, i. pp. 12, 18 (Engl. trans.) Methodism, p. 156). w Rules of the Society, 1 743 (ap. VII.] JOHN WESLE Y'S ' SO CIE TIES. ' 351 did, the infectious disease of fanaticism and hysteria 20 . It appealed too exclusively and unmercifully to the feelings ; worked too much by the springs of terror ; produced, amid these morbid conditions, a plentiful crop of visions, extasies, and revelations ; succumbed to the temptation of over-government ; and fell a victim to the heartburnings, jealousies, and secessions which always accompany that fault. Existing, however, amid the purer and freer atmosphere of modern England, it has been saved from the two mistakes (i) of imposing per- manent vows upon its members ; and (2) from laying undue stress upon a merely ascetic celibacy, which offers, to ordinary men, and under ordinary circumstances, an easier, less complex, less useful, and therefore a lower grade of the religious life. And in so doing, it has imitated the sound sense which, from age to age all through the history of the Church, has actuated good and holy men to reform the monastic system of their times, and to readapt it to the altered circumstances of the hour. Before, therefore, we can quite accede to the triumph- ant boast, that 'Methodism is the greatest fact in the history of the Church of Christ,' because it has in this country 931,000 'adherents,' and in other parts of the world 2,000,000 more 21 , we must pause a moment. We must reflect (if we are called upon to judge) what 80 ' Cassian [A.D. 400], from his M These statistical estimates are own experience, describes the listless- ' open to the objection that many of ness to which a monk was exposed, the enrolled members are children, . . They were sometimes relieved by who may not remain in the Society, madness or death. . . The imagina- The adherents (not members), in fact, tion, and even the senses, were include dependents, who go with deceived by the illusions of dis- their employers, &c. .. The American tempered fanaticism.' (Gibbon, De- and colonial statistics are especially cline,&c.cha.p. 37. Cf. also Kingsley, unreliable.' (Urlin, John Wesley's Hypatia, p. 14.) Place in Cburcb History, p. 263.) 352 THE WESLEYANS. [LECT. have been the comparative results of the great Bene- dictine movement of the sixth century, which islanded, amid the rushing inundation of Pagan and Arian bar- barism, the relics of ancient piety, literature, and art, and then with free hand distributed them broadcast, to form the charters of our modern civilization. Again, we must ask, what were the results of the great Preach- ing revival of the thirteenth century ; a revival which scattered lay evangelists 22 by tens of thousands over the face of Europe ; at first humbly submitting to the guidance of the clergy ; but soon rebelling against them, and claiming to supersede them and take their endow- ments from them 23 . Or again, we must inquire what sort of results were attained by those memorable 'Re- formers before_tke faformgfianj the Beghards, Lollards, and many similar confraternities ; to whose previous labours the success of the Reformation is certainly due. Nor must we forget the fact (as people who dwell habitually in a narrow circle are apt to do) that similar ideas are actually at work, on an immense scale, though M ' Whether the clergy liked the wille. . . And I wille not thynke that change or not, a body of laymen they be rechiles [reckless] and syn- (for it imit be remembered the fulle ; for I considre and take them friars were to all intents and pur- as my lordis and masters.' (Testa- poses laymen, bound by certain ment of St. Francis [Engl. trans, of religious vows,) had come forward 1400-1500]: ap. Brewer, Monum. to the help of the Church, to carry Francisc. p. 563.) A century later, out those functions which the clergy however, ' The Dominicans and could not, and visit those whom the Franciscans made it a gainful doc- clergy found it impossible to visit, trine, to teach laymen that they were A less formal, but not less effective, not bound to pay their tithes to their style of preaching prevailed.' (Brewer, ministers. .. But against their detain- Monvm. Francisc. p. xxv.) ing of parochial tithes, a canon was 23 ' And yf I had as muche wyse- made in the General Council of dome as Salomon had, and shall Vienna, 1340; and their doctrine happen to fynde the poor symplest was taxed by Pope Innocent IV., prestis of this worlde [secular priests], about 1250.' (Selden, On Titbes, vii. I wolde not preche in ther parisshes 4.) wherein they dwelle, contrary to ther VII.] HISTORY OF METHODISM. 353 under a different inspiration, all around us at the present day; and that since the Reformation innumerable fresh orders have sprung up (in France and elsewhere), of which we have no less than three hundred and thirty specimens in existence at this moment, upon our own English and Irish soil. Nay, must we not go a step even beyond all these revivals ? Must we not inquire whether a still greater fact, by far, in the history of Christendom than any or all of these things, be not the stable, firm, and tranquil Establishment of the Church in these realms, lor twelve" TumdrecT years and more ? Whether its parochial network spread throughout the country, and its influence penetrating even to Christianize the military, legislative, punitive, and every other department of the State, be not facts of the very first consequence and interest ; and whether the existence of the thing to be revived, be not of more importance than its subsequent revival ? But leaving all these curious historical comparisons, let us now proceed to study the last of the many revivals which the Church of England has passed through pre- viously to our own times ; and which was unfortunately managed with so little skill, as to drift unintelligently and unwillingly, like an ill-managed ship drifting on shore into an all but complete separation and mutual estrangement. (l) The mere history of Methodism, however, is so well known, that I need do little more here than call to mind the main facts and turning-points of the great revival ; pointing out, if I can, the steps by which it has reached its present position. In June 1703, John Wesley was born : and in 1725, as a graduate ofOxfbrd, he was ordained. In the following year he obtained a Fellowship at Lincoln College, which he retained for twenty-seven Aa 354 THE WESLEYANS. [ L ECT. years ; and by which he was supported all through his laborious ministry of Evangelization till his marriage, in 1752. It was here then at Oxford, amid the streets and colleges that we know so well, that this great man was formed and moulded to be the instrument of good to untold thousands of his fellow-countrymen. And he himself was trained, and his enthusiasm enkindled here, mainly by the same agency which he afterwards used with such marvellous success for others, viz. by the concentration of a few glowing hearts, which God's spirit had touched, into a society or confraternity. With his brother Charles at Christ Church, and their humbler companion Whitfield at Pembroke, and some twelve others, he determined to live under a common rule of strict and serious behaviour, to attend frequently at Holy Communion, and to use a methodical and con- scientious arrangement of their time 24 . In short, the Wesleys were, in those days, very much what would now be called 'Ritualists.' They did not profess to invent new practices of devotion ; but simply to revive what the Church already had. Nor did they, at first, refuse to seek counsel and encouragement from the bishops ; or, thus far, seek it in vain. It was with the bishop's express concurrence that they visited the gaols ; with the bishop's advice, John Wesley de- clined to bury himself in a rural parish 25 : shortly after- M Hence no doubt arose the name paraphrased in many utterances to Methodists, for which other deriva- John and Charles . . " I would advise tions have been found, more curious you, as much as possible, to throw than true. Probably ' method ' was your business into a certain method. a household-word at Epworth par- Appoint so much time for sleep, sonage, and was frequently on the eating, company, &c. In all things lips of the Wesleys at Oxford. The endeavour to act upon principle." ' true founder of Methodism was Mrs. ^Wedgwood, John Wesley, p. 48.) Wesley. The following letter to her 25 For this sound advice of Bishop son Samuel, in 1709. .was no doubt Potter, all who love Wesley and vn.] EPISCOPAL SANCTION. 355 wards, Bishop Gibson of London gave the two brothers repeated interviews, and warned them against courting unnecessary persecutions : and Archbishop Potter of Canterbury gave them the important advice- which was in great measure the secret of their subsequent pastoral success, viz. Do not spend your time in controversy ; but in attacking the strongholds of vice, and in promoting practical holiness. Thus, building on the previous good foundation laid by Horneck and Bishop Beveridge, and encouraged by the good-will and sound paternal advice of the existing bishops of the Church, the Wesleys proceeded to carry on the work to which they seemed called. Its importance gradually dawned upon them. And at last it took clear shape, as the herculean task of reviving, amid the cold rationalizing atmosphere of the eighteenth century, a warm love of religion, an enthusiasm for the Church and her system, and a sustained spirit of prayer and of self-devotion to good works. This then was the first period of Wesleyanism. value his work ought to be for ever retreat, an asylum still farther off grateful. What had the world lost, than that of lona, upon some un- and what might have been the state known rock amid the loneliness of of England at the present day, if this the sea.' (Montalembert, Monks of advice had not been given, or had not the West, iii. 223.) with Francis of been followed I For all reformers and Assisi: ' He retired into secret places, revivers of religion, naturally, begin . . a cave or thicket, of which he had with a profound discontent. And made an oratory.' (Oliphant, Life of the temptation always comes upon S. Francis, p. 20.) with Luther them, to retire from the world and (A.D. 1505): 'Zu seiner Beruhigung, seek in selfish, un-Christlike 5x<>- trat er in dem Augustiner-Eremiten araaia, a nearer communion with Orden und dessen Kloster zu Erfurt.' God. This was the case with Bene- (Schrock, K. G. $eit der Ref., i. 107.) diet (A. D. 500): 'Horror of the with George Fox (A.D. 162 0, vid- vicious lives of those around him, supra, p. 251: and now, lastly, with together with the influence of reli- Wesley. (Southey, Life, p. 28 : gious enthusiasm, . . drove him into \Vedgwood, Life, p. 48.) In all a hermitage at the boyish age of fif- such cases, it needs a voice from teen." ( Jameson, Man. Orders, p. 8.) God (i) to speak, (2 1 ) to interpret with Columba (A.D. 650) : ' It was the summons, ' Francis 1 seest thou the longing for solitude, the irre- not that My house is in ruins ? Go sistible wish to find a more distant and restore it for Me.' A a 2 356 THE WESLEYANS. [LECT. It was cradled within the Church of England : it was fedjjy her sacramejits : it was methodized by that very orderly religious life of hers, whose framework is laid down in the Prayer-book : it was encouraged and directed by her bishops : and it was given a home and a starting-place in her beautiful religious houses for study at Oxford, which were built and endowed by Churchmen of olden time, precisely for purposes of this kind. Wesleyanism may nowadays (if it can find the heart to do so) point the finger of scorn at the Mother-Church. It may even unite with her bitterest enemies in their grand assault. But it can never obli- terate the fact, which history will then inexorably record against it, that it arose and was fostered within the Church of England : and that, not until its leaders went astray into foreign pastures^ importing from ' Moravians,' French ' Convulsionists,' and Calvin- istic 'Puritans,' doctrines and methods of conversion, which the Church of England never will and never can sanction, not until then were the pulpits and the build- ings of their own Church closed against them, and the countenance of the English bishops withdrawn. (2) This second and disastrous period of Wesleyanism opens with John Wesley's voyage to America in 1735. It was a mission nobly undertaken, at the instance of Dr. Burton, of Corpus College, and of the celebrated mystic, William Law. And its purpose was twofold : first, that of ministering to the settlers in Georgia, and then of evangelizing the neighbouring tribes of Red Indians 26 . But its results were far different from those which either Wesley, or those who wished him well, could have anticipated. For not only were his services 26 Southey, Life, p. 47. VII.] WESLEY BECOMES A 'MORAVIAN' 357 for the settlers rejected, and his mission to the Indians a failure 27 , but on his voyage out, he had fallen in with twenty-six Moravian fellow-passengers, on their way from Germany to settle in Georgia : and they spoilt all. On his as yet unsettled, enthusiastic, self-dissatisfied frame of mind, the spectacle of their confident, tran- quil, yet fervid piety, fell like a spark on tinder. ' From friends in England ' (he writes in his journal, now first begun) ' I am awhile secluded : but God hath opened me a door into the whole Moravian Church 28 .' At that door he entered in, all too impulsively. And when, after three years' absence, he returned to England, abandoning virtually the tranquil, and (so-called) ' sacra- mental' system of his own Church, i.e. the system of aiding by outward steps and ladders the ignorant and sinful to mount up towards spiritual things, he became for some time a regular member of the Moravian Society in London. The unwholesome instructions of Peter Bohler, their leader, were eagerly drunk in. And Wesley learnt from them the fatal error (which he afterwards modified) that, not for some men, but for all men, there was a swift and royal road, by which the highest spiritual things could be reached at a bound 29 . He here learnt (in short) the 27 He was opposed at Savannah, other. Here we see the first rudi- for his strict and literal obedience ments of the future economy of to the ritual and disciplinary canons classes and bands.' (R. Watson, Life, of his Church. Even there, he at- p. 38.) tempted to revive religion by the K Southey, Life, p. 55. same means which were afterwards 29 Peter Bohler taught thus: '(i) employed with such success in Eng- When a man has a living faith in land. ' As he did not find the door Christ, then he is justified. (2) This open for preaching to the Indians, . . living faith is always given in a mo- it was agreed (i) to advise the more ment: (3) and in that moment he serious [colonists] to form themselves has peace with God, (4) which he into a little Society; and to meet cannot have without knowing that once or twice a week . . (2) to se- he has it; (5") and being born of lect out of them a smaller number, God he sinneth not: (6) and he for a more intimate union with each cannot have this deliverance from 353 THE . WESLE VANS. [LECT. two peculiar lessons of subsequent Wesleyanism : viz. (i) instantaneous and sensible conversion : (2) the doc- trine of perfection, i. e. of a Christian maturity, or TeAeioVrjs, on attaining which, he that is (in the Wes- leyan sense) ' born again,' ' born of God,' sinneth not. It must be observed however, in passing, that these two doctrines are nothing more than exaggerated and ill-balanced statements of that which the Church of England has always taught. On her calendar of saints, stand the names of more than one, who have passed by a sudden transition from darkness to light, from hea- thenism to Christianity. And in her doctrine of ' sanc- tity,' she expressly invites all her children to climb up by the angels' ladder of her sacraments and outward helps to those calm heights of spiritual maturity, where (in Bishop Butler's words) 'their danger of actually deviating from right may be almost infinitely lessened 30 .' Yet (as Hooker warns us) 'the strongest in faith that sin, without knowing that he has it.' (Southey, Life, p. 113.) In flat opposition to this ' always,' the logical issue of which is the Bap- tist, rather than the Wesleyan, sys- tem, the Church teaches, and has ever taught, the sound and whole- some doctrine of Baptismal Regene- ration : viz. that the symbolical ad- j mission within the family and bro- j therhood of Jesus Christ becomes I realized, and takes effect, in every j one, ' qui non ponit obicem :' that t children, therefore, and immature j people (vrjinoi, i Cor. iii. i) are not! rejected by our loving Master vntill they become mature, fully conscious, \ thoroughly awakened : but are ten- ; derly cherished and educated by His ! Holy Spirit within the Church, and as ' Christians,' until at last (it may be) the blessing of ' assurance ' and 'maturity' (Tt\(ioT7]s} is reached. It was this which Wesley rapidly recovering from the Moravianism, into which his followers seem to have relapsed preached 'for above fifty years, never varying from the doctrine of the Church at all.' And as to his repeated warnings against trusting in any mere symbolical salvation from the state of sin and alienation, with- out any real renovation of character, it is 'language which no High- Churchman shrinks from addressing to those who put Baptism in the place of holiness of life.' (Wesley in company with High -Churchmen, [Church Press Co.,] p. 6.) Read also Wesley's Parents' Guide to Bap- tism [ed. H olden, 1871], especially p. ii. 30 Butler, Analogy, part i. chap. 5, (p. 77, Tegg's ed.) vii.] HIS ' CONVERSION: 359 liveth on the earth, hath always need to labour and strive and pray, that his assurance concerning heavenly and spiritual things may grow, increase, and be aug- mented 31 .' No such salutary warnings, however, are (in all human experience) listened to by men of enthusiastic feelings and religious asceticism, amid the first fervour of their discovery of a supposed new truth. This new truth seems to them, in their almost childish condition of delight, like a talisman, with which all the treasure- houses of God's grace are, with a word, to be opened. 'Lord, it is good for us to be here. This enthusiasm is delightful ; and, under it, all things seemed bathed in the radiance of heaven itself. Let us take some measures, that it may abide permanently among us ; and may not fade into the mere light of common day !' Such have been the phenomena of over- wrought religious feeling, from the earliest days of the Church down to the present moment. And under such impressions it was, that John Wesley first looked out for a similar 'sensible and instantaneous conversion' to happen to himself, and then organized a vast machinery for preach- ing it to others. But when a man under high mental excitement looks out for such a crisis of his inner being to occur, something that will answer to his high-wrought expectations is morally certain ere long to happen. And so, on Wednesday, May 24, 1738, about nine o'clock in the evening, at a 'Society's' meeting in Aldersgate Street, Wesley persuaded himself that he too had felt the desired transition 32 , and had passed from what> to what? 81 Hooker, Answer to Trovers : the Moravian doctrine of an instan- Works, ii. 679, (Oxford ed.) taneotis change of heart. . . The a ' He was staggered, for a time, at indefatigable Bi/hler and his asso- 360 THE WESLEYANS. [LECT. In the answer to that question, lies the whole doctrinal difference between modern Wesleyanism and the Church of England. I am not aware of any other cause of severance. But yet (so delicate a thing is theology !) in this one little point lies the germ of that lamentable estrangement which we all deplore ; and which is parting asunder, every day more widely, hundreds of Christians, brothers in speech, sons of the same venerable Mother- Church, meaning almost (if not quite) the same thing, and using habitually the same formularies, the same hymns, the same Bible. And now, at last (it seems), there is actual danger of these c brethren, sons of the same mother,' turning their arms against each other, in offensive but (thank God), on our side, only de- fensive war. May God, in His great mercy, spare us so miserable a spectacle ! But to return to the question : What was it, from which John Wesley, and all those who under his in- fluence have since gone through the same change, were 'converted' ? Was it, from sin to God? If so, I surely need not multiply quotations to show that, suddenly or gradually, by some external stroke of God's provi- dence, or by some internal awakening of His redeeming grace, this great change is the very one, which all the dates had already been guiding through faith in Christ, " I felt (says Charles Wesley into the way of Wesley) my heart strangely warmed, salvation. . . Three days after Charles I felt I did trust in Christ, Christ had thus attained rest to his soul, alone for salvation ; and an assurance John also found it. . . In the evening, was given me that He had taken he went very unwillingly to a Society away my sins, even mine." Thus in Aldersgate Street, where a layman had the feet of both the brothers was reading Luther's preface to the been directed into the path of life Epistle to the Romans. About a by the instrumentality of the London quarter before nine, while listening Moravians.' (Stevens, Hist, of Metbo- to Luther's description of the change dism, i. 101-105.) See also Southey, which the Spirit works in the heart, Life, p. 99. VII.] THE CHURCH'S DOCTRINE OF 'ASSURANCE.' 361 great writers and preachers and pastors of our English Church have, for the last twelve hundred years, been persistently striving to produce upon those who have submitted themselves to her teaching. Or was it, from half-consciousness and immaturity, to full consciousness and an adult sense of filial 'assurance' and peace in believing ? Surely again, I need not waste time in showing, what every true son of the Church of England knows full well, that this doctrine forms part of her regular system of teaching ; that all her aids and stepping-stones and sacraments are meant to lead to- wards that goal ; and (as Bishop Jeremy Taylor says) 'according as persons grow in grace, so they may grow in confidence of their present condition. . . And to those few, to whom God hath given confirmation in grace. He hath also given a certainty of their condition 33 .' No ; alas ! it was not merely these things that Wesley meant. It was not merely these sound and healthful truths of his own Church's creeds and catechisms, that he had now discovered under Peter Bohler's guidance. His temporary submission to a foreign and Moravian style of teaching, which was quite alien from that of his own Church, had heated his mind and thrown him into sad confusion. And so John Wesley, the once loving and still (at heart) loyal son of the Church, the man who to his dying day ' held (to use his own words) all the doctrines of the Church of England, loved her liturgy, and approved her plan of discipline 34 ,' that good man, disturbed with a transient fanaticism, could bring himself to stand up and say, K Jer. Taylor, Life of Christ, pp. 539. 544. ** Arminian Magazine, 1790, p. 287. 362 THE WESLEYANS. [ L ECT. ' till within the last five days I have never been a Christian? 'What !' replied his brother, Samuel Wesley, on hear- ing this, 'had he never then been in covenant with God ? Was his baptism nothing ? or had he apostatized from it?' Yes; even so: if, at least, we are to take his words seriously. The change in his estimate had been nothing less than a transition from heathenism to Christianity. His previous baptism into the family and household of Jesus Christ had been a mere formality, and an unmeaning superstition. The Puritan notion about these things was (after all) the true one. And we must add the present unhappy decadence of the Wesleyan ' revival ' into a mere additional form of English ' Dissent,' becomes not only accounted for, but naturally and logically inevitable 35 . In point of fact, however, I believe it could be shown without much difficulty, that this foreign notion about the ' new birth ' (which has been fixed upon and made so prominent since, as a banner of warfare against the Church) was merely a temporary phase of opinion, and never formed an essential or permanent ingredient in John Wesley's scheme of doctrine. For listen to his own subsequent words, taken from those very Notes to the New Testament, and those volumes of Sermons, which are the acknowledged tests of doctrine, subscribed to by all Wesleyan preachers at the present day. A man must ' experience that great inward change by 85 'He was met, at this point, \ churches, he was creating a schism; with the objection that he was ' but if it meant dividing Christians creating a schism. His answer to ' from Christians, it was not. For his this, to himself at least, was con- converts were not Christians, before elusive. He acknowledged that, if they joined the Societies.' (Skeats, by " schism" was meant only gather- Free Cburcbes, p. 29.) ing people out of buildings called VII.] WESLEY ABANDONS MORAVIANISM. 363 the Spirit, and be baptized . . as the outward means of it 36 .' This was written in 1754 eighteen years after his Moravian c conversion ' to Christianity, and breathes a very different spirit indeed from that of Moravianism. A few years later still, we have the following expressions from his Sermons : ' By baptism we are admitted into the Church, and consequently made members of Christ . . from which spiritual vital union with Him proceeds the influence of His grace on those that are baptized. . . By water then, as a means, we are regenerated or " born again." . . And the terms, being " regenerated," or being " born again," or being " born of God," in Sacred Scripture always express an inward work of the Spirit, whereof baptism is the outward sign . . and the outward sign duly received is always accompanied with the inward grace 3 V Baptism ' is a precious means, whereby this faith and hope are given to those that diligently seek Him 38 .' ' It is certain our Church supposes that all who are baptized in their infancy are at the same time born again. . . The whole Office for the Baptism of Infants proceeds upon this supposition. Nor is it an objection of any weight against this, that we cannot comprehend how this work can be wrought in infants. For neither can we comprehend how it is wrought in a person of riper years. But whatever be the case with infants, it is sure all of riper years who are baptized are not at the same time born again 39 .' And now, if we take into view his own persistent affirmation in still later times, 'I have uniformly gone on for fifty years, never varying from the doctrine of the Church at atl,' 36 Wesley, Notes on S. John iii. 5. Church.' 37 Wesley, Works, xix. 281. S9 Ibid. 45 : 'On the New Birth.' 88 Wesley, Serm. 74 : 'Of the 364 THE WESLEYANS. [LECT. I think we cannot escape the inevitable conclusion, that the very doctrine on which his modern followers have built their separation from the Church and their alliance with Puritan Dissenters, is nothing else than a transient and foreign element in their great founder's teaching 40 . The longer he lived, the more resolutely he turned away from these Puritan errors. And therefore to construct on that basis a great practical system, which evaporates away into mere bald spiritualism the grand conception of an organized and visible Church, and exchanges the hope of a Catholic re-union of all Christendom, for the visionary dream of an ' Evangelical Alliance,' is simply to haul down the true colours of the Wesleyan revival and to surrender at discretion to Puritan dictation. For this is, in one word, the question between Catho- licity and Puritanism. Is the outward organized Church, with its visible mechanism, its regularly-commissioned officers, its code of laws (ritual, disciplinary, and doc- trinal), and its exterior means of grace nought ? or is it, on the contrary, the special organ of the Holy Ghost, the vehicle and instrument and ' sacrament ' (as it were) of His inward operations, in renewing and redeeming mankind ? In this question lies the whole contro- versy between the Church of England and 'Dissent.' And the controversy is gathered into a point on the (at first sight) irrelevant doctrine of Baptismal Re- generation. For if a convulsive crisis in a man's inner being first 40 ' In his old age, he said to Mr. knew their sins were forgiven, they Melville Home these memorable were under the wrath and curse of words : " When, fifty years ago, my God, I marvel they did not stone brother Charles and I, in the sim- us 1 The Methodists, I hope, know plicity of our hearts, told the good better now.'" (Southey, Ljfo p. 177.) people of England, that unless they m] CATHOLIC DOCTRINE OF ' THE CHURCH.' 365 makes him (as is too often affirmed) a ' Christian,' then the Church of Christ, no doubt, ought to be composed of such ' converted ' persons alone. It con- sequently becomes a purely spiritual society. It is an unorganized, invisible, and abstract thing. It has (as the earliest heretics affirmed concerning our Lord) no true body at all. It is all spirit. HOOKER is absolutely wrong, who dares to teach, ' If by external profession men be Christians, then are they of the visible Church of Christ, . . yea, though they be idolaters, heretics, persons excommunicable 4 V JOHN WESLEY is absolutely wrong, who writes, ' By baptism we are admitted into the Church ; and consequently made members of Christ, its Head. . . They are mystically united to Christ, and made one with Him. . . From which spiritual, vital union with Him, proceeds the influence of His grace on those that are baptized, as from our union with the Church, a share in all its privileges and in all the promises Christ has made to it 42 .' ST. PAUL is wrong, who simply reminds immoral persons at Rome (exactly as a Church- man would do now) that they had already been by baptism engrafted into Christ's family, but were living unworthily of Him. The whole NEW TESTAMENT is wrong, which, from beginning to end, never once calls upon a baptized person to become ' regenerate ' (as modern Wesleyans do) ; but only bids them to become ' renewed 43 .' Nay, what shall we dare to say of OUR LORD'S own words, who so repeatedly represents His Church as a visible institution, with a visible means of entry, and as containing (till He comes to sift them) 41 Hooker, Eccles. Polity, iii. I. 7. ** Cf. Rom. vi.i-14 ; xii. a; I Cor. 42 Wesley, Parents' Guide to Bap- vi. n ; Epb. iv. 23; Col. iii. 10; Tit. tism, p. II. iii 5. 366 THE WESLEYANS. [LECT. tares and wheat, bad fish and good, righteous and un- righteous alike 44 ? But now, a still stranger event occurred in John Wesley's life, which contributed still farther to darken and confuse his teaching, just at this critical period of his career. He had been carried away (it seems) by his love for the Moravians, so far as to take a long journey, and to visit the head-quarters of their com- munion at Herrnhutt in Saxony. There he had been an honoured guest, at the retreat which the enthusiast Count Zinzendorf had carved out of his estate, for these hunted Bohemian followers of Huss and Wicliffe. But he had returned home, after a brief residence among them, as Luther returned from Rome, not a little shaken in his allegiance to their system. Indeed shortly afterwards he broke from them entirely ; set up a sort of English Moravianism of his own ; and organized it with ' bands ' and ' class-meetings ' on their model 45 . The fact is that his feelings as a Churchman revolted against their ultra-spiritualism ; repudiated their doctrine that sacraments and outward means were nought ; and protested that a man must do something more than wait, in quietude, until the influx of God's Spirit came upon him, and filled, like a rising tide, all the sluices and channels of his soul 46 . Besides all this too, it must ** Vid. supra, p. 14. plan of reforming the Established 45 'Methodism owes to Moravian- Churches by forming "little churches" ism special obligations, (i) It in- within them. ... (4) In many details troduced Wesley into that regenerated of his discipline we can trace the spiritual life, the supremacy of which influence of Moravianism.' (Ste- over all ecclesiasticism and dogma- vens, Hist.ofMetb. i. 108.) tism it was the appointed mission of ** ' I found every day the dreadful Methodism to reassert. (2) Wesley effects of our brethren's reasoning derived from it some of his clearest and disputing with each other. . . One theological ideas. . . (3) Zinzendorf s came to me by whom I used to profit communities were based upon Spener's much; but her conversation was vii.] ANOTHER FOREIGN ELEMENT. 367 not be dissembled that the instincts of command, which were prompting him to become the leader and founder of a new order in the Church, were already in full revolt against the calm assumption of superiority and the irritating attitude of direction which Count Zinzendorf and the Moravian preachers thought fit to assume. But no sooner had this unquiet soul emancipated itself from one foreign influence, than it was warped out of its true course by another. German mysticism had done its work on him : and its doctrine of regeneration into God's kingdom by an interior convulsion of the mind, had left its mark upon Wesleyanism for all future time. But just as this extravagance seemed likely to subside and to be absorbed amid the healthier atmo- sphere of an English Churchman's common-sense, most unhappily a strong breath of French f ana ficism" suddenly set across his path, from quite another quarter. And the singular phenomenon now presented itself, of an epidemic religious-hysteria commingling with, and em- phasizing into lamentable extravagance, all the most dangerous features of the Methodist-Moravian doctrine about the ' new birth.' So wonderfully is all the world now too high for me. It was far things. For if he does he destroys above, out of my sight. My soul is himself." Having twice read these sick of this sublime divinity.' (Wesley, words distinctly, . .he asked, "My Journal, ap.Southey,p.2ii.) ' Wesley brethren, is this right or is it / took [a favourite volume among the wrong ? " One of them replied, " It .< Moravianized members") to Fetter is right ; it is all right." . . Another Lane, and read these words before said, " I used the ordinances twenty the jarring Society : " The Scriptures years, yet I found not Christ. But are good ; prayer is good ; commu- I left them off only for a few weeks, nicating is good ; relieving our and I found Him then." ' (Southey, neighbour is good: but to one who Life, p. 213.) On the following is not born of God none of these Sunday, Wesley (with about seventy things are good, but all very evil. . . followers) seceded from this Mo- First let him be born of God. Till ravianized Society in Fetter Lane ; then, let him not do any of these and withdrew to the Foundry. 368 THE WESLEYANS. [LECT. connected together ! So impossible it is for any country, however isolated, or for any sect or church, however ex- clusive, to exclude not merely the great tidal wave of the average opinion of their time but even the smaller waves, that generated in some far-off storm plash and curl in our most sheltered harbours, and rock the tiny craft that have never once dared the open sea at all. These French ' convulsionists ' who had, just before this time, brought their curious mental malady with them into England were refugees from the atro- cious dragonnades of Louis XIV. 47 Maddened by his abominable and relentless persecutions, deprived by his autocratic edicts of all that life held dear, robbed of their children at the sweet age of seven years old, broken on the wheel, hunted among the mountains of the Cevennes, beggared, insulted, tortured, massacred, what wonder that these poor Protestants lost the balance of their mental powers, and engendered a hysterical disease 48 ! The disease is (I believe), under its strangely 47 ' Such, in fact, were the causes chez ces trembleurs des Cevennes : of the extasies or irregular inspira- 1'individu . . tombait subitement a- la tions : the want of spiritual guides renverse, prive de sentiment, fitendu and schools, spoliation, suffering, de tout son long sur le sol, il etait liability to torture, and constant saisi d'un acces 6pileptiforme, . . ses apprehension of the galleys or the membres dtaient agites de convulsions, gibbet. The minds of these un- il eprouvait des ressauts et des fortunate creatures became excited, tresaillements desordonn^s. Les per- . . This religious enthusiasm began sonnes presentes se hataient alors de in Vivarais with the dragonnades prodiguer leurs secours au mal- and the Revocation," [about A.D. heureux ainsi visile par I' Esprit. . . En 1686]. (Felice, Protestants of France, effet, la scfene changait peu & peu. p. 08 : Engl. trans.) Les agitations convulsivesdiminuaient 48 ' Comprime dans le Vivarais et et finissaient par disparaitre ; le calme le Dauphine, 1'illuminisme apparait et la sr4nite faisaient place au frissons bientot dans les C6vennes. Il y est et a la douleur.' (Figuier, Hist, du apport4 vers 1700. . . Voici, en Merveilleux, i. 398.) ' A practical general, en quoi consistait la crise proof of the morbific power of the ou 1'acces d'illuminisme extatique, emotions and passions is found in VH.] THE < FRENCH PROPHETS! 369 mutable forms, well known to medical science ; though science has never yet been able to probe all its mysterious' depths 49 . Its seat is, apparently, the great nervous ganglia of nutrition, which lie in the centre of the body ; and whose strange sympathetic action with and upon the brain, has led to all the popular notions about the heart and neighbouring organs being the seat of various impassioned feelings. Suffice it however, at present, to observe, that while the phenomena which this extraordinary and infectious disease presented, had sufficed to cheer the faith and animate the ardour of the Calvinists in the Cevennes against Rome ; the very same disease not long after broke out among the Romanists themselves at Port- Royal 50 . Nay, already in the previous century, it had thrown whole nunneries near Bordeaux into wild con- fusion 51 . In the sixteenth century it had been known the frequent occurrence of psycho- geistigen Zerrlittungen, dieselbe fahig patbitis in times when all the elements sei.' (Horst, Deuteroskopie, ii. 213.) of social life are in a state of fer- w ' Deux cents docteurs de Sor- mentation. In and after revolutions, bonne furent exiles par lettres de sudden changes of fortune, &c. pro- cachet en 1729. Jamais la persecu- duce a thousand cases of mental tion ne s'&ait montree si ardente. . . disorder.' (Feuchtersleben, Medical C'est alors que les convulsions Psychology, p. 264, Sydenham edit.) eclatferent. .. Le sol du cimitiere de 19 ' Hysteria, that proteiform and Saint-Medard et des rues voisiues est mutable disorder, in which the dispute par une multitude de filles, imaginations, the superstitions, and de femmes, d'infirmes, d'individus de the follies of all ages have been toutage, qui convulsionnent comme reflected.' (Hecker, Epidemics, p. a 1'envi les uns des autres. Des 1 1 7, Engl. trans.) ' VVir wissen noch hommes se debattent sur la terre, en lange nicht hinlanglich was fiirausser- veritables ^pileptiques. . . Enfin, ordentiche Dinge durch die Imagina- plusieurs convulsionnaires tombaient tion, in Verbindung mit Sympathie dansun4tatd'extasesicomplet, qu'on und geheimen magnetischen Kraften, 1'appelait Vet at de mart.' (Figuier, bewirkt werden konnen. Auch ist Hist, de Men. i. 350, 410.) hieraus klar, dass wir unsere Natur 61 ' Les Ursulines de Loudun se . . noch nicht kennen ; und aus vouait a 1'instruction des jeunes filles. diesem Grund auch nicht zu be- . . Mais aii printemps de 1632, le stimmen vermogen, weder welcher bruit commen9a & se repandre dans geistigen Erhebungen, noch welcher la ville, que des choses etranges se Bb 370 THE WESLEYANS. [LECT. in Italy as the 'Dancing-Mania* or Tarantism 52 . During the middle ages it had appeared in Germany, and was called St. John's or St. Vitus's Dance 53 . And, long passaient dans le nouveau couvent. . . Les religieuses firent part de leurs visions [au confesseur] ; et il jugea ces choses fort graves. II ques- tionna ses penitentes, et peut-etre contribua-t-il a augmenter leur mal. . . La possedee cut de convulsions, qui furent tres violentes. . . Cette crise passe, son visage reprit sa tranquillite et sa coloration habituelle. . . (1633) Les symptomes demoniaques re- prisent soudainement k Loudun. . . Cinq autres religieuses se trouverent possedees. Dans la ville, dix filles seculaires 6taient tourmentees. Bien- t6t, la ville ne suffisant plus k con- tenir cette nu6e de demons, quelques- uns se cantonnerent dans les lieux cir- convoisins. . . Le corps de la prieure a 6te" prostern^ par terre, avec des contorsions etranges en tous ses mem- bres: . . delivr^e de ce diable, elle montrait un visage si serein et si tranquille, que les spectateurs y voyaient clairement le doigt de Dieu, et chantaient Te Deum. . . Cette maladie etait un hyst6rie convulsive, avecdiversescomplications." (Figuier, Hist, de Merv. i. 85, 112, 204, 238.) Within twenty years, the same phenomena had occurred in England among the Quakers : ' Consider [said Lord Saye, an Independent], after the prating woman Audley came to Banbury, what was done and prac- tised : men and women falling down, foaming at the mouth, quaking, and using unnatural gestures.' (Eeesley, Hist, of Banbury, p. 452.) 52 'At the close of the fifteenth century, Tarantism had spread beyond the borders of Apulia. . . The number of those affected by it increased beyond all belief. Inquisitive females joined the throng and caught the disease, from the mental poison which they eagerly received tbroiigb the eye. . . Foreigners of every colour and race were, in like manner, affected by it. Neither youth nor age afforded any protection ; so that even old men of ninety threw aside their crutches, and joined the most extravagant dancers. . . Subordinate nervous attacks were much more frequent during this [seventeenth] century, than at any former period." (Hecker, Epidemics of the Middle Ages, pp. 107-115, Engl. trans.) 83 ' The effects of the Black Death had not yet subsided, when a strange delusion arose in Germany. It was a convulsion, which in the most extraordinary manner infuriated the human frame ; . . and was propagated by the sight of the sufferers. They continued dancing, for hours to- gether, in wild delirium ; until at length they fell to the ground in a state of exhaustion. They then complained of extreme oppression, and groaned as if in the agonies of death. . . They were haunted by visions: and some of them after- wards asserted that they had felt as if immersed in a stream of blood, which obliged them to leap so high. [Cf. George Fox, Journal, i. 100: ' The word of the Lord came to me again. . . So I went up and down the streets, crying, Woe to the bloody city Lichfield ! And there seemed to me to be a channel of blood running down the streets, and the market- place appeared like a pool of blood.'] Others saw the heavens open and the Saviour enthroned with the Virgin Mary, according as the religious notions of the age were variously reflected in their imagina- tions.' (Hecker, Epidemics, p. 80.) VII.] RELIGIOUS HYSTERIA. 371 before its first appearance in that precise form, in 1374, it had, no doubt, been the real secret of the baccha- nalian orgies among the Greeks, and of the frantic dervish-like gestures and 'cuttings with knives and lancets ' which we read of among Asiatic races 54 . In our own day and country (thank God) these extraordinary and degrading spectacles are scarcely to be seen. But the disease still lurks among the superstitious Christians of Tigre in Abyssinia'; in Siberia 55 ; among the revivalists of Ireland and America ; and (in a very mild form) among the ignorant Welsh Methodists, who are on this account popularly called 'Jumpers.' Now it so happened that these poor hysterical French refugees had arrived in great numbers in London 56 , and had also visited Bristol, shortly before the critical year 1 739, when the excitable George Whitfield landed from America, and John Wesley returned home from Ger- many. Men's thoughts, then, were full of the (so-called) ' French prophets.' A new religious enthusiasm was, as it were, floating in the atmosphere. And it only needed the impulse of some exciting preaching, and the mental tension which is always produced among expectant and heated crowds, to generate infallibly an outbreak of this unaccountable and infectious malady. And such an occasion was not long in presenting itself. In February 54 ' The Germans had transferred a part of their bacchanalian my- to the festival of St. John's Day an steries.' (Hecker, Epid. p. 8 7.) ancient heathen usage, the kindling K Cf. a curious account of the of the Nodfyr (which was forbidden Sbamans there, by a Russian traveller: them by St. Boniface); and the ap. Horst, Deuterosk. i. 219-228. belief subsists even to the present " ' Dans sa froide lettre sur I'en- day, that people and animals that tbusiasme, Shaftesbury, parle des Pro- have leaped through these flames, are phetes protestants refugies qui abon- protected for a whole year from daient en Angleterre, vers 1 709. II fevers, &c. . . The Greeks transferred trouveleurs contortions fort ridicules.' to the festival of John the Baptist (Figuier, Hist, de Men. ii. 395.) B b 2 372 THE WESLEYANS. [ L ECT. 1739, Whitfield for the first time preached in the open air, at Kingswood, near his native place Bristol, to the wild and lawless colliers of the then Black Country of England. In the May following he persuaded John Wesley to join him there, and to imitate his example. And then, for the first time, religious hysteria began to manifest itself 57 . Meeting after meeting and sermon after sermon were interrupted, by men and women of all ages and conditions falling down in convulsions, and crying aloud for mercy. ' Scores were sometimes strewed on the ground at once. A traveller was at one time passing by ; but on pausing a moment to hear the sermon, he was directly smitten to the earth. A Quaker, who was admonishing the bystanders against these strange scenes, was himself struck down as by an unseen hand 58 .' It is obvious that, fitting, as it did so naturally, to the strenuous exhortations of these preachers of a 'sudden conversion,' and corresponding so well to the hopes they held forth of being sensibly and at a given moment ' born again,' this phenomenon could not well fail of being interpreted by the ignorant crowd, as the miraculous birth-throes of the New Life ; of being welcomed as the sensible strivings of the Holy Ghost with reluctant sinful souls ; of being with awe accepted as the dark- ness and spiritual gloom out of which men should be presently redeemed into Christ's marvellous light 59 . 67 Stevens, Hist. L 114, 126. were (only a few years ago) sup- 58 Stevens, Hist. i. 1 2 7 : cf. Tyer- posed by Edward Irving to be a man, Life, i. 264-268 : Bishop Lav- miraculous gift of the Holy Ghost. ington, Entbus. of Metb. [1750], part Oliphant, Life of Irving, p. 329.) iii. p. 20. 'Of the more physical " fixed ideas," 18 Similar nervous phenomena those of Ambition are the most fre- ' tears, sighs, and unutterable groan- quent . . Next in frequency is the ings; joy, mirth, and exultation,' Religious. This manifests itself very VII.] JOHN WESLEY SUPERSTITIOUS. 373 In all this matter, however, there is no doubt to be entertained that John Wesley was perfectly honest. Not a shadow of suspicion rests upon his integrity. But there is also no manner of doubt that he was extraordinarily superstitious ; that the ghost-adventures of his youth had made a deep and permanent impres- sion on his fancy 60 ; and that he was as much inclined, as the Roman Catholic priests (with whom he was by his enemies so often confounded), to see miraculous interpositions in very trifling circumstances. Much more (of course) would this be the case in any im- portant circumstances connected with his work as an Evangelist and preacher of repentance to the neglected heathens of Kingswood 61 . The one great characteristic variously. It appears as profound deceptions of the senses are, in no melancholy, when combined with form of the disease, so frequent as in contrition for past sins, real or ima- this." (Feuchtersleben, Medic. P*y- ginary; as joyous extasy, when it is chol., p. 2 s o, Sydenham ed.) Shake- accompanied by the illusory feeling speare, Julius Ccesar, Act. v., seems of special sanctification and divine to have had an intuition of this grace, (," extasis religiosa.") Hence, truth : 4 O hateful Error, Melancholy's child ! Why dost thou show to the apt thoughts of men The things that are not ?' 40 Wedgwood, John Wesley, p. 22. panied the inward work of God . . His friend, Alexander Knox thus .writes about him : ' Had my good old friend possessed a sounder under- standing, and a more cautious dis- position, he might have been propor- tionably disqualified for his special destination . . Such, I conceive, was the native character of his intellec- tual machinery, that he was to be always liable to fallacious appre- hension, false calculation, and dis- proportioned energy both of design and execution.' (Letter, appended to Southey, Life, [third ed.] ii. 465.) * J In 1739, Wesley writes as fol- lows : ' I had an opportunity to talk with [Whitfieldl of those outward signs, which had so often accom- From this time, I trust, we shall all suffer God to carry on His own work in the way that pleaseth Him.' (Ste- vens, Hist., i. 128.) -In 1743, how- ever, he thinks ' it was Satan, tearing them as they were coming to Christ.' But in 1781 he wavers again: ' Satan mimicked this part of the work of God, in order to discredit the whole: and yet it is not wise to give up this part, any more than to give up the whole.' (Ibid. p. 188.) In his Sermon 37, however, On the Nature of Enthusiasm, (vol. i. p. 441,) he speaks like an English Churchman : ' Enthusiasm is, un- doubtedly, a disorder of the mind . . It is not any part of religion : 374 THE WESLEYANS. [LECT. doctrine, therefore, of Methodism the doctrine of the ' new birth ' or of the necessity of a sensible conversion from darkness to light and from Satan to God became from this time forth doubly accentuated. And in spite of Wesley's own gradual return to a more tranquil, healthful, and Churchmanlike judgment on all these things ; and notwithstanding his earnest protestations, even in his last days on earth, that he had 'never [consciously] varied from the doctrine of the Church at all ;' this topic has continued to form the favourite theme of his preachers ; the distinguishing and alas ! at length, the dividing mark, which separates them from the Mother-Church. And so it has come to pass, that the followers of John Wesley who c lived and died a member of the Church of England,' are preparing to enrol themselves under the banners of her natural enemy, and theirs, Calvinism, Yet it was precisely against Calvinism, that their venerable founder's voice spake with no uncertain sound, during all the latter half of his life. He used no weak or vague language on this subject. His ex- pressions were, beyond mistake, those of protest and aversion. The Methodist Journal, during the whole of his life, was called (in downright terms) the Arminian Magazine ; and he did not scruple, so early as 1741, in horror of Calvinism, to separate from his early friend and fellow-labourer, George Whitfield : while in the ' Larger Minutes ' of Conference, which form (as it were) the Canon Law of Methodism and are subscribed quite the reverse. Religion is the dreams; in sudden impressions, or spirit of a sound mind . . . Beware strong impulses of any kind . . Be- you are not entangled therewith ! ware, lastly, of imagining you shall It easily besets those who fear or obtain the end, without using the love God . . Trust not in visions or means conducive to it." VII.] METHODISM A SWORN FOE TO CALVINISM. 3-75 to by every minister in the connexion, there stand these uncompromising words : ' What is the direct antidote to Methodism ? Calvinism. All the devices of Satan for these fifty years, have done far less towards stopping this work of God, than that single doctrine 6 V (3) The subsequent history of Wesleyanism down to its founder's death in 1791, and the important Con- ference of 1/95, forms its third period. And it is a story as interesting as it is full of instruction. But the popular works of Southey, Watson, and many others, are easily accessible. And it is therefore superfluous to attempt anything more in these pages, than a brief indication of the course and progress of its development. In 1744, amid the severe trials and anxieties of a period when Romanism, armed for the re-conquest of the country, was penetrating from Scotland into the mid- land counties, and Wesley was suspected of being secretly in the Pretender's interest, he resolved to call around him his most trusted friends, and to take counsel for the continuance of their work 63 . Accord- ingly, six Methodist clergymen of the Church of Eng- land and four lay-preachers met together in London, for (what we should now call) a Retreat. And this meeting is regarded by Wesleyans as the first regular 'Conference' of the Methodist societies. Henceforward 68 Ap. Warren, Digest of the Laws (said Charles Wesley, 1 ) damnation is of Metb., p. 42. denounced against all who hear us; 63 ' Reports were rife, that the Me- for we are Papists, Jesuits, and thodist preachers were in collusion bringers-in of the Pretender.' (Wes- with the papal Stuart.' (Stevens, ley wi'h High Churchmen, p. 122.) Hist., i. ig'j.) Some confidently as- 'In Yorkshire, an accusation was serted that they had seen Mr. Wes- laid against him of having spoken ley, a week or two ago, with the treasonable words.' (Southey, Life, Pretender in France.' (Wesley, p. 273.) Works, xxviii. 216.) 'Every Sunday, 376 THE WE^LEYANS. [LECT. Conferences were held annually, in London, Bristol, or Leeds, the three metropolitan cities of the great quasi-patriarchate controlled by Wesley. And when he was gone, this permanent synod of his nominees entrusted with power to fill up their own vacancies seemed the most natural body to succeed to his authority; as they were also the most likely to con- tinue his traditions. During the remainder of the century, therefore, Eng- land saw the remarkable spectacle of three distinct, though in most respects similar, organizations, per- meating the country for the purpose of awakening religious revival in every direction. First came the original Moravian mission, conducted latterly by Ing- ham and Gambold 64 . Next came the High-Church, or Arminian, mission, under John and Charles Wesley. Lastly, the Calvinistic mission, under Whitfield and the Countess of Huntingdon. Each was animated by a pure and noble spirit of self-sacrifice. Each was attempting the truly Christian and blessed work of reviving religion among the now multiplying masses of the lower orders. Each was proceeding, on the whole, in the same way: viz. (i) by stirring men to ask, ' What shall I do to be saved ? ' and that, espe- cially, by highly-coloured addresses in the open air, wonderfully suitable to ' men of low estate,' and strongly affecting the imagination and the feelings of a class to whom the 'evidential' preaching of that day was like 61 Rev. John Gambold is a very man of pure life and high character; interesting person. He was rector and was led to the Moravians by the of Stanton Harcourt, near Oxford ; i earnest craving he felt for real spiri- joined the Moravians in 1741; re- i tual fellowship, too rare, at that signed his living in the following time, within the Church. (Cf. year ; and became a ' bishop ' among ' Wedgwood, John Wesley, p. 75.) his new friends, in 1 744. He was a VII.] THE WESLEYAN SYSTEM. 377 speaking in an unknown tongue : (2) by garnering those whose hearts were touched, giving them a sense of brotherhood and welcome, and watching carefully against a relapse, especially by an elaborate system of lay-agency, with class-leaders and local preachers to supplement the more regular efforts of the itinerant ministry. At length though his eye was not dim, nor his natural strength abated John Wesley became an old man, and the time of his departure evidently drew nigh. It seemed advisable, therefore, to establish Wes- leyanism firmly upon the basis of the law of the land. And Wesley drew up, in 1784, a ' Deed of Declaration,' which was formally enrolled in Chancery. It gave almost unlimited powers to the ' Conference ;' entrusted it with the use of all the property belonging to the society, which even then was considerable ; and vir- tually identified Methodism with the ' legal hundred ' preachers, who were empowered to settle, by a majority of voices, all questions that might arise. It is clear however that this was a long step taken however unintentionally on the part of Wesley himself in the direction of an ultimate separation from the Church of England. But a far more dangerous step was taken by him in this same year. Perplexed by the difficulties that had arisen out of the severance of the United States from the Mother Country 65 , in despair 65 ' The case (argued Wesley) is baptize or to administer the Lord's widely different between England Supper. Here, therefore, my scru- and North America. Here there pies are at an end : and I conceive are bishops who have a legal juris- myself at full liberty, as I violate diction ; in America there are none ; no order and invade no man's right, neither any parish-ministers. So by appointing and sending labourers that, for some hundreds of miles into the harvest.' (Ap. Southey, together, there is none either to Life, p. 515.) 378 THE WESLEYANS. [LECT. at the timid counsels which prevailed among the English Bishops at that time 66 , and confident (from a recent perusal of Lord King's book) that he was doing no more than re-asserting the ancient rights of the Pres- byterate 67 , he brought himself, at last, to consecrate two English clergymen as bishops 68 (or 'superintend- ents'), and two laymen as presbyters (or 'elders'), for his American societies. This was the origin of the ' Episcopal Methodists ' in the United States ; who are now said to number two million adherents. But explain it to himself as he might there is no doubt that, in thus assuming Episcopal functions, John Wesley did what it was quite beyond his province to do ; and that he thereby largely contributed to bring about the unhappy event, which (in words) he forbade, to his dying day, viz. the secession of his societies from the Church of England. Had he only been a little more humble, 46 ' It appears that some of his mother country remained deaf to friends advised an application to the their entreaties . . It may well seem Bishops, requesting them to ordain strange that, their prayers were never preachers for America. Wesley granted.' (Wilberforce, Hist., p. replied, . . their proceedings were 149.) notoriously slow, and this matter admitted of no delay.' (Ibid. p. 514.) Alas! the charge was only ii. 224. too true. The Bishops, at that pe- 67 See above, p. 28. 68 Stevens, Methodist Episc. Church, fi* Five years after this unfortunate ct, and only two years before his that it might possibly be a part of/ death, Wesley preached as follows, Episcopal duty to suffer something, at Bath: 'The Methodists are still riod, must have lost all conception and to risk something, to promote the general interests of the Church. Indeed, let any one read, with re- flection, Bishop Wilberforce's Hist, of the American Church, pp 137-181, and he will find it absolutely impos- sible to seak another harsh word of Wesley's irregular proceedings in 1784. ' Letters and memorials from the colonies supply, for a whole cen- tury [1684-1784], a connected chain of expostulations. Yet still the members of the Church ; such they desire to live and to die. And, I believe, one reason why God is pleased to prolong my life so long is, to confirm them in their present purpose, not to separate from the Church. . . I hold all the doctrines of the Church of England ; I love her liturgy ; I approve her plan of discipline. I do not knowingly de- part from the rule of the Church, unless in those few cases where I VII.] THE SPIRIT OF 'SECESSION' AT WORK. 379 and ' let patience have her perfect work,' had he only waited ten weeks longer, he would not have ' forced him- self 70 ' to supply, on September 2, 1784, the needed Episcopate, which was actually, on November 14, 1784, supplied by the Scottish consecration of Bishop Sea- bury 71 . Secession at home was indeed staved off, by his per- sonal influence, for many years. But the spirit of sepa- ration and bi\oTt\!us, T^V ntyioTijv diroQvywt' vboov yiyvtrcu [6 avOpanros]- f^aat Si, ^euX^i' rov /3tov StavoptvOds ip\trai. (Plato, Timcevs, p. 43 : ed. Stalb.) CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. 200. British (Welsh) Church first mentioned. (Tertullian, c. Judaos, 7-) 314. Council of Aries: three British bishops present. 400. Pelagius, a British ' heretic,' at Rome. 457. English (pagan) invasions : first kingdom, Kent 582. English occupation complete : last kingdom, Mercia. 597. English Church founded, by Augustin, at Canterbury. 664. All England christianized, mainly by ' British ' clergy. Council at Whitby. 680. First Reform (Archbishop Theodore). Organization completed. 785. New organization attempted by Offa. Higbert, Archbishop of Lichfield. 970. Second Reform (Archbishop Dunstan). Discipline braced up. 1070. Third Reform (Archbishop Lanfraiic). Continental improvements in ritual (Sarum use), &c. 1140. Canon law introduced into England. 1164. Constitutions of Clarendon : Archbishop Becket, 1 1171. 1213. Papal supremacy culminates, under King John. 1 2 21. Fourth Reform : Franciscan revival of religion. Bishop Grostete, 1279. Parliament resists the Papacy. Statute of 'Mortmain' (1389, Premunire.') 1350. Lollards rebel against the Established Church. Wicliffe, +1384. 1400. Statute 'De heretico comburendo.' (Sawtre, 4/1401: Cobham, 1429. Archbishop Chicheley resists the intrusion of a Papal legate. 1457. Bishop Pecocke deposed for Rationalism. 1530. Fifth Reform (Archbishop Warham") : Papal supremacy rejected. 1539. Monasteries converted into new Sees, new Cathedral chapters, &c. many suppressed. 7559. English Church restored, after Queen Mary's reaction. 1660. after the Great Rebellion. 1 689. ' Toleration Act : ' efforts towards ' comprehension of Dissenters.' 1739. Sixth Reform, begun : ' Evangelical' revival, Wesley and Whitfield. 1833. 'Catholic' revival begun at Oxford. 1871. Puritan attempt to 'liberate the Church from State control.' LECTURE VIII. THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. ' How goodly are thy tents, O Jacob ! and thy tabernacles, O Israel ! As the valleys are they spread forth ; as gardens by the river-side : as the trees of lign aloes which the Lord hath planted.' Numb. xxiv. 5, 6. FOR the completion of the task undertaken in these Lectures, viz. a study of the leading forms of Dis- sent in this country, and of their relation to the National Church, it only now remains to gather up the various threads of our inquiry, and to knot them into a conclu- sion. We have passed in review, I trust, in no censo- rious or unfriendly spirit, although with outspoken truth- fulness six of the more important Denominations, which now exist in England. We have noticed how curiously they fall into pairs ; and how each pair represents the two extreme poles of ecclesiastical thought, which pre- vailed respectively in the sixteenth, the seventeenth, and the eighteenth centuries. We have seen too how each denomination finds its counterpart, and point of attach- ment, within the Church of England itself; each being, in reality, nothing else than an interior dissension such as always must exist in a free and healthy Church carried to a dangerous extreme, and ripened into ex- terior dissent. And we have observed, accordingly, that 3p8 THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. [ L ECT. each separated communion unlike any really foreign and irreconcilable form of religion, such as Brahminism or Positivism offers important lessons for the Mother Church ; and ought to awaken, among those to whose fidelity and statesmanship she is committed, the most anxious reflections, as to the possibility of improving her arrangements and of re-enkindling the dormant enthu- siasm of her children. For no one can surely doubt, that the Church of Eng- land might, with a very little skill, be made to root herself far more deeply in the affections of her own people than she has ever yet done 1 . No one, whose vision is not narrowed by partizanship, can doubt that she might, even now, with a good deal of prudence and self-devotion, be made once more (virtually) the Church of this whole nation. No one ought to doubt that, once reunited and self-disciplined she might, ere many gene- rations were over, fulfil that magnificent part in the unfolding drama of history, to which her Divine Master seems to be every day more clearly calling and fitting her, viz. to become the reconciler of the great divisions of Christendom, and the peacemaker among the nations of the earth. In making her approaches towards the fulfilment of 1 According to a carefully con- of England, as regards London, was structed 'Balance-sheet of the Church ever stronger than now.' (Ritchie, of England,' lately published by the Religious Life of London, p. 80.) Yorkshire Union of Church Insti- 'Never were her services so well tutes,' the voluntary contributions attended ; never were her clergy entrusted annually to her manage- more useful than now. . . In the East ment amount to 5,445,298 : while [of London], where the poverty is too the entire gross amount of her stand- great to admit of (be existence of a ing endowments only amount to cburcb on Dissenting principles, the 4,200,255. Add to this, the testi- church is in some parishes the only mony of men whom no one can place of worship, and the church- accuse of bigoted attachment to her clergyman the only religious teacher." cause : ' I know not that the Church (Ibid. p. 82.) vni.] PRESENT DUTY OF THE CHURCH. 399 this most blessed task, the main hindrance in her way is disunion within the border^ of our English Christendom. We have all observed how a very trifling and accidental derangement will sometimes bring to a complete stop the most elaborate, and otherwise effective, machine. And history is full of lessons, which should teach us how the admixture of a little obstinate self-will, or the out- break of a mutinous temper, will utterly paralyse the energy of the most imposing forces; will reduce an army to a mere helpless crowd ; a fleet to absolute inaction ; and a state to weakness and chaos. Just so it is with the Church of Jesus Christ. These miserable separations, which we all deplore, we may well deplore them. For they have drawn off into, I know not how many, inde- pendent, inefficient, and mutually hostile denominations, a great number of just those persons, whose genuine piety and manly simplicity of character should have placed them among the foremost ranks, in the Church's battle array against ignorance, superstition, and sin. It is true that many of these separated bodies appear now to be weakening, to be diminishing in numbers, and falling apart into innumerable fragments. But this fact does not in any way affect the question. We are all bound, by our duty to our brethren and to God, to 'follow peace with all men.' We are bound to study every method of conciliation and of mutual goodwill. We are under the strictest obligation to explain, as clearly as we can, both to the Dissenters and to our own less instructed people, the true position and standing purpose of the Church of England. And as to the present embittered assaults which probably indicate a consciousness that the power of making them is rapidly passing away every Churchman should remember, that the only revenge which Christ has taught us is that of returning 400 THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. [LECT. good for evil. The only retaliation possible to the fol- lower of the meek and lowly Jesus, is to ask clearly and simply, 'Why smitest thou me?' The only offensive warfare allowable to a Christian is, ' to instruct in meek- ness them that oppose themselves.' For, indeed, there is no doubt whatever that, in innu- merable instances, it is nothing else than want of instruc- tion as to the Church's meaning, which has arrayed people in hostility against her. There is not, it would seem, to this hour, any intelligent that is to say any real aver- sion either to her doctrines or to her system, among the mass of the English people. It is partly ignorance, and partly unwarrantable misrepresentations, which have thrown them into an attitude of indifference 2 . And we must all have seen for ourselves, in various parts of the country, how the Church's full system, boldly and pru- dently displayed, has at once distanced all competition ; and has drawn forth an instinctive response to those aspects of God's Beauty, Truth, and Order, which have been especially committed to her keeping. Nor is testi- mony wanting to the same effect, from many who have been Dissenters themselves, and who have had the fullest * Mr. Baldwin Brown pleasantly phaeton, or a carriage and pair ; describes the Church of England as means to keep a couple of servants ' a church gorged with ill-distributed and sometimes a groom; and maybe, wealth, cumbered with worldly trap- a few hounds." Further. . the author pings, and fed by legal exactions :' gives two statements, which show ^art. in Contemporary Review, Jan. that the average value of benefices 1871) all being phantoms of his in the diocese of St. David's is 137 own imagination, except the 'ill- per annum; and in Llandaff 177. distribution ; ' which, however, is Does he mean to affirm that even being rapidly amended by the Eccle- the " nice little phaeton " can be kept siastical Commission and other on 150 a year in any part of Wales?' agencies. ' In pamphlet ii. we have (The Church in Wales, Rivingtons, a charming picture of the style in 1871.) It is clear that the authors which the average Welsh clergyman ' of these invidious statements simply lives : " a pretty little villa, or a overlook the fact, that the clergy good-sized mansion ; a nice little , often possess private property. VIII.] CULPABLE IGNORANCE ABOUT THE CHURCH. 401 opportunity for comparing the two systems together. ' Nonconformists (say they) are, in general, simply con- formists to the societies in which they are born ; and the natural prejudice of association takes the place of intelli- gent conviction. For the most part, they see only their own side ; and have strange uncouth pictures placed before them by their own artists, purporting to represent the inhabitants of that unknown land, the terra incognita of the National Church V For such misrepresentations, of course, we Churchmen are not responsible. But for the enormous and incredible ignorance that prevails, both within and around our own communion, we are in a great degree responsible. And every Sunday-school teacher throughout the land, every district-visitor, every godfather and godmother, ought to feel the keenest shame, when they hear what the Colonial clergy say about the ignorance and apathy of the emigrant Churchmen who come under their charge, ignorance of the very simplest ecclesiastical matters ; ignorance of the first principles of Churchmanship, or that there are any such principles ; ignorance of Church history ; ignorance of symbolism ; ignorance of almost every doctrine, at least of the secondary and auxiliary kind, ' which a Christian ought to know and believe to his soul's health V 8 Brewin Grant [late Independent], upon by the Roman Catholic critic, Dissenting reasons for joining the . . is as hopeless a puzzle as an intel- Churcb, p. 45 ' Friends have a ligent dog is to us men.' (Reasons notion, which is one of the grounds for returning to the Cburcb of Eng- of their prejudice, that the outward land; Strahan, 1871.) ordinances are depended upon [in * 'The poorer classes among the the Church], as substitutes for Chris- Roman Catholics are so well trained tian virtue and graces.' (J. W. C. in the distinctive principles of their Reasons for leaving the Society of religion, that they seldom leave it Friends, and joining the Cburcb, p. 32.) for any other; and they are rarely ' The case of the devout and intel- unable to render a distinct account ligent Protestant, when speculated of what they believe. With the Dd 402 THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. [LECT. But above all, we clergy have to confess our miserable shortcomings, and that ' we are verily guilty concerning our brother.' For a whole century, we neglected to unfold to our people any rational theory of the Church at all. We forbore to give them any information about her history, her laws, her customs, her great men. We refused to present to their imagination the glorious ideal, which she was intended by her founder gradually to realize in the world. We were content to copy the meagre methods of a (so-called) Evangelical Dissent, methods irreconcilable with our own Prayer-book at every turn. We invited men to 'come to Jesus;' with- out ever pointing out to them the easy way, amply furnished with helps and sacramenta, by which He bade them come. We neither knew, nor cared to discover, the rich treasures stored up for us in the Rituals, the Lections from Holy Scripture, the Creeds, the Hymns, the elaborate synodal and hierarchical arrangements of our own Church. And the consequence was, as might have been expected, that all enthusiasm for her, as an institution, died out ; and the time at length arrived, when the enemy thought his hour was come, by one decisive effort, to overthrow her and trample her finally under his feet. All such hopes, however, are evidently doomed to disappointment. Everywhere, men are displaying an eager anxiety to know more about the Church's true system. And the more they come to know of it, the more their conviction grows that it is restoration and adaptation that are wanted, and not destruction or (what is called) 'disestablishment.' Even in places oi Church of England, unhappily, it is [Church of England schools, Dissent not so. ..While four-fifths of the * has been increasing.' (Fisher, Liturg. children in England pass through j Revision, p. 544.) VIII.] SCIENCE AND CHURCHMANSHIP. 403 science like this University, it is believed that our Church has only fearlessly to throw herself upon her own proper resources, to defend such privileges and endowments as are really hers, and to display no unworthy dread of a thorough study of theology, in order to commend her doctrine, her ritual and her discipline, to the rising generation of Englishmen. For the more vigorously science grows, the better its instruments, the more accurate and complete its re- search, the more certainly every day is the conviction approached, which Kant has thus formulated : ' The principles of Reason, as applied to Nature, do not con- duct to any Theological trutlis**'. And the more ear- nestly, therefore, do all those whose unspoiled affections and cultivated conscience will not let them rest in a bald Positivism, turn with anxious eyes to the Revealed DOCTRINES of the Church, to see if there be in them those higher truths without which men cannot live. And so again, amid the present growth of political and personal liberty, how many men there are who feel the need of some not compulsory, but voluntary law under which they may regulate their lives 1 How 8 Kant, Kritik of Pure Reason, p. True : the fact being, that Nature is 390 (Bohn). ' By the development an open secret, full of oracles x; T ^ wvrov x. a certain ' psalm, Quicunque vult,' vtov TOV 0tov 1 (Rom. xiv. 2 2 ; I Cor. shall be sung at popular services or viii. II.) The Apostles' Creed isr retained as a standard for the clergy, that which we confessed at ou than the question whether Christ baptism, and are at all times read) does not demand of us to remove in baptismal attitude, to confes (at some cost to our own feelings) again. The Eucharistic creed we EC 2 420 THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. [LECT. has firm ground beneath his feet in rebuking the narrow scruples of the Baptist ; or in recovering the Quaker from a bald spiritualism, which has learnt to despair of all the Church's ceremonial system, owing to its apparent inability to adapt itself to the needs of modern times. (3.) And yet once more, to the Unitarians and Wesleyans of the eighteenth century, the Church of England has her acknowledgments to make ; acknow- ledgments of hard words used and unconciliatory measures adopted 27 . Rationalism and mysticism, no doubt, are very potent and dangerous elements in the Church's life. But elements in that life they certainly are. And, under any c Catholicity' worthy of the name, they would be made to balance and supplement each other ; rendering progress scientific and devotional at once possible and safe. But if, with rash and strange use ' as a hymn-like ascription to in itself.' (Bishop Thirlwall, Report God of His own redeeming work, of Royal Commission, p. x.) no less than as an expression of No doubt, hard words have "belief in it.' (Freeman, Principles been used in all these controversies of Div. Serv. ii. 451.) But the on both sides. But manly and in- Athanasian Creed, a mere Latin telligent Dissenters are beginning formula of unknown authorship in to be ashamed of their endless, and the eighth century, is far more suit- often baseless, complaints against able to an honoured position as a the injustice of past times ; and one standard of orthodoxy beside the has been found lately bold enough Thirty-nine Articles, than to a place to proclaim the truth : that ' it was where ' most of the essential words emphatically due to members of the are understood by the common Church of England, that the last people in a sense very different from penal statute against freedom of their original intention, . . while they religious worship received its over- are enforced under anathemas the throw. . . Congregationalists and Bap- most terrible and plain that human tists the immediate progenitors of language admits.' (Stanley, Atbana- the Liberation Society at the best , sian Creed, p. 35.) ' I protest against were lukewarm ; no fervour of libera- the compulsory use of the Athanasian tion seized them, though their fellow- Creed, as not only an evil on account Dissenters of an unpopular faith of the effect it produces on many might be outlawed and imprisoned.' of the most intelligent and attached (Green, Dissenters and the Established members of our Church, but a wrong Church, p. 14, 1871.) vra.] THE FEELINGS AND THE REASON. 421 timidity, we try to arrest Reason on its path of inquiry, instead of skilfully bending its wild useless flight into an orbit obedient to the great Sun of Righteousness, we shall find that success in this attempt will be (if possible) more disastrous to the best interests of the Church, than even a helpless and public failure would be. For secret or open infidelity will begin to honey- comb the English Church, as it has already undermined so many foreign churches that remain under the direction of Rome. And spiritualism, revivalism, mysticism, and religious hysteria, will quickly take their revenge ; by throwing good sense away, and giving rein to some of the fiercest and most irrational emotions of human nature. On the other side, feelings coldly neglected, mysticism taken no account of, plainness and common-sense made the absolute rule by which all things shall be squared, this course too prepares for any religious community a sad and hopeless decline. The great mass of mankind need to be strongly stirred. And it is their feelings, and not their reason, which offer themselves as the conducting point on which the fire of God shall descend. What note of failure could more plainly condemn any Christian Church, than the failure to draw in those very classes to whom the Saviour announced that His Gospel should be preached, and to whom He Himself dedicated the very opening words of His first Sermon on the Mount, 'Blessed are ye poor!' As therefore Wesleyanism in its present condition is a standing warning to the Church, against fanning overmuch the flame of mere feeling and sensational excitement, a flame which too often ends with becoming master instead of servant in the household, and causing schisms instead of order, peace, and mutual aid : so also Unitarianism 422 THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. [LECT. should warn us all against imagining that bare, im- personal truth is ever acceptable to mankind, or exercises any spell upon their moral nature 28 . For Plato is most certainly wrong, when he says that knowledge and virtue are convertible terms. And it is not by Reason that a man is justified and made a new creature, but by Faith. But here I hasten to say once more, what, indeed, I have said, without fear of contradiction, throughout the course of these Lectures, viz. that it has not been warning merely, or the safety that comes of repulsion, that our Church has gained from the various Dissenting bodies that surround her. Owen and Baxter, among the Independents and Presbyterians ; Cardinal Pole and Sir Thomas More, among the Romanists ; Robert Hall, among the Baptists ; George Fox and Penn, among the Quakers ; Lardner and Channing, among the Unitarians ; and Wesley himself, among the Wesleyans ; these names, of themselves, not to mention many living men, for whom no one can fail to entertain the deepest respect, are enough to suggest, that the Church of England owes many obligations and has learnt many valuable lessons, from the religious communions which have seceded from her. They have been to her like the satellites thrown off from some great central planet. And, not only by catching and reflecting certain rays of light which she had missed, but also by presenting to her the deeply interesting spectacle of their various phases, and of their behaviour amid the complicated 28 ' NichtlogischeBegriffe, sondern Triebkraft der Volker-entwickelung. geschichtliche ideale Gestalten er- Nicht als logischer Satz, sondern fullen das Leben der Menschen, als Gestalt tritt die Wahrheit auf.' erfullen die Weltgeschichte, sind die (Europa, No. 27, p. 776.) vm.] ' PHASES' OF CHURCH-LIFE. 423 influences of modern life, they have greatly contributed to her instruction. How else could she have learnt so well, what Christianity under modern conditions is capable of? How else could she have seen, what forms of polity and modes of action are likely either to fail or to succeed ? How could certainty have been attained so easily, as to the ultimate mischief which often flows from an apparently small and harmless deviation from the established traditions of the Church, or which accom- panies the unguarded preaching of some fair-seeming, but one-sided, truth 29 ? Above all, how else could the Church have learnt so well the enormous and (by the utmost human skill) in- curable evils, that accrue from the ' childish ' and ' carnal' spirit of dixoorao-t'ci, of partizanship, of schism ? For, explain and pare away the meaning of that unwelcome word, as much as you please, still the thing, the spirit, the temper, which it expresses remains 30 . And, if the New Testament is true, it is an ' evil spirit,' working in our fallen hearts in opposition to the Spirit of Christ ; and is as contrary to all the teachings of the Gospel, as jealousy and hate are contrary to love. He therefore that thinks lightly, or speaks lightly, of separation from his brethren be the cause, in his (surely fallible) judgment, M It is surprising that thoughtful came to hear him, and that he did Dissenters do not see, that it is them good, he now devotes himself simple common sense which induces entirely to ministerial work. At his the Church to protect her people, by Tabernacle, in S. James's Square, placing the main barrier of her Dis- there is accommodation for 1 200 cipline at entrance into Holy Orders, hearers; and for the education of rather than at entrance into the more than 500 children.' (Ritchie, Church. 'Up in Notting Hill is a Religious Life of London, p. i6S.) Tabernacle, built up and carried on 30 ' Schismatici dissensionibus ini- by a Mr. Varley, an humble imitator quis h, fraterna caritate dissi'.iunt, of Mr. Spurgeon. Originally Mr. quamvis ea credant quse credimus.' Varley was a butcher : but he took (Augustine, De Fide tt Symbolo, to preaching ; and finding that people 10.) 424 THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. [LECT. as serious as it may must have 'learnt nothing and forgotten nothing,' since the great revolution of the sixteenth century 31 . Manly courses, such as lead other People for a time to separate from him, are often the duty of a Christian. Such courses are plainly the duty of the German Catholics at this moment ; precisely as they were the duty of English Catholics 300 years ago. But to 'protest' is one thing: to 'secede,' or threaten secession, is another. And worst of all were it, to rejoice in secession, to maintain it as a chronic and desirable thing, and to formulate delusive schemes and theories 32 , whereby to perpetuate for ever that which ought to have been only a sharp remedial crisis, with inherent tendency to reversion and to the recovery of organic unity once more. Thanks be to God, therefore, that the Church of Eng- land presents at this moment as she has repeatedly done, during the long period of her chequered history the aspect of a friend sincerely and anxiously desirous to be reconciled to those who have separated from her. Without exaggerating the simple truth of the matter, and without dissembling that there is not in all Church- 31 Ac/tec S( rofs n\v iraOovffiv Ji/laOftv tmpptirti TO (j.(\\ov. (/Eschylus, Agam., 249.) 88 ' We turn to gaze upon another (British Quarterly Magazine, July vision, fairer, nobler, more fruitful 1871, p. 154.) 'The only adequate by far, which would realize our aspi- conception of a Christian State, is rations for the religious future of our that of a nation whose whole life is land. The country full of a zealous saturated with Christian ideas and and independent ministry of the influences ; and which gives free play Gospel, . . each community working to its religious beliefs and impulses, out, in entire freedom, its conception that (like the higher intellectual life of what a Church ought to be, and of the people) they may express ought to do; under the guidance of themselves as they see fit.' (Con- a minister ordained for its service by temporary Review, January 1871, p. the manifest unction of the Spirit.' 306.) vin.] BROAD AREA OF THE CHURCH. 425 men this spirit, still on the whole it is beyond dispute, that the attitude of our Church to most of the denomi- nations in this country is now distinctly conciliatory ; and that, with a little more mutual understanding, this tendency to reunion might be almost indefinitely ac- celerated. There is no disinclination, on our part, to adopt from Dissenters (with the fullest acknowledge- ments) whatever they have of good and sound and useful. Nor has any one of the more important deno- minations the slightest necessity, on returning to the Church, to give up one single truth that God has taught them ; to deny or turn their backs upon one single good work which they have already done, and which God has in many cases signally blest ; nor yet to disparage by one breath of contempt, or one word of dispraise, any gifted or saintly personage, who (as we believe) under misapprehension of what the Church's real meaning was, contended against her and sought to preach Christ by other methods than hers. On the contrary, every such denomination has as I have attempted to show in these Lectures a banner and a camping-ground of its own, within the broad area of the Church of England. And the language that every intelligent Churchman should hold towards those who seek reunion, is but a repetition of what the great Augustine said, 1400 years ago : ' Quemadmodum Ju- daeus cum ad nos venerit, ut Christianus fiat, non in eo destruimus bona Dei, sed mala ipsius ; . . sicut credebat credenda, sicut tenebat tenenda, firmamus ; ita etiam cum ad nos venit schismaticus vel haereticus, ut Catho- licus fiat, schisma ejus et haeresim dissuadendo et destruendo rescindimus ; sacramenta vero Christiana (si eadem in illo invenimus) et quidquid aliud vert tenet, 426 THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. [LECT. absit ut violemus ! absit ut, si semel data novimus, iteremus 33 ! ' But, on the other hand, amid all these words of wel- come and reconciliation, it were sheer folly to expect the Church of England to abandon the very principle of visible and organic unity, on which her own existence is grounded ; or to affect surprise that she will not strike her flag, and disown (at others' bidding) her loyalty and faith in that ideal oneness of Christ's Church, which after all sinks far below her Master's own definition, when He prayed 'that they all may be ONE ; as Thou, Father, art in Me, and I in Thee ; that they all may be One in Us, that the world may know that Thou hast sent Me.' No true Churchman pretends to believe, that the decomposition of Christ's kingdom into a multitude of sects is a matter of indifference to Him ; that all the multifarious communions around us are of equal value in His eyes ; or that (to borrow the language so often heard among our poorer brethren), ' if we get to heaven, it does not matter how we get there.' Whatever this popular conception of ' getting to heaven' may be worth, one thing is certain : that if our Lord has left on earth an organized and visible society, in which He has lodged His commission to go and teach all nations, and has stored therein special gifts of the Holy Ghost for the successful fulfilment of that commission, it may be one, among the unexpected discoveries of the Day of Judgment, that each person may have to answer for himself 'according to that 83 Augustine, De Unico Bapt., cap. conflicting religions. They come, 2, (Migne's edit., vol. ix. 596.) The not to lose what they have, but to gain same thought has struck others also, what they have not ; and in order ' This is the secret of the influence, that, by means of what they have, by which the Church draws to her- more may be given to them.' (New- self converts from such various and man, Grammar of Assent, p. 241.) VIII.] EFFICIENCY AND CONCILIATION. 427 which he had, not according to that he had not ' how far he presumed, in his lifetime, to act as though Christ had never left any such society at all. And many a well-seeming and well-meaning man, may have to cry out, at last, 'Lord, when saw we Thee crucified afresh, and made no sign of disapprobation ? When caused we Thy name to be blasphemed among the heathen, and Thine own prayer to be converted into failure by a self-will and disobedience, which we mistook for doing Thee service ? When was thy seamless robe torn into shapeless rents, by our pitiful jealousies, our sense- less disputes, our utterly un-Christian self-assertion ? ' For these things whether they exist among Churchmen or Dissenters are not merely errors, but sins. ' The works of the flesh are manifest, which are these : . . hatred, variance, emulations, wrath, strife, seditions, heresies ; . . of the which I tell you before, as I have also told you in time past, that they which do such things shall not inherit the kingdom of God 3 V And now, to sum up in two words all that has been said, every loyal son of the Church of England should, in these days, engrave upon his memory and upon his conscience this simple maxim : Efficiency and unity within, candour and conciliation towards those that are without , these would be the certain means of restoring, ere many years are past, the old historical Church to an unchallenged position of dignity and usefulness in this country, such as at no former time she has ever held ; and such as no other Church in the whole world has any prospect or any opportunities of holding. Men now-a- days judge practically. They look not to the theories of things, their orthodoxy, their harmony with other truths, 84 Gal. vi. 19. 428 THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. [LECT. or their remote logical consequences, but to their re- sults. And that religious communion will, in the long run, most commend itself to Englishmen, which displays the greatest efficiency in winning souls to Christ ; which proves, by a long firm grasp of its spiritual conquests, the stability and force of its methods ; which makes men ' men,' and not merely bigots or spiritual invalids ; which shows masterly boldness in grappling with that special characteristic of our time, an ever-widening and ever- deepening knowledge of nature ; and which has vital power and elasticity enough to adapt itself to all sorts and conditions of men, and to the ever-varying neces- sities of our modern life. Lastly, in all our relations to Dissenters, let past evil methods be forgotten and banished clean out of mind, and that ever old, yet ever new commandment be remembered, the commandment of peace and love. Explanation, if it were possible, mutual explanation, let that be the object of our most earnest endeavours ! let that be the solvent, which shall relax our hostilities, and perhaps convert our present ' conscientious oppo- nents ' into the staunchest and most conscientious sup- porters of our Church. It does not follow, because we are touched and edified by the thousand associations that whisper to us between the lines of our treasured Prayer-book, that speak to us in the sculpture or the glass of our storied cathedrals, or haunt us amid the colleges and religious houses for study at the univer- sities, that these things will come home, without expla- nation or kindly guidance, to the minds of a practical and prosaic people. They will rather complain ' The living do not rule this world, ah no 1 It is the dead, the dead 35 .' 35 Ingelow, Poems, p. 22. viii.] MUTUAL EXPLANATION REQUIRED. 429 Thus has lately cried aloud, with far more terrible impatience and dramatic emphasis than we need ever fear perhaps in this country, smoking and ruined Paris ; with its noble ' past ' disconnected and estranged from its restless 'present,' through the incurable breach of 1 789 ; with its failure to interest the industrial masses in the political continuity of the State ; and with its ancient Church, now petrified under foreign influence, slavishly re-echoing the eternal ' non possumus ' of the papacy, and prevented thereby from adapting itself to modern needs, and from reconciling itself heartily to modern civili- zation. A truly sad and miserable spectacle ! A strange conjunction of extreme political mobility, and extreme ecclesiastical immobility, within the area of a single nation, such as the world has rarely seen, and such as the intervention of an angel from heaven could hardly save from certain disaster and chaos ! Happily, our own people have not yet come to dis- believe in their past history, or to distrust the loyalty of their National Church in adapting herself to the nation's needs, as times and circumstances vary 36 . They are still proud of their country, and of its ancient institu- tions. And the number of those sad and earnest men of one idea, without humour, without imagination, who still with France before their eyes dream of making all things new by one fiat of the popular will, is a very small minority of the nation. For we may not understand the past, we may forget it, and lavish * ' A nos yeux, 1'organisation de a voulu ce qui est aujourd'hui. En 1'eglise Anglicane est abusive . . I'&ablissant, en le maintenant, elle a Mais n'oublions point que 1'Angle- fait preuve de liberte . . Qu'on s'en terre tout entiere, 1'Angleterre, non fie a la nation Anglaise, et it sa pas en comptant les voix, mais en longue experience!' (Sismondi, p6sant et en estimant les volonte"s, sur les Constit. i. 373.) 430 THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. [LECT. no love or thought upon it : but we can no more dis- connect the present from it, or pretend to be unaffected by it, than we can pretend to be unaffected by the now forgotten and unimaginable Glacial Epoch, which fur- rowed out for us our smiling valleys, and chiselled in rough outline the loved features of our native land. If therefore we could only make some first step, towards recovering for our Church a truly National extension ; if we could only succeed in so small a thing, as in bringing our countrymen together" 7 once more, if not for preaching, at least for COMMON WOR- SHIP ; if we could only persuade them of the beauty and the happiness of sinking our mere opinions, while uniting in a common Ritual 38 and lifting up our hearts in common Psalmody ; who can say, from such small beginnings, what great results might grow ? Who can say, what visions of love and peace might not unfold themselves, as men became accustomed to the harmo- nies of combined musical effort, and resigned themselves to the educating spell of that, which (in Hooker's words) 'delighteth all ages, and beseemeth all states 39 ?' For, 87 Aristotle (Polie. i. 2) long ago ofLutetia, i. 184.) remarked, that withdrawal from as- 38 ' The Christian philosopher can- sociation with his fellow-men marked not fail to discern, through all the . . a man as either Orjplov ^ 0(us. And bitter contention and conflicting ana- late observation shows, in a lunatic themas which assail him, on his way asylum, the morbid and abnormal of peace, one sublime and original character of ultra - individualism, thought . . This thought is nothing ' Each man talked to himself, less than that great fundamental idea laughed to himself, and although of the reunion of the mind of mortal surrounded by companions took no man with God, by thankful sacrifice heed whatever of one of them, of self, in life and therefore also in Every man appeared thoroughly worship.' (Bunsen, Analecta Antenic., alone.' (Blanchard Jerrold, Children iii. 4.) ' One sacrifice, I know, in Heaven above more dear Than smoke of slaughtered oxen ; 'tis to offer up Thine own heart's angry rage, thy own revenge.' (Bishop Tegner, Fritbiofsage, Eng. trans, p. 176.) * Hooker, Eccles. Pol, v. 38. i. viil.] UNITY FOUND IN COMMON WORSHIP. 431 as St. Basil beautifully reminds us, 'Psalmody makes fair-weather for the soul : psalmody is the arbiter of peace : psalmody is the fast welder of friendship. For who can bring himself to regard any longer as an enemy, one with whom he has lifted up his voice in harmony, in the praise and worship of God 40 ? ' But if even this be too much to hope, if we must still on God's own day of peace and reunion and brotherly love go apart from one another and ' forsake the assembling of ourselves together] if the divisions of Christendom touch us with no compunction, and the threatening array of vice and unbelief touch us with no fear, then there is nought else to do, but to hope for, and pray for, and labour for, a return of that great tide of Christian love 41 , which may lift us all once more to higher levels, and flood our oozy creeks and separate harbours with the desire and with the means of inter- communion once more. And then we may smile to see, how long and how strangely we misunderstood each other. We may weep to perceive how wicked and unchristian were many things, in which we thought 40 St. Basil, On the Psalms, Works, lish language (Tennyson's In Memo- i. 90 (ed. Paris, 1721). riant}, opens with an address to the 41 How are all the poets inspired 'Strong Son of God, eternal Love!' by the thought of 'love's' mighty An American master of song power to lift man above himself, cries : The profoundest poem in the Eng- ' Ah, how skilful grows the hand That obeyeth Love's command 1 'Tis the heart, and not the brain, That the highest doth attain.' (Longfellow, Building of the Ship, Works, p. 343.) And a German, with still more ardent enthusiasm : ' Die Liebe kennt nicht Vaterland; Sie macht uns alle gleich. Ein jedes Herz ist ihr verwandt, Sie macht den Bettler reich.' (Tieck, Gedicbte, p. 449 ) 432 THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. we were ' doing God service.' And we may determine that no future dissensions shall ever attain the fatal growth which past disputes have attained ; or ever hereafter blot from view those golden words of old prophetic inspiration, 'Behold, how good and joyful a thing it is, brethren ! to dwell together in UNITY.' APPENDIX M. The Organization of the Church of England. All Christians agree that our Saviour left a ' Church,' of some sort, on earth. What then is that Church? To this question only two answers are possible : (i) The answer of the Puritan : that He left a spiritual, godly, and therefore (for the most part) invisible brotherhood. For who can really judge the hearts of men, but God alone ? Naturally then, such a theory would go on its way independent of nay, even suspicious of outward organization ; and it would be content to gather into nuclei, or societies, those who (so far as could be seen) had been ' converted ' by God's direct agency. (2) The answer of tbe Catholic is quite different. He believes that Christ left on earth an actual, visible, and efficient polity ; that its members are all those whom His providence brings to the doorway of baptism, and whose guarantees of being in earnest seem sufficient ; and its government such as was sketched out, and set in motion, by the Lord Himself and His apostles. And on this theory, it is obvious that ' organization ' will form a very important question indeed. Now there is no doubt that this last is the answer of the Church of , England. In no other way is her doctrine of Baptismal Regeneration intelligible ; or her discipline pardonable, in demanding that all who wish \ for the higher sacrament of full membership, in Holy Communion, should first seek the Bishop's confirmation ; or her still stricter discipline reason- able, in refusing to hear of self-ordained teachers, or to recognise as pres- byters men for whose soundness, ability, and sufficient knowledge, her own officers have never made themselves responsible. What then, more precisely, is the Organization of the Church of England ? I. THE SUPREME HEAD and centre of unity for tbe Churcb of England, as for all other Churches, is Jesus Christ, seen by the eye of faith, and present with us always 'even to the end of the world.' This is plain, not only from the whole tenor of her teaching, but also from the express con- fession of Henry the Eighth, the very person who is popularly accused of usurping Christ's Headship. He writes thus to the Clergy of the Province of York, in 1 533 : ' Christ is indeed unicus dominus et svpremus ; as we confess Him in the Church daily. . . It were nimis absvrdum for us to be called Capvt Ecclesice, representans Corpus Christi mysticvm : . . and therefore is added [in the ' Act of Submission '] tt Cleri Anglicani, which words conjoined restrain, Ff 434 APPENDIX M. by way of application, the word Ecclesiam ; and is as much as to say " the Church, that is to say, the Clergy, of England.".. So as in all these Acts concerning the persons of priests, their laws, their acts, and order of living, forasmuch as they be indeed all temporal and concerning this present life only, in those we (as we be called) be indeed in this realm " Caput ; " and because there is no man above us here, " supremum caput." As to spiritual things, . . they have no worldly nor temporal head, but only Christ. . . And being called " head " of all, we be not in deed nor in name, to him that would sincerely understand it head of such things. . . Ye ought to under- stand temporalibus for the passing over this life in quietness. . . It were most improperly spoken, to say we be illius Ecclesiee caput in temporalibus, which hath not " temporalia." ' (Wilkins, iii. 762.) The same explanation of the phrase ' supreme head upon earth,' as limited to government and coercive jurisdiction over the persons of the clergy, is given by authority under Edward VI : ' Rex, tarn in archiepiscopos, episcopos, cleros, et alios ministros, quam in laicos . . plenissimam juris- dictionem, tarn civilem quam ecclesiasticam, habet et exercere potest : cum omnis jurisdictio, et ecclesiastica, et secularis, ab eo (tanquam ex uno et eodem fonte) derivatur.' (Reform. Legum, p. 200.) Queen Elizabeth, in her celebrated Injunctions, of 1559, repeats the same thing: ' Her Majesty neither doth, nor ever will, challenge any authority, than that was challenged and lately used by . . King Henry the Eighth and King Edward the Sixth, which is and was, of ancient time, due to the imperial crown of this realm : that is, under God, to have the sovereignty and rule over all manner of persons born within these her realms, . . so as no other foreign power shall, or ought to, have any superiority over them.' (ap. Card well, Doc. Ann. i. 200.) Christ therefore being the Head of the Church, whatever comes from Him and in proportion as it is capable of being shown to come from Him is to be received with the most profound attention and submission. Hence the extreme respett paid by the Church of England to the Holy Scriptures, the work of His immediate apostles and prophets. II. Tire LEGISLATIVE POWER according to the theory of the Church of England, is lodged in (be whole body of the 'Jideles' scattered throughout Christendom : and it is the voice of the whole body, the oracle or ' temple of the Holy Ghost ' upon earth, which is listened for in Councils gathered, by representation, from areas varying in extent and therefore in the com- pleteness of the induction afforded by them, (a) An (Ecumenical Council gives the best prospect of reaching a truthful attestation of what is every- where, and under the most dissimilar conditions of society, language, &c., held by all Christians. And to those few Councils in early times, which have the best claim to that title, the Church of England constantly refers APPENDIX M. 435 as possessing the highest authority, next to Scripture, for her. (Cf. Hooker, viii. a. 17 : the law of the land, for its part, assenting in I Eliz. i, cap. 36.) (/3) A General Council offers an induction of somewhat narrower extent ; and therefore its decisions are less trustworthy, until at least they have been thoroughly tested by comparison with the ' Scriptural ' documents in the hands of the faithful, and have been sanctioned by universal acceptance. Thus the first and second Councils at Constantinople were, perhaps, essen- tially only ' General Councils' of the Eastern Church ; but being ratified by universal acceptance, in the West as well as in the East, they are ac- counted ' CEcumenical.' (Burn, Eccles. Law, ii. 3?.) While the Lateran, Trent, and Vatican Councils, were merely ' General Councils ' of the Latin Church, which have not been raised to a higher power by universal sub- sequent reception. The Pan-Anglican Councils, held in England during the middle ages, may be regarded as ' General Councils ' on a small scale ; and the similar assembly held at Lambeth, hi 1867, was a tentative 'General Council ' of the English-speaking Churches, on a far larger scale. (7) The Provincial Synod, or Convocation, covers an area still smaller. And as long as the Church of England maintains a ' protestant ' attitude, and appeals from the false theories of Rome to the true theory of a future settlement by an CEcumenical Council, so long the decisions of any Provin- cial Synod must be held by her as capable of review. It is on the two Provincial Synods of Canterbury and York that, in practice, the State's hand lies most heavily. By 25 Hen. VIII. cap. 19, each Archbishop's inherent power of summoning his Provincial Council around him is placed under inhibition, except at certain accustomed times, such as, at the opening of a session of Parliament : when the inhibition is regularly taken off by the Crown. But a licence to proceed to business, and to draw up and ' put in ure ' anyiProvincial Canons, is still necessary. On the other hand, owing to this same close connexion of the ecclesiastical and temporal powers in England, and to the free maxims of our polity which forbade any clergyman to be taxed in Convocation without having an opportunity of remonstrance and of presenting his gravamina at the same time, the English Presbyterate has acquired the singular privilege of, not merely attending at Provincial Synods, but of putting their veto, if they see fit, on the action of the Upper House of Bishops, who are the sole normal members of a 'Provincial Council.' It is the action of the two Provincial Synods in England which with the assent and concurrence of the State, has provided us with the Disciplinary Canons of 1604, still in force for the clergy ; with the Ritual Canons of 1662, commonly called the 'Book of Common Prayer;' and with the Doctrinal Canons of 1571, commonly called ' the Thirty-nine Articles.' [Consult, Lyndwood's Provincial; Johnson's English Canons; Wilkins* Concilia; Haddan and Stubbs, Documents, &c. ; Cardwell's Synodalia; Ff2 436 APPENDIX M. Gibson's Synodus Anglicana (an account of Convocation, drawn from the re- cords of eighty-eight such synods, 1356-1689) ; Lathbury, History of Convo- cation ; Joyce, Sacred Synods ; Warren's Synodalia ; and the Chronicle of Convocation.] (5) Tbe Diocesan Synod is, of course, a Council of still narrower area and still smaller authority. But it is important to observe that on this lower form of Ecclesiastical Synod the State appears to have laid no inhibition whatever ; for ' the act of submission, &c. do not apply to diocesan synods.' (Opinion by Roundell Palmer and A. J. Stephens, Sept. 18, 1868.) More- over, the Reform. Legvm (p. 109) expressly contemplates and orders such synods to take place every year : as they did in the Middle Ages, (Lynd- wood, Suppl., p. 140: Corp. Juris Can. t. i. p. 79, folio edition : Lancelot, Instil, lib. i. tit. 3 : Gibson, Codex, i. 188.) In modern times, the Bishops' visitations have superseded the proper ' diocesan synods.' But there are already many happy signs of a return to a better and more canonical method of procedure. [For a full account of the modern continental "method of holding a diocesan synod ; see the Pontificale Rom., part iii. p. 75 : ed. Mechlin, 1855.] () Tbe Ruridecanal Synod is the smallest ecclesiastical council known to the Church of England. Tt is expressly mentioned in early times : e. g. in 1279, Archbishop Peckham held a Convocation at Reading, in which he ordered certain canons to be published at the principal ruridecanal chapters, throughout his province, ' exclusis tamen laicis ;' which seems to prove that lay-consultees were usually present. (Wilkins, Concilia, ii. 36.) An attempt to set up councils of smaller area than this, would not only be uncanonical, but would probably become a fruitful source of feuds and parochial strife. The 'parochial council' is essentially a Presbyterian inven- tion ; and, with so many other well-seeming innovations, was tried during the Commonwealth, with disastrous results. (See Gauden's Tears of the Church of England, 1659 : 'The speedy confutation of this incongruous polity and stratagem, which to please the people sought to besiege myself and all ministers, both in city and country, with four or five more lay-elders, made up of farmers, shopkeepers, clothiers, and handicraftsmen, to be our assessors and assistants, as censors and supervisors of all the parish and of ourselves too, this hath wrought an abhorrence and disdain in most people of all ruling-lay-elders.') III. THE EXECUTIVE POWER, in the Church of England, is lodged in the hands of her commissioned officers ; among whom the Bishop, not stand- ing alone, but supported by his clergy, bears by far the most important responsibility. The BISHOP is the persona (so to speak) of the diocese ; and the diocese (anciently called vapomia) is the true unit in ecclesiastical arithmetic. This is symbolized by his pastoral staff, the emblem of spiritual, loving, APPENDIX M. 437 persuasive power, as distinguished from the sword and mace of the temporal magnates. By him, in conjunction with his Presbyters, the lower Orders are commissioned : by him, in conjunction with his Comprovincial Bishops, the Archbishop is consecrated. Below him are the PRESBYTERS, whose work is subject to his visitation and correction : and the DEACONS, whose commission empowers them to serve under the Presbyters' guidance. The READER (or Lay-deacon) is a still lower order, lately revived. The Arch- deacon is simply the Bishop's coadjutor ; the ' oculus episcopi," (Lyndwood, Provinc. lib. i. tit. 10:) 'lynx ad insidias, Argus ad animi scelus omnimo- dum,' (Walter Mapes, + 1210 : Poems, p. 9 :) armed with very large powers of visitation and inspection, within his own limited area, that he may report thereupon to the Bishop : but not armed with powers of Confirmation or Ordination, lest the unity of the diocese (wedded in olden time to the Bishop, by the episcopal ring) should be imperilled. The Dean and Chapter are merely the College of Presbyters, attached to the Bishop's own church, where his cathedra (or episcopal seat) is placed. They originally dined at a com- mon table, and lived methodically under a common rule (' canonici ') ; being always at hand, both to conduct with the greatest possible efficiency the services of the mother church of the diocese, to go forth on missions of usefulness at the Bishop's bidding, and to form a standing cabinet (or 'diocesan-council') who might support the Bishop with advice and assistance at all times. Of this body of collegiate clergy, the Dean is the senior ; and is to the Bishop very much what the captain of the flagship is to the admiral in command of a fleet. No part, however, of the whole organization of the Church has departed so widely, and so dangerously, from its ideal as the cathedral department. And if its meaning and use should become still further obscured, there is imminent danger of this essential member of the Church's diocesan system being impatiently, and most unwisely, destroyed. The lower functionaries of the church (church-wardens, singers, sa- cristans, school-teachers, district-visitors, &c., &c.) are too numerous to mention here. IV. THE JUDICIAL POWER, for correction of offences, maintenance of discipline, &c., is lodged also by the Church of England mainly hi the hands of her BISHOPS. They are the ' Ordinary ' judges, in cases of scandal or dispute. And their courts are usually held in some part of the Cathedral or Close, set apart for that purpose. The Bishop's represen- tative is the ' Chancellor of the Diocese ;' who acts as his permanent deputy, skilled in Church-law; just as the Judges in the civil courts are the permanent skilled deputies of the Crown. Below this important court were formerly several inferior courts, in which the ' ordinary ' judge was the Archdeacon, or the Dean, &c. Above it is the higher court of appeal, viz. the Provincial Court of the ARCHBISHOP. In this, 438 APPENDIX M. the sentence of the Bishop's Chancellor is subject to review, and to con- firmation or reversal. And beyond Ms, so far as the Church is concerned, no ecclesiastical litigation can be carried. If therefore any person, at this point, feel confident that justice has not been done to him, he is at liberty to take up the common right of every English subject, and to appeal to his SOVEREIGN for redress. And the Sovereign issues a standing commission to certain members of the Privy Council, to hear and report to him what seems the true state of the case. And on receiving their report, he proceeds (as the fountain-head of justice to all his subjects, and supreme civil ruler of all classes and professions alike) to give a decision, which is absolutely final, and which puts a stop to any farther litigation on that particular point. This Court is called the Judicial Committee of Privy Council. It is essen- tially a civil tribunal ; whereby the State -exerts its rightful claims to see justice done to all English subjects, without allowing coercive appeal to any foreign power whatever. In other words, ' this. Court now represents the Royal Supremacy, in its judicial character ;' and is a modification (in 1832) of the previous ' Court of Delegates,'--an objectionable tribunal, whose members were not a permanent body, but nominated on each case as it arose, and whose decisions were (after all) liable to a fresh ' Com- mission of Review ' from the Crown. This however had been the regular court of highest appeal, from 1534 till 1832, only silenced for a time, but not destroyed, by the sharper and readier weapon of the ' High Commis- sion,' an abuse of the Royal prerogative which was finally done away in 1640. (See Brodrick and Fremantle, Judgments of Privy Council, p. xxiv, &c.) The Crown (as is natural) now requires, in this class of disputes, that one at the least of the ecclesiastical members of the Privy Council should attend. Still it is purely as a Privy-Councillor, 'expert' in such matters, that he is called upon to aid in reporting to the Crown whether justice has, or has not, been done. For the questions that come within the com- petence of this Court are simply and exclusively questions of law, the bye-law (as it were) of certain denominations or professions. And just as Her Majesty fairly considers her legal advisers able to decide on questions of mercantile law, without r .legating the whole suit to a tribunal com- posed of merchants, so she refers to her legal advisers these questions of ecclesiastical or ' canon ' law, without thinking it likely to conduce to justice if she should establish a tribunal of ecclesiastics, to review and cor- rect judgments already pronounced by ecclesiastics in the Courts below. These principles have been repeatedly laid down by the Court of Final Appeal itself. And it is surprising that so many people, both Churchmen and Dissenters, should have been unable to grasp (i) the essential difference between exercising judicial rights, and usurping legislative functions. The Court itself, in the Gorham case, expressly declared, ' The question which APPENDIX M. 439 we have to decade is, not whether the opinions of Mr. Gorham are theo- logically sound or unsound, . . but whether those opinions are repugnant to the doctrines which the Church of England (by its Articles, Formularies, and Rubrics) requires to be held by its ministers.' (Brodrick, Privy Council Judgments, p. 89.) In other words, it is the ' canon law ' of the Church of England which is made the measure of the accused person's alleged delinquency ; and that canon law is not of course made by the Court, but simply applied to the case in question, as a pure matter of legal business. (2) It seems equally impossible for some people to comprehend, that the great principles of law must needs apply to all things that have the nature of law, whether 'canon law,' ' mercantile law,' or any other sort of law. And hence it is that they overlook the express and repeated declarations of the Privy Council itself. 'The question must be decided by the Articles and Liturgy; and we must apply to the construction of those books the same rules which have been long established, and which are by law applicable to all written instruments. We must endeavour to attain for ourselves the true meaning of the language employed, assisted only by the consideration of such external or historical facts, as we may find necessary to enable us to under- stand the subject-matter . . , and the meaning of the words employed.' (Ibid. p. 90.) It is not therefore the judicial system of the Church that requires any alteration, beyond mere improvements in detail. It is her legislative organs that urgently require reformation. It is her Convocations that need adapt- ing to the altered circumstances of the age ; and that require the recovery of such bonafide representative weight as shall compel attention to the crying needs of the English Church ; such as (a) a sub-division of dioceses, () a new and simpler code of ' disciplinary canons,' (7) a thorough reform of the cathedrals, (5) an authoritative extension of the Catechism, by an appendix, ' On the nature and functions of the Church.' And if, in addition to this, an annual ' Diocesan Synod ' and ' Conference ' could be established in each diocese, and the lines could also be laid out for occasional assem- blies, on a still larger scale, of representative bishops and clergy from America, the Colonies, and perhaps Germany, it is not probable that the men of our race would seek elsewhere for an organization suited to their circumstances and in accordance with their character. The imagination of that numerous class of people, whose minds cannot grasp a confused mass of details and whose hearts cannot love what has neither feature nor expression, would be satisfied. And the frowning array of Roman super- stition on the one hand, and of a withering infidelity on the other, would at last find an organized and powerful foe ready to do battle against them under the banner of the Cross, and capable with or without the auxiliary forces of Dissent of ' filling the earth with the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea.' 440 APPENDIX N. APPENDIX N. The Endowments of the English Church. The Endowments of the Church in this country are of three kinds: (1) Lands and buildings, for the most part, gifts of very ancient date: (2) Money, invested for Church-purposes, for the most part, gifts of quite modem times : (3) Tithes of the produce of the land, now commuted into fixed payments in money, as a permanent rent-charge upon the land. A considerable proportion of this rent-charge is now (since the suppression of the monasteries) owned by laymen. The remainder forms the principal support of the clergy ; and it produces a yearly revenue which, if equally distributed, would give each clergyman an average income of less than 2OO/. But what then is ibis ' Tithe '1 In seeking for a true answer to this question we are first of all met by the unexpected discover)', that it does not origi- nally rest, either on the vis legislativa, nor even on the vis exemplaris, of the Levitical Law. Its history must be traced down two separate and (for a time) divergent channels, each of which, however, springs originally from the fountain-head of a primeval Semitic custom. And for the sake of clearness, a name may be here at once mentioned, which will put this whole matter in its true light. MELCHIZEDEK, the Canaanite, ' priest of the most high God,' who received the tithes of Abraham's military spoil quite as if it were a long established custom, among those races, so to do may stand as the first recorded instance of that, which perhaps had as long an unknown history before his time, as it has had a known history since. From this point then, we may trace the custom of paying tithes along two channels, as follows: (A) a sacred channel. From Abraham the Jews, his descendants, derived the custom ; which was afterwards consecrated and regulated for them, in the Mosaic Law. And when, through the study of the Old Testament, that Law began to exercise a powerful influence in moulding the external features of the Christian Church, then ' tithe ' began once more to take rank as a religious duty, directly sanctioned by the Most High. As such, it was preached in all good faith by the clergy. And thus, religion (from the fifth century onwards) reinforced, and imposed a distinctly ecclesiastical direction upon, that which previously had existed as a merely secular custom. (B) a secular channel. For ' tithe ' has also a profane, as well as a sacred, history of its own: (i) From the Canaanites, as was natural, their colony at Carthage inherited the custom of devoting a tenth of the spoils taken in APPENDIX N. 441 war to their great deity, whom the classical writers call ' Hercules,' but whom perhaps we must call Baal or Moloch. This appears in their sending a tithe of their Sicilian spoils to the mother-temple at Tyre *. A similar custom existed among the Arabians*; and it has perhaps passed from them to the modern Mahometans. From this Carthaginian custom, on the one hand, and from a similar ' tithing ' custom brought by the Etruscans * from Asia Minor, on the other, the Romans, no doubt, learnt their habit of tithing spoils of war to Hercules, (or, as he was called among the Sabines, Semo Sancus 4 .) And then afterwards, as was likely to happen, not only spoils of war, but other windfalls or pieces of good luck were tithed to Hercules, Mercury, or Fortune 5 . And at last, rich men came to charge their permanent estates with a standing 'tithe,' devoting it especially to providing sacrifices, temples, feasts, &c. to Hercules'. Meantime, a similar custom is found to have existed also among the Greeks. But in their case, Ephesus (instead of Carthage) formed the intermediate link of connection with the more distant and purely Semitic East. Hence Artemis (the Greek form of Astarte) was the first deity to receive tithes : then Phoebus, and other gods, were honoured in the same way : till at length, a custom arose of frequently charging lands, otherwise free, with a tenth of the produce in support of some neighbouring temple 7 . (2) And here we reach an important point of transition. The habit, which had thus become general, of withholding the hand (as it were) from the enjoyment of the tenth part often, no doubt, a very roughly calculated tenth part 8 of every man's possessions, was in early times taken notice of by legislators and statesmen. And ere long, when waste lands came to be parcelled out among ' possessors ' (or, to use an Australian term, 'squatters'), and when conquered lands were restored, under condi- tions of yearly tribute, to their former owners, the reserved charge which it seemed most natural to put upon them, and most easy to collect, was that of a 'tithe' of the produce*. And so it came to pass that, long before Christianity had any influence upon the Roman Empire, this conception of tithes, as a reserve-fund set aside for other purposes than those of individual enjoyment, became thoroughly established in the Western world. And especially would this be the case in Gaul, Spain, and Britain, which, as 1 Justin, lib. xviii. (ap. Selden, On T Cf. Xenophon, Anab. v. 3. u, (ap. Titles, chap, iii.) Diet. Antiq., t. v. ' decumee.') Pliny, N. H. xii. 14, (ibid.) Seld. x. i. Smith, Diet. Ant., s. v. 'ager.' Cf. Thuc. vi. 54, and Appian i. 7, Gruter, Inscrip. (ap. Selden, loc. (ibid. ' decumae ' and ' agrariz leges.') cit ) The whole subject may be illustrated Ibid. from modern Indian customs. (Cf. Cf. Cicero, Plautus, Plutarch, &c. Maine, Village Communities, especially (ap. Selden, 1. c.) Lecture VI.) 442 APPENDIX N. conquered provinces, could claim no jus Italicum ; and whose soil therefore could never be held in full ownership by anybody 10 . Here this idea must have taken the profoundest root, and must have appeared to every pro- vincial as almost the order of nature itself 11 . Meanwhile, language con- tributed as is its wont to deepen, and also to modify, the idea. A dis- trict of free ' allodial ' Germany, seized by Rome and subjected to all the state-charges of the Empire, was called the Decumates Agri. In every Roman camp, the financial quarter, the paymaster's lodgings, the place (no doubt) for ' requisitions ' and for many a cruel exaction of the ' sinews of war,' was called the Porla Decumana l2 . In every provincial town, the hated publican who fanned the annual imposts was called, in early times, a Decumanus. The notion, therefore, of ' Decumse ' (tithes), must have become as familiar as a household-word throughout the West ; and no one, prob- ably, conceived of such a thing as private-property without this charge attaching to it, by immemorial custom and by unquestionable right. (3) Hence, when the Goths and Germans burst into the Roman Em- pire, and every petty chieftain became a sort of local ' emperor u ' to the terrified provincials, he found himself everywhere confronted with the notion of a ' tithe ' which had never belonged, and never ought to belong, to any individual owner ". And the clergy at the same time, not indeed by laying claim to tithe as of right 15 , but by urging frequently the duty of giving such firstfruits to the Lord, and by drawing their argumentative analogies from Leviticus, no doubt contributed to bring about the im- portant result; that 'Tithe' was, by ever widening custom, assigned for the maintenance of the Church M . Thus, so early as A.D. 586, in a Council held at Macon, all the Frankish landholders of those parts appear as paying tithes already by old custom. (4) But at this point, a curious fact comes to light. It seems that the German or English landowner, until about A.D. 1 200, held himself although in ever decreasing measure, as time went on, and the Church became more powerfully organized at liberty to assign his 'tithes' very much as he pleased 17 . He sometimes therefore gave part to the Church, and (having thus soothed his conscience) kept the rest for himself or his kindred 18 . He 10 Niebuhr, (ap. Diet. Antiq., p. 42) : ii. 554: Holland, Land Tenures, p. Seld. iv. i. 106. u Cf Becker and Marquardt, Hand- u Waitz, ii. 564, 581 : Selden, ir. 2 ; bucb der Rom. Altertb., part iii. I, pp. v. 2 : Holland, p. 102. 1 80, 263. 15 Selden, iv. 4. IJ Or ' Quaestoria,' Diet. Antiq., p. ia Waitz, ii. 570, 572. 206. 1T Selden, xi. 3 : Waitz, ii. 576. 13 Waitz, Deutsche Verfassvngsgescb. " Selden, vii. I. APPENDIX N. 443 sometimes assigned it to the Church which he had built on his estate ; sometimes to the Church where he himself habitually worshipped ; some- times he bestowed it on his own chaplain, sometimes on a monastery, or on several monasteries in turn, just as pique or fancy moved him **. The consequence was, that this half-fixed, half- voluntary, tithe became a source of endless trouble and anxiety to the clergy; until they became strong enough, in the twelfth century, to organize the matter more firmly ". Besides which, a trust-fund of so very floating and arbitrary a character would always be in peril of a partial, or even complete, reversion into lay hands (infeudation), where it would lose its sacred character, and become subject to ordinary feudal conditions 21 . Hence, no doubt, arose two phenomena which we meet with at every step during this whole period, down to about A.D. 1200; and which have often been singularly misunderstood. The first is, that Councils, Witena- gemots, and other mixed assemblies, at this epoch, are found to be per- petually binding themselves afresh, and binding all those over whom they have influence, to a better fulfilment of their acknowledged duties in this matter. It is not that they are passing ' laws,' and (as it were) ' Acts of Parliament," on the subject 22 . It is not 'the State,' which is here imposing new taxes. Else, why repeat the matter over and over again, through long centuries ? But it is individual landholders, who have long recognised and long in a confused and irregular way fulfilled the duty of assigning their ' tithes ' to sacred uses, now solemnly and publicly binding themselves to its regular fulfilment. It is an emperor, like Charlemagne, enjoining his lieges' attention to an acknowledged duty ; ' unusquisque suam decimam donet a : ' or it is a prince, like Ethelwolf, freeing from all regal exactions and service, the 'tithe' which he had already given, either to the Church or to his own theigns ; . . ' ut decimam partem terrarum per regnum nostrum non soliim sanctis ecclesiis darem, verum etiam et ministris nostris [my theigns] in eodem constitutis, in perpetuam libertatem habere concessimus, ita ut talis donatio . . permaneat ab omni regali servitio et omnium saecularium absoluta servitute. . . Ista autem est libertas, quam Ethelwolfus Rex suo ministro Hunsige . . concessit, in loco qui dicitur Worthi ' (Haddan and Stubbs, Documents, &c. iii. 638.) And that this ' freedom ' was a concession of some value, appears from a similar grant only thirty-eight years before, from Kenulf King of Mercia to the Bishop of Worcester : ' liberam quoque istam terram conscripsi ab omnibus aliis . . servitutibus, practer tantura his tribus causis (i) arcis, (2) pontis construction, (3) et expeditione [the well-known 19 Selden, xi. I. ii. 28. 20 Ibid. x. 3 ; p. 289. a Miall, Title-Deeds, passim. n Ibid, xiij.l. Adelung, Glossarium, Ap. Selden, vii. a. 444 APPENDIX N. 4 trinoda necessitas.*] . . Propter hanc libertatem, episcopus et ejus familia mihi tradiderunt xiv maneria.' {Ibid. p. 585.) Yet it is from such grants as these, that modern writers have argued that tithe is a ' tax,' imposed by the State ; and not a ' rent-charge,' of primaeval antiquity, consecrated frequently by private liberality to Church purposes. Although Selden him- self, from whom all their facts are taken, explains the matter thus : ' this freedom of that time, you must (it seems) so interpret, that every man henceforth was to be valued in all subsidies and taxes according only to the nine parts of his lands and profits : and the profits of the tenth, being due to the Church, were both in his and their hands discharged from all payment and taxes whatsoever.' (Selden, on Titbes, viii. 4, p. 208, ed. 1618.) The second phenomenon which meets us, at this early period, before A.D. 1 200, is the constant and reiterated effort of the clergy to transfer tithe- giving from its true basis of a human and voluntary assignment often accompanied by a collateral assignment of precisely similar ' tithes ' to secular persons and purposes 2 *, to what seemed a safer basis ; viz. that of a divine obligation founded on the Old Testament. It was very natural that they should do so. And amid the universal ignorance of those times, both on historical and on theological questions, the argument was (no doubt) advanced and accepted in perfect good faith. And so after a divergence of some two thousand years the two streams of the history of Tithe, the heathen or secular and the Jewish or sacred, flow into the same channel once more. The strong hand of Innocent III, and the enthusiastic feelings engendered by the religious revival of the thirteenth century, com- bine towards the same result. And Tithe becomes, at last, a settled, sacred, and customary rent-charge upon property; and ecclesiastical tenures take their place among the other benejicia (or fee-ods) of the feodal system 25 , of which they are to this day, to borrow a convenient word, a ' survival 2 Y the last remains of property held in conditional, not absolute, possession ; and enjoyed as ' fee ' for service done to the community. (5) But this settlement did not remain very long unchallenged. The heated feelings of the thirteenth century soon gave rise to the mendicant orders. And the friars, loudly vaunting their new 'voluntary system,' severely shook the orderly parochial arrangements, and began to whisper the highly suggestive question, whether the established assignment of ' tithe ' were, after all, a final one. (Selden, Titbes, viii. 4.) Ere long, the same question was repeated, above a whisper, by Wicliffe and the Lollards. 84 Selden, Review, p. 478 (on chap, of Revenues, p. 129. vii.) 8 * Tylor, Prim. Culture, i. 64. K Guizot, Civiliz. iii. 25 : Paul, Hist. APPENDIX N. 445 (Lechler, Wiclif, p. 419.) And at length, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, it was spoken quite openly ; and the too stiffly organized paro- chial system gave way under the increasing pressure. A period of absolute confusion followed. And at the Restoration, in 1660, the old system was established once more ; and was supported by the whole power of the State. Within the present century, the important and beneficial measure of ' tithe- commutation ' was passed by Parliament, in 1836. And now at last, in 1871, it is proposed to threw recklessly away this precious heritage of a remote antiquity ; to secularize what, ' when devotion grew firmer, and most lay-men of fair estate desired the country residence of some chaplains . . . for Christian instruction among them, their families, and adjoining tenants ' . . 'passed from the patron by bis gift, not otherwise than freehold by his deed and livery ;' (Selden, Tit be, pp. 259, 373 :) and to sink into the indistinguish- able and already excessive mass of mere ' private property ' and ' capital,' this last relic of the second and deeply interesting stage in the history of ' pro- perty 27 ,' when it had ceased to be held ' in common,' and was held ' in fee,* with conditions of service attached. ** Paul, Hist, of Revenues, pp. 16, 22. o o o * W i o % x "* w il s a > 5 < T3 Si W ffi .2 ^ < o o o o o o o o ai - g g |H ^'s f W s s o P^ ** W w U X PL] o w ( S reoS llll O O O o o o 80 o o o o" o" 00 O O ^ - -ss-s --g - ? H 85-d S . C . u . ^3 o o o o OT s g I^-SS^'5'2 gHH W *~1CO . U U U U W INDEX. Age of Prose, p. xi, 355. America, unlike England, 119, 298. Apostles' Creed, 309. Arabic Canons of Nicsea, 157. Art, function of, in the Church, 315, 330 n., 326 . Articles, true use of, 309, 310/1., 394. Asceticism, mischief of, 1 86, 351. Athanasian Creed, 320, 419 n. Babylon, in i Peter v. 13, 170. Baptismal Regeneration, 233, 235, 25 s 3 6 3. 3 6 5- 390. Baptists, Ritual of, 2 1 3. - Tenets of, 212, 242. Bible, its true use, 262, 271, 273 ., 293. 3i 3H- Bigotry and Faith, 331 . Browne, Robert, 68. Buddhism, xiii, 303. Bull of Pius V, 196. Calvinism, 218, 230,253,261, 265, 374. Cambridge, centre of Puritanism, 56. Canon Law, 142, 321. Cathedrals, Puritan hatred of, 54 . true use of, 437. Census of 1851 fallacious, 112. Church and State, 44 n. Church, visible, 10, 13, 236 ., 365. denied by Dissent, io., 15 n., 41, 92, 364. Scripture account of, 14, 365. English, advantages of, 239, 387, 398, 400, 417, 423 H., 428, 433. faults of, xviii, xix, 200, 223, 230, 257, 266, 268, 378, 402, 409, 418. : continuity of, 135. of the Commonwealth, a failure, 107, 118, 226. Class-meetings, 388 . ' Clementines,' the, 172. Clergy, true function of, 259. Comprehension, attempts at, 90. Conference, Wesleyan, 375, 380, 393. Confirmation, discipline of, 237, 239, 418. Congregational Union, origin of, 40 n. Congregationalism, its idea, 37, 42 . Convocation, 189, 435, 439. Creeds, utility of, 307, 308 ., 329. Cromwell, against sects, 227. Democracy and the Church, 108. Despotic schemes of Charles IL, 107, 118. Dissensions allowable, 24,34, 48/1., 66. Dissent not allowable, 8. collapse of, about A.D. 1700, 91. weariness of, 6, 48 n. Divinity of Christ, 293 ., 3 1 a. Donatism, 220. Dutch Anabaptists, 71, an. Duties, not Rights, xv, 23, 63, 64. Eastern Church, 312 ., 325 ., 327 ., 335- Education, the Church's duty, 315 n., 395- Eighteenth century, 289, 343. Ejectments, the (1662), 7, 67 . Endowments, of Church, 400 ., 440, 446. of Dissent, 101, 377, 394. England, not converted by Augustin, 140. Episcopacy, history of, 27, 167, 406. Erastian theory untenable, 89. Errors, how best met, 7. Europe, in sixteenth century, 51, 55. Evangelical alliance, xiv, 41 1. Exiles at Frankfort, 49, 53 . Fifth monarchy men, 88. Final Court of Appeal, 412, 419, 438. Five Independents executed, 73, 79- 'Forged Decretals,' the, 151. France, chaos in, 429. Free Churches want ' Freedom," 99. French prophets, 367, 371. General Council, appeal to, 189, 201, 4^, 435- Gratry, Pere, 161. Grostete, Bishop, 181, 199. Heresy, what it is, 142 ., 321. Independents, tenets of, 65, 72, 92, 125, 117 . ' Establishment ' proposed, 87, 89. worship of, 1 04, Individuals, aid of, 31 1. Infallibility, 192, 206. Infant Baptism, 238. ' Inner Light,' the, a6r, 263 n. Irish Church, 1 1 a. Jesuits, morals of, xvi, 63 n., 163 n. Lady Huntingdon's connexion, 376,379- I^atin inaptitude for Theology, 325, 336. INDEX. Lay-agency, 42, 352. Legend, growth of, 105, 175. ' Liberty,' meaning of, 95, 99. Love of nature, modern, 290. 'Mar-prelate' Tracts, 76. Martyrdom defined, 79. Massacre of St. Bartholomew, 197. Miracles, 306 n. Monastic system, 85, 349, 356 . Montanism, 219, 253 n., 255 n., 276. Moravians, 357, 376. Mysticism, danger of, 367, 421. New birth, the, 390. ' Nirwana,' 303 n. Old-Catholics, xvi, 160, 387, 424. Ordination, discipline of, 256 n., 418, 423 n. Oxford, 318 ., 354, 403. Papal forgeries, 145. Parker, Archbishop, character of, 60. Parliament, intolerant, 106. Pastoral office, 269 ., 279, 302 n., 315 ., 316 ., 347, 389. Penry, &c., why executed, 75, 79. ' Perfection ' and 'assurance,' 361, 392. Persecution, origin of, 31. mischief of, 32, 141 ., 231. Peter, St., not Bishop of Rome, 171. * Pilgrim Fathers,' 80, 81. Presbyterians, origin of, 44, 46 n., 49. tenets of, 50, 121. Primacy of St. James, 165. of Rome, 177. Privilege, true idea of, 341. Protestantism of Church of England, 188,415,424. Puritans, tenets of, xiii, 46, 54, 63, 86 n., 216. Quakers, tenets of, 252, 258, 280. worship of, 272, 278. Rationalism, danger of, 302, 304 ., 327 n., 420. Reforms, need of, 247. ' Regium donum ' to Dissenters, 91 . Reign of Law, 403 . Religious equality, 113. hysteria, 369. Ritual, utility of, 330 n., 404, 430. Romanism, origin of, 30, 142, 166, 177, 195 n. failure of, in England, 44 ., 53, 136, 138 ., 140. a sect in England, 99, 136, 138 ., 187 n., 198. mischief of, 137 ., 141 n., 142 ., 148, 196 n. Romanism, political precautions a- gainst, 84, 1 80, 182, 196, 197 ., 208, 415. Royal Supremacy, meaning of, 59 n., 75, 95 ., 411, 433. Salters' Hall controversy, 226, 296. Scholasticism, long survival of, 252. Science and Religion, 194, 207, 316, 43- Sectarianism, evils of, xv, 8, 22, 48 ., 62, 72, 107 n., 118 ., 136, 186 n., 195- Sects, mutual hostility of, xii, 50, 67 n., 69 n., 70 ., 78 n., 82, 87 n., 89 ., 91 n., 94, 104, 106, 118 n., 212, 216 ., 226, 236 n., 251, 258, 259 n., 267, 277 n., 295, 296 n., 300, 308 n., 31 2 ., 366 n., 379, 381, 407, 420 n. Silent worship, beauty of, 278 n. Simon Magus, legend of, 170. Soul, triple nature of, 313. Spener's ' societies,' 347. Spiritual forces of the Church, xvi, 32, 141 ., 178, 239, 259, 275, 314. Spirituality, false and true, 98, 104, 115, 195, 219, 248 ., 259, 269, 275 -. 283, 365, 367. Theology, its permanent and variable factors, 329. Tithes are not ' taxes,' 440, 445. Toleration, a modern idea, 43, 69 ., 77, 82, 255, 295, 300, 410. Transubstantiation, 35, 139. Ultramontanism explained, 46 ., 1 87 n. Union desired by all, 119, 187, 408, 426, 431. Union-workhouses, grand scale of, in n. Unitarian Prayer-Book, 130, 310. tenets, 300, 308 n. United States, 298, 378. Unity of God, 319, 323. Variations in Dissent, 66 ., 384 n. Vatican Council, 162 n., 200, 203. Vestments, &c., nothing in themselves, 54 . Voluntary system, inapplicable in Education and Religion, loo n. meaning of, 97, 109. evils of, 101 n., 118, 413, 415. Waste, in nature and grace, 4. Wesleyans, a 'society,' 184, 346, 357 ., 363, 378 ., 384, 387. Working classes and the Church, 19, 109, no . Worship, united, 430.